Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

* 1.1¶The Ninth Booke containing the Actes and thinges done in the Reigne of King EDWARD the sixt. (Book 9)

[illustration]

* 1.2NExt after the death of K. Henry succeded king Edwarde his sonne, be∣ing of the age of 9. yeres. He began his raigne the 28. day of Ianuary,* 1.3 and raygned 6. yeares and 8. monethes, and 8. dayes, and deceased, ann. 1553. the 6. day of Iulye.

Of whose excellente vertues & singuler gra∣ces wrought in him by the gift of God, although nothing canne be sayd e∣nough to his commendation: yet because the renowmed same of such a worthye prince shall not vtterlye passe our story without some gratefull remembraunce, I thought in few wordes to touch some litle portion of his prayse, ta∣ken out of great heapes of matter, which might be infer∣red. For to stand vppon all that might be sayde of him, it would be to long: and yet to say nothing, it were to much vnkinde. If kinges and Princes which haue wisely and vertuously gouerned, haue foūd in all ages writers to so∣lemnise and celebrate theyr Actes and memory, such as ne∣uer knew them, nor were subiect vnto thē, how much thē are we English men bound not to forget our duety to K. Edward, a prince although but tender in yeres, yet for his sage and mature rypenes in witte and all Princely orna∣mentes, as I see but few, to whom he may not be equal,* 1.4 so agayne I see not many, to whom he may not iustly be pre∣ferred.

And here to vse the example of Plutarch in comparing kings and rulers, the Latines with the Greekes together if I should seek with whom to match this noble Edward, I finde not with whom to make my match more aptly, thē with good Iosias. For as the one began his raigne at eight yeares of his age, so the other beganne at 9. Neyther were their acts and zelous procedings in Gods cause much dis∣crepant. For, as milde Iosias pluckt downe the hil altars,

cut downe the groues,* 1.5 and destroyd all monuments of I∣dolatry in the temple: the like corruptiōs, drosse and defor∣mities of Popish Idolatry crept into the Church of Christ or long time, this Euangelicall Iosias king Edwarde re∣moued,* 1.6 & purged the true temple of the Lorde, Iosias re∣stored the true worship of God in Ierusalem, and destroid the Idolatrous priestes: King Edward in England like∣wise abolishing Idolatrous Masses and false inuocation, reduced agayne religion to a right sincerity, & more would haue brought to perfection if life and time had aunswered to his godly purpose. And though he killed not: as Iosias did, the idolatrous sacrifices, yet he put them to silēce, and remoued them out of theyr places.

Moreouer, in king Iosias dayes the holy Scripture & booke of Gods word was vtterly neglected and cast aside, whi••h he most graciously repayred & restored agayne. And did not K. Edwarde the like with the selfe same booke of Gods blessed worde, and with other wholesome bookes of Christian doctrine, which before were decayed and extin∣guished in his fathers dayes by sharpe lawes & seuere pu∣nishments here in England? Briefly in all poynts and re∣spectes,* 1.7 betwene him and this our godly king no oddes is to be foūd but onely in length of time and reign▪ Who if he might haue reached (by the sufferaunce of God) to the con∣tinuance of Iosias reigne: proceding in those beginnings, which in his youth appeared, no doubt but of his Actes, & doings some great perfection woulde haue ensued to thys Church and Realme. But the manifold iniquities of En∣glishmē deserued another plague, as after fel amongst vs: as in sequele of the story hereafter (God willing) shalbe de¦clared.

In the meane time, to proceed in the excellent vertues of this christian yong Iosias (as we haue begon) althogh neither do we know, nor will laysure serue vs to stād vpō a full descriptiō of all his Actes: yet will we (God willing) g••ue a litle taste of the noble nature and princely qualities of this king, wherby the reader may esteme with himselfe what is to be thought of y^e rest of his doinges, though they be not here all expressed.

And first to begin with that whiche is the chiefest pro∣perty of al other externe things in a prince to be cōsidered, that is,* 1.8 to be loued of his subiectes: such were the hartes of all English people towarde this King inclined, and so to∣ward him still cōtinued, as neuer came prince in this real∣me more highly esteemed, more amply magnified, or more dearely & tenderly beloued of all his subiects: but especial∣ly of the good & the learned sort, & yet not so much beloued, as also admirable by reason of his rare towardnes & hope both of vertue & learning which in him appeared aboue y^e capacity of his yeares. And as he was intirely of his sub∣iects beloued,* 1.9 so with no lesse good wil he loued thē again: of nature & disposition meek, and much enclined to ciemē∣cy. He alwayes spared and fauored the life of man: as in a certayne dissertation of his once appeared, had with Mai∣ster Cheke in fauoring y^e life of heretickes: in so much that when Ioane Butcher should be burned, all the Councell could not moue him to put to his hand, but were fayne to get Doct. Cranmer to perswade with him, and yet nei∣ther could he with much labor induce the king so to do say∣yng: what my Lord? will ye haue me to send her quicke to the deuill in her error? so that D. Cranmer himself cōfessed that he had neuer so much to do in all his life, as to cause y^e king to put to his hand, saying that he woulde laye all the charge therof vpon Cranmer before God. There wanted in him no promptnes of wit, grauity of sentence, rypenesse of iudgement. Fauor and loue of religion was in him frō his childhood: Such an organe geuē of God to the Church of England he was, as England had neuer better. Ouer and besides these notable excellencies,* 1.10 and other great ver∣tues in him: adde moreouer skill & knowledge of tongues & other sciences, whereunto hee seemed rather borne then brought vp.

Moreouer there wanted not in him to this felicitye of wit and dexterity of nature, like happines of institution of good instructors. Neither did there lacke agayne in him a∣ny diligence to receiue that,* 1.11 which they would teach him: in so much that in the middest of all his play and recreatiō, he would alwayes obserue & keep his houre appoynted to his study, vsing the same with much intentiō, till time cal∣led him agayne from his booke to pastime. In this his stu∣dy, & keeping of his houres he did so profit that D. Cran∣mer the Archbishop then of Canterbury, beholding his to¦wardnes, his readines in both tongues, in translating frō Greek to Latine, from Latine to Greek agayne, in decla∣ming w^t his scholefellowes without helpe of his teachers, and that ex tempore,* 1.12 would weepe for ioy, declaring to D. Coxe his scholemaister, that he would neuer haue thought that to haue bene in him, except he had sene it himselfe.

To recite here his witty sentences, his graue reason•• which many times did proceed frō him, and how he would sometimes in a matter discoursed by his coūsell, adde the•• vnto of his owne moe reasons & causes touching the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 matter then they themselues had or could deuise, it was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 most incredible in y^• age to see & tedious here to prosecute.

This in him may seme notorious and admirable, that he in these immature yeres, could tell & recite all the po••••••, hauens and crekes, not within his owne realme only, but also in Scotland, and likewise in Fraūce, what commyng in there was, how the tide serued in euery hauen or creke: moreouer, what burdē & what winde serued the comming into the hauen.

Also of all his iustices, maiestrates, gentlemē that bare any authority within his realme, he knew the names,* 1.13 their housekeping, their religiō and conuersation what it was. Few sermons or none in his court, especially in the Lord Protectors time, but he would be at them. Agayne, neuer was he present at any commonly, but he would excerp thē or note them with his owne hand.

Besides and aboue al other notes and examples of his commendatiō, as touching the chiefest poynt which ought most to touch all men, for mainteining, promoting, prefer∣ring, embracing, zealing and defending the true cause and quarell of Christes holy gospell, what was his study, hys zealous feruency, his admirable constancy therin, by thys one example folowing, amongest many other, may nota∣bly appeare.

In the dayes of this K. Edward the sixt, Carolus the Emperor made request to the sayd king and his counsel to permit Lady Mary (who after succeeded in the crowne) to haue Masse in her house without preiudice of the law.* 1.14 And the counsell on a time, sitting vpon matters of pollicy ha∣uing that in question, sent Cranmer then Archbishoppe of Canterbury, and Ridley then bishop of Londō, to intreat the king for the same: who comming to his grace alledged theyr reasons and persuasions for the accomplishing ther∣of. So y^e king hearing what they could say, replied his an∣swere again out of the Scriptures, so groundedly, grant∣ly, and fully, that they were enforced to geue place to his re¦plication, and graunt the same to be true. Then they, after long debating in this maner with his maiesty, labored po∣litickely in an other sort, and alledged what daungers the denying therof might bring to his grace, what breach of a∣mity of the Emperors part, what troubles, what vnkind∣nes, & what occasions sondry wayes it would enforce, &c. Unto whom the king aunswered, wylling them to contēt themselues, for he would (he sayd) spend his life and all be had, rather thē to agree & graunt to that he knew certainly to be agaynst the trueth. The which when the Byshoppes heard, notwithstanding they vrged hym still to graūt, and would by no meanes haue his nay. Then y^e good K. seyng theyr importunate sure,* 1.15 that needes they would haue hys Maiesty consent thereto, in the ende his tender hart bur∣sting out in bitter weeping and sobbing, desired them to be content. Whereat the Bishoppes themselues seeing the kinges zeale and constancy, wept as fast as he, and tooke theyr leaue of his grace: and comming from him, the Arch¦bishop tooke mayster Cheke his scholemayster by the hand and sayd: Ah mayster Cheke,* 1.16 you may be glad all y^e dayes of your life, that you haue such a Scholer, for he hath more Diuinity in his litle finger, then all we haue in all our bo∣dyes. Thus the Ladye Maryes Masse for that time was stayed.

Ouer and besides these heauenly graces and vertues, most chiefly to be required in all faythfull and christen ma∣iestrates which haue gouernaunce of Christes flocke, ney∣ther was he also vnprouided of suche outward giftes and knowledge as appertein to the gouernance of his realme politick. In so much that neither he was in expert or igno∣raunt of the exchaunge and all the circumstaunces of the same touching doinges beyond the sea,* 1.17 but was as skilfull in the practises therof, and could say as much as the chiefe•••• doers in his affaires. Likewise in the enterteining of Em∣bassadors, to whom he would geue aunswere, and that to euery part of theyr oration, to the great wonder of thē that heard, doing that in his tender yeares by himselfe, which many Princes at theyr mature age seldome are wont to do but by other. And as he was a great noter of things y^e per∣teyned to Princely affayres, so had he a chest seuerallye to himselfe for euery yeare, for the keping of such records and matters, as past and were concluded by the Counsell. Of whom also he woulde require a reason and cause of euery thing that should passe their iudgements.* 1.18 And of this chest he would euermore keep the key about him. His notes al∣so ••e ciphred in Greeke letters, to the ende that those that wayted vpon him, should not read nor know what he had written.

He had moreouer great respect to iustice, and to the dis∣patch of poore mens sutes, would appoynt hours & tymes with maister Coxe, then maister of his Requestes, how & by what order they might be sped in their causes without long delayes and attendaūce, and so also debate with him, that theyr matters might be heard and iudged with equity accordingly.

What Hieronimus Cardanus sayth of him cōcerning his knowledge in liberal sciēces, I thought here to expres in his owne words, both in latin and english, so much the rather, because he speaketh of his owne experiment, & vp∣on the present talke which he had with the king himselfe. The wordes of Cardanus first in latine be these.

Hier. Card. de Genituris.

A Derāt enim illi gratiae. Linguas enim multas adhuc puer cal∣••eba••: Anglicam natalem, Latinam, Gallicam, non expers (vt audio) Graecae,* 2.1 Italicae, & hispanicae, & forsan aliarum. Propriā, Gallicam & Latinā exactè tenebat, & ad omnia docilis erat. Non illi dialectica deerat, non naturalis Philosophiae principia, non Musica. Humanitas mortalitatis nostrae imago, grauitas Regiae maiestatis, indoles tāto principe digna. In vniuersum magno mi∣raculo humanarum rerum, tanti i••genij & tantae expectationis puer educabatur. Non haec Rhetoricè exornata veritatem exe∣dunt, sed sunt minora.

Decimum quintum adhuc agebat annum. Interrogabat (La∣tinè non minus quam ego politè & promptè loquebatur) quid continent libri tui de rerum varietate? hos enim nomini Maiesta∣tis suae dedicaueram. Tum ego Cometarum primum causam diu frustra, quaesitam▪ in primo capite ostendo. Quae nam inquit ille? Concursus, ego aio, luminis erraticorum syderum. At Rex, quo∣modo, cum diuersis motibus astra moueantur, nō statim dissipa∣turaut mouetur eorum motu. At ego, mouetur equidem, sed lō∣ge celefius illis ob diuersitatem aspectus, velut in Cristallo & so∣le cum iris in pariete relucet. Parua enim mutatio magnam facit loci differentiā. At Rex, & quonam pacto absque subiecto illud fi∣eri potest iridi enim paries subiectū est? Tum ego, velut in lactea 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & luminum reflectione, cum plures candelae propè accensae medium quoddam lucidum & candidum efficiūt. Ita{que} ex vngue Leonem, vt dici solet. Fuit hic in maxima omnium aut bonorum aut eruditorum expectatione ob ingenuitatem atque suauitatem morum. Prius caeperat fauere artibus quam nosceret, & noscere antequam vti posset. Conatus quidam humanae conditionis, quē non solum Anglia, sed orbis ereptum immaturè deflere debet. O quam benè dixerat ille.

Immodicis breuis est aetas & rara senectus.

Specimen virtutis exhibere potuit, non exemplum. Vbi gra∣vit••s Regia requirebatur, senem vidisses: vt blandus erat & co∣mis, aetatem referebat. Cheli pulsabat, publicis negotijs admoue∣batur, leberalis animo, atque in his patrem emulabatur. &c. Haec Cardanus.

¶The same in English.

THere was in him a towardly disposition & pregnancy apt to all humain literature: as who being yet a childe had the knowledge of diuers tongs,* 2.2 first of the english his owne naturall toung, of y^e latin also & of the french, neither was he ignorant (as I heare) of the greeke, Italian, & spa∣nish tongues, and of other languages peraduenture moe. In his owne, in the French & in the Latine toung singu∣larly perfect, and with the like facility apt to receiue all o∣ther. Neither was he ignorant in logike, in the principles of naturall Philosophy, or in Musicke. There was in him lacking neither humanity the Image of our mortality, a Princely grauity and maiesty, nor any kind of towardnes beseming a noble king. Briefly, it might seme a myracle of nature, to behold the excellent wit & forwardnesse that ap∣peared in him being yet but a child. This I speake not re∣thorically, to amplifye thinges or to make them more then truth is, yea the truth is more then I do vtter.

Being▪ yet but 15. yeares of age he asked of me in Latin (in which toung he vttered his minde no lesse readely and eloquently thē I could do my selfe) what my books which I had dedicated to him, De varietate rerum, did contayne? I sayd that in the first chapter was shewed the cause of Co∣mets,* 2.3 or blasing stars, which hath bene long sought for, & yet hitherto scarce fully found. What cause (said he) is that: The concourse or meeting (sayd I) of the light of the wan∣dering Planets and Stars. To this the king thus replied agayne: Forsomuch (sayd he) as the motion of the stars ke∣peth not one course but is diuers and variable by continu∣al alteration, how is it then that the cause of these Comets either doth not quickely vade & vanish, or that the Comet doth not keep one certayne and vniforme course & motion with the sayd Starres and Planets? Whereunto I aun∣swered that the Comet hath his course and mouing, but much more swifter then they, because of the diuersity of a∣spect, as we see in Christall, and in the Sunne when the forme of the Raynbow reboūdeth on the wall.* 2.4 For a litle mutation maketh a great difference of place. Then sayde y^e king and how can that be, hauing no subiect: For of y^e rain∣bow the wall is the subiect? Like (sayd I) as in Lactea via, or in reflection of lightes, as where many candles he ligh∣ted and set nere together, in the middle they cause a certain bright and white lightsomnes to appeare. &c.

And so by this litle triall a great gesse may be geuen what was in this king. In whome no doubt was a great hope and expectation amongst all good & learned mē, both for the ingenious forwardnes & amiable sweetnes which in his conditions appeared. First he began to loue & fauor liberall arts & sciences, before he knew them, and to know them before he could vse them, whose mortall conditiō and soden decease and decay in those tender & vnripe yeres, not onely England, but all the world hath cause to lament. O how truely is it sayd of the Poet.

Thinges that be exceeding excellent. Be not commonly long permanent.

A shew or sight onely of excellency he could geue vs: ex∣ample he could not geue. Where a kingly maiesty required grauity, there you should haue sene him a sage and an olde man, and yet gentle and pleasant also, according as the cō∣ditiō of his age then required. He plaid wel vpō the L••te. He had also to doe in handling of weighty affayres of the Realme: He was liberall and bountifull in hart, & therein he imitated his father. &c.

Flete nefas magnum,* 2.5 sed toto flebitis orbe Mortales: vester corruit omnis honor. Nam Regum decus. & iuuenum flos spes{que} bonorum. Delitiae secli, & gloria gentis erat. Dignus Apollineis lachrymis doctae{que} Mineruae Flosculus heu misero concidit antè diem. Te tumulo dabimus Musae, suprema{que} flentes Munera, Melpomene tristia fata canet. Ex Hier. Cardano.

Thus after the godly dispositiō and properties of this king briefly in this wise declared, now (God willing) wee will intermeddle something to describe the order & procee∣dinges which he folowed in his administration & gouerne¦ment of both the states, as well politick as especially eccle∣siasticke.* 2.6 Who after the decease of his Father comming to the crowne, because he was of young & tender age, he was committed to 16. gouernors. Amongest whom especiallye the Lord Edward Semer Duke of Somerset his Uncle was assigned and adioyned to him as Protector and ouer seer of him and of the commō wealth,* 2.7 a man not so highly aduanced for his consanguinity, as also for his noble ver∣tues and especially for his fauour to Gods word, worthye of his vocation and calling. Through the endeuor and in∣dustry of which man, first that monstrous Hidra with vj. heades, the sixe Articles I meane (which deuoured vp so many men before) was abolished & taken away. By reasō wherof the counsels and procedings of Winchester began to decaye, who storming at the same matter, wrote to the Lord Protectour in the cause therof, as by his letters is to be sene.

The holy scriptures he restored to the mother toung, masses he extinguished and abolished. Furthermore,* 2.8 after softer beginnings, by litle & litle, greater thinges folowed in the reformation of the Churches. Then suche as before were in banishmēt for the daūger of the truth, were again receiued to theyr coūtry. To be short, a new face of things began now to appeare, as it were in a stage new players cōming in, the olde being thrust out. For y^e most part y^e Bi∣shops of churthes & diocesses were chaūged. Such as had bene dombe prelates before, were compelled to geue place to other then that would preach and take paynes.

Besides other also out of forreine coūtries, mē of lear∣ning and notable knowledge were sent for and receiued,* 2.9 a∣mong whome was Peter Martyr, Martine Bucer, and Paulus Phagius. Of whome the first taught at Oxford: the other two professed at Cambridge,* 2.10 and that w^t no smal commendation of the whol vniuersity. Of the old bishops some were cōmitted to one ward, some to an other Boner Bishop of London was committed to the Marshalsey, & eftsoones for his contempt and misdemeanour deposed frō his bishopricke, as in further processe foloweth to be sene, Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, with Tonstal Bishop of Duresme was cast into the Tower for his disobedience, where he kept his Christmas three yeares together, more worthy of some other place without the Tower, if it hadde pleased god otherwise not to haue mēt a further plague to

this Realme by that man.

But these meek and gentle times of king Edward vn∣der the gouernment of this noble Protector, haue this one commendation proper vnto them, for that among y^e whole number of the popish sort, of whom some priuily did steale out of the realm, many were crafty dissemblers, some were open and manifest aduersaries, yet of all y^t multitude, there was not one man that lost his life. In summe, duryng the whole time of the 6. yeares of this king much tranquili∣ty, and as it were a breathing time was graunted to the whole Church of England: So that the rage of persecutiō ceasing and the sword taken out of the aduersaries hand, there was now no daūger to the godly, vnlesse it were one¦ly by wealth and prosperity, which many times bringeth more dammage in corrupting mēs minds, then any time of persecution or affliction.

Briefly, during all this time, neither in smithfield, nor any other quarter of this realme, any was heard to suffer for any matter of religion, either Papist or Protestant, ey∣ther for one opiniō or other, except onely two, one an En∣glish woman, called Ioan of Kent, and the other a Dutch man, named George, who dyed for certayne Articles not much necessary here to be rehearsed.

Besides these two, there was none els in all king Ed∣wardes raigne,* 2.11 that dyed in any maner cause of religion, but that one Thom. Dobbe, who in the beginning of this kinges raigne, was apprehended for speaking agaynst the idolatry of the masse and in the same prison died: as in sto∣ry here ensueth to be sene.

This Thomas Dobbe being a studēt and a maister of Arte in Cambridge, was brought vp in the colledge, called S. Iohns Colledge, and felowe of the same, where he in∣creased in the studye of good letters, among his equals ve∣ry forward of nature and disposition simple and modest, of zeale toward God feruēt pacient in iniuries,* 2.12 iniurious to no man, of much like sort & condition, as in Doues which without all bitternes of gal, are more apt to receiue iniury then to worke wrong to any. At length this godly man in∣tending with himselfe, and addicting hys mynde to the Christian state of Matrimony, resorted to a certayn may∣den not farre of where he dwelt. For the whiche cause he was greatly molested, and wickedly abused by iij. of that Colledge, whose names were Hutchinson, Pindare, and Tailer, who with theyr malicious handlyng, scornful dea∣ling, opprobries, rebukes, and cōtumelies, so much vexed the vertuous simplicity of y^e man, that they neuer left him, till at length they weryed him out of the Colledge. Who there hauing no rest nor quietnes by reasō of the vnreaso∣nable and virulēt handling of his aduersaries, was com∣pelled to seek some other place wherin to settle himself. Up on the occasion wherof comming vp to Lōdon, it chaūced him to passe through Paules Church, wheras it happned that at the Southside of the Churche, at the same tyme there was a Priest at Masse, more busy then wel occupied being at the eleuation as he passed by. The yong man re∣pleat with godly zeale, pitying the ignorance and idolatry of the people, in honoring that so deuoutly which the priest lifted vp, was not able to forbeare, but opening his mouth & turning to the people, he exhorted them not to honor the visible bread as God, which neither was God, nor yet or∣deined of God to be honored. &c. with such other wordes mo of christian information. For which cause straight way he was apprehended by the Maior, and after accused to the Bishop of Caūterbury, was committed to the Coūter thē in Bredstreete, where he not long continued, but fallyng into a sicknes, how, or wherupon I can not tell, shortly vp on the same chaūged this mortall life. Whose pardō notw^t∣standing was obteined of the Lord Protector and shoulde haue bene brought him, if he had cōtinued. And thus much concerning Thomas Dobbe and other.

Ouer and besides, I finde, that in the first yeare of the raygne of King Edward, which was an. 1547. there was one Iohn Hume, seruaunt to Maister Lewnax of Wresell apprehended, accused, and sent vp to the Archbish. of Caū∣terbury, by the sayd M. Lewnax his Mayster & Marga∣ret Lewnax his mistres, for these Articles.

1 First, for denying the Sacrament (as it was then called of the aultar) to be the reall flesh and bloud of Christ.

2 For saying that he would neuer vale his bonet vnto it, to be burned therefore.

3 For saying that if he shoulde heare Masse, he shoulde be damned,

For this was he sent vp by his maister and mistres a∣foresayd, with speciall letters vnto the Archbishop, requi∣ring him seuerally to be punished by the law for the same. But because I finde no execution folowing thereupon, I therfore passe ouer this story of him.

These thinges premissed, when this vertuous & godly yong prince (endued as you haue heard with speciall gra∣ces from God) was now peaceably stablished in his king¦dome, and had a coūsell about him, graue, wise, and zelous in Gods cause, especially his vncle y^e duke of Somerset▪ he then most earnestly likewise desired, as well the aduaunce¦ment of the true honor of almighty God, and the planting of his sincere religion: as also the vtter suppressiō and ex∣tirpation of all idolatry, superstition, hipocrisy, and other enormities and abuses, throughout his realmes and domi¦nions, & therefore folowing, as is afore expressed, the good example of king Iosias, he determined forthwith to enter into some reformation of Religion in the Church of Eng∣land.

And forasmuch as at his first entry (notwithstanding his fathers good beginning in abolishing the vsurped po∣wer of Antichrist) he yet foūd most of his lawes greatly re¦pugning agaynst this his zealous enterprise, he therefore purposed by the aduise of his sayd wise & honorable Coun∣sell, of his owne regall power and authority, somewhat to prosecute his godly purpose, vntill such time as by consent of the whole estate of parliamēt, he might establish a more free, perfect, and vniforme order therin.

Wherupon intending first a generall visitation ouer al the bishopricks within his realm (therby as wel to vnder∣stād,* 2.13 as also to redresse the abuses in the same) he chose out certayn wise, learned, discrete, and worshipful personages to be his Commissioners in that behalfe: and so deuiding them into seuerall companies,* 2.14 assigned vnto them seueral Diocesses to be visited: appoynting likewise vnto euery company, one or two godly learned preachers, which at e∣uery Session shoulde in theyr preaching, both instruct the people in the true doctrine of the Gospell of Christ, & in all loue and obedience to the same, and also earnestly dehor••e them from theyr olde superstition and wonted Idolatrye. And that they might be more orderly directed in this their Commission, there were deliuered vnto them certayn In∣iunctions & ecclesiasticall orders drawne out by the kings learned counsell, the which they should both enquyre of, & also commaund in his maiesties behalfe, to be thenceforth obserued of euery person, to whō they did seuerally apper∣tayne within theyr sondry circuites.

In the which, amongst other things, it was first enioi∣ned that all Ecclesiasticall persons should themselues ob∣serue, and cause to be obserued of other,* 2.15 all such Statutes as were made for the abolishing of the Bishop of Romes vsurped power, and establishing of the kings supreme au∣thority, and that they should euery one foure times in the yeare at the least, in theyr publick sermons declare vnto y^e people, that the one being most arrogātly vsurped against the word of God, was now iustly taken away, and the o∣ther (according to y^e very true meaning of the same worde) was of most loyall duety onely to be obeyed of all his gra∣ces subiectes.

And agayne, that euery the aforesayd ecclesiastical per∣son (hauing cure) shoulde preach,* 2.16 or cause to be preached w^t in theyr seueral cures, one sermon euery quarter of y^e yere. In the which they should sincerely set forth the woorde of God, & exhort the people vnto the workes of fayth & mercy prescribed in the same word,* 2.17 and not vnto workes deuised by mans fantasy, as going on pilgrimages and other lyke idolatrous superstitions: the which they should also to the vttermost of theyr powers reproue and speak agaynst, de∣claring that all grace & goodnes ought onely to be soughte for at gods hand (as the alone geuer therof) & not at any o∣ther c••eature: And that they shoulde not onely foorthwyth take down and destroy all such Images as had bene ther∣tofore abused by pilgrimage or offerings within theyr said cures:* 2.18 but also should not thenceforth suffer any lightes or other idolatrous oblation to be made or set vp before any other image, then was yet suffered in the Church.

Also that euery holy day (hauing no Sermon in theyr Church) they should immediatly after the gospel distinct∣ly read in the Pulpit the Lordes prayer,* 2.19 the beliefe and the x. commaūdemēts of almighty God in the english toung:* 2.20 exhorting the people not only to learn thē theyr selues, but also to teach them to theyr childrē & families, & also should charge all Parentes and gouernors of housholds to bring vp their youth in some good exercise or occupation wherby they might afterwards serue the common wealth, and not runne, and like vagabondes and idle loyterers, & thereby encur the daunger of the lawes.

And furthermore that the sayd persons (hauing cure) should see the holy Sacramentes of Christ reuerently mi∣nistred within theyr cures: & that if any of them (by speci∣all licence or other cases expressed in the Statutes of thys realme) should be at any time absent from theyr benefices▪

that then they should leaue in theyr rowmes some Godly learned and discreet Curate that were able to instruct the people in all truth and godlines not seking thēselues, but rather the profit of theyr flocke.

And likewise, that they should see prouided and set vp some most conuenient and open place of euery their seue∣rall Churches, one great Bibe in english, & one book of the Paraphrases of Erasmus vpon the gospels,* 2.21 both in Eng∣lish, that the people might reuerentlye without any argu∣ment or contention, read & heare the same at such times as they listed: and not to be inhibited therfrō by the Parson or Curate, but rather to be the more encouraged and prouo∣ked thereto.

And that the sayd Parsons and Curates should not at any time (but for necessary causes) haunt anye Tauerne or Ale house, neither should spend their time idlely in vnlaw∣full games, but at all theyr conuenient leasures shoulde geue thēselues to the reading or hearing of the holy scrip∣tures.

Moreouer, that in the time of confession euery Lent, they should examine theyr parishners whether they could say the Lordes prayer, the ten commaundementes, and the articles of the Christian fayth: and that if they coulde not, they should then reproue them, declaring further vnto thē that, they ought not to presume to come vnto y^e Lordes ta∣ble without the true knowledge therof, and earnest desire to fulfill the same.

Also that they shoulde not admitte any man to preache within theyr cures, but suche as were lawefully licensed thereunto:* 2.22 and that they hauing at anye tyme before ex∣tolled and praysed any Idolatrous Pilgrimage, or other superstition, should now openly recant the same before the people.

* 2.23And if there were any open hinderer or disturber of the reading or preaching of the word of God within their pa∣rishes, that then they should forthwith detect the same vn∣to the kinges counsell, or vnto some Iustice of peace to thē next inhabiting.

And further, that learning and knowledge might be y^e better mayntayned, it was also ordeined herein, that eue∣ry beneficed persō y^t inought yerely dispend twenty poū∣des or vpward (and not resident vpon their cures) should pay towardes the reliefe of the poore within theyr parishes euery yeare, the fourty part of theyr fruites and profites: & likewise that euery suche as might dispende one hundreth poundes yearely or more, should for euery hundreth poūd geue a competent exhibition vnto some poore scholer with∣in one of the Uniuersityes of Oxford or Cambridge or els in some other grammer schole of the realme.

And also that euery priest being vnder the degree of a Bacheler of Diuinity should haue of his owne, one newe Testament in English and Latine, with the Paraphrases of Erasmus vpon the same, and should diligētly read and study therupon, and should collect and keep in memory all such comfortable places of the scripture, as do set forth the mercy, benefites, and goodnes of almighty God towardes all penitent & beleuing persons, that they might therby cō∣fort theyr flock in al daūger of death,* 2.24 dispayre or trouble of conscience: and that therfore euery bishop in theyr visitati∣ons should from time to time try and examine them how they had profited in these theyr studyes.

And although the Masse was then still by the Law re∣teyned, yet was it enioyned, that at euery high masse the sayer or singer therof should openly and distinctly read the Gospell and Epistle in English, in the Pulpit or in some other conuenient place that the people mought heare the same.* 2.25 And in like place and maner should read euery holy day and Sonday at Mattins one chapter of the new Te∣stament in English, omitting therfore three of theyr 9. La∣tine Lessons with theyr Respondes: and at Euensong like wise immediately after Magnificat, one chapter of the old Testament in stead of theyr wonted Respondes and Me∣mories.

Furthermore, because of the vayne contention that of∣ten fall among the people for goyng on Procession, it was ordeined that thenceforth the Priests and Clerkes should kneele in the midst of the Church, & there distinctly sing or reade the Letany in English sette forth by the authority of K. Henry the eight:* 2.26 and that no person should depart the church in the time of reading the Scripture or the Letany, or during the time of any Sermon, without iust and vr∣gent cause.

Likewise that the people should spend the holydaies in hearing the word of God, in priuate and publick prayers, in knowledging theyr offences vnto God and amendmēt of the same,* 2.27 in reconciling themselues charitablye to theyr neighbors where displeasure hath bene, in often receiuing the Communnion of the body and bloud of Christ, in visi∣ting the poore & sicke, & in all sober and godly conuersatiō: and not in vanity, idlenes, or dronkenes, neither yet in a∣ny bodily labor, otherwise then in y^e time of haruest, to saue the fruites of the earth, if necessity so required: and that no curate should admit vnto the receiuing of the holy cōmu∣nion,* 2.28 any person who had maliciously and opēly contēded with his neighbors, vnlesse the same did first also openlye reconcile himselfe agayne, and remit all rancor and malice whatsoeuer.

Moreouer it was ordeined that euery Dean,* 2.29 Archdea∣con master of Collegiat Churches or Hospitals, and Pre∣bendaries (being Priest) should himselfe personally preach twise euery yeare at the least, in some such place where hee had iurisdiction and liuing: and that they and all other cu∣rates should teach y^e people that as no man of any priuate affection ought maliciously to violate any ceremony in the Church, then not abrogated by y^e kings authority: so like∣wise they ought not on the other side to vse them supersti∣tiously or idolatrously,* 2.30 in attributing to them remission of sinnes, driuing away of euill spirits, & other such like drea∣mes & fātasies of men, or els in putting any confidence of saluation or health in thē. And farther that they should vt∣terly take away and destroy all Shrines and Monumēts of fayned Miracles, Pilgrimages, and other Idolatrous superstition, as well in theyr Churches, as wythin theyr priuate houses.

Also that they should see prouided within their churches a strong and fit chest for the safe keping of y^e peoples bene∣uolence geuen towards the reliefe of the poore,* 2.31 and that the sayd Curates should earnestly exhort and moue theyr Pa∣rishioners (especially at the making of theyr Testaments) that as they had bene thertofore willing to bestow much of theyr substance vpon vayne superstitious & blind deuotiōs contrary to gods word, so now they would be much more readier to geue som portion therof vnto theyr poore & nedy brethren, knowing the same to be not only commaūded in y^e word of God, but also promised to be rewarded. And for the better reliefe of the poore it was also appoynted that all mony & profits rising vpon Fraternities, guildes, stocks of Churches or geuen to the finding of Idolatrous lights should be cōuerted for that present vnto the same vse. Last of all, for the want of learned Curates & other good prea∣chers, it was enioyned that y^e Curates (hauing no sermō) should euery sōday read vnto the people in their churches one of the homilies which should be shortly set forth for y^e same purpose by the kinges authority:* 2.32 & that whē any ho∣mily or sermō should be preached or read, then the Prime and Houres should be omitted.

There were also diuers other articles in the same In∣iunctiōs appoynted for comelines & due order in the chur∣ches: as for repayring of Chauncels and Priestes houses, for keeping of a Register booke of weddinges, christenings and burials, for reading of these Iniunctions euery quar∣ter for due paying of tithes for forbidding of any other al∣teration of seruice in the Church, or fasting dayes, for ma∣king of comely Pulpits for the preachers, for auoyding of simony in buying and selling of benefices of the charitable vsing of Priestes, for praying onely vpon the English and Latine primmers set forth by K. Henry the eight for y^e tea∣ching of his grammer in the common scholes.* 2.33 At last that the Chauntry Priestes should teach yong children, eyther to write and read, or els some other good and profitable ex∣ercises: as it doth more fully and amply apeare in the same Iniunctions at large set forth in the 684. page of the fyrste booke of the Actes and Monuments of the church hereto∣fore imprinted.

Besides these generall Iniunctions for the whole e∣state of the Realme, there were also certayne others parti∣cularly appoynted for the Bishops onely, which being de∣liuered vnto the Commissioners, were likewise by theyr visitations committed vnto the sayd byshops with charge to be inuiolably obserued and kept vpon payne of the kin∣ges Maiesties displeasure: the effect whereof is as in ma∣ner foloweth.

First that they should to the vttermost of theyr wit and vnderstanding,* 2.34 see & cause al and euery singuler the kings Iniunctions theretofore geuen, or after to bee geuen from time to time, in and through our Dioces, duely, faythfully and truely to be kept, abserued and accomplished, and that they should personally preach within theyr Dioces,* 2.35 euery quarter of a yeare once at y^e least, that is to say once in theyr Cathedrall Churches, and thrise in other seueral places of theyr Diocesses, wheras they should see it most conueniēt and necessary, except they had a reasonable excuse to the cō∣trary. Likewise, that they should not reteine into their ser∣uice or houshold, any chaplein but such as were learned, or able to preach the word of God, and those they should also cause to exercise the same.

Moreouer, that they should not geue orders to any per∣son, but such as were learned in holy Scripture: neyther should deny thē that were learned in the same, being of ho∣nest conuersatiō and liuing. And last, that they should not at any time or place preach or set forth vnto the people any doctrine contrary or repugnant to the effect and entent cō∣teined and set forth in the kings highnes homelies, neither yet should admitte or geue licence to preach to any within theyr diocesses, but to such as they should know (or at the least assuredly trust) would do the same. And if at any time by hearing, or by report proued, they should perceiue y^e cō∣trary, they should then incontinent not onely inhibite that person so offending, but also punish him and reuoke theyr licence.

Nowe during the time that the Commissioners were occupied abroad in theyr circuits about the spedy and dili∣gent execution of these godly & zelous orders and decrees of the king and his counsell, his maiesty (with the aduise of the same) yet still desiring a farther reformation as well in this case of religiō, as also in some others of his Ciuill go∣uernment, appointed a parliamēt of the three estates of his Realme to be summoned agaynst the 4. day of Nouēber, in the first yeare of his raigne and the yeare of our Lorde. 1547. which continued vnto the 24. day of December then next folowing.* 2.36 In the which Session, for as much as hys highnes minded the gouernaunce and order of his people to be in perfect vnity & concord in al things, and especially in the true fayth and religion of God, and therewithal also duely wayed the great daunger that his louing Subiects were in for confessing the gospell of Christ, through many and diuers cruell statuts made by sondry his predecessors, against the same (which being stil left in force mought both cause the obstinate to contēn his graces godly procedings, and also the weak to be fearefull of theyr christianlike pro∣fession) he therfore caused it among other things by the au∣thority of the same parliament to be enacted,* 2.37 that all Actes of Parliament & Statutes, touching, mentioning, or in a∣ny wise concerning religion or opinions, that is to say (as well y^e statute made in the first yeare of the reigne of king Rich. the second,* 2.38 and the statute made in the second yeare of the reigne of King Henry the fift, and the statute made in the 25. yeare of the raigne of K. Henry .8. cōcerning pu∣nishment and reformation of hereticks and Lollards and euery prouision therein conteined, and the Statutes made for the abolishment of diuersity of opinions in certain Ar∣ticles concerning Christian religion commōly called the 6. Articles, made in the 31. yeare of the raigne of K. Henry 8. & also the statute made in the Parliamēt begon the 16. day of Ianuary in the 33. yeare of the reigne of the sayd K. Hē∣ry the 8. and after proroged vnto the 21. day of Ianuary in the 24. yeare of his sayd raigne, touching, mentioning, or in any wise concerning bookes of the olde and new Testa∣ment in English, & the printing, vttering, selling, geuing, or deliuering of bookes or writings, and reteining of eng∣lish bookes or writinges, and reading preaching, teaching, or expounding the scriptures, or in any wise touching, mē∣tioning or cōcerning any of the sayd matters: And also one other statute made in the 35 yeare of the Raigne of the sayd K. Henry 8. concerning the qualification of the Statute of the sixe Articles, and all and euery other act or acts, of par∣liament concerning doctrine or matters of religion, and al and euery braunch, article, sentence, matter, paines, or for∣faytures conteined, mētioned, or in any wise declared ma∣ny of the same Actes or Statutes) should from thenceforth be vtterly repealed, made voyd, and of none effect.

By occasion wherof, as wel al such his godly subiects as were then still abiding within this Realme, had free li∣berty publickely to professe the Gospel: as also many lear∣ned & zealous preachers (before banished) were now both licensed freely to returne home agayne, & also encouraged boldly and faythfully to trauel in theyr fūction and calling, so that God was much glorified, and the people in many places greatly edified.

Moreouer in the same Session his Maiestye with the Lords spirituall and temporall, and the Commons in the same Parliament assembled, throughly vnderstanding by the iudgement of the best learned, that it was more agrea∣ble vnto y^• first institution of the sacrament of the most pre∣cious body and bloud of our Sauior Christ, and also more conformable to the common vse and practise both of the A∣postles, and of the primatiue Churche, by the space of fyue hundreth yeares and more after Christes Ascension, that the sayde holye Sacrament shoulde bee ministred vnto all Christen people vnder both the kindes of bread and wine, then vnder the forme of bread onely, and also that it was more agreable vnto the sayd first institution of Christ and the vsage of the Apostles and primatiue Churche, that the people being presēt should receiue the same with the priest then that the priest should receiue it alone: dyd by theyr au∣thority moreouer enacte, that the sayde holy Sacrament should be from thēceforth commonly deliuered and mini∣stred vnto the people throughout the churches of Engl••d and Ireland and other the kinges dominiōs vnder both y^e kindes of bread and of wine,* 2.39 except necessity otherwise re∣quired: and also, that the Priest that should minister the same, should at the least one day before, exhort all persons which should be present, likewise to resort & prepare them¦selues to receiue the same. And at y^e day prefixed, after some godly exhortation made by the minister (wherin should be further expressed the benefit and comfort promised to them which worthely receiue this holy Sacrament, & the daun∣ger and indignation of God threatned to them which pre∣sume to receiue the same vnworthely, to the end that eue∣ry man might try and examine his owne conscience before he should come thereunto) the sayd Minister shoulde not without a lawfull cause denye the same to any person that would deuoutly and humbly desire it: any Law, Statute,* 2.40 ordinaunce, or custome, contrary therunto in any wise not¦withstanding.

After which most godly consent of the parliament, the king being no lesse desirous to haue the forme of admini∣stration of the Sacrament truely reduced to the ryght rule of the scriptures and first vse of the primatiue church, then he was to establish the same by the authority of his owne regall lawes appoynted certain of the most graue and best learned Bishops and others of his Realme, to assemble to¦gether at his Castle of Windsor, there to argue and entreat vpon this matter, and conclude vpon and set forth one per¦fect and vniforme order according to the rule and vse afore¦sayd.

And in the meane while that the learned were thus oc∣cupyed about theyr conferences, the Lord Protectour and the rest of the kinges Councell, farther remembring that that time of the yere did then approch, wherin were prac∣tised many superstitious abuses and blasphemous ceremo¦nies agaynst the glory of God, and trueth of his word (de∣termining the vtter abolishing thereof) directed theyr let∣ters vnto the godly and reuerend father Thomas Cran∣mer, then Archbishop of Caunterbury, & Metropolitane of England, requiring him that vpon the receit thereof he should will euery Bishop within his Prouince, forthwith to geue in charge vnto all the Curates of theyr Diocesses, that neither candles should be any more borne vpō Can∣dlemas day, neither yet ashes vsed in Lent,* 2.41 nor Palmes vpon palme Sonday.

Whereupon the Archbishop zealously fauouring thee good and Christianlike purpose of the king and his Coū∣sell,* 2.42 did immediately in that behalfe write bnto all the rest of the Bishops of that prouince, and amongest them vnto Edmund Boner then Bishop of London. Of whose re∣bellious and obstinate contumacy, for that we haue here∣after more to say, I thought not to stand long hereupon, but onely by the way somewhat to note his former dissi∣mulation and cloked hipocrisy in that he outwardly at the first consented as well vnto this, as also vnto all other the kinges proceedinges (but whether of feare or of any o∣ther subtle fetch, I know not, howbeit most like, rather for one of them or both, then for any true loue.) And therefore receiuing the Archbishops letters as one of them seeming to allow the contentes thereof, he did presently write vnto the Bishop of Westminster, & to others, to whom he was appoynted, requiring them to geue such knowledge ther∣of in theyr diocesses, as thereunto apperteyned: as more plainely appeareth by these his owne letters here inserted which here do folow.

¶A Letter missiue of Edmund Boner sent to the By∣shop of Westminster, with the tenour of the Archbishops Letter for abolishing of candles, Ashes, Palmes, and other Ceremonies.

MY very good Lord, after most harty commendations these be to aduertise your good Lordship that my Lord of Can∣terburyes grace this present 28. day of Ianuary sent vnto me hys letters missiue, cōteing this in effect:* 3.1 that my Lord Protectours Grace with the aduise of other the kinges maiesties most hono∣rable Counsell, for certayne considerations them mouing,* 3.2 are fully resolued that no candles shall be borne vpon Candlemas day, nor also from henceforth Ashes or Palmes vsed any longer, requiring me thereupon by his sayd letters, to cause admonitiō and knowledge thereof to be geuen vnto your Lordship and o∣ther Byshops with celerity accordingly. In consideration wher∣of I do send at this presēt these letters vnto your sayd Lordship, that you therupon may geue knowledge & aduertisement ther∣of within your Dioces as appertayneth: Thus committing your good Lordship to almighty God, as wel to fa••e as your good hart

can best desire.

Written in hast at my house in London, the said 18 day of Ianuary. 1548.

Your good Lordships to command, Edmund London.

Now about that present tyme credible and certain re∣port was made vnto the Lords of the counsaile,* 3.3 that great contention and strife did daily arise among the common people in diuers partes of this Realme, for the pullyng downe and takyng away of such Images out of the chur∣ches, as had bene idolatrously abused by pilgrimage, of∣ferings, or otherwyse (accordyng to the tenure of one of the Iniunctions geuen by the kyng in his late visitation) some affirmyng that that Image was abused, others that this, and most, that neyther of them both: so that if speedy remedy were not had therein, it might turne to further in∣conuenience. Wherefore they, by one aduise thinkyng it best (of good experience) for the auoidyng of all discorde and tumult, that all maner Images should be cleane ta∣ken out of all Churches, and none suffered to remayne, did thereupon agayne write their letters vnto the Archbi∣shop of Caunterbury, requiring his ready ayde therein: in maner followyng.

Another Letter of the Counsaile sent to the Archbishop of Caunterbury for the aboli∣shing of Images.

AFter our right harty commendations to your good Lordship where now of late in the Kings Maiesties visitations, among other godly Iniunctions commaunded to be generally obserued thorough all partes of this his highnesse Realme,* 4.1 one was set forth for the takyng downe of all such Images as had at any tyme bene abused with Pilgrimages, offerings or censings: albeit that this sayd Iniunction hath in many partes of the realme bene quietly obeyed and executed, yet in many other places much stryfe and contention hath risen, and daily riseth, and more and more en∣creaseth about the execution of the same: some men beyng so superstitious, or rather wilfull, as they would (by theyr good wils) retayne all such Images still, although they haue bene most manifestly abused. And in some places also the Images which by the sayd Iniunctions were taken downe, be now restored and set vp agayne. And almost in euery place is contention for Images, whether they haue bene abused or not. And whiles these men go on both sides contentiously to obtayne theyr myndes, conten∣dyng whether this Image or that Image hath bene offered vnto, kissed, censed, or otherwyse abused, partes haue in some places bene taken, in such sort, as further inconueniēcies be lyke to en∣sue, if remedy be not found in tyme. Considering therefore, that almost in no place of this realme is any sure quietnes, but where all Images be cleane taken away, and pulled downe alreadye, to the entent that all contention in euery part of the Realme for this matter, may be clearely taken away, and that the liuelye I∣mage of Christ should not contend for the dead Images, which be things not necessary, and without the which the Churches of Christ continued most godly many yeres, we haue thought good to signifie vnto you that his highnesse pleasure, with the aduise & consent of vs the Lord Protector and the rest of the Counsaile, is, that immediatly vpon the sight hereof, with as conuenient dili∣gence as you may, you shall not onely geue order that all the I∣mages remayning in any Church or Chappell within your Dio∣cesse be remoued and taken away, but also by your letters signifie vnto the rest of the bishops within your Prouince, this hys hygh∣nesse pleasure for the lyke order to be geuen by them, and euery of them within theyr seuerall Diocesse. And in the executiō here∣of, we require both you and the rest of the sayd Bishops, to vse such foresight as the same may be quietly done, with as good sa∣tisfaction of the people as may be. Thus fare your good Lordship hartely well. From Somerset place, the xi. of Febr. 1541.

Your Lordships assured louing frendes.

• Edw. Somerset.
• Hen. Arundel.
• Anth. Wingfield.
• Iohn Russell.
• Tho. Semer.
• Wil. Paget.

When the Archb. had receiued these letters, he foorth∣with directed his precept vnto Boner B. of London, re∣quiring,* 4.2 and in the kings maiesties name commaundyng him, that with all speede he should as well geue in charge vnto the rest of the bishops within the prouince of Caun∣terbury, to looke immediately without delay vnto the dili∣gent and carefull execution of the contents of the sayd let∣ter throughout all places of their Dioces: as also that he himselfe should do the lyke within his owne citie & dioces of London. Whereupon he seming then with like outward consent as before, to allow these doyngs, presently (by ver∣tue of the sayd precept) did send out hys Mandatum as well vnto the rest of the bishops, as also agayne vnto the B, of Westminster, in forme followyng.

¶The Letter of Edmund Boner, sent with the Archbishops Mandate, to the bishop of West∣minster for abolishyng of Images.

EDmundus permissione diuina London. Episcopus per illu∣strissimum in Christo principem & dominum nostrum, Do∣minum Edwardum sextum, Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae,* 5.1 & Hy∣berniae Regem, fidei defensorem & in terra Ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hybernicae supremum caput, sufficienter & legitimae autorisa∣tus Reuerendo in Christo confratri nostro domino Thomae ea∣dem permissione Westm. Episcopo, salutem & fraternam in Do∣mino charitatem. Literas reuerendissimi in Christo patris & do∣mini D. Thomae, permissione diuina Cantuar. Archiepiscopi toti∣us Angliae primatis & Metropolitani, tenorem literarum miss••••ū clarissimorum & prudentissimorum dominorum de priuatis con∣silijs dicti illustrissimi domini Regis in se continen▪ nuper cum ea qua decuit reuerentia humiliter recepimus exequend. in haec ver∣ba. Thomas permissione diuina Cant. &c. And then makyng a full recitall as well of the Archbishops precept, as also of the Counsels letters aboue specified, he concluded with these wordes. Quocirca nos Edmund. Episc. antedictus, Literis praedictis, pro nostro officio obtemperare, vti decet, summopere cupientes, vestrae fraternitati tam ex parte dicti excellentissimi Domini nostri Regis, ac praefato••um clarissimorum dominorū de priuatis suis consilijs, quàm praedicti Reuer. patris domini Cant. Archiepiscopi, tenore praesentium committimus & mandamus, quatenus attentis & per vos diligenter consideratis Literarum huiusmodi tenoribus, eos in omnibus & per omnia, iuxta vim, for∣mam, & effectum earundem cum omni qua poteris celeritate ac∣commoda, per totam Dioces. vestram West. debite & effectuali∣ter exequi faciatis & procuretis. Datum in aedibus nostris Lon∣don. vicesimo die Febr. An. Dom. 1548. Et regni dicti illustrissimi domini nostri Regis. Anno secundo.

Now by the tyme that these things were thus deter∣mined, the learned men which the kyng had appointed (as ye haue heard before) to assemble together for the true and right maner of administring the Sacramente of the body and bloud of Christ,* 5.2 accordyng to the rule of the Scrip∣tures of God, and first vsage of the Primatiue Churche, after theyr long, learned, wyse, and deliberate aduises, dyd finally conclude and agree vppon one godly and vniforme order of receiuing the same, not much differyng from the maner at this present vsed & authorised within this realm and church of England, commonly called the Communi∣on. Which agreement beyng by them exhibited vnto the kyng, and of hym most gladly accepted, was thereupon publikely imprinted, and by his maiesties Councell perti∣cularly deuided and sent vnto euery bishop of the realme, requiring and commaundyng them by their letters on the kings Maiesties behalfe, that both they in their own per∣sons, should forthwith haue diligent and carefull respect to the due execution thereof, and also should with all diligēce cause the bookes which they then sent them, to be deliuered vnto euery Parson, Uicar, and Curate within their Dio∣ces, that they likewise might well and sufficiently aduise themselues for the better distribution of the sayd commu∣nion, according to the tenour of the sayd▪ booke) agaynst the feast of Easter then next ensuyng, as more fully appea∣reth by these their letters here followyng.

¶Letters Missiue from the Counsaile, to the Bishops of the Realme, concernyng the Com∣munion to be ministred in both kyndes.* 6.1

AFter our most harty commendatiōs to your Lordship, where in the Parliament late holden at Westminster,* 6.2 it was amon∣gest other things most godly established, that according to the first institution and vse of the primatiue church, the most holy sa∣crament of the body and bloud of our Sauior Iesus Christ, shuld be distributed to the people vnder the kyndes of bread & wyne (according to the effect whereof, the kinges maiestie mynding, with the aduice and consent of the Lord Protectors grace & the rest of the Counsaile, to haue the sayd Statute well executed in such sort, or lyke as it is agreeable with the word of God, so the same may be also faithfully and reuerently receiued of his most louing subiects, to their comforts and wealth) hath caused sun∣dry of his maiesties most graue and well learned Prelates, and o∣ther learned men in the Scriptures, to assemble themselues for this matter: who after long conference together, haue with deli∣berate aduise, finally agreed vpon such an order to be vsed in all places of the kings maiesties dominions, in the distribution of the sayd most holy sacrament, as may apeare to you by the booke thereof, which we send herewith vnto you. Albeit knowing your

Lordships knowledge in the Scriptures, and earnest good will & zeale to the settyng foorth of all things accordyng to the truth thereof, we be well assured, you will of your owne good will, and vpon respect to your duetie, diligently set forth this most godly order here agreed vpon, and commaunded to be vsed by the au∣thoritie of the kyngs maiestie: yet remembryng the crafty pra∣tise of the deuill, who ceaseth not by his members to worke by al wayes and meanes, the hinderance of all godlines. And conside∣ryng furthermore, that a great number of the Curates of the Realme, eyther for lacke of knowledge can not, or for want of good mynd will not be so redy to set forth the same, as we would wish, and as the importance of the matter, and their owne boun∣den duties requireth, we haue thought good to pray and require your Lordship, and neuerthelesse in the kings maiesties our most dread Lordes name, to commaund you to haue an earnest dili∣gence and carefull respect both in your owne person, and by all your officers and Ministers, also to cause these bookes to be deli∣uered to euery Person, Vicar, and Curate within your Diocesse, with such diligence as they may haue sufficient tyme well to in∣struct and aduise themselues, for the distribution of the most holy Communion, accordyng to the order of this booke, before this Easter tyme, and that they may by your good meanes be well di∣rected to vse such good, gentle, and charitable instruction of their simple and vnlearned parishioners, as may be to all their good sa∣tisfactions as much as may be, praying you to consider, that this order is set forth, to the intent there should be in all partes of the Realme, and among all men one vniforme manner quietly vsed. The execution whereof, lyke as it shall stand very much in the di∣ligence of you and others of your vocation: so doe we eftsoones require you to haue a diligent respect thereunto, as ye tender the kings Maiesties pleasure, and will aunswer for the contrary. And thus we bidde your Lordship right hartily farewell. From West∣minster the 13. of March. 1548.

Your Lordships louyng friends

• Tho. Canterbury.
• R. Rich.
• W. Saint Iohn.
• Iohn Russell.
• Hen. Arundel.
• Anth. Wingfield.
• W. Peter.
• Edward North.
• Ed. Wootton.

By meanes as well of this letter, and the godly order of the learned, as also of the statute and acte of parliament before mentioned, made for the stablishyng thereof all pri∣uate blasphemous Masses were now, by iust authoritie fully abolished throughout this realme of England, and the right vse of the Sacrament of the most precious body & bloud of our sauiour Iesus Christ, truely restored in stead of the same. But neuertheles, as at no tyme any thing can be so well done of the godly, but that the wicked will find some meanes subtilly to deface the same: so likewyse at this present through the peruerse obstinacy & dissembling frowardnes of many the inferior priests and ministers of the cathedrall and other churches of this realme,* 6.3 there did aryse a meruailous schisme and varietie of fashions in ce∣lebratyng the common seruice and administration of the Sacraments,* 6.4 and other rites and ceremonies of y^e church. For some zealously allowyng the kyngs proceedings, dyd gladly follow the order thereof, and others, though not so willingly admittyng them, did yet dissemblingly and pat∣chingly vse some part of them: but many carelesly cōtem∣nyng all: would still exercise their old wonted popery.

Wherof the kyng and his Counsell hauyng good intel∣ligence, and fearyng the great inconueniences & daungers that might happen through this diuision, and beyng ther∣withall loth at the first to vse any great seuerity towards hys subiects, but rather desirous by some quiet and godly order, to bring them to some conformitie, did by theyr pru∣dent aduises againe, appoynt the Archbishop of Caunter∣bury, with certaine of the best learned and discrete bishops and other learned men, diligently to consider and ponder the premisses: and thereupon hauyng as well an eye and respect vnto the most sincere and pure Christian religion taught by the holy scriptures, as also to the vsages of the primatiue church, to draw and make one conuenient and meete order, rite, and fashion of common prayer, & admi∣nistration of the Sacraments, to be had and vsed within this his realme of England,* 6.5 and the dominions of y^e same. Who after most godly and learned conferences, thorough the ayd of the holy Ghost, with one vniforme agreement, did cōclude, set forth, and deliuer vnto the kings highnes, a booke in English intituled: A booke of the common pray∣er and administration of the Sacraments, and other rites and ce∣remonies of the Church, after the vse of the Church of England. The whith his highnes receiuing with great comfort and quietnesse of mynd, did forthwith exhibite vnto the Lords and Commons of the parliament then assembled at West∣minster, about the 4. of Nouember,* 6.6 in the second yeare of his raigne, and in the yeare of our Lord, 1548. and conti∣nuyng vnto the 14. day of March, then next ensuyng.

Whereupon the Lords spiritual and temporal, and the Commons of the sayd Parliament assembled, well, and throughly consideryng as well the most godly trauayle of the kings highnes, of the Lord Protector,* 6.7 and other of his maiesties Counsaile, in gatheryng together the said Arch∣bishop, bishops, and other learned men, as the godly prai∣ers, orders, rites, and ceremonies in the sayd booke menti∣oned, with the consideratiō of altering those things which were altered, and retainyng those thyngs which were re∣tayned in the same booke: as also the honour of God, and great quietnes, which by the grace of God should ensue v∣pon that one and vniforme rite, and order in such common prayer, rites, and externe ceremonies to be vsed through∣out England, Wales, Calice, and the marches of the same, dyd first geue vnto hys highnesse most lowly and hearty thankes for the same,* 6.8 and then most humbly prayed hym that it myght be ordeyned and enacted by hys Maiesty w^t the assent of the sayd Lords and Commons in that parlia∣ment assembled, and by the authoritie of the same, that not only all and singular person and persons that had therto∣fore offended concernyng the premisses (others then such as were then remainyng in Ward in the Tower of Lon∣don, or in the Fleete) myght be pardoned thereof, but also that all and singular ministers in any Cathedrall or parish Churches or other places within the Realme of Englād, Wales, Calice, and the Marches of the same, or other the kings dominions, should from and after the feast of Pen∣tecost next commyng, be bounden to say and vse the Mat∣tins, Euensong, celebration of the Lords supper, and ad∣ministration of ech of the Sacraments,* 6.9 and all other com∣mon and open prayer, in such order & forme as was men∣tioned in the sayd booke, and none other or otherwise. And albeit that they were so godly and good, that they gaue oc∣casion vnto euery honest and conformable man most wil∣lyngly to embrace them, yet least any obstinate persons who willingly would disturbe so godly an order and qui∣ete in this realme, should not go vnpunished, they further requested, that it might be ordeined and enacted by the au∣thoritie aforesayd, that if any maner of Person, Uicar, or o∣ther what so euer minister that ought or should say or sing common prayer, mencioned in the sayd booke, or minister the Sacraments, should after the sayd feast of Pentecost then next commyng, refuse to vse the sayd common praier, or to minister the Sacraments in such cathedrall or parish churches, or other places as he shoulde vse or minister the same, in such order & fourme as they were mentioned, & set foorth in the sayd booke: or should vse wilfully & obsti∣nately standyng in the same, any other rite, ceremonie, or∣der, fourme, or maner of masse, openly, or priuily, or Mat∣tinnes, Euensong, administration of the Sacraments, or other open prayer then was mentioned and set foorth in the sayd booke: or should preache, declare, or speake any thyng in the derogation or deprauyng of the sayde booke, or any thyng therein conteyned, or of any parte thereof, and should be thereof lawfully conuicted accordyng to the lawes of this Realme by verdite of twelue men, or by his owne confession, or by the notorious euidence of the fact, should loose and forfayte vnto the Kynges hyghnesse hys heyres & successours, for hys first offence one whole yeres profite of such one of his benefices or spirituall promotiōs as it should please the kings highnes to assigne & appoint and also for the same offence should suffer imprisonmēt by the space of sixe monthes, without bayle or mainprise.* 6.10 But if any such person, after his first conuiction,* 6.11 should eftsone•• offend agayne, and be thereof in forme aforesayd lawfully cōuicted, then he should for his second offence suffer impri∣sonment by y^e space of one whol yeare, & should also be de∣priued Ipso facto, of all his spirituall promotions for euer, so that it should be lawfull for the patrons & Doners ther∣of to geue the same agayne vnto any other learned man, in like maner as if y^• sayd partie so offending were dead. And if any the sayd person or persons shoulde agayne the thyrd tyme offend, and be thereof in forme aforesayd lawfully cō∣uicted, then he shuld for the same 3. offence suffer imprison∣ment during his life. If any such person or persons afore∣said, so offending, had not any benefice or spiritual promo∣tion, y^t then he shoulde for his first offence suffer imprison∣ment by the space of vi. monthes without bayle or mayn∣prise, and for his second offence, imprisonment during hys life. Which request or rather actuall agreement of y^e lordes and commons of the Parliament beyng once vnderstoode of the kyng, was also soone ratified and confirmed by hys regall consent and authoritie, and therupon the sayd booke of common prayer was presently imprinted, and commā∣ded to be exercised throughout the whole Realme and do∣minions

thereof, accordyng to the tenure and effect of the sayd Statute.

Moreouer, in the same Session of the sayd Parliamēt, it was enacted and established by the authoritie thereof: that for as much as great, horrible, and not to be rehearsed inconueniences had from tyme to tyme risen amongst the priests, ministers, and other officers of the clergy through their compelled chastitie,* 6.12 and by such lawes as prohibited them the godly and lawfull vse of mariage: that therefore all and euery law and lawes positiue, canons, constituti∣ons and ordinances theretofore made by the authoritie of man onely, which did prohibite or forbid mariage to any ecclesiasticall or spirituall person or persones, of what e∣state, condition or degree so euer they were, or by what name or names they were called, which by gods law may lawfully marry, in all and euery article, braunche and sen∣tence concernyng onely the prohibition for the mariage of the persons aforesayd, should be vtterly voyd and of none effect. And that all maner of forfaitures, paynes, penalties crimes or actions,* 6.13 which were in the sayd lawes contey∣ned, and of the same dyd follow, concernyng the prohibiti∣on for the mariage of the sayd Ecclesiastical persons, shuld be thencefoorth also clearely and vtterly voyde, frustrate, and of none effect. By occasion whereof, it was thenceaf∣ter ryght lawfull for any Ecclesiasticall person, not ha∣uyng the gift of chastitie, most godly to liue in the pure and holy estate of matrimony, according to the lawes & worde of God.

But if the first Iniunctions, statutes, and decrees of the Prince were of many but slenderly regarded, with muche lesse good affection were these (especially the booke of com∣mon praier) of diuers now receiued: yea, and that of some of them,* 6.14 which had alwayes before in outward shew wil∣lingly allowed the former doings, as appereth most plain¦ly (amongst others) by Boner the B. of London. Who al∣though by his former letters & other mandates, he seemed hitherto to fauour all the kings proceedings: yet did he at that present (notwithstanding both the first statute for the stablishing of the Communion, and the abolishyng of all priuate masses, and also this Statute of the ratifieng and confirming of the booke of Common prayer) still suffer sū∣dry idolatrous priuate masses of peculiar names (as the Apostles masse, the Lady masse and such lyke) to be dailye solemnly sung within certaine perticular chappels of hys cathedral church of Paules, cloking them with the names of the apostles communion, and our Ladies communion, not once findyng any fault therewith, vntill such tyme as the Lordes of the Counsaile hauyng intelligence thereof, were fayne by their letters to commaund hym to looke better thereunto. And then beyng therewith somewhat pricked forwards (perhaps by feare) he was content to direct hys letters vnto the Deane and Chapter of his ca∣thedrall church of Paules, thereby requesting them forth∣with to take such order therein, as the tenure of the Coun∣sailes sayd letters therwithall sent vnto them, did import. Which both two letters I haue, for the more credite, here followyng inserted.

¶A Letter directed from the Kings Counsaile, to Ed∣mund Boner B. of London, for abrogating of priuate Mas∣ses, namely, the Apostles Masse, within the church of S. Paule, vsed vnder the name of the Apostles Communion.

* 7.1AFter harty commendations: Hauing very credible notice that within that your cathedral church, there be as yet the Apostles masse, and our Ladies masse, and other masses of such peculiar name, vnder the defence & nomination of our Ladies communion, and the Apostles communion, vsed in priuate chappels and other remote places of the same, and not in the Chauncell,* 7.2 contrary vnto the kings maiesties proceedings, the same beyng for the misuse, displeasing to God, for the place of Paules, in example not tollerable, for the fondnes of the name, a scorne to the reuerence of the communion of the Lords bo∣dy and bloud: we for the augmentation of gods glory and ho∣nour and the consonance of his maiesties lawes, and the auoy∣ding of murmure, haue thought good to will & command you that from henceforth no such masses in this manner be in your church any longer vsed, but that the holy blessed communion according to the acte of Parliament, be ministred at the high aultar of the church, and in no other places of the same, & on∣ly at such tyme as your high masses were wont to be vsed, ex∣cept some number of people desire for their necessary businesse to haue a communion in the mornyng, and yet the same to bee executed in the Chauncell at the high aulter, as it is appoyn∣ted in the booke of the publike seruice, without cautele or di∣gression from the common order. And herein you shal not on∣lye satisfie our expectation of your conformitie in all lawfull things, but also auoyd the murmure of sundry that be therwith iustly offended. And so we bid your Lordship hartely farewell. From Richmond, the 24. of Iune, an. 1549.

Your louing friendes

• E. Somerset.
• W. Saint Iohn.
• Ed. Montague.
• R. Rich. Chan.
• Fra. Shrewsbury.
• W. Cecill.

¶To my right worshipfull friendes, and most louyng good brethren, M. Deane of Paules, with all the Canons, Residentaries, Prebendaries, Subdeanes and Ministers of the same, and euery of them with speede.

RIght worshipfull, with most harty commendations. So it is this Wensday the xxvi. of Iune, goyng to dynner,* 8.1 I recea∣ued letters from the kynges Counsell by a Pursiuaunt, and the same I doe send now herewith vnto you, to the intent you may peruse them well, and proceede accordyngly: praying you in case all be not present, yet those that be now resident and supplying the places, may in their absence call the company to∣gether of the Church, and make declaratiō hereof vnto them: Thus committyng you to God, right well to fare.

Written with speede this xxvi. of Iune, at one of the clocke.

Your louyng brother Ed. London.

Ouer and besides all this, the Lord Protectour, wyth the residue of the kings priuie and learned Counsel assem∣blyng together in the Starre chamber about the same ma∣ter, that is, for the aduancement and setting forward of the kings so godly proceedings, called before them all the Iu∣stices of peace, where was vttered vnto them by the Lord Rich, then Lord Chauncellour, an eloquent and learned admonition, the tenor whereof ensueth.

IT hath bene vsed and accustomed before this tyme to call at certayne tymes the Iustices of peace before the Kings Maiesties Counsaile,* 8.2 to geue vnto them admonition or warnyng, diligently (as is their dutie) to looke to the ob∣seruing of such thyngs as be committed to theyr charges, according to the trust which the Kinges Maiestie hath in them. Howbeit, now at this tyme we call you before vs, not onely of custome, but rather of necessitie. For hearyng daily, and perceiuing of necessitie as we do, the great neg∣ligence, and the little heed which is taken and geuen to the obseruyng of the good and wholesome lawes and orders in this realme, wherupon much disorder doth daily ensue, and the kings maiesties proclamations and orders taken by the Counsaile (as we are aduertised) not executed, the people are brought to disobedience, and in a maner all his Maiesties study and ours, in setting a good and most god∣ly stay, to the honour of God, and the quiet of the Realme, is spent in vayne, and come to nothing, The which as we haue great hope and trust, not to be altogether so, yet so much as it is, and so much as it lacketh of keepyng the Realme in a most godly order and stay, we must needes impute and lay the fault thereof in you which are the Iu∣stices of peace in euery Shiere, to whom we are woont to direct our writinges, and to whose trust and charge, the Kings Maiestie hath committed the execution of all hys Proclamations, of hys actes of Parliament, and of hys lawes.

We are informed that many of you are so negligent and so slacke herein, that it doth appeare you do look rather,* 8.3 as it were, through your fingers, then diligently see to the ex∣ecution of the sayd lawes and Proclamations. For if you would, according to your duties, to your othe, to the trust which the kinges Maiesty hath in you, geue your diligēce and care toward the execution of the same most godly Sta¦tutes and Iniunctions, there should no disobedience, nor disorder, nor euill rule be begon or arise in any part of the realme, but it should by and by be repressed, kept downe, & reformed. But it is feared, and the thing it selfe geueth oc∣casion therto, that diuers of you do not onely not set forth, but rather hinder, so much as lyeth in you, the Kings ma∣iesties procedinges, and are content that there should arise some disobedience, and that mē should repine against god∣ly orders set forth by his maiesty: you do so slackly looke to the execution of the same: So that in some shyres which be further off, it may appeare that the people haue neuer heard of diuers of his maiestyes proclamations, or if they haue heard, you are content to wincke at it & to neglect it, so that it is all one as though it were neuer commaunded. But if you do consider and remember your dueties first to almighty God, and then to the Kings maiestie, the wealth of the whole realme, the safegard of your owne selues: you must needes see that except such orders as the kings Ma∣iestie

hath set, and hereafter shall appoynt, be kept, neither can the realme be defended, if the enemie should inuade, nor in peace it cannot stand: but vpon the contempt of good and wholesome lawes all disorder and inconueniences should come, the people should be wyld and sauage, and no man sure of his owne.

If at any tyme there was occasion and cause to be circū∣spect and diligent about the same, there was neuer more tyme then now. How we stand in Scotland you know, & that their foreine power maketh great preparation to aide them, and in deed doth come to their ayde: wherof we are surely informed and certified.* 8.4 Wherfore if there should not be good order and obedience kept in the realme, the realme were lyke vtterly to be destroyed. Neuer forreine power could yet hurt, or in any part preuaile in this realm, but by disobedience and misorder within our selues. That is the way wherwith God will plague vs, if he mynd to punish vs. And so long as we do agree among our selues, and be obedient to our prince, and to his godly orders and laws, we may be sure that God is with vs, & that foreine power shall not preuayle agaynst vs, nor hurt vs.

Wherfore once againe, and stil we must and do lay this charge vpon you that are the better of the shiere, and Iusti∣ces of the peace, that with so conuenient speed as you can, you do repayre downe into your Countries, and you shal geue warning to the gentlemen of the shiere which haue not necessarie busines here, that they repaire downe eche man to his countrey,* 8.5 and there both you and they who be reckoned the stay of euery shiere, to see good order and rule kept: You that your Sessions of gaole deliuery and quar∣ter Sessions be well kept, and therein your meetyngs be such, that iustice may be wel and truly ministred, the offen∣ders and malefactors punished according to the lawes of this Realme, without any feare of any man, or that for fa∣uour you should suffer those to escape, which with their e∣uill example might bring other to the like mishap: & that all vagabonds and lewd and light tale tellers and sedici∣ous bearers of false newes of the kings maiestie, or of hys counsaile, or such as will preach without licence, be imme∣diately by you represt and punished.

And if there should chaunce any lewd or light fellowes to make any routes or riotes, or vnlawfull assemblies, a∣ny seditious meetings,* 8.6 vprores, or vprisings in any place by the seditious and diuelish motion of some priuy Trai∣tors, that you and they appease them at the first, and appre∣hend the first authors and causers thereof, and certifie vs with speed. The lightnes of the rude and ignorant people must be represt and ordered by your grauitie & wisedome. And here you may not (if any such thing chance) dissemble with those such lewd men, and hide your selues, for it shall be required of you if such misorder be, and surely without your ayde and helpe, or your dissembling, such misorder can not be. Nor we do not say that we feare any such thing or that there is any such thing likely to chaunce: but we geue you warning before, least it should chaunce.

We haue to much experience in this realme, what in∣conuenience commeth of such matters. And though some light persons in their rage do not consider it, yet we doe not doubt but you way it and know it well enough.* 8.7 And if it should chaunce our enemies (who are mainteyned by other forraine power, and the bishop of Rome) should so∣dainly arriue in some place of England, eyther driuen by tempest, or of purpose to do hurt, ye should see such order kept by firing of their Becons, as hath already bene writ∣ten vnto you by our letters to repulse the same in so good aray as you can, as we do not doubt but you will for the safegard of your countrey, so that the enemy shall haue lit∣tle ioy of his comming: and for that purpose you shall see diligently that men haue horse, harnesse, and other furni∣ture of weapon ready, according to the Statutes and good orders of the realme, and the kings maiesties commande∣ments. And so for this tyme ye may depart.

What zealous care was in this yong kyng, and in the L. Protector his vncle,* 8.8 concerning reformatiō of Christes Church and sincere religion, by these Iniunctions, letters precepts, and exhortations, as well to the bishops, as to y^e Iustices of the realme aboue premised, it may right well appeare. Wherby we haue to note, not so much the careful diligence of the king and his learned counsaile: as the lin∣gering slacknes and drawing backe on the other side, of di∣uers the said Iustices and Lawyers, but especially of Bi∣shops,* 8.9 and old popish curates, by whose cloked contempt, wilfull winkyng and stubburne disobedience the booke of common prayer was long after the publishing therof, ey∣ther not knowen at all, or els very irreuerently vsed tho∣roughout many places of this realme. Which when y^e king by complaint of diuers, perfectly vnderstood, beyng not a little agreued, to see the godly agrement of the learned, the willyng consent of the Parliament, and his graces owne zealous desire to take so small effect among his subiects: decreed presently, with the aduise of his whole Counsaile, agayne to write vnto all the bishops of his realme, for spe∣dy and diligent redresse therin: willing and commanding them therby, that as well they themselues should thence∣forth haue a more speciall regard to the due executiō of the premisses, as also that all others within their seuerall pre∣cincts and iurisdiction should by their good instructions & willing example, be the more oftener and with better de∣uotion, mooued to vse and frequent the same. As further appeareth by the contents of hys letter here ensuyng.

¶Another letter directed by the King and hys Coun∣saile, to Boner Bish. of London, partly rebuking hym of negligence, partly chargyng hym to see to the better settyng out of the seruice booke within his Diocesse.

RIght reuerend father in God: right trusty and welbeloued, we greete you well:* 9.1 and where as after great and serious de∣bating and long conference of the bishops, and other graue and well learned men in the holy Scriptures, one vniforme order for common prayers and administration of the Sacramentes, hath bene and is most godly set forth, not only by the common agree∣ment and full assent of the nobilitie and Commons of the late Session of our late Parliament, but also by the lyke assent of the bishops in the same Parliament, and of all others the learned m•• of this our realme in their Synodes and conuocations prouinci∣all. Like as it was much to our comfort to vnderstand the godly trauaile then diligently & willingly taken for the true openyng of things mentioned in the sayd booke, whereby the true seruice and honour of almighty God, and the right ministration of the Sacraments beyng well and sincerely set forth accordyng to the Scriptures & vse of the primatiue church, much idolatry, vayne superstition, & great and slanderous abuses be taken away: so it is no small occasion of sorow vnto vs, to vnderstand by the com∣plaints of many, that our sayd booke so much traueled for, & also sincerely set forth (as is aforesaid) remayneth in many places of this our realme, eyther not knowen at all, or not vsed, or at the least if it be vsed, very seldome,* 9.2 and that in such light and irreue∣rent sort, as the people in many places either haue herd nothing, or if they heare, they neither vnderstand, nor haue that spirituall delectation in the same, that to good christians appertaineth. The fault wherof, lyke as we must of reason impute to you and other of your vocation, called by God thorough our appointment to haue due respect to this and such lyke matters: so consideryng that by these and such like occasions, our louyng subiectes re∣ma••ne yet still in their old blyndnes, and superstitious errors, and in some places in an irreligious forgetfulnes of God, wherby his wrath may be prouoked vpon vs and them, and remembring with all, that amongst other cures committed to our princely charge, we thinke this the greatest, to see the glory and true seruice of hym maintained & extolled, by whose clemency we knowledge our selues to haue all that we haue, we could not, but by aduise and consent of our deerest vncle Edward duke of Somerset, go∣uernour of our person, and protector of our realme, dominions, and subiects, and the rest of our priuy counsaile,* 9.3 admonish you of the premisses. Wherein, as it had bene your office to haue vsed an earnest diligence, and to haue preferred the same in all places within your Diocesse, as the case required: so haue we thought good to pray and require you,* 9.4 and neuerthelesse straightly to charge and commaund you, that from henceforth ye haue an ear∣nest and speciall regard to the reduce of these things, so as the Curates may do their dueties more often and in more reuerent sort, & the people be occasioned by the good aduises and exam∣ples of your selfe, your Chauncellor, Archdeacons, and other in∣ferior ministers, to come with oftener and more deuotiō to their sayd common prayers, to geue thanks to God, and to be perta∣kers of the most holy Communion. Wherein shewyng your selfe diligent, and geuyng good example in your owne person, you shall both discharge your duty to the great pastor, to whom we all haue to accompt, and also do vs good seruice: and on the o∣ther side, if we shall hereafter (these our letters and commaunde∣ment notwithstandyng) haue eftsoones complaint, and finde the lyke faults in your dioces, we shall haue iust cause to impute the fault thereof, and of all that ensue thereof vnto you, and conse∣quently be occasioned therby to see otherwyse to the redresse of these things: wherof we would be sory. And therfore we do eft∣soones charge and commaund you vpon your allegiance, to loke well vpon your duety herein, as ye tender our pleasure.

Geuen vnder our signet at our Manor of Richmond, the 23. of Iuly,the 3. yeare of our raigne. 1549.

The B. of London among the rest of the bishops, re∣ceiuyng these letters, did (as alwayes tofore) in outward shew willingly accept the same: and therfore immediately

(with the sayd letters) directed this his precept vnto the Deane and Chapter of his cathedrall Church of Paules, commanding them to looke to the due accomplishing ther∣of accordingly.

¶A letter of Boner to the Deane and Cha∣piter of Paules.

EDmund by the grace of God, &c. To my welbeloued brethren the Deane and Chapiter of the Cathedrall church of S. Paule in London,* 10.1 and to the other Ministers there and euery of them do send greeting. And where it is so, that of late I haue receyued the sayd soueraigne Lord the kings maiesties letter, of such tenure as is hereunto annexed, and according to my most bounden dutie, am right well willing and desiring, that the said letters should be in all points duely executed and obserued according to the te∣nure and purport of the same, as apperteineth: these therfore are to require, and also straightly to charge you and euery of you on his maiesties behalfe, &c. that you do admonish and commaund or cause to be admonished or commaunded, all and singuler Per∣sons, Vicars, and Curates of your iurisdiction, to obserue and ac∣complish the same from time to tyme accordingly: Furthermore requiring and likewise charging you, and euery of you to make certificate herein to me, my Chauncellour or other my officers in this behalfe, with such conuenient celeritie as appertaineth both of your procedings in the execution hereof, and also the persons and names of all such, as from hencefoorth shall be found negli∣gent in doyng their dueties in the premisses or any of them.

Ge∣uen at my house at Fulham, the 26. of Iuly, in the yere of our lord. 1549.

and in the third yere of our sayd soueraigne Lord the kings Maiesties raigne.

Moreouer, for so much as the king at that instant hea∣ring the muttering of certain rebellion thē stirring (wher∣of more shall be said the Lord willing hereafter) & also be∣yng credibly informed by diuers,* 10.2 that through the euil ex∣ample, slacknes of preaching and administring the sacra∣ments, and carelesse contempt of Boner B. of London, not onely many of the people within the city of London, & other places of his Diocesse, were very negligent and for∣getfull of their dueties to God in frequenting the diuine seruice then stablished and set forth by the authority of par∣liament: but also that diuers other vtterly despising the same,* 10.3 did in secret places of his Dioces, often frequent the popish masse and other forraine rites not allowed by the lawes of this realme, he thought it therefore good (hauyng thereby iust cause to suspect his former dissemblyng dou∣blenes) to appoint the L. Protector and the rest of his pri∣uy counsaile to call the sayd B. before them, and accordyng to their wyse and discrete iudgements, to deale with hym for the same.

* 10.4Wherupon the xj. day of August (an. 1549.) they sent a messenger for him, and vpon his appearaunce, made first declaration of such informations and complaints, as had bene theretofore made against him.* 10.5 And then after sharpe admonitions and reproofes for his euil demeanors in the premisses, they deliuered vnto him from the kyng (for hys better reformation and amendment) certaine priuate In∣iunctions to be necessarily followed and obserued of hym∣selfe.* 10.6 And where as in the first branch of the said Iniuncti∣ons, he was personally assigned to preach at Pauls crosse, the sonday three weekes then next ensuyng (because both the dangerous and fickle estate of the tyme, and also part∣ly his owne suspicious behauior so required) they farther deliuered vnto him in writing such articles to intreat vpō in his Sermon, as they thought then most meete and ne∣cessary for the tyme and causes aforesayd. All which In∣iunctions and Articles, for the farther manifestation ther∣of, I haue here inserted, as followeth.

Certaine priuate Iniunctions and Articles ge∣uen to Boner by the Counsaile.

FOrasmuch as we are aduertised, that amongst other dis∣orders of our subiects,* 10.7 at this present there be diuers of our citie of London, and other places within your Dioces which beyng very negligent and forgetfull of their duetie to almighty God, of whom all good things are to be looked for, doe assemble themselues very seldome & fewer tymes then they were heretofore accustomed, vnto commō praier and to the holy Communion, beyng now a tyme when it were more needefull with hart and mynde to pray to our heauenly father for his ayd and succour: wherof as we be right sory, so we do vnderstand, that through your euil ex∣ample and the slacknes of your preaching, and instructing our sayd people to doe their duties, this offence to God is most generally committed: for where heretofore vpon all principall feasts, and such as were called Maius duplex, you your selfe were woont to execute in person, now since the tyme that we by the aduise of our whole Parliament haue set a most godly and deuout order in our Church of Eng∣land and Ireland, ye haue very seldome or neuer executed vpon such or other dais, to the cōtempt of our procedings & euil example of others: & forasmuch as it is also brought to our knowledge, that diuers as well in London as in o∣ther places of your Dioces, do frequent and haunt foraine rites of masses, and suche as be not allowed by the or∣ders of our realme,* 10.8 & contemneth and forbeareth to praise and laud God, and pray vnto his maiestie after such rites and ceremonies, as in this realme are approued & set out by our authoritie: and further that adultery and fornica∣tion is maintained and kept openly and commonly in the sayd citie of London & other places of your Dioces, wher∣by the wrath of god is prouoked against our people: of the which things, you beyng heretofore admonished,* 10.9 yet he∣therto haue made no redresse, as to the pastorall office, au∣thoritie, & cure of a bishop doth appertaine: We therefore, to whom the supreme cure and charge of this Church doth appertaine, to auoid frō vs the high indignatiō of almigh∣tie God, by the aduise of our most entirely beloued Uncle the L. Protector and the rest of our priuy Counsaile, haue thought it no lesse then our most boūden dutie, now at this present, and eftsoones peremptorily to admonish, charge, & warne you, that you do most straightly looke vpon the pre∣misses and see them so reformed, that there may appeare no negligence on your behalfe, vpon such payne as by our lawes Ecclesiasticall and temporall, we may inflict vppon you, vnto depriuation or otherwise, as shall seme to vs for qualitie of y^e offence reasonable. And to the intent you shold the better see to y^e reformation of the sayd abuses, we haue thought good to geue you these Iniunctions following.

1 First, ye shall preach at Paules Crosse in London,* 10.10 in proper person, the Sonday after the date hereof iij. weeks, and in the same Sermon declare and set forth the Articles hereunto annexed: and ye shall preach hereafter once e∣uery quarter of the yere there, exhorting in your Sermon the people to obedience, prayer, and godly liuyng: and ye shall be present at euery sermon hereafter made at Paules Crosse, if sickenesse or some other reasonable cause doe not let you.

2 Secondly, you your selfe in person shall from hence∣foorth euery day which heeetofore was accounted in this Church of England, principall feast, or Maius duplex, and at all such tymes as the Bishops of London your prede∣cessours were woont to celebrate and sing high masse, now celebrate and execute the Communion at the hygh aultare in Paules, for the better example of all other, except sicke∣nes do let.

3 Thirdly, ye shall your selfe according to your duetie & the office of a bishop, cal before you all such as do not come vnto and frequent the Common prayer and seruice in the Church, or do not come vnto gods boord, and receyue the Communion at the lest once a yeare, or whosoeuer do fre∣quent or go vnto any other rite or seruice, then is appoin∣ted by our booke, either of Mattins, Euensong, or masse in any church, Chappell, or other priuate places within your Dioces, and ye shall see all such offenders conuented be∣fore you and punished accordyng vnto the Ecclesiasticall lawes, with seuere and strait punishment therfore. Lyke∣wise ye shall see one onely order vsed in your Diocesse ac∣cording to our sayd booke and none other.

4 Fourthly, ye shall both by your selfe and all your of∣ficers vnder you, search out & conuent before you more di∣ligently then heretofore ye haue done (as appertaineth to your office) all adulterers, and see the same punished ac∣cording to the ecclesiastical lawes, and to the authority ge∣uen you in that behalfe.

5 We haue heard also complaintes, that the Churche of Paules and other Churches of London are of late more neglected, as wel in reparation of the glasse, as other buil∣dings and ordinaunces of the same, then they were here∣tofore woont, and that diuers and many persons in the ci∣tie, of malice denyeth the payment of their due tith to their Curates, wherby the Curates are both iniured and made not so well able and in maner discouraged to do theyr due∣ties. The which thyng also our will and commaunde∣ment is, ye shall diligently looke vnto, and see redressed as appertaineth.

6 And forasmuch as al these complaints be made as most done & committed in London,* 10.11 to the intent you may looke more earnestly, better and more diligently to the reforma∣tion of them, our pleasure is that you shal abide and keepe residence in your house there, as in the citie, sea, and prin∣cipall place of your Dioces, and none other where for a certaine tyme, vntill you shalbe otherwise licensed by vs.

And thus hauing brought B. Boner home to his own house, there to leaue hym a while to take his ease in hys owne lodging, til we returne to him againe, we wil in the meane tyme make a little intercourse into Cornewall and Deuonshire to discourse some part of the disordered and disloyall doings of those men against their so meeke and excellent a prince,* 10.12 hauing no cause ministred therunto: yea hauyng cause rather to yeld prayse and thanks to the lord for such a quiet and peaceable prince in his mercy geuē vn∣to them. But such is the condition of vnquiet natures, that they cannot skill of peace. And where due discretiō lacketh, there lewd disposed persons cannot tel when they be wel, againe some be so crooked and so peruersly geuen, that the more curteously they be intreated, the worse they are: and when by honest diligence they lift not to get their liuyng, by publike disturbance of common weales they thinke to thriue. And so seemed it to fare with this seditious people of Cornewall and Deuonshire, who hauyng so good and vertuous a kyng, that if they should haue sought hym as Diogenes (they say) did seeke for a man with a candle, a meeker and better soueraigne they could not haue found, a crueller they well deserued: yet were they not with him contented, but contrary to al order, reason, nature and loi∣altie, aduaunced themselues in a rebellious conspiracie a∣gainst hym, and agaynst his proceedings through the per∣nitious instigation, first (as it seemeth) of certaine popish priestes, who grudgyng and disdainyng agaynst the In∣iunctions and godly order of reformation set forward by the king,* 10.13 and specially mourning to see their olde popishe Church of Rome to decay, ceased not by all sinister & sub∣tile meanes, first vnder Gods name and the kings, & vn∣der coulour of religion to perswade the people, then to ga∣ther sides and to assemble in companies, to gather Cap∣taines,* 10.14 and at last to brast out in ranke rebellion. Neither lacked there amongst the lay sort some as seditiously dispo∣sed as they to mischiefe and madnesse, as well Gentlemen as other.

Of whom the chiefe Gentlemen Captains were, Hum∣frey Arundell Esquire, gouernour of the Mount, Iames Rosogan, Iohn Rosogan, Iohn Payne, Thomas Un∣derhil,* 10.15 Iohn Soleman, William Segar. Of priests which were principall stirrers, and some of them gouernours of the Camps, and after executed, were to the number of 8. whose names were Rob. Bochim, Iohn Tompson, Ro∣ger Barret,* 10.16 Iohn Wolcoke, Wil. Asa, Iames Mourton, Iohn Barow, Rich. Benet, besides a multitude of other popish priests, which to the same faction were adioyned. The number of the whole rebellion, speakyng with y^e lest mounted litle lesse then to the summe of ten thousand stout traitors.

These hearing first of the commotions which began a∣bout the same tyme in other parts to broyle, as in Oxford∣shire,* 10.17 Yorkeshire, and especially in Northfolke & Suffolk, began to take therin some courage, hoping that they shold haue well fortified the same with quarell. But afterward perceiuyng how the mischieuous mutterings and enter∣prises of their conspiracie did sodenly fayle, eyther beyng preuēted by tyme, or repressed by power, or that their cause beyng but onely about pluckyng down of enclosures and enlarging of commons, was deuided from theirs, so that eyther they would not or could not ioyne their ayde toge∣ther, then began they againe to quayle, and their courage to debate. Notwithstanding, for so much as they had gone so far, that they thought there was no shrinking back, they fell to new deuises and inuentions, for the best furtherance of their desperate purposes.

Their first intent was, after they had spoiled their own countrey most miserably, to inuade the Citie of Exceter, & so consequently all other parts of the realme. But first for Exceter they gaped,* 10.18 the gates whereof twise they burned, but gayned nothing sauyng onely gunshot, whereof they lacked no plenty. Beyng put from Exceter, they fel on spoi¦ling and robbing, where or whatsoeuer they might catche. At length laying their traiterous heds together, they con∣sulted vpon certain articles to be sent vp.* 10.19 But herein such diuersitie of heds and wits was amongst them, that for e∣uery kind of braine there was one manner of Article: so y^t neither appeared any consent in their diuersitie, nor yet a∣ny constancie in their agrement. Some seemed more tole∣rable. Other altogether vnreasonable. Some would haue no Iustice. Some would haue no state of gentlemen. The priests euer harped of one string to ring in the Bishop of Rome into England agayne, and to hallow home Cardi∣nall Poole theyr countrieman.

After much ado and little to the purpose, at last a fewe sory Articles were agreed vppon to be directed vnto the kyng, with the names of certayne set thereunto, the copy whereof here ensueth.

¶The Articles of the Commons of Deuonshire and Cornewall sent to the king, with answer afterward followyng vnto the same.

FIrst,* 10.20 forasmuch as man except he be borne of water and the holy Ghost, cannot enter into the kingdom of God, and forasmuch as the gates of heauen be not opened with∣out this blessed Sacrament of Baptisme, therefore we will that our Curates shall minister this Sacrament at all tymes of neede, as well in the weeke dayes, as on the holy dayes.* 10.21

Item, we will haue our children confirmed of the Bish. whensoeuer we shal within the Dioces resort vnto him.* 10.22

Item, forasmuch as we constantly beleeue that after the Priest hath spoken the wordes of consecration beyng at Masse, there celebrating and consecrating the same, there is very really the body & bloud of our sauiour Iesu Christ God and man,* 10.23 and that no substance of bread and wine re∣maineth after, but the very selfe same body that was borne of the virgin Mary, and was geuen vpon the Crosse for our redemption: therfore we wil haue masse celebrated as it hath bene in tymes past, without any man communica∣tyng with the Priestes, forasmuch as many rudely presu∣ming vnworthily to receiue the same, put no difference be∣twene the Lordes body and other kind of meat, some say∣ing that it is bread before and after, some saying that it is profitable to no man except he receiue it, with many other abused termes.

Item, we will haue in our churches reseruation.

Item, we will haue holy bread and holy water in the remembrance of Christes precious body and bloud.* 10.24

Item, we will that our Priestes shall sing or say with an audible voyce, Gods seruice in the Quier of the parish churches,* 10.25 & not Gods seruice to bee set foorth like a Christ∣masse play.

Item, forasmuch as Priests be men dedicated to God, for ministring and celebrating the blessed sacraments and preachyng of Gods word,* 10.26 we will that they shal liue chast without Mariage, as S. Paule dyd, beyng the elect and chosen vessell of God, saying vnto all honest priests, be ye followers of me.

Item, we will that the vj. Articles, which our soue∣raigne Lord king Henry the 8. set forth in his latter days, shall be vsed and so taken as they were at that tyme.* 10.27

Item, we pray God saue king Edward, for we be his, both body and goods.

¶A Message sent by the Kings Maiestie, to certayne of his people assembled in Deuonshire.

ALthough knowledge hath bene geuen to vs & our de∣rest vncle Edward Duke of Somerset,* 10.28 Gouernour of our person, and Protector of all our Realmes, dominions and subiects, and to the rest of our priuy Counsaile, of di∣uers assemblies made by you, which ought of duetie to be our louing subiects, against al order, law, & otherwise thē euer any louing or kind subiectes hath attempted agaynst their natural & liege soueraign lord: yet we haue thought it meete at this very first tyme not to condemne or reiect you as we might iustly do, but to vse you as our subiects,* 10.29 thinking that y^e deuil hath not that power in you, to make you of naturall borne Englishmen, so sodainly become e∣nemies to your owne natiue countrey, or of our subiects, to make you traitors, or vnder pretence to relieue your selues, to destroy your selues, your wiues, children, lands, houses, and all other commodities of this your lyfe. This we say, we trust that although ye be by ignorance seduced, ye will not be vppon knowledge obstinate. And though some amongst you (as euer there is some cockle amongest good corne) forget God, neglect their prince, esteeme not y^e state of the Realme, but as careles desperate men delite in sedition, tumult, and warres: yet neuertheles the greater part of you will heare the voyce of vs your natural prince and will by wisedome and counsell be warned, and cease your euils in the beginning, whose endes will be euen by almighty gods order, your owne destruction. Wherefore, as to you our subiects by ignorance seduced, we speake & be content ••o vse our princely authority like a father to his children for this tyme, to admonish you of your faults, not to punish them, to put you in remembrance of your duties not to auenge your forgetfulnes.

First, your disorder to rise in multitudes, to assemble your selues against other our louyng subiectes,* 10.30 to aray•• your selues to the warre, who amongst you al can answer for y^e same to almighty God, charging you to obey vs in al things? Or how can any English good hart aunswer vs, our lawes, and the rest of our very louyng & faithfull sub∣iectes,

who in deede ••y theyr obedience, make our honor, estate,* 10.31 and degree.

Ye vse our name in your wrytings, and abuse the same against our self.* 10.32 What iniury herein do you vs, to cal those which loue vs, to your euill purposes, by the authoritie of our name? God hath made vs your king by his ordinance and prouidence, by our bloud & inheritance, by lawful suc∣cession and our coronation: but not to this end, as you vse our name. We are your most natural soueraigne Lord and king, Edward the sixt, to rule you, to preserue you, to saue you from all your outward enemies, to see our lawes wel ministred, euery man to haue his owne, to suppresse disor∣dred people, to correct traytors, theeues, pirates, robbers, and such like, yea, to keepe our realmes from foreine prin∣ces, from the malice of the Scots, of French men, of the B. of Rome. Thus good subiectes, our name is wrytten, thus it is honored & obeyed, this maiestie it hath by Gods ordi∣nance, not by mans. So y^t of this your offence we can not write to much: And yet doubt not, but this is enough frō a prince to all reasonable people, from a king to al kind har∣ted and louing subiects, from a puissant king of England, to euery naturall English man.

Your pretences which you say moneth you to do thus, & wherwith ye seeke to excuse this disorder, we assure you, be either al false,* 10.33 or so vaine, that we doubt not, but after ye shal hereby vnderstand the truth therof, ye wil al with one noyse knowledge your selues ignorantly led, & by error se∣duced, and if there be any that will not, assure you the same be rāke traitors, enemies of our crowne, seditious people, heretikes, Papistes, or suche as care not what cause they seeke to prouoke an insurrection, so they may doe it, nor in dede can waxe so rich with theyr own labors, & with peace as they can do with spoiles, with warres, with robberies, & such like, yea, with the spoile of your owne goodes, wyth the liuing of your labors, the sweat of your bodies, the food of your owne housholdes, wiues, children. Suche they be, as for a time vse pleasant perswasions to you, & in the ende will cut your throtes for your owne goodes.

You be borne in hand, that your children, though neces∣sity chance, shal not be christened but vpon the holy dayes. Howe false this is, learne you of vs. Our booke whych we haue set foorth by the free consent of our Parliament,* 10.34 in the English tongue, teacheth you the cōtrary, euen in the first leafe, yea the first side of the first leafe of that parte whyche entreateth of Baptisme. Good subiectes (for to others we speake not) looke and be not deceiued. They whych haue put this false opinion into your eares, they meane not the christening of children, but the destructiō of you our Chri∣stened subiects. Be this knowen vnto you, our honor is so much y^t we may not be found faulty of our word.* 10.35 Proue it, if by our lawes ye may not christē your children vpon ne∣cessity euery day or houre in the weeke, then might you be offended: but seeing you may doe it, howe can you beleeue them which teach you the contrary? What thinke you they meane in the rest, which moue you to breake your obediēce against vs your king & soueraigne, vpon these so fals tales and perswasions in so euident a matter? Therefore you all which wil knowledge vs your soueraigne Lorde, & which will heare the voyce of vs your naturall king, may easily perceiue how ye be deceiued, and how subtilly traitors and papistes wyth their falsehoode seeke to atchieue and brynge their purpose to passe with your helpe. Euery traitor will be glad to dissemble his treason and feede it secretly, euery papist his Poperie, & nourish it inwardly, and in the ende make you our subiectes partakers of treason and poperie, which in the beginning was pretended a common wealth and holinesse.

And howe are you seduced by them, which put in your heades the blessed sacrament of Christes body, shoulde not differ from other cōmon bread?* 10.36 If our lawes, proclamati∣ons, and statutes be all to the contrary, why shall any pri∣uate man perswade you against them? We doe our selfe in our owne heart, our counsaile in al their profession, our la∣wes & statutes in al purposes, our good subiects in al theyr doings, most highly esteme that sacrament, & vse the com∣munion therof to our most comfort. We make so much dif∣ference therof from other common bread, that we think no profite of other bread, but to maintaine our bodies. But of this blessed bread we take very foode of our soules to euer∣lasting life. How thinke you good subiects, shal not we be∣ing your prince, your Lord, your king by Gods appoynt∣ment,* 10.37 wyth truthe more preuaile, then certaine euill per∣sons wyth open falsehoode: Shall any seditious persone perswade you, that the Sacrament is despised, which is by our lawes, by our selfe, by our Counsaile, by all our good subiectes, esteemed, vsed, participated, and daily receiued? If euer yee were seduced, if euer deceiued, if euer traytours were beleued, if euer papistes poysoned good subiects, it is nowe. It is not the Christening of children, not the reue∣rence of the sacrament, not the health of your soules y^t they shoote at, good subiectes. It is sedition, it is high treason, it is your destruction they seeke, howe craftily, nowe piti∣ously, how cūningly soeuer they do it. With one rule iudge ye the end, which o•• force must come of your purposes. Al∣mighty God forbiddeth vpon pain of euerlasting damna∣tion, disobediēce to vs your king: and in his place we rule in earth. If we should be slowe, would God erre? If your offence be towardes God, thinke you it pardoned without repentance? Is Gods iudgement mutable? Your paine is damnation, your Iudge is incorruptible, your faulte is most euident.

Likewise are yee euill enfourmed in diuers other Arti∣cles, as for Confirmation of your children, for the Masse, for the maner of your seruice of Mattens and Euensonge▪ Whatsoeuer is therein ordered, hath ben long debated and consulted by many learned Bishops, Doctours, and other men of great learning, in this realm concluded: in nothing so much labor and time spente of late time, nothing so fully ended.

As for the seruice in the English tongue, hath manifest reasons for it. And yet perchaunce seemeth to you a newe seruice, and in deede is none other but the olde.* 10.38 The selfe same woordes in Englishe which were in Latine, sauing a fewe things taken out, so fonde, that it hadde bene a shame to haue heard them in English, as all they can iudge which list to reporte the truthe. The difference is, we meant god∣ly, that you our subiectes should vnderstande in English, being our natural countrey tongue, that which was here∣tofore spoken in Latine, then seruing onely for them which vnderstoode Latine, and nowe for all you whiche be borne English. How can this with reason offend any reasonable man, that he shall vnderstand what any other sayth, & so to consent with the speaker. If the seruice in the Church was good in Latine, it remaineth good in English, for nothynge is altered, but to speake wyth knowledge that was spoken with ignorance, and to let you vnderstand what is said for you, to the entent you maye further it with your owne de∣uotion: An alteration to the better, except knowledge be worse then ignorāce. So that who soeuer ••ath mooued you to mislike this order, can geue you no reason,* 10.39 nor answeare yours, if ye vnderstoode it.

Wherefore you our subiectes remember, wee speake to you, being ordained your Prince and King by almightye God: if any wise we coulde aduaunce Gods honour, more then we doe, we would doe it: and see that ye become sub∣iectes to Gods ordinances, obeying vs your Prince, and learne of them which haue authoritie to teache you, whiche haue power to rule you, and will execute our iustice, if we be prouoked. Learne not of them, whose fruits be nothing but wilfulnes, disobedience, obstinacie, dissimulation, and destruction of the realme.

For the masse, we assure you, no small studie nor trauell hath bene spent by al the learned Clergy therein,* 10.40 and to a∣uoyde all contention, it is brought euen to the verye vse as Christ left it, as the apostles vsed it, as holy fathers deliue∣red it, in dede somwhat altred from y^t the Popes of Rome, for their lucre brought to it. And although ye may hear the contrary of some Popish euil men, yet our maiestie, which for our honour may not be blemished nor stained, assureth you, that they deceiue you, abuse you, and blowe these opi∣nions into your heads, for to finish their owne purposes.

And so likewise iudge you of confirmation of children: and let them answeare you this one question. Thinke they that a child christened,* 10.41 is damned because it dieth before bi∣shopping? They be confirmed at the time of discretion, to learne that they professed in the lacke therof, by Baptisme: taught in age, that which they receiued in infancie,* 10.42 and yet no doubt but they be saued by Baptisme, not by confirma∣tion, & made Christes by Christening, and taught howe to continue by Confirmation. Wherfore in the whole, marke good subiects, how our doctrine is founded vpō true lear∣ning, and theirs vpon shamelesse errors.

To cōclude, beside our gentle maner of information to you, what soeuer is contained in our booke, either for bap∣tisme, sacrament, Masse, Confirmation, and seruice in the church, is by our parlament established, by the whole cler∣gie agreed, yea by the bishops of the realme deuised, & fur∣ther, by Gods word confirmed. And how dare ye trust, yea how dare ye geue care, without trembling, to any singuler person, to disallow a Parliament, a subiect to perswade a∣gainst our maiestie, a man of his single arrogancie, against the determination of the Bishops, and all the clergie, anye inuented argument against the word of God.

But nowe you our subiects, we resort to a greater mat∣ter of your blindnes, of your vnkindnes, a great vnnatu∣ralnes, & such an euill, that if we thought it had not begon

of ignorance, and continued by persuasion of certaine trai∣tors amongst you, which we thinke few in number, but in their doings busie,* 10.43 we coulde not be perswaded, but to vse our sword, and doe iustice, and as we be ordained by God, that is, to redresse your errors, by auengmēt: but loue and zeale yet ouercommeth our iust anger, but howe long that will be, God knoweth, in whose hand our hart is: and ra∣ther for your owne causes, being our Christened subiectes, we would ye were perswaded then vanquished, informed then forced, taught then ouerthrowen, quietly pacified then rigorously persecuted.

* 10.44Ye require to haue the statute of the 6. articles reuiued: and knowe ye what ye require? or knowe yee what ease ye haue with the losse of them? They were lawes made, but quickly repented, too bloudy they were to be borne of oure people, and yet at the first in deede made of some necessitie. Oh subiects? how are ye trapped by subtile persons? we of pitie, because they were bloudy, tooke them away, and you nowe of ignorance will aske them againe. You knowe full well, that they helped vs to extende rigour, and gaue vs cause to draw our sword very often: they were as a whet∣stone to our sworde, & for your causes we left to vse them. And since our mercie mooued vs to wryte our lawes wyth milke & equitie: how be ye blinded to aske them in bloud?

But leauing this maner of reasoning, and resorting to the truth of our authoritie, we let you witte, the same hath bene adnulled by our parlament,* 10.45 with great reioyce of our subiects, and not now to be called by subiectes in question. Dare then any of you with the name of a subiecte, stand a∣gainst an acte of parliament, a lawe of the whole realme? What is our power, if lawes shoulde be thus neglected? Yea, what is your suretie, if lawes be not kept? Assure you most surely, y^t we of no earthly thing vnder y^e heauē, make such a reputation, as we doe of this one thyng, to haue our lawe obeyed, and this cause of God which we haue taken in hande, to be thorowly maintained, from the which we will neuer remooue a heares breadth,* 10.46 nor geue place to any creature liuing, much lesse to any subiecte, but therein will spende our owne royall person, oure crowne, treasure, re∣alme, and all our state: whereof we assure you of our highe honour. For heerein in deede resteth our honoure, heerein standeth our kingdome, heerein doe all kinges knowledge vs a king. And shall any of you dare breathe or thinke a∣gainst our honor, our kingdome, or crowne?

In the end of thys your request (as we be geuen to vn∣derstand) ye would haue them stand in force vntill our full age.* 10.47 To this we thinke, if ye knew what ye spake, ye wold neuer haue vttered y^e motion, nor euer geuen breath to such a thoughte. For what thinke you of our kingdome? Be we of lesse authoritie for our age? Be we not your king nowe, as we shalbe? or shall ye be subiects hereafter, and now are ye not? Haue not we the right we shal haue? If ye woulde suspend and hang our doings in doubt vntill our full age, ye must first know, as a king we haue no differēce of yeres nor time, but as a naturall man and creature of God, wee haue youth, & by his suffrance shall haue age: we are your rightful king, your liege Lord, your king annoynted, your king crowned, the soueraign king of England, not by our age, but by Gods ordinance, not only when we shal be 21. of yeares,* 10.48 but when we were of 10. yeares. We possesse our crowne, not by yeares, but by the bloud and discente, from our father king Henry the eight. You are our subiects be∣cause we be your king, and rule we will, because God hath willed. It is as great a fault in vs, not to rule, as in a sub∣iect not to obey.

If it be considered, they which moue this matter, if they durst vtter them selues, would deny our kingdome. But our good subiects know their prince, and will encrease, not diminish his honor, enlarge, not abate hys power, know∣ledge, not defer his kingdome to certaine yeares: al is one, to speake against our crowne, and to deny our kingdome, as to require that our lawes may be brokē vnto 21. yeres. Be we not your crowned, anoynted, and established king? wherein then be we of lesse maiestie, of lesse authoritie, or lesse state, then our progenitors kings of this realme? ex∣cept your vnkindnes, our vnnaturalnes wil diminish our estimation. We haue hitherto, since the death of our father, by the good aduise and counsaile of our deare and entirely beloued vncle, kept our state, maintained our realme, pre∣serued our honour, defended our people from all enemies: we haue hitherto bene feared and dreade of our ennemies: yea, of princes, kings, and nations: yea, heerein we be no∣thing inferiors to any our progenitours (which grace we knowledge to be geuen vs from God) and how els, but by good obedience of our people, good counsaile of our magi∣strates, due execution of our lawes. By authoritye of oure kingdom, England hitherto hath gained honour, during our raigne, it hath wonne of the enemie, and not lost.

It hath bene maruailed, that we ••f so yong yeres haue raigned so nobly, so royally, so quietly.* 10.49 And howe chanceth it, that you our subiectes, of that our countrey of Deuon∣shire, will geue the first occasion to slander this our realme of Englande, to geue courage to the ennemye, to note our Realme of the euil of rebellion, to make it a pray to our old enemies, to diminish our honour, which God hath geuen, our father leaft, our good vncle and Counsail preserued vn∣to vs? What greater euill could ye commit, then euen now when our forraine enemie in Scotland and vppon the sea seeketh to inuade vs, to arise in thys manner againste our lawe, to prouoke our wrath, to aske our vengeance, and to geue vs an occasion to spende that force vpon you, whyche we meant to bestow vpon our enemies, to beginne to slay you with that sworde which we drewe foorth agaynste the Scots and other enemies: to make a conquest of our owne people, whych otherwise shoulde haue bene of the whole Realme of Scotland?

Thus ••arre yee see we haue descended from oure highe maiestie for loue, to consider you in your base and simple ignorance, and haue bene cōtent to send you an instruction like a fatherly Prince, who of iustice might haue sent you your destructiō like a king to rebels, & now let you know, that as you see our mercy abūdant, so if ye prouoke vs fur∣ther, wee sweare to you by the liuing God, by whome wee raigne, ye shal fele the power of y^e same God in our sword: which how mighty it is, no subiect knoweth, how puissant it is, no priuate man can iudge, how mortall it is, no Eng∣lish heart dare thinke. But surely surely, as your Lord and Prince, your onely king and maister, we say to you, repent your selues, & take our mercy without delay, or els we wil foorth with extend our princely power, & execute our sharpe sword against you, as against very Infidels and Turkes, and rather aduenture our owne roial person, state and po∣wer, then the same shall not be executed.

And if you wil prooue the example of our mercy, learne of certaine which lately did arise, pretending some grief••s, and yet acknowledging their offēces, haue not only recei∣ued most humbly their pardon, but feele also by our order, to whom al publike order only pertaineth, redresse deuised for their griefs. In the end we admonish you of your due∣ties to God, whom ye shal answere in the day of the Lord, and of your dueties toward vs, whom ye shal answere by our order, & take our mercy whilest God so enclineth vs, least when yee shall be constrained to aske, wee shall be too much hardened in heart to graūt it you: and where ye shall nowe heare of mercy, mercy and life, ye shall then heare of iustice, iustice and death.

Geuen at Richmond, the 8. day of Iuly, the third yeare of our raigne.

Besides the Articles of these Deuonshire men aboue mētioned, the sayd rebels sent vp also not long after a sup∣plication to the king,* 10.50 wherunto answere again was made by the kings learned Counsaile, which here to make short, leisure serueth not to rehearse.

Ouer and besides, to behold the malitious working of those popish Priests, to kindle more the sparke of sedition in the peoples hearts, what bruites and rumours did they raise vp against the king and his Counsaile, makinge the vulgare multitude to beleeue, that they should be made to pay first for their sheepe,* 10.51 then for their geese and pigges al∣so, and suche other thinges like: and what soeuer they had in store, or should put in their mouths, they must fine ther∣fore to the king? Of all which matter neuer a worde was eyther thought or meant. But this seemed matter fitte for such priests whereby to set the Prince and hys subiects to∣gether by the eares.

Against this seditious company of rebels was apoyn∣ted and sent by the king and his counsaile, Syr Iohn Rus∣sel knight, Lord priuy Seale, as Lieutenant general of the kings armie, of whome chiefly depended the charge and a∣chiuaunce of that voyage in the West partes. To hym also were adioyned as in parte of ordinary counsail in those af∣faires vnder him, syr William Harbert, syr Iohn Pawlet, Syr Hugh Pawlet, Syr Thom. Specke, wyth the Lorde Gray, and other besides.* 10.52

Thus the sayde Lorde priuie Seale accompanied wyth the Lord Gray, aduauncing his power against the rebels, although in number of soldiers not equally furnished like to the other, yet throughe the gratious assistaunce of the Lordes helpe fighting in his cause, and geuing the aduen∣ture against the enemie, about the latter end of Iuly. Anno 1549. gaue them the repulse. Who notwythstanding reco∣uering them selues againe wyth suche stomackes as they had, encountred the seconde time with the foresayde Lorde priuie Seale, about the beginning of August following, of whom, through the Lords mighty power, they with their whole cause of false religion were vtterly vanquished and

ouerthrowen.

In the which victorie a great woorke of Gods mightye power vndoubtedly did appeare. For althoughe the num∣ber of the rebels did surmounte in great quantitie, the po∣wer and strength of the Lorde priuie Seale, and theyr sto∣mackes were so fiercely set vpon al desperate aduentures, and though the power of Sir W. Harbert (being the same time at Bristow) was not yet presently come, which shuld haue ioyned with the Lorde priuie Seale: yet all thys not∣withstanding, the goodnes of the Lorde so wrought on the kings behalfe, more then any industry of man (which in al respects in handling that matter was very raw and farre behinde) that the victorie fell to the kings parte, vnder the valiant guiding of the aforesayd L. priuie Seale: so that the popishe rebels not onely lost the fielde,* 10.53 but a great parte of them also lost their liues, lying there slain miserably in the chase to the compasse of 2. miles space. Where also were ta∣ken and apprehended the chiefetaines and ringleaders of that mischieuous daunce: wherof the principal were Hum∣frey Arundel, Berry, Thomas Underhil, Iohn Soleman, W. Segar,* 10.54 Tempson, and Barret two Priestes, Henrye Bray and Henrye Lee, two Maiors, wyth diuers other mo aboue specified: al which accordingly afterwarde were executed.

These rebels to make their part more sure by the helpe and presence of their consecrated God and maker,* 10.55 brought with them into the battaile the Pixe vnder his Canapie, and in steed of an aultar, where he was hanging before, set him nowe riding in a Carte. Neither was there lacking masses, crosses, banners, candlesticks, with holy breade al∣so, and holy water plentie, to defend them from deuils and all aduersarye power, whyche in the ende neyther coulde helpe theyr frends, nor yet could saue them selues from the handes of theyr ennemies, but eftsoones both the consecra∣ted God and al the trumperie about him, was taken in the carte, and there lay all in the dust, leauinge to them a nota∣ble lesson o•• better experience howe to put their confidence heereafter in no suche vaine Idolles, but onely in the true liuing God, and immortall maker, to be serued according to hys prescribed worde, and that onely in the faithe of hys sonne, and not after theyr owne dreaming fantasies.

The storie whereof putteth mee also in remembraunce of an other like popish field, (called Muscleborough field) ••ought in Scotland the yeare before this, where the Scots likewise encamping them selues against the Lorde Prote∣ctour,* 10.56 and the kynges power sente into Scotlande, did in semblable wise bringe with them to the battaile the conse∣crated gods of their aultares, wyth Masses, Crosses, ban∣ners, and all their Popish stuffe of Idolatrie, hauing great affiaunce, by vertue thereof to haue a great day against the English armie, as in deede to mannes iudgement myghte seeme not vnlike. For the number of the Scottes armye so farre exceeded ours,* 10.57 and they wer so appoynted with theyr pikes in the first fronte against our horsemen (which gaue the first onset) that our men were faine to recule, not with∣out the losse of diuers Gentlemen. Notwythstanding, the mighty arme of the Lorde so turned the victorie, that the Scottes in the ende with all their Masses, Pixes, and I∣dolatrous trinkets were put to the woorse. Of whome in that fielde were slayne betweene 13. and 14. thousande, and not passing an hundreth Englishe men.* 10.58 The cause of thys was the promise of the Scots made before to king Henry, for the marriage of the young Scottish Queene to Kynge Edwarde, which promise the sayd Scots afterward brake and paide thereafter.

In the whiche victorie this is also to be noted, that the same day and houre when the images were burned open∣ly in London, the Scots were put to flighte in Musclebo∣rough, as is credibly noted in Recordes.

During this hurley burley amongst the popish rebels in Cornwall and Deuonshire, the like commotion at the same time, by suche like popish priestes, as Homes and his felowes, began to gender in the parties of Oxforde & Buc∣kingham, but that was soone appeased by the Lord Gray, who comming downe that waye into Deuonshire, chased the rebelles to their houses. Of whom 200. wer taken, and a dosen of the ringleaders deliuered vnto him, wherof cer∣taine were after executed.

In Northfolke and parties thereabout, all be it the o∣riginall of theyr tumultuous sturring was not for the like cause,* 10.59 yet the obstinate hearts of that vnruly multitude se∣med no lesse bent vpon mischief, to disturbe publike peace, which was also in the moneth of Iuly, the yere abouesayd. For repression of whych rebellion, first was sent the Lorde Marques of Northampton,* 10.60 wyth speciall instruction to auoide the fighte, and so by order was appoynted wyth a number of horse to keepe the fielde and passages, whereby they being stopped from vittaile, might the sooner be brou∣ght to acknowledge their follie, and to seeke theyr pardon. Who then following other pollicie, then by order was ge∣uen, came and pinned him selfe wythin the Citie of Nor∣wiche, which afterwarde they were faine to abandone, the rebelles pressing vppon the Citie so on euery side, that at length they obtained the same. Neuerthelesse, in all that conflicte there was but an hundreth on both sides slayne, and otherwise no great 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but onely the losse of the Lord Sheefielde.

Then was sente downe▪ againste them the Earle of Warwike wyth sufficient force and number of souldiours, besides the conuey of 2000. Almaines,* 10.61 by whome the rude and confused rabble was there ouerthrowne and slaine, to the number, as is supposed at the least of 4000. And in fine, both the Kettes chiefe sturrers and authours of that com∣motion were taken and put to execution,* 10.62 and one of them hanged vp in chaines.

Moreouer, besides these inordinate vprores and insur∣rections aboue mentioned, about the latter ende of the said moneth of Iulye, the same yeare, which was 1549. an o∣ther like sturre or Commotion beganne at Semer, in the Northriding of Yorkeshire,* 10.63 and continued in the Eastri∣ding of the same, and there ended. The principal doers and raisers vp whereof was one W. Ombler of Easthes••erton yeoman, and Tho. Dale parish clarke of Semer, with one Steuenson of Semer, neighbour to Dale, and nephewe to Ombler.* 10.64 Which Steuenson was a meane or messenger be∣twene the said Ombler and Dale, being afore not acquain∣ted togither, and dwelling seuen miles one from the other. Who at last by the trauaile of the said Steuenson and their owne euil dispositions inclined to vngratiousnesse & mis∣chiefe, knowing before one the others mind by secrete con∣ference, were brought to talke together on S. Iames day. An. 1549.

The causes moouing them to raise thys rebellion, were these, first and principallye theyr traiterous heartes grud∣ging at the kings most godly proceedings,* 10.65 in aduauncinge and refourming the true honour of God, and his religion. An other cause also was, for trusting to a blinde and a fan∣tasticall prophecie, wherewith they were seduced, thinking the same prophecie shoulde shortly come to passe, by hea∣ring the rebellions of Northfolke, of Deuonshire, and o∣ther places.

The tenor of which prophisie & purpose, together of the traytors was, that there should no king reigne in Englād the noblemen and gentlemen to be destroyed: and y^e realm to be ruled by 4. gouernors,* 10.66 to be elected & appointed by y^e commons holding a parlament in cōmotion, to begin at y^e south, and north seas of England. &c. supposing that thys their rebellion in the North, and the other of the Deuon∣shire men in the west, meeting (as they intended) at one place, to be the meane how to compasse this their trayte∣rous deuilish deuise.

And therefore laying their studyes together, how they mighte finde out more companye to ioyne with them in that detestable purpose, and so set forward to sturre,* 10.67 thys deuise they framed, to sturre in two places, the one distant seuen myles from the other, and at the first rush to kill and destroy such gentlemen and men of substaunce about them as were fauourers of the kinges proceedinges, or which would resist them. But first of all, for the more speedy ray∣sing of men, they deuised to burne Beacons, and therby to bring the people together, as though it were to defend the Sea coastes, and hauing the ignoraunt people assembled,* 10.68 then to poure out theyr poyson: first beginning with y^e ru∣dest and poorest sorte suche as they thought were pricked w^t pouertie, and were vnwilling to labour, and therefore the more ready to followe the spoyle of rich mens goodes, blowing into their heades, that Gods seruice was layd a∣side, and newe inuentions neither good nor godly put in place, and so feeding them with fayre promises,* 10.69 to reduce into the Church agayne their olde ignoraunce and Idola∣try, thought by that meanes soonest to allure them to rage & rūne with them in this commotion. And furthermore to the entent they would geue the more terrour to the gentle∣men at their first rising, least they shoulde be resisted, they deuised that some should be murdered in Churches, some in theyr houses, some in seruing the king in commission, & other as they might be caught, and to pick quarrels to thē by alteration of seruice on the holy dayes. And thus was the platforme cast of their deuice, according as afterward by their confession at their examinations was testified and remayneth in true recorde.

Thus they being together agreed, Ombler and Dale, and other by their secret appoyntment, so laboured the matter in y^e parish of Semer, Wintringeham, & y^e townes about, that they wer enfected with the poyson of this con∣federacy, in such sorte, that it was easie to vnderstād wher∣unto

they would encline, if a commotion were begun. The accomplishmēt wherof did shortly folow. For although by the words of one drunken felow of that conspiracie named Caluered,* 10.70 at the alehouse in Wintringham, some suspition of that rebellion beganne to be smelled before by the Lord President and Gentlemen of those parties, and so preuen∣ted in that place where y^e rebels thought to begin: yet they gaue not ouer so, but drewe to another place at Semer by the Sea coaste, and there by nighte roade to the Beacon at Staxton, and sette it on fire: and so gathering together a rude route of rascals out of the townes neare about beyng on a sturre, Ombler, Thomas Dale, Barton, and Robert Dale hasted foorthwith with the rebels to maister Whytes house, to take him, who notwithstandinge being on horse∣backe, minding to haue escaped theyr handes, Dale, Omb∣ler, and the rest of the rebelles tooke him, and Clopton hys wiues brother,* 10.71 one Sauage a marchant of Yorke, and one Bery seruaunt to sir Walter Mildmay, which foure with∣out cause or quarel, sauing to fulfil their seditious Prophe∣cie in some part, and to geue a terror to other gentlemen, they cruelly murdered after they had caried them one mile from Semer towardes the Wolde, and there after they had stripped them of their clothes and purses, leaft them naked behind them in the plain fields for crowes to feede on, vn∣till Whites wife, and Sauages wife then at Semer caused them to be buried.

Longe it were and tedious to recite what reuell these Rebelles kept in their raging madnesse, who raunging a∣bout the countrey from towne to towne, to enlarge theyr vngratious and rebellious bande, taking those with force whyche were not willing to goe, and leauing in no towne where they came,* 10.72 any man aboue the age of 16. yeres, so en∣creased this number, that in shorte time they had gathered three thousande to fauour theyr wicked attempts, and had like to haue gathered moe, had not the Lordes goodnesse through prudent circumspection haue interrupted y^e course of theyr furious beginning.

For firste came the kinges gratious and free pardone, discharging and pardonyng them and the rest of the Re∣bels of all treasons,* 10.73 murders, felonies, and other offences done to his Maiestie, before the 21. of August, Anno 1549. Whyche pardone although Ombler contemptuously refu∣sed,* 10.74 persisting still in hys wilfull obstinacie, disswadynge also the rest from the humble accepting the kinges so lo∣uing and liberall pardon, yet notwithstanding wyth some it did good.

* 10.75To make shorte, it was not long after thys, but Om∣bler, as he was riding from towne to towne, twelue miles from Hūmanby, to charge all the Constables and inhabi∣tantes where he came, in the kings name to resort to Hun∣manby, by the way he was espied, and by the circumspecte diligence of Ihon Word the yonger,* 10.76 Iames Aslaby, Rafe Twinge, and Thomas Constable Gentlemen, hee was had in chase, and at last by them apprehended, and brought in the night in sure custodie vnto the Citie of Yorke, to an∣swere to his demerites.

After whome within short time, Thomas Dale, Hen∣rye Barton, the first chiefetaines and ringleaders of the former commotion, with Iohn Dale, Robert Wright, W. Pecocke, Wetherell, & Edin. Buttry, busie sturrers in thys seditiō, as they trauailed from place to place, to draw peo∣ple to theyr faction, were likewise apprehended, committed to warde,* 10.77 lawfully conuicted, and lastly executed at Yorke the 21. of Septemb. An. 1549. Ex actis Iudicij publici registro receptis & notatis.

To these pestiferous commotions raised vppe against kyng Edwarde by his owne subiectes in this yeare afore∣saide wythin the Realme,* 10.78 I might also adioyne the busie sturring and raging of the French king, against our yong and innocent Prince, without the Realme. Who hearing of these tumultes and violent insurrections of the kinges subiectes, in diuers and sundrye quarters of the Realme, supposing to take the time for his most aduantage, thought likewise for hys parte not to be vnoccupied. Who after hee had by his ambassadour made open breche with the kinge, immediately after the reuocation of the sayde ambassadour from hence, entending to anoy the king, and make his first inuasion against the Iles of Iersey and Gernsey, thought to haue surprised our shippes and the said Iles with a cer∣taine number of his ships and Galleys. In the which hys assault, he was so hotely saluted by the kinges shippes and the Island, that by the confession of them that sawe it, and by the report wrytten vnto the Lord Protector, the French men at least lost a thousand men, theyr ships and galleis so spoiled, as being forced to return home, they were not able then to set out againe.

* 10.79Furthermore, out of Fraunce creadible woorde was broughte to the Lorde Protectoure (whyche yet in letters appeareth) that into one towne in one vessel were brought at least three score Gentlemen to be buried: and also an ••••∣hibition special geuen out by the king, not to speake of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 successe in that iourney. Thys was about the beginning of August. 1549.

The like also might be noted of the losses of the sayde French king at Bullenburgh, the eight day of August,* 10.80 the same yeare, as by the Lord Clintons letters may well ap∣peare: but for spending of time I passe it ouer: What the meaning of the French king was in these voiages,* 10.81 or how he intended further to procede, I haue not herein to deale. This is certain and euident, that the mighty arme of God mercifully fought for king Edwarde his seruant, to defend and deliuer him from so many harde dangers, so dāgerous and sundrye commotions stirred vp in so many quarters within this Realme, and also without the Realme, and all wythin the compasse of one yeare, and yet the Lorde aboue fighting for his true seruant, dispatched them all, as in sto∣rie heere ye haue heard declared, and is no lesse worthye of all posteritie to be noted.

Matter concerning Edmund Boner Bishop of London, with declaration of the Actes and processe entred against him in king Edwardes time.

ANd thus muche hetherto hauing discoursed touching the manifolde troubles and tumults raised vp on eue∣ry side against king Edward, by his vnkinde and vnnatu∣ral subiects, and yet notwithstāding, the gratious good∣nesse of the Lorde euer geuing him the victorie: nowe lette vs returne againe to Boner Byshop of London, where we leaft hym before, that is, in hys owne house, where he was by the Counsaile commaunded to remaine, as is a∣boue signified.

And nowe for so much as we haue to enter into the sto∣rie of the sayd Boner, for the better vnderstandinge of the whole order therof, it shalbe requisite to rip vp the matter wyth the circumstaunces and occasions thereof from the first beginning of kinge Edwardes time. Where is to be vnderstanded,* 10.82 that king Edwarde in the first yeare of hys raigne, an. 1547. the first day of September, for the order of hys Uisitation, directed out certaine Commissioners, as sir Anthony Cooke, sir Iohn Godsaule Knightes, Maister Iohn Godsaule, Christopher Neuinson Doctours of the Lawe, and Iohn Madew Doctour of Diuinitie. Who sit∣ting in Paules church vpon their commission, the day and yeare aforesaide, there being presente at the same time Ed∣mund Bishop of London, Iohn Royston, Polidore Uir∣gil, Peter Uan, and others of the saide cathedrall Churche,* 10.83 after the sermone made, and the Commission being reade, ministred an othe vnto the said B. of London, to renounce and deny the bishop of Rome with his vsurped authority, and to sweare obedience vnto the king, according to the ef∣fect and forme of the statute made in the 31. yeare of kinge Henry the eight: also that he should present and redresse all and singular such things as were needeful within the sayd Church to be reformed.

Wherupon the said Bishop humbly and instantly desi∣red them that he might see their commissiō,* 10.84 only for this purpose & intent (as he sayd) that he might the better fulfill & put in execution the things, wherein he was charged by them in their commission. Unto whom the commissioners answearing, said, they wold deliberat more vpon the mat∣ter, & so they called the other ministers of the saide Church before them, and ministred the like oth vnto them, as they did to the bishop before.* 10.85 To whom moreouer there & then certaine interrogatories and articles of inquisition were read by Peter Lillye the publike Notarie. Which done, af∣ter their othes taken,* 10.86 the sayde Commissioners deliuered vnto the Bishop aforesaid certaine Iniunctions as wel in printe as wrytten, and Homilies set foorth by the king. All which things the sayde Bishop receiued vnder the wordes of thys protestation, as followeth.

I Do receiue these Iniunctions and Homilies with this protesta∣tion, that I will obserue them,* 10.87 if they be not contrarye and re∣pugnaunt to Gods lawe, and the statutes and ordinaunce of the Church, and immediately added with an othe, that he neuer reade the sayde Homilies and Iniunctions.

The whyche Protestation being made in manner and fourme aforesaid, the said Edmund Bishop of London in∣stantly desired and required Peter Lilly the register afore∣saide, there and then to register and enact the same. And so the sayd Commissioners deliuering the Iniunctions and Homilies to Maister Bellasiere Archdeacon of Colche∣ster, and to Gilberte Bourne Archedeacon of London,

Essex, and Middlesexe, and enioyning them in moste effec∣tuous manner, vnder paines therein contained, to put the same in speedy execution, and also reseruing other new in∣iunctions to be ministred afterward, as wel to the bishop, as to the Archdeacons aforesayd, according as they should see cause. &c. did so continue the visitation til 3. of the clocke the same day in the afternoone.

At the whiche houre and place assigned, the Commis∣sioners being set, and the Canons and Priestes of the sayd Church appearing before them, and being examined vpon vertue of theyr othe, for their doctrine and conuersation of life: first one Iohn Painter, one of the Canons of the said Cathedrall church, there and then openly confessed, that he viciously and carnally had often the company of a certaine married mans wyfe,* 10.88 whose name he denied to declare. In the which crime diuers other Canons and Priestes of the said church, confessed in like maner, & could not deny them selues to be culpable.

And then after the Commissioners aforesayde had de∣liuered to Maister Royston Prebendary, and to the proc∣tour of the Deane and of the Chapter of the sayde Cathe∣drall Churche of Sainte Paule, the kinges Iniunctions, and the booke of Homelies, enioyninge them to see the exe∣cution thereof, vnder paine therein specified, they proroged theyr sayde visitation vntill seuen of the clocke the next day following.

By this visitation aboue specified, it appeareth, gentle Reader, first howe Boner made his Protestation after the receiuing of the kings Iniunctions, and also how he after required the same to be put in publike recorde.* 10.89 Further∣more, thou hast to note the vnchast life and conuersation of these popish votaries and priestes of Paules. Nowe what followed after this protestation of the Bishop made, re∣mayneth further in the sequele of the storye to be declared, wherin first thou shalt vnderstand y^t the said B. shortly af∣ter his Protestation, whether for feare or for conscience, re∣penting himselfe, went vnto the King, where hee sub∣mitting himselfe and recantinge his former protestation,* 10.90 craued pardon of the king for his inordinate demeanor to∣ward his graces Commissioners, in the former visitation. Whych pardone, notwithstanding it was graunted vnto hym by the Kynge, for the acknowledging of hys fault, yet for the euill example of the facte,* 10.91 it was thoughte good that hee should be committed to the Fleete, as by the tenoure of the Counsailes letter sente to the Commissioners, maye appeare, whych together wyth the fourme also of the Bi∣shoppes protestation and of hys recantation, heere vnder followeth.

To our very louing frendes Syr Anthony Cooke Knight, and the rest of the Commissioners, for the visitation at London,* 11.1 in haste.

AFter our heartie commendations: This shalbe to signifie vnto you, that we haue receiued your letters, and in the same en∣closed the copie of the protestation made by the Bishop of Lon∣don, in the time of your visitation at Paules: your wise procee∣dings wherein and aduertisements from you, wee take in verye thankefull part towardes vs. And because the sayd Bishop which being heere before vs, hath acknowledged his indiscrete demea∣nour, did at that time at Paules require the Register of your visi∣tation to make recorde and enter of his protestation,* 11.2 and nowe vppon better cōsideration of his duetie, maketh meanes to haue the same reuoked, as shall appeare vnto you by the true copie of his wrytinge inclosed, the originall whereof remaining wyth vs he hath subscribed: wee pray you to cause the Register to make enter of this his reuocation, accordinge vnto the tenour of thys his said wryting: Further signifyinge vnto you, that in respecte of his offence, and the euill ensample that might thereupon ensue, we haue thought meete to sende him to the prisone of the Fleete,* 11.3 whether hee hathe bene conueyed by maister Vicechamberlaine. And whereas sundry thinges for the kinges Maiesties seruice doe nowe occurre heere, whyche require the present attendaunce of you Sir Iohn Godsaule, as well for your office of the Signet, as of the Protonoriship: we pray you, that leauing the execution of the visitation to the rest of your colleages, you make your repaire hi∣ther with conuenient diligence. Thus fare you right hartily well.

From Hampton Court the 12 of Septemb. 1547.

Your assured louing frendes.

• Tho Canterbury.
• William S. Iohn.
• Iohn Russel.
• Tho. Semer.
• William Paget.
• Anthony Browne.
• William Peter.
• Anthony Denny.
• Edward North.

The forme of Boners recantation,

WHere as I Edmunde Bishop of London, at suche time as I receiued the kings maiesties Iniunctions and Homilies of my most dreade soueraigne Lorde, at the handes of his highnesse visitours, did vnaduisedly make such protestation, as nowe vpon better consideration of my duetie of obedience, and of the euill ensample that might ensue vnto others thereof, appeareth to mee neither reasonable, nor suche as might well stande with the due∣tie of an humble subiecte: for so much as the same protestation at my request was then by the Register of that visitation enacted & putte in Recorde, I haue thoughte it my duetie, not onely to de∣clare before your Lordshippes, that I doe now vppon better con∣sideration of my duetie, renounce and reuoke my sayde prote∣station, but also most humbly beseeche your Lordships, that thys my reuocation of the same may be in likewise putte in the same recordes for a perpetuall memorie of the truth, moste humbly be∣seeching your good Lordshippes, both to take order that it maye take effect, and also that my former and vnaduised doings may be by your good mediations pardoned of the kings maiestie.

Edmund London.

The Registers of these affaires of Boners,* 12.1 remaineth in the handes of Peter Lillie, then beinge Register to the fore∣sayd Commissioners.

Thus farre thou haste heard (louing Reader) firste the popish protestation of Boner,* 12.2 then how he calling himselfe home againe, solemnely recanted the same, requiringe fur∣ther the sayde his reuocation to be committed to publyke Record, for a perpetual remembraunce. Also how he vpon his humble submission receiued his pardō of the king, and yet for examples sake was commanded to the Flete. Where he neuertheles did not long continue, but accordinge to the effect of the kings pardon afore graūted, was restored both to house and liuing againe: Which was in the first yeare of the king. An. 1547.

After this yee haue heard also in the story aboue, in the second yeare, and a great part of the thirde yere of the king, howe he demeaned hymselfe, although not most forward•• in aduauncing the Kinges proceedings, yet in suche sorte, as no great aduantage by any law could be taken againste him, both in swearing his obedience to the king, and in re∣ceiuing hys Iniunctions: also in professing hys assent and consent touchinge the state of Religion then: and further∣more in directinge out hys letters, accordynge to the Arch-Bishop of Canterburyes Preceptes, to Cloney his Sum∣ner, to the Bishop of Westminster and other Bishoppes, for abolishing of Images, for abrogation of the Masse, for Bibles to be set vpp, and for ministring in both kindes, with such other matters of reformation like: till at length he hearing of the death of the Lorde Admirall the Lorde Protectours brother,* 12.3 and after that of the sturring and ri∣sing of the kinges subiectes in sundrye tumultes agaynst the king, beganne somewhat, as hee durst to drawe backe and slacke his pastoral dilligence, so that in many places of his Dioces, and in London the people not only were neg∣ligent in resorting to deuine seruice, but also did frequent and haunt forreine rites of masses and other orders, then in this Realme appoynted,* 12.4 and hee also himselfe con∣trary to his wonted maner vpon principal feastes refused in his owne person to execute. Whereupon he being sus∣pected and complayned of, and conuented before y^e kinges Counsaile (as ye heard before) after sharpe admonitions and reproofes, had certayne priuate Iniunctions to hym enioyned.

1. First, that hee shoulde personally preache within three weekes after at Paules crosse.* 12.5

2. That according as his predecessours were wont to cele∣brate Masse, he at such wonted tymes shoulde execute and ad∣minister the Communion.

3. That he shoulde call before him and correcte more dilli∣gently such transgressours as absented them selues from the or∣der of seruice and ministration of the Lordes boorde, appoyn∣ted then in Churches by the kinges ordinaunce.

4. That he shoulde see more carefully and vigilantly to the punishment of adulterers and fornicators.

5. That he in the meane while shoulde be resident within his owne house,* 12.6 during the time while he should make his ser∣mon at Paules aboue mentioned, whiche was an. 1549. In the whiche sermon certayne speciall poyntes were prefixed vnto him, whereupon he should intreate, whiche here in order fol∣low, and are these.

Speciall poyntes and articles to be intreated of of Boner Bishop of London, in his Sermon.

2. THat all such as rebell against their prince, get vn∣to thē damnation, and those y^t resist the higher po∣wer,

resist the ordinaunces of God, and he that dieth ther∣fore in rebellion, by the woorde of God is vtterly damned, and so looseth bothe bodye and soule. And therefore those Rebelles in Deuonshire and Cornewall, in Northfolke, or els where, who taking vpon them to assemble a power & force against their king and Prince, against y^e lawes and statutes of the Realme, and goe about to subuerte the state and order of the commō wealth, not onely do deserue ther∣fore death, as traytors & rebels, but do accumulate to them selues eternal damnation, euen to be in the burning fire of hell, with Lucifer the father and first authour of pride, dis∣obedience, and rebellion, what pretence so euer they haue, and what Masses or holye water so euer they pretende, or goe about to make among themselues, as Chore, Dathan, and Abiron, for rebellion against Moses, were swalowed downe aliue into hell, although they pretended to sacrifice vnto God.

* 12.72 Likewise in the order of the Churche and externe rites and ceremonies of diuine seruice, for so muche as God re∣quireth humility of heart, innocencie of liuing, knowledge of him, charity and loue to our neighbours, and obedience to hys woorde, and to his Ministers and superioure pow∣ers, these we must bring to all our prayers, to all our ser∣uice,* 12.8 & this is the sacrifice that Christe requireth, and these be those that make all thynges pleasaunt vnto God. The externe rites and ceremonies be but exercises of our reli∣gion, & appointable by superior powers, in chosing wher∣of we must obey the magistrates: the whyche thinges also we do see euer hath bene and shalbe (as the time and place is) diuers,* 12.9 and yet al hath pleased God so long as these be∣fore spoken inwarde things be there. If any man shall vse the olde rites, and thereby disobey the superior power, the deuotion of his ceremonies is made nought by his disobe∣dience: so that, which els (so longe as y^e lawe did so stand) myghte be good, by pride and disobedience nowe is made noughte: as Saules sacrifice, Chore, Dathan, and Abiron, and Aarons 2. children were. But who that ioyneth to de∣uotion obedience, hee winneth the garland. For else it is a zeale, sed non secundum scientiam, a wil, desire, zeale, and de∣uotion,* 12.10 but not after wisedome, that is a foolishe deuotion which can require no thankes or praise. And yet agayne, where ye obey, yee must haue deuotion, for God requireth the heart more then the outward doings, and therfore who that taketh the Communion, or sayth or heareth the seruice appoynted by the kings maiestie,* 12.11 must bring deuotion and inward prayer with hym, or els his praiers are but vaine, lacking that whyche God requireth, that is, the heart and minde to pray to him.

3 Further, yee shal for example on sonday come seuenth night after the aforesayd date, celebrate the Communion at Paules Church.

4 Ye shal also set foorth in your sermon, that our authori∣tie of royal power, is (as of truth it is) of no lesse authoritie and force in this our yōg age, then is, or was of any of our predecessors, though the same were much elder, as may ap∣peare by example of Iosias, and other yong kings in scri∣pture: and therfore all our subiectes to be no lesse bound to the obedience of our preceptes, lawes, and statutes, then if we were of 30. or 40. yeares of age.

The deliuery of these Iniunctions & articles vnto the Byshop (with the time of hys appoynted preaching) was soone after knowen abroad amongst the citizens and other the Cōmons within the citie of London,* 12.12 so that euery man expecteth y^e time therof, wishing to heare the same. Whych being once come, the B. according to the tenour of the In∣iunctiōs, publikely preached at the Crosse of Paules, the 1. day of September. Howbeit as hipocrisie neuer lurketh so secretely in the hearts of the wicked, but that at one time or other, God in hys moste righteous iudgemente maketh it open vnto the world: so at this present was the long colo∣red peruerse obstinacie, and infestred hatred of this double faced dissembler, against the kings godly procedings, most plainely manifested by hys disobedient demeanor in thys his sermon.

* 12.13For where as he was only commanded to entreat vp∣on such speciall poynts as were mentioned in his articles: he yet, both besides the counsailes commaundement, to the withdrawing of the mindes of the common people, in as much as in him lay, from the right and true vnderstāding of the holy Sacrament ministred in the holy Communion then set foorth by the authoritye of the kinges maiestie, (ac∣cording to the true sence of the holy scripture) did spēd most part of his sermon about the grosse, carnall, and papisticall presence of Christes body and bloud in the sacrament of the aultar, and also contrary therunto, did not onely slenderly touch the rest of his articles, but of a rebellious and wilful carelesnes, did vtterly leaue oute vnspoken the whole laste article, concerning the as effectuall and as lawful authori∣ty of the kings highnes during his yong age, as if he were 30. or 40. yeares old: notwithstanding the same (because it was the traiterous opinion of the popishe rebels) was by special commaundement chiefly appoynted hym to entreat vppon.

This contemptuous & disobedient dealing, as it great∣ly offended most of the kings faithfull and louing subiects there present, so did it muche mislike the mindes,* 12.14 and was farre from the good expectation, as well of that faithful and godly preacher master Iohn Hooper, afterwards bishop of Worcester & Glocester, and lastly a moste constant martyr for the Gospell of Christe: as also of M. William Latimer, Bacheler of Diuinitie, and therefore they well weying the fulnes of the fact, and their bounden alegeances vnto their Prince, did therupon exhibite vnto the kings highnes vn∣der both their names, a bill of complaint or denunciation against the sayd bishop in forme folowing.

The denuntiation of Iohn Hooper and William Lati∣mer against Boner, to the kings maiestie, for leauing vndone the poyntes afore mentioned, which he was char∣ged to preache vppon.

IN most humble wise sheweth vnto your Maiestie, Wil∣liam Latimer and Iohn Hooper, that where of late,* 12.15 as we be certainely infourmed frō your maiestie, by the hande of the right highe and noble Prince Edwarde Duke of Somerset, Gouernour of your Royal person, and Protec∣tour of al your highnes realmes, dominions and subiects, and the rest of your priuie Counsaile, there was certaine Iniunctions geuen to the Byshop of London that nowe is, with Articles to be insinuated and preached vnto youre subiectes at a certaine daye limitted, the whyche Iniuncti∣ons and articles did onely tende to the honour of GOD, and the better instructions of your highnes people, to obe∣dience and hatred of rebellion and mutinie, wherewith of late this your Maiesties Realme hath bene marueilously vexed, to the daunger of your highnes person, and the state of the whole Realme, and there••ore a thinge at thys time most necessary to be taught vnto y^e people, that they myght knowe their duetie vnto your maiestie, and vnto almighty God, and especially to acknowledge your Maiestie in these yeares & age to be a perfect, high, and soueraigne Lord and king, and supreme head, whose lawes, proclamations, and commaundementes we are bounde to obey, as wel as any princes subiects are bounde to obey the lawes, proclama∣tions, and commaundementes of their naturall and soue∣raigne Lord, notwithstanding that nature hath not yet gi∣uen vnto your person suche age as we trust he shall, nor so many yeares, which we wish to be so many as any Prince euer hadde, the whych yeares doe not make you Kynge or Prince, but the righte of your birthe,* 12.16 and lawfull succession what soeuer it be, so that we all must as well acknowledge your maiestie to be our Kinge and Prince, at these yeares, as if you were of the age of 30. or 40. yeares, and your la∣wes and statutes no lesse to be feared & obeyed, thē if your highnes were 50. or 100. yeres olde, (the whyche thing not onely is most certainely true, but also at this time most ne∣cessarily to be taught, especially when diuers rebelles haue openly declared, that they woulde not obey your highnesse lawes, nor acknowledge the Statutes made by your Ma∣iestie to be auailable til ye come to the age of 20. yeres) and this not only being so,* 12.17 but the same thing being comman∣ded by your sayd Maiestie amongst other Iniunctions & Articles geuen in wryting to the sayde Edmund Boner, to be preached in his last sermon, as by the same Iniunctions maye appeare, of the whiche the true copie we haue when neede is to be shewed: yet al this notwithstanding, the said Boner, of what zeale or minde we cannot tell, whether fa∣uoring the opinion of the saide rebels, or contemning your highnesse commaundement declared to him,* 12.18 hath not only left out to declare the sayd Article, which we most & chiefly expected and looked for, but also in all the rest of his Ser∣mons did not so fully and apertly declare the sayd Iniun∣ctions and Articles as to our iudgement did appeare, they ought to haue bene declared, and was of no lyght grounde loked for, intreating of other farre distant and diuers from the Articles vppon the which he was commaunded to en∣treat, and such as most should moue and stirre vp the peo∣ple to disorder and dissension, willingly leauing oute those things which should haue made quiet & obedience. Where∣fore not mooued of any malice, grudge, enuie, or euil will to the person of the bishop, but constreined by the loue & zeale which we beare towards your highnes, & of our duty and allegeance to your maiesty, whose honour and sauety with

tranquilitie, quietnesse and good gouernaunce of this your Realme, we do most desire, and for y^e discharge of our most bounden dueties, to auoyde all the daungers that might ensue of the concealement thereof, we most humbly do de∣nounce and declare the same to your highnes, to the intent that your Maiestie by the aduise aforesayd, may, if it please your highnes, at this our humble denuntiation, call the sayd Byshop to aunswere to the premisses, the which we are ready to auowe and proue, and then your highnes to take further order heerein, as to your Princely wisedome shall seeme most conuenient: whose long life, and most prosperous gouernement, God almighty long continue, for the which we shall pray during our liues.

The Kings Maiestie hauing thus by the information of these two credible persons, perfect intelligence of the cōtemptuous & peruerse negligence of this Bishop, in not accomplishing his highnes commaundement geuē him by Iniunction, thought it most necessary with all conuenient speede (for the auoiding of farther inconueniences) to loke more seuerely vnto the due punishment of such dangerous rebellious obstinacie, and therfore by the aduise of the Lord Protectour,* 12.19 and the rest of his honorable Counsaile, im∣mediatly he directed forth his commission vnder his broad Seale, vnto the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of Rochester, and to other graue and trusty personages and Counsellers, appointing & authorising all thē, or certain of them, by vertue of the same, to call before them, as well the Bishop of London,* 12.20 as also the foresaid denouncers, & vpō due examination & proofe of y^e premisses, or any other mat∣ter otherwise to be obiected, farther to proceed against him su••••arely & de plano, according to law and Iustice, either to suspension, excōmunicatiō, committing to prison, or de∣priuation (if the qualitie of the offence so required) or other∣wise to vse any other censure Ecclesiasticall, which for the better hearing and determining of that cause, myghte to their wisedomes seeme more pertinent, as appeareth more amply by the tenour of the Commission heere ensuing.

*The copie of the Kings Commission sent downe vpon the denunciation aforesayd, for the examination of Boner Byshop of London.

EDward the sixt, &c. To the most reuerent father in God Tho∣mas Archbyshop of Canterbury, Metropolitane and Primate of all England,* 13.1 the right reuerend father in God Nicholas Byshop of Rochester, our trusty and right welbeloued Counsellers Syr William Peter, and Syr Thomas Smith Knightes, our two prin∣cipall Secretaries, and William Maye Doctour of the Law Ciuile and Deane of Paules, greeting. It is come to our knowledge, that where we by the aduise of our most entirely beloued Vncle Ed∣ward Duke of Somerset, gouernour of our person, and Protec∣tour of all our Realmes, dominions and subiects, and the rest of our priuy Counsayle, did giue to the right reuerend father in God Edmund Byshop of London, vpon certayne complaynts be∣fore made vnto vs and other great considerations, certayne In∣iunctions to be folowed, done, and executed, and in a Sermon ap∣pointed to him to preach by vs with certaine articles, and for the more sure knowledge, keeping, and obseruing, did exhibite the same in writing vnto him by the hands of our sayd Vncle, in the fulfilling of our Counsell: all this notwithstanding the said Bishop hath in contempt of vs (as it may appeare) ouerslipped and not obserued certeine of the said things so by vs enioyned, and other so peruersely and negligently done that the things minded of vs to reformation & for a good quiet of our subiects and our whole realme, be conuerted by the wilfull negligence or peruersitie of him, to a great occasion of sclaunder, tumult and grudge amongst our people, as it hath bene denounced to vs in writing by cer∣teine honest and discrete persons & otherwise called. The which things if they be so, we tendring the wealth, quietnes, good order and gouernement of our people, haue not thought conuenient to be let past vnpunished and vnreformed, and therefore by the aduise aforesayd, haue appointed you fiue, foure, or three, vppon whose fidelities, wisedomes, dexterities and circumspections, we haue full confidence, to call before you, as well the denouncers of the sayd faultes, as also the sayd Byshop, and with due examina∣tions and processe, according to the law and Iustice, to heare the said matter and all other matters of what kind, nature, or conditi∣on so euer they shall be, that shall be obiected against the said By∣shop, summarely [& de plano,] or otherwise as to your discreti∣ons shall be thought most meete, with full power and authoritie to suspend, excommunicate, commit to prison, or depriue the said Bishop, if the offence shal so appeare to merite, or to vse any other censure Ecclesiasticall, which for the better hearing and determi∣ning of the cause, shall be requisite and apperteine, any lawe, sta∣tute, or acte to the contrary notwithstanding. In witnes wher∣of, we haue caused these our letters to be made patentes.

Witnes our selfe at Westminster the viij. of Septem∣ber,

in the third yeare of our reigne.

This commission being sealed with the kinges broad seale,* 13.2 was by his highnes Counsaile forthwith deliuered at the Court vnto the archb. of Caunterbury, and the rest of the Commissioners mentioned in y^e same, being there al together present. Who vpon the receipt therof determined by vertue of the same, to sit at the archbishoppes house at Lambeth the Wednesday th••n next ensuing. Which was y^e tenth day of that present month of September, and there∣fore appoynted the Bishop o•• London to be sommoned to appeare before them as at that time and place. The maner of whose behauiour at his appearaunce, because it both de∣clareth the froward nature and stubborne condition of the person, and also what estimatiō and authoritie he thought the commissioners to be of, I thought not vnmeete fyrst, before I enter into the processe, somewhat to note and de∣scribe vnto you.

At his first entry into the place within the Archbishops house at Lambeth,* 13.3 where the Archbishop and other of the Commissioners sate, he passed forth directly by them wyth his cap vpon his head (making as though hee sawe them not) vntil one plucking him by the sleeue, willed him to do reuerence vnto the Commissioners. Wherat he laughing∣ly turned himselfe, & spake vnto the archb. on this wyse: what my Lord, are you here? By my trouthe I sawe you not. No sayde the Archbishop, you woulde not see. Well (quoth he) you sent for me: haue you anye thinge to say to me? Yea sayd the Commissioners, we haue here authority from the kinges highnes to call you to accompte for your Sermon you made lately at Pauls crosse, for that you did not there publishe vnto the people the article whiche you were commaunded then to preach vpon. At which words the bish. either for that he did not greatly delite to heare of this matter, or els because he would make his friends be∣leue that hee was called to accompt onely for his opi∣nion in religion (as afterwardes in the sequell of this pro∣cesse it more playnly appeareth) began to turne his talke vnto other matters, and saide vnto the archbishop.* 13.4 In good fayth my Lord, I would one thing were had in more reuerence, the•• it is? What is it sayd the Archbishop? The blessed masse, ••••oth he.* 13.5 You haue written very well of the sacrament: I merueile you doe no more honour it? The Archbishop of Cant. therwith perceiuing his subtiltie: and seing his grosse blindnes to commend that which was vt∣terly contrary to his opinion, sayd vnto him agayne:* 13.6 If you thinke it wel, it is because you vnderstand it not. The other then adding vnto his former grosse ignoraunce an obstinate impudencie, aunswered:* 13.7 I thinke I vnderstand it better then you that wrote it. Unto which woordes the Archbishop replyed: truely I wil easily make a childe that is but ten yeares old vnderstand therein as much as you: but what is this to the matter?* 13.8

Moreouer at what time as they began to enter the Iu∣dicial prosecuting of theyr commission, and had called forth the denouncers to propound such matter as they hadde to obiect agaynst him, he hearing them speake,* 13.9 fel to scorning and taunting of them, saying to the one, that he spake lyke a Goose, and to the other, that he spake like a Woodcocke, vtterly denying theyr accusations to be true. Wherupon y^e Archbishop (seeing his peenish malice agaynst the denoū∣cers) asked him if he would not beleeue them, whether hee woulde credite the people there present, and therewithall (because many of them were also at the Bishops Sermon at Paules) he stode vpp and read the article of the kinges authoritie during his young age, saying vnto them,* 13.10 howe say you my maysters, did my Lord of London preach thys Article? Whereunto they aunswered no, no. At which wor∣des the Bishop turning himselfe about, deryding sayd: wil you beleue this fond people?

Besides this,* 13.11 at al his appearings he vsed many irre∣uerent, vncomely, obstinate and froward wordes and be∣hauiours towards the Commissioners and others (in de∣facing their authoritie with the termes of pretensed Com∣missioners, pretensed witnesses and vniust vnlawfull and pretensed proceedinges, with recusation of some, and ter∣ming others Dawes, Woodcockes, fooles, and such lyke) which I wil here omitte, for they doe more manifestly ap∣peare in the sequele of the story in the tyme and place, as they happened: Adding yet this much by the way, that al∣though suche stoutnes of hart and will (if it had bene in a cause true and rightfull) might haue perchaunce seemed in some mens iudgement to be somewhat sufferable:* 13.12 yet to say the truth, in what cause so euer it be, being unmoderate as this shall appeare, it beseemed no wise man, and there∣fore much lesse one of his calling. For if his cause had bene good, why did he not take the wrong paciently and meek∣ly, as the true Canon law of the Gospell doth teach hym? If it were (as it was in deede) naught and wrong, wherto serued so bolde sturdy stoutnesse, but to shewe the impu∣dency

of the person and to make the cause worse whiche was bad enough before?* 13.13 But belike he was disposed to de∣clare, if neede were, what he was able to do in the law, in shifting off the matter by subtill delatories, and friuolous cauilling about the lawe. And if that would not helpe, yet with facing and brasing, and railing vpon the denoun∣cers, with furious wordes, and irreuerent behauiour to∣wards the Kings Commissioners, he thought to counte∣naunce out the matter before the people, that some thing might seeme yet to be in him, whatsoeuer was in the cause. For to conclude, for all his craftie cauteles and tergiuersa∣tions alledged out of the law, yet neither his cause could be so defended, nor his behauiour so excused, but that hee was therefore both iustly imprisoned, and also in the ende most lawfully depriued: as by the sequele of this processe may well appeare, the manner whereof is as followeth.

¶The first Action or Session agaynst Boner.

* 13.14VPon Wednesday the x. day of September in the yere of our Lord 1549. and in the third yeare of the reigne of King Edward the vj. Thomas Cranmer Archbyshop of Canterbury, Metropolitane and Primate of all England, associate with Nicholas Ridley then Bishop of Roche∣ster, sir William Peter Knight, one of the kings two prin∣cipall Secretaries, and William May Doctour of the Ci∣uill law and Deane of Paules, by vertue of the Kyngs Commission,* 13.15 sate Iudicially vpon the examination of Ed∣mund Boner Byshop of London, within the Archby∣shops chamber of presence at his house in Lambeth, before whome there then also personally appeared the sayd By∣shop: at whiche time the Commissioners first shewyng forth their Commission, requested sir William Peter that he would openly publish and reade the same. Which done, the Archbishop in the name of the rest, declared vnto the Bishop that a greeuous complaint had bene theretofore made and exhibited against him in writing vnto the kings Maiestie, and his honorable Counsaile, and that therefore his highnes,* 13.16 with their aduise, had committed the exami∣nation thereof vnto him and other his Colleges there pre∣sent, as also vnto sir Thomas Smith Knight, the other of his Maiesties two principall Secretaries though then absent, and therewithall shewed also forth a Bill of com∣playnt exhibited vnto the King by William Latymer and Iohn Hoper Ministers, which they likewise requested sir William Peter to reade.

These things ended, the Byshop like a subtill Lawyer, hauing most like some secret intelligence before of these matters, (whatsoeuer he pretended to the contrary) pulled out of his bosome a solemne protestation ready written: which he then exhibited vnto the Commissioners, reque∣sting that the same might be there openly read: the copie whereof is this in tenour and forme as foloweth.

The tenour and forme of Edmund Boner Bishop of London his protestation, exhibited to the Kings Commissioners at hys first appearing.

EDmundus Lond. Episcopus primò & ante omnia protestor quòd per hanc meam comparitionem seu per aliqua per me hic dicta seu dicenda,* 13.17 allegata seu alleganda, proposita seu propo∣nenda, exhibita seu exhibenda, gesta seu gerenda, obiecta seu ob∣ijcienda, exercita seu exercenda, facta seu fienda, petita seu peten∣da, non intendo in vos dominos Iudices praesentes tanquam in iudices mihi in hac parte competentes & idoneos aliquò modo consentire vestram iurisdictionem praesentem in hac parte aliqua∣tenus prorogare, nisi prout ac quatenus de iure ad hoc tenear & astringar rationique consonum videatur: & sub protestatione praedicta & ea semper mihi salua (a qua recedere non intendo, sed eandem in omnibus & singulis deinceps in hoc negotio praeten∣so per me agendis, pro repetita haberi volo) dico & allego quòd literae commissionales pretensae vobis (vt dicitur) in hac parte directae, seu earum vera & legitima copia nunquam ante hac mi∣hi ostensae aut monstratae fuerunt, nec a me aliquo modo visae, lectae aut cognitae, vel mihi traditae. Itaque contra formam & te∣norem earundem, vel contra personas aliquorum vestrum, ea quae de iure ac naturali ratione mihi competunt in hac parte, cum reuerentia (qua decet) obijcere, ac in debita iuris forma propo∣nere non possum in praesenti vt deberem. Quare vt defensio con∣grua quae nulli hominum deneganda est, mihi reseruetur liqui∣dòque sciam cuiusmodi exceptiones mihi in hac parte competere possint ac debeant, vtque eas suis loco & tempore iuxta iuris ex∣igentiam, pro necessaria defensione mea proponam contra vel pretensas literas commissionales huiusmodi, vel contra personas aliquorum vestrum, quatenus liceat & expediat sub protestatio∣ne praedicta, facultatem dictas praetensas litteras commissionales in forma originali inspiciendi, ac earum veram, integram, & fide∣lem copiam debitè exinde mihi fieri humiliter peto & postulo prout iuris est in hac parte, tenore praesentium: nihilominus ••e∣statum manifestè relinquens, quòd obseruantiam & reuerentiam, ac obedientiam & honorem, ac caetera quaecunque serenissimae Regiae Maiest. Domino meo supremo has literas praetensas vo∣bis (vt dicitur) committenti qualitercunque decet in omnibus & per omnia perpetuò humillimè recogniturus sum, habiturus & praestiturus, & his exceptionibus, & defensionibus legitimis mihi de iure & natura competentibus ad defensionem meam ne∣cessariam & legitimam ac non aliter in hac parte vsurus.

This Protestation being read, he requested the Com∣missioners that he might haue the Bill of complaint deli∣uered him: which when he had well perused, he sayd that the same was very generall, and so generall, as that hee coulde not directly aunswere thereunto.* 13.18 Whereunto the Archbyshop aunswered, that the speciall cause of the com∣plaint against him was, for that he had transgressed the Kings commaundement, geuen vnto him by his Coun∣saile, in that he in his late Sermon made at Paules crosse, did not set forth vnto the people the Kings highnes roy∣all power in his minoritie, according to the tenour of the Article deliuered vnto him by them for that purpose: and for proofe thereof called forth William Latimer and Iohn Hoper preachers, who before that time had put vp the bill of complaint vnto the King against him.

Upon whome, when the Byshop had earnestly looked, (and well beheld them) he said: as for this Marchant La∣timer, I know him very wel, and haue borne with him, & winked at his euill doings a great while, but I haue more to say to him hereafter. But as touching this other Mar∣chaunt Hooper, I haue not seene him before, howbeit I haue heard much of his naughty preaching: and then tur∣ning himselfe againe to the Archbyshop (of purpose most like to make his frends thinke that he was not called the∣ther to aunswere his contemptuous disobedience,* 13.19 but for matters of Religion) sayd vnto him: Ah my Lord, now I see that the cause of my trouble is not for the matter that you pretend against me, but it is for that I did preach and set foorth in my late Sermon, the true presence of the most blessed body and bloud of our Sauiour Iesus Christ to be in the Sacrament of the aulter. For,* 13.20 as for these my ac∣cusers, as they be euil, infamed, and notorious criminous persons, so are they manifest and notable heretickes, and seducers of the people, especially touching the Sacrament of the aultar: and most of all this Hooper.

For where in my late Sermon at Paules crosse I prea∣ched that in the blessed Sacrament of the aultar,* 13.21 after the words of consecration, there is the true body and bloud of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, the selfesame in substaunce that was hanged and shed vppon the Crosse: he the same day at after noone, hauing a great rablement with hym of his damnable sect, openly in the Pulpit within my Dio∣ces, did preache erroneously to the people against it:* 13.22 and maliciously inueying against my Sermon, denied the ve∣ritie and presence of Christes true body and bloud to be in the same Sacrament, and also falsely and vntruely inter∣preted and expounded my words. And specially,* 13.23 where I preached and affirmed the very true body and bloud of our Sauiour Iesus Christ to be in the sayd Sacramente, the selfesame in substance that was hanged and shed vpon the Crosse: he like an Asse (as he is an Asse in deede) falsely chaunged and turned the word that into as, like an Asse, saying that I had sayd, as it hanged, and as it was shed vpon the Crosse.

The Archbyshop heereupon perceauing the Byshops drifte, and hearing hym talke so muche of the presence of Christes body and bloud in the Sacramente,* 13.24 sayde vnto him: My Lord of London, ye speake much of a presence in the Sacrament: what presence is there, and of what pre∣sence do you meane? Wherewith the Byshop being some∣what sturred and moued in mind (as appeared by his col∣lericke countenaunce) spake againe to the Archbishop very earnestly, and sayd: What presence my Lord? I say and be∣leeue that there is the very true presence of the body and bloud of Christ. What beleeue you, and how do you beleue my Lord? Upon which words the Archbishop,* 13.25 because he saw his aunswere darke and subtill, and minding some∣what to nip the grosse absurditie of the Papists, asked him farther whether he were there, face, nose, mouth, eyes, armes, and lips, with other liniamentes of his bodye? Whereat the Byshop shaking his head, sayd: Oh, I am right sory to heare your grace speake these wordes, and therewith boldly vrged the Archbyshop to shew his mind therein. Who wisely waying the fond presumption of the partie, with the place and occasion of their assembly, refu∣sed then so to do, saying: that their being there at that time, was not to dispute of those matters, but to prosecute theyr

Commission committed to them by their Prince, and ther∣fore willed him to aunswere them vnto such thinges as were obiected against him.

Whereupon vnder his Protestation, he requested to haue a copy both of the Commission,* 13.26 and also of the denouncia∣tion geuen vnto him, with time to aunswere thereunto. Which the Commissioners willingly graunted, assigning him there to appeare agayne before them vpon Friday at eight of the clocke before noone, then next following, and then to aunswere the tenour of the denounciation. And so for that day (he complayning somewhat of the shortnes of his time to aunswere) they all departed.

¶The second appearaunce of Boner in the Chappell of Lambeth, before the Archbyshop, and other four Com∣missioners, the Byshop of Rochester, Secretary Peter, Secretary Smyth, and the Deane of Paules.

VPon Friday the xiij. of September aforenamed, foure Commissioners, associated then also with Sir Tho∣mas Smith Knight, the other of the Kings two principal Secretaries,* 13.27 and ioynt Commissioners with them, sate iudicially in the Archbyshops Chappell within his house at Lambeth. Before whome (according to their former as∣signement) there and then appeared the Byshop of Lon∣don. To whome the Archbyshop in the name of the rest, first sayd: My Lord of London, the last time you were be∣fore vs, we layde certayne Articles and matter to youre charge touching your disobedience to the Kings Maiesty, and you haue this day to make your aunswere thereunto: wherefore now shew vs what you haue to say for youre defence.

Whereunto the Byshop first asking the Archbyshop if he had all sayd and done, and he againe saying yea, made this answere: My Lord, the last day that I appeared be∣fore you, I remember there sate in the Kings Maiesties commission, your Grace, you my Lord of Rochester, you M. Secretary Peter, and you M. Deane of Paules: but now I perceiue there sitteth also M. Secretary Smyth. Who because he sate not at the beginning, nor tooke there the Commission vpon him, ought not so to do: for by the law, they which begin, must continue the commission.

Whereupon the Archbishop first aunswered, that he was no lawyer, and therefore could not certeinely shew what the law willeth in that case, but (saith he) if the law be so in deede, surely I take it to be an vnreasonable law.

Well, said the Byshop, there be heere that knoweth the law: and yet I say not this to the intent to stand or sticke much in this point with you, but to tell it you as it were by the way: for I haue heere mine aunswere ready.

Then sayde Maister Secretary Peter to the Byshop: my Lord in good sooth I must say vnto you, that although I haue professed the law, yet by discontinuance and disuse thereof,* 13.28 and hauing bene occupied a long time in other matters from study of the law, I haue perhaps forgotten what the law will do precisely in this point: but admit the law were so as you say, yet your selfe knoweth my Lord, that thys is our certayne rule in law, Quòd consuetudo est iuris interpres optimus, and I am sure you will not, nor can not deny, but that the custome is commonly in this realme in all iudgements and Commissions vsed to the contrary: and in very deede altogether at the Court, hauing the Com••••••••ion presented vnto vs, take it vpon vs: and ther∣fore for you to sticke in such trifling matters, you shall ra∣ther in my iudgement hurt your selfe and your matter, then otherwise.

Truely Maister Secretary (sayd the Byshop) I haue also of long while bene disused in the study of the law, but hauing occasion (partly by reason of this matter) to turne my bookes, I finde the law to be as I say: and yet (as I sayd) I tell you heereof by the way,* 13.29 not minding to sticke much with you in that poynt.

At which wordes Maister Secretary Smyth sayd also vnto the Byshop: well my Lord of London, as cunning as you make your selfe in the law, there be here that kno∣weth the law as well as you: and for my part I haue stu∣died the law to, and I promise you, these be but quiddites and quirkes inuented to delay matters, but our Commis∣sion is to proceede summarily,* 13.30 & de plano, and to cut off such friuolous allegations.

Well (sayd the Bishop againe) looke well on your com∣mission, and you shall finde therein these wordes: to pro∣ceede according to the law and Iustice, and I aske both lawe and Iustice at your handes.

Then Maister Secretary Peter willed hym to stand no more thereupon, but to proceede vnto his aunswere. Wherupon he tooke foorth a writing, wherin was contei∣ned his aunswere to the denunciation exhibited the day before by Latimer and Hooper, and deliuering it vnto the Archbishop, sayde, that it was of his owne hand writyng, and for lacke of sufficient time written so hastily & course∣ly, that it could scarsly be read of any other, and therfore he desired to read it himselfe: and so taking it agayne read it openly, the copy whereof here followeth.

*The aunswere of the sayd Bishop, made to the denuntiation aforesayd.

I Edmond bishop of London, concerning William Lati∣mer & Iohn Hooper, the pretenced denunciators of thys matter here nowe before you, and for aunswere vnto the vnlawfull, vntrue and vncharitable pretenced denuncia∣tion of them, lately in deede contrarye to iustice and good reason, exhibited here and read before you vnder protesta∣tion heretofore made by me and red vnto you, remayning in the actes of this court, to which I referre me, and haue the same here agayne for repeated and rehea••sed to all purposes agreeable to the law, do for my necessary defence and helpe alleage and say as followeth.

First I do alledge and say, that the sayd William Lati∣mer and Iohn Hooper,* 13.31 or either of thē were not nor now are to be admitted in any wise by vertue of this or anye o∣ther commission, as denunciators against me their By∣shop specially, for that they and either of them haue aswell before the time of this pretensed denunciation and also thē and since bene and be vile, and infamed, notorious, crimi∣nous persons and also open and manifest notable here∣tickes, especially concerning the sacramentes of the catho∣licke Churche, and namely concerning the blessed Sacra∣ment of the aulter,* 13.32 by reason of whiche their heresies they were and be by the order of the sayde Catholicke Churche here in this realme of England iustly and duely, excomm∣unicated and accursed, and haue deuided thēselues therby from the vntie and integritie of Christes Catholick church and for such persons they haue bene and are named, repu∣ted and taken, openly notoriously and commōly amongst the catholicke people of this Realme of Englande, and es∣pecially of this Citty of London, familiarly haunting and conuersaunt with sacramentaries and openly knowne condemned heretickes and fauorers and Abbettors of the same, and theyr detestable & pestilent doctrine & heresie. 2. Item that the sayde Iohn Hooper amonges other hys poysoned and venemous doctrine, and amonges other his erroneous, detestable, and abhominable errors and heresies taught and spread abroad here within this realme infecting and poysoning the kinges subiectes therewyth hath before the tyme of the sayde pretensed denunciation, damnably and detestablie made diuers erroneous, and hereticall bookes, especially one intituled a declaration of Christ and of his offcie, printed (as hee falsly surmiseth) in Zurick by Augustine Friers, where hee in many places, heretically and damnably denyeth the true presence of Christes body in the blessed sacrament of the aultar, and also in effect denyeth the verity of Christes blessed bodye vpon the crosse, calling it Mathematticall and excludyng thereby the true and very substaunce thereof. 3.* 13.33 Item that the sayd Iohn Hooper doth perseuer and continueth still in his sayd poysoned and wicked venemous doctrine in al poyntes mayntayning and defending the same and euery part therof, all the wayes he can, especially agaynst y^e pre∣sence of Christes blessed body in the sacrament of the altar, and his sayde bookes, especially the sayde declaration of Christ and of his office, he doth yet allowe and mayntayn as good and Catholicke, where in deede it is hereticall, wicked and damnable, the contentes of whiche doctrine and bookes so intituled, the sayde Latimer especially tou∣ching the heresie agaynst the verity of Christes bodye and his true presence in the sacrament of the aultar hath heard, taught, read, preached, beleeued, holden, mayntayned and kept, and so at this presēt doth yet beleue, hold,* 13.34 main∣tayne, and keepe, contrary to the fayth of Christes Catho∣licke church, and the vnitie of the same obserued amongest all true christen people, incurring thereby heresie excom∣munication and Scisme to the losse both of their soules and of their beleuers. 4. Item that the sayde Latimer and Hooper, and eyther of them, being of these vile and dete∣stable quallities and consequently by the ordinaunce of the catholick Church of Christ, aswell of this Realme, as also throughout all Christendome, being so excommunicate & cast out thereby, from the sayd Church, are not to this pre∣tensed denuntiation, agaynst me theyr Bishop, nor to any iudiciall act to be admitted, ne yet to be accompanyed with all, or aunswered vnto, but are by scripture and the order of Christes Catholicke Church here in this Realme vtter∣ly and clearely, to be excluded auoyded, detested, eschewed

and abhorred in all maner of wise, of all faithfull and true christen people, fearing God, and desiring the aduaunce∣ment of the truth. 5. Item, that where the saide Latimer and Hoper in their said pretensed denunciation, amongst other things do vntruly deduce, that they haue made their said pretensed denunciation not moued of any malice or e∣uill will, but for the good tranquilitie and gouernaunce of this Realme, which as they pretend in their gay and glo∣rious proheme, they would beseeme to haue a great care and sollicitude of, where in very deede, they and suche as they are by sondry wayes, and specially by their corrupt doctrine, and hereticall naughtie preaching and infecting of the Kings Maiesties people, haue disturbed and great∣ly inquieted the good tranquilitie and gouernance of thys Realme as euidently and notoriously it is well knowne, the truth is that this their saying is euident and playne false, for notorious it is, and lawfully shall be prooued, that the said Hooper conspiring with the said Latimer and o∣ther Heretikes of their factions, sect, and damnable opini∣on, did the first day of September last past, after that I the said Bishop of London had made the sermon at Paules crosse, assemble maliciously, vncharitably and vnlawfully, a great rabblement of such as himselfe is, within my dio∣ces and iurisdiction, and vnder the colour of reading, dyd openly and manifestly rayle and inuay against me the sayd Byshop for my sayd Sermon, not for any suche matter, pretence or cause, as is falsly and vntruly surmised in the said pretensed denunciation, but only and chiefly for that I the sayd Byshop, as became a christen man, and especially him that had and hath cure and charge of his flocke, faith∣fully, and truely to teach them, did taking occasion of the communion not frequented nor reuerenced, but neglected and contemned, confesse and declare my faith and beliefe o∣penly before my audience, touching the blessed Sacrament of the altar ministred in the same Communion, affirming as the catholike Church affirmeth and teacheth. That in the blessed sacrament of the altar, there is the very true bo∣dye of our sauiour Christ, the selfesame in substaunce that hanged vpon the crosse, and the very true bloud of our sa∣uiour Christ:* 13.35 the selfesame in substance that was shed vp∣pon the crosse. Against which affirmation and assertion, being Catholike and true, the sayd Iohn Hooper (albeit now colourably and falsely and foolishly pretendeth ano∣ther matter more plausible in his opinion and iudgement in sondry places of the Citie of London and suburbes of the same) hath since that time maliciously inuayed and taught, learning and teaching his audience heretically (be∣ing many in number, and assembling in great routes) to reprooue,* 13.36 contemne and despise the sayde blessed Sacra∣ment of the aultar, and not to haue a true and faithfull be∣liefe of it, as hetherto alwayes the catholike Church hath euer had, the sayd William Latimer, and the rabblement of his complices, conspiring and agreeing in points there∣in, and inducing other to do the same, not making any such pretence at all (as they in their sayd pretensed denunciati∣on, do falsely surmise and deduce, but onely and chiefly of∣fended for my said assertion,* 13.37 and affirmation of the veritie of Christes body and bloud in the sacrament of the altare.

Item, that where the sayd William Latimer and Iohn Hooper in their said pretensed denunciation, do further de∣duce and falsly surmise that I the sayd Bishop of London had deliuered to me from the Kings maiestie, by the hands of the Lorde Protectors grace, and the rest of the Kyngs Maiesties Counsaile certayne Iniunctions with articles to be insinuated and preached to the Kings Maiesties sub∣iects at a certayne day limited, and after such sorte, forme, and manner, as is in the said pretensed denunciation sur∣mised vntruly and deduced. It is notorious and euident, as well by the tenour and continue of that writing which was to me the saide Byshop of London deliuered by the handes of Sir Thomas Smith Knight, one of the two principall Secretaries to the Kings Maiestie, as other∣wise,* 13.38 that the said surmise in such sort and fashion as it is deduced and made, is not true in this behalfe, referring me to the tenour of the sayd writing, which neyther was sig∣ned with the Kings Maiesties hand, nor sealed with any his Maiesties seale or signet, ne yet subscribed by any of the sayde Counsayle, or deliuered after such sort, as is al∣leaged and pretended, as more euidently heereafter shall appeare, and sufficiently be proued for my lawfull and ne∣cessary defence in this behalfe.

Item, that in case any such Iniunctions with articles, after such forme and fashion, had so bene deliuered vnto me as is surmised and pretended, yet false and vntrue it is, that I the sayd Bishop either left out, or refused to declare the same for any suche cause or causes, falsly and vntruly surmised in the sayd pretensed denunciation or else so per∣uersly and negligently did, as likewise in the sayd preten∣sed denunciation is deduced, whiche thing may well ap∣peare in the discourse of my said Sermon, where in sub∣stance and effect, I declared faithfully & truly these points specially following: it is to witte, that all such as rebell a¦gainst their prince, get vnto them damnation, and those that refuseth the high power, resisteth the ordinaunce o•• God, and he that dyeth therefore in Rebellion, is by the word of God vtterly damned, and so loseth both body and soule, alleaging for this purpose the xiij. Chapter of S. Paule to the Romaines, and it at large declaring vnto the audience, furthermore, speaking of the Rebels in Deuon∣shire, Cornewale, Northfolke, and elsewhere within this Realme, standing in doubt, whether I might put them in the place of those that put trust in themselues and despised all other, or in the place of both, dooing as they dyd forgetting God, not duely considering the Kings Maie∣stie theyr supreme head, next and immediately vnder God, forgetting theyr wiues, theyr children, theyr kins∣folke, theyr alliance, acquaintance, and frends, yea them∣selues and theyr natiue Countrey, and most vnnaturally rebelling agaynst their soueraigne Lord and King, whom by Gods lawe they were bound to loue, serue, and faith∣fully obey, I did to the best of my power to disswade Re∣bellion, and exhort the audience vnto true obedience, say, that obedience being thus commaunded, and all rebellion forbiddē vnder paine of eternall damnation, all these Re∣bels in Cornewal, Deuonshire, Northfolke, or elsewhere, who take vpon them to assemble a power and force against their King and Prince, against the lawes and statutes of the Realme, and went about to subuert the order of the common wealth, did not only deserue therefore death, as Rebels and Traitors, but also did accumulate vnto them∣selues eternall damnation, euen to be in the burning fyre of hell, with Lucifer the father, and first authour of pride, disobedience and rebellion. And heere I did aske who had induced the said Rebels thus to do, to which I aunswered by another question, demaunding who moued and indu∣ced Eue to eate the apple and breake her obedience against Gods commaundement, who moued also and induced Caine to kill his brother Abell, yea who moued Iudas the Apostle to betray his maister Christ, was it not the Di∣uell? yes truly, and he it is said I, that of his great malice and hatred to man and good order, hath moued and indu∣ced these Rebels to this vnnaturall Rebellion agaynst theyr Prince and soueraigne Lord, whereupon I asked what pretenses they had, and answering thereto, said: that amongst other they had Masses and holy water, vppon which I exclaiming against them, said, good Lord: is not this a maruellous thing to palliate, colour, excuse, and maintaine rebellion and inobedience, to pretend masse or holywater, as who saith, that these things had bene insti∣tuted and ordeined to defend, mainteine, and excuse rebel∣lion, treason, and inobedience, which I told the audience they could not do. And thereupon I brought four texts of scripture to proue this thing that I said, aleaging the xvj. Chapter of the booke of Nombers, the xv. Chapter of the first booke of Kings, the x. Chapter of Leuit. and the iiij. that my selfe added also the xiij. of S. Luke, ioined with the v. of the Actes, setting them foorth the best I could, as one not much exercised in preaching, but restrained therefrom. And heere I concluded, that whatsoeuer pretences these rebels had of masses, holy water, or such other, it could not in any wise excuse or defend their rebellion and inobedi∣ence, referring my selfe heerein to the indifferent hearers in the sayd audience. And heere pulling out a writing, sent from the Kings Maiesties priuie counsaile vnto me tou∣ching the victory against the said rebels, which for breuitie of time, my memory woulde not serue to declare without booke, did rehearse it in writing word by word. In doyng whereof it well appeared, that I did not fauour the opini∣on of the saide Rebels, nor mainteine their enterprise, but contrariwise did detest them, and all their doings, decla∣ring obedience to be better then sacrifice. And that in diso∣bedience and rebellion nothing could nor did please Al∣mighty God. Further, taking occasion of the proud Pha∣risey and the humble Publicane ascending into the temple to pray, and noting y^e outward and externe doing of them both, with the successe thereof, I declared to the audience touching the order of the Churche, and the externe rites and ceremonies of the deuine seruice, that for as much as God requireth humilitie of hart, innocencie of liuing, knowledge of hym, charitie and loue to our neighbour, and obedience to his word, to his Ministers, and to the superiour powers, we must bring all these things to all our praiers, to all our seruice, and that this is the sacrifice that Christ requireth, and that these be such that make all things pleasaunt to almightie God, further saying: that the externe rites are but exercises of Religion, and appoin∣table

by superior powers, and that in the choosing there∣of, we must obey the Magistrates, and that we also doo see that those things euer hath bene, and shall be diuers, as the time and place is, and yet all hath pleased God, so long as humilitie or hart, innocencie of liuing, knowing of God, charitie and loue to our neighbour, with obedience to Gods word, Gods Ministers, and superiour powers, ar•• concurrent and pre••ent therewith.

Moreouer I then said, that if any man should vse rites, and disobey thereby the superiour powers, the deuotion of hys ceremonie was made euill, by his disobedience. In so much that that which standing the law, might be good, was by pride, disobedience, and rebellion, made euill and vnprofitable, putting examp••e in the fact of Saule, re∣seruing the fat Sheepe for Sacrifice, and in Chore, Da∣than, and Abyron, and also in Nadab and Abbihu, Aa∣rons two children, and in the Galileans, whose bloud Pilate did mixe wyth theyr sacrifices. And thereupon I tolde the audience that they must do heerein especially two thyngs, the fyrst they must ioyne to, and wyth theyr deuo∣tion, faythfull obedience, and then they shall winne the garland, and otherwise haue but a zeale. Sed non secundum scientiam, deseruing no thanke or prayse of God, and also they must with and to theyr obedience, ioyne deuotion, knowing that God more doth require and consider the hart, then the outward dooing. And thereupon I exhor∣ted the audience, that when they came to take the Com∣munion, or to heare or say the seruice, appoynted by the Kings Maiestie, they must bring deuotion and inwarde prayer wyth them, for else their prayers shall he but vaine, as wantyng and lacking that thyng, which God requi∣reth, that is, the hart and mind to pray to him. And heere∣in because I maruelled that the Communion was no more frequented now adayes, and lamenting the vnreue∣rent comming to it, and vsing of it, fearing that it procee∣ded of any euill opinion and beliefe touching the Sacra∣ment of the aultar, ministred and distributed at the sayde Communion, and to the intent to make the people haue better opinion of it then they seemed to haue, I did faith∣fully,* 13.39 truely, and playnely declare my beliefe of the sayde Sacramente, wherewith the sayde Latimer and Hooper with theyr complices were so muche offended and agree∣••ed .viij. Item, that where the sayde Wyllyam Latimer and Iohn Hooper, do further in the sayd pretensed denun∣ciation, vntruely, and vncharitably, deduce and alleage, that I in my sayde Sermon, did intreate of such thynges, as most shoulde mooue and sturre vp the people to disorder and dissention, it doth euidently and cleerely appeare, that eyther the sayde pretensed denunciatours doo take a declaration faythfully made of the obedience of the subiectes, to the Kings Maiestie, the supreame and soueraigne Lord, and the great perill and daunger of Rebellion committed by subiectes agaynst theyr King and Princes, and soueraigne Lorde, to be a moouing and sturring vp of people to discorde and dissention: or else that the affirmation and assertion Catholike of the veritie of Christes body and bloud, and in the blessed Sacramente of the Aultare, set foorth by me as afore, doth worke suche disorder and dissention: for euidente it is to all those whyche indifferentlye heard my sayde Sermon, that I groundyng my selfe vppon Scripture, and takyng occasion of the Sonday then occurrent, dyd speake specially and earnestly of these two thyngs, with∣out taxing of any man specially by name, or other cir∣cumstaunce, to slaunder them thereby, and I did both set foorth the obedience and dutie of all Subiectes, ge∣nerallye to theyr Kyngs, and speciallye of subiectes of thys Realme, to the Kyngs Maiestie that nowe is, whose minoritie to all people of thys Realme is more then manifest,* 13.40 and is euidently also knowne to all the whole world beside. And also dyd then declare the daun∣ger and perill of Rebellion of Subiectes agaynste the hygh powers, and also speciallye of the Rebellion late committed by them of Deuonshyre, Cornewall, North∣folke, and elsewhere, agaynste the Kyngs Maiestie that nowe is, whyche I woulde not haue doone, except I both had beleeued that all the Kynges Subiectes with∣out exception, were bounde to obey the Kings Maiestie euen as he now is, was, and shall bee, during hys lyfe, whyche our Lorde long preserue to all our comfortes and wealth, and also that the Rebellion of late so com∣mitted agaynste hys Maiestie, was damnable, and vt∣terlye detestable and condemned by Gods Lawe, and heerein I referre mee to the indifferente hearers of thys my Sermon, wyshyng that thys Latymer and Hooper, wyth all the reste of these nowe Preachers, dyd meane as faythfullye, truely, obedientlye and ca∣tholikely, as I alwayes haue done towarde the Kyngs maiestie, his honour, authoritie ryall power and suretye of his person and realme, and did not moue, encourage, and stirre the kinges maiesties subiectes to sedition tu∣multe, and inobedience by their erroneous doctrine and teaching, then I did at any time encourage or stirre any of them in any wise, or geue occasion vnto anye of the same .ix. Item where the sayd William Latimer and Iohn Hoo∣per, do falsly surmise in their pretensed denunciation, that it was of no light ground looked for, that I the sayde By∣shop of London, should more apertly haue declared y^e In∣iunctions and articles aforesayd, and that it did so appeare vnto their iudgementes. I do saye, that their iudgements are corrupted and onely set to sclaunder and pickyng of quarrells in this behalfe being well assured, and so cre∣dibly informed that all the worshipfull and honest Ca∣tholicke persons of my sayd audience were fully satisfy∣ed both as touching obedience to the kings maiestie in his tender age and minoritie,* 13.41 and also touching the penaltie and great perill of punishmentes for the rebellion so lately committed against his sayd maiestie by the foresaid rebels. And moreouer I do saie that before my Lorde Protectors grace and the rest of the kinges maiesties most honorable counsell then present I made my excuse and alledged ma∣ny impedimentes, for my not preaching at the crosse, and did not further promise but do the best I coulde, whiche of my fedelitie and conscience I did, not omitting any thyng of purpose or euill will, that might be to the satisfaction of all people both good and bad in euery condition, poynt, specially in this behalfe, collecting and gathering together with all dilligent study, all that might make in my iudge∣ment and opinion, for the better setting forth of the same.

Wherein first he alleaged (or rather shamelesse & slaun∣derously cauilled) that those his denouncers were vile, in∣famed and notorious criminous persons,* 13.42 and also open & manifest heretickes, aswell agaynst the rest of the Sacra∣mentes of the Churche, as chiefly agaynst the Sacrament of the aulter: and were for the same by the orders of the Church excommunicated and accursed, and were so taken of all the Catholickes of this realme, and especially Hoo∣per: who besides other his poysoned doctrine and heresye amongst the people,* 13.43 had also before the tyme of the denun∣ciation, made diuers erroneous and here••icall books a∣gaynst the true presence of Christes body in the sacrament of y^e aultar, & did also continue in y^e same, allowing & main∣tayning it as good & catholicke which books and doctrine (chiefly agaynst the sacrament of the aultar) W. Latymer had and then likewise did allow, beleeue, & teach, to y^e losse of both their owne soules and also their beleuers, & there∣fore were not now nor ought at anye time to be admytted eyther in this their denunciation agaynst him, or in any o∣ther Iudiciall acte: and that rather also, because that al∣though they pretended in their denunciation, y^t they made not the same of any malice or euill will towardes him, but for the good tranquillitie and quyet gouernaunce of thys Realme: yet was it notoriously knowne, that aswell the same day at after noone in which he the sayd byshop prea∣ched at the Crosse of Paules, as also at sundry other times,* 13.44 they two conspiring with other of theyr faction, did mali∣ciously and vnlawfull within his Dioces assemble toge∣ther a great rablement of such as themselues were, & there vnder the colour of reading, did openly rayle and inuey agaynst hym, nor for any the causes pretended in theyr de∣nunciation, but because hee had in his Sermon declared (as the Catholicke Church taught) that in the Sacrament of the aultar there was the very true bodye and bloude of Christ, the same in substaunce that was hanged and shed vpon the Crosse.

Then after these vayne and friuolous allegations a∣gaynst the denouncers, he commeth and aunswereth to the substaunce of their denunciatiō, and sayth, that where they in the same do falsly surmise that there were deliuered vn∣to him from the kinges Maiestie by the handes of the lord Protectour and the rest of his highnes Counsayle,* 13.45 cer∣tayne Iniunctions and articles to be published and decla∣red vnto the people at a day limitted in the same, theyr in∣formation in such sort as it was deduced, was most false & vntrue, for that the articles deliuered vnto hym by Syr Thomas Smith one of the kinges secretaries, were ney∣ther signed with the kinges owne hand, neyther sealed with his hignes seale or signet, nor yet subscribed by anye of his Counsayle. &c.

Where marke, I beseech you, the subtiltie of a disloyall Papist,* 13.46 who because the articles were not sealed or signed by the king and his Counsaile, would make them therfore not to be of any such force, as that the breach thereof should cause him to incurre the danger of contemptuous disobe∣diēce. But admit they were not signed nor sealed (of which thing by the way in the denunciation there is no mention

yea or nay) yet is it manifest by the second Bill of Articles ministred vnto him by the Cōmissioners in the fourth Acte of this processe,* 13.47 that at such time as he was before y^e Coun∣sell, those Articles were by the commandemēt of the Lord Protectour, openly there read vnto him by one of the Se∣cretaries, and after addition of the Article concerning the Kings lawfull power and authoritie during his yong yeares, were also deliuered vnto hym by the handes of the Lord Protectour, in the presence of y^e rest of the Counsell: who thus receiuing them, promised there faithfully to ac∣complish all the contentes thereof. After which, they were againe deliuered vnto Secretary Smith, to amend suche things therein as the Lord Protectour and the rest of the Counsayle had there appointed. Which being accordingly done (as the Bishop himselfe at the last recept thereof con∣fessed, were finally deliuered vnto him by the Secretary: and therefore was this but a poore shift.

Now after this, he maketh a supposition: that in case it were true,* 13.48 that the Iniunctions were deliuered him ac∣cording to their information: yet was it vntrue that he did omitte or refuse to declare the same for any such causes as they had alledged against him, and that did wel appeare in the discourse of his Sermon, which tended principally (as he sayd) to the disalowing and condemnation of all rebels, and chiefly of the rebels in Northfolke, Southfolke, De∣uonshyre, & Cornewall, or elsewhere within this Realme of England: who forgetting their allegeance and duty vn∣to their Prince, assigned them by Gods word as their su∣preme head, their natural loue and care for their countrey, wiues,* 13.49 children, and kinsfolke, did both deserue death bo∣dily as traytors, & also accumulate vnto themselues dam∣nation of body and soule, eternally with Sathan the father and first mouer of all rebellion and disobedience: and here∣withall farther exclaming against the pretenses of those re∣bels, who amongst other thyngs pretended the Masse and holywater, with such like, which were neuer ordeined for the purpose, to colour and maintayne rebellion (as he sayd he then proued out of the 16. of Nombers 1. Reg. 15. Leuit. 10. and 4. Luke 13. and Actes 5. in best maner that he could, as one not exercised greatly in preaching, but restrayned therefrom) but hauing humilitie of hart, innocencie of li∣uing, knowledge of God, loue to our neighbours, with o∣bedience to Gods word, Ministers and superiour po∣wers concurrent with them, they being externall rites and ceremonies of the Church,* 13.50 were exercises of Religion, and appointable by superiour powers: and yet that, whiche (standing the law) might be good, was by pride and diso∣bedience made euill and vnprofitable.

And heere he farther sayde, because he sawe the people slacke in comming to the Communion and diuine seruice set forth by the kings Maiestie,* 13.51 and to the entent he would make them haue a better opinion in the Sacrament then hee thought they had, he then faithfully did declare hys beliefe therein. Wherewith his denouncers being offen∣ded, they vncharitably and vntruly deduced in their pre∣tensed denounciation, that in his Sermon he did intreate of such things as most should sturre vp vnto dissension & tumult: whereby it appeared vnto him, that his denoūcers either tooke his Catholicke assertion of y^e veritie of Christs body and bloud in the Sacrament of the aultar,* 13.52 or else hys faythfull declaration made of the obedience of subiects vn∣to the Kings Maiesty their supreme and soueraigne Lord, with the peril and daunger of rebellion committed against him,* 13.53 to be the cause of disorder and dissention: for that (saith he) of these two points he chiefly spake, and especially of o∣bedience to the king: whose minoritie was more then ma∣nifestly knowen, as well amongst y^e people of this realme, as elsewhere throughout y^e world besides: which he would not haue done, except he had beleued, that both all his sub∣iects were bounden to obey him, euen as he then was and should be during his life, and also that the rebellion of late committed against him, was detestable and condemned by Gods word: and therfore he wished that his two denoun∣cers, with all the rest of the new Preachers, did meane as faithfully, obediently, and Catholickely towardes the Kings honour, royall power, and suretie of person, as he did & had not more moued the people to tumultes & diso∣bedience by their erroneous doctrine and teaching, then he had at any time geuen any occasion thereunto.

Then finally he concluded and sayd, that where his de∣nouncers surmise that it was of no light grounde looked for, as it appeared in their iudgemēts, that he should more apertly haue declared the contents of the Iniunctions and Articles then he did, that their iudgementes were in that behalfe corrupted and set to sclaunder and picking of qua∣rels: for he was wel assured and credibly informed, that all his honest and Catholicke audiēce were fully satisfied, both touching their obedience to the Kings Maiesty in his ten∣der age, & also concerning the great penalti•• and perill that the late Rebels incurred by their disobedience. And besides that, when he was before the Lord Protectour and the rest of the Counsaile, after he had made his excuse, and alledged many impediments for his not preaching at the Crosse, he did not then further promise, but to do the best he could••: which he hath of his fidelitie and conscience accomplished, not omitting any thing of purpose or euill will, that might satisfie the people in any point concerning the premis••es.

Whilest he was thus reading these answeres,* 13.54 obiecting against his denouncers such causes and quarels as be a∣fore alledged, for which he woulde haue earnestly had the denouncers to be repelled of the Commissioners, the Arch∣byshop of Caunterbury replyed, that if there were suche a law, he thought it not to be a good or godly law,* 13.55 but a law of the Byshop of Rome. For said he, if my matter and case be good, what should I care who accuse me, yea, although he were the Diuell of Hell.

No sir, sayd the Byshop of London,* 13.56 it is the Kings law vsed in the Realme.

Well, my Lorde (sayde the Archbyshop) ye be too full of your law. I would wishe you had lesse knowledge in that lawe, and more knowledge in Gods law, & of your dutie.

Well, aunswered the Byshop againe, seeing your grace falleth to wishing, I can also wishe many things to be in your person.* 13.57

Then spake Secretary Peter to the Byshop as tou∣ching these denouncers:* 13.58 we are not so straited in this mat∣ter, but that we may proceede against you, either at theyr promotion, or without them at our pleasure.

A Gods name (then sayd Boner) put them by,* 13.59 and then do as your pleasure shall be, so you do me right, for I aske but right.

Nay, sayde Secretary Smith, you aske you wot not what: you would haue vs folow your mind in these qui∣dities and quirkes:* 13.60 and all is nothing else but to delay iu∣stice. And you do herein as theeues, murtherers, and trai∣tors, not to haue the truth knowne.

Say you so to me, quoth the Byshop? I thanke you. Well, I could say somewhat to you also, were it not in the place ye be: but let it passe. As for my matter,* 13.61 I feare it not: it is not so euill as you make it, for I haue your owne handwriting for my discharge, whiche when I shall see time, I shall shew foorth.

My hand? quoth the Secretary, Let me see it,* 13.62 & let it be read openly. So it shal, said the Byshop, when I see tyme.

Then sayd M. Smith: you do vse vs thus to be seene a cunning Lawyer.

In deede quoth the Byshop, I knewe the law, ere you could reade it.

With that Secretary Peter willed the Byshop to pro∣ceede in reading of his aunsweres: who so dyd, and when he had finished, Latymer deliuered vp a writing in paper vnto the Archbyshop and the rest of the Commissioners: who then sayd vnto the Byshop of London, heere be cer∣tayne Articles which we intend to minister vnto you.

The Byshop therewith sayde, do you minister them of your office, or at the promotion of these men?* 13.63 (poynting to Latimer & Hoper) for I perceaue they gaue thē vnto you.* 13.64

Nay, sayd Secretary Peter, we will minister them vn∣to you, ex officio mero, and thereupon tooke an othe of the Byshop de fideliter respondendo.* 13.65 Who desiring a copie of the Articles, required also a competent time to be geuen vnto him to make aunswere therevnto.

To whom Secretary Peter replied, saying: My Lord, heere be certaine of the Articles touching your owne fact, which you may aunswere vnto forthwith:* 13.66 as whether you wrote your Sermon or not before you preached it.

Whereunto the Byshop aunswered,* 13.67 that he wrote it not, but he drewe certaine notes of it.

Then whose counsell (sayd he) and aduise vsed you in making your Sermon?* 13.68

To which he also aunswered, that he had therein vsed his own counsell & bookes,* 13.69 and yet my Chapleins (quoth he) be much suspected for my doings in many things, and sometimes I for theirs, when there is no cause why.

These wordes ended, the Commissioners assigned him Monday the 16. of September then nexte, to appeare be∣fore them, and to make his full aunsweres vnto all the Articles ministred vnto him by them this daye: the con∣tentes whereof are as foloweth.

¶The forme and tenour of the Articles ministred vnto the Byshop of London, by the Kyngs Commissioners.

MOnday the xvj. of September, the Archbish. associa∣ted with the Bishop of Rochester,* 13.70 Secretary Smith▪

and Doctor May Deane of Paules, sat iudicially▪ within his Chappill at Lambeth: before whom there and then ap∣peared the Byshop of London according as he was assig∣ned in the last Session; at which time he exhibited vnto the Commissioners in 〈…〉〈…〉 his answeres vnto the last for∣mer Articles.* 13.71

But before the same were there read, the Archbyshop sayd vnto him, that his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a••••sweres made y^e 13. of Sep∣tember vnto the denunc••a••••••••, were very obscure, & ther∣with also conteined much matter▪ of slaunder agaynst La∣timer and Hooper, and much vntruth, and therfore they de¦sired there to purge themselues. Whereupon Latimer first obe••••ing leaue to speake, sayd, that the Byshop of Londō had most falsely, vntruely, and vncharitably accused him, ••aying to his charge many fayned and vntrue matters in his former aunsweres to the denunciation, and such as he should neuer be able to proue. For wherei•• his sayd aun∣swere he alleadged that Hugh Latimer and Iohn Hooper with other heretickes conspiring agaynst him, did the first day of September after the Bishoppes Sermon assemble themselues together vnlawfully against the sayd Bishop, that saying of his was most vntrue.* 13.72 For neyther that day, nor yet before that day, nor vntill certayne dayes after, he euer knew or spake with Hooper. And as touching hys owne preaching there openly accused by the Byshoppe, he sayd he neuer helde,* 13.73 taught; or preached any thing concer∣ning the blessed Sacrament, otherwise then he ought to do, nor otherwise then according to the Scriptures, & true Catholicke fayth of Christes Church: and therefore offered▪ himselfe to be tryed by the Archbishop or other suche lear∣ned men as it should please the Kings Maiesty, or the said Commissioners to appoynt: and farther to suffer to be hā∣ged, drawne, and quartered, if the Byshoppe coulde iustly proue true the thinges that he had there shamefully layde to his charge. Then M. Hooper vpon like 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obteined, sayd to this effect.

* 13.74This vngodly man (pointing to the Bishop) hath most vncharitably and vngodly accused me before your grace & this audience, and hath layd to my charge that I am an he∣reticke. Whereas I take God to recorde, I neuer spake, read, taught, or preached any heresy, but only the most true and pure word of God. And where he sayth I frequēt the company of heretickes, I doe muche maruell of his so say∣ing, for it hath pleased my Lord Protectours Grace, my singuler good Lord and Mayster, and my Ladyes Grace to haue me with them, and I haue preached before them, and much vsed theyr company,* 13.75 with diuers other worship¦full persons, and therefore I suppose this man meaneth them. And farther, where as he sayth that I haue made he∣reticall bookes agaynst the blessed Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ, calling it Mathematicall, I perceiue that this man knoweth not what this word Mathemati∣call there meaneth, and therefore vnderstandeth not my booke: which I take God to my Iudge, I haue made true∣ly and sincerely, and according to his holy word: and by the same his holy worde and Scriptures I am alwayes & shall be ready to submit my selfe to your Graces iudgemēt and the superiour powers to be tryed: with many suche more wordes of like importance.

Which ended, the Archbishop to shorten this matter, asked the bishop how he could proue that Hooper and La∣timer assembled together agaynst him the first of Septem∣ber, as he had alleadged, seing they now denyed it, and ther¦fore willed him to aunswere forthwith thereunto.

The Byshop then aunswered that hee woulde duelye proue it,* 13.76 so that he might be admitted to do it according to lawe, and with that hee pulled out of his slieue certayne bookes, saying: I haue this Uarlets bookes whyche hee made agaynst the blessed sacrament, which you shal heare. Then as he was turning certayne leaues thereof, Hooper beganne agayne to speake,* 13.77 but the Byshop turning hym∣selfe towardes him, tauntingly sayd, put vp your pypes, you haue spokē for your part, I wil meddle no more with you, and therewith read a certayn sentence vpon the book. W••ich done, he sayd: Lo here you may see his opinion, and what it is.

At which wordes the people standing behind, and see∣ing his vnreuerent and vnsemely demeanor and raylyng,* 13.78 fell sodenly into great laughing. Whereat the Bishop be∣ing moued, and perceiuing not the cause wherfore they did so laugh, turned him towardes thē in a great rage saying: ah Woodcockes, woodcockes.

* 13.79Then sayd one of the Commissioners, why say you so my Lord mary (quoth he) I may wel cal them Woodcocks that thus will laugh, and know not wherat, nor yet heard what I sayd or read.

Well my Lord of London, sayd the Archbyshop, then I perceiue you would perswade this audience y^t you wer called hither for preaching of your beliefe in the Sacramēt of the aultar, and therefore you lay to these mens charge (meaning Hooper and Latimer) that they haue accused you of that. Howbeit, there is no such thing layd to your charge, and therefore this audience shal heare openly read the denunciation that is put vp agaynst you, to the intent they may the better perceiue your dealing herein. And therewithall he sayd vnto the people: My Lord of Londō would make you beleue that he is called hyther for decla∣ring and preaching his opinion touching the sacrament of the aultar,* 13.80 but to the intent you may perceiue how he go∣eth about to deceiue you, you shall heare the denunciation that is layd in agaynst him read vnto you,* 13.81 and therupō he deliuered the denunciatiō vnto Syr Iohn Mason knight who there read it openly. Which done, the Archbishop said agayne vnto the audience: Loe, here you heare how the bi∣shop of London is called for no such matter as he woulde perswade you.

With this the Bishop being in a raging heate, as one cleane voyd of all humanity,* 13.82 turned himselfe aboute vnto the people saying: Well, now heare what the Byshop of London sayth for his part. But the Commissioners seing his inordinate contumacy, denyed him to speak any more, saying that he vsed himselfe very disobediently: with moe like wordes.

Notwithstanding he still persisting in his vnreuerent maner of dealing with the Commissioners,* 13.83 pulled out of his slieue an other booke, and then sayde vnto the Archby∣shop: My Lord of Caunterbury, I haue here a note out of your bookes that you made touching the blessed Sacra∣ment, wherein you do affirme the verity of the body and bloud of Christ to be in the sacramēt, and I haue an other booke also of yours of the cōtrary opiniō: which is a mar∣uellous matter.

To which the Archbishop aunswered, that he made no bookes contrary one to another,* 13.84 and that he would defend his bookes, how be it he thought the Byshop vnderstoode them not: For I promise you, quoth he, I will finde a boy of ten yeares old, that shal be more apt to vnderstand that matter then you my L. of London be.

Thus after much multiplying of like words, the Com∣missioners thinking not good to spend any more wast time with him, willed him to shewe forth his aunsweres vnto the Articles obiected the last day agaynst him. Whereupon he hauing them ready, did read the same openly vnto thē.* 13.85 Wherein after many woordes of his former Protestation recited, with a maruellous lamentation, to see that one of his vocation, at the malicious denunciation of vile here∣tickes, should be vsed after such a straunge sort, hauing ne∣uerthelesse done the best he could to declare his obedience vnto the kinges Maiesty for the repressing and discoura∣ging of rebellion and all Rebels, and also for the aduance∣ment of the verity of Christes true body and his presence in the Sacrament of the aultar, for which onely the mali∣cious denouncers with theyr complices had studied to mo¦lest and trouble him,* 13.86 he then commeth to aunswering the Articles and sayth, that to the first, second, and fourth hee hath already in his former aunsweres to the denounciati∣on sufficiently aunswered, and therfore was not bound by law to answere any further.

As to the thyrd and fift he sayd, he began to write hys Sermon, but being soone wery, did onely make certayne notes therof without help of any other, sauing that he she∣wed them to his Chaplaynes requiring them to put hym in remembraunce therof: amongest the which for the better setting forth of the kinges Maiestyes power and authori∣ty in his minority, he had collected aswell out of historyes, as also out of the Scriptures, the names of diuers young kinges, who notwithstanding theyr minority,* 13.87 were faith∣fully & obediently honored & reputed for very true & law∣full kinges. As Henry 3. being but 9. yeares olde, Edw. 3. being but 13, yeares, Rich. 2. being but 11. yeares. Henry 6. being not fully one yere, Edw. 5. being but 11. yeres. Hen 8. being but 18. yeares of age. And out of the old Testament, Osias & Achas, who were but 16. yeares olde,* 13.88 Salomon & Manasses being but 12. yeares, Iosias, Ioachim & Ioas, being but 8. yeres of age whē they entred their raignes. Al which notes w^t many other he had purposed to declare if they had come vnto his memory, as indeed they did not be¦cause y^e same was disturbed partly for lacke of vse of prea∣ching, & partly by reasō of a bill y^t was deliuered him frō y^e kings counsell,* 13.89 to declare the victory then had against the rebels in Northfolke & Deuonshyre, which being of some good length confounded his memory: & partly also for that his book in his Sermon time fell away from him, wherein were diuers of his notes whiche hee had collected for that

purpose: So that he could not remember what he would, but yet in generality he perswaded the people to obediēce to the kinges Maiestye, whose minoritye was manifestly knowne to them and all other.

Then as to the 6. he sayd he knew not the rebels opi∣nion,* 13.90 and therfore could not answere therunto. And as for aunswere to the 7.8.9. and 11. Articles which touched hys pastoral office, he sayd that notwithstanding his manifold and great troubles, aswel by his owne busines and his fa∣milies sicknes, as also by vncharitable informatiōs made agaynst him, yet he hath not failed to geue order vnto his officers straitly to look vnto such matters, and such as he hath knowne, which were very few or none, he caused to be punished according to the lawes. Al which answeres w^t other, written with his owne hand here vnder folow.

¶The aunsweres of Boner vnto the Articles ob∣iected to him by the kinges Commissio∣ners the first time.

I Edmond Byshop of London, vnder protestation here∣tofore by me made, exhibited and repeated before you, which in all my sayinges and doynges, I entend to haue for repeated & rehearsed agayn to all lawfull effectes and purposes, for my honest and necessary defence with pro∣testation also of the nullity and iniquity of your processe I had made in this behalfe, and likewise of the generali∣ty, incerteynety, obscurity, contrariety, repugnaunce, variety, insufficience, and inuadility of the thinges al∣leadged and deduced before you,* 13.91 agaynst me aswell in the commission, and denounciation in diuers partes, as also touching the Articles and Interrogatoryes so ministred vnto me. Lamenting not a litttle, that one of my voca∣tion, at the malicious denounciation of vyle hereticall and detestable persons, should be vsed after this straūge sort, hauing done the best I coulde to declare myne obe∣dience vnto the Kynges most excellent Maiesty, for the repressing and discouragyng of Rebellion, and Rebelli∣ous Persons, and for the aduauncement of the veritye of Christes true body and his presence in the most blessed sa∣crament of the Aultar, for which onely the malicious de∣nounciatours with theyr complices haue studyed to mo∣lest and trouble me. Albeit coulourably they woulde be seene to pretend other causes, especially the good and tran∣quility of this Realme, which our Lord GOD know∣eth they care nothing for, but contrarywise doe lette and impeache the same, corrupting and infecting with theyr poysoned & false doctrine, & teaching the Kings Subiects in this Realme, to the great perill and daunger thereof manye wayes:* 13.92 doe aunswere vnto certayne pretensed Articles and Interogatoryes ministred by you in deede vnto me the sayde Byshoppe the xiij. daye of September 1540. as foloweth.

To the first Article beginning thus: Fyrst it is repor∣ted. &c. and ending thus: to obserue and follow the same. I doe say and for aunswere doe refere me vnto my former answers heretofore, y^t is to wit y^e sayd xiij. day of Septem∣ber made and exhibited by me before you vnto the sayde pretensed denounciation, touching this matter, allead∣ging with all, that a Reporte of thinges doth not abso∣lutely proue, nor necessary inferre thinges to be in verye deede true after such a sort, fashion, maner and forme, as sometimes they be reported and rehearsed.

To the second beginning thus. Item, whether that you.* 13.93 &c. and ending thus: as they were put vnto you. I doe aunswere and saye, that this Article doth depend on the first Article, next before, which after such sort, fa∣shion, maner and forme, as it is deduced, was iustly by me in my aunswere made vnto the same, denyed, and I therefore now not bounden by the law eftsoones to make other aunswere thereunto.

To the thyrd, being an Interrogatory and beginning thus.* 13.94 Item, whether. &c. And ending thus, ye did preach. I doe aunswere and say that I beganne to write a piece of my Sermon, and being soone weary thereof, I did leaue off and did make onely certayne notes of my sayd sermon and put the same notes in writing of myne owne hand without helpe or Counsell of anye other, and the same notes did shewe vnto my Chaplaynes Mayster Gylbert bourne, and Mayster Iohn Harpsfielde, both before and also since my sayd Sermon onely desiring them to put me in remembraunce of my sayde notes, and processe to bee made thereupon and also to searche out for me the names of such kinges as were in theyr minority, when they be∣gan to raigne.

To the fourth Article beginning thus. Item, that ye haue not declared. &c.* 13.95 And ending thus, as it is in your Article. I doe aunswere and say that this Article doth de∣depend vpon the first and seconde Articles here before denyed, deduced in suche sort, maner, and forme, as is expressed in the same, and moreouer I saye that al∣ready aunswere is made hereunto by me, in my former aunsweres made to the sayd pretensed denunciation.

To the fifth article beginning thus. Item that ye haue not. &c. And ending thus, declared it. I doe aunswere and say,* 13.96 that this Article also doth depende vpon the first and second Articles, and that aunswere is made thereunto by me already in my former aunsweres, made vnto the sayd pretensed denounciation, and moreouer I doe say, that for the better aduauncement and setting forth of the kings Maiestyes royall power and authority, euen in his my∣nority, and for the dew obedience of his Maiestyes Sub∣iectes vnto his highnesse euen during the sayd minoritye, I had collected together aswell out of historyes, as also out of the Scripture of the olde Testament, the names of diuers kinges being in minority, who notwithstandyng theyr sayd minority, faythfully, dewly and reueren••••y o∣beyed, honoured, serued, taken and reputed, for very true and lawfull kinges, as Henry the third, being but nine yeares olde whē he entred to reigne and gouerne as king, Edward the thyrd being but thirtene yeares of age. Ri∣chard the second being but eleuen yeares of age. Henrye the sixt being not fully one yeare of age. Edward the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being but eleuen yeare olde. Henry the eight being about eightene yeare olde, and so all these Kinges being in theyr minority as the Kinges Maiesty that now is, and yet ha∣uing authority and power regall, as apperteyneth, and in the olde Testament Osias and Achaz, were verye true kynges in theyr minority, being but sixtene yeares of age. Salomon and Manasses being but xij. yeares of age. Io∣sias and Ioachim being but eight yeares of age, and I ••as being but eight yeares olde, all which thinges I say I had collected, in notes communicating the same with my sayde two Chapleynes, and praying them to put mee in remē∣braunce, if in numbring of them, or in setting forth my o∣ther notes at the tyme of my Sermon, I did faile,* 13.97 or haue defaulte of memory in any wise, and all these thinges I would haue specially set forth in my sayde Sermon if they had come to my memory, as in deede they did not partlye for disturbaunce of my memory not accustomed to preache in that place, partly also by reason of a certeyne writing, that was sent to me from the Kinges Maiestyes priuye Counsel being of good length to declare to the people, tou∣ching the victory agaynst the rebels, specially in Norfolk, Deuonshyre, and Cornewall, confounding my memorye in things which before I had set in good order, and partly also for the falling away of my booke in the time of my said Sermon, in which were conteined diuers of my sayd no∣tes, touching the Kinges Maiestyes minority, as is a∣foresayd, hauing yet neuerthelesse, otherwise in genera∣lity, and speciality, perswaded the people to obedience, vn∣to the kinges sayd Maiesty, whose minority to them and all other, is notoriously and manifestly knowne, and hys Maiesty sauing of these late Rebelles, faythfully, truely, and reuerently obeyed of all the rest of his Subiectes.

To the sixte, which beginneth, whether ye will. &c. And ending, the opinion or no. I do aunswere and saye, that not knowing certaynely of which Rebelles the Arti∣cles meaneth,* 13.98 ne yet what theyr opiniō is in deed I ought not to be driuen to make aunswere hereunto, ne yet can make good and perfect aunswere therin though I would.

To the seuenth Article being thus. Item that ye know &c. And ending thus. The Kinges Maiesties booke. I doe answere and say that albeit I haue by the space of these 5. weekes, last past and more, bene in maner continual∣ly in businesse and trouble, aswell in prouiding for my said Sermon, as otherwise, specially by reason of my family, much vexed with sicknesse, to my great disquietnesse and charge, and also by reason that I haue bene so much trou∣bled and combred, by informations and complayntes vn∣iustly and vncharitably made agaynst me, ouer & besides the hauing of diuers and sondry persons, which dayly re∣sort and come vnto me for theyr suites and businesse, both in matters of Iustice & otherwise, yet I haue not omitted to send forth to my Archdeacons and other my Offcers, to enquire and search diligently in this behalfe, and to certify me accordingly, and yet I can not heare certaynely of any that haue heard, bene at, or celebrate Masses, or Euen∣song in the Latine tongue, after the olde rite and maner except it be in the house of my Lady Maryes Grace▪ or in the houses of the Ambassadours, ne yet there nor in any of them, but by flying & not assured report, & w^tout knowing the names & persōs that so haue heard, bene at, or celebrate the same, and in this behalfe how farre I can and ought to

proceed and after what sort,* 13.99 I do referre me vnto the sta∣tute, late made in that behalfe.

To the seuenth Article beginning thus. Item that ye haue. &c. And ending thus: punishment vnto them, I do aunswere and say that this Article doth depend of the next Article going before,* 13.100 and so consequently answer is alrea∣dy therunto made.

To the ninthe Article beginning thus. Item, that ye know. &c. And ending thus: nor see them punished. I do aunswere and say that touching such as eyther hath bene denounced or detected for suche crimynous and culpable persons to me or my office there hath bene processe already made before my sayd offices as it appeareth in my Regi∣ster,* 13.101 and the Actes of my Courte, and moreouer I haue geuen expresse Commaundement to my sayd Officers, to enquyre and search for more suche Offenders, and to cer∣••••y me thereof, that I maye proc••ede agaynst them accor∣dingly.

To the tenth Article beginning thus. Item ye were &c. And ending thus. The kinges Maiestyes authority in his minority.* 13.102 I doe aunswere and say, that as touching the tyme mentioned in the Article, and the declaration to be made by Doctour Coxe. I doe not well remember, neither the sayd tyme nor yet the speciall poyntes, & sub∣staunce of the sayd Doctour Coxes declaration, trueth it is, I was at a Sermon made at Paules Crosse by the sayd Doctour Coxe, wherein he inuayed against my Lord of Winchester, and as farre as I can now call to my remē∣braunce, it was touching disobedience, wherewith my Lord of Winchester by the sayd Doctour Coxe seemed to be charged, and for a Sermon also that my Lord of Win∣chester was seemed to haue made before the kinges Maie∣sty in the Court of Westminster.

To the eleuenth Article beyng by it selfe deliuered vn∣to me the 14. of this present September. 1549. in the night at my house at London beginning thus.* 13.103 Item that the ri∣tes. &c. and ending thus. The misuses thereof. I doe aun∣swere and say that I haue already geuen commaundemēt to mine officers to make diligent search and inquiry here∣in and to certify accordingly, to the intent I may proceede therein as apperteineth, and woulde before this time my selfe haue also enquyred, and proceeded, had I not bene so of al sides opprest and postred, with multitude of other ne∣cessary busines as I haue bene to my great disquietnesse & trouble.

When he had ended the reading of these answeres, the Commissioners sayd vnto him that he had in the same ve∣ry obscurely aunswered vnto the 5. Article ministred the 13 of Septēber:* 13.104 wherfore they willed him there expressely to aunswere by mouth, whether he had according to the In∣iunctions deliuered vnto him, declared the Article begin∣ning thus: You shall also set forth in your Sermō that our authority. &c. Whereunto he agayne answered, that he had already made a full and sufficient aunswere in writing, as he was bound to make by law.

* 13.105The Iudges then replied, that the aunsweres already made in that part were obscure and insufficiēt, so that it ap∣peared not certaynely whether he had preached in deed ac∣cording to the same Iniunction or not: and therefore they eftsoones willed him (as before) directly to aunswere whe∣ther he had so accordingly preached or no, the Byshop still yet aunswering as before.

The Iudges agayne demaunded of him, whether hee would otherwise aunswere or no.* 13.106 To the which he sayde no, vnlesse the law did compell him. Then they asked hym whether he thought the law did compell him to aunswere more fully or no? He aunswered no: adding farther that he was not bound to make aunswere to such positions.

The Commissioners then seeing his froward contu∣macy, told him playnly that if he persisted thus in his fro∣wardnes, and would not otherwise answere, they would according to law, take him pro confesso, and ex abundanti re¦ceiue witnesse agaynst him, & therewithall did agayne re∣cite vnto him 6. of the first and principall articles, demaū∣ding his final answere therunto. Who said (as before) that he had already fully answered them by writing, but where they requested to haue his notes, which he sayde he hadde made of his sermon, they should haue thē if they would sēd for thē. And whereas in his aunswere to the 6. Article he doubted what the opinion of the rebels was, the Iudges declared vnto him that theyr opinion was: That the kinges majesty before his grace came to the age of 21. yeares, had not so full authority to make lawes and statutes,* 13.107 as when he came to far∣ther yeares: and that his subiectes were not bound to obey the lawes and statutes made in his young age. Whereunto the by∣shop aunswered that he was not of the opinion of the Re∣bels mentioned in that Article, as did well appeare by his aunsweres aswell vnto the denunciation, as also vnto the 5. Article obiected agaynst him.

Which ended they perceiuing his scornefull carelesnes, presently did admitte for witnes vpon the Articles obiec∣ted agaynst him, Mayster Iohn Cheke, Henry Markehā,* 13.108 Iohn Ioseph, Iohn Dowglas, and Richard Chambers, whome also they onerated with a corporall othe vpon the holy Euangelistes, tru••ly to aunswere and depose vppon the same Articles in the presence of the Byshop, who vn∣der his former Protestation, like a wilye Lawyer, prote∣sted of the nullity of the re••eiuing, admitting, and swea∣ring of those witnesses, with Protestation also to obiect a∣gaynst the persons & sayinges of the witnesses for the time and place conuenient:* 13.109 demaunding also a competent and lawfull time to minister Interrogatories agaynst them, with a copy of all the Actes to that day. Wherwith the de∣legates were wel pleased, and assigned him to minister his Interrogations, agaynst Maister Cheeke on that present day, and agaynst the rest the next day before noone.

All whiche Interrogatories who so listeth to peruse, may here vnder read the same as foloweth.

¶Certayne Interrogatories exhibited by Boner to be ministred agaynst the foresayd witnesses, vpon the Articles aboue mentioned 18. September.

I Edmund Byshop of London vnder my Protestations heretofore made, before you, doe minister these interro∣gatoryes ensewing, agaynst all and singuler the preten∣ced Witnesses already receiued and sworne as hereafter to be receyued and sworne agaynst me the sayd Byshoppe in thys matter, requiring and desiring vnder the sayd Pro∣testation, that all and singuler the sayde pretensed Wit∣nesses may be examined in vyrtue of theyr othe vppon the sayde Interrogatoryes, and euerye part and percill of them.

1. First that all and singuler the sayd Witnesses in vyrtue of theyr othe be examined generally and specially of al and singuler Interrogatories, commōly vsed and accustomed to be made in such matters, especially touching their age, theyr condition their dwelling place, now and heretofore. by the space of these 12. yeares last past, with whom all thys tyme they haue also dwelled, and bene familiar or conuer∣sant with all, with the names of the places and persons and other circumstances expedient in this behalfe, and by whom they haue bene foūd and maynteined, and for what purpose. Et interrogetur coniunctim, diuisim, & de quolibet.

2. Item, touching the pretensed Articles made in thys behalfe, and Iniunctions mentioned in the same, that they and euery of them in virtue of theyr sayd othe, maye be examined whether they knowe the sayde Articles and Iniunctions to be true in all parts, how they know them to be true, by whom, when, and in what place deposing the formall wordes of the sayd pretensed Articles and Iniun∣ctions in especially as they are deduced. The first Article. And therein let them depose,* 13.110 how he or they knew the said Articles and Iniunctions to be receiued from the Kyngs Maiesty, how also he or they knewe that I the sayd By∣shoppe receiued the sayde Iniunctions at the handes of the Lord Protectors Grace. How also they were sitting in the Counsell Chamber, moreouer which were the rest of the Counsell then sitting, specifiyng theyr names and surnames, or titles. Also whether the x. of August this pre∣sent yeare, or of the last yeare, moreouer whether the Ar∣ticles or iniunctions were ioyned together, or apart, whe∣ther the tenor thereof, and the forme and maner of the do∣ing and folowing, touching me the sayd Byshop and also touching the preaching therunto, as is deduced in the first Article, declaring moreouer, when, where, and how I the sayd Byshop accepted the sayde Iniunctions or promised to obserue and folow the same, and by what expresse wor∣des. & interrog. vt supra.

3. Item, whether they or any of them, were present at my last sermon, made at Paules Crosse, where they then stoode, by whom, when they came to it, and at what part of the sayd Sermon, how long they taryed therat, at what part thereof or in all they were offended, what were the formall wordes, or at the least wise in substaunce that I the sayd Byshop then vttered, or wherewith they were of∣fended, and by what occasion, and who with him or then did heare it, & in what place theyr contestes did stand how long they taryed, and at what part they came thyther or departed thence. & interrog. vt supra.

4. Item, whether the sayd witnesse or any of them, were desired or required, by any person or persons, to be Wyt∣nesse in this matter, and by whom, when where and how the same was done, and in whose presence. & interrogetur vt supra.

5. Item, whether they or any of them had consulted wyth other to come vnto my sayd sermon, for what purpose, by whom they were induced and moued and how they agre∣ed, and what they did after my sayd sermon for the impug∣nation or deprauing therof & interrog. vt supra.

6. Item, whether they or any of them haue bene or be con∣uersant or familiar, with any that hath bene knowne, no∣ted, or reputed, for a sacramentary, in denying the veritye of Christes true and corporall presence in the sacrament of the aultar, and whether he and they detest and abhorre & absteine from the company of all suche persons, as be vn∣knowne, noted, or suspected, for sacramentaryes in that be halfe, and what opinion he and they haue with theyr con∣testes touching the sayd presence. & interrog. vt supra.

7. Item, whether they or any of them, haue wished me the sayd Bishop to be depriued or put in prison, and whe∣ther they or any of thē, haue reported and sayd that I shall be depriued or imprisoned, reioysing thereof, and for what cause they haue so wished or reported, or any of theyr con∣testes. & interrog. vt supra.

8. Item, whether they or any of them haue bene in times past, a Frier, Preacher minorite, Augustine, or Carmelite, Monke, Canon obseruant, or religious person, professing solemnely pouerty, chastitye, and obedience, according to the lawes, customes, or ordinaunces of this Realme, then vsed and obserued. & interrog. vt supra.

9. Item, whether they or any of them, being so professed haue bene or be since that time maryed to any person, ha∣uing likewise or otherwise bene professed or lose, or bene a widow and how oft they haue bene maryed, and whether any of theyr wiues bene yet aliue. & interrog. vt supra.

10. Item, whether they or any of them haue read the com∣mission in this matter, and whether they or any of them do know or thinke, that the commission, Iniunctions, Ar∣ticles, and denunciation do agree togethers or no, & wher∣in they thinke or knowe discrepantes, or diuersityes to be betwene them in this behalfe. & interrog. vt supra.

11. Item, if they or any of them do depose, that I haue not sincerely and wholy declared as is conteined in the second article,* 13.111 let him and euery of them be examined in vertue of theyr othe, how they do know it, and by what meanes, de∣claring how they thinke to haue knowledge therein with them. & interrogetur vt supra.

12. Item, if they or any of thē do depose that I haue tran∣gressed and offended in the fourth article beginning thus. Item that ye haue not declared.* 13.112 &c. Let them and euery of them be examined in virtue of theyr othe, whether they know that these wordes folowing, as Mattens, Masses, now sayd after that sort in this Realme: were and be put in the Iniunction pretended to be ministred vnto me the sayd Bishop or no. & interrogetur vt supra.

13. Item, if they or any of them do depose that I haue tran¦gressed and offended touching the 5. Article, let them and e∣uery of them be examined in virtue of theyr othe,* 13.113 whether the Iniūctions pretended in this behalfe were signed with the kinges vsuall signet, or rather at all, whether it was sealed with any seale, whether it was subscribed by the L. Protectors grace, or any of the priuye Counsell, whether it was in full Counsell sitting deliuered vnto mee by the Lord protector, whether it was deliuered to me, the rest of the kinges Maiestyes priuye Counsell there then sittyng, whether the sayd dayes as is conteined in the first Article, by whom it was written when and where. & interrogetur vt supra.

14. Item, if they or any of them do depose, that I do defēd the opinion of the rebels,* 13.114 let them be examined, & euery of thē what rebels they be, what is their opinion, & how the lawe of this Realme doth determine therein, declaring by what wordes & factes I the sayd Bishop did speake & do, and at what time and place, and in whose presence, suche wordes or act was spoken or done. & interrog. vt supra.

* 13.11515. Item, if they or any of them doe depose that I knowe or haue heard say crediblye that since the time of the sayde pretensed Iniunctions certayn persons within my dioces haue heard, bene at, or celebrate Masse or Euensong in the latine tongue, and after the olde rite and maner, other then according to the kinges maiestyes booke, let them and e∣uery of them be examined in virtue of his sayd othe, how they know that I so know, or haue heard say, and of the name or names, of the partye or partyes, and of the tyme and place when, and where it was, and whether any de∣nunciation or detection were according to the statutes and ordinaunces of this Realme, made vnto me or no. & inter∣rog. vt supra.

16. Item, if they or any of them doe say, that I knowe or haue heard say,* 13.116 of such notable adulterers, & offences men∣tioned in the 9. article, let them and euery of them be exa∣mined in virtue of his and theyr othe, that they do knowe, that I do know, or haue heard say, and who be the persōs▪ where they dwell, who hath denounced or detected them▪ and how I could and ought to haue cited them & punished them in this behalfe. & interrog. vt supra.

17. Item if they or any of them doe say that I knowe cer∣teinely nowe,* 13.117 what Doctour Coxe declared in hys Ser∣mon at Paules Crosse, as is deduced in the 10. Article, let them be inquired and euery of them in virtue of theyr oth, how they can proue it, by whom, and after what sort. & in∣terrog. vt supra.

18. Item, if they or any of them do say, that I do know, or heare certaynely of the diuersity of the rites of the commō seruice of the church, nowe set forth, and of the ministers▪* 13.118 parsons transgressing therein, let them and euery of them in virtue of theyr othe bee examined, whether there hath bene any detection, or denuntiation made to me therupon, and how they know or can proue, that I haue bene culpa∣ble and negligent herein. & interrog. vt supra.

19. Item, whether they or any of them, haue bene spoken vnto, or solicited herein to testify and after what sorte••, by whom, when, and where, and what was theyr conference and communication therin. & interrog. supra.

20. Item that they and euery of them declare and shewe the true and sufficiēt cause of theyr testimony in all and sin∣guler the premisses.

After this the Iudges delegate assigned the Bishop to appeare againe before them vpon Wednesday the next en∣suing, betwene the houres of 7. and 8. of the clocke before noone, in the Hall of the Archbishops manor of Lambet••,* 13.119 there to shew the cause why he should not be declared pro confesso, vpon al the Articles wherunto he had not thē ful∣ly answered, and to see farther processe done in the matter: and so (he still protesting of the nullity and inuadility of all theyr procedinges) they did for that present depart.

In this meane while the Commissioners certified the kinges Maiesty and his Counsell of the Bishops demea∣nour towards them,* 13.120 and what obiections he had made a∣gaynst theyr procedinges, making doubtes and ambigui∣ties whether by the tenor of his maiesties Commission the Commissioners might proceed not onely at the denuntia∣tion, but also of theyr meere office: and also whether they mought aswell determine, as heare the cause. Whereupon his Maiesty by aduise aforesayd, for the better vnderstan∣ding therof, did the 17. of September send vnto the Com∣missioners a full and perfect declaration and interpretatiō of his will and pleasure in the foresayd Commission, ge∣uing them hereby full authority to proceed at theyr owne discretions, as appeareth more at large by the tenor ther∣of ensuing.

¶A certayne declaration or interpretation of the king touching certayne poyntes and doubtes in his former Com∣mission, with licence geuen to the Commissioners, as well to determine as to heare in the case of Boner.

EDward the 6. by the grace of God king of England, Fraunce,* 13.121 and Ireland, defendor of the fayth and of the Church of Eng∣land and also of Ireland in earth the supreme head, to the moste reuerend father in God Thomas Archbishop of Canterbury, Me∣tropolitane and Primate of England, the right reuerend Father i•• God Nicholas Byshop of Rochester, our trusty and right welbe∣loued Counsellours Syr William Peter, and Syr Thomas Smyth Knightes or two principal Secretaries, and William May Doctor of law Ciuill and Deane of Paules greeting. Where we of late, by the aduise of our most entyrely beloued Vncle Edward Duke of Somerset, Gouernor of our Person, and Protectour of our Re••l∣mes, Dominions and subiects, and the rest of our priuy Counse••, haue addressed vnto you. 5.4.3. of you our letters patentes of Cō∣mission bearing date at Westminster the 8. daye of September in the third yeare of our raign, willing you by force therof to heare the matters and cause of contempt therein expressed, and calling before you, aswell the denouncers therof, as also the right reue∣rend Father in God, Edmund Bishop of London, agaynst whom such denunciation is made as in our sayd letters of Commission more at large doth appeare, we be now credibly informed that vpon the sayd Commission diuers doubtes & ambiguities hath and may arise.

As whether you by the tenour of the sayd Commission may proceed not onely at the denunciation, but also of mere office.

And also whether ye may aswell determine as heare the sayd cause.

For further declaration whereof, we doe now interpret and declare that our full minde and pleasure, by the aduise aforesayd▪ was by our Cōmission and now is, that you should proceede a••∣well by mere office, as also by the way of denūciatiō & by either of them, or any other wayes or meanes at your discretiōs, wher∣by

the truth and merites of the cause may be most speedely and b••st knowne, and that ye might and may aswell finally determine as heare the sayd matters in all your orders and doinges, cutting away all vayne and superfluous delayes, & hauing respect to the onely trueth of the matter. And this our declaration we send vn∣to you of our sure knowledge and meere motion by the aduise a∣foresayd, supplying all default, ceremony and poynt of the lawe, which hath, shall, or maye arise of your doinges by reason of anye default of wordes in our sayde former Commission or any parte thereof, any law, statute, or act to the contrary notwithstanding, and therfore we will and commaund you to proceed in the sayde matters accordingly, aswell to our foresayd Commission, as thys our declaration, and so faile ye not. In witnesse whereof we haue made these our letters patentes. At Hampton Court, the xvij. day of September.

¶The fourth Session agaynst Boner Byshop of London before the kinges Commissio∣ners in the great Hall at Lambeth the eight of September.

AFter this declaration being sent downe and receyued from the Kyng, the Byshop of London (according to the Commissioners assignement the Monday before.) ap∣peared agayne before them vpon Wednesday, the xviij. of September, in the great Hall at Lambeth. Where vnder his wonted Protestation,* 13.122 first he declared that althoughe he had already sufficiently aunswered all thinges: yet fur∣ther to satisfy the terme assigned vnto him, to shewe cause why he ought not to be declared pro confesso, vpon the Ar∣ticles theretofore ministred agaynst him, and to the which he had not fully aunswered, he had then a matter in wri∣ting to exhibite vnto them,* 13.123 why he ought not so to be de∣clared, which he read there openly. Wherin first vnder his accustomed vnreuerent termes of pretensed, vniust, & vn∣lawfull processe and assignation, he said he was not bound by the law (for good & reasonable causes) to obey the same, especially theyr assignation.

And first, for that the same was onely pronounced by Syr Thomas Smith, one of the pretensed Commissio∣ners, without the consent of his pretensed Colleagues? or at the least he as a Commissioner did prescribe the Actuary what to write, whiche he ought not to haue done, because by law he ought not to haue intermedled therein, for that his Colleagues did the first day begin to sit as Iudges a∣gaynst him the Bishop, without the presence of the sayde Syr Thomas Smith.

And secondly because his aunsweres, aswell vnto the pretensed denounciation,* 13.124 as also vnto all the articles there¦tofore obiected agaynst him, were as full and sufficient, as the law required (or at least wyse there was nothyng good in law apparant to the contrary) and therfore he was not enforced by lawe farther to aunswere without farther allegation.

* 13.125And because also, that all theyr procedings therto were so extraordinarily done, that they had confounded all ma∣ner of lawfull processe, sometimes proceding ad denuncian∣dū sometimes ex officio mero,* 13.126 and sometimes ex officio mix∣to, contrary vnto the kinges Ecclesiasticall lawes, and cō∣trary also vnto theyr Commission in that behalfe.

And likewise because diuers of the Articles pretensed were superfluous and impertinēt, not reuealing though they were proued,* 13.127 conteyning in them vntruth and falsity, some obscure and vncertaine, some depending vpon other articles, either denyed, or at the least qualified, some capti∣ous and deceitfull to bring the aunswere into a snare, and some also beyng Articles of the lawe, in such sort, as by the Ecclesiasticall lawes of this Realme the kinges subiectes were not bound to make aunswere thereunto.* 13.128

And lastly, because that Syr Thomas Smith Secre∣tary to the kinges Maiesty,* 13.129 when that the Byshop was last with the Counsell in the Counsell Chamber at White Hall, after the departure of the Lorde Protectour and the rest of the counsell, did himselfe alone (without any other) write certayne Articles or Iniūctions (amongest the whi∣che was that of the kinges authority in his minority) and afterward did copy the same at a table within the sayd coū∣sell Chamber, and so himselfe did deliuer them vnto hym. By reason whereof that is not true, which in the Cōmis∣sion, denunciation and Articles was deduced and obiected agaynst him.* 13.130

When these fonde and friuolous obiections were thus read, the archbishop seing his inordinate and vntollerable contempt towardes them, charged him very sharply say∣ing: My Lord of Londō, if I had sittē here onely as Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, it had bene your part to haue vsed your selfe more lowly, obediently & reuerently towardes me then ye haue: but seing that I with my Colleagues sit here now as Delegates from the kinges Maiesty, I must tell you plaine, you haue behaued your selfe to to much in∣ordinately. For at euery time that we haue sittē in cōmissi∣on, you haue vsed such vnseemely fashions without all re∣uerence and obedience, geuing taūtes and checkes, aswell vnto vs, with diuers of the seruants and Chaplaynes, as also vnto certayn of the auncientest that be here,* 13.131 calling thē fooles and Dawes, with such like, as that you haue geuen to the multitude an intolerable exāple of disobediēce. And I ensure you my Lord, there is you and one other Bishop whō I could name, that haue vsed your selues so contēp∣tuously & disobediently, as the like I think hath not before bene heard of or sene: whereby ye haue done much harme.

At which wordes,* 13.132 the grosse Byshop (a Beast a man might iustly terme him) sayd scornefully to the Archbishop you shew your selfe to be a meete Iudge.

The Archbishop then proceeding, ••ayde to his charge how vndiscreetly the last day in the Chappell he had called all the the people Woodcockes.* 13.133

Whereunto he aunswered, that the last Session Wil∣liam Latimer one of the denouncers beyng there present,* 13.134 had practised with the audience that when he lifted vp his hand to them, they shoulde (and did as it were by a token geuen them) say as he sayd, and doe as he did: as one tyme vpon the lifting vp of his hand, they cryed nay, nay, and at an other time yea, yea, & laughed they could not tell wher∣at, with such like fashions.

Unto which wordes Latimer seing his vayne suspiti∣on, replied,* 13.135 saying that he lifted not vp his hād at any time but onely to cause them hold theyr peace.

Then Secretary Smith sayd to the Bishop, that in all his writinges and aunsweres that he had hitherto layd in,* 13.136 he would not once acknowledge them as the kings Com∣missioners, but vsed alwayes Protestations with diuers incke horne and naughty termes, calling them pretensed Commissioners, pretensed Delegates,* 13.137 pretensed Commis∣sion, pretensed articles, pretensed proceedinges, so that all thinges were pretensed with him. In deede (sayde he) such termes the Proctors of churches vse, to delay matters for theyr Clientes when they will not haue the truth known▪ But you my Lord to vse vs the kinges maiestyes cōmissi∣oners w^t such termes, you do therin very lewdly & naugh¦tely. And I pray you what other thing did the rebels.

For when Letters or Pardons were brought them from the King and his Counsell,* 13.138 they woulde not credite them, but sayd they were none of the kinges or his Coun∣selles, but Gentlemens doings, and made vnder a bushe, with such like termes. But now my Lord, because hither∣to we can not make you confesse whether in your Sermon that you preached, ye omitted the Article touching y^e kings maiestyes authority in his tender age or not, but still haue sayd that ye wil not otherwise answere then ye haue done, and that ye haue already sufficiently aunswered (with ma∣ny such like delayes) so as we canne by no meanes induce you to confesse playnely what you did, yea or nay: therfore I say, to the intent we may come to the truth, we haue di∣lated the matter more at large, and haue drawne out other Articles whereunto you shall be sworne, and then I trust you will dally with vs no more as you haue done. For al∣though you make your answeres in writing, yet you shall be examined by vs and make your aunsweres by mouth to the same Articles, or els you shall do worse. In deede I do not (as I sayd) discommende your Protestations and termes of law, if it were in a young Proctour that woulde helpe his Clientes cause: but in you it may not be suffered so to vse the kinges Commissioners.

Then did the Delegates minister vnto him certayne new Articles and Iniunctions,* 13.139 and did there onerate him with a corporall othe in forme of law to make a full & true aunswere thereunto. The Byshop notwithstanding still (according to his wonted maner) vnder his former Pro∣testation protested of the nullity and inuadility of these ar∣ticles, Iniunctions, & processe, desiring also a Copy ther∣of, with a competent time to aunswere thereunto.* 13.140 To whō the Iudges decreed a Copy, commaunding him to come to his examination to the Archbishop the next day at 8. of the clocke before noone.

Then the Commissioners did receiue for witnesse,* 13.141 vp∣on those new Articles nowe ministred vnto the Byshop, Syr Iohn Mason, Syr Thomas Chalenor Knyghtes, Maister William Cicill, Armygell Wade, and Wylliam Hunninges Clerkes to the Kinges Maiesties Coun∣sell, whom they onerated with a corporall othe in the pre∣sence of the Bishoppe, who still protested of the nullity of theyr receiuing and swearing, obiecting agaynst them and theyr sayinges: and therwith repeating his Interrogato∣ries already ministred, sayde he had moe to minister by to morow at 8. of the clocke.

The same day and time likewise the Bishop exhibited vnto the Commissioners an information, or rather cauil∣lation agaynst William Latimer, for that he, notwithstan∣ding that he had in all his talke pretended the great tran∣quility of this Realme,* 13.142 which was greatly impeached and hindered when that any the kinges subiects should think that his maiesty hath not as full power and authority roi∣all in his minority, as when his Maiesty came to perfecte age, or should thinke that his subiectes were not bound to obey the same, yet hath of late there in opē audience repor∣ted, that he hath heard with his cares diuers persons vn∣reuerently speak of the kings Maiesty saying: tush y^e king is but a babe or child, what lawes can he make? or what cā he do in his minority? let him haue a tost & butter or bread and milke, & that is more meter for him thē to make lawes or statutes or bind vs to obey thē: we are not bound to o∣bey till he be past his minority, & come to his full and per∣fect age: with the hearing of which wordes the Byshoppe also charged the Commissioners, and that because Laty∣mer at the recitall of the same in theyr presēce, was neither by them cōtroled, nor yet caused to bring forth the same per¦sons, but was let passe in silence, sauing that he the sayd bi∣shop did speake agaynst him in that behalfe, saying that he would detecte him, because that, as it appeared he had of long time cōcealed the wordes and not opened the same in such place and to such persōs as he ought to haue done, but had kept the person and sayinges of them secret,* 13.143 either not taking the matter of such importaunce as he pretended, or els therby vnfaythfully behauing himselfe, towardes his Prince, and therfore was worthy with his ayders, fauou∣rers, and cousellers to be punished.

These vayne cauillations ended, the Commissioners for that day finished theyr Session, assigning the Byshop to appeare in that same place again vpon monday thē next folowing betwene the houres of 6. and 9. in the forenoone,* 13.144 then and there to shew a finall cause why he should not be declared pro confesso. And so deliuering him a copye of the articles, they departed: the contentes whereof ensue.

¶Articles and positions geuen by the kinges Com∣missioners to the Byshop of London, to be aunswered by him ioyntly and seuerally in euery poynt the second time.

1. THat ye were sent for to the Lord Protectors Grace, and the rest of the Counsell,* 13.145 and came thyther into the Court at Westminster the x. of August, or some other day of the same moneth.

2. Item, that at the same time the Lord Protectour and diuers other of the Kinges Maiesties priuye Counsell, sitting in Counsell, ye were called in, and there the sayde Lorde Protectour did on the Kinges Maiestyes behalfe declare vnto you diuers faultes & abuses the which were found in you, and gaue you strayt charge to amend them, adding and threatning that els you shoulde be otherwyse looked vnto.

3. Item, that the sayd Lord Protectors Grace did declare vnto you for better admonition & amendment of you, that ye should haue from the kinges Maiesty by his aduise and the rest of the priuy Counsell, certayne Articles, and In∣iunctions to obserue and folow geuen you in writing.

4. Item, that there and then the sayd Lord Protectour commaunded Sir Thomas Smith Knight, Secretary to the Kinges Maiesty, to read a certayne proper booke of Iniunctions and Articles vnto you, the sayd Secretarye standing at the Counsell tables end, and you standing by, and hearing the same.

5. Item, that the sayde Lord Protectour there and then willed to be reformed certayne thinges in the sayd booke of Iniūctions, as where ye wer appoynted to preach sooner, at your request it was appoynted vnto you to preache the Sonday three weekes after the date of the sayd writing.

6. Item, that in the sayd Articles the Lord Protectours Grace found fault because an Article or commaundement vnto you set forth and declared of the Kynges Maiestyes authority now in his yong age, of his lawes and statutes in the same tyme was omitted, and therefore either im∣mediatly before you came into the Counsell Chamber, or you being present and standing by, commaunded the sayde Secretary Smith to put it in writing and annexe it to the rest of the Articles.

7. Item, that the sayd Secretary Smith, then and there did immediately vpon commaundement, write into the sayd booke or paper, wherein the rest of the Articles were written, the sayd article: videlicet, you shall also set forth in your sermon, that the authority of our royall power is (as truth it is) of no lesse authority and force in this our yong age, then was of any of our Predecessors, though the same were much elder, as may appeare by example of Iosias & other young kinges in the scripture, and therefore all our subiectes to be no lesse bounde to the obedience of our pre∣ceptes, lawes, and statutes, then if we were of 30. or 4••. yeares of age.

8. Item, that the Lord Protectour did so deliuer you the booke or paper, willing first the sayd Secretary Smyth to amend all thinges as he had appoynted.

9. Item, that ye then and there did promise to the Lorde Protectors grace, that ye would obserue & ful••ill all in the sayd Iniunctions and articles conteined.

10. Item, that all thinges in the sayde booke, put in and mentioned by the sayd Secretary Smith, and the same▪ so read vnto you by him & you first agreing that all that was by him so written, was by the L. Protectors appoyntmēt, the sayd book was so deliuered vnto you then and there by the sayd Secretary Smith in the Councell Chamber.

11. Item, that you haue the sayd booke in your possession, or els know where it is, the true copy whereof in effect is annexed to these articles.

12. Item, that ye were commaūded in the sayd Iniuncti∣ons to preach the Sonday three weekes after the deliuery therof at Paules, & there to entreat vpon certayn articles, as is specified in the sayd booke of Iniunctions, and speci∣ally the sayd article beginning. Ye shall also set forth, & en∣ding. 30. or 40. yeares of age.

13. Item, that for the accomplishment of part of the sayde Iniunctions & commaundement, you did preach the fyrst day of September last past at Paules Crosse.

14. Item, that at the sayd sermon, contrary to your In∣iunctions, ye omitted & left out y^e sayde article beginning: Ye shall also set forth in your sermon. &c. and ending 30. or 40. yeares of age.

15. Ye shall also aunswere whether ye thinke and beleue that the kinges Maiesties subiectes be bound to obey as well the lawes, statutes, proclamations, and other ordi∣naunces made now in this young age of the kinges maie∣sty, as the lawes, statutes, proclamations, & ordinaunces made by his highnes Progenitors.

These Articles being thus ministred to the sayd By∣shop of London, the next day being Thursday and the 19. of September, the afore named Commissioners sat in the Archbishops chamber of presence at Lambeth, attendyng the cōming of the B. of London. Before whō there appea∣red Rob. Iohnson the Bishops Register, and there did de¦clare vnto the Commissioners that the bishop his maister could not at that time personally appeare before thē with∣out great daunger of his bodily health, because that he fea∣red to fall into a feuer by reasō of a cold that he had takē by to much ouerwatching himselfe the last night before, wher¦by he was compelled to keepe his bed: neuerthelesse, if hee could without daunger of his bodely health,* 13.146 he would ap∣peare before them the same day at after noone. This excuse the Iudges were cōtēt to take it in good part. Yet said M. Secretary Smyth, that if he were sicke in deede the excuse was reasonable and to be allowed: but (quoth he) I pro∣mise you my Lord hath so dallied with vs, & vsed hitherto such delayes, that we may mistrust that this is but a fay∣ned excuse: howbeit vpon your faythfull declaratiō we are content to tary vntil one of the clocke at afternoone, and so they did, willing M. Iohnson to signify then vnto them, whether the Bishop could appeare or not.

At whiche houre Robert Iohnson and Richard Ro∣gers gentleman of the Bishops chamber appeared agayn before the Commissioners,* 13.147 declaring that (for the causes a∣fore alledged) their maister could not appeare at that tyme nether. Wherupon M. Secretary Smith sayd vnto them, my Lord of Londō your maister hath vsed vs very home∣ly, and sought delayes hitherto, and now perhaps percei∣uing these last Articles to touch the quicke, and therefore loth to come to his answere, he fayneth himselfe sicke.* 13.148 But because he shall not so deceiue vs any more, we wyll send the Knight Marshall vnto him, willing him, if he be sycke in deed, to let him alone, for that is a reasonable excuse, but if he be not sicke, then to bring him forth with vnto vs: for I promise you he shall not vse vs as he hath done, we will not take it at his handes: and therefore M. Iohnson (sayd he) you do the part of a trusty seruant as becommeth you, but it is also your part to shewe my Lord of his stubborne hart and disobedience, which doth him more harme thē be is aware of. What, thinketh he to stand with a king in his own Realmes? Is this the part of a subiect? nay,* 13.149 I wene we shall haue a new Tho. Becket. Let him take heede, for if he play these parts, he may fortune to be made shorter by the head. He may appeale if he thinke good: but whyther? to the Byshop of Rome? So he may helpe hymselfe for∣wards. I say he can not appeale but to the same king who

hath made vs his Iudges, and to the Bench of his coun∣saile: and how they will take this matter when they heare of it, I doubt not. He would make mē beleue that he were called before vs for preaching his opinion of the sacramēt, wherein I assure you he did both falsly & naughtily, yea & lewdly, and more then became hym, and more then he had in commaundement to do, for he was not willed to speake of that matter, & perhaps he may heare more of that here∣after: but yet he will say no such thing to his charge, and therefore we wyll not haue hym to delay vs as he doth. Which ended, the delegates notwithstanding decreed to tary agayne for him vntill two of the clocke at after noone the nexte day, beyng Friday, and the twenty of Sep∣tember.

The v. Action or processe the xx. of September, agaynst Boner Byshop of London, before the kings Commissioners.

AT which day and tyme the Bishop appeared hymselfe personally before thē in the same chamber of presence.* 13.150 Where first he did exhibite his answers vnto the last Arti∣cles ministred vnto hym the 18. of September. The con∣tents wherof here vnder follow.

¶The aunswer of the sayd Bishop of London, made vnto the Articles ministred vnto hym the second tyme.

THe aunswers of me Edmund bishop of London, vn∣der myne accustomed protestation geuen vnto the Ar∣ticles of late ministered and exhibited agaynst me here in this court, with speciall protestation also, that I doe not intend in any wise to make aunswere to any of the sayd ar∣ticles, otherwise then the lawe of this Realme doth bynd me to doe, nor to speake or say contrary to any thyng that in my former aunsweres I haue sayd or done, and that if so chaunce me to do, it is not nor shall not be with my good will, or full consent, and that so soone as I shall perceyue it, I intend to reuoke it, and so now as than, and then as now, doe so in that case reuoke, to all honest and lawfull purposes.

To the first Article I do aunswere and say, that there was a Messenger whose name I knowe not,* 13.151 that came vnto me to Fulham as I nowe remember, but I doe not remember the day thereof, and he sayd that my Lord Pro∣tectours grace required me to come by and by to speake with hym. And thereupon hauyng made the sayd messen∣ger to breake hys faste, I repayred to the Court at West∣minster, but not (vpon the tenth day of August, but some other day of the sayd month.

To the second Article I doe say, that it is obscure, in∣certayne and ouer generall,* 13.152 especially in those at the same tyme, which may be referred to the tenth of August, and than aunswere already is made thereunto, and it may be referred to some other day of the sayd month of August, ei∣ther before the x. of August or after. And because it remay∣neth vndeclared, I am not bound in law to aunswer vnto it, neyther yet to those wordes and sentence in the sayd Ar∣ticle (it is to wit) then and there, for they without declara∣tion, are incertaine, obscure and generall, and I before the specification, and declaration thereof, not bound herein to make an aunswer, specially hauyng already made full and sufficient answer in this matter, accordyng to the commis∣sion as I do take it, and accordyng vnto the law which al∣so willeth that if a certaine answer be looked for, the positi∣on and Article must before be certaine.

To the 3.4.5.6.7.8.9.10.11.12.13. and 14, Article, he an∣swereth all after one maner and sort,* 13.153 as thus. That it doth depend of the former Articles, to which for causes afore∣sayd, he sayth, he is not bound in law to make answer vn∣to, especially hauyng already made.

Sauing that in the sixt he addeth thereunto, that he at no tyme heard the L. Protector find fault, nor commaun∣ded as is deduced in the sayd Article, so farre as he doth finde.

Also sauyng the 7. Article where he addeth neuertheles confessing and knowledging with heart and mouth, the kings maiesties authoritie, and regal power in his mino∣ritie, as well and full as in his maioritie.

Also sauing the 8.9.10. and 11. articles, where he addeth as they be deduced, they are not true, as appeareth in con∣ser••ing one with other.

To the 12. and 14. Articles, he addeth, as they be de∣du••ed they are not true. Confessing neuerthelesse, the Kings Maiesties authoritie and power regall, as before is ex••resse••.

To the 15. Article he aunswereth and sayth, that it is a position of law, and that yet both now,* 13.154 and heretofore he hath made aunswer thereunto in effect and substaunce, as appeareth in his former aunswers, and so shal do always according to the law and his bounden duetie, knowled∣ging as he hath already done, the kings maiesties regall power in his minoritie, to be no lesse then in his maioritie. And the subiects bound to obey vnto his grace, his lawes, statutes, and ordinaunces, and his sayd authoritie, as well in hys minoritie, as in hys maioritie, not allowyng, but expresly condemnyng the opinion of all rebels holding the contrary.

After this perceiuyng that M. Secretary Smith was somewhat more quicke with hym then others of the Com∣missioners, and that he would not suffer him any longer to dally out the matter with his vaine quiddities and sub∣tleties in law, but euer earnestly vrged him to go directly to his matter,* 13.155 and therewithall sometymes sharply rebu∣king him for his euill and stubborne behauiour towardes them: he to deface his authoritie (as he thought) did also then exhibite in writyng a recusation of the Secretaries iudgement against him. The forme and maner wherof, as he exhibited it vnto the iudges, I thought here also to ex∣hibite vnto the Reader as here vnder followeth.

¶The recusation of the Iudgement of Syr Thomas Smith, made by the B. of Lon∣don the first tyme.

IN the name of God, Amen. Forasmuch as equitie,* 13.156 naturall rea∣son, and all good lawes do require, that Iudges shall be of that integritie, wisedome, circumspection, learnyng and indifferen∣cie, that exercising the office and rowme of a Iudge, they may & shall do it, without hatred, malice o•• grudge agaynst any person conuented or called before them vprightly, sincerely, and duely executyng and doyng their office vnto them in any wyse com∣mitted: and for as much also as all iudgementes and processe ought to haue their due course, and proceede without suspition or corruption in any wyse: and finally, for as much as very dan∣gerous it is to appeare and make defence before an incompetent Iudge, who commonly and accustomably of priuate & vnlaw∣ful corrupt affectiō to the one side, & for malice, hatred and enuy borne against the other side, rather serueth his carnall, corrupt, and wilfull appetite,* 13.157 then any thyng is mooued to obedience and keeping of good order, law, or reason, touching him that is con∣uented and compelled to make aunswer against his will: I there∣fore Edmond Bishop of London, hauing perceiued and felt by all the sayings, proceedings and doyngs of you sir Thomas Smith Knight, one of the two principall Secretaries to the kings Maie∣stie in this matter attempted and mooued agaynst me, that ye haue bene, and yet continually are a notorious and manifest e∣nemy of me the sayd Edmond, and much offended that I should in any wyse alledge and say, or vse, any such things for my most defence, as the law geueth me licence and libertie to do, yea hea∣ryng most fauourably and effectually my denouncers and ene∣mies with both eares in any thyng that they shall alledge, pur∣pose, attempt, or do agaynst me, though their persons in lawe are not in any wyse to be heard or admitted, ne yet their sayinges true, and not hearing me so much as with one eare in my lawfull saiengs and doinges in this behalfe, but contrarywise openyng your mouth at large, ye haue sundry tymes, against good wise∣dome and reason outraged in wordes and deedes against me the sayd Edmond, saying among other wordes, that I did as theeues, murtherers and traytors are woont to doe, beyng my selfe as ye vntruly did say, inward in deed, culpable, and yet outward other∣wyse, vnable to defend the matter against me, but onely by ta∣kyng exceptions, and making friuolous allegations agaynst my Iudges and Commissioners, and that I haue bene and am as stur∣dye, wilfull, and disobedient, as may be in your iudgement and opinion, maintaining and vpholding the rebels and their opini∣ons, and that I shall aunswer by mouth, or els smart and doe worse, or els ye will send me to the Tower, there to sit and be ioy∣ned with Kette and Humfrey Arundell the Rebels: ouer and be∣sides diuers other threatnings and comminatorie wordes by you pronounced and vttered vnseemely, and far vnmeet to proceed out of the mouth of you that are in such rowme and place as ye be in.

And moreouer, increasing your malice, euil will, and grudge borne agaynst me▪ ye haue amongest other thynges vntruly sur∣mised, written, alledged, and sayd, that a certayne booke of Ar∣ticles and Iniunctions by the Lord Protectours Grace in the full counsayle after a certayne prescribed fashion and fourme in the denunciation, commission, and Articles, which [de facto] were induced, brought in and obiected agaynst me,* 13.158 was deliuered vn∣to me: and moreouer of an euill will and vngodly intent & pur∣pose, contrary to the truth, ye haue withdrawen, added, altered, and qualified diuers thynges in the same, otherwyse then they were spoken or done, and yet ye are not ashamed to alleadge,

write, and say, that all is true, and one consonant and agreeable in all poyntes with the other, where in deede it is not so. And ye haue further [de facto] agaynst the law, and agaynst the Commis∣sion to you directed, and agaynst my iust and lawfull allegations & saiengs, proceeded vnlawfully & vniustly agaynst me, attēp∣ting many things agaynst me vnlawfully & vniustly as appeareth ni the acts of this matter, to the which I do referre me so far forth as they make for me,* 13.159 and be expedient by me and for me to bee alledged and referred vnto your selfe also vnlawfully and vn∣iustly [de facto] with your Colleagues, the which without you had begun the sayd matters, proceedyng, where by the law ye so ought not to haue done in deede, but abstained there from, as heretofore sondry tymes I haue alleaged, appearyng in the actes of this Court, doe vpon these iust and reasonable causes, accor∣dyng to the order of the Kings Maiesties Ecclesiasticall lawes, re∣fuse,* 13.160 decline, and recuse you the sayd Sir Thomas Smith, as an vn∣competent, vnmeete, and suspect Iudge, agaynst me in this be∣halfe, and decline your pretensed iurisdiction in this matter for causes aforesayd, desiring nothyng but Iustice, and offeryng my selfe prompt and ready to prooue them so farre as I am bound, and accordyng to the order of the Kings Maiesties Ecclesiasticall lawes of this Realme in this behalfe, as tyme, place, and other∣wyse shall require.

This recusation ended, the Secretary told him plaine, that that notwithstandyng he would proceed in his Com∣mission and would be still his Iudge,* 13.161 vntill he were o∣therwise inhibited, and sayd vnto him farther: My Lord, where as you say in your recusation that I sayd, that you did like thieues, murtherers, and traytors, in deed I sayd it, and may and will so say agayne, since we perceiue it by your doings.

Whereunto the Bishop in a great and stoute rage re∣plied,* 13.162 saying: Well sir, because you sit here by vertue of the Kings Commission, and for that ye be Secretary to hys maiestie, and also one of his highnes counsail, I must and do honour and reuerence you: but as you be but sir Tho∣mas Smith, & say as ye haue said, that I do lyke theeues, murtherers,* 13.163 and traytors, I say ye lye vpon me, & in that case I defie you: and doe what ye can to me, I feare you not, and therfore quod facis, fac citius.

Whereat the Archbishop with the other Commissio∣ners said vnto him, that for such his vnreuerent behauior he was worthy imprisonment.

* 13.164Then the Bishop in more mad fury then before, sayd againe vnto them: A Gods name ye may do de facto, send me whether you will, and I must obey you, and so wil, ex∣cept ye send me to the deuill, for thether I will not go * 13.165 for you. Three things I haue (to wit) a small portiō of goods, a poore carcase, and myne owne soule: the two first ye may take (though vniustly) to you, but as for my soule ye get not, quia anima mea in manibus meis semper.

* 13.166Well, sayd then the Secretary, ye shal know that there is a kyng.

Yea Sir (saith the Bishop) but that is not you, neither I am sure,* 13.167 will you take it vpon you.

No Sir, sayd agayne the Secretary, but we will make you know who it is:* 13.168 and with that the Commissioners commanded the bishop and all the rest to depart the cham∣ber vntill they called for him agayne.

Now, in the meane whyle that the Commissioners were in consultation, the Bishop with Gilbert Bourne his chapleine, Rob. Warnington his Commissary, & Rob. Iohnson his Register were tarying in a quadrant voyde place before the dore of the same chamber. Where the Bi∣shop leanyng on a cupboord, and seyng his Chapleins ve∣ry sad,* 13.169 sayd vnto them in effect as followeth. Syrs, what meane you? Why shew you your selues to be so sad & hea∣uy in mynde, as appeareth to me by your outward ge∣stures and countenaunces? I would wish you, and I re∣quire you to be as mery as I am (laying therewith hys hand vpon hys brest) for afore God I am not sad nor hea∣uy, but mery and of good comfort, and am right glad & ioy∣full of this my trouble, which is for gods cause, and it gre∣ueth me nothyng at all.

But the great matter that grieueth me, & pierceth my hart, is for that this Hooper and such other vile heretikes and beastes be suffered and licenced to preache at Paules crosse, & in other places within my Diocesse & Cure, most detestably preaching and railing at the blessed Sacrament of the aultar, & denying the veritie and presence of Christs true body and bloud to be there, & so infecteth and betray∣eth my flocke. But I say it is there in very deede, & in that opinion I will lyue and dye, and am ready to suffer death for the same. Wherfore ye being christen men, I do require you, and also charge and commaunde you in the name of God and on his behalfe, as ye wyll aunswere hym for the contrary, that ye goe to the Mayor of London and to hys brethren the Aldermen, praying and also requiryng them earnestly in Gods name and myne, and for myne owne discharge on that behalfe, that from hencefoorth,* 13.170 when a∣ny such detestable and abhominable preachers (and espe∣cially those which hold opinion against the blessed Sacra∣ment of the aultar) do come to preach vnto them, they forth with depart out of their presence and doe not heare them, least that they taryeng with such Preachers,* 13.171 should not onely hurt themselues in receiuyng theyr poysoned doc∣trine, but also geue a visage to the incouragemēt of others, which thereby mought take an occasion to thinke and be∣leeue that theyr erroneous and damnable doctrine is true and good: and this eftsoones I require and commaunde you to doe.

And then turnyng hymselfe about and beholdyng two of the Archbishops Gentlemen, which in the same place kept the Chamber dore where the Commissioners were in consultation, and perceiuing that they had heard all his talke, he spake vnto them also and sayd: And Syrs,* 13.172 ye be my Lorde of Caunterburies Gentlemen, I knowe ye very well: and therefore I also require and charge you in Gods behalfe, and in hys name, that ye doe the lyke for your partes in places where ye shall chaunce to see and heare such corrupt and erroneous Preachers, and also ad∣uertise my Lord your maister of the same, and of these my sayinges that I haue nowe spoken here before you, as ye are Christian men, and shall aunswere before God for the contrary.

With this the Commissioners called for the Bishop a∣gayne. Who did read vnto them an instrument conteining a prouocation to the king, which he made in manner and forme here followyng.

The first appellation intimated by Edmund Boner Bishop of London.

IN the name of God, Amen. It shall appeare to all men by this publike instrument, that the yeare of our Lord,* 13.173 1549. the xx. day of September, the third yeare of the raigne of our most high and renowmed Prince Edward the sixt by the grace of GOD King of England, Fraunce and Ireland, defender of the fayth, and in earth the supreme head of the Church of England and Ireland, in a chamber within the Pallace of the sayde Bishop situated in London▪ and in the presence of me the Notary publicke, and of the witnesses hereafter named, the foresayd Bishop did personal∣ly appeare, and there did shew forth in writing a certaine Prote∣station and Appellation, the tenor wherof ensueth.

In the name of God. Amen. I Edmund Byshop of London, say, alleadge, and propound before you beyng a publike Notary, and these credible witnesses here present, that although I the foresayd Edmund haue attayned the Bishoprike aforesayd by the beneuolence of the famous Prince of memory King Henry the eight, and was lawfully elected and translated to the same, wyth his rites and appurtenaunces, haue of long time possessed peace∣ably and quietly the same, and presently doe possesse, beyng ta∣ken as Bishop and lawfull possessour of the sayd bishopricke, and am lawfully called, taken, and reputed, notoriously and publike∣ly: and moreouer doe keepe residence and hospitalitie on the same, accordyng to the order, state, person and dignitie, and as the reuenewes of the same would permit, and haue exercised and done all thynges appertainyng to my pastorall office as the lawes doe require, as hereafter I trust by Gods grace to doe and obserue, a man of good name and fame, neyther suspended, ex∣communicate nor interdicted, neyther conuict of any notable crime or fact, alwayes obeying readily the commaundement of the Church, and other my superiours in all lawfull causes, ne∣uerthelesse fearing vpon certayne probable causes, lykely conie∣ctures, threatnyngs and assertions of certayne iniurious men my enemies, or at the least, such as little fauour me, that great dammage may come to me hereafter about the premisses or part of them: and least any man by any authoritie, commaundement, denunciation, inquisition, office, or at the request of any person, or persons, may attempt, preiudice, or hurt to me or my said dig∣nitie, either by my excommunication, interdiction, sequestrati∣on, spoyling, vexing, and perturbyng by any maner of meanes: doe appeale to the most hygh and mighty Prince our soueraigne Lord Edw. the 6. by the grace of God king of England, France &c. & in these my writings do prouoke & appeale to his regal maie∣sty. I do also require the Apostles so much as in this case they are to be required the first, secōd, & third tyme, earnestly, more ear∣nestly, and most earnestly of all, that there may be geuen to me the protection, tuition, and defence of my foresayd most dreade soueraigne Lord, for the safegard of me, my dignitie, title,* 13.174 and pos∣session in the premisses, and to all that will cleaue to me in this behalfe, I doe also protest that I will be contented to correct, re∣forme, and amend this my present protestation, and to the same to adde, to take away, and to bryng the same into the best forme and state that may be deuised, by the counsaile of learned men, or as the case shall require, and the same to intimate accordyng

to tyme and place and the order of the law,* 13.175 and still shall require, Vpon all the which premisses, the foresayd Edmund B. of Lon∣don did require the Notary publike here vnder written, to make vnto hym, and the witnesses hereafter named, one, two, or more copies of this protestation.

These thynges were done the yeare, day, and tyme aboue-written, there beyng present Gilbert Bourne Bacheler of Diui∣nitie, Iohn Harpesfield, and Robert Colen, Maisters of Arte, Iohn Wakelyng, and Richard Rogers learned men, beyng of the Dio∣cesse of Worcester, Westminster, Couentrie, Lichfield, and Glo∣cester, and specially requested to be witnesse of the same. And I Fraunces Harward of the Diocesse of Worcester, and publicke Notary by the Kings regall authoritie, forsomuch as I was pre∣sent when the foresayd Protestation, Appellation, and other the premisses were done, the yeare of our Lord, the yere of the raign of the kyng, the day of the moneth and place aforesayde, the wit∣nesses abouenamed beyng present,* 13.176 and for so much as I did enact the same, therefore to this present publicke instrument, written faithfully with myne owne hand, I haue put to my marke, beyng specially requested vnto the same.

Which thyng after he had read, he dyd vnder his pro∣testation first intimate vnto the Archbishop,* 13.177 the Byshop of Rochester, and Doctor May, and then protestyng al∣so not to receede frō hys recusation, dyd likewyse intimate the same vnto Maister Secretarye Smyth, requiryng the Register to make an Instrument as well thereupon, as also vppon hys recusation, wyth witnesse to testifie the same.

Then the Delegates did agayne proceede to the exa∣mination of the last aunswers,* 13.178 and findyng the same im∣perfect, they demanded of hym (according to the first Arti∣cle) what speciall day of August, he was sent for by the L. Protector? To whom he obstinately aunswered, that hee was not bound to make other aunswere, then he had al∣ready made, vnlesse they did put theyr Articles more cer∣tayne: neyther would he otherwyse aunswer as long as Maister Secretary Smith was there present, whome he had before recused, and therefore would not receede from his recusation.

* 13.179The Secretary seeyng him so wilful and peruerse, said sharply vnto hym. My L. come of and make a full & per∣fect answer vnto these Articles, or els we will take other order with you to your payne.

In fayth Sir, then sayd the Bishop agayne, I haue thought ye had bene learned, but now before God, I per∣ceiue well that eyther ye be not learned in deede, or els ye haue forgotten it: for I haue so oftē answered lawfully & sufficiently, and haue so oft shewed causes sufficient & rea∣sonable, why thereunto I ought not by lawe to be com∣pelled (you shewyng nothyng to the contrary but sensu∣alitie and will) that I must needes iudge that you are ig∣norant herein.

Well sayd M. Secretary, ye wyll not then otherwyse aunswer?

No, sayd the B. except the law compell me.

Then sayd the Secretary, call for the knight Marshal, that he may be had to Ward.

With that all the rest of the Commissioners charged the B. that he had at that tyme sundry wayes very outra∣giously and irreuerently behaued hymselfe towards them sitting on the Kings Maiesties Commission, and special∣ly towards Sir Thomas Smith his graces Secretary, & therefore and for diuers other contumelious words which he had spoken, they declared they would commit hym to the Marshalsey.

By this time the Marshals deputy came before them, whom M. Secretary commanded to take the B. as priso∣ner, and so to keepe hym that no man might come vnto hym, for if he dyd, he should sit by hym hymselfe.

When the Secretary had ended his talke, the B. sayd vnto him: Well sir, it might haue becōmed you right well that my Lordes grace here present, beyng first in commis∣sion, and your better, should haue done it.

Then the Commissioners assigning hym to be brought before them on monday next before noone, betwene 7. and 9. of the clocke in the Hall of that place, there to make full answer to these last Articles, or els to shew cause why he should not be declared pro confesso, did for that presēt break vp that Session.

* 13.180Nowe as the Bishop was departing with the vnder∣marshall, he in a great fury turned himself again towards the Commissioners, and sayde to Sir Thomas Smyth: Sir, where ye haue committed me to pryson, ye shall vn∣derstand that I will require no fauour at your handes, but shall willingly suffer what shall be put vnto mee, as boltes on my heeles, yea, and if ye wyll, irons about my middle, or where ye will,

Then departing againe, he yet returned once more, & fomyng out his poison, said vnto the Archbishop:* 13.181 Wel my Lord, I am sory that I beyng a Bishop am thus handled at your graces hand: but more sory that you suffer abho∣minable heretickes to practise as they doe in London and els where, infecting and disquieting the Kings liege peo∣ple: and therfore I do require you, as you will answer to God and to the king, that ye will from henceforth abstaine thus to do: for if ye do not, I will accuse you before God & the Kings Maiestie: answer to it as well as ye can. And so he departed, vsing many reprochful words against sun∣dry of the common people, which stoode and spake to hym by the way as he went.

¶The sixt Action or processe vpon Monday, the 23. of September, had agaynst Boner Byshop of London, before the Commissio∣ners, in the great hall at Lambeth.

IT was assigned as ye heard in the 4. Acte prosecuted the 18. of September,* 13.182 that vpon Monday then next follow∣yng, beyng the 23. of the same moneth, the B. should again appeare before the Commissioners, within the great Hall at Lambeth, then to shew a finall cause why he should not be declared pro confesso, vpon all the Articles wherunto he had not fully answered.

According to which assignement, the same 23. day of September, the B. was brought before them by the Un∣dermarshall (to whome for his disobedient and obstinate behauiour he was before that tyme committed) and there dyd first declare vnto them, that hys appearaunce at that tyme and place was not voluntary, but coacted, for that he was agaynst his will brought thether by the keeper of the Marshalsey, and therewithall also vnder hys former pro∣testation, recusation and appeale, did then again intimate a generall recusation of all the Commissioners, alledging in the same, that because the Archbishop with all his Col∣leagues had neither obserued the order of their Commissi∣on,* 13.183 neyther yet proceeded agaynst hym after any laudable or good fashion of iudgement, but contrarywise, had sun∣dry tymes as well in his absence, as in his presence, at∣tempted many things vnlawfully against his person, dig∣nity, and estate, especially, in committing him to strait pri∣son, and yet commaunding him to make aunswere: & fur∣ther, because that he with the rest had proceeded in Com∣mission with Sir Thomas Smith Knight, supportyng and maintainyng all his euill doings (notwithstandyng that he the same Bishop had before iustly recused and de∣clined from him) he therfore did also there refuse & declyne from the iudgement of the sayd Archbishop and hys Col∣leagues, and dyd except agaynst their iurisdiction as su∣spect, and they therby vnmeete persons to proceed against hym, and therefore accordyng to his former appeale, he in∣tended to submit himselfe vnder the tuition, protection, & defence of the Kings Maiestie, for whose honour and re∣uerence sake (he sayd) they ought not to proceed any fur∣ther against hym,* 13.184 but quietly suffer hym to vse the benefite of all his recusations, prouocations, and other lawfull re∣medies before alledged, wyth other superfluous words at large, to be read and seen as followeth.

The second recusation made by Edmund Boner Bishop of London.

IN the name of God, Amen. For as much as both natu∣rall reason and all good pollicies of lawes, especially of this Realme of England do admit and suffer hym that is conuented before an vncompetent and suspect Iudge, to refuse hym and to decline hys iurisdiction, in as much as the lawe and reason on the one side, willeth processe to run vprightly and iustly, and that in corruption and malice, and the other side earnestly laboureth to the contrary, and needeth therefore to bee brideled. And for because ye my Lord of Caunterbury with your Colleagues in this be∣halfe (deputed as ye say Commissioners agaynst me) nei∣ther haue obserued your sayde Commission, neyther yet proceeded hetherto agaynst me, after any laudable, lawful, or any good fashion of iudgement, but contrarywise, con∣trary to your Commission, and agaynst the law, good rea∣son, and order, haue at sundry tymes, and in sundry actes attempted and done many things agaynst me, vnlawful∣ly, vnseemly, and vniustly, and suffer the like to be attemp∣ted and done by other not reformyng and amendyng the same, as appeareth in diuers and sondry thinges remay∣ning in your actes.

And moreouer because you my sayd Lord, wyth your

sayd Colleagues, both haue in myne absence, beyng let with iust causes of impediment, which accordyng to the lawes of this realme I haue fully alledged,* 13.185 and very suffi∣ciently and iustly prooued, accordyng to the order of the Kinges Ecclesiasticall lawes iniuriously, and much to the hinderaunce of my name, person, tytle, dignitie, and state, and also otherwyse, specially in my presence, agaynst all lawes, good order, and reason, without good cause or groūd attempted and done many thinges against me, especially touching myne imprisonment, sending me to strait ward, and yet commaunding me to make answer, as appeareth in your vnlawfull actes.

I for these causes, and also for that ye my sayde Lorde and your sayde Colleagues proceedyng with Syr Tho∣mas Smith Knight, whom vpon iust and lawfull causes I haue refused, recused and declined, and fauoured, ye haue maintayned, supported, and borne, in hys vnlawfull and euill doings, do also refuse, recuse and declyne you my sayd Lorde, wyth the rest of your sayde Colleagues, a∣greeyng and ioynyng wyth you, and doe accept agaynst your proceedyngs, doynges, and iurisdiction as suspect, and thereby vnmeete personnes to proceede herein a∣gaynst me.

And further do alledge, that hauyng bene prouoked to the Kings most excellent Maiestie, as appeareth by the te∣nor of my prouocation, remainyng in your actes, wherein I doe protest, that I intend to adheare and cleaue vnto, submitting my selfe vnto the tuition, protection, and de∣fence of hys sayd Maiestie in this behalfe, ye in any wyse ought not (if ye regard the person and authoritie of hys graces royall power, as ye ought to doe) to proceede here in agaynst me, especially for the honour and reuerence, ye ought to haue vnto hys Maiestie in this behalfe. And be∣cause it appeareth that ye doe not duely and circumspect∣ly consider the same, as ye ought to do, but more and more do grieue me, that not considered, I both here to all pur∣poses repeat my former recusation, prouocation, and all o∣ther remedies that heretofore I haue vsed and mentioned in your sayd actes.

And also do by these presentes, refuse, recuse, and de∣cline you my sayd Lord, and your sayd Colleagues, and your iurisdiction vpon causes aforesayd, offering my selfe prompt and ready to prooue all the same, afore an arbiter and arbitors, accordyng to the tenure and forme of the law herein to be chosen, requiryng you all, for that honour and reuerence ye ought to beare to our sayd soueraigne Lorde, and his lawes allowed and approoued in this behalfe, that ye doe not attempt or doe, ne yet suffer to be attempted or done, any thyngs in any wyse against me, or vnto my pre∣iudice, but suffer me to vse and enioy the benefit of my said former, and this recusation, prouocation, allegation, and other lawfull remedies mentioned in your sayd acts. And in case ye doe de facto, where ye ought not to deiure, at∣tempt or suffer any thynges to be attempted or done a∣gaynst me in any wyse herein, I protest herewith, and hereby of my great griefe and hurt in that behalfe, & that not onely I doe intend to appeale from you, but also ac∣cordyng to the kynges Ecclesiasticall lawes to accuse and complayne vpon you, as iustly and truly I both may and ought to doe.

Notwithstandyng these recusations and former ap∣pellation, the Archbishop with the rest tolde hym playne that they would be styll hys Iudges, and proceed agaynst hym accordyng to the Kings Commission, vntil they dyd receiue a Supersedeas, which if he did obtayne, they would gladly obey.

Then the Bish. seyng that they would still proceede a∣gaynst hym,* 13.186 did there likewise intimate an other appella∣tion vnto the Kings Maiestie, expressing therein in effect, no other matter, but such as is already alleaged in the two former recusations and appeale: sauyng that he requireth, that letters dimissories or appellatories might be geuen him accordyng to law,* 13.187 and that for his better safegarde he did submit himselfe vnder the protection of the kyng.

The Commissioners for all this, stucke stil vnto theyr Commission, and would not in any case deferre, but vrged him straitly to make a more full aunswer to his Articles, then he had done.

To whom the Bishop sayd, that he would stand vnto his recusations and appellations before made, and would not make other aunswer.

Then the Delegates demaunded of him what cause he had to alledge why he ought not to be declared pro confes∣so, vpon the Articles wherunto he had not fully answered: the B. still answering (as before) that he would adhere vn∣to his appellation and recusation.

Wherupon the Archb. with consent of the rest, seeyng his pertinacie, pronounced hym Contumax,* 13.188 and in payne thereof declared him pro confesso, vpō all the articles which he had not aunswered.

This done, Maister Secretary Smith shewed foorth a Letter, which the Byshoppe of London had before that tyme sente vnto the Lorde Mayor and the Aldermen of the Citie of London, the tenour whereof ensueth as fol∣loweth.

¶To the ryght honourable and my very good Lorde, the Mayor of London, with all his wor∣shipfull brethren, my very deare and worshipfull friends, with speede.

RIght honourable, with my very humble recommendations, where I haue perceyued of late and heard with myne eares, what vyle beastes and heretickes haue preached vnto you,* 14.1 or ra∣ther lyke themselues prated and rayled agaynst the most blessed Sacrament of the aultare, denying the veritie and presence of Christes true bodye and bloude to be there, geuyng you and the people libertie to beleeue what ye lyst, teachyng you detesta∣bly that fayth in this behalfe, must not bee coacted, but euerye man to beleeue as he will, by reason whereof, least my presence and silence myght vnto some haue bene seene to haue allowed their hereticall doctrine, and geuyng credite vnto them, betray∣ing my flocke of the Catholicke sorte, ye knowe I departed ye∣sterday from the hereticke praters vncharitable charitie, and so could haue wished that you and all other that bee Catholicke, should haue done,* 14.2 leauyng those there with hym that be alreadye cast away, and will not be recouered. For your tarying with him still, shall not onely hurt your selfe in receauyng hys poysoned doctrine, but also shall geue a visage that their doctrine is tolle∣rable, by reason that ye are contented to heare it, and say no∣thing agaynst it. And because I cannot tell when I shall speake with you to aduertise you hereof, therefore I thought good for myne owne discharge and yours, thus muche to wryte vnto you, requiryng and praying you agayne and agayne, in Gods behalfe, for myne owne discharge, that ye suffer not your selues to bee abused with suche naughtie Preachers and teachers, in hearyng theyr euill doctrine that ye shall perceyue them to goe about to sowe. And thus our blessed Lord long and well pre∣serue you all with this noble Citie, in all good rest, godlinesse, & prosperitie. Written in hast this Monday mornyng, the xvi. of September. 1549.

Your faythfull Beades man and poore Bishop Edmund Boner.

This Letter beyng read, the Secretary demanded of hym whether he wrote it not. To whome he would not otherwyse aunswere, but that he would still adhere and stand vnto hys former recusations and appeales.* 14.3 Whiche the commissioners seyng, determined to continue this case in state as it was vntill Friday then next followyng, be∣twene the houres of viij. and ix. of the clocke before noone, assignyng the bishop to be there at the same time and place then to heare a finall decree of this matter, he still prote∣styng as before.

¶The seuenth Session or appearaunce of Boner vppon Tewsday the first of October, before the Kynges Commissioners at Lambeth.

VPpon Friday the Commissioners for diuers vrgent causes lettyng them,* 14.4 dyd not sit in Commission accor∣dyng to their appoyntment, but deferred it vntill Tews∣day the first of October then next followyng. Upon which day the Bishop appearyng before them, the Archbishoppe declared vnto hym, that although as vppon Friday laste, they had appointed to pronounce their finall Decree and Sentence in this matter, yet forasmuch as they thought that that Sentence (although they had iust cause to geue it) should haue bene very sore agaynst hym, they had not onely deferred the same vntill this day, but mindyng to be more friendly to hym then he was to hymselfe,* 14.5 and to vse more easie and gentle reformation towardes hym, had al∣so made such sute and meanes for hym, that although hee had grieuously offended the Kinges Maiestie, and verye disobediently behaued himselfe, yet if he would in y^e meane while haue acknowledged his fault, and haue bene con∣tented to make some part of amends in submittyng hym∣selfe accordyng to hys bounden duety, he should haue foūd much fauour: so the Sentence should not haue bene so sore and extreme against him, as it was like now to bee: for which they were very sory, especially to see the continuāce of such stubburn disobedience, wherby they were thē more

inforced to geue such sentence against hym.* 14.6

The Bishop nothing at all regarding this gentle and friendly admonition and fauour, but persisting still in hys woonted contumacie, drew foorth a paper, wheron he read these wordes followyng.

I Edmund bishop of London brought in as a prisoner by hys keeper,* 14.7 one of the Marshalsey, here before you my Lord of Can∣terbury and your pretensed Colleagues, doe vnder my former Protestations heretofore by me made before you and remaining in your Acte, declare that this my presence here at this tyme is not voluntary, nor of myne owne free will and consent, but vt∣terly coacted and agaynst my will, and that beyng otherwyse sent for, or brought before you then I am (that is as a prisoner) I would not beyng at libertie, haue come or appeared before you, but would haue declined and refused to make any appea∣raunce at all, but would haue absented my selfe from you, as law∣fully and well I might haue done, standing to, vsing, and enioying all and singular my lawfull remedies and defences heretofore v∣s••d, exercised, and enioyed, especially my prouocation and ap∣pellation heretofore interponed and made vnto the Kinges most excellent Maiestie, to whom eftsoones Ex abundanti, I haue both prouoked and appealed, and also made Supplication vnto, as ap∣peareth in these writings, which vnder Protestation aforesayd, I do exhibite and leaue here with the Actuarie of this cause, requi∣ryng hym to make an Instrument thereupon, and the personnes here present to beare record in that behalfe▪ especially to the in∣tent it may appeare, I do better acknowledge the kings Maiesties authoritie euen in his tender and yong age, prouoking and ap∣pealyng to his Maiestie as my most gracious soueraigne and su∣preme head,* 14.8 with submission to his highnes (as appeareth in my appellation and other remedies) for my tuition and defence, then other some, I doe meane you my Lord of Caunterbury and your sayd pretensed Colleagues, which by law and good reason ought to haue deferred and geuen place vnto such prouocation, appel∣lation, and Supplication, as heretofore lawfully haue bene by me interponed and made vnto his Maiesties most royall person and authoritie in this behalfe.

As soone as the B. had read these wordes, he did deli∣uer as well that paper, as also two other, vnto the Actua∣rie, the one conteining an appellatiō, and the other a sup∣plication vnto the kings Maiestie: which appellation be∣ginneth thus: In the name of God. Amen.

Wherein first he shewed how naturally euery creature declineth gladly frō that thing which goeth about to hurt it, and also seeketh helpe & remedy to withstand such hurts and iniuries.

Further he shewed that it is found by experience to be hurtfull and daungerous to trust hym that once hath hurt and beguiled, least he might adde more, rather then to take ought from.

Moreouer he shewed that he had found heretofore at the handes of the B. of Caunterbury and the rest of y^e Col∣leagues in this matter, much extremitie and crueltie, iniu∣ries, losses and griefes, contrary to Gods law, and the lawes and statutes of this Realme, and agaynst Iustice, charitie, and good order, beyng well assured if they were not stayed but proceeded, they would adde more euill to e∣uill, losse to losse, displeasure to displeasure, as (sayde he) their seruants haue reported, and they agreeable doe shew the same.

Agayne in the sayde appeale he shewed that the By∣shop of Canterbury and the other Commissioners ought to haue considered and done better in that matter, for ho∣nour and obedience to the Kings Maiestie, which hether∣to they haue not done (said he) in that they haue not giuen place to hys prouocations and appellations heretofore made vnto hys grace, iustly and lawfully, and vpon good and iust causes, namely, for the vniust griefes they did a∣gaynst him, which he sayd to appeare in the Actes of that matter: as in pronouncyng hym contumacem vnreasona∣bly without good cause, and further in assignyng the terme ad audiendum finale decretum, and in committyng hym to straight prisone, as appeareth in theyr Actes. Therefore he dyd not onelye Ex abundanti, ad omnem iuris cautelam, decline and refuse theyr pretensed iurisdiction as before: but also by these presentes here shewed, he dyd appeale from the sayd Byshop of Caunterbury and the rest, vnto the Kinges Maiestie, askyng also those Letters of Ap∣peale, which the lawe doth admitte, saying, he dyd not intend to goe from hys former prouocations and appella∣tions,* 14.9 but to ioyne and cleaue vnto them in euery part and parcell, submittyng hymselfe to the protection and defence of the Kinges Maiestie, and he therein made in∣timation to the Byshoppe of Caunterbury, and the sayd Colleagues, to all intentes and purposes that might come thereof.

Furthermore, as touchyng the Supplication aboue mentioned, which Boner (as we sayd) put vp in writyng to the Commissioners, the Copie thereof here vnder like∣wyse ensueth.

¶The Supplication of Boner to the Chauncellor of England, with all the rest of the Kings Ma∣iesties most honourable priuy Counsaile.

PLease i•• your most honourable good Lordships with my most humble recommendations, to vnderstand,* 15.1 that albeit I haue accordyng to the lawes, statutes, and ordinaunces of this realme, made supplicatio••▪ prouocation and appellation vnto the kyngs most excelle•••• Maiestie from the vnlawfull and wycked processe of the Archbishop of Caunterbury, the byshoppe of Rochester, Maister Secretary Smith, and the Deane of Paules, as also as well from their vniust interlocutorie, as also their diffinitiue sentence whereby in law I ought to haue libertie to come abroad and pro∣secute the same yet such is the malignitie of the Iudges agaynst me, with bearing and maintenaunce of other, which sundry and many ways haue sought my ruine and destruction, that I am here penned and locked vp, vsed very extremely at their pleasure, and for the contentation of the sayd Maister Smith, and not suffred to finde sureties, or to goe abroad to prosecute and sue my sayd ap∣pellation.

In consideration whereof, it may please your said good Lord∣ships, to take some order and redresse herein, especially for that it is now the tyme that the Kings subsidie now due, ought to be called vpon, and iustice also ministred vnto his Maiesties subiects which beyng as I now am, I cannot be suffered to doe. And thus without further extending my letter therein, consideryng that your great wisedomes, experience and goodnesse can gather of a little what is expedient and necessary for the whole. I doe be∣seech almighty God to preserue and keepe well all your honou∣rable good Lordships.

Written in hast this 7. of October, 1549. in the Marshalsey.

Your honourable Lordshyps poore Orator & most bounden Bedes man, Edmund London.

These thynges ended, the Archbyshop said vnto him: My Lord, where you say that you come coacted,* 15.2 or els ye would not haue appeared, I do much maruell of you. For you would therby make vs and this audience here beleue, that because you are a prisoner, ye ought not therefore to aunswer. Which if it were true, were enough to confound the whole state of this Realme. For I dare say, that of the greatest prisoners and rebels that euer your keeper there (meaning the Undermarshall) hath had vnder hym, he cannot shewe me one that hath vsed such defence, as you here haue done.

Well quoth the B. if my keper were learned in y^e lawes I could shew him my mynd therein.* 15.3

Well, sayde the Archbyshop, I haue read ouer all the Lawes as well as you,* 15.4 but to an other ende and purpose then you did, and yet I can finde no suche priuiledge in this matter.

Then M. Secretary Smith did very sore burthen and charge hym, how disobediently and rebelliously he had al∣ways behaued himselfe towards the Kings Maiestie and his authoritie.

Whereupon, the B. vnder his protestation aunswered agayne,* 15.5 that he was the kings Maiesties lawfull and true subiect, and did acknowledge his highnesse to be his gra∣cious soueraigne Lord, or els he would not haue appea∣led vnto him, as he had, yea & would gladly lay his hands and his necke also vnder his graces feete, and therefore he desired that his highnesse lawes and iustice might be mi∣nistred vnto him.

Yea (quoth Maister Secretary) you say wel my Lord,* 15.6 but I pray you what others haue all these rebels both in Northfolke, Deuonshire, and Cornewall, and other pla∣ces done? Haue they not said thus? We be the kings true Subiectes, we acknowledge hym for our Kyng, and we will obey his lawes, with such lyke, and yet when eyther Commaundement, Letter or Pardon was brought vnto them from his Maiestie, they beleeued it not, but sayd it was forged and made vnder a hedge, and was Gentle∣mens doyngs, so that in deede they would not, nor dyd o∣bey any thing.

Ah sir, sayd the B. I perceyue your meanyng:* 15.7 as who should say, that the Bish. of London is a rebell like them. Yea by my troth (quoth the Secretary.* 15.8) Whereat the peo∣ple laughed.

Then the Deane of Paules said vnto him, that he mar∣uelled much, and was very sory to see him so vntractable,

that he would not suffer the Iudges to speake.

To whome the B. disdainfully aunswered▪ Well M. Deane,* 15.9 you must say somewhat. And likewise at an other tyme as the Deane was speaking, he interrupted him, and sayd, You may speake when your turne commeth.

* 15.10Then said Secretary Smith, I would you knew your duetie.

I would (quoth he agayne) you knew it as wel as I, with an infinite more of other such stubburne and contem∣ptuous talke and behauiour towardes them,* 15.11 which the Commissioners waying, and perceiuyng no likelihood of any tractable reason in hym, determined that the Archbi∣shop with their whole consent, should at that pre••••nt there openly read and publish their finall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or Sentence definitiue agaynst hym. Which he did, pronouncing hym thereby, to be cleane depriued from the Bishopricke of London, and further as in the same appeareth▪ in tenou•• as followeth.

¶Sententia depriuationis ••ata contra Edmundum London. Episcopum.

* 16.1IN Dei nomine, Amen. Nos Thomas miseratione diuina Can∣tuar. Archiepiscopus, totius Angliae Primas & Metropolita∣nus Nicholaus eadem miseratione Roffensis Episcopus, Thom. Smith Miles, illustrissimi in Christo principis & Domini nostri, Domini Edwardi sexti, Dei gratia, Angliae, Franciae, & Hyberniae Regis, fidei defensoris, & in terris Ecclesiae Anglicanae, & supre∣mi capitis, Secretariorum principalium alter, & Wilhelmus May Iuris ciuilis Doctor Ecclesiae cathedralis diui Paul•• Decanus di∣cti illustrissimi principis, & domini nostri Regis ad infra scripta vna cum eximio viro Domino Wilhelmo Petro Milite, ••iuidem serenissimae Regiae maiestatis, etiam Secretariorum principalium altero, commissarij siue iudices delegati cum ista clausa, videli∣cet. Deputamus vos quinque, quatuor vel tres vestrum, &c. Re∣ctè & legittimè deputati contra te Edmundum permissione di∣uina London. episcopum in causa & causis, in literis commissi∣onalibus dictae serenissimae Regiae maiestatis express. & specificat. rirè & legitimè procedentes, & iudicialiter in quirentes, auditis que per nos, & intellectis ac primo examine debit. mature dis∣cussis, meritis & circumstantijs, causae & causarum inquisitio∣nis huiusmodi, seruatisque vlterius per nos, de iure in hac par∣te seruandis in praesentia tui Episcopi; antedicti, iudicialiter co∣ram nobis constituti, ac protestantis de coactione, & de caete∣ris, prout in vltima protestatione hodie per te facta continetur, ad definitionem causae & causarum huiusmodi, prolationemque sententiae nostrae, siue nostri finalis decreti, super eisdem fe∣rend▪ sic duximus procedendum, & procedimus in hunc qui se∣quitur modum. Quia tam per acta inactitata, deducta, proposi∣ra, exhibita, allegata, probata, par••ter & confessata in causa & causis huiusmodi, facta▪ habita, & gest••, quam per confessionem tuam propriam, factique notorietatem & alia legitima docu∣menta, euidentem inuenimus, & compertum habemus te prae∣fatum Episcop•• London▪ inter caetera, pro meliori, officij tui pa∣storalis administratione▪ in mandatis habuisse, vt de his qui du∣as aut tres vxores vt maritos in vnū haberent aut qui externos & non probatos Ecclessae ri••us in hoc regno sequerentur, qui∣bus rebus, tua Diocesis & Londinens. praecipue erat infamatum, inquireres teque ea facere omnino neglexisse. Item expresse ti∣bi per Regiam Maiestatem praescriptum fuisse vt ipse Episcopus adesses conc••o••••bus ad crucem Pauli habitis, tam vt eas hone∣stares tua praesentia, quam vt possis ••as accusare, (si qui male i∣bidem concionarentur) te tamen contra non solum abijsse, sed etiam scriptis litteris, Maiorem London. & Aldermannos, vt in∣de recederent admonuisse & exhortatum fuisse. Item inter alia quoque per Regiam Maiestatem tibi iniuncta in mandatis tibi datum fuisse, quod articulum quendam, statum reipubl. tunc perniciosissima rebellione, & proditorum contra illum articulum sentientium grauissime perturbatae precipue concernend. & pro∣pterea supremum necessarium & specialiter tibi iniunctum vi∣delicet.

Ye shall also set foorth in your Sermon, that our auto∣ritie of our Royall power is (as of truth it is) of no lesse authoritie and force in this our younger age, then is and was of any of our predecessoures, though the same were much elder, as may appeare by example of Iosias and o∣ther young Kinges in Scripture. And therefore all our Subiectes to bee no lesse bounde to the obedience of our preceptes, lawes, and statutes, then if we were xxx. or xl. yeares of age.

Apud crucem siue suggestum Diui Pauli London. certo die tibi in ea parte praefixo, & limitato in publica tua conc••one, tunc & ibidem populo recitares, & explicares, teque modo & forma premissa eundem articulum iuxta mandatum, & officij tui debi∣tum recitare & explicare minime curasse, sed contumaciter & inobedienter omisisse, in maximum Regiae Maiestatis contemp∣tum, ac in eius regni praeiudicium non modicum, necnon in subditorum suorum malum & perniciosum exemplum, contu∣matiamque & inobedientiam multiplicem tam in hac nostra in∣quisitione, quam alias perperrasse, commisisse & contra••isse. I•• ci••••o nos Thomas Cantuariens. Archiepiscopus Primas & ••e∣tropolitanus, indexque delegatus ante dictus Christi non 〈◊〉〈◊〉 primitus inuocato, ac ipsum solum D••••••oculis nostris p••••po∣nentes, de & cum expresso consensu pariter & assensu Collega∣rum nostrorum praedictorum vna nobiscum assidentium, deque & cum concilio Iurisperitorum, cum quibus communicamus in hac parte. Te Edmundum London. Episcopum antedictum a tuo Episcopatu London. vna cum suis iuribus & pertin••ntibus commoditatibus, & ••eteris emolumentis quibuscunque depti∣uandum & prorsus amo••endum fore de iure debere, pronuncia∣mus decernimus & declaramus pro vt per praesentes sic depri∣uamus & amouemus per hanc nostram sententiam definiti••am si∣ue hoc nostrum finale dec••erum, qu••m siue quod ferimus & pro∣mulgamus in his scriptis.

Which ended, the B. immediately did therefrom ap∣peale by word of mouth, alledgyng that the same sentence there geuē against him, was Lex nulla. The tenor of whose words I thought hereto expresse, accordyng as they were by him vttered, in this wise as followeth.

I Edmund Byshop of London,* 17.1 brought in and kepte heere as a prisoner agaynst my consent and wyll, doe vnder my former protestation heretofore made, and to the intent it may also ap∣peare, that I haue not beyng so here in this place, consented not agreed to any thyng done agaynst me, and in my preiudice, al∣ledge and say that this sentence geuen here agaynst me, is Lex nulla, and so farre foorth, as it shall appeare to be Aliqua, I doe say it is Iniqua and Iniusta, and that therefore I doe from it, as I∣niqua and Iniusta, appeale to the most excellent and noble king, Edward the sixt, by the grace of God, Kyng of England, Fraunce, and Ireland, defender of the fayth, and of the Church of England and also of Ireland, next and immediately vnder GOD here in earth supreme head, and vnto hys Courte of Chancerie or Par∣liament, as the lawes, statutes, and ordinaunces of this Realme, wyll suffer and beare in this behalfe, desiryng instauntly first,* 17.2 se∣cond and third, accordyng to the lawes, Letters reuerenciall or demissories, to be geuen and deliuered vnto mee in this behalfe, with all thynges expedient, requisite, or necessarie in any wyse: and thereupon also the sayd Bishop required the Publike Nota∣ry or Actuary William Saye, to make an Instrument, and the wit∣nesse aforesayde and other present to recorde the same. To whom so appealyng, and requiryng as afore, the sayde Iudges delegate sayd, that they wyll declare and signifie to the Kinges Maiestie, what is done in this matter, and thereuppon will deferre or not deferre to his sayde appellation, accordyng as hys graces plea∣sure and commaundement shall be to them in that behalfe: and after all this, the sayd Byshop of London sayd to them, Iam ••un∣cti estis officio. What wyll your grace doe with me nowe, tou∣chyng my imprisonment? wyll ye keepe me still in prison? shall I not now be at liberty to prosecute myne appeale? To whom the Archb. aunswering, sayd, that they perceyued now more in that matter then they did at the first, & that this matter is more grea∣ter rebellion then he is ware of, and therfore said, that as yet they would not discharge him, and thereupon they committed him a∣gayne to his keeper to prison.

This talke finished, the Archbishop considering that most of the audience there present,* 17.3 did not vnderstand the meanyng of the sentence beyng read in the Latin tongue, sayd vnto them: Because there be many of you here that vnderstand not the Latine tongue, and so cannot tel what iudgement hath bene here geuen, I shall therefore shewe you the effect thereof: and therewith did declare in Eng∣lish, the causes expressed in the sentence, adding then there∣vnto these wordes.

Because my L. of London is found guilty in these mat∣ters,* 17.4 therefore we haue here by our sentence depriued hym of our bishoprike of London: and this we shew vnto you to the intent that from henceforth ye shall not esteeme hym any more as B. of London.

Then Boner desired the Archbish. to declare likewise what he had done, and how he had appe••ed.* 17.5 But the other seing his froward contempt, refused it, saieng, ye may doe it your selfe. Wherupon very disdainfully againe he sayd, Iam functi estis officio. What will your grace do w^t me tou∣ching my imprisonment? will you kepe me stil in prison?

To whom the commissioners answered, that they per∣ceiued now more in the matter then they did before, & that his behauiour was more greater rebellion then hee was ware of, and therefore they would not discharge hym,* 17.6 but committed him agayne to his keeper to be kept in prison. Where he most iustly remained vntil the deth of that most worthy & godly prince king Edward the sixt. After which time he wrought most horrible mischiefe and cruelties a∣gainst the saints of God, as appeareth hereafter through∣out

the whole raigne of Queene Marie. From the execu∣ting of the which like tirannie,* 17.7 the Lord of his great mer∣cy keepe all other such. Amen.

Now immediately after his depriuation, he writeth out of the Marshalsey other letters supplicatorie vnto y^e Lord Chancelor and the rest of the kings Counsaile. Wherein he thus complaineth, that by reason of the great enemity that the Duke of Somerset and sir Thomas Smith bare vnto him, his often and earnest suites vnto the King and hys counsaile could not be heard. Hee therefore moste humbly desireth their Lordships for the causes aforesaide, to consi∣der him, and to let him haue libertie to prosecute his mat∣ter before them, and he woulde daily pray for the good pre∣seruation of theyr honors, as appeareth by the woordes of his owne supplication here vnder following.

Thus after the Commissioners had finished with Bo∣ner, he b••ing now prisoner in the Marshalsey, leauing no shift of the law vnsought how to worke for him self as wel as he mighte, drewe out a certaine supplication, conceiued and directed to the kings maiestie, out of the sayd prison of the Marshalsey.

To the right honourable, my Lorde Chancelor of England, with all the rest of the kings Maie∣sties most honorable priuie counsel.

PLease it your most honourable good Lordshippes wyth my moste humble commendations to vnderstande that all beit heeretofore I haue made such sute, and to such per∣sons as I cannot deuise to make more, or to more higher, it is to wit, vnto the kings most excellent maiestie, and his most gratious persons in diuers sorts, and also vnto your most honorable good Lordships being of his priuie coun∣sell▪ for redresse of suche notable and manifest iniuries and extremities as hath bene contrary to all law, honestie, and good reason inflicted vnto me by my Lord of Canterburie, my Lorde of Rochester, Doctor Smith, and Doctor May, yet because the sayd Doctor Smith being a minister to the Duke of Somerset, and they both my deadly ennemies, hath sondry wayes studied and laboured my ruine and de∣struction, staying and letting heretofore all my lawfull re∣medies and ••utes, hauing therein helpe and furtherance of these two other aforesayd persons, being ready at foote and hand to accomplish all theyr desires and pleasures, I shall at th•••• presence hauing for a time forborne to trouble (for good respectes) your moste honorable good Lordshyppes, with any my••••tes, and especially for your other manifold great affaires in the kinges Maiesties businesse: my selfe yet the meane while, neither wanting good will, ne yet iust cause being where I am to make such sute, renue my sute, and most humbly beseeche your most honorable good lord∣shippes to geue me leaue to make most humble supplicati∣on againe to your sayd Lordshippes, for honest and lawful 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to prosecute my appel••atiō and supplication here∣to••ore made to the kings moste excellent Maiestie, and ac∣cording ••o the law to make my sute for redresse of the sayde 〈…〉〈…〉, extremities and wrongs don 〈…〉〈…〉 the sayd parsones. And your sayd Lordships ouer and besides the furtheraunce of iustice, many wayes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 me and other, and the collection of the kings ma∣iestie Subsidie, nowe to be leuied of the Clergie in my dio∣cesse 〈…〉〈…〉 hath ben, and is staied by reason of the premisses, shall also binde me moste greatly and intirely to pray daily for the good preseruation of your sayd moste ho∣nourable good Lordshippes in all honour, felicitie and ioy long to continue and endure vnto Gods pleasure.

Wryt∣ten in the Marshalsey, the 26. of October. 1549.

Your Lordships most faithful & assured Bedes man. E. Lon.

A supplication made and directed by Edmund Boner late B. of London▪ to the kings Maiestie, out of the prison of the Marshalsey.

* 18.1In the which supplication, first after the vsed forme of stile, he praied for the prosperous estate of the king long to raigne. Then he shewed that his faithful heart and seruice to him, hath, is▪ and shall be, as it was to his father before.

Then ••e declared how he had ben belied of euil men, and misreported not to ••eare a true hart to his grace, but a re∣bellious minde, in denying his royall power in his mino∣ritie, where in deede (he sayeth) his grace should finde hym alwayes during life, both in heart, woorde, and deede, to do and acknowledge otherwise, & to be most willing to shew. &c. and to doe all other thinges for his grace, as willingly as any other subiecte, or as those that were his denoūcers, who hee thought were not sent of his grace, but pretensed Commissioners. &c.

Further, he complained of his denuntiation by certain commissioners (who sayde they were sent by his grace) al∣leaging the same not to be lawful: and of his long & sharpe imprisonment, & that the commissioners obserued neyther law nor reasonable order, but extremitie. And wher he had made appeale to his grace, and he coulde not haue it: he de∣sired to haue lawe to prosecute & sue his appeale for his re∣medy, & that he cōsidering his vocation, might not be shut vp & put from libertie, which his meanest subiects haue.

Then he desired hys graces letters of Supersedeas against the commissioners, and that the matter might be heard be∣fore the counsaile, and then he doubted not but to be found a true faithfull man, and heerein to haue wrong. So in the ende hee concluded, this (prostrating him selfe euen to the very ground, and humbly kissing his graces fete) to be the thing onely which he humbly desired. &c.

THis done, & the supplication perused, the King eftsoone geueth in charge and commaundement,* 18.2 to certain men of honor and worship, & persons skilfull in the lawe, as to Lorde Rich high Chancelor, the L. treasurer, the L. Mar∣ques Dorset, the B. of Ely, Lord Wentworth, sir Anthony Wingfield, sir W. Harbert knightes. Doc. Nich. Wootton, Ed. Mountague Lorde chiefe Iustice, Sir Iohn Baker knight, with Iudge Hales, Ioh. Gosnold, D. Oliuer and also Doctour Leyson, that they scanning and perusing all such actes, matters, and muniments of the sayd Boner by him exhibited, produced, propounded and alleaged, with al and singular his protestations, recusations, & appellatiōs, should vpon mature consideration therof, geue their direc∣ted answere vpon the same,* 18.3 whether the appellation of the said Boner were to be deferred vnto, and whether the sen∣tence defined against him, stood by the law sufficient and ef∣fectual, or not. Who eftsoones after diligent discussion, and considerate aduisement had of all & singular the premisses, gaue their resolute answere, that the pretensed appellation of Edmund Boner aforesayde, was nought and vnreaso∣nable, and in no wise to be deferred vnto, and that the sen∣tence by the Commissioners against him, was rightly and iustly pronounced. And this was the cōclusion of Boners whole matter and depriuation for that time.

Thus then leauing doctor Boner a while in the Mar∣shalsey with his keeper,* 18.4 we will proceede (the Lorde per∣mitting) further in the course of our storie, as the order of yeres and time requireth. And although the trouble of the Lord Protector falleth heere ioyntly with the depriuatiō of D. Boner: yet because he was shortly again deliuered out of the same throughe the Lordes mightye woorking, I will therefore delay the tractation thereof, till the time of his se∣conde trouble, whych was two yeares after: and so in the meane time returning ag••ine into our discourse, intēd by the Lords leaue, to collect and continue the matters begō, touching y^e kings godly proceedings for reformatiō of re∣ligion, in the foresaid yere of our lord, concurring. an. 1549.

And heere first a note woulde be made of Peter Mar∣tyr and of his learned trauels,* 18.5 and disputation in the vni∣uersitie of Oxford the sayde present yeare, with doct. Ched∣sey, & other moe, about the matter of the sacrament: which was, that the substance of breade and wine was not chan∣ged in the sacrament, & that the body and bloude of Christe was not carnally and bodily in the bread and wine, but v∣nited to the same sacramentally.

In like maner some touch or mention here also would be made of the Ecclesiasticall lawes,* 18.6 for the gathering and compiling wherof 32. persons were assigned by Act of par∣lament the sayde present yeare 1549. But because these bee rather matters of tractation, then Hystoricall▪ I meane, (God willing) to deferre the further consideration thereof vnto the ende of the historie of this kinges dayes, and so to passe forward to other matters in the meane while.

Bookes of Latine seruice called in and abolished.

IT followeth then in storie, that certaine of the vulgare multitude,* 18.7 hearing of the apprehension of the Lord Pro∣tectour, and supposinge the alteration of publicke Seruice into Englishe, and administration of the Sacramente and other rites lately appoynted in the Churche, had beene the Acte chiefly or only of the sayd Lorde Protectour, beganne vppon the same to noyse and brute abroad, that they shuld nowe haue theyr olde Latine seruice, wyth holy bread and holy water,* 18.8 and theyr other like superstitious ceremonies againe, whereuppon the King wyth the body and state of the priuie Counsell then being, directed oute his letters of request and straite commaundement to the Byshoppes in their diocesse, to cause and warne the Deane, and Preben∣daries of their Cathedrall Churches, all Persons, vicares and Curates: with the Churchwardens of euery Parishe

wythin their Diocesse, to bring in and deliuer vp all An∣tiphoners, Missales, Grailes, Processionals, Manuals, Legendes,* 18.9 Pies, Portuases, Iournals, and Ordinals af∣ter the vse of Sarum, Lincolne, Yorke, Bangor, Herforde, or any other priuate vse,* 18.10 and all other bookes of seruice, the hauing wherof might be any let to y^e seruice now set foorth in English, charging also and commaunding all suche as should be found stubborne or disobedient in this behalf, to be committed vnto warde.

And because the Kinge moreouer was aduertised that there was a slacknes and a frowardnes among the people refusing to pay towarde the finding of breade and wine for the holy Communion, by reason wherof the Communion in many places was omitted, the Bishops in like manner had geuen in charge to prouide for redresse therof,* 18.11 & to pu∣nish them which should refuse so to do. Wherby it may ap∣peare to vs now, that no wafer cakes but common bread, was then by the kinges appoyntment ordinarily receiued and vsed in Churches. This was about the latter ende of December. An. 1549.

Taking downe of aultares, and setting vp of the table in steede thereof.

FUrthermore, in the yeare nexte following .1550. other letters likewise were sent out for the taking downe of altars in churches,* 18.12 and setting vp the table in steade of the same, vnto Nicholas Ridley, who being Bishop of Ro∣chester before, was then made Bishop of London, in Bo∣ners place, the copie and contentes of the kings letters are these, as followeth.

The kings letters to Nicholas Ridley Bishop of London. &c.

RIght reuerende father in God, right trustie and well beloued, we greete you wel.* 18.13 And where it is come to our knowledge, that being the altars within the more part of the churches of this realme, already vpon good and godly considerations takē down, there doth yet remaine altares standing in diuers other churches, by occasion whereof muche variaunce and contention ariseth a∣mongest sundry of our subiectes, whiche if good foresight were not had, might perchaunce engender great hurt and inconueni∣ence: we lette you wit, that minding to haue all occasion of con∣tention taken away, which many times groweth by those & such like diuersities, and considering that amongste other thinges be∣longing to our royal office and cure, we do accompt the greatest to be, to maintaine the common quiet of oure Realme wee haue thought good by the aduice of our Counsaile to require you, and neuertheles especial to charge and commaund you, for the auoi∣ding of all matters of further contention & strife about the stan∣ding or taking away of the said altares,* 18.14 to geue substantiall order throughout all your diocesse, that with all diligence all the altars in euery churche or chappell, as well in places exempted, as not exempted within your saide diocesse be taken downe, and in the stead of them a table to be set vp in some conuenient parte of the chancel within euery suche churche or chappel, to serue for the ministratiō of the blessed cōmuniō.* 18.15 And to the intēt the same may be done without the offēce of such our louing subiects, as be not yet so wel perswaded in that behalfe as we would wish, we sende vnto you heerewith, certaine considerations gathered and colle∣cted that make for the purpose, the whiche and such others as you shall thinke meete to be set foorth to perswade the weake to em∣brace our proceedings in this parte, we pray you cause to be de∣clared to the people by some discrete preachers in such places as you shal thinke meete, before the taking downe of the said altars: so as both the weake consciences of other may be instructed and satisfied as muche as may be, and this our pleasure the more qui∣etly executed. For the better doing whereof, wee require you to open the foresaid considerations in that our cathedrall church in your own person, if you conueniently may, or otherwise by your Chancelour, or some other graue preacher, both there, & in such other market townes and moste notable places of your diocesse, as you may thinke most requisite.

Geuen vnder our Signet, at our Pallace of Westminster, the 24. daye of Nouember, the 4 yeare of our raigne.

• Edward Somerset.
• Thomas Cranmer.
• William Wiltsher.
• Iohn Warwike.
• Iohn Bedford.
• William North.
• Edward Clinton.
• H. Wentworth.
• Thomas Ely.

Reasons why the Lordes boorde should rather be after the forme of a table, then of an aultare.

The first reason.

FIrst, the forme of a table shall more moue y^e simple from the superstitious opinions of the Popish Masse, vnto the right vse of the Lordes supper.* 18.16 For the vse of an altare is to make sacrifice vpon it: the vse of a table is to serue for men to eate vpon. Nowe when we come vnto the Lordes boorde, what do we come for? To sacrifice Christe agayne, and to crucifie hym againe? or to feede vppon hym that was once onely crucified, and offered vp for vs? If wee come to feede vppon him, spiritually to eate his body, and spiritually to drinke his bloud, which is the true vse of the Lordes supper, then no man can denie, but the forme of a table is more meete for the Lordes boorde, then the forme o•• an aultare.

The second reason.

Item, where as it is sayde,* 18.17 the booke of common pray∣er maketh mention of an aultar, wherfore it is not lawfull to abolish that which that booke alloweth: to this is thus answeared:* 18.18 The booke of common prayer calleth the thing whereu••on the Lordes supper is ministred, indifferently a Table, an Aultar, or the Lordes boord, without prescrip∣tion of any forme thereof, either of a Table, or of an Aul∣tare. So that whether the Lordes boorde haue the fourme of an Aultar, or of a table, the booke of common prayer cal∣leth it both an Aultar and a Table. For as it calleth an Al∣tar whereuppon the Lordes Supper is ministred, a table, and the Lordes boord,* 18.19 so it calleth the table where the holye Communion is distributed with laudes and thankes ge∣uing vnto the Lorde, an Aultar, for that, that there is offe∣red the same sacrifice of praise and thankes geuinge. And thus it appeareth, that heere is nothing neither sayde nor meant contrary to the booke of common praier.

The third reason.

Thirdlye, the Popishe opinion of Masse,* 18.20 was that it might not be celebrated but vppon an aultar, or at the least vpon a superaltare, to supply the fault of the altare, which must haue hadde hys printes and charectes, or else it was thought that the thing was not lawfully done. But thys superstitious opinion is more holden in the mindes of the simple and ignorant by the forme of an aultar, then of a ta∣ble: wherfore it is more meete for the abolishment of thys superstitious opinion, to haue the Lordes boorde after the forme of a table, then of an altar.

The fourth reason.

Fourthly, the forme of an aultar was ordained for the Sacrifices of the Lawe,* 18.21 and therfore the aultar in Greeke is called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Quasi Sacrificij locus. But nowe bothe the lawe and the Sacrifices thereof doe cease: Wherefore the fourme of the aultare vsed in the Lawe, ought to cease wythall.

The fift reason.

Fiftly,* 18.22 Christe did institute the Sacrament of his bo∣dye and bloud at his laste Supper at a Table, and not at an Aultare, as it appeareth manifestly by the three Euan∣gelistes. And Saint Paule calleth the comming to the ho∣ly Communion, the comminge vnto the Lordes Supper. And also it is not read, that any of the Apostles or the Pri∣mitiue Church did euer vse any altare in the ministration of the holy Communion.

Wherefore, seeing the forme of a Table is more agreea∣ble with Christes institution, and with the vsage of the A∣postles and of the Primitiue Churche, then the forme of an Aultar, therefore the forme of a Table is rather to be vsed, then the forme of an Aultare in the administration of the holy Communion.

The sixt reason.

Finally,* 18.23 it is said in the preface of the booke of common prayer, that if any doubt doe arise in the vse and practising of the same booke, to appease all suche diuersitie, the matter shall be referred vnto the Bishop of the dioces, who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasinge of the same, so that the same order be not contrarye vnto a∣ny thing contained in that booke.

After these letters and reasones receyued, the forena∣med Nicholas Ridley Byshop of London, consequently vppon the same did hold his visitation, wherein amongst other his Iniunctions, the sayde Bishoppe exhorted those Churches in his Diocesse, where the Aultars then did re∣maine, to confourme them selues vnto those other Chur∣ches whych had taken them downe, and had sette vp in the steade of the multitude of their Aultares, one decent Table in euery Church.

Uppon the occasion whereof there arose a greate di∣uersitie aboute the fourme of the Lordes boorde, some v∣sing it after the fourme of a Table, and some of an aultare.

Wherein when the saide Bishop was required to saye and determine what was moste meete,* 18.24 he declared he could doe no lesse of his bounden duetie, for the appeasing of such di∣uersitie, & to procure one godly vniformitie, but to exhorte all his Diocesse vnto that,* 18.25 which he thought did best agree with Scripture, with the vsage of the Apostles, and wyth the Primitiue Churche, and to that which is not onely not contrary vnto any thinge contained in the booke of Com∣mon prayer (as is before prooued) but also mighte highly further the kings most godly procedings, in abolishing of diuers vaine & superstitious opinions of the popish masse out of the hearts of the simple, and to bring them to y^e right vse taught by holy Scripture,* 18.26 of the Lordes Supper, and so appoynted he the fourme of a right Table to be vsed in his Dioces, and in the Church of Paules, brake down the wall standing then by the high Aultars side.

Now we will enter, (God willing) into those matters which happened betweene kinge Edwarde and hys sister Mary, as by their letters here folowing are to be seene.

To my Lorde Protectour and the rest of the kings Maiesties Counsaile.

MY Lorde, I perceiue by the letters whyche I late receiued from you, and other of the kinges Maie∣sties Counsaile, that yee be all sorie to finde so litle confor∣mitie in me touching the obseruation of his Maiesties la∣wes:* 18.27 who am well assured I haue offended no law, vnles it be a late lawe of your owne making, for the altering of matters of Religion, whiche in my conscience is not wor∣thy to haue the name of a Lawe, both for the kings honors sake, the wealth of the Realme, and geuing an occasion of an euill br••ite through all Christendome, besides the par∣cialitie vsed in the same, and (as my sayde conscience is ve∣ry well perswaded) the offending of God, which passeth al the rest: but I am well assured, that the king hys fathers Lawes were allowed and consented to with out compul∣sion by the whole Realme, both Spirituall and Tempo∣rall, and all ye executours sworne vppon a Booke to fulfil the same, so that it was an authorised Lawe, and that I haue obeyed, and will doe with the grace of God, till the Kinges Maiestie my brother shall haue sufficient yeares to bee a Iudge in these matters hym selfe: Wherein my Lorde, I was plaine wyth you at my laste beynge in the Courte: declaringe vnto you at that time, whereunto I woulde stande, and nowe doe assure you all, that the only occasion of my stay from altering mine opinion, is for two causes.

One principally for my conscience sake: the other, that the king my brother shal not hereafter charge me to be one of those, that were agreeable to suche alterations in hys tender yeares. And what fruites dailye growe by suche chaunges since the death of the King my Father, to euery indifferent person, it wel appeareth, both to the displeasure of God, and vnquietnesse of the realme.

Notwythstanding, I assure you all, I woulde be as ••othe to see his highnesse take hurt, or that any euill should come to this his Realme, as the best of you all, and none of you haue the like cause, considering howe I am compelled by nature, beinge his Maiesties poore and humble Sister, moste tenderly to loue and pray for him, and vnto this his realme, being borne within the same, wishe all wealth and prosperitie to Gods honour.

And if any iudge mee the contrarye for mine opinions sake, as I truste none doth, I doubte not in the ende, wyth Gods helpe, to prooue my selfe as true a natural and hum∣ble sister, as they of the contrary opinion, with all their de∣uises and altering of lawes, shall prooue them selues true subiectes, praying you my Lorde and the rest of the Coun∣sail, no more to vnquier and trouble me with matters tou∣ching my conscience, wherein I am at a full poynte, wyth Gods helpe, what soeuer shall happen to mee, intendinge with his grace, to trouble you litle with any worldly sutes but to bestowe the short time I thinke to liue, in quietnes, and pray for the kinges Maiestie and all you, heartily wi∣shing, that your proceedings may be to Gods honour, the safegard of the kings persone, and quietnesse to the whole Realme.

Moreouer, where your desire is, that I woulde sende my Controller and Doctour Hopton vnto you, by whom you woulde signifie your mindes more amplie, to my con∣tentation & honour: it is not vnknowen to you al, that the chiefe charge of my house ••e••teth onely vppon the trauails of my sayde Controller. Who hath not bene absent from my 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three who••e dayes since the settinge vp of the same vnlesse it were for my letters Patentes, so that if it wer•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for his continual diligence▪ I thinke my litle por∣tion would not haue stretched so farre. And my Chaplaine by occasion of sickenesse, hath bene long absent, and yet not able to ride.

Therefore like as I can not forbeare my Controller, and my Prieste is not able to iourney: So shall I desire you my Lorde, and the rest of the Counsaile, that hauinge any thing to be declared vnto me, except matters of Reli∣gion, yee will either wryte your mindes, or sende some tru∣stie person, with whome I shall be contented to talke, and make answere as the case shall require, assuring you, that if any seruaunte of mine owne, eyther man or woman, or Chaplaine shoulde moue me to the contrary of my consci∣ence, I woulde not geue eare to them, nor suffer the lyke to be vsed wythin my house. And thus my Lorde, wyth my hearty commendations, I wishe vnto you and the rest, as well to doe as my selfe.

From my house at Kinning hall, the 22. of Iune. 1549.

Your assured frend to my power, Mary.

A remembrance of certaine matters, appoynted by the Counsaile, to be declared by Doctor Hopton to the Ladie Maries grace, for answer to her for∣mer letter, which said Hopton was after shee came to her raigne B. of Norwiche.

Her grace wryteth, that the lawe made by Parlament, is not woorthy the name of a lawe, meaninge the sta∣tute for the Communion. &c.

You shall say thereto.

THe fault is great in any subiect to disallow a law of the king, a Lawe of a Realme, by long studie, free disputa∣tion, and vniforme determination of the whole Cleargie, consulted, debated, and concluded. But the greater fault is in her grace, being nexte of any subiect in bloude and estate to the kings Maiestie her brother and good Lorde, to geue example of disobedience, being a subiecte, or of vnnatural∣nesse, being his Maiesties sister, or of neglecting the pow∣er of the crowne, shee being by limitation of lawe nexte to the same. The example of disobedience is most perilous in this time, as shee can wel vnderstand, her vnkindnesse re∣steth in the kinges owne acceptation, the neglecting of the power, before God is answereable, and in the worlde tou∣cheth her honour.

The executours, shee sayth, were sworne to king Henrie the eight his lawes.

You shall say.

It is true, they were sworne to him, his Lawes, hys heires, and successours, which oth they duely obserue, and should offend if they should breake any one iote of y^e kings lawes nowe being, without a dispensation by a lawe, and herein her grace shall vnderstand, that it is no lawe, which is dissolued by a law: Neither may her grace do that iniu∣rie to the kinges Maiestie her brother, to diminish his au∣thoritie so farre, that he may not by the free cōsent of a ••ar∣lament, amend and alter vnprofitable lawes, for the num∣ber of inconueniences which hereof mighte folowe, as her grace with consideration may well perceiue.

Offence taken by the sending for of her officers.

You shall say.

If her grace consider the firste letters of that purpose, they will declare our good meaning to her, and our gentle vsage, requiring the presence of her trusty seruant, because shee might geue more trust to our message.

Her house is her flocke.

You shall say.

It is well liked her grace shoulde haue her house or flock, but not exempt from the Kings orders: neither may there be a flocke of the kings subiects, but such as wil hear and folowe the voice of the king their shepheard. God dis∣aloweth it, law and reason forbiddeth it, pollicie abhorreth it, and her honour may not require it.

Her grace deferreth her obedience to the kings lawe, till his Maiestie be of sufficient yeares.

You shall say.

Shee coulde in no one saying more disallow the autho∣ritie of the king, the maiestie of his crowne, and the state of the Realme. For heerein shee suspendeth hys kingdome, and esteemeth his authoritie by his age, not by his right and title. Her grace must vnderstande he is a King by the ordinaunce of God, by descent of Royall bloude, not by the numbering of his yeares.

As a creature subiecte to mortalitie, hee hathe youthe, and by Gods grace shall haue age: but as a Kinge he hath

no difference by dayes and yeares. The Scripture plainly declareth it, not only young children to haue ben kings by Gods speciall ordinaunce, but also (whiche is to be noted) to haue had best successe in their raigne, and the fauour of God in theyr proceedinges. Yea, in their first yeares haue they most purely refourmed the Church and state of Reli∣giō. Therfore her grace hath no cause thus to diminish his maiesties power, and to make him as it were no king vn∣til she thinke him of sufficient yeares. Wherin howe much his maiestie may be iustly offended, they be sorie to thinke.

Shee saith, shee is subiecte to none of the Counsaile.

You shall say.

If her grace vnderstandeth it of vs in that acceptation as we be priuate men, and not counsailours, sworne to the kings maiesty, we knowledge vs not to be superiors: but if shee vnderstande her wryting of vs as Counsailors and magistrates, ordained by his maiestie, her grace muste be contented to thinke vs of authority sufficient by the reason of our office to chalēge a superioritie, not to rule by priuate affection: but by Gods prouidence, not to our estimation, but to the kings honour, and finally to encrease the kings estate with our counsaile, our dignitie and vocation: and we think her grace wil not forget the saying of Salomon, in the 6. chapter of the booke of Wisedome, to mooue a king to rule by counsaile and wisedome, and to builde his estate vpon them. Wherefore her grace must be remembred, the kings Maiesties pollitike body is not made onely of hys owne Royall material body, but of a Counsaile, by whom his maiestie ruleth, directeth, and gouerneth hys Realme. In the place of which Counsaile her grace is not ignorant, that we be set and placed. Wherfore the reputation she shal geue vs, shee shall geue it to the kings honor, & that which shee shall take from vs, shee shall take from his Maiestie, whose maiestie wee thinke if it might take encrease of ho∣nour, as God geueth a daily abundance, it should receiue rather encrease from her beinge his Maiesties sister, then thus any abatement.

Shee receiued maister Arundel, and maister Englefelde.

You shall say.

All the Counsaile remembreth well her refusall to haue her house charged w^t any more number, alleaging the smal proportion for her charge, and therefore it was thought to come of their earnest suite, meaning to be priuiledged sub∣iectes from the lawe, then of her desire, which refused very often to encrease her number. Their cautel the king might not suffer, to haue his law disobeied, their countreis where they shoulde serue by them to be destitute, and hauing bene seruantes to his maiestie, the circumstances of their depar∣ture might in no wise be liked.

Shee refused to heare anye man to the contrarye of her opinion.

You shall say.

It is an aunswer more of will then of reason, and ther∣fore her Grace muste bee admonished neither to truste her owne opinion without ground, neither mislike al others. hauing grounde. If hers be good, it is no hurt if shee heare the worse. If it be ill, shee shall doe well to heare the better. Shee shall not alter by hearing, but by hearing the better. And because shee shall not mislike the offer, lette her grace name of learned men whome shee will, and further then they by learning shal prooue, shee shall not be mooued. And so farre it is thought, reason wil compell her grace.

In the ende yee shall say.

The good willes and mindes of the Lorde Protectour and the Counsaile is so muche toward her grace, that how soeuer shee would her selfe in honor be esteemed, how soe∣uer in conscience quieted, yea how soeuer benefited, sauing their dueties to God and the king, they woulde as muche, and in theyr doings (if it please her to prooue it) will be no∣thing inferiours, assuring her grace, that they be moste so∣rie shee is thus disquieted: and if necessitie of the cause, the honour and suretie of the king, and the iudgement of theyr owne conscience mooued them not, thus farre they woulde not haue attempted. But their trust is, her grace wil alow them the more, when she shal perceiue the cause, and thinke no lesse coulde be done by them, where shee prouoked them so farre.

* 18.28¶These and other of like credite, more amply commit∣ted to you in speache, you shal declare to her grace, and further declare your conscience for the allow∣ing of the manner of the Communion, as yee haue plainely professed it before vs.

At Richmund. 14. Iune. 1549.

The Lady Mary to the Lorde Protectour and the rest of the Counsaile. 27. Iune. 1549.

MY Lorde, I perceiue by letters directed from you and other of the kinges maiesties Counsaile, to my Controller, my Chaplaine, and master Englefelde my seruaunt, that ye will them vppon their allegeaunce, to repaire immediately to you, wherin you geue me euident cause to chaunge mine accustomed opini∣on of you all, that is to say, to thinke you careful of my quietnesse and wel doings, considering how earnestly I wryte to you for the stay of two of them, and that not without very iust cause. And as for maister Englefeld, assoone as he could haue prepared himselfe, hauing his horsses so farre off, although yee hadde not sent at this present, would haue perfourmed your request. But in deede I am much deceiued. For I supposed ye would haue waied and takē my letters in better part, if yee haue receiued them: if not, to haue ta∣ried mine answere, and I not to haue found so litle frendship, not to haue bene vsed so vngently at your hands in sending for him, vpon whose trauail doth rest the only charge of my whole house, as I wryt to you lately, whose absence therefore shall be to me & my sayde house no little displeasure, especially being so farre off. And besides all this, I doe greatly maruaile to see your wrytinge for him, and the other two with suche extreeme wordes of pearill to ensue towardes them, in case they did not come, and specially for my Controller, whose charge is so great, that he canne not so∣dainly be meete to take a iourney: which woordes in mine opini∣on needed not (vnlesse it were in some verye iust and necessarye cause) to any of mine, who taketh my selfe subiect to none of you all: not doubting but if the kinges maiestie my brother were of sufficient yeares to perceiue this matter, and knewe what lacke and in commoditie the absence of my said officer should be to my house, his grace woulde haue beene so good Lorde to mee, as to haue suffered him to remaine, where his charge is. Notwithstan∣ding, I haue willed him at this time to repaire to you, commaun∣ding him to returne foorthwith for my very necessities sake, and I haue geuen the like leaue to my poore sicke prieste also, whose life I thinke vndoubtedly shall be putte in hasard by the wet and colde painefull trauaile of this iourney. But for my parte I assure you all, that since the king my father, your late maister and verye good Lorde died, I neuer tooke you for other then my frendes: but in this it appeareth cōtrary. And sauing I thought verily that my former letters shoulde haue discharged this matter, I woulde not haue troubled my selfe with wryting the same, not doubting but you doe consider, that none of you all would haue bene con∣tented to haue bene thus vsed at your inferiours handes, I meane to haue hadde your officer, or any of your seruaunts sent for by a force (as yee make it) knowing no iust cause why. Wherefore I doe not a little maruaile, that yee had not this remembraunce to∣wardes mee, who alwayes hath willed and wished you as well to doe as my selfe, and both haue and will praye for you all as hearti∣ly, as for mine owne soule to almightye God, whome I humblye beseeche to illumine you all with his holy spirite, to whose mercy also I am at a full poynt to commit my selfe, what soeuer shall be∣come of my body. And thus with my commendations I bid you all fare well.

From my house at Kenninghal, the 27. of Iune.

Youre frende to my power, though you geue mee con¦trary cause. Mary.

A copie of the kinges Maiesties letter to the Ladie Marie. 24. Ian. 1550.

RIght deare. &c. We haue seene by letters of our Coun∣saile, sent to you of late, and by your aunsweare there∣unto, touching the cause of certaine your Chaplaines, ha∣uing offended our lawes in saying of Masse, their good and conuenient aduises, and your frutelesse and indirect mista∣king of the same, which thing mooueth vs to wryte at this time, that where good counsell from oure Counsaile hathe not preuailed, yet the like from our selfe maye haue due re∣garde. The whole matter we perceiue resteth in thys, that you being oure next sister, in whome aboue all other oure subiectes, nature shoulde place the moste estimation of vs, would wittingly and purposely, not onely breake our la∣wes your selfe, but also haue others maintained to doe the same. Truely howe soeuer the matter may haue other ter∣mes, other sense it hath not: and although by your letter it seemeth you chalenge a promise made, that so you myghte do: yet surely we know the promise had no such meaning, neither to maintaine, ne to continue your fault. You muste knowe this sister, you were at the first time when the law was made, borne with all, not because you shoulde diso∣bey the lawe, but y^t by our lenitie and loue shewed you mi∣ght learne to obey it. Wee made a difference of you from our other subiectes, not for that all other should folow our lawes, & you only against and them, but that you might be

brought as far forward by loue, as others were by duety. The error wherein you would rest is double, & euery part so great, that neither for the loue of God, we can wel suffer it vnredressed. neither for the loue of you we can but wish it amēded. First you retaine a fashion in honoring of God, who in dede therby is dishonored, & therin erre you in zeal for lacke of science, & hauing science offered you, you refuse it, not because it is science (we trust, for then should we dis∣paire of you) but because you thinke it is none. And surely in this we can best reprehende you, learning daily in oure schoole, that therefore we learne things, because we knowe thē not, & are not alowed to say we know not these things, or we thinke they be not good, & therfore we wil not learne them. Sister, you must thinke nothing can commende you more then reason, according to the which you haue bene hi∣therto vsed, & nowe for very loue we will offer you reason our selfe. If you are perswaded in conscience to the contra∣rye, of our lawes, you or your perswaders shall freely be suffered to say what you or they can, so that you will heare what shalbe said againe.

In this poynt you see I pretermit my estate, and talke with you as your brother, rather then your supreme Lord and king. Thus should you, being as wel content to heare of your opinions, as you are content to holde them, in the end thanke vs as much for bringing you to light, as nowe before you learne, you are loth to see it. And it thus muche reason with our natural loue shal not mooue you, whereof we would be sorie, then must we consider the other part of your fault, which is the offence of our lawes. For though hitherto it hath bene suffered in hope of amendement, yet now, if hope be none, how shall there be sufferaunce? Our charge is to haue the same care ouer euery mannes estate, that euery man ought to haue ouer his owne. And in your owne house, as you would be lothe openly to suffer one of your seruauntes being next you, most manifestly to breake your orders, so must you thinke in our state it shal miscon∣tent vs to permit you so great a subiecte, not to keepe oure lawes. Your nearnes to vs in bloud, your greatnesse in e∣state, the condition of this time maketh your fault y^e grea∣ter. The example is vnnatural, that our sister shuld do lesse for vs, then our other subiects. The case is sclanderous for so great a personage to forsake our maiestie.

Finally, it is too dangerous in a troublesome common wealth, to make y^e people to mistrust a faction. We be yōg, you thinke in yeeres to consider this. Truely sister, it trou∣bleth vs somwhat the more, for it may be, this euil suffered in you, is greater then we can discerne, & so we be as much troubled, because we doubt whether we see the whole pea∣ril, as we be, for that we see. In deede we will presume no further then our yeres geueth vs, y^t is, in doubtfull things not to trust our own wits, but in euidēt things we thinke there is no differēce. If you shuld not do as other subiects do, were it not euident, that therin you shuld not be a good subiect? Were it not plaine in that case, that you should vse vs not as your soueraigne Lord? Againe, if you shoulde be suffred to breake our lawes manifestly, were it not a com∣fort for others so to do? and if our lawes be broken, & con∣temned, where is our estate? These things be so plaine, as we could almost haue iudged them sixe yeares past. And in deede it greeueth vs not a little, that you whych shoulde be our most comfort in our yong yeres, should alone geue vs occasion of discomfort. Thinke you not but it must needes trouble vs, and if you can so thinke, you oughte sister to a∣mend it. Our natural loue towards you without doubt is great, & therfore diminish it not your self. If you wil be lo∣ued by vs, shewe some token of loue towardes vs, that we say not with the Psalme. Mala pro bonis mihi reddiderunt. If you will be beleeued, when by wryting you confesse vs to be your soueraigne Lord, heare that which in other things is often alleaged: Ostende mihi fidem tuam ex factis tuis. In the answere of your letter to our counsaile, we remember you sticke only vpon one reason deuided into two partes. The first is, that in matters of religion, your faith is none other, but as all Christendome doth confesse. The next is, you wil assent to no alteration, but wish things to stād as they did at our fathers death. If you meane in the firste to rule your faith, by that you call Christendome, and not by this Church of England, wherein you are a member, you shal err in many poynts, such as our fathers & yours wold not haue suffered, whatsoeuer you saye of the standing still of thinges, as they were leaft by him. The matter is too plaine to write, what may be gathered, and too perillous to be concluded against you. For the other part, if you like no alteration by our authoritie, of things not altered by oure father, you should doe vs too great an iniurie. We take our self for the administration of this our common wealthe, to haue the same authoritye which our father had diminished in no part, neither by example of scripture, nor by vniuer∣sal lawes. The stories of Scripture be so plenteous, as al∣most y^e best ordered church of the Israelites was by kings, yonger then we be. Well sister, we will not in these things interprete your wrytings to the worste: loue and charitie shall expound them. But yet you must not therby be bolde to offend in that, whereunto you see your wrytings might be wrested. To conclude, we exhort you to do your duetie, and if any impediment be thereof, not of purpose, you shall finde a brotherly affection in vs to remedy the same. To teache you and instruct you, we wil geue order, and so pro∣cure you to doe your duetie wil••ingly, that you shall per∣ceiue you are not vsed meerely as a subiect, and onely com∣maunded, but as a daughter, a scholler, and a sister, taught, instructed, and perswaded. For the which cause, when you haue considered this our letter, we pray you that wee may shortly heare from you.

To the kings most excellent Maiestie.

MY duetie moste humbly remembred to your maiestie, please it the same to vnderstande that I haue receiued your letters by maister Throgmorton this bearer. The contents wherof doeth more trouble me, then any bodily sicknesse, though it were euen to the death, and the rather for that your highnesse doeth charge me to be both as a breaker of your lawes, and also an encourager of others to do the like. I most humbly beseeche your Maiestie, to thinke that I neuer entended towards you otherwise then my du∣ty compelleth me vnto, that is, to wish your highnesse all honour and prosperitie, for the which I do and daily shal pray▪ And where it pleaseth your maiestie to wryte, that I make a chalēge of a pro∣mise made otherwise then it was meant: the trothe is, the promise coulde not be denied before your maiesties presence at my laste waiting vpon the same. And althoughe, I confesse, the grounde of faith (wherunto I take reason to be but an handmaid) & my con∣science also hath and doth agree with the same: yet touching that promise, for so much as it hath pleased your maiestie (God know∣eth by whose perswasion) to wryte, it was not so meanr: I shal most humbly desire your highnes to examine the truth therof indiffe∣rently, and either will your maiesties ambassadour, nowe being with the Emperor, to enquire of the same, if it be your pleasure to haue him moue it, or els to cause it to be demanded of the Empe∣rors ambassador here, although he were not within this realme at that time. And thereby it shall appeare that in this poynt, I haue not offended your maiestie, if it may please you so to accepte it. And albeit your maiestie (GOD be praised) hath at these yeres as much vnderstanding and more, then is commonly seene in that age yet considering you do hear but one part (your high∣nes not offended) I would be a suter to the same, that till ye were grōwen to more perfect yeres, it might stand with your pleasure to stay in matters touching the soule. So vndoubtedly shuld your Maiestie knowe more, and heare others, and neuerthelesse be at your liberty and do your wil and pleasure. And whatsoeuer your maiestie hath conceiued of me, either by letters to your coūsaile, or by their report, I trust in the ende to proue my selfe as true to you, as any subiect within your realm, & wil by no meanes stand in argument with your maiestie, but in most humble wise beseche you, euen for Gods sake to suffer me, as your highnesse hath done hitherto. It is for no worldly respecte I desire it, God is my iudge, but rather then to offend my conscience, I woulde desire of God, to lose all that I haue, and also my life: and neuerthelesse liue and die your humble sister and true subiect. Thus after pardon craued of your maiestie for my rude and bold writing, I beseche almigh∣ty God to preserue the same in honor, with as long continuance of health and life, as euer had noble king.

From Beauliene, the 3. of Februarie,

Your Maiesties most humble and vn∣worthy sister, Marie.

The Ladie Marie to the Lordes of the Counsaile 4. December. 1550.

MY Lords, your letters dated the second of this present, were deliuered vnto mee the thirde of the same. And where you wryte, that two of my Chaplaines, Doctor Mallet and Barkley be indicted for certaine things committed by them contrary to the kings Maiesties lawes, and processe for them also awarded forth, and deliuered to the Sheriffe of Essex: I can not bur maruell they should be so vsed, cōsidering it is done, as I take it, for saying masse wythin my house: and although I haue bene of my selfe mineded alwayes, and yet am, to haue Masse within my house: yet I haue bene aduertised, that the Emperours Maiestie hath bene promi∣mised that I shoulde neuer be vnquieted nor troubled for my so doing, as some of you, my Lordes, can witnesse. Furthermore, be∣sides the declaration of the saide promise made to me by the Em∣perors ambassador that dead is, from his Maiesty, to put my chap∣laines more out of feare, when I was the last yeare with the kings maiestie my brother, that question was then mooued, and coulde not bee denyed, but affirmed by some of you before his Ma∣iestie to bee true, beinge not so muche vnquieted for the trouble

of my sayde Chaplaines, as I am to thinke how this matter may be taken, the promise to such a person being no better regarded. And for mine owne part, thought full little to haue receiued suche vn∣gentlenes at your hāds hauing alwaies (God is my iudge) wished vnto the whole nūber of you, as to my self, & haue refused to tro∣ble you, or to craue any thing at your hāds, but your good wil & frēdship, which very slenderly appeareth in this matter. Notwith∣stāding to be plain with you, how soeuer you shal vse me or mine (with Gods helpe) I will neuer varie from mine opinion tou∣ching my faith. And if yee or any of you beare me the lesse good wil for that matter, or faint in your frendship towardes me, onely for the same I must and will be contented, trusting that God will in the ende shew his mercy vpon me, assuring you, I would rather refuse the frendship of all the world (whereunto I trust I shall ne∣uer be driuen) then forsake any poynte of my faith. I am not with∣out some hope that yee will stay this matter, not enforcing the ri∣gor of the law against my chaplaines. The one of them was not in my house these 4. moneths, & D. Mallet hauing my licence, is ey∣ther at Windsor, or at his benefice, who, as I haue hearde, was in∣dicted for saying of Masse out of my house, whiche was not true▪ But in deede, the day before my remoouing from Woodham wa∣ter, my whole housholde in effecte was gone to Newhall, he sayde Masse there by mine appoyntment. I see and heare of diuers that doe not obey your statutes and proclamations, and neuerthelesse escape without punishmēt. Be ye Iudges, if I be well vsed to haue mine punished by rigour of a lawe, besides all the false bruits that ye haue suffered to be spoken of me. Moreouer my Chaplaine D. Mallet, besides mine owne commandement was not ignorant of the promise made to the Emperour, which did putte him oute of feare. I doubt not therfore but ye wil consider it, as by that occa∣sion no peace of friendship be taken away, nor I to haue cause but to beare you my good will, as I haue done heeretofore, for albeit I coulde do you little pleasure, yet of my friendship ye were sure, as if it had lien in my power yee shoulde haue well knowen. Thus with my hearty commendations to you all, I pray almighty God to send you as muche of his grace, as I woulde wish to mine owne soule.

From Beulien, the 4. of Decemb.

Your assured frend to my power, Mary.

The Counsaile to the Ladie Marie, the 25. of December.

AFter our due commendations to your grace. By your letters to vs, as an answeare to ours, touching certain processe against two of your Chaplaines, for saying Masse against the law and statute of the realme, we perceiue both the offence of your chaplains is otherwise excused then the matter may beare, and also our good willes otherwise mis∣construed then we looked for. And for the first parte, where your greatest reason for to excuse the offence of a lawe, is a promise made to the Emperours Maiestie, whereof you wryte, that first some of vs be witnesses, next that the Am∣bassadour for the Emperour declared the same vnto you, and lastly, that the same promise was affirmed to you be∣fore y^e kings maiestie at your last being with him: We haue thought conuenient to repeate the matter from the begin∣ning, as it hath hitherto proceeded, whereupon it shal ap∣peare howe euidently your Chaplaines hath offended the lawe, and you also mistaken the promise. The promise is but one in it selfe, but by times thrise as you say repealed. Of whiche times, the firste is chiefly to be considered, for vppon that doe the other two depende. It is very true the Emperour made request to the kinges Maiestie, that you might haue libertye to vse the Masse in your house, and to be as it were exempted from the daunger of the statute. To which request diuers good reasons were made, containing the discommodities that shoulde follow the graunt therof, and meanes deuised rather to perswade you, to obey & re∣ceiue the generall and godly reformation of the whole re∣alme, then by a priuate fansie to preiudice a common order. But yet vpon earnest desire and entreatie made in y^e Em∣perours name, thus much was graunted, that for his sake and your owne also, it should be suffered and winked at, if you had the priuate masse vsed in your own closet for a sea∣son, vntil you might be better enformed, wherof was some hope, hauing only with you a few of your owne chamber, so that for all the rest of your housholde, the seruice of the realme shoulde be vsed, and none other: further, then thys the promise exceeded not. And truely suche a matter it then seemed to some of vs, as in dede it was, that wel might the Emperour haue required of the kinges Maiestie a matter of more profit: but of more weight or difficulty to be gran∣ted, his maiestie coulde not. After this graunt in woordes, there was by the ambassadour now dead, oftentimes desi∣red some wryting, as a testimonye of the same. But y^t was euer denyed: not because we meant to breake the promise, as it was made, but because ther was a daily hope of your reformation.

Nowe to the second time, you say the Emperors Am∣bassadours declaration made mention of a promise to you, it might well so be. But we thinke no otherwise then as it appeareth before wrytten. If it were, hys fault it was to declare more then he heard: ours it may not be, that denye not that we haue sayd. As for the last time when you were with the kinges maiestie, the same some of vs (whome by these words your letter noteth) doe wel remember, that no other thing was graūted to you in this matter, but as the first promise was made to the Emperour, at whiche time you had too many arguments made to approoue the proce∣dings of the kings Maiestie, and to condemne the abuse of the masse, to thinke that where the priuate masse was iud∣ged vngodly, there you should haue authority and ground to vse it. About the same time, the Ambassadoure made meanes to haue some testimonie of the promise vnder the great seale, and that not hard to haue it, but by a letter, and that also was not onely denied, but diuers good reasons, y^t he should think it denied with reason, & so to be contented with an aunswer. It was told him in reducing that which was commonly called the Masse, to the order of the prima∣tiue church, and the institution of Christe, the kings maie∣sty & his whole realme had their consciences well quieted, against y^t which, if any thing should be willingly commit∣ted, the same should be taken as an offence to God, & a ve∣ry sinne against truth vnknowne. Wherefore to licence by open acte such a dede in the conscience of the kings maiesty & his realme, were euē a sinne against God. The most that might herein be borne, was that the kings maiestie myght vppon hope of your gracious reconciliation, suspende the execution of his law, so that you would vse the licence as it was first graunted. What soeuer the Ambassador hath sayd to others, he had no other maner graunt from vs, nor ha∣uing it thus graunted, could alledge any reason against it. And where in your letter your grace noteth vs as brea∣kers of the promise made to the Emperour, it shal appeare who hath broken the promise: whether we that haue suffe∣red more then we licenced, or you y^t haue transgressed that was graunted. Nowe therfore we pray your grace confer the doing of your chaplaines with euery poynte of the pre∣misses, and if the same cannot be excused, then thinke also howe long the lawe hath bene spared. If it pricke our con∣sciences somewhat, that so muche shoulde be vsed as by the promise you may claime, how much more should it greeue vs to licence more then you can claime? And yet coulde we be content to beare great burden to satisfy your grace, if the burthen pressed not our consciences, whereof we must say as the Apostle sayd: Gloriatio nostra est haec, testimonium con∣scientiae nostrae. For the other parte of your graces letter, by the which we see you misconstrue our good willes in wry∣ting to you, how soeuer the law had proceded against your Chaplaines, our order in sending to you was to be liked, and therein truely had we speciall regarde of your graces degree and estate. And because the lawe of it selfe respecteth not persons, we thought to geue respect to you, first signi∣fying to you what the law required, before it should be exe∣cuted, that being warned, your grace might either thincke no strangenes in the execution, or for an example of obedi∣ence cause it to be executed your selfe. Others we see per∣plexed w^t sodainnes of matters, your grace we woulde not haue vnwarned to thinke any thing done sodaine. Truely we thought it more commendable for your grace, to helpe the execution of a law, then to helpe the offence of one con∣demned by lawe. And in geuing you knowledge what the kings lawes required, we looked for helpe in the execution by you the kings maiesties sister. The greater personnage your grace is, the nigher to the king, so muche more ought your exāple to further lawes. For which cause it hath bene called a good common wealth, where the people obeyed the higher estates, and they obeied the lawes. As nature hathe ioyned your grace to the kings maiestie to loue him moste entirely, so hath reason and lawe subdued you to obey him willingly. The one and the other we doubt not, but your grace remembreth, and as they both be ioyned together in you, his maiesties sister, so we trust you wil not seuere thē, for in deede your grace cannot loue him as your brother, but you must obey his maiestie as his subiect.

Example of your obedience and reuerence of his maie∣sties lawes is in stead of a good preacher, to a great number of his maiesties subiects, who if they may see in you negli∣gēce of his maiesty or his lawes, wil not faile but folow on hardly, and then their fault is not their own but yours, by exāple. And so may the kings maiesty whē he shal come to further iudgmēt, impute y^t falt of diuers euil people (which thing God forbid) to the sufferance of your graces doings. And therfore we most earnestly frō the depth of our hearts desire it, y^t as nature hath set your grace nigh his Maiestie by bloud, so your loue and zeale to his maiesty, wil further

his estate by obedience. In the end of your letter ij. thyngs be touched, which we cā not pretermit: the one is, you seme to charge vs with permission of mē to breake lawes & sta∣tutes. We thinke in deede it is too true, that laws and pro∣clamations be broken daily, the more pity it is: but that we permit them, we would be so sory to haue it proued. The other is, that we haue suffred brutes to be spoken of you, & that also must be aunswered as the other. It is pity to see men so euill, as whome they may touch with tales & infa∣mies they care not, so they misse not the best. Suche is the boldnes of people, that neither we can fully bridle them, to raise tales of you, nor of oure selues. And yet whēsoeuer a∣ny certaine person may be gottē, to be charged w^t any such, we neuer leaue thē vnpunished. In deede, the best way is, both for your grace, & also vs, y^t when we can not find and punish the offender, let vs say as he said that was euil spo∣ken of: yet will I so liue, as no credite shal be geuen to my backbiters. Certainely, if we had credited any euill tale of your grace, we would frendly haue admonished you ther∣of, & so also proceded, as either the taletellers should haue ben punished, or else haue proued their tales. And therfore we pray your grace to thinke no vnkindnes in vs, y^t anye euil brutes haue bene spred by euill men, but thinke rather wel of vs, y^t howsoeuer they were spred, we beleeued them not. Hitherto your grace seeth we haue writtē somwhat at length, of y^e promise made to you and our meanings, in our former writings. And now for the latter part of our letter, we will as briefly as we can remember to you two speciall matters, wherof the one might suffice to reforme your pro∣cedings, & both together well considered, we trust shall do your grace much good. The one is, the truth of that you be desired to follow: the other is, y^e commodity y^t thereby shall ensue. They both make a iust cōmandement, and because of the first the latter followeth, that first shal be intreated. We heere say your grace refuseth to heare any thing reasoned, cōtrary to your old determinatiō, wherein you make your opinion suspitious, as that you are afeard to be dissuaded. If your faith in things be of God, it may abide any storme or water: if it be but of sand, you do best to eschew the wea∣ther. That which we professe, hath y^e foundation in Scrip∣tures vpon plaine textes and no gloses, the confirmation therof by the vse in the primatiue Church, not in this later corrupted: and in deede our greatest chaunge is not in the substāce of our faith, no not in any one article of our crede. Only the difference is, that we vse the ceremonies, obser∣uations, and Sacraments of our religion as the Apostles, and first fathers in the primatiue Church did. You vse the same that corruption of time brought in, and very barbary and ignorance nourished, and seeme to be bold for custome against truth, & we for truth against custome. Your grace in one or two places of your letter, seemeth to speake ear∣nestly in y^e maintenance of your faith, & therin (so that your faith be according to the Scriptures) we must haue the like opinion. The saying is very good if the faith be sound. But if euery opinion your grace hath (we cannot tell how con∣ceiued) shall be your faith, you may be much better instruc∣ted. S. Paule teacheth you, that faith is by the worde of God. And it was a true saying of him that saide: Non qui cuiuis credit, fidelis est, sed qui Deo. For where hathe youre grace ground for such a faith, to thinke cōmon praier in the English Church should not be in english? that Images of God shuld be set vp in y^e church? or y^t the sacramēt of Chri∣stes body & blood shuld be offred by the priests for the dead? yea, or y^t it should be otherwise vsed, then by y^e scripture it was instituted? Though you haue no scripture to mayne∣teine thē, we haue euident scriptures to forbid thē. And al∣though fault might be found, that of late baptisme hath bin vsed in your graces house, cōtrary to law, & vtterly w^tout licence, yet is it y^e worse, y^t contrary to y^e primatiue Church it hath bin in a tong vnknown, by y^t which the best part of y^e Sacrament is vnused, & as it were a blind bargain made by the Godfathers in a matter of illuminatiō, and thus in the rest of the things in which your grace differeth frō the common order of the realme, where haue you grounde or reason but some custome, which oftentimes is mother of many errours? And although in ciuill things she may bee followed where she causeth quiet, yet not in religions, where she excuseth no errour, as in Leuiticus it is sayd: Ye shall not do after the custome of Egypt, wherein ye dwelled, nor after the custome of Chanaan: no, you shall not walke in theyr lawes, for I am your Lord God, keepe you my lawes and cōman∣dements. The points wherein your grace differeth in your faith as you call it, may be shewed where, when, how, & by whom they begā, since the Gospell was preached, y^e church was planted, & the Apostles martired. At which time your faith depended vpon the Scripture, & otherwise there was no necessitie to beleeue. For as Hierome sayth: Quod de scripturis non habet authoritatem, eadem facilitate contemnitur qua probatur. And because your grace as we heare say, rea∣deth sometime the Doctors, we may alledge vnto you the 2. or 3. places of other principall Doctors. August. sayth: Cum dominus tacuerit, quis nostrûm dicat, illa vel illa sunt: aut si dicere audeat, vnde probat? And Chrisostomes saying is not vnlike. Multi, inquit, iactant spiritum sanctum, sed qui propria loquuntur, falso illum praetendunt. And if you wi••l haue their meaning plaine, read the 5. Chapter of the first booke of Ecclesiastica historia, and where Constantine had these wordes in the Councell. In disputationibus, inquit, re∣rum diuinarum, habetur praescripta spiritus sancti doctrina, E∣uang••lici & Apostolici libri cum prophetarum oraculis plene nobis ostendunt sensum numinis, proinde discordia posita, su∣mamus ex verbis spiritus questionum explicationes. What playner sayings may be then these to answere your fault? Agayne, to infinite it were to remember your grace the great number of particular erroures (crept into the church whereupon you make your foundation. The fables of false miracles and lewde pilgrimages may somewhat teach you. Onely this we pray your grace to remember w^t your selfe: the two wordes that the father said of his sonne Iesus Christ. Ipsum audite. To the second point of the cō∣moditie that may follow your obedience, we hauing by the kinges authoritie in this behalfe the gouernaunce of thys realme must herein be playne with your grace. And if our speache offende the same, then must your grace thinke it is our charge and office to finde fault where it is, and our du∣tie to amend it as we may. Most sory truely we be, y^t your grace, whom we should otherwise honour, for the kinges maiesties sake, by your owne deedes shoulde prouoke vs to offend you, we do perceaue great discommoditie to the realm by your graces singularitie, (if it may be so named) in opinion, & in one respect, as you are sister to our soue∣raigne Lord & maister, we most hūbly beseeche your grace to shew your affection cōtinually towardes him, as becō∣meth a sister. And as your grace is a subiect, and we coun∣sellors to his Maiesties estate, we let you know, the exāple of your graces opinion hindreth the good weale of thys realm, which thing we think is not vnknowne vnto you: & if it be, we let your grace knowe, it is to true. For Gods sake we beseech your grace, let nature set before your eyes the yong age of the king your brother. Let reason tell you y^e losenes of the people, how then can you without a way∣ling hart▪ thinke that ye should be y^e cause of disturbance? if your grace see the king, being y^e ordinary ruler vnder God not onely of all others in the realme, but of you also▪ call his people by ordinary lawes one way, with what hart can your grace stay your selfe without following: muche worse to stay other y^t would follow their soueraigne Lord? Can it be a loue in you to forsake him, his rule and lawe, & take a priuate way by your selfe? If it be not loue, it is much lesse obedience. If your grace thinke the kings ma∣iestie to be ouer his people as the head in a mans bodye is ouer the rest not onely in place but in dignitie and science▪ how can you being a principall mēber in y^e same body keep y^e nourishment from y^e head, we pray your grace most ear∣nestly think this thing so much greueth vs, as for our pri∣uate affectiō & good willes vnto you (though we shuld dis∣semble) yet for our publicke office, we cannot but plainely enforme your grace, not doubting but that your wisedome can iudge what your office is, & if it were not your owne cause, we know your grace by wisedome could charge vs, if we suffered y^e like in any other. Truely euery one of vs a part honoreth your grace for our maisters sake, but when we ioyn together in publick seruice, as in this writing we do. We iudge it not tollerable, to know disorder, to see the cause, & leaue it vnamēded. For though we would be neg∣ligēt, y^e world would iudge vs. And therfore we do altoge∣ther eftsoones require your grace, in the kinges maiesties name, y^t if any of your 2. chaplains, Mallet, or Barcklet, be returned, or as soone as any of them shall returne to your graces house y^e same may be by your graces commaunde∣ment or order, sent or deliuered to the sheriff of Essex, who hath commandement from the kings maiestie, by order of the law & of his crowne to attache them, or if that conditiō shall not like your grace, yet y^t then he may be warned frō your graces house, & yet not kept there, to be as it were de¦fended frō the power of the law. Which thing we think su∣rely neither your grace will meane, nor any of your coun∣sell assent thereto. And so to make an end of our letter, be∣ing long for the matter, and hitherto differred for our great busines, we trust your grace first seeth how y^e vsage of your Chaplaines differeth from the maner of our licence, and what good entent moued vs to write vnto you in former letters: lastly that the thinges whereunto the king and the whole realme hath consented, be not onely lawful and iust by the pollicie of the Realme, but also iust and godly by the lawes of God. So that if we, which haue charge vnder the

King should willingly consent to the open breach of them, we could neyther discharge our selues to the king for our dueties, neyther to God for our conscience. The conside∣ration of which things we pray almighty God, by his ho∣lye spirit, to lay in the bottome of your hart, and thereupon to build such a profession in you, as both God may haue his true honor: the king his dewe obedience, the Realme con∣cord, and we most comfort. For all the which we do harte∣ly pray, & therwith, for the cōtinuance of your graces helth to your harts desire. Frō Westminster y^e xxv. of December.

*The Lady Mary to the Lordes of the Counsell xx. May. 1551.

MY Lordes, after my harty commendations to you, although both I haue bene and also am loth to trouble you with my letters, yet neuerthelesse the newes which I haue lately hard, touching my Chaplayne Doctor Mallet forceth me thereunto, at this present, for I heare by credible report, that you haue com∣mitted him to the tower, which newes seeme to me very strange: notwithstanding I thought it good, by these to desire you to ad∣uertise me what is the cause of his imprisonment, assuring you I would be sory that any of mine should deserue the like punish∣ment, and there is no creature within the Kings maiesties Realme would more lament, that any belonging to them should giue iust cause so to be vsed: then I would do: who would haue thought much frendship in you if you had geuen me knowledge, wherein my sayd Chaplein had offended, before you had ministred suche punishment vnto him, eftsoones requiring you to let me knowe by this bearer, the truth of the matter. And thus thanking you for the short dispatch of the poore Marchaunt of Portingall, I wish to you all no worse then to my selfe, and so bid you farewell.

From Beaulien the 2. of May.

Your frend to my power, Mary.

*The Counsell to the Lady Mary, 6. of Maye. 1551.

AFter our humble cōmendatiōs to your grace, we haue receiued your letters of the second of this moneth, by the which your grace seemeth to take it straungely that Doctor Mallet is committed to prison, whereof we haue the more maruell, seeing it hath bene heeretofore signified vnto you that he hath offended the kings maiesties lawes, and thereof condemned, your grace hath bene by our let∣ters earnestly desired, that he might be deliuered to the Sheriffe of Essex, according to the iust processe of the lawe, to the which all maner persons of this Realme be subiect, whereof howsoeuer it seemeth straunge at this tyme to your grace that he is imprisoned, it may seme more strange to other that he hath escaped it thus long: and if the place being the Tower, moue your grace not to impute his im∣prisonment to his former offense, then we pray your grace to vnderstand that in deede it is for the very same, and the place of the imprisonment to be at the Kings Maiesties pleasure, from whome, besides the charge of his lawes, we haue expresse commaundement to doe that we doe. And so we beseech your grace to thinke of vs, that neither in thys case, nor in any other we meane to do any other then mini∣ster and see, as much as in our power lieth, ministred iu∣stice indifferently, to all persons, whiche doing then wee thinke your grace should not thinke it any lacke of frend∣ship that wee did not certifie you of the offense of youre Chaplayne, although in deede the cause hath already bene certified. And we trust your grace both of youre naturall nearenes to the Kings Maiestie and your owne good wis∣dome will not mislike our Ministerie in the execution of the lawes of the Realme, and the pleasure of the Kyngs Maiestie. So we wish to your grace from the bottome of our hart, the grace of almighty God, with the riches of his holy giftes.

*The Lady Mary to the Counsell, the 11. of May.

MY Lordes, it appeareth by your letters of the vj. of this presēt which I haue receaued, that the imprisonmēt of my Chap∣laine Doctour Mallet is, for saying of Masse, and that he was con∣demned for the same. In deede I haue heard that he was endited, but neuer condēned. Neuerthelesse, I must needes confesse and say, that he did it but by my commaundement, and I sayde vnto him that none of my Chaplaynes shoulde be in daunger of the lawe for saying Masse in my house. And thereof to put hym out of doubt, the Emperours Embassadour that dead is, declared vn∣to him before that time, how after what sorte the & promise was made to his Maiesty, wherby it appeareth, that the mā hath not in that willingly offēded. Wherfore I pray you to discharge him of emprisonment, and set him at liberty: if not, ye minister cause no•• only to him, but to others to thinke that I haue declared more then was true, whiche I woulde not wittingly doo, to gaine the whole world. And heerein as I haue often sayde, the Emperours Maiestie can be best iudge. And to be playne with you according to mine old custome, there is not one amongst the whole num∣ber of you all, that woulde be more loth to be founde vntrue of their word then I. And well I am assured, that none of you haue found it in me. My Lordes, I pray you seeke not so much my dis∣honour, as to disprooue my word, whereby it should appeare too plaine that you handle me not well. And if you haue cause to charge my Chaplaine for this matter, lay that to mee, and I wyll discharge it againe, by your promise made to the Emperours Ma∣iestie, which you can not rightfully denie, wishing rather that you had refused it in the beginning then after such promise made, and to such a person, to seeme to go from it which my Lordes, as your very friend I hartely desire you to consider, and to geue me no cause to thinke you otherwise then my friends, considering I haue alwayes, and yet do (God is my iudge) wishe to you all no worse neyther in soules nor bodies, then to my selfe, and so wyth my hartye commendations, I commit you all to God.

From Beaulien the 11. of May.

Your assured friend to my power, Mary.

¶The Counsaile to the Lady Mary, the 27. of May. 1551.

AFter our due commendations to your grace, although the same receiueth not aunswere so soone, as perchance was looked for vpon the returne of your graces seruaunt: Yet we doubt not, but youre grace vnderstanding that where we haue matters of estate pertaining to the Kings Maiestie in hand, as in deede we haue had of late, the dif∣ferring of the answere in a matter being no greater, requi∣reth to be borne withal. And touching the answere of your graces letter for D. Mallet, we pray your grace to vnder∣stande, that although you write he was indited, but not condemned, and so seeme to take exception at the maner of his imprisonment, yet if they which enformed your grace of that maner of reason in the law, were as well disposed to please your grace with truth, as the reason in deede is not true, then should they haue told your grace that by the Acte of Parliament, if either Mallet haue bene conuicted by the othes of twelue men, or that the fact hath bene noto∣rious, then the punishment doth follow iustly. The trueth of the one and the other way of conuiction in this case is notorious enough, besides his flying from the processe of the lawe. And where your grace, to releeue him, woulde take the fault vpon your selfe, we are sory to perceiue your grace so ready to be a defence to one that the Kings lawe doth condemne. Neuerthelesse, he is not punished because your grace bad him, and willed him to do that which was an offence: but he is punished for doing it, and if we should not so see the Kings lawes executed without respecte, it might appeare that we too much neglected our duty, and for that your grace taketh it as a discredite to your selfe, that he should be punished for that you bad him do, alled∣ging to him that you had authoritie so to do, and so pro∣mise made to the Emperour, it hath bene both written, and sayde to your grace, what is the truth in that behalfe: and howsoeuer that your grace pretendeth your licence to haue Masse said before your selfe, for a time of your recon∣ciliation, it had bene so far out of reason for to haue desi∣red that whosoeuer was your Chapleine might say Masse in any house that was yours, when your graces selfe was not there. For so is D. Mallets offence, for saying Masse at one of your houses, where your grace was not, whych thing as it was neuer graunted, so do we not remember that euer it was demaunded. The sute that hath bene at a∣nye tyme made, either by the Emperous Embassadour that dead is, or by him that now is, was neuer but in re∣spect of your grace, and not to be taken that the Empe∣rour or his his Embassadour meant to priuiledge mayster D. Mallet or any other to say Masse out of your presence. Wherefore as we do plainely write to your grace, so do we pray you to take it in good part, and thinke we be as ready to do our due reuerence towards your grace in any thyng wee may doe with our dutie to our maister as any youre grace may commaund: and of suche wisedome we knowe your grace to be, that ye should iudge the better of vs, for that we be diligent to see the lawes of the Realme execu∣ted, wherein resteth the strength and safegard of the kings Maiestie our soueraigne Lord and Maister.

The Lady Mary to the Lordes of the Counsayle, 21. Iune. 1551.

MY Lords, although I receiued by my seruant this bearer (who lately deliuered vnto you my letters, wherein I desired to

haue my Chaplayne D. Mallet discharged of his imprisonmente) your gentle message in generall wordes, for the whyche I geue you my hartye thankes: yet haue I no knowledge whether you will set him at liberty or no: But I thinke that your waighty af∣fayres at that time, was the let and cause ye did not write. For else I doubt not you would haue aunswered me. Wherefore not be∣ing satisfied, and vnderstandyng yee would gladly pleasure mee, I thought good eftsoones to desire you, that my sayde Chaplayne may haue his libertye, wherein I assure you, yee shall much gra∣tifie me, beeing not a little troubled, that he is so long in prison, without iust cause, seeyng the matter of hys imprisonmente is discharged by the promise made to the Emperours Maiestie, as in my late letter I declared vnto you. Wherefore my Lordes, I pray you let me haue knowledge by this bearer how ye will vse me in this matter, wherein if ye do pleasure me accordingly, then shall it well appeare that ye regard the foresayd promise, and I wil not forget your gentlenes therein (God willing) but requite it to my power. And thus with my harty commendations to you all, I bid you farewell.

From Beaulien the 21. of Iune.

Your assured friend to my power Mary.

¶The Counsaile to the Lady Mary, the 24. of Iune. 1551.

AFter our humble cōmendatiōs to your grace, we haue receiued your graces letter of the 21. heereof, wherin is receaued the same request that in your former letters hath bene made for the release of Doctor Mallet, and therein also your grace seemeth to haue looked for the same answer of your former letter, y^t which indeed partly was omitted (as your grace cōiectureth) by the reason of y^e Kings Ma∣iesties affaires: wherwith we ••e throughly occupied, part∣ly for that we had no other thing to answere, then you had heeretofore heard in the same matter. And therefore where your grace desireth a resolute answere, we assure the same we be right sory for y^• matter, & that it should be your gra∣ces chaunce to moue it, as we cannot, with our duties to y^e Kings Maiestie, accomplishe your desire. So necessary a thing it is to see the lawes of the Realme executed indiffe∣rently in all manner of persons, and in these cases of con∣tempt of the Ecclesiasticall orders of this Church of Eng∣land, the same may not without y^e great displeasure of God the slaunder of y^e state be neglected, and therfore your grace may please to vnderstand we haue not only punished your Chaplein, but all such others whom we find in like case to haue disobeyed the lawes of the Kings maiestie. And tou∣ching the excuse your grace oftentimes vseth, of a promise made, we assure your grace, none of vs al, nor any other of the Counsell as your grace hath bene certified, hath euer bene priuie to any such promise, otherwise then hath bene written. And in that matter your grace had plaine answer both by vs of the kings maiesties Counsell, at your being last in his Maiesties presence, and therein also your grace might perceiue his Maiesties determination, whereunto we beseech your grace not only to incline your selfe, but al∣so to iudge well of vs that do addict our selues to doe our dueties. And so also shall we be ready to do with all oure harts, our due reuerence towarde your grace, whose pre∣seruation we commend to almighty God with our praier.

The Copie of the Lady Maryes letter to the Kings Maiestie.

MY duetie most humbly remembred vnto your Maiesty, it may please the same to be aduertised, that I haue receyued by my seruauntes, your most honourable letters, the conte••••es whereof do not a little trouble me, and so muche the more, for that any of my sayd seruants should moue or attempt me in mat∣ters touching my soule, which I thinke the meanest subiect with∣in your highnes Realme, could euill 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at their seruauntes handes, hauing for my part vtterly refused heeretofore to talke with them in such matters, and of all other persons 〈…〉〈…〉 them therein, to whome I haue declared what I think•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••hee which trusted that your Maiestie woulde haue suffered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 your poore sister and beadewomā to haue vsed the accustomed masse, which the King your father & mine with all his predec••ssours did euermore vse, wherein also I haue ben brought vp frō my 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And therevnto my conscience doth not only bind me; which by no meanes will suffer me to thinke one thing and do another▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 also the promise made to the Emperour by your Maiesties coun∣saile was an assurance to me, that in so doing I should not off••nd the ••wes, although they seeme nowe to qualifie and 〈…〉〈…〉 thing. And at my last wayting vpon your Maiesty, I was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to declare my mind and conscience to the same, and desired your highnes, rather then you should constraine me to leaue 〈…〉〈…〉 my life▪ wherunto your maiesty made me a very gētle answer. And now I most humbly beseech your highnes to geuē me leaue to write what I thinke touching your Maiesties letters. In deede▪ they be signed with your owne hand, and neuertheles in mine opiniō not your maiesties in effect, because it is wel knowē (as heretofore I haue declared in the presēce of your highnesse) that although, our Lorde be praysed, your Maiestie hath farre more knowledge, and greater giftes then others of your yeres, yet it is not possible that your highnes can at these yeares be a iudge in matters of religion: and therefore I take it that the matter in your letters proceedeth from such as doe wish those thinges to take place, which be most agreeable to themselues by whose doinges your maiesty not offended, I entend not to rule my conscience. And thus without molesting your High∣nes any further, I humbly beseech the same, euē for Gods sake to beare with me, as you haue done, and not to thinke that by my doinges or example anye inconuenience might growe to your maiestie or your Realme, for I vse it not after such sorte putting no doubt but in time to come, whether I liue or dye, your maiestie shall perceaue that mine intent is grounded vp∣on a true loue towardes you, whose royall estate I beseeche al∣mighty God long to continue, which is and shall be my dayly praier according to my duety. And after pardon craued of your maiesty for these rude and bold letters, if neyther at my hum∣ble suite, nor for the regard of the promise made to the Empe∣rour, your Highnesse will suffer and beare with mee, as you haue done till your Maiestye may be a iudge herein your selfe, and rightly vnderstand theyr proceedinges, (of whiche your goodnesse yet I despayre not) otherwise, rather then to offend God and my conscience, I offer my body at your wil, and death shall be more welcome then life with a troubled conscience, most humbly beseeching your Maiestye to pardon my slownes in aunswering your letters. For mine olde disease woulde not suffer me to write any sooner. And thus I praye almighty God to keep your Maiesty in all vertue and honor with good health and long life to his pleasure.

From my poore house at Copped hall. the xix. of Aug.

Your Maiesties most humble sister, Mary.

¶A Copy of the kinges maiesties letters to the sayde Lady Mary.

RIght deare and right intirely beloued sister, we greete you well, and let you knowe that it greeueth vs muche to per∣ceiue no amendment in you, of that which we for Gods cause, your soules health, our conscience, and the common tranquil∣lity of our Realme, haue so long desired, assuring you that our sufferance hath muche more demonstration of naturall loue, then contentation of our conscience and foresight of our safe∣ty. Wherfore although you geue vs occasion as much almost as in you is to diminish our naturall loue: yet be we loth to feele it decay, and meane not to be so carelesse of you as we be pro∣uoked.

And therefore meaning your weale, and therwith ioyning a care not to be found giltie in our conscience to God, hauyng cause to require forgeuenes that we haue so long for respect of loue towards you omitted our bounden duety, we send at this present our right trusty and right welbeloued counsaylor the Lord R. or Chauncelour of England, and our trustye and right welbeloued Counsaylers, Sir A. W. Knight, Comptroler of our housholde and Sir W.P. Knight, one of our principall Secreta∣ries in message to you, touching the order of your house, wyl∣ling you to geue them firme credite in those thinges they shall say to you from vs, and doe there in our name. Yeauen vnder our signet at our Castle of Winsor, the 24. of August, in the first yeare of our Raigne.

A copy of the kinges Maiesties instructions, geuen to the said L. C. sir A. W. and sir W.P. Knightes, &c. 24. August. 1551.

FIrst, you the sayd Lorde Chauncellor and your Colleagues shall make your immediate repayre to the sayd Lady Mary geuing to her his maiesties hartye commendations, and shewe the cause of your comming to be as followeth

Although his maiesty hath long time, as well by his maie∣styes owne mouth and writing, as by his counsayle trauayled that the sayd Lady being his sister, and a principall subiect and member of his Realme, should both be in deede and also shew her selfe conformable to the lawes and ordinaunces of the realme, in the profession and rites of Religion, vsing all the gē∣tle meanes of exhortation and aduise that could be deuised, to the intent the reformation of the faulte might willingly come of her selfe, as the expectation and desire of his maiesty, and all good wise men was: yet notwithstanding his maiestie seeth that hetherto no maner of amendment hath followed, but by the continuance of the errour and manifest breach of his lawes, no small perill consequently may happe to the state of hys Realme, especially the sufferaunce of such a fault being direct∣ly to the dishonor of God and the great offence of his Maie∣sties conscience, and all other good men: and therefore of late,

euen with the consent and aduise of the whole state of his priuy Counsayle, and diuers others of the nobility of his Realme, whose names ye may repeate, if you thinke conuenient, his Maiestie did resolutely determine it iust, necessary, and expedient, that her grace should not in any wise vse or maintaine the priuate Masse, or any other manner of seruice, then suche as by the lawe of the Realme is authorised and allowed: and to participate this his ma∣iesties determination to her grace, it was thought in respect of a fauorable proceeding with her selfe, to haue the same, not only to be manifested by her owne officers and seruaunts, being most e∣steemed with her, but also to be executed by them in her house, as well for the more quiet proceeding in the very matter, as for the lesse molesting of her grace with any message by straungers, in that time of her solitarines, wherein her grace then was by the reason of the late sicknesse. For which purpose her three seruants, Rochester, Eglefield, and Walgraue were sent in message in thys mannaer. First, to deliuer his Maiesties letter to her, next to dis∣charge the complaintes of saying Masse, and prohibiting all the houshold from hearing any. Wherein the Kings Maiestie percei∣ueth vpon their owne report, being returned to the Court, how negligently, and in deede how falsly they haue execu••ed theyr commaundement and charge contrary to the duety of good sub∣iectes, and to the manifest contempt of his maiesty. Insomuch as manifestly they haue before his Maiesties Counsayle refused to do that which pertayneth to euery true faithfull subiecte, to the of∣fence so farre of his maiesty, and derogation of his authority, that in no wise the punishment of them could be forborne, and yet in the maner of the punishment of them, his Maiestie and his Coun∣sayle hath such consideration, and respect of her person being his sister, that without doubt his Maiestie could not with honour haue had the like consideration or fauour in the punishmente of the dearest Counsailour he hath, if any of them had so offended, and therefore his Maiesty hath sent you three not only to declare to her grace the causes of their sending thither of late his officers in message, but also the causes of their absence now presentlye. And further, in the default of the sayde officers to take order, as well with hir Chaplaynes, as with the whole housholde, that hys Maiesties lawes may be there obserued. And in the communica∣tion with her, you shall take occasion to answere in his Maiesties name certayne pointes of her letter, sent now lately to his Maie∣stie. The copy of which letter is now also sent to you to peruse, for your better instruction how to proceede in. First, her allega∣tion of the promise made to the Emperour, must be so aunswered, as the trueth of the matter serueth, whereof euery of you haue heard sufficient testimony diuers times in the counsaile for her offering of her body at the Kings will, rather then to chaunge her conscience. It greeueth his Maiestie much, that her conscience is so setled in errour, and yet no such thing is ment of his Maiestie, nor of any one of his counsayle once to hurt, or will euill to her body, but euen from the bottome of their hart wisheth to her mentem sanam in corpore sano. And therefore yee shall do very well to perswade her grace that this proceeding commeth onely of the conscience the King hath to auoyde the offence of God▪ and of necessary counsaile and wisedome to see his lawes in so weighty causes executed. Item, because it is thought that Ro∣chester had the care and consideration of her graces prouision of houshold, and by his absence the same might be either disordered or disfurnished: his Maiestie hath sent a trusty skilfull man of hys owne houshold, to serue her grace for the time. Who also is suffi∣ciently instructed of Rochester, of the state of her things of hous∣hold. And if there shall be any thing lacking in the same, his Ma∣iesties pleasure is, that his seruant shall aduertise his owne chiefe officers of houshold, to the intent if the same may be supplyed of any store heere, or otherwhere helped conueniently, her grace shall not lacke.

Item, hauing thus proceeded with her grace, as for the decla∣rations of the causes of your commoning, ye shal thē cause to be called afore you the Chaplaynes, and all the rest of the housholde there presente, and in the Kings Maiesties name most straightly forbid the Chaplaynes eyther to say or vse any Masse or kinde of seruice, other then by the lawe is authorised: and likewise yee shall forbid all the rest of the company to be present at any suche prohibited seruice, vpon paine to be most straightly punished, as worthely falling into the daunger of the Kings indignation, and a like charge to them all, that if any such offence shall be openly or secretly committed▪ they shall aduertise some of his Maiesties Counsayle. In the which clause ye shall vse the reasons of theyr naturall duty and allegeance that they owe as subiectes to theyr soueraigne Lord, which derogateth all other earthly dueties.

Item, if you shall finde eyther any of the priestes, or any other person disobedient to this order, ye shall commit them forthwith to prison as ye shall thinke conuenient.

Item, for as much as yee were priuy to the determination at Richmond, and there vnderstoode how necessary it was to haue reformation heerein: his Maiesty, vpon the great confidence he hath in your wisedome and vprightnes, remitteth to your discre∣tions the manner of the proceeding heerein, if any thing shall chaunce to arise there that in your opinions might otherwise then according to these instructions conduce you to the execu∣tion of your charge, which in one summe is to auoyde the vse of the priuate Masse, and other vnlawfull seruice, in the house of the sayd Lady Mary.

Item, ye shall deuise by some meanes as you may, to haue vn∣derstanding after your departure how the order you geue is ob∣serued, and as you shall iudge fit, to certifie hither.

• E.S.
• W.W.
• I.W.
• I.B.
• W.N.
• W.H.
• F.H.
• I.G.
• T.D.
• W.C.

*The story of Steuen Gardiner Bish. of Winchester, briefly collected, the residue whereof concerning hys actes and doings, may further appeare in the booke of Actes and Monuments in the first edition. page. 728.

ALthough the first imprisonment of Steuen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester,* 18.29 in order of time was before the depriuation of Byshop Boner: yet for so much as hee was not deposed from his Bishopricke till the nexte or seconde yeare after, which was 1551. I haue therefore driuen off the history of the sayde Byshop of Winchester to this pre∣sent place: intending neuertheles heere not to extende and prosecute the explication of that busie matter with all cir∣cumstances and particularities thereof, so amply at full as I might, partly for that being done in my first volume of Actes and Monuments, may heere suffice and content the reader being disposed there to search and further to reade touching the same, partly also considering how this pre∣sent volume is growne already very large and great, I thought not to p••ster the same with any more superfluitie, then ••eedes must, and therefore leauing out his idle let∣ters, his long processe of Articles and examinations, hys tedious talke with the multitude of depositions brought in against him, and other his actes and interlocutories su∣perfluous,* 18.30 I minde heere (the Lord willing) briefly and summarily to excerpe only the principall effectes, as to the story may seeme most appertinent, referring the residue to be searched (if any reader ••o list to do) to the booke of Mo∣numents aforesayd, beginning in the page 728.

Briefly therefore, as touching the actes, dooings, deser∣uings and misdemeanours of this stoute Prelate, and Bi∣shop of Winchester: first we will set before the reader the copy of a certayne writte or euidence against the sayd By∣shop, wherein as in a briefe summe generally is described the whole order and maner of his misordred demeanour, copied out of the publike records in maner as followeth.

¶The copy of a writte or euidence touching the order and maner of the misdemeanour of Winche∣ster▪ with declaration of the faultes where, with he was iustly charged.

WHere as the Kings Maiestie by the aduise of the Lord Protector,* 18.31 and the rest of his highnes priuie Counsell, thinking requisite for sundry vrgent considera∣tions to haue a generall visitation throughout the whole Realme, did about tenne monethes past addresse foorth Commissions, and by the aduise of sondry Byshopps and other the best learned men of the Realme, appointed cer∣tayne orders or Iniunctions to be generally obserued, which being such as in some part touched the reformation of many abuses, and in other parts concerned the good go∣uernaunce & quiet of the Realme, were (as reason would) of all men of all sorts obediently receiued, and reuerently obserued and executed, sauing only of the Bishop of Win∣chester, who as well by conference with other, as by open protestation and letters also, shewed such a wilfull disobe∣dience therein, as if it had not bene quickly espied, myght haue bred much vnquietnes and trouble, vpon the know∣ledge whereof he being sent for, and his lewd proceedings layd to his charge, he in the presence of the whole Coun∣cell so vsed himselfe (as well in denying to receiue the sayd orders and Iniunctions as otherwise) as he was thought worthy most sharpe punishmente,* 18.32 and yet considering the place he had bene in, he was only sequestred to the Fleete, where, after he had remained a certaine time, as muche a•• his ease as if he had bene at his owne house, vpon hys pro∣mise of conformitie he was both set at libertie againe, and also licenced to repaire and remaine in his dioces at hys pleasure▪ where when he was, forgetting his duety, and what promise he had made, he began forthwith to set forth such matters as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 againe more strife, variance, and con∣tention in that one small Citie and Shire, then was al∣most in the whole Realme after: besides that, the Lorde Protectors grace and the Counsayle were enformed, that to withstande such as he thought to haue bene sen••e from their grace and Lordships into those parties, he had caused

all his seruaunts to be secretly armed and harnessed: and moreouer when such preachers as being men of godly life and learning were sent into that Dioces by his grace and Lordship to preache the worde of God, had appoynted to preach, the Bishop to disapoint and disgrace them, and to hinder his Maiesties proceedings, did occupie the Pulpit himselfe, not fearing in his Sermon to warne the people to beware of such new Preachers, and to embrace none o∣ther doctrine then that which he had taught them (then the which words none could haue bene spoken more perilous and seditions:* 18.33) whereupon, being eftsoones sente for, and their grace and Lordships obiecting to him many parti∣cular matters wherewith they had iust cause to charge him, they did in the end vpon his second promise leaue him at libertie, onely willing him to remaine at his house at London, because they thought it most meete to sequester him from his Dioces for a time, and beeing come to hys house, he began afreshe to ruffle and meddle in matters wherein he had neither Commission nor authority, parte whereof touched the Kings Maiestie: whereof being yet once againe admonished by his grace and their Lordships, he did not only promise to conforme himselfe in all things like a good subiect, but also because he vnderstoode that he was diuersly reported of, & many were also offended with him, he offered to declare to the world his conformitie, and promised in an open Sermon so to open his minde in son∣dry articles agreed vpon,* 18.34 y^t such as had ben offended, shuld haue no more cause to be offended, but well satisfied in all things: declaring further that as his own conscience was well satisfied, and liked well the Kings procedings with∣in this Realme, so would he vtter his cōscience abroade, to the satisfaction & good quiet of others, and yet all this not∣withstanding, at the daye appoynted he did not only most arrogantly and disobediētly, and that in the presence of his Maiestie, their grace and Lordships, and of such an audi∣ence, as the like wherof hath not lightly ben sene, speake of certaine matters contrary to an expresse commandement geuen to him on his Maiesties behalfe both by mouth and by letters,* 18.35 but also in the rest of the articles, whereunto hee had agreed before, vsed such a maner of vtteraunce as was very like euen there presently to haue sturred a greate tu∣mult, and in certaine great matters touching the policie of the Realme, handled himselfe so colourably as therein hee shewed himselfe an open great offender & a very sedicious mā: for as much as these his procedings were of such sort, as being suffred to escape vnpunished, might breede innu∣merable incōueniences, & that the clemency shewed to him afore by their grace & Lordships, did worke in him no good effect, but rather a pride and boldnes to demeane himselfe more and more disobediently against his Maiestie and his graces proceedings: it was determined by their grace and Lordships that he should be committed to the Tower and be conueyed thether by Sir Anthony Wingfield,* 18.36 and that at the time of his Commission Sir Rafe Sadler and Wil∣liam Hunnings Clerke of the Counsaile, should seale vp the dores of such places in his house as they should thinke mee••e: all which was done accordingly.

By this euidence aboue mentioned, first heere is of the reader to be noted, how ••ewdly and disobediently the sayd Sir▪ Gardiner misused himselfe in the Kings generall vi∣sitation, in denying to receiue such orders and iniunctiōs, as for the which he iustly deserued much more seueare pu∣nishment. Albeit the King with his Uncle the Lord Pro∣tectour, more gently proceding with him, were contented only to make him taste the Fleete. In the which house, as his durance was not long, so his entreating and ordering was very easie. Out of the whiche Fleete diuers and son∣dry letters he wrote to the Lord Protectour and other of the Counsaile, certayne also to the Archbishop of Canter∣bury, and some to M. Ridley Bishop of London: the par∣ticulars were too lōg here to rehearse, cōsidering how this booke is so ouercharged as ye see already:* 18.37 and especially seeing the same be notified in our first edition sufficiently, as is aforesayd. Wherfore omitting the rehearsall of the said letters, and referring the reader to the booke aforesayde, I will onely repeate one letter of the said Byshop, with the aunsweres of the Lord Protectour vnto the same: the con∣tents whereof be these as followeth.

¶A Letter of Winchester to Mayster Vaughan.

MAister Vaughan, after my right hartye commendations: In my last letters to my Lord Protectour,* 18.38 signifying according to the generall commaundemet by letters geuen to all Iustices of peace the state of this Shire, I declared (as I supposed true) the Shire to be in good order, quiet, & conformity, for I had not then herd of any alteratiō in this Shire which the said letters of cōmā∣dement did forbid. Now of late within these two dayes I haue heard of a great and detestable (if it be true that is tolde me) innouation in the towne of Portesmouth,* 18.39 where the Images of Christ and his sayntes haue bene most contemptuously pul∣led downe, and spitefully handled. Herein I thought good both to write to you and the Mayor, the kinges maiesties chiefe mi∣nisters, as well to know the trueth, as to consult with you for the reformation of it, to the intent I may be seene to discharge my duety, and discharging it in deede both to God and the kinges maiesty, vnder whome I am here appoynted to haue cure, and care to relieue suche as be by any wayes fallen, and preserue the rest that stand, from like daunger.

Ye are a Gentleman with whom I haue had acquayntance and whom I know to be wise, & esteeme to haue more know∣ledge wisedome, and discretion, then to allow any such enor∣mities, and therefore do the more willingly consult with you herein, with request frēdly to know of you the very truth in the matter, who be the doers, and the circumstances of it, & whe∣ther ye thinke the matter so farre gone with the multitude & whether the reproofe and disprouing of the deed, might with∣out a further daunger be enterprised in the Pulpit or not, min∣ding if it may so be, to send one thether for that purpose vp∣on Sonday next comming, I would vse preaching as it shoulde not be occasion of anye further folly, where a folly is begun, and to a multitude perswaded in that opinion of destruction of Images, I would neuer preach.* 18.40 For (as scripture willeth vs) we should cast no precious stones before Hogs. Such as be in∣fected with that opinion, they be Hogs and worse then Hogs, if there be any grosser beastes then hogs be, and haue bene e∣uer so taken, and in England they are called Lollards, who de∣nying images, thought therewithall the craftes of paynting & grauing to be generally superfluous and nought, and agaynst Gods lawes.

In Germany suche as maintained that opinion of destroy∣ing of Images, were accompted the dregges cast out by Luther after he had tunned all his brewinges in Christes religion, and so taken as Hogges meate. For the reproufe of whom, Luther wrote a booke specially: and I haue with myne eyes seene the Images standing in all Churches where Luther was had in esti∣mation. For the destruction of Images contayneth an enter∣prise to subuert religion and the state of the worlde with it, and especially the nobilitie, who by images set forth & spread abroad to be read of al people, their linage, parentage, with re∣membraunce of their state and actes: and the Pursiuaunt cari∣eth not on his brest the kinges names written in such letters as a few can spell, but such as all can read, be they neuer so rude being great knowne letters in Images of three Lyons, and three floures deluce, and other beastes holding those armes. And he that cānot read the Scripture written about the kings great Seale,* 18.41 yet he can read S. George on horsebacke on the one side, and the king sitting in his maiestie on the other side, and readeth so much written in those images as if he be an ho∣nest man, he will put of his cap, and although if the Seale were broken by chaunce, he woulde and might make a candell of it, yet he woulde not be noted to haue broken the seale for that purpose, or to call it a piece of waxe onely, whilest it continu∣eth whole And if by reuiling of stockes and stones, in whiche matter Images be grauen, the setting of the trueth to be read in them of all men, shall be contemned: how shall suche wry∣ting continue in honour, as is comprised in cloutes, and pitch, whereof and whereupon our bookes be made,* 18.42 such as few can skill of, and not the hundreth parte of the realme? And if we a few that can read, because we read in one sort of letters, so pri∣uiledged as they haue many reliefes, shal pull away the books of the rest, and would haue our letters onely in estimation, and blinde all thē, shall not they haue iust cause to mistrust what is ment? And if the crosse be a trueth, and if it be true that Christ suffered, why may we not haue a writing thereof, suche as all can read, that is to say an Image? If this opinion shoulde pro∣ceede, when the kings maiestie hereafter should shew his per∣son, his liuely image, the honour due by Gods law among such might continue, but as for the kinges Standardes, his banners, his armes, shoulde hardly continue in their due reuerence for feare of Lollardes Idolatry, whiche they gather vpon scripture beastly, not onely vntruely. The scripture reprooueth false I∣mages made of stockes and stones, and so it doth false men made of flesh and bones.

When the Emperours mony was shewed to Christ, wherin was the image of the Emperour, Christ contemned not that I∣mage calling it an Idoll, nor noted not that mony to be against gods law, because it had an image in it, as thogh it were against the precept of God: Thou shalt haue no grauen image, but tau∣ght thē good ciuilitie, in calling it the Emperors image, & bad thē vse the mony as it was ordered to be vsed in his right vse.

There is no scripture that reprooueth trueth, and all Scrip∣ture reproueth falshoode. False writinges, false bookes, false I∣mages and false men, all be nought, to be contemned and des∣pised, as for paper, inke, parchment, stones, wood, bones, A.B.

of the Chauncery hand, and a. b. of the Secretary hand, a letter of Germany fashion, or of any other forme, be all of one estimation, and may be of man enclining to the Deuill, vsed for falsehoode, or applying to Gods gratious calling, vsed to set foorth truth. It is a terrible matter to thinke,* 18.43 that this false opinion co••ceaued a∣gainst Images should trouble any mans head: and suche as I haue knowne vexed with that deuill (as I haue knowne some) be ne∣uerthelesse wondrously obstinate in it: and if they can finde one that can spell Latin to helpe foorth their madnes, they be more obdurate then euer were the Iewes, and slaunder whatsoeuer is sayd to them for their reliefe. Of this sort I know them to be, and therefore if I wist there were many of that sort with you, I would not irritate them by preaching without fruite, but labour for re∣formation to my Lorde Protectour. But if you thought there might be other wayes vsed first to a good effect, I would followe your aduise and proceeding with you and the Mayor, wyth both your helpes to do that may lye in me, to the redresse of the mat∣ter: which I take to be such an enterprise against Christes Religi∣on, as there can not be a greater by man excogitate wyth the de∣uils instigation, and at this time much hurtfull to the common estate, as ye can of your wisedome consider. Whome I hartily de∣sire and pray, to send me aunswere by thys bearer to these my let∣ters, to the intent I may vse my selfe in sending of a preacher thi∣ther, or writing to my Lorde Protectour as the case shall require accordingly. And thus fare you hartely well.

From my house at Woluesay, the third of May. 1547.

Steph. Wint.

¶A Letter of the Lord Protector aunswering to the letter aboue.

AFter harty commendations, receauing of late two let∣ters from your Lordship, the one inclosed in a letter of Maister Uaughans to vs, and directed to him, the other directed straight vnto vs, very wittely & learnedly writtē, whereby we do perceiue how earnest you are that no in∣nouations should be had. The whiche minde of yours, as we do highly esteeme and allow, proceeding from one that would quietnes, so we woulde likewise wishe, that you should take good heede, that too much feare of innouation or disturbance, do not cause both to be. Many times in an hoste, he that crieth enemies enemies when there be none, causeth not only disturbance, but sometimes a mutinie or rebellion to be made, and hee that for feare of sickenes to come, taketh vnaduisedly a purgation, sometime maketh himselfe sicke in deede. We perceaue by the sayde your let∣ters, that haynouser factes and words haue bene brought to your eares, then there was cause why: and those ••actes which were punishable, be already by him redrest.

For the matter of Images, an order was taken in y^e late king of famous memory our soueraigne lords daies. Whē the abused Images (yet lurking in some places by negli∣gence of them who should ere this time haue looked vnto y^e same) be now abolished,* 18.44 let not that be a matter of y^e aboli∣shing of all Images. Though felons & adulterers be pu∣nished, all men be not slayne. Though the Images which did adulterate gods glory be takē away,* 18.45 we may not think by & by all maner of Images to be destroyed. Yet after our aduise, better it were for a time to abolish them all, then for the dead Images, the Kings louing subiects being fayth∣full and true to the kings maiestie, should be put to variāce and disturbance. With quietnes the Magistrates and Ru∣lers shall keepe thē well in order, whom cōtentious prea∣chers might iritate and prouoke to disorder & strife. So it must be prouided that the kings Maiest. Images, Armes, and Ensignes, should be honoured and worshipped after y^e decent order and inuention of humane lawes and ceremo∣nies, and neuertheles that other Images cōtrary to Gods ordinance and lawes, shuld not be made partakers of that reuerence, adoration and inuocation: which (forbidden by God) should derogate his honor, & be occasion to accumu∣late Gods wrath vpon vs. Where they be takē for a remē∣brance, it maketh no great matter though they stand still in the Church or Marketstead, and folowing the late king of famous memory his counsell & order,* 18.46 yet more gentlenesse was shewed to those bookes of Images, then to the true and vnfained bookes of Gods word, both being abused, the one with Idolatry, the other with cōtentiō. The scripture was remoued for a time from certaine persons, and almost from all: the Images were left still to them, who most dyd abuse them, y^e thing yet being closed frō them which should teach y^e vse. Wherefore it may appeare vnto vs meete, more diligenter heede to be takē that the abused before, be not a∣bused againe, the aduantage of some Priests, simplicitie of lay men, and great inclination of mans nature to Idola∣try geuing cause thereunto.

They that contemne Images, because the matter they are made of is but vile, as stockes and stones, may likewise despise printing in paper, because the meke hath pitch in •• & the paper is made of old ragges. And if they be both like, it might be reasoned why a man should be more agreeued, that an Image of wood, though it were of S. Anne, or S. Margaret should be burned,* 18.47 then hee will that the Byble wherein the vndoubted word of God is comprised, should be torne in peces, burned, or made paste of. Nor we do not now speake of false Bibles nor false gospels, but of y^e very true Gospell, either in Latin, Greeke or english, which we see euery day done, & sometime commaunded, because the Translator displeaseth vs: & yet herein no man exclaimeth as of a terrible and detestable fact done. But let one image either for age, & because it is wormeaten, or because it hath ben foolishly abused, be burnt or abolished, by and by some men are in exceeding rage, as though not a stocke or stone, but a true saint of flesh and bone should be cast in the fire, which were a detestable and a terrible sight. We cannot see but that Images may be counted marueylous bookes, to whom we haue kneeled, whom we haue kissed, vpō whom we haue rubbed our beades and handkerchers, to whome we haue lighted candels,* 18.48 of whome we haue asked pardon and helpe: which thing hath seldome bene sene done to the Gospell of God, or to the very true Bible. For who kisseth y^t but the priest at y^e Masse, at a painted picture or in such a ceremony? Or who kneeleth vnto it, or setteth a candle be∣fore it? And yet it seeth or heareth as well as the Images or pictures eyther of S. Iohn, our Lady, or Christ.

In deede Images be great letters, yet as big as they be we haue seene many which haue read them amisse. And be∣like they are so likely to be read amisse, that God himselfe fearing y^e Iewes to become euill readers of thē, generally did forbid them. Nor it is no great maruell though in rea∣ding of them the lay people are many times deceaued,* 18.49 whē your Lordship (as appeareth) hath not truly read a most true and a most commō Image. Your Lordship hath foūd out in the Kings highnes great seale, S. George on horse∣back, which the grauer neuer made in it, nor y^e sealer neuer sealed with it, and in this the inscription is not very little, and if it were, it could not escape your Lordships eyes. As the inscription testifieth, the Kings Image is on both the sides: on the one side as in war the chiefe Captaine, on the other side as in peace the liege soueraigne: in harnes with his sword drawne to defend his subiects: in his robes in the seate of Iustice with his Scepter rightfully to rule and gouerne them, as he whome both in peace and war we ac∣knowledge our most natural and chiefest head, ruler & go∣uernour. If it were S. George (my Lord) where is hys speare and dragon? And why should the inscription round about tell an vntruth, and not agree to the Image? Yet it is called sometime so of the rude and ignorant people: but not by and by, that that is commonly called so, is alwayes truest. And some haue thought that by like deceauing, as your Lordship herein appeareth to haue ben deceaued, the image of Bellerephon or Perseus was turned first & ap∣pointed to be S. George, & of Poliphemus, of Hercules, or of other some Colossus to be S. Christopher, bicause au∣tenticall histories haue not fully proued their two lyues. But those be indifferent to be true or not true, either thus inuented vpō some deuise, or rising of a true fact or history, & whether it were true or not, it maketh no great matter.* 18.50

It were hardly done in deede my Lord, if that you and a few which can reade, should take away from the vnlear∣ned multitude, their bookes of their Images: but it were more hardly done, if that you or a few which can reade in one or two languages (as Greeke and Latin) the word of God, and haue had thereby many relieues and priuiledges should pull away the english bookes from the rest whych only vnderstandeth english: and would haue only youre letters of Greeke and Latin in estimation, and blinde all them which vnderstandeth not these languages, from the knowledge of Gods word. And indeede my Lord, by your saying they haue iust occasion to suspect what is meant?

What meane you by true Images and false Images, it is not so easie to perceaue. If they be onely false Images, which haue nothing that they represent,* 18.51 as s. Paul writeth An idol is nothing (bicause ther is no such God) & therfore the Crosse can be no false image, because it is true y^t Christ suffered vpon it: then the Image of y^e Sun and the Moone were no Idoles, for suche thinges there be as the Sunne and the Moone, and they were in the Image then so re∣presented, as painting & caruing doth represent them. And the Image of Ninus and Cesar,* 18.52 and (as some writeth) the Images of al the 12. chosen Gods (as they called thē) were the Images of once liuing men. And it might be sayde that the Image of God the father hath no such eies, nose lippes and a long gray beard, with a furred robe, nor neuer had▪ as they kerue & paint him to haue. But if that be a false I∣mage and an Idoll which is otherwise worshipped & ac∣cepted

then it ought to be, as the brasen Serpent being a true Image and representation of Christ by abuse was made an Idoll: it may be thought in times past, and per∣aduenture howe at this time, in some places the Images not onely of S. Iohn or S. Anne, but of our Lady & Christ be false Images and Idols, representing to foolish blind & ignorant mens harts and thoughtes, that which was not in them, and they ought not to be made for•• The whiche were by you (my Lord) to haue bene remoued sooner and before that y^e captayn there should haue need to haue done 〈◊〉〈◊〉. But if your Lordship be slacke in such matters, he that remoueth false images and Idols abused, doth not a thing worthy blame.

Christ called not the mony hauing Cesars Image in it, an Idoll when it was vsed to lawfull vses, and to pay the due t••ibute with all. But when a man doth not vse those Images grauen in mony, to do his neighbor▪ good and the common wealth seruice, S. Paule Christes disciple called that couetousnes, and the seruing and bondage to Idols: So that euē in mony may be idolatry, if we make to much of those Images whiche Christ here doth not reprehend. There be some so ticklish and so feareful one wayes and so tender stomacked, that they can abide no old abuses to be reformed, but thinke euery reformatiō to be a capitall en∣terprise agaynst al Religion and good order, as there be on the contrary side some to rash, who hauing no considera∣tion what is to be done, headlong wil set vpō euery thing. The Magistrates duety is betwixte these, so in a meane to sit, and prouide that olde doting should not take further or deeper ru••t in the common wealth, neyther auncient error ouercome the seene and tryed trueth, nor long abuse for the age and space of time onely, still be suffered: and yet all these with quietnesse and gentlenesse, and without all con∣tention, if it were possible, to be reformed. To the whyche your Lordship as a man to whom God hath geuen greate qualities of witte, learning and persuasion: coulde bring great helpe and furtherance, if it were your pleasure, with great thankes of men, & reward of God. The which thing is our full desire and purpose, and our harty & dayly pray∣er to God, that in the kinges Maiesties time, whose Ma∣iesties reigne God preserue, al abuses with wisedom refor∣med. Christes Religion with good and polliticke order of the commom wealth, without any contention and strife a∣mong the kinges Subiectes, might florish and daylye en∣crease. And thys to youre Lordships letter sent to maister Uaughan of Portesmouth.

Winchester to the Lord Protector.

* 18.53MAy it please your Grace to vnderstande, that I haue noted some poyntes in my Lord of S. Dauids Ser∣mon, which I sende vnto you here with, whereby to de∣clare vnto you some part what I thinke, for the whole I cannot expresse, somewhat I shall encomber you with my ••abling, but he hath encombred some frēdes more with his ta••ling. And alas my Lord, this is a piteous case, that ha∣uing so muche businesse as ye haue, these inward disorders should be added vnto thē to the courage of such as would this Realme any wayes euill. For this is the thinge they would desire, with hope therby to disorder this realme, be¦ing now a time rather to repayre that needeth reparation, thē to make any new buildings which they pretēd. Quiet, tranquility, vnity & cōcord, shall mainteine estimatiō. The con̄trary may animate the enemy,* 18.54 to attēpt that was neuer thought on, which God forbid. There was neuer attemp∣tate or alteration made in England, but vpon cōfort of dis∣corde at home, and woe be to them that mindeth it. If my Lord of S. Dauides, or such others haue theyr head cōbred with any new platforme, I would wish they were cōmaū∣ded betwene this and the kings maiesties full age to draw the plat diligently, to hewe the stones, dig the sand, & chop the chalke in the vnseasonable time of building, and when the kings maiesty commeth to full age, to present theyr la∣bors to him, and in the meane time not to disturbe the state of the realme, whereof your Grace is Protectior, but that you may in euery part of religion, lawes, landes, and de∣crees (which foure contein the state) deliuer the same to our soueraygn Lord, according to the trust you be put in, whi∣che shall be much to your honor, & as all honest men wish and desire. To which desired effect there can be nothyng so noysome & cōtrarious, as trouble & disquiet. Wherin your Grace shalbe specially troubled as on whose shoulders al the weight lieth, and what so euer shall happen amisse by the faultes of other, shalbe imputed to your Grace, as doer therof, or wanting foresight in time to withstand the same. And albeit that you minde not to be faulty in either, yet if the effecte be not to the Realme as were to be wished, the prince, and though he were of age should be excused, and y^e gouernors here the blame. And this is y^e infelicity of pre∣heminence and authority, and specially in this Realme, as storyes make mention, which should not discourage you, for you neede feare nothing without if quiet be reserued at home: and at home if the beginning be resisted, the intēded folly may easily bee interrupted. But if my brother of S. Dauids, may like a champion with his sword in his hand make enter for the rest, the doore of licence opened, there shal mo•• by folly thrust in with him thē your grace would wish. Thus as I thinke, I write homely to your grace,* 18.55 be¦cause you were content I should write, wherin I consider onely to haue all thinges well. And because your grace is the Protector and the chiefe dir••etor of the realme to presēt vnto your wisedome what my folly is. I haue bene often∣times blamed for fearing ouermuch, and yet I haue had an incling that they that so blamed me feared euē as much as I. Being in the state that you be i••, it shalbe euer cōmēda∣ble to foresee the worst. In quiet ye be strong, in trouble ye be greatly weake, & bring your selfe in daūger of one part, when parties be, therwith one to scourge the other. Wher∣as in cōcord they ••e both yours in an honest, reuerēt, loue∣ly feare to do theyr duty, which I doubt not your wisedōe can consider. And cōsider also how noisome any other out∣ward encōber might be in the time of y^e minority of our so∣ueraign Lord. I told y^e Emperors coūsell that our late so∣uereign Lord did much for the Emperor to enter war with him & put his realme in his old dayes in y^e aduēture of for∣tune, whether he should enioy it or no, for y^t is the nature of war. And sometime the cōtēned & abiect haue had y^e vp∣per hand. And whē ye administer y^e realme for another, it were a maruelous question of him y^t shall enioy y^e realme, to say, what ment you in the time of administratiō to aduē∣ture my realme? why tooke ye not rather for the time of my minoritye any peace, whatsoeuer it were, which is better thē y^e best wa••? as some mē haue writtē. I know you haue authority sufficient & wisdome plēty, & yet being entred to write I forget for y^e time what ye be, & cōmen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 you as I were talking at Brusels with you,* 18.56 deuising of the worlde at large. And if I were sworne to say what I thinke in the state of the world, I would for a time let scots be scots with dispayre to haue thē, vnlesse it were by cōquest, which shall be a godly enterprise for our yong maister whē he cōmeth to age. And in y^e meane time prepare him mony for it, & see y^e realme in an order which hath need of it. And for a stay, if the Emperor would offer the king of Romains daughter as he did: do w^t him in our maisters minority,* 18.57 as he dyd w^t vs in his. Wherby all this hath chaūced vnto him. And by this allians your estimation shal encrease, & our souereign Lordes surety not a little increase & be augmented. For of Fraunce it must be takē for a rule. They be so wantō they cannot do well lēger thē they see, how they may be scour∣ged if they do not. Here is all the wit that I haue, which I offer vnto you, vpon this occasion of writing, & shall pray God to put in your mind y^t shalbe for the best: as I trust he will, & in y^e meane time, to extinct this barbarous cōtētion at home, which can serue onely to do hurt & no good. I had fashioned a letter to master Ridley which I sēd vnto your grace, and encomber you with these malencoly writinges, engendred of this fondnes which be not worth y^e reading. And so it may like you to vse thē, for hauing heard that ye haue sayd vnto me, and otherwise heard and seene what you do, I shall go occupy my wit in other matters, & now such as haue fonde enterprises, shall see that I letted not theyr follyes, which they called Gods worde.* 18.58 But for hys time, the king our souereigne Lord that dead is, and after his time you, much to your honor and reputation * 18.59 how∣soeuer any shalbe here not contented, which miscontenta∣tion hath bene so fond in some, as they haue burst out and wished that they might without breach of his lawes kill me, which is to me a tokē of a maruelous fury, which hath bene cause why I am glad, both to depart hence, and to de∣part the sooner, & pray to God to order all thinges for the best. With preseruatiō of our soueraigne L. and encrease of your graces honor.

At my house in Sothworke the last of February.

Your Graces humble beadman S. W.

An other letter of S.W.

AFter my humble commēdations to your grace, it may like the same to vnderstand. I haue sene of late 2. books set forth in english by Bale very pernitious, seditious and slaunderous. And albeit that your grace needeth not mine aduertisement in y^e matter, yet I am so bolde to trouble your Grace with my letters for mine owne commodity, wherwith to satisfy mine own conscience to write & say as becommeth me in such matters, which I desire your grace to take in good part. For it greueth me not a little, to see so

soone after my late soueraigne Lord and maisters death, a booke spread abroad more to his dishonor (if a princes ho∣nor may be by vile inferior subiectes impeached) then pro∣fessed enemies haue imagined to note a womā to haue suf∣fered vnder him as a martyr, & the woman therewith to be by Bales owne elucidation (as he calleth it) so set foorth & painted as she appeareth to be, & is boasted to be a sacramē¦tary, & by the lawes worthy (as she suffered) the paynes of death, such like things haue by stealth in our late soueraign Lords dayes gone abroad as they do now▪ And as I am wōt in such cases to speak, I keep my wōt to write to your grace now, in whose hands I know the estate of y^e realme to be foretime in gouernment & to whō for respectes of old acquayntaunce I wish al felicity. In these matters of reli∣gion I haue bene long exercised and haue (thankes be to God) liued so long as I haue sene them throughly tryed and besides that I haue learned in written bookes of Au∣thority, I haue perceiued by bookes written without au∣thority as by M. Bale, Ioye, and other, and specially as Bale vseth nowe, that Scripture doth by abuse, seruice to the right hand and the left at once in so much as at one time Bale prayseth Luther,* 18.60 and setteth his death forth in En∣glish, with commendation as of a Saynt, whych Luther (whatsoeuer he was otherwise) stoutly affirmed the pre∣sence really of Christes naturall body in the Sacrament of the aultar. And yet Bale the noble clerk, would haue Anne Askew blasphemously denying the presence of Christes na∣turall bodye to be taken for a Saynte also. So as Bales Saynctes may vary in heauen, if they chaunce not by the way, which might suffice to disproue the mans creditte, if thwarting talke were not more desired of many, then the trueth in deede, which trueth was supposed to haue bene both in writing and exercise, well established, long before our late Lordes death. And Bale & his adherentes in their madnes playnely reproued & condemned. I can not forget your grace tolde me you woulde suffer no innouation and indeed if you deliuer this realme to the king at 8. yeares of age, as the king his father, whose soule God assoyle, left it, as I trust you shall, the acte is so honourable and good, as it were pity to trouble it with any innouation, whyche were a charge to your grace more then needed, beynge al∣ready burthened heauely. And albeit in the commō wealth euery man hath his part, yet as God hath placed you, the matter is, vnder the kinges Maiestye, chiefely yours and as it were yours alone.* 18.61 Euery man hath his eye directed vnto you both here & abroad, you shall shadow mens do∣inges if they be done, which is one in commodity of high rule. And for my part besides my duty to the kinges maie∣sty and the realme, I would that your grace in whom since your gouernement, I haue found much gentlenes and hu∣manity, had muche honor w^t good successe as euer any had and pray to God that men would let your grace alone, and suffer the realme in the time of your gouernement in quyet among our selues, wherby to be the more able to resist for∣reigne trouble, which your grace doth prudētly forsee. Cer¦tayne printers,* 18.62 players, & preachers, make a wondermēt, as though, we knew not yet how to be iustified, nor what sacramentes we should haue. And if the agreement in reli∣gion made in the time of our late soueraigne Lord be of no force in theyr iudgement, what establishment coulde anye new agrement haue. And euery incertenty is noysome to any realme. And where euery man will be mayster there must nedes be vncertaynty. And one thing is maruelous, that at the same time is taught that all men be lyers, at the selfe same time almost euery man woulde be beleued. And amongst thē, Bale when his vntruth appeareth euidently in setting forth the examination of Anne Askew whiche is vtterly misreported. I beseeche your Grace to pardon my babling with you. But I see my late soueraigne Lord and maister slaundred by such simple persons,* 18.63 religiō assaulted, the realme troubled and peaceable men disquieted, with oc∣casion geuen to enemies to poynt and say, that after Wick∣liefes straunge teaching in the sacramēts of Christes chur∣che hath vexed other, it is finally turned vnto vs to molest & scourge vs, for other fruite cannot Bales teaching haue, ne the teaching of such other as goe about to trouble the a∣grement established here. In which matter I dare not de∣sire your grace specially to looke earnestlye vnto it, leaste I should seme to note in you that becommeth me not. And I know that your grace being otherwise occupied, these thin¦ges may creepe in as it hath bene heretofore, sometime it may be heard for your grace to finde out or pull out y^e root of this naughtines: but yet I am so bolde to write of these of mine owne stomacke, who haue euer vsed for discharge of my selfe to say and write in time and place as I thought might do good, for reliefe of the matter, remitting the rest to the disposition of GOD, who hath wrought wonders in these matters, since they were first moued: and geuen me such knowledge and experiēce in them,* 18.64 as I ought to take them (as they be) for corruption and vntrueth: I meane knowledge and experience of them that be chiefe styrrers, so infect with vntruth, as they cannot speak or report tru∣ly in common matters. The pretence is of the spirit, and al is for the flesh, Women, and meat with liberty of hand and tongue, a dissolution and dissipation of all estates, cleane contrarious to the place GOD hath called your Grace thereunto.* 18.65 For it tendeth all to confusion & disorder, which is the effect of vntrueth. Bale hath set forth a prayer for the Duke I. of Saxe wherein the Duke remitteth to Gods iudgement to be shewed here in this world the iustnesse of his cause concerning religion, and desireth GOD if hys cause be not good, to order him to be taken and to be spoiled of his honor and possessions, with many such gay wordes whereby to tempt God, since which prayer the Duke is in¦deed taken as all the world sayth, at the time of his taking, as the account is made, such straungenesse in the sonne as we saw it here, as hath not bene sene. They happened both together, this we know, and be both maruelous, but whe∣ther the one were a token ordered to concurre with other, God knoweth and manne cannot define. Many common wealthes haue continued without the B. of Romes iuris∣diction, but without true religion, and with such opinions as Germany maynteyned no estate hath co••••••••ned in the circuit of the world to vs knowne since Christ c••me. For the Turkes and Tartarres gouernement is, as it were a continuall warre and they vphold theyr rule with subdu∣ing of nobility by fyre and sworde,* 18.66 Germanye with theyr new religion could neuer haue stand, & though the Empe¦ror had let them alone, for if it be perswaded the vnderstan∣ding of Gods lawe to be at large in women and children, wherby they may haue the rule of that, and thē Gods law must be the rule of all, is not hereby the rule of all brought into theyr handes? These of some will be called witty rea∣sons, but they be in deede truthes children, and so is all the eloquence, which some (to disprayse me) say I haue, what∣soeuer they say of me. For truth is of it selfe, in a right mea∣ning mans mouth, more eloquent, then forged matters can with studye bring forth. What rymes be sette forth to depraue the Lent, and how fond (sauing your Graces ho∣nour) and foolish, and yet the people pay money for them, and they can serue for nothing, but to learne the people to rayle, & to cause such as vsed to make prouision for fishe a∣gaynst Lent, fearing now Lent to be so sicke as the ryme purporteth and like to dye in deede, to forbeare to make theyr accustomed prouision for the next yeare. And thereto shall it come if the common dyet be not certayne. For the Fishmonger will neuer hope to haue good sale, when the the butcher may with flesh out face him. And fishe is that great treasure of this realme & foode inestimable. And these good wordes I geue, although I loue it not my selfe, for such as loue not fish, should neuertheles commend it to o∣ther, to the intent the fleshe by them forborne might be to such as loue it onely the more plenty. The publicke defa∣mation & trifling with Lent is a maruellous matter to thē that woulde say euill of this Realme, for there is nothyng more commended vnto vs christen men in both the Chur∣ches of the Greekes and Latins then lent is, if all men be not liers. In the king our late soueraigne Lordes dayes this matter was not thus spoken of. And I thinke our e∣nemies would wish we had no lēt. Euery coūtry hath his peculier inclination to naughtines, England and Germa∣ny to the belly, the one in licor, the other in meat, Fraunce a litle beneath the belly, Italy to vanity and pleasures de∣uised, & let an English belly haue a further aduauncement, and nothing can stay it, whē I was purueior for the seas, what an exclamatiō was there (as your grace shewed me) of the Bishops fasting day, as they called wednesday, and Winchester, Winchester grand mercy for your wine, I be∣shrow your hart for your water? Was not that song, al∣though it was in sport a signification how loth men be to haue theyr licence restrained? or theyr accustomed fare aba∣ted? vnles it were in extreme necessity. I heare say that lēt is thus spok of, by Ioseph and Tongue, with other new (whome I knowe not) as be one of Christes Myracles, which God ordeyned not man to immitate and follow, at whiche teaching all the world will laugh. For Christian men haue Christ for an example in all thinges both to vse the world as he did, onely for necessity, and contemne the world as he did, and in case to refuse it, and choose the vyle death, as he did the death of the Crosse, which thinges he did like a Mayster most perfect, for he was very god, and we must endeuour our selfe in the vse of his gyftes, to fol∣low that he did, not to fast fortye dayes without meate as Christ did, for we be but Prentises, and cary about a rui∣nous Carcas that muste haue some daylye reparation, with foode, but yet was there neuer none that sayde, how

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

therefore we should do nothing, because we can not do al, and take Christes fast for a myracle onely. And yet all that folow Christ truely, they worke dayly myracles in subdu∣ing and cōforming by Gods grace there sensuall appitites and humble obeying to the wil of God, which no man can of himselfe do, and Christ promised that his true seruants should worke the workes that he did, and greater works also. Wherfore it is a slender matter to say. Lent was one of Christes myracles, for so was it to loue his enemyes, & specially those that scourged and bobbed him, which may not bee (if that allegation hath place) taught Christen men to folow,* 18.67 because it was a myracle, as they might say it were more tollerable to forgette Lent (as Pogge tel∣leth) of a Priest in the moūtaynes, that knew not how the yeare went about, and when the weather opened and hee went abroad and perceiued his neighbours were towar∣des Palme Sonday, he deuised an excuse to his Paryshe and bad them prepare therefore, for in deede the yeare had somewhat slipped him, but he would fashion the matter so, as they shoulde be as soone at Easter as the rest, and thus did he passe ouer lent with much lesse slaunder then to teach it for a doctrine, y^t lēt was one of Christs miracles, & therefore not to be imitated for vs, for although it was in deede a greate myracle (as all Christes doynges were) yet was it there not a greate myracle, ne more agaynst mans nature, then to loue them y^t laboured & were busye to take away the naturall lyfe of his manhoode.* 18.68 For as the nature of man desireth reliefe, so doth it abhorre distruction or hurt. In will and desire menne followe Christ in al thin∣ges: in execution they cannot. For we haue brickle ves∣sels, and God geueth his giftes to men as he seeth expe∣dient for his Church. So as men cannot heale the lame when they will, as Christ did when hee woulde, but as God shall thinke profitable for the edification of the flocke assembled. Gregory Nazianzene speaketh of some that en∣terprised to imitate christes fast aboue theyr power, whose immoderate zeale he doth not disallowe not requiring of all men so to doe, for that is an extremity, ne yet assoyling the matter as our new schole men doe, that Christen men shoulde let Christes fast alone as a myracle, which maner of solution I heard a good felow make, when it was told him he might not reuenge himselfe. And when he were stroken on the one eare, put forth the other, I am (quoth he) a man, I am not God, if Christ being God did so, he might (quod he) if it had pleased him haue done otherwise. And so when it hath bene alleadged that Christ fasted for∣ty dayes, he might (quoth he) haue eaten if he had list, these triflinges in sporte mighte bee drawne to graue speach, if Christen men shall refuse to folow Christ in myracles. For all his life was myracles and his loue that is our Badge most miraculous of all to dye for his enemies. I beseeche your Grace to pardon me for I am like one of the commō house, that when I am in my tale, thinke I should haue liberty to make an end and specially writing to your grace with whome I accompt I may bee bolde assuring you it proceedeth of a zeale towardes you, vnto whom I wysh well, whose intent although it be suche as it ought to bee, and as it pleased you to shew me it was, yet such thinges spread abroade whereof the euill willers of the Realme will take courage and make accompte, (although it bee wrong) that all goeth on wheeles, if any man had either fondly or vndiscreetelye spoken of lent to engreue it to bee an importable burthen I would wish his reformation, for I haue not learned that all menne are bound to keepe the lent in the forme receiued, but this I reckon, that no chri∣sten man may contemne the forme receiued, being suche a deuoute and profitable immitation of Christe to celebrate his faste, and in that time suche as haue bene in the rest of the yeare worldlye to prepare themselues to come as they should come, to the feast of Easter, wherof S. Chrisostome speaketh expressely. And for auoyding contempt, a licence truely obteyned of the superiour serueth. And so I hearde the kinges Maiesty our Soueraigne Lord declare when your grace was present. And therfore he himselfe was ve∣ry scrupulous in graunting of licences, and to declare that himselfe contemned not the fast, he was at charge to haue (as your Grace knoweth) the lent diet dayly prepa∣red, as it had bene for himselfe and the like hereof I heare say your Grace hath ordered for the kinges Maiestye that now is, which agreeth not with certaine preaching in this matter, ne the rimes set abroade. Lent is among Christen men a godly feast to exercise men to forbeare and in Eng∣land both godly and polliticke, such as without confusion we can not forbeare,* 18.69 as the experience shall shew, if it be e∣uer attempted, which God forbid. And yet lent is buried in rime, and Steuen Stockefishe bequeathed, not to me, though my name be noted, wherwith for mine owne part I cannot be angry, for that is mitigated by theyr fondnes. But I woulde desire of God to haue the strength of thys realme encreased with report of concord,* 18.70 which doth quēch many vayne deuices and imaginations. And if all men be lyers as it is now to my vnderstanding straungely publi∣shed, me thinke Bale and such new men as be new liers should be most abhorred and detested, & so much the more daungerous as they be newe. That whiche in Italye and Fraunce is a matter of combate, is now found to be appro¦priate to all men. God graunt the trueth to be desired of all menne truely. But as one asked when he sawe an olde Philosopher dispute with an other, what they talked on. And it was aunswered how the olde man was discussing what was vertue, it was replied if the old man yet dispute of vertue when will he vse it? So it may be sayd in our re∣ligion. If we be yet searching for it, when shal we begin to put it in executiō? I would make an end of my letters and cannot, wherein I account my selfe faulty. And though I may erre as euery man may, yet I lye not, for I say as I think, for as much as I haue sayd, and further think your grace hath no trouble troublesome, but this matter of re∣ligion vnseasonably brought into the defamation of our late soueraigne Lordes actes, doinges & lawes. I beseech your grace take my meaning and wordes in good part, & pardon my boldnes which groweth of the familiaritye I haue heretofore had with your grace, which I cannot for∣get. And thus enforcing my selfe to an end, shall pray to al∣mighty God to preserue your grace in much felicity wyth encrease of honor and the atchieuing of your hartes desire.

At Winchester the 21. of May.

Your Graces humble beadman. S.W.

¶The Letter of the L. Protector answering to Winchester.

YOur letters dated the 21. day of May as concerning 2. bookes new set forth by one Bale, and certayne sermōs preached here, were with conuenient speede deliuered vn∣to vs. And like as in your letters to Edw. Uaughan of Portesmouth, so in those to vs we perceiue that you haue a vigilant and diligēt eye, and very fearefull of innouatiō, which as it cannot be blamed, proceeding of one which is desirous of quiet, good order, and continuance of the godly state of this realme: So we do maruell that so soone, so far of, and so playnely, you canne heare tell and say of so many thinges done here, which in deed we being here and atten∣dant vpō the same cannot yet be aduertised of. The world neuer was so quiet or so vnite, but that priuily or openlye those iij. which you write of, Printers, players, and Prea∣chers, woulde sette forth somewhat of theyr owne heades which the Maiestrates were vnwares of. And the whiche already be banished and hath forsaken the realme, as suffe∣ring the last punishmēt, be boldest to set forth theyr mind. And dare vse their extreme licēce or liberty of speaking as out of the handes or rule of correction, either because they be gone, or because they be hidde. There hath foolishe and naughty rimes and bookes bene made and set forth, of the which as it appeareth you haue sene more then we, and yet to our knowledge to many be brought, but yet after our minde it is to sore and to cruelly done to lay al those to our charge, and to aske as it were account of vs of them all. In the most exact cruelty and tiranny of the Bishop of Rome, yet Pasquill (as we here say) writeth his mind and many times agaynst the Bishops tyranny, and some time tou∣cheth other great princes, which thing for the most part he doth safely, not that the Bishop alloweth Pasquils rimes and verses specially agaynst himselfe, but because he can∣not punish the authour, whom either he knoweth not, or hath not. In the late kings daies of famous memory, who was both a learned, wise, and polliticke Prince, & a diligēt executor of his lawes. And when your Lordshippe was most diligent in the same, yet as your Lordship it selfe wri∣teth, and it is to manifest to be vnknowne, there were that wrote such leud rimes, and plaies as you speake of, & some agaynst the kinges proceedinges, who were yet vnpuni∣shed, because they were vnknowne or vngotten. And whē we do wey the matter we do very much maruel why that, about iack of lentes leud balad, and certayne as it was re∣ported vnto vs, Godly sermons (whiche be euill in your letters ioyned together) you be so earnest. When agaynst D. Smithes booke being a man learned in the doctors & scripture which made so playne agaynst the kinges high∣nesse authority. And for the furtherance of the Bishops of Romes vsurped power, your Lorship neither wrote nor sayd nothing. And as it appeared you be so angry with his retractation (which frankly w^tout feare, dread cōpulsion, or imprisonmēt onely with learning & truth ouercommed, he came vnto) that you cannot abide his beginning, although hauing the very woordes of scripture. Except peraduen∣ture

you thinke that the saying of Dauid, omnis homo men∣dax, cannot be enterpreted, euery man is a lier, which how soeuer your Lordship taketh it at pleasure, it appeared vn¦to vs then of him taken but godly to declare the infirmitye of man, and the trueth of God and his word. And we are not able to reason so clerkly with you, & yet we haue heard of the subtle difference of lying and telling of a lye, or as it is in latin called mentiri and mendacium discere, but if your Lordship be loth to be counted mēdax, which belike he hath interpreted a lyer, or a lying man, and thinke it a matter of combate, he was deceiued in the interpretation, and it is a matter for clerkes to dispute of, we woulde haue wished your Lordshipp to haue written agaynst his booke before, or now with it, if you thinke that to be defended which the author himselfe refuseth to auerre: your Lordship writeth earnestly for lent which we go not about to put away, no more then whē D. Smith wrote so earnestly y^t euery man should be obedient to the Byshops. The Maiestrates by and by went not about to bring Kinges and Princes and other vnder theyr subiection. Writers write theyr fantasy, my Lord, and Preachers preach what eyther liketh them, or what God putteth in theyr heades. It is not by and by done what is spoken. The people buyeth those foolish bal∣lads of Iacke a lent. So bought they in times past, par∣dons, and carroles and Robbin hoodes tales. All be not wise mē, and the foolisher a thing is to some (although not to the more party) it is the more pleasaunt and meete, and peraduenture of the sermons there is, and in deed there is (if it be true that we haue heard) otherwise spoken and re∣ported to you, then it was of the preachers there and then spoken or ment. Lent remayneth still my Lord, & shall god willing till the kings highnes with our aduise and the re∣sidew of his Graces counsel take an other order, although some light and leud mē do bury him in writing, euē as the kinges Maiesty remayneth head of the Church, although by subtle meanes some traytors haue gone about and day∣ly do, to abuse the kinges Maiesties supremacy, and bring in the Bishop of Romes tyranny, with other superstition and Idolatry. On both sides great heed is to be taken, and as your Lordship writeth, we are set in a paynfull rome, to reforme all lightnes and leudnes, to the which we do en¦deuour our selfe to the best of our power, although not so cruelly and fiercely as some peraduenture would wish, yet not so loosely that there needeth such exclamation or great feare to be. We doe study to doe all things attemperately, and with quiet and good order. And we woulde wish no∣thing more then your Lordship to be as ready to the refor∣mation of the one, as of the other, that neither superstition, Idolatry, or papacy, should be brought in, nor lightnesse, nor contempt of good order to be mainteined. They both take beginning at small things, and encreaseth by litle and litle at vnwares. And quiet may be as wel broken with ie∣losy, as negligence, with to much feare or to much paciēce. No wayes worse then when one is ouer light eared, the one way, and deafe on the other side. Rumors by space and times encrease naturally and by that time they come at you as it appeareth, they be doubled & trebled. We do perceiue your diligent eye towards vs,* 18.71 & we will wish (& trust you haue) your faythful hart to vs, our most harty desire & con∣tinuall prayer to God is to leaue this realme to the kings highnes at his graces age by you written, rather more flo∣rishing in men, possessions, wealth, learning, wisedome, & Gods religion and doctrine if it were possible and Gods will, then we found it. And that is our whole intent, & es∣peraunce to the which we refuse no mans helpe, as know∣eth God in whom we bid you hartily fare well.

An other letter of W. to the L. Protector.

AFter my moste humble commendations to your good Grace vpon the returne of my seuant Massy with your Graces letters aunswering to such my letters wherein I signified the robbing of my secretary, I read the same glad∣ly, as by the contentes of the matter I had cause so to doe, which was such a comfortatiue as I digested easily the rest of the great packet, hauing bene accustomed thereunto in the kinges my late soueraygne Lordes dayes, which fashi∣on of writing his highnesse (God pardon his soule) called whetting, which was not all the most pleasaunt vnto me at all times, yet when I saw in my doinges was no hurt, and sometime by occasion thereof the matter amended I was not so coy as alwayes to reuers my argument, nor so that his affayres went well, I neuer troubled my selfe, whether he made me a wanton or not. And when suche as were priuy to his letters directed vnto me were affrayd I had bene in high displeasure (for the termes of the letters sounded so) yet I myself feared it nothing at al, I estemed him (as he was) a wise prince, and whatsoeuer he wrote or sayd for the present, he would after consider the matter as wisely as any man, and neither hurt or inwardly disfauor him that had bene bolde with him. Whereof I serue for a proofe, for no man could do me hurt during his life. And when he gaue me the Bishopricke of Winchester, he said he had often squared with me, but he loued me neuer y^e worse. And for a token therof gaue me the Byshopricke. And once when he had bene vehement with me,* 18.72 in the presence of the Earle of Wilteshyre, and saw me dismayd with it, he tooke me a part into his bed chamber, and comforted me and said that his displeasure was not so much to me, as I did take it, but he misliked the matter and he durste more boldly di∣rect his speache to me then to the Earle of Wilteshyre, and from that day forward he could not put me out of courage, but if any displeasaunt wordes passed from him, as they did sometime, I folded them vp in the matter, which hin∣dered me a litle, for I was reported vnto him that I stou∣ped not and was stubborne, and he had commended, vnto me certayne mens gentle nature (as he called it) that wept at euery of his wordes, & me thought that my nature was as gētle as theyrs, for I was sory that he was moued, but els I know when the displeasure was not iustly groun∣ded in me, I had no cause to take thought, nor was not at any time in al my life miscontent or grudging at any thing done by him I thanke God of it. And therefore being thus brought vpp, and hauing first read your graces most gen∣tle letters, signifying the deuise of a proclamation to stay these rumours, and reading the same proclamation which my seruant brought with him, I read the more quiet your Graces great letters, and would haue layd them vp with out further aunswere were it not that percase my so doing might be mistaken. For glum silence may haue another construction then franke speach where a man may speake, as I reckon I may with your grace, vppon confidence whereof I am so bolde to write thus much for my declara∣tion touching your graces letters of the xxvij. of may, that how earnest so euer my letters be taken in fearing any in∣nouation, I neyther inwardly feare it, neither shewe anye demonstration in mine outward deedes to the world here, or in communication, that I do feare it to be done by au∣thority, but in my selfe resist the rumors and vayne enter∣prises, with confidence in the truth and your Graces wise∣dome, for if I feared it in deede, which persuasion it should come to passe, I should haue small lust to write in it, but I feare more in deede the trouble that might arise by light boldenesse of other, and then comber of such matter whiles other outward affayres occupy your Graces minde, then the effecte by your direction that hath beene talked on a∣broade, and yet in the writing I doe speake as the matter leadeth, continuing mine olde maner to be earnest, whiche as some men haue dispraysed, so some haue commended it, and therefore in a good honest matter I folow rather mine own inclinatiō, thē to take y^t paynes to speake as Butter woulde not melte in my mou••h, wherewith I perceyue your Grace is not miscontent, for the which, I most hum∣bly thanke you. And first as concerning Portestmouth I wrote to the Captaine and Maior in the thing as I had information, and by men of Credence. And yet I sus∣pended my creditte till I had heard from thence, as by my Letters appeare, and as I was lothe to haue it so, so was I lothe to beleeue it. And to shewe that I feared no in∣nouation by authority, ne regarded not any such daunger, went thyther my selfe, and in conclusion was in such fa∣miliarity with the Captayne, that after he had shewed me all the gentle entertaynement he coulde, he desired me to make an exhortation to his men as they stoode handsome∣ly with theyr weapons, wherewith they had shewed war∣like feates, which I did, and departed in amitye with the Captayne and souldiors and all the towne. The captayne telling me playnelye he was nothinge offended with any thing I had sayd in my sermon, ne there was cause why he should. But the very act in deede in defacing the Images had no such ground as mayster Captayne pretended, for I asked speciallye for suche as had abused those Images, and no such could be shewed, for y^t I enquyred for openly. And the Image of S. Iohn the Euangelist standing in the chancell by the high aultar was pulled downe, & a table of alablaster broken. And in it an Image of Christ crucified, so contemptuously handled, as was in my hart terrible, to haue the one eye bored out & the side perced, wherwith mē were wondrously offended, for it is a very persecution be∣yonde the sea, vsed in that forme where the parson cannot be apprehēded. And I take such an act to be very slaūdrous & esteming the opinion of breaking Images, as vnlawe∣full to be had very daungerous, voyd of all learning and truth wrote after my fashion to the captayn, which letters I perceiue to come by your graces hands I was not very curious in the writing of them, for w^t me trueth goeth out

playnely and roundly, and speaking of the kinges Seale, vttered the common language, I was brought vp in, af∣ter the olde sorte, when as I coniect of a good will the peo∣ple taking Saynt George for a patron of the Realme vn∣der God,* 18.73 and hauing some confidence of succour by Gods strength deriued by him, to encrease the estimation of their Prince and Soueraygne Lord, called theyr king on horse∣backe in the feate of Armes, Sayncte George on Horse∣backe, my knowledge was not corrupt, I know it repre∣senteth the king, and yet my speach came forth after the cō∣mon language, wherin I trust is none offēce. For besides learning I by experience haue knowne the preheminence of a king both in warre and peace. And yet if I hadde wist my letter should haue commen to your Graces handes to be aunswered, then I would haue bene more precise in my speach then to geue occasion of so long an argument there∣in. As for S. George himselfe, I haue such opinion of him as becommeth me and haue read also of Belerephon in Ho∣mer as they call him the Father of tales, I will leaue that matter. And as for bookes let Latine and Greeke continue as long as it shall please God, I am almost past the vse of them, what seruice those letters haue done, experience hath shewed, and religion hath continued in them 1500. yeres: but as for the english tongue it selfe hath not continued in one forme of vnderstanding 200. yeres and without Gods worke and speciall miracle it shall hardly conteyne reli∣gion long, when it can not last it self, and whatsoeuer your Graces mind is now in the matter, I know well that ha∣uing the gouernement of the Realme your Grace will vse the gift of pollicy, which is a gift of God.

And euen as now at this time Bishops be restrayned by a speciall pollicye to preache onely in theyr Cathedrall Churches (the like whereof hath not bene knowne in my time) so vpon an other occasion your Grace may percase thinke expedient to restrayne (further then the parliament hath already done) the common reading of the Scripture, as is now restrained the Bishops liberty of preaching. As for the brasen Serpēt did not in all mens language repre∣sent Christ, and if I had written to an other then your Grace, I might haue had the like matter of argument that was taken agaynst me of S. George on horsebacke. For Gregory Nazianzene chiefe diuine in the Greeke Church calleth the Serpents death, the figure of the death of christ, but not the serpent to be the figure of Christ, and yet when I had done all mine argument, I would resolue as is re∣solued with me in the speach of S. George on horsebacke, that the common speach is otherwise, and so it is in saying the serpent to be a true figure of Christ, and yet Gregorye Nazianzen called the serpent it selfe 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of Christ in these wordes 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 &c? in his sermon de pascate and yet in Al∣mechorus Domini we read Aries, Leo, Uermis, spoken of Christ, and some expound the scripture, sicut Moyses. &c. Af∣ter that sort. And as your Grace sayd when I was last at your house with the french Ambassador, ye wished him & me together disputing, to see whē we would make an end, euen so it is in these matters, when they come in argumēt, for a bye thing (as Saynt George on Horsebacke) when it escapeth me, or speaking of the brasen serpent, folowing a speach not throughly discussed, shalbe occasion of a digres∣sion all out of purpose. And therefore was it a great gift of God, that our late Soueraigne Lord (God rest his soule) set these matters in quiet: Who had heard all these reasōs touching Images which be now rehearsed in your graces leters, and hauing once my Lord of Cāterbury & me pre∣sent with him alone in his Pallace that they call otherwise newe Hall, handled that matter at length and discussed with my Lord of Caunterbury the vnderstanding of gods commaundement to the Iewes,* 18.74 so as all the Clearkes in Christedome could not amend it. And where as one had denyed the Image of the Trinitye to be had, by reasons as be touched in your Graces letters, I heard his high∣nesse aunswere to them at another time. And when hee had himselfe specially commaunded diuers Images to be abolished yet (as your Grace knoweth) he both ordered and himselfe putte in execution the kneeling and creeping before the Image of the Crosse, and established agreement in that truth through all this Realme, whereby all argu∣mentes to the contrary be assoyled at once. I would wysh Images vsed as the booke by his highnesse sette forth doth prescribe and no otherwise. I know your Grace only tēp∣teth me with such reasons as other make vnto you, and I am not fully at liberty although I am bolde enough (and some will thinke to bolde) to aunswere some thinges as I woulde to an other man mine equall, being so much in∣feriour to your Grace as I am, but me thinketh Saynte Paules solucion during the kinges Maiesties minoritye should serue all. Nos talem consuetudinem non habemus. We haue no such custome in the Church. When our soueraign Lord commeth to his perfect age (which God graunt) I doubt not but God wil reueale that shalbe necessary for the gouerning of his people in religion.* 18.75 And if any thing shal be done in the meane time (as I thinke there shall not) by your Graces direction, he may when he commeth to age say in the rest, as I heare say, he sayd nowe of late concer∣ning procession, that in his fathers time men were wont to folow procession, vpon which the kinges maiestyes say∣ing the procession (as I heard) was well furnished after∣wardes by your Graces Commaundement, which speach hath put me in remembraunce, that if the Bishops and o∣ther of the Clergy, should agree to any alteration in reli∣gion to the condemnation of any thing set forth by his Fa∣ther, whereby his father might be noted to haue wanted knowledge or fauor to the truth, what he would say, I can not tell, but he might vse a maruellous speach, and for the excellency of his spirite, it were like he would, and hauing so iust a cause against Bishops as he might haue it were to be feared he would. And when he had spoken, thē he might by his lawes do more then any would gladly suffer of our sort at these dayes, for as the allegatiō of his authority re∣presented by your grace, shalbe then aunswered (as youre Grace now writeth vnto me) that y^t your Grace onely de∣sired truth according to Gods scripture, and it may be ••hē sayd: we Bishops when we haue our soueraigne Lord & head in minority we fashion the matter as we lust, & then some young man that would haue a piece of the Bishops landes shall say: the beastly Bishops haue alwayes done so, and when they can no longer mayntayne one of theyr pleasures of rule and superioritye, then they take another way and let that go, and for the time they be here, spend vp that they haue, which eat you and drinke you, what ye list & we together, with Edamus & bibamus cras moriemur. And if we shall alleadge for our defence the strength of Goddes trueth and the playnesse of scripture, with the word of the Lord, and many gay termes, and say we were conuinced by scriptures, such an excellent iudgement, as the kinges maiesty is like to haue, will neuer credite vs in it, ne be a∣bused by such a vayne answere. And this is a worldly pol∣liticke consideration, and at home, for the noyse abroade in the world will be more slaunderous then this is daunge∣rous. And touching the bishop of Rome, the doing in this realme hitherto hath neuer done him so much displeasure as an alteration in religion during the kinges Maiestyes minority, should serue for his purpose, for he wanteth not wits to beate into other princes eares, that where his au∣thority is abolished, there at euery chaunge of gouernors, shalbe change in Religion and y^t hath bene amongst vs by a whole consent established, shall by pretence of an other vnderstanding in scripture streight be brought in questiō,* 18.76 for they will geue it no other name but a pretence, howe stiffely so euer we will affirme otherwise and call it Gods worde and here it should much be noted that my Lorde of Caunterbury, being the high Bishop of the Realme, high∣ly in fauour with his late Soueraigne Lord, and my Lord of Duresme a manne of renowmed fame in learning and grauity, both put by him in trust for theyr councell in the order of the Realme, shoulde so soone forgette theyr olde knowledge in Scripture sette forth by the Kynges Maie∣sties book, and aduise to enuey such matter of alteration. All which thinges be (I knowe well) by your Grace and them considered. And therefore it is to me incredible that euer any such thing should be in deede with effect whatso∣euer the lyghtnesse of talke shall spread abroade, whyche your Grace hath by Proclamation well stayed. But and ye had not, and the world talked so fast as euer they did, I assure your Grace I woulde neuer feare it, as men feare thinges they like not, vnlesse I saw it in execution, for of this sort I am that in all thinges I thinke shoulde not be done in reason, I feare them not, wherewith to trouble mee otherwise then to take heede if I canne, and to the head Gouernours (as now to your Grace) shewe my minde, and such experience hath euery manne of me that hath commoned with me in any such matters. And ther∣fore albeit your Grace writeth wisely that ouermuch feare doth hurt, and accelerateth sometime, that was not inten∣ded, yet it needes not to me, for I haue learned that lesson already, and would a great many moe had, which in deede should be a great stay. And thus I talke with your Grace homely, with multiplication of speache not necessary, as though I meant to sende you as great a packet, as I re∣ceyued from you. One thing necessary to aunsweare your Grace in touching your maruell: howe I know sooner thinges from thence, then your Grace doth there, whiche ariseth not vppon any desire of knowledge on my behalfe, for euill thinges be ouersoone knowne, not vpō any slacknes of your graces behalf there, who is & is noted very vigilāt, as your graces charge requireth. But

thus it is euen as it was when I was in some little au∣thoritye, they that were the euill doers in such matters would hide them from me. So now they haue handled it otherwise, for as for Iacke of lentes Testament was o∣penly sold in Winchester market, before I wrot vnto your Grace of it. And as for Bales booke called the Elucidiati∣on of Anne Askewes Martyredome, they were in these partes common some with leaues vnglewed, where mai∣ster Paget was spoken of and some with leaues glued. And I call them common because I saw at the least foure of them. As for Bales booke touching the death of Lu∣ther wherein was the Duke Saxons prayer (whereof I wrote) was brought downe into this countrey by an ho∣nest Gentleman to whome it was (as I remember hee tolde me) geuen at London for newes, and had it a good while ere I wrote to your Grace. I had not then recei∣ued the inhibition for preaching whereof men spake other∣wise then they knewe.* 18.77 And in the meane time Doctour Smith recanted with a Prieste of this Towne (who to mine owne mouth boasted himselfe to be your Graces Chaplayne, but I beleeued it not) brought downe with speed, & made by meanes to haue it brought to my know∣ledge, which I knew besides, for they had by and by filled all the Countrey here aboutes of tales of me. And when I saw Doctour Smithes recantation beginne with Om∣nis homo mendax so englished and suche a new humility as he would make all the Doctors of the Church Lyers with himselfe, knowing what opinions were abroade, it en∣forced me to write vnto your Grace for the ease of my con∣science: geuing this Iudgement of Smith that I neither liked his tractation of vnwritten verityes, ner yet hys retractation, and was gladde of my former Iudgement, that I neuer had familiaritye with him, I saw him not (that I wotte these three yeares ne talked with him these seuen yeares, as curious as I am noted in the common wealth.) And where as in his vnwritten verityes he was so mad to say, Bishops in this Realme may make lawes, I haue witnesse that I sayd at that worde, we should bee then dawes, and was by and by sory that euer he had writ∣ted of the Sacrament of the aultar, which was not as it was noysed, vntouched, with that word, all men be Liers which is a maruellous word, as it soundeth in our toung when we say a man were better haue a thiefe in his house then a lyer. And the deprauing of mans nature in that sort is not the setting out of the authority of the Scripture. For albeit the authority of the Scripture dependeth not vpon man, yet the ministration of y^e letter which is writing and speaking, is exercised, and hath bene from the beginninge deliuered through mans hand and taught by mās mouth: which men in the Scripture calleth holy men, and that is contrary to lyers. And therefore S, Augustine in his book De mendacio, sayth omnis homo mendax, signifieth omnis ho∣mo peccans. If Smyth had onely written of Bishops la∣wes, and then sayd he had (sauing your honor) lyed loud∣ly or to mittigate the matter, sayd he had erred by ignorāce that had bene done truely and humbly, for he that seeketh for much company in lying as he did, hath small humility, for he woulde hide himselfe by the nūber, & this muche as touching Smith of whō nor his booke till he was in trou∣ble I neuer heard talking. But to the matter I wrote of, I haue told your Grace how I came to knowledge of thē very scarsely in time, but in the thing ouer quickely & ne∣uer had any suche thought in my life, as I denyed to your Grace to be worthely charged with thē, by them I meane that may hereafter charge, for I know no such yet in thys world, and I neuer was in mine opinion so madde, as to write to your Grace in that sort when all thinges be well, I haue many causes to reioyce but where things were o∣therwise (as I trust they shall not) I haue nothing to doe to aske any accompt, I trust I shall neuer forget my selfe so much, I thanke God I am euen aswell learned to lyue in the place of obedience, as I was in the place of directiō in our late soueraigne Lordes life. And for my quietnes in this estate accompt my self to haue a great treasure of your Graces rule and authority, and therfore will worship and and honor it otherwise then to vse such maner of presump∣tion to aske any accompt. And I know your Grace can∣not stay these matters so sodenly, and I esteeme it a great matter that thinges be stauld hitherto thus, but if thinges had encreased as the rumours purported, your Grace might haue bene encombred more in the execution of your good determination.* 18.78 Now thankes be to GOD your Grace goeth well about to stay it. As for my selfe I know mine inward determination to doe, as I may, my duty to God and the world, and haue no cause to complayne of the vniuersall Disposition of them in my Dioces. I know but one way of quiet to keep and follow such lawes and orders in Religion as our late soueraigne Lorde lefte with vs: which by his life, as the Byshops and Clergye sayd was the very trueth, and I neuer read yet or heard any thing why to swarue from it, ne thinke it expedient to call any one thing in doubte during the Kinges Maie∣styes minority whereby to empayre the strength of the ac∣corde established, whiche I write not mistrusting your Grace in the contrary, but declaring my selfe and wishing the same minde to other about you, as I trust they haue, for which I shal•• pray to GOD, who prospered out late Soueraigne Lord in that rebellion as we haue seene experience, and by your Graces foresight and polliticke Gouernement shall send the like prosperity to our Soue∣raygne Lord that now is, wherein I shall doe my parte as a Subiect most bounden many wayes thereunto. I send vnto your Grace herewith my discussion of my Lord of S. Dauies Purgation, wherein I walke somewhat more at libertye, then writing to your Grace, and yet I take my selfe liberty enough with a reuerent mind, neuer∣thelesse to keepe me within my bondes whiche if I at any time exceede, I trust your Grace will beare with me after your accustomed goodnesse, for whose prosperitye I shall continually pray with encrease of honor. At Winchester the 6. of Iune.

¶Certayne additions after these Leters aboue specified, with notes and solutions aun∣swering to the same.

THus haue we set out to thee (gentle and studious rea∣der) an extract of certayn letters af Byshop Gardiner: not of all that he wrote, but of suche as coulde come to our handes: Neither of these also that we haue for any good stuffe, or any great profit in thē conteined, or that they dyd cleare him, or his cause any thing, for y^e which he was most worthely condemned. For if there did or might appeare a∣ny such thing in all his writinges, that might cleare the ill fauored doinges of that man, be thou sure such as was thē secret about him, and yet his well willers (theyr names I leaue vntouched) hauing his writinges, or beyng able to shew them, as I am priuy they are, would not so conceale them in couert as they doe, being thereto both prouoked and occasioned by vs, if they had seene any thing in them meete to relieue the person, or to remedy his matter. Wher¦fore thinke not for any such effect these his vayne glorious Letters to be brought in here of vs. But onelye that thou might hereby collect and vnderstand by those his foresayd epistles, and articles folowing, not only the whole course and story almost of all his procedinges from time to time, but also might see the nature and inward condition of the man, how vayneglorious, full stuft and puft vp with ar∣rogancy, and drowned in his owne conceite he was, much like to the parson, or rather he himselfe, described in the la∣tine Comedy, Miles Thraso Gloriosus, haue nothing in his mouth, but Emperors, Kinges, counsellors, protectors, aduisementes, direction: as though all directiō of realmes and princes did flowe out of his brayne, like as it is in the Poets fables, that Minerua did spring out of the head of Iupiter. And yet if this vaynglorious conceit had bene a∣lone in him, lesse matter had bene agaynst him. Now hys subtle practises, and pretensed purposes and dissimulynge conueyance did not onely augment, but also exceded al his other euils. As in the letters aboue specified is notorious and euident to see, wherein though he durst not apertly gainsay that, which he inwardly misliked: yet how couert∣ly doth he insinuate himselfe to the Lord Protector, vnder pretēce of geuing coūsell, to bring that to passe, which was for his purpose, that is, no innouation or alteration to bee made of religion, during all the kinges minority, but to let all thinges stand as king Henry left them. And that is the chiefest. But in all his letters, wherto he driueth: vsing commonly this argument: which as it is easy to recite, so neither is it hard to answere to. Although in the notes be∣fore we haue answered already sufficiently.

¶The Summe and Conclusion of all Winche∣sters drift, in his Epistles before.

THat is chiefely to bee feared and auoyded of the Lorde Protector, and now specially in the Kinges minority, that may bring both daunger to hym,* 18.79 and trouble to the Realme.

Innouation of religion from that state, which K. Hen∣ry left it, may be and is like to be daungerous to himselfe, and cause trouble to the Realme.

Ergo innouation of Religion, from the state that the king left it is in no wise to be attempted.

¶The aunswer.

* 18.80TO aunswer first to the vocable innouation, which he stumbleth so greatly vpon, this I say: that innouati∣on is properly vsed,* 18.81 where a thing is brought in a new, which was not before. Forasmuch therefore, as in this al∣teration there is no new religion brought in, but only the old religion of the primitiue church reuiued, therfore here is to be thought not so much an innouation, as a renoua∣tion or reformation rather of religion, which reformation is oft tymes so necessary in common weales, that without the same all runneth to confusion.

Secondly, I aunswer to the argument, which I doe deny as a fallax, for there is fallacia accidentis. Where it is sayd, that reformation of religion gendreth daunger to the Protector, and trouble to the realme: first what wil come, that is vncertaine: And God be hallowed, yet no danger hath come to England for the reformation of religiō. And though there did, yet the cause thereof is not to be imputed to religion reformed. For sincere and true doctrine of hys owne nature worketh quiet, peace and tranquillitie, with all good order. And if the contrary happen, that is incident by other causes, as by the malice of Sathan, and wycked aduersaries, not by reason of the doctrine and true religi∣on. So after the preaching of Christ and his Apostles, dis∣sention followed in common weales betwixt father and sonne, brother and brother, &c. but that is not to be ascri∣bed to them, but to other.

As concerning the faults found in the Paraphrase of Erasmus,* 18.82 this I aunswer and say, that this bishop belike had ouerwatched himselfe in this matter. For if it be true which he himselfe affirmeth, fol. 744. that he neuer read that booke before, and now he neuer slept till he himselfe red it. It happened peraduenture, that in the ouermuch watching of himselfe, and swift readyng of the booke, hys iudgement was a sleepe, whiles his eyes were open in readyng the same.

Likewyse touching the booke of Homelies, especially the Homilie of saluation,* 18.83 wherewith he findeth hymselfe so much grieued with the Archbishop, seeyng he bringeth foorth no prooues, I haue nothing to answer. In y^e meane season this I haue to thinke, that if he had bene so cunning in the knowledge of his owne saluation, as he was in the destruction and vexation of Christes members, he would neuer so rage agaynst that Homily.

Touching the examination of Anne Askew, if it bee misreported by M. Bale,* 18.84 why doth not he note the places which they be, and wherein? And if he had, or were able so to do: yet seeyng the examination was of her own pen∣ning, which M. Bale did follow, let euery Christian Rea∣der iudge, whether is more to be credited of these two, she that was persecuted, or he that was the persecuter.

And where he speaketh so much of quiet and tranquilitie. This I aunswere,* 18.85 that quiet and tranquillitie in weales publike, so long as they are ioined with right reformed re∣ligion, be much to be embraced. But when it is otherwise, that is, where true religion lacketh his right, there let the second table geue place to the first.

He thwarteth also, and wrangleth much against plai∣ers,* 18.86 Printers, Preachers. And no maruell why. For he se∣eth these three things to be set vp of God, as a triple bul∣warke against the triple crowne of the Pope, to bring him down, as God be praysed they haue done meetely well al∣readie.

As touching the Article of Free iustification by fayth, which he cannot abide,* 18.87 forasmuch as we haue sufficiently declared in the notes before, we shalt referre the Reader now also vnto the same.

* 18.88And moreouer, because in one of his letters, mention is made of a certaine letter sent vnto M. Ridley, because we will defraud thee (gentle reader) of nothing that com∣meth to our handes, here hast thou the copy thereof, in ef∣fect as followeth.

Here followeth the copy of the letter of St••. Gardiner sent to M. Ridley, in the letters aboue mentioned, contei∣ning matter and obiections against a certaine Ser∣mon, of the sayd Maister Ridley, made at the Courte.

MAister Ridley, after right hearty commendations, it chaunced me vpon Wednesday last past, to be present at your sermon in the courte, wherein I hard you con∣firme the doctrine in religion, set foorth by our late Soue∣raigne Lorde and mayster, whose soule God pardon, ad∣monishing your audience that ye would specially trauell in the confutation of the bishop of Romes pretended au∣thoritie, in gouernement and vsurped power, in pardons whereby hee hath abused himselfe, in Heauen and earthe. Which two matters I note to be playne,* 19.1 and here wyth∣out controuersie. In the other two ye spake of, touchyng images and ceremonies, and as ye touched it, specially for holy water, to driue away deuils, for that ye declared your selfe alwayes desirous, to set forth the mere trueth, with great desire of vnitie as ye professed, not extending anye your asseueration beyond your knowledge, but alwayes adding such like words (as farre as ye had read) and if any man could shew you furder, ye would heare him (wherein ye were much to be commended) Upon these considerati∣ons, and for the desire I haue to vnitie, I haue thought my selfe bound to communicate to you, that I haue read in the matter of Images, and holy water to the intent ye may by your selfe consider it, and so wey, before that ye wil speake in those two pointes, as ye may (reteining youre owne principles) affirme still that ye woulde affirme, and may in deede be affirmed and mayntayned, wherein I haue seene other forget themselfe. First I send vnto you herewith (which I am sure ye haue red that (a) 19.2 Eusebius writeth of Images, whereby appeareth that Images haue beene of (b) 19.3 great antiquitie, in Christes Church, and to say, we may not haue Images, or to call them when they re∣present Christ or his Saintes, be ouer grosse opinions, to enter into your learned head, what so euer the vnlearned woulde tattle. For you know the text of the old law. (c) 19.4 Nō facies tibi sculptile, forbiddeth no more Ima∣ges now, then another text forbiddeth to vs puddings. And if omnia be munda mundis, to the bellye, there can be no cause why they should bee of themselues impura to the eye, wherein ye can say much more. And then when we haue Images, to call them Idols, is a like fault in fond folly. As if a mā would call (Regem) a Tyrant, and then bring in old writers to prooue that Tyrannus signified once a kyng, like as (Idolum) signified once an Image: but like as (Tyrannus) was by consent of men, appropriate, to signifie an v∣surper of that dignitie and an vntrue king: So hath (Ido∣lum) bene appropriate to signifie a false representation, and a false Image. In so much, as there was a solemne ana∣themization of all those that would call an Image and I∣doll, as he were worthy to be hanged, that would call the king our maister (God saue him, our true iust king) a ty∣rant, and yet in talke he might shew that a tyrant signified sometime a king, but speech is regarded in his present sig∣nification, which I doubt not ye can consider right well.

I verily thinke, that as for the hauing of Images, ye will say inough, and that also when we haue them, we should not despise them in speach, to call them (d) 19.5 idols, ne despise them with deedes, to mangle them or cut them, but at the least suffer them to stand vntorne, wherein Luther that pulled away all other regarde to them, straue stoutly, and obteyned (as I haue seene in diuers of the churches in Germany of his reformation) that they shoulde (as they do) stand still.

All the matter to be feared is exces in worshipping, wherein the church of Rome, hath bene very precise. And specially Gregory, writing Episcopo Mastilien. which is cō∣teined, De consecratio. Distinctione. 3. as followeth.* 19.6

Perlatum ad nos fuerat, quod inconsiderato zelo succensus, fanctorum imagines, sub hac qua∣si excusatione, ne adorari debuissent, confregeris, & quidem eas adorari vetuisse, omnino lauda∣mus, fregisse verò reprehédimus. Dic frater, a quo factum esse sacerdote aliquādo auditum est, quod fecisti? Aliud est enim picturam adorare, aliud per picturam historiam, quid sit adorandum addisce∣re. Nam quod legentibus scriptura, hoc & idiotis praestat pictura cernentibus, quia in ipsa ignoran∣tes vident quid sequi debeant, in ipsa legunt qui literas nesciunt, vnde & praecipue gentibus, pro lectione pictura est.

Herein is forbidden adoration,* 19.7 and then in Sexta Sinodo, was declared what maner of adoration is forbidden, that is to say,* 19.8 godly adoration to it being a creature, as is contei∣ned in the chapiter, Venerabiles imagines,* 19.9 in the same distinction, in this wise.

Venerabiles Imagines Christiani non deos appellant, neque seruiunt eis vt dijs, neque spem salutis ponunt in eis, ne{que} ab eis ex spectant futurum iudicium, sed ad memoriam & recordationē primitiuorum venerantur eas & adorant, sed non seruiunt eis cultu diuino, nec alicui creaturae.

By which doctrine, all idolatry is plainly excluded, in euident wordes. So as we cannot say, that the worship∣ping of Images had his beginnyng by popery, for Gre∣gory forbad it, vnlesse we shall call that Synode, Popery, because there were so many bishops. And yet there is for∣bidden, cultus Diuinus, and agreeth with our beforesaid do∣ctrine, by which we may creepe before the crosse on good Friday, wherein we haue the Image of the crucifixe in ho∣nour, & vse it in a worshipfull place, and so earnestly looke on it, and conceyue that it signifieth, as we kneele a) 19.10 and creepe before it, whiles it lyeth there, and whiles that re∣membrance is in exercise, with which crosse ne∣uertheles, the Sexten when he goeth for a corse, will not be afrayd, to be homely, and holde it vnder hys gowne whiles he drinketh a potte of ale, a point of homelinesse that myght bee left, but yet it declareth, that he esteemed no Diuini∣tie in the Image. But euer since I was borne a poore parishioner, a lay man, durst be so bold at a shift (if he weee also churchwarden) to sell to the vse of the Church at length, and his own, in the meane tyme, the siluer crosse on Easter Monday, that was creeped vnto on good Friday. In specialties, there haue bene speciall abuses, but generally Images haue bene taken for Images, with an (b) 19.11 office to signifie an holy remembraunce of Christ and his saints. And as the sounde of speache vttered by a liue∣ly Image, and representing to the vnderstan∣ding, by the sense of hearing godly matter, doth stirre vp the mynde, and therewith the body, to consent in outward gesture of worshipfull re∣gard, to that sound: (c) 19.12 So doth the obiect of the Image, by the sight, worke like effect in mā, within and without, wherin is verily worship∣ped, that we vnderstand, and yet reuerence and worship also shewed to that, wherby we attaine that vnderstanding, and is to vs in the place of an instrument. So as it hath no worship of it selfe, but remayneth in his nature of stone or tymber, siluer, copper or gold. But when it is in office, and worketh a godly remembraunce in vs, by representation of the thyng signified vn∣to vs, then we vse it worshipfully and honourably, as many do the (d) 19.13 priest at Masse, whome they little regard all the day after. And me thinketh euer, that like as it is an ouer grosse error, to take an image for God, or to worship it with godly (e) 19.14 honour. So to graunt that we may not haue Images of Christ, and that we may do no worship before them, or not vse them worship∣fully, it is inexplicable. For it is one kynde of worship to place them worshipfully. So as if a man place an Image in the church, or hang it a∣bout his necke, as (f) 19.15 all vse to do the Image of the crosse, and the knight of the order (g) 19.16 Saint George, this is some piece of worship. And if we may not contemne the images of Christ and his saintes, when we haue them (for that were villanie) not neglect them (for that were to haue them without vse▪) which were inconuenient, (quia nec natura nec arte quicquam fit frustra) wee must haue them in estimation and reputation, whiche is not without some honour and wor∣ship, and at the least in the place, where we con∣ueniently vse them, as in the church, as where they serue vs rather then we them, and because their (h) 19.17 seruice is worshipfull, they be so regarded accor∣dingly, for that time of seruice, and therefore they be called Venerabiles Imagines, and be worshipfully ordered, before whom we kneele, and bowe, and cense, not at that the I∣mages be, but at that the Images signifie, which in our kneeling, bowyng, and censing, we knowledge to vnder∣stand and read in that fashion of contract writing,* 19.18 where∣in is wrapped vp, a great many of sentences, sodenly ope∣ned with one sodaine sight, to hym that hath bene exercised in readyng of them. And me see∣meth, after the faith of Christ receiued & known, and throughly purged from heresies, if by case, there were offered a choise, either to retein pain∣ting and grauing, and forbeare writing, or cho∣sing writing, to forbeare both the other gifts: it would be a probleme, seeing if grauing were ta∣ken away, we could haue no printing. And therefore they that presse so much the wordes, of Non facies tibi sculptile, e∣uer me thincketh they condemne printed bookes, the ori∣ginall wherof is of grauing to make * 19.19 matrrices literarum. Sed hoc est furiosum, & sunt tamen qui putāt palmarium. And therfore now it is englished. Thou shalt make no grauen Images, least thou worship them, which (I here) is newly written in the new church, I know not the name, but not farre frō the old Iury. But to y^e matter of Images, wher∣in I haue discoursed at large I thinke, and ye consider (as I doubt not, but ye will) the doctrine set foorth by our late Soueraigne Lord? Ye shall in y^e matter see y^e truth set forth by such as had that committed vnto them, vnder his high∣nes, amongest whome I was not, nor was not priuie vn∣to it, till it was done. And yet the clause in the booke, for discussion of (the Lord) and (our Lorde) hath made manye thinke otherwise, but I take our Lorde to witnes, I was not: & that declaratiō of (our Lord) was his highnes own deuise, ex se. For he saw the fond Englishing of (the Lord) disseuered in speach whom our Lord had congregate. And this I adde lest geuing authoritie to the booke,* 19.20 I shoulde seeme to aduaunt my selfe.

Now will I speake somewhat of holy water, where∣in I sēd vnto you, the xxxiiij. chapter in the ix. book of thi∣story Tripartite, where Marcellus the bishop, bad Equiti∣us his Deacon, to cast abroad water by him first hallowed wherwith to driue away the deuill. And it is noted, howe the deuil could not abide the vertue of the water, but vani∣shed away. And for my part, it seemeth the history may be true. (:) 19.21 for we be assured by scripture that in the name of God, the churche is able and strong to cast out Deuils ac∣cording to the Gospel, In nomine meo daemonia eijcient &c. So as if the water were away, by only calling of the name of God, that maystry may be wrought. And being the ver∣true of theffect onely attributed to the name of God: the question shuld be onely, whether y^e creature of water, may haue the office to conuey the effect of the holines, of thinuo∣cation of Gods name. And first in Christ, the skirt of hys garment had such an office, to minister health to the womā and spe••cle and cley to the blinde, and S. Peters shadow, & S. Paules handkerchers. And leauing old stories here at home, the special gift of curation, ministred by the kings of this realme, not of their owne strength but by inuocati∣on of the name of God, hath bene vsed to be distributed in rings of gold and siluer. And I thinke effectually wher∣in the mettall hath only an office, and the strength is in the name of God, wherein all is wrought. And Elizeus put his staffe in like office. And why the whole church myght not put water in like office, to conuey abroad the inuocati∣on of gods name: there is no scripture to the contrary, but there is scripture how other inferiour creatures haue bene promooted to like dignitie, and much scripture, how water hath bene vsed in like and greater seruice. And the story I send vnto you, sheweth how water hath bene vsed in the same seruice, to driue away deuils. In which matter if any shall say, he beleeueth not the story, and he is not bound to beleue it, being no scripture: that man is not to be reaso∣ned with, for the effect of the kings crampe rings. And yet for such effect as they haue wroght, when I was in Frāce,* 19.22 I haue bene my selfe much honoured, and of all sortes en∣treated, to haue them, with offer of as much for them, as they were double worth. Some will say, what is rings to holy water? Marrie thus I say, if the mettall of gold and siluer, may doe seruice to cary abroad, the inuocatiō of the name of God effectually for one purpose, water may also serue to cary abroad the inuocation of the name of God, wherewith to driue awaye deuils. Hereto will be sayde. Non valet argumentum a posse ad esse. But the story saith, the water did that seruice, and other straungers say and affirme by experience, the kings Maiesties rings haue done the seruice. And our late maister continued all his life, the exercise of that gift of God, and vsed siluer and gold to doe that seruice, to cary abroad the strength of the inuocation of the name of God by him, and he vsed it a∣mong vs that serued him in it, when hee had throughly heard and seene what might be sayd in the matter, and yet he had no scripture, especially for it that spake of rings of siluer or gold, no more then is for the ashes ministred a lit∣tle before ye last preached. And as our young soueraigne Lord hath receiued them reuerently: so I trust he shall be aduertised, ne negligat gratiam Dei in dono curationum, but follow his father therein: also not doubting but God will heare him as he hath heard his father, and others his pro∣genitors, kyngs of this realme, to whose dignitie God ad∣deth this prerogatiue, as he doth also to inferior ministers of his church, in the effect of their prayer, when it pleaseth hym. A man might finde some yonglings percase y^t would say, how worldly, wily, wittie bishops, haue enueigled

simple kings heretofore, and to confirme their blessinges, haue also deuised,* 19.23 how kings should blesse also, and so au∣thoritie to maintayne, where truth fayled, and I haue had it obiected to me, that I vsed to prooue one piece of myne argument euer by a king, as when I reasoned thus. If ye allow nothing but scripture, what say you to the Kinges rings? but they be allowed, Ergo, somwhat is to be allow∣ed besides scripture. And another, if Images be forbidden * 19.24 why doth the king weare S. George on his brest. But he weareth S. George on his brest: Ergo, Ima∣ges be not forbidden. If saints be not to be wor∣shipped, why kep•• we S. * 19.25 Georges feast? But we keepe S. Georges feast, Ergo, &c. And in this matter of holy water, if the strength of the inuocation of the name of God to driue away deuils, cannot be distribute by water: why can it be destribute in siluer, to driue away diseases, and the daungerous disease of the falling euill? But the rings hallowed by the holy church, may do so. Ergo, the water hallowed by the Churche may do lyke seruice. These were sore argumēts in his tyme, and I trust be also yet and may bee conueniētly vsed, to such as would neuer make an end of talke, but rake vp euery thyng y^t theyr dull sight cannot penetrate, wherin me thought ye spake effectually, when ye sayd, men must re∣ceyue the determination of the particular church and obey, where Gods lawe repugneth not ex∣presly. And in this effect to driue away deuils, that prayer and inuocation of the church may do it, scripture maintaineth euidently, and the same scripture doth autorise vs so to pray, and encou∣rageth vs to it. So as if in discussiō of holy wa∣ter, we attribute all the effect to y^e holines which procedeth from God by inuocation of y^e church, and take water for an onely seruaunt to cary a∣broad holynesse: there can be no superstition, where men regard only prayer, which scripture authoriseth. And if we shall say that the water cannot do such seruice: we shall be conuinced, in that it doth a greater seruice in our baptisme by gods speciall ordinance. So as wee cannot saye, that water cannot, or is not apt to doe this seruice, onely the staye is, to haue a precise place, in the newe Testament, to say, vse water thus in this seruice, as we do in holy water, which me thinketh needeth not where all is ordered, to be well vsed by vs: and whē the whole church agreed vpon such an vse: or any particular church, or the common minister of it: and by the exorcisme ordered for it, the thyng to be vsed, purged, there can be but slender mat∣ter to improoue that custome, wherin God is only honou∣red, & the power of his name set forth, whereunto all thing boweth and geueth place, all naturall operation set apart and secluded. And when any man hath denyed, that water may do seruice, because scripture appoynteth it not, that (because) driueth away much of the rest, the church vseth, and specially our cramp rings. For if water may not serue to cary * 19.26 abroad, the effect of Gods grace obteined by in∣uocation frō God, by y^e common prayer of y^e church. How can the mettall of siluer or gold cary abroad, the effect of the kings inuocation in the crampe rings? which manner of reasonyng (ad hominem) Christ vsed with the Iewes, whē he sayd, Si ego in Belzebub, eijcio daemonia, filij vestri, in quo e∣ijciunt? And if by our owne principles, we should be en∣forced to say that our * 19.27 crampe rings be superstitiō (where truth enforceth vs not so to do) it were a maruelous pu∣nishment. Si caeci essemus (as Christ saith) peccatum non ha∣beremus, sed videmus, and this realme hath learnyng in it, and you a good portion thereof, accordyng whereunto I doubt not, but ye will waigh this matter non ad popularem trutinam, sed artificis stateram. I meane that artificer y^t tea∣cheth the church our mother (as ye full well declared it) & ordered our mother to geue nourishment vnto vs. In which poynt speaking of the church, although ye touched an vnknowen church to vs, and knowen to God only, yet declared the vnion of that Church in the permixt Church, which God ordereth men to complaine vnto, & to heare a∣gayne, wherein the absurditie is taken away of them that would haue no church knowen, but euery man beleue, as he were inwardly taught himselfe, whereupon followeth the olde Prouerbe. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Which is far frō y^e vnitie, ye so earnestly wished for, wher∣of (as me thought) ye said pride is the let, as it is vndoub∣tedly, which fault God amend, and geue you grace, so to facion your words, as ye may agree with them in speeche, with whom ye be enclined to agree in opinion. For that is the way to relieue the world. And albeit there hath bene betwene you and me, no familiaritie, but contrarywise, a litle disagreement (which I did not hide frō you,) yet con∣sideryng the feruent zeale ye professed, to teach * 19.28 Peters true doctrine, that is to say, Christes true doctrine, where∣unto ye thought the doctrine of Images and holy water, to put away deuils agreed not: I haue willingly spent this tyme, to communicate vnto you my folly (if it be fol∣ly) * 19.29 plainly as it is, whereupon ye may haue occasion, the more substantially, fully and plainly to open these matters for the reliefe of such as be fallen from the truth and confir∣mation of those that receyue and follow it, wherein it hath bene euer much commended, to haue such regard to histo∣ries of credite, and the continuall vse of the church * 19.30 rather to shew how a thyng continued from the beginnyng, as holy water and Images haue done, may be well vsed: thē to follow the light rash eloquence, which is euer ad manū, to mocke and improoue that is established. And yet agayne I come to Marcellus that made a crosse in the water, and bade his deacon cast it abroad, * 19.31 cum fide & zelo, after which sort, if our holy water were vsed, I doubt not but there be many Marcellus, and many Elizeus, and many at whose prayer God forgeueth sinne, if such as will enioy y^e prayer haue faith and zeale, as Equitius, and were as desirous to driue the deuil out of the temple of their body and soule, as Equitius out of the temple of Iupiter. So as if holy vse were coupled with holy water, there should be more plen∣tie of holynesse then there is, but as men be prophane in their liuyng, so they cannot bide to haue any thing effectu∣ally holy, not so much as bread and water, fearing lest they should take away sinne from vs, which we loue so well. Solus Christus peccata diluit, who sprinckleth hys bloud, by hys ministers, as he hath taught hys spouse, the Church in which those ministers be ordered, wherein many wayes, maketh not many sauiours, as ignorants do iest, whereof I neede not speake further vnto you, no more I neded not in the rest in respect of you, but me thought, ye coniured all men in your sermon, to say what they thought to you, id quod hanc mihi expressit Epistolam, quam boni consules, Et Vale.

Your louyng friend. Ste. Winchester.

AS I haue set foorth here (gentle Reader) the cauillyng letter of Winchester, agaynst M. Ridleys Sermon: so am I right sory, that I haue not likewyse the aunswer of the sayd Ridley agayne, to ioyne withall. For so I vnder∣stand, that not onely M. Ridley, but also M. Barlow B. of S. Dauids (for Winchester wrote agaynst them both) had written and sent immediately their aunsweres to the same, refutyng the friuolous and vnsauory reasons of this popish prelate, as may well appeare by a parcell additio∣nall of a letter sent by the L. Protector to the sayd Byshop in these wordes.

And because we haue begun to write to you, we are put in remembraunce of a certayne letter or booke which you wrote vnto vs agaynst the bishop of S. Dauids sermon, and D. Ridleys, to the whiche, aunswer beyng imme∣diately made, was by negligence of vs forgottē to be sent. Now we both send you that, and also the aunswer which the B. of s. Dauids wrote to the same booke of yours.

¶Articles and positions ministred and obiected eche of them ioyntly and seuerally to the B. of Winchester, as foloweth.

The 1. Article.

IN primis, that the kings Maiesty iustly and rightfully is, and by the lawes of God ought to be the supreme head in earth of the Church of England, and also of Ireland,* 19.32 and so is by the Clergy of this realme in theyr conuocation, and by acte of Parliament iust∣ly and accordyng to the lawes of God recognised.

Winchester.

This first article the B. granteth.* 19.33

The 2. Article.

Item, that hys Maiestie as supreme hed of the sayd Churches, hath full power and authoritie, to make and set forth lawes, In∣iunctions, and ordinances, for and concerning religion & orders in the sayd churches for the encrease of vertue, and repressing of all errours, heresies, and other enormities, and abuses.* 19.34

Winchester.

To this second article he answereth affirmatiuely.

The 3. Article.

Item, that all and euery his graces subiects are bound by the lawe of God to obey all hys Maiesties sayd lawes, Iniunctions & procedings concerning religion and orders in the sayd church.

Winchester.

To the third article, the laid B. answereth affirmatiue∣ly, and granteth it.

The 4. Article.

Item, that you Steuen B. of Winchester, haue sworne obedi∣ence

to his maiestie as supreme head of this Church of England, and also of Ireland.

* 19.35Winchester

To the fourth article, the sayd B. aunswereth affirma∣tiuely, and granteth it.

The 5. Article.

Item, that all and euery his graces subiectes, that disobey any his sayd maiesties lawes, Iniunctions, ordinaunces, and procee∣dings already set forth and published, or hereafter to be set forth and published, ought worthily to be punished according to hys Ecclesiasticall law vsed within this his realme.

Winchester.

To this fift article, the sayd B. answereth affirmatiue∣ly, and granteth it.

The 6. Article.

Item, that you the sayd Bishop, as well in the Kings Maiesties late visitation within your dioces,* 19.36 as at sondry tymes haue bene cōplained vpō, & sondry informatiōs made against you for your doyngs, sayings, and preachings agaynst sundry Iniunctions, or∣ders, and other proceedings of hys maiesty, set foorth for refor∣mation of errors, superstitions, and other abuses of religion.

Winchester.

This article toucheth other mens actes, who or how they are complayned or enformed, I cannot throughly tel. For at the tyme of the kings Maiesties visitation, I was in the Fleete, and the morrow after twelfe day I was de∣liuered at Hampton court, my L. of Somerset, and my L. of Caunterbury then being in counsaile with many other counsailors, & was deliuered by these words: The kings maiesty hath granted a generall pardon, and by the benefit thereof, I was discharged. Wherunto I answered, that I was learned neuer to refuse the kings maiesties pardon,* 19.37 and in strength as that was: and I would & did humbly thanke his maiesty therfore, and then they began with me in an article of learnyng touching iustification, whereunto they willed me to say my mynd, adding therwith, that be∣cause other learned men had agreed to a forme deliuered vnto me, that I should not thinke I could alter it: which I receiued of them, and promised the Thursday after to re∣payre to my L. of Somersets house at Sheene, with my mynd written: which I did, and that day seuennight fol∣lowyng, appearing before hym and other of the counsaile, was committed to my house for prisoner, because I refu∣sed to subscribe to the forme of words & sentēces that other had agreed vnto (as they said.) In which tyme of impri∣sonment in my house, the Bish. of Rochester then being as sent to me, and after M. Smith, & then M. Cecil, to which M. Cecil, when I had by learnyng resolued my mynde in the matter, I deliuered it, and he deliuering it to my lords Grace, wrote me in hys name, thanks for it: and then it was within the tyme of Lent, ere I was discharged of y^e trouble, and so went to Winchester as a man clearely out of all trauell of busines.

And within 14. daies after that, or there abouts, began other trauell with me, vpon a request made by my Lord of Somerset to surrender a colledge in Cambridge, & diuers letters were written betwene his grace & me in it. Wher∣in I might perceiue the Secretary in his pen tooke occasiō to pricke me more, then I trusted my Lords grace himself would haue done. And by this trouble was I deduced to an end. Then shortly after I receiued letters to come to y^e counsaile,* 19.38 & by reason I alledged my disease, I was respi∣ted by other letters, & three days before whitsontide, recei∣ued yet other letters to come, by which it myght seeme vn∣to me, that it was not of all beleued that I was diseased, & therfore with all expeditiō when I could not ride, I came in an horselitter, and according to my duetie presented my selfe to my Lordes of the counsaile, who all then entertai∣ned me secretly among them before the matters were ob∣iected vnto me, as I had bene in the same place with them that I was in our late soueraigne lords days. Afterwards my L. of Somersets Grace charged me with these matters followyng, & in this forme, hauing the articles written in a paper. First, with disobedience that I came not at hys sending for. Wherunto I answered, that I had his letters of licence,* 19.39 to stay til I might come conueniently. And vpō the last letters I came incontinently in a horselitter.

Then it was obiected y^t I bare Palmes, & crept to the crosse. Wherunto I answered, that they were misinformed and I trusted they would not thinke I durst deny it, if I had done it, because ceremonies had such circumstaunces, as I might easily be reproued, if it were otherwise.

Then it was obiected, that at Easter I had a solemne sepulchre in the church, and such other ceremonies. I aun∣swered, that I had euen as many as the kings Maiesties proclamations commanded me, declaring plainly, that I thought it not expedient to make any alteration, wherein to offend the kings maiesties proclamation, adding how he that followeth as he is commanded, is very obedient.

It was then obiected vnto me, y^t I went about to deface two of the kings maiesties chaplens, sent down to be Ca∣nons of the church of Winchester. Wherunto I answered, declaring the fact truly as it was,* 19.40 which I am yet able to iustify. After this matter thus oft obiected & aunswered, I was commanded to go apart, and beyng called in againe, my L. of Somersets grace looking vpon a bill of Articles, sayd I had preached how the Apostles went from the pre∣sence of the counsaile, of the counsail, of the counsail, which matter I denied▪ addyng that it was not my fashion of preaching so to play in i••eration of words.

After that, it was obiected vnto me for preaching of the Sacrament, to say: the bodye of Christ was really present being a faulte to vse the worde really, not comprised in the Scripture. Whereunto I aunswered that I did not vse the word really, whiche needeth not.* 19.41 For as I once heard my Lord of Caunterbury reason agaynst one Lambert in the presence of the kinges Maiestie that dead is: the words of scripture, This is my body that shalbe betrayed for you, do playnely and liuely expresse the very presence: and so did I set it forth to the people in my dioces. And this is the effect of all that was sayd agaynst me at my being at the Coun∣sayle, as I can remember. To whome I declared howe much I esteemed obedience, and tolde them I had taught in my dioces, how the whole life of a Christian man consi∣steth in suffring properly. And therfore we may not do our own wil, but y^e will of God. And among men we must ey∣ther suffer the rulers will, or their power, their will to or∣der vs, & their power to punish vs. After declaratiō wher∣of my Lorde of Somerset sayde, ye must tary in the towne. Whereunto I aunswered,* 19.42 I woulde be contented at theyr commaundement or pleasure to tary: but seeing I was no offender, I desired them I might not tary as an offender: and for declaration thereof, that I might haue some house in the country about London, to remoue vnto for a shifte. In deuising whereof I stack much to borrow Asshar. My Lorde of Somerset saide, if he had any in fayth he woulde lend me one.* 19.43 And in the end my Lord of Somerset desired me to write what my minde was in ceremonies and to send it vnto him, and with that departed.

Thus I haue truely opened after what sorte I haue bene complayned on, y^t hath certaynly come to my know∣ledge. Truth it is that one Philpot in Winchester,* 19.44 whome I accompted altered in his wittes (as I heard) deuised tales of me, the specialties whereof I neuer was called to aunswere vnto. Players and minstrels also rayled on me, & other made ballades and rimes of me, but neuer mā had iust cause to cōplaine of any my sayings, doinges, or prea∣chings, or to my knowledge did otherwise, then afore. And if any man shall put me in remembraunce of any other cō∣playnt that might in my absence be made of me: If I haue heard it. I wil graūt so. But well assured I am▪ I was ne∣uer complayned on, & called to make answer to y^e cōplaint, but this one time in all my whole lyfe by no man of anye degree. Once y^e Lord Cromwell,* 19.45 God pardon his soule & forgeue him, caused one day & a half to be spent in a matter betwene sir Frances Brian & me, which was ended, & I declared an honest man which the kings maiesty that dead is, God pardon hys soule, set forth with his familiaritie to me incontinently. And this is all the trouble y^t I haue had in my life, sauing y^e sending to the Fleete, beyng occasioned by my owne letter to the counsail vpon a zeale that I had, which they allowed not, and finally, this sending of me, to y^e Tower, which was without calling me before the coun∣saile, to heare what I could say. I am loth to be forsworn: and therfore accompt all the complaints in my whole lyfe made against me, wherunto I haue bene made priuy.

The 7. Article.

Item, that after and vpon occasion of those and many other complaints and informations,* 19.46 you haue bene sundry tymes ad∣monished, commanded, and enioyned to conforme your selfe, as to your duetie appertained.

Winchester.

To this seuenth Article I answer: I was neuer afore the counsaile called by way of outward complaint and in∣formation, but onely once in all my whole life, which was at my last comming to London. Wherunto I aunswered (as afore) & haue told the forme & processe of speech to serue for furniture of aunswer, to this and that Article: for other then I haue before written, I remember not to haue done or suffred by the higher powers in all my whole life, til my comming into the tower, without that I haue had any by admonitions, as a mā faulty or negligent at any time that I remember, for the obseruatiō of any thyng alredy made or set forth by y^e kings maiesty that now is, but haue kept, & caused to be kept in my power the kings maiesties arts, statutes, iniunctions, and proclamations inuiolably, ha∣uing

for that purpose such a Chancellor, as in orders & or∣dinances hath bene alwayes himselfe diligent and precise for that tyme I might haue knowledge of his doings.

The 8. Article.

Item, that after the premisses, & for that those former admo∣nitiōs & comandements, notwithstandyng you did yet stil she•• your selfe not conformable, & for that also others by your exam¦ple were much animated,* 19.47 & thereby occasion of much vnquiet∣nesse ministred amongest the people, you were called before the kings maiesties counsaile in the month of Iune, in the 2. yeare of his maiesties raigne, and by them on his maiesties behalfe, com∣manded to preach a Sermon before his maiestie, and therein to declare the ••ustnesse and godlynesse of his maiesties father in his proceedings vpon certayne matters partly mentioned in certain articles to you deliuered in writyng, and partly otherwise decla∣red vnto you.

The effect wherof was touchyng the vsurped power and au∣thoritie of the B. of Rome, that the same was iustly and godly ta∣ken away in this realme, and other the kings maiesties domini∣ons: touchyng the iust suppressing and taking away of monaste∣ries and religious houses, of Pilgrimages, Reliques, Shrines, I∣mages.

The superstitious goyng about of S. Nicholas bishop, S. Ed∣mund, S. Katherine,* 19.48 S. Clement, and such lyke: and iust takyng a∣way of Chaunteries, Abbies and Colledges, hallowyng of cādels, water, ashes, Palme, holy bread, beades, creeping to the crosse & such lyke.

Also, touching the settyng forth of the kinges maiesties au∣thoritie in his yong yeares to be as great as if his highnesse were of many more yeares.

That auricular confession is indifferent, and of no necessitie by the law of God: and touching the procession and Common prayer in English.

Winchester.

This Article beeyng of so many partes as it is, some true, some otherwise, must be answered by deuision of it in to diuers members, to deuide the one from the other, grā∣ting that is true, denieng that is otherwise, & opening that is ambiguous, auoyding y^t is captious, so as according to my oth, I may open directly & plainly the truth, with sin∣ceritie of conscience. The motion of preaching was made vnto me in mine owne house by M. Cecill, vpon the duke of Somersets behalfe, after I had bene before y^e counsaile, as I haue before sayd:* 19.49 from which Counsaile I departed (as before is rehersed) as no offender, & therfore when M. Cicil spake to me of preaching before the kings Maiestie, with request to write my sermon before, I denied that ma∣ner of preaching, because I said it was to preach like an of∣fender, and I was none, but departed from the Counsaile otherwise as I haue before shewed. And the sayde M. Ci∣cil did not say to me that I was mooued to preach, because I was not conformable: for I had at that tyme no maner of variance with the Counsaile, but was in all conformity with them for any thyng that I know, as I will aunswer afore God.

As for euil example to any man, I could none geue, for I neuer offēded law, statute, or proclamatiō in this realm, ••e did euer any act to the empairing of due obedience to y^e kings maiestie in all my whole lyfe, but by obseruation of them, and letting innouations, done as much as in me lay to maintaine obedience.

After M. Cecill had spoken to me of preaching, & deli∣uered two papers conteining the matters whereupon I should entreat,* 19.50 because I refused to geue my sermō in wri∣ting (which was to me like an offēder, or to read those pa∣pers of another mās deuise, as the conception and sincere maner of vttering of mine own cōsciēce) which me thoght then and since, yet a meruailous vnreasonable mater tou∣ching both my conscience and honesty) I was then fer to the duke of Somersets graces chamber, and came in at a backe dore to himself alone, sauing he tooke to him as wit∣nes he said, the L. now of Wiltshire, then great maister, & after many words, shewed me certaine articles subscribed by Lawyers, what a B. might command, & what the king might command, and what payne to the disobeyer.

To whom I said plainly & truly, how those Lawyers subscription could not serue in this case to commaund one to vtter to the people for myne own deuise in words,* 19.51 that is not in deed so: and if I might speake with these lawy∣ers (I sayd) his grace should soone perceiue them to agree with me. My L. sayd, I should speake with no man, and I should do as I was hidden, or do worse, and bade mee aduise me till dinner was done. And then was I conuey∣ed by the L. great Maister to hys chamber, and there left alone to dyne, as was in deede honourably prepared. But I tooke my selfe to be in the nature of a prisoner, and a re∣strayned man.

And about two of the clocke at after noone, came vnto me M. Thomas Smith then Secretary,* 19.52 vnto whome I complained of the vnreasonablenes of the matter, & shew∣ed him certaine particularities, who sayd it was not ment so precisely, but to speake of the matters. To whō I sayd, I was content to speake of the matters, and thē if I speak not accordyng to the truth of them, there should be enough to beare witnesse to my condemnation, and if I spake the truth, then they had their desire. And I sayde further, I thought I might with my conscience say so as men ought and should be content & satisfied. And further if I thought that in my maner of the vtteryng of those matters, I shold offend the Counsaile, I had rather deny to speake of the thing, and begin the contention secretly with them, then to begin with pulpit, and so bring my selfe in further trouble then needed, and therfore if they would haue me preach, I would preach as of my selfe, and of these matters, so as I thought they should be content.

Wherupon I was brought vp to my L. of Somersets chamber, and there the matter ended thus, that my L. of Somerset sayde he would require no writyng of me, but remit it to me, so I spake of y^e matters in the papers deli∣uered me by M. Cicill. I told hym I would speake of thē, sauing for childrens toyes of goyng about of S. Nicholas and S. Clement.* 19.53 If that be now gone (quoth I) and for∣gotten, if I be to busy in rehersall of them, they will say I comber their heads with ceremonies, and thus they wyll defame me: When ceremonies were plenty, they will say, I did nothyng but preach on them, and now they be gone, I babble of thē still. I sayd I would teach y^e chiefe points, addyng that I would speake of other matters also, & with that, beyng put to my liberty to choose the day, departed: and otherwyse I was not spoken with concernyng prea∣chyng, sauyng after M. Cicill came vnto me, whereof I shall speake anone.

As concernyng the matters to bee spoken of, all such things as be here rehersed, be named in the papers, deliue∣red vnto me, although not altogether after this sort: sa∣uyng the setting forth of the kings maiesties authority in his minoritie, whereof there is no worde in those papers, nor there was neuer any promise made of me to speake of it. Truth it is, y^t after I had signified the day whē I wold preach. M. Cicil came vnto me making the chiefe message to know the day when I would preach:* 19.54 to whome I had sent word before that it should be s. Peters day, because me thought the gospell serued well for that purpose, & in pro∣cesse of communication he told me that he lyked gaily well a word that I had sayd in another communication. How a king was as much a kyng at one yeare of age, as at one hundred yeares of age, and if I touched it, he thought it would be well taken. I told him agayne, euery mā knew that, and then opened of my selfe the matter further.

And at his next repayre vnto me, which was the mōday before I preached, the sayd M. Cicil brought me papers of the kings maiesties hand,* 19.55 shewing me how his hyghnesse vsed to note euery notable sentence, and specially if it tou∣ched a kyng, and therfore (quoth he) if ye speake of a kyng, ye must ioyne Counsaile withall. Whereunto I made no answer, but shifted to other matter, without making hym any promise or deniall, because I would neyther bind my selfe, nor trouble my selfe to discusse that matter.* 19.56 For albeit it is godly and wisely done of euery Prince to vse Coun∣saile, yet speaking of a kings power by scripture, I cannot by expresse scripture limite the kings power by counsayle. And hearyng blyndly by report some secret matter, that I will not speake of here, I thought not to meddle with it in the pulpet: and yet to the effect to haue our soueraigne L. now obeyed, of which mind I was euer, I pointed to our soueraigne L. there in presence, & sayd he was onely to be obeyed, and I would haue but one kyng, and other words to that purpose. But for any promise to be made by me, I vtterly deny it, and tell plainly the cause why I spake not otherwyse of it. There was also in the papers deliuered vnto me, occasion geuen me to speak of the Masse, because of Masses satisfactory, as some vnderstand them. And also there was occasion to speake of the sacrament of the aulter, because of the proclamation passed of the same, which to be true, I shall iustifie by the sayd papers.

The 9. Article.

Item, that you receiuyng the same,* 19.57 and promising to declare the same in a Sermon by you made before hys maiestie for that purpose on the feast of S. Peter, in the sayd 2. yeare of hys raygne, did then and there contemptuously and disobediently omitte to declare and set forth many of the sayd matters, and of dyuers o∣thers of the sayd Articles, you spake and vttered your mynde in such doubtfull sort, as the iustnesse and godlynesse of his Maie∣sties fathers and hys proceedings, was not set foorth accordyng to the commaundement geuen vnto you, and your own promise, to the great offence of the hearers, and manifest contempt of hys

maiestie, and dangerous example of others.

Winchester.

Touching y^e promise I answer as afore, & as touchyng omission of y^t I shoulde haue spoken of,* 19.58 by contēpt or dis∣obediēce, I answer by mine oth: I did not omit any thing (if I did omit it) by contēpt or disobediēce: for I euer min∣ded to satisfy y^e promise,* 19.59 to speak of all matters in those pa∣pers, according to my former declaratiō. And if I did per∣case omit any thing (wherof I cā make now no assurance being ij. yeres & a half past since I preached) but if I did o∣mit any thing, who knew my trauel in y^t matter, wold not maruel, being troubled w^t a letter sent from y^e duke of So∣merset, wherof I shal speake after. So as frō 4. of y^e clock, on thursday, till I had done my sermon on y^• friday, I did neither drinke, eat, ne sleepe, so careful was I to passe ouer y^e trauel of preching, without all slander of the truth, w^t sa∣tisfaction of my promise, & discharge of my duety to God & y^e kings most excellēt maiesty. Wherin, whether any thyng were omitted or not, I could haue answered more precise∣ly thē I can now, if according to my most instāt sute, & the sute of my seruants, y^• matter had bene heard while it was in fresh memory. But because omissiō may be by infirmity of nature, in which obliuiō is a payn of our original sinne, in which case it is no mortal offence,* 19.60 if a man beyng put in remēbrance will purge it, I therfore according to the true testimony of mine own consciēce, dare y^e more boldly deny all contempt & disobedience, hauing for my declaratiō a ge∣neral sentence spoken in my sermon, y^t I agreed with the vpper part in their lawes, orders & commaundements, or such like words,* 19.61 & found only fault in the lower part. By which sentence appeared, how I allowed in y^e whole, that was past thetherto, & only dissented frō the doings of thē y^t attempt innouations of their own presumption. And fur∣thermore I say, y^t that saieng [omission] here obiected vnto me, if it were true as I know it not to be, may happen two wais: one way by infirmity of nature, another way of pur¦pose. charity of a christē mā permitteth not to determine y^e worst of that is doubtful & ambiguous to both parties: as touching doutfulnes obiected. I take god to record I min¦ded to speake simply,* 19.62 & to be on y^e kings maiesties side on∣ly, & not to go inuisible in the world, w^t ambiguities estee∣ming him, &c. The worst mā of all is, y^t wil make himself a lock of words & speech, which is known not to be my fac∣tiō, nor I think this life worth y^• dissimulation, & how can y^t be a doubtful speech in him, y^t professeth to agree with the kings lawes, iniunctions & statutes, which I did expresly. There be y^t cal a doubt whatsoeuer serueth not theyr appe∣tite. It is not in y^e speaker to satisfy the hearer y^t will doubt where dout is not. The sūme of my teaching was, y^t all vi∣sible things be ordred to serue vs, which we may in conue∣niēt seruice vse. And whē we serue them, y^t is an abuse, and may thē at y^e rulers pleasure, vnles scripture appointeth a special vse of thē, be corrected in y^• vse, or takē away for re∣formatiō. And this is a plain teaching y^t hath no dout in it, but a yea & a nay on ij. sides, w^tout a mean to make a dout, And if any y^t douteth cōmeth vnto me,* 19.63 I wil resolue him y^• doubt as I can. And if I promised to speake plainly or am cōmanded to speake plainly & cānot, thē is my fault to pro∣mise only in the nature of folly & ignorance, whereunto I resort, not for a shift, wherof in deed I professe y^e knowlege but to shew how somtime to my hinderaunce, I am noted learned that can speake plainly, and yet speake doubtfully, other whiles am reiected as one y^t vnderstandeth not the matter at all. As touching contēpt, there can be none▪ ma∣nifest y^t proceedeth of a priuy promise if I had broken it, I intended not, but intēded to take it, as appereth by my ge∣neral sentence, to agre w^t the superiors, & only find fault in y^e inferior subiects, who daily transgresseth the kings ma∣iesties proclamations and other, wherof I spake then.

* 19.64The 10. Article.

Item, that you beyng also commaunded on his Maiesties be∣halfe, for the auoyding of tumult, and for other great considera∣tions inhibited to treate of any matter in controuersie concer∣nyng the masse of the cōmunion, then cōmonly called the sacra∣ment of the aulter, did contrary to the said commandement and inhibition, declare diuers your iudgements and opinions in the same, in the manifest contempt of hys highnes sayd inhibition, to the great offence of the hearers and disturbance of common qui∣et and vnitie of the realme.

Winchester.

To the x. article the said B. answered, y^t the Wednesday at after noone,* 19.65 next before y^e friday whē I preached, M. Ci∣cil came to me, & hauing in all his other accesses spoken no word therof, did thē vtter & aduise me frō y^e D. of Somer∣set, y^t I should not speake of the sacrament, or of the Masse, wherby he said I should auoid trouble. And when he saw me not take it wel, I meane (quoth he) doubtfull matters. I asked him what? He said transubstantiation. I told hym he wist not what transubstantiation ment. I wyll preach (quoth I) the very presence of Christs most precious body & bloud in the sacrament, which is the catholike faith, & no doubtful matter, ne yet in controuersie, sauing that certein vnlearned speake of it, they wot not what. And among the matters quoth I, whereof I haue promised to speake▪* 19.66 I must by special words speake of the sacrament & the masse also. And when I shal so speake of thē. I will not forbeare to vtter my faith & true beliefe therin, which I think neces∣sary for the kings maiesty to know: & therfore if I wist to be hāged when I came downe, I would speake it. Which plaine zeale of my conscience, groūded vpō gods cōman∣dement to do his message truly, I would not hide,* 19.67 but vt∣ter so, as my L. should, if he would not haue it spoken of, nor let me to come there as he might haue done, where as els, if I had had a deceitful purpose, I might haue accepted the aduise, & w^tout any color of trouble, haue refused to fol∣low it as a thing groūded vpon welth only, as it was thē vttered. With this my answer M. Cicil departed, & vpon y^e thursday which was the next day folowing, & the euening before I preached, betwene 3. & 4. at after noone, I receiued a letter signed with the hand of the D. of Somerset (the co∣py wherof I am redy to exhibite) & took it them, & estemed it so now to continue no effectuall inhibition wherunto I might by gods law, or the kings maiesties laws with dis∣charge of my conscience & duety obey, although the said let∣ters had bene (as they were not) in such termes framed, as had precisely forbidden me (as they did not) but onely to speake of matters in controuersy of the sacrament, which in deed I did not, but only vttred a truth to my consciēce, most certainly perswaded of the most holy sacrament, ne∣cessary to be known to the kings maiesty, & to be vttred by me admitted to that place of preaching, from whence God commandeth his truth to be vttered, which in this nature of truth (the vndue estimation and vse whereof, S. Paule threatneth with temporall death) may in no wise be omit∣ted.* 19.68 So as I was and am perswaded the right estimation of the sacrament, to be to acknowledge the very presence of the same most precious body and bloud present in the Sa∣crament to feed vs, that was geuen to redeeme vs. If I shewed not my soueraigne Lord the truth therof, I for my part suffer hym wittingly to fall into that extreme danger of body, which S Paule threateneth, whose person I am bound by nature, by speciall othes, by Gods lawes to pre∣serue to my power as I will do, and must do, by all ways and meanes. And if the Kings Maiestie doth vouchesafe to teache hys people not to obey hys commaundement, where God commaundeth the contrary, I might not take my Lord of Somersets letter for an inhibition to hold my peace,* 19.69 when God biddeth me to speake as he doth whē the Wolfe commeth, and not to hide my selfe in silence, which is the most shamefull runnyng away of all. I haue muche matter to alledge against the letter why I should not cre∣dite it, written in his name alone, against a common letter (as I tooke it) written by hym and the counsaile, and pub∣lished in print the first day of the said month, which main∣taineth my preachyng of the sacrament & masse, accordyng to the proclamations and iniunctions: the violation of which publike letters, had bene a disorder and contempt, where as I neither offended in the one, nor the other.

And as for tumult, none could reasonably be feared of any thing spoken agreable to the kings maiesties lawes, as there did folow none, nor the people, or any man did of∣fer my person any wrong, or make tumult against me, not withstanding players, iesters, rimers, ballademakers, did signify me to be of the true catholike faith,* 19.70 which I accor∣ding to my dutie declared to the kings maiesty, from whō I may hide no truth that I thinke expedient for hym to know. And as the name of God cannot be vsed of any cre∣ture agaynst God, no more can the kings name, beyng v∣sed of any subiect against his highnes. Wherfore seyng the abuse of this holy sacrament hath in it a danger assured by scripture of body & soule, whosoeuer is perswaded in y^e ca∣tholike faith (as I am) findeth himself so burdened to vtter that vnto his maiesty, as no worldly losse cā let him to do his duty in that behalfe, and much lesse my Lordes priuate letters written without other of the counsails hands.

The 11. Article.

Item, that after the premisses, viz. in the month of May or Iune or one of them, in the 3. yeare of his hyghnes raigne,* 19.71 his maiestye sent eftsoones vnto you to know your conformitie towards hys sayd reformations, and specially touchyng the booke of common prayer then lately set foorth by hys maiestie, whereunto you at the same tyme refused to shew your selfe conformable.

Winchester.

To the xi. article for answer and declaration thereof, he sayd: The next day at after noone after he had preached,* 19.72 when he looked for no such matter, came to his house the right worshipfull Sir Anthony Wingfield, and Sir Rafe

Sadler knights, accompanied wyth a great nomber of the gard, and vsed themselues for their part according to theyr worships, and (I doubt not) as they were appoynted, Sir Rafe Sadler begā thus w^t me: My L. (said he) ye preached yesterday obedience,* 19.73 but ye did not obey your selfe, & went forth w^t his message very soberly as he can, and discretely. I asked him wherein I obeied not. He sayde, touching my L. of Somersets letter. Maister Sadler, quoth I, I pray you say to my Lords grace, I would he neuer made men∣tion of that letter, for the loue I beare him. And yet quoth I, I haue not broken that letter, & I was mineded, quoth I, to haue wrytten to my L. vpon the receipt of it, and loe, quoth I, ye may see how I begā, and shewed him (because we were then in my study) the beginning of my letter, and reasoned with him for declaration of my selfe, and told him therwith, I wil not spend, quoth I, many wordes w^t you, for I cā not alter this determination. And yet in good faith quoth I, my maner to you, and this declaration may haue this effecte, that I be gently handled in the prisone, and for that purpose I pray you, make sute on my behalfe.

* 19.74Maister Wingfield laide his hand on my shoulder, and arested me in y^e kings name for disobedience. I asked them whether I shoulde. They sayde to the Tower. Finally I desired them that I might be spoken wyth shortly, & heard what I could say for my selfe, and praied them to be suters in it, and so they saide they would.

After y^t I was once in the tower, vntill it was within 6. dayes of one whole yere, I could heare no maner word, message, comfort, or relief, sauing once when I was sicke, and me thought some extremity towardes me, my Chap∣laine had licence to come to me for one time, & then denied againe, being aunswered that my feuer was but a tertian, which my said Chaplaine tolde me when he came to me at the Easter followinge, and there beinge wyth me from the morning till night on Easter day departed, and for no su••e could neuer haue him since. To M. Lieftenant I made di∣uers sutes to prouoke the duke of Somersets grace to hear me. And if I might haue the liberty of an English man, I would plainly declare I had neither offended law, statute, acte, proclamation nor his own letter neither, but al wold not help, & I shal report me to M. Lieftenāt whether in al this time I maligned, grudged or vsed any vnsemely wor∣des, euer demanding iustice, & to be heard according to iu∣stice. When I had bene thus in the tower one whole yeare within 6. daies or 7. as I remember,* 19.75 came to the Tower the Lord Chancellor of England, now being the L. Trea∣surer, and master Secretarye Peter, who calling me vnto them, as I remember, entred this: They sayde they hadde brought with them a booke passed by the parlament, which they would I should looke on and say my minde to it, and vpon my conformitie in it, my Lord of Somerset would be suter to the kings maiestie for mercy to be ministred to me. Wherunto I answered that I trusted if I might be heard, the kings Maiesties iustice would releue me, which I had longsued for, and could not be heard. And to sue for mercy, quoth I, when I haue not in my conscience offended, and also to sue out of thys place,* 19.76 wher asking of mercy, emploi∣eth a further suspition then I woulde be for all the worlde touched in it, were not expedient. And therefore, quoth I, not guiltie is and hath bene allowed a good plee for a priso∣ner. Then my Lord sayd, why quoth he, were ye not com∣maunded to preache of the kings authoritie in his younge age, & yet did not? I told him I was not commaunded. Is not (quoth he) that Article in the papers yee had deliuered you? I assured him no.

And after communication of the kings Maiesties au∣thority wherein was no disagrement,* 19.77 then my lord Chan∣cellor said I had disobeied my Lordes graces letter. I told him I thought not, and if the matter came to iudgement, it should appeare. And then I sayd to him, my Lord howe many open iniunctions vnder Seale and in open Courte haue bene broken in this Realme? the punishment wherof hath not ben handled after this sort, & yet I would stande in defence y^t I had not broken his letter, waying the words of the letter, wherein I reasoned with M. Peter Secreta∣rie what a controuersie was, and some part what I could say further. But what so euer I canne saye (quoth I) you must iudge it, and for the passion of God do it, and then let me sue for mercy, when the nature of the offence is known if I will haue it.* 19.78 But when I am (quoth I) declared an offender, I will with humilitie of suffering make amendes to the kings Maiestie, so farre as I am able: for I shoulde neuer offend him, and much lesse in his yong age.

My L. Chancelor then shewed me the beginning of the acte for common prayer, how dangerous it was to breake the order of it, I told him that it was true, & therefore if I came abroade, I would be wel ware of it. But it is (quoth I) after in the act how no man should be troubled for this act, vnles he were first indited, and therefore (quoth I,) I may not be kept in prisone for this acte. Ah (quoth he) I perceiue ye knowe the lawe well enough, I tolde hym my Chaplaine had brought it vnto mee the after noone before. Then they required me to looke on the boke, and to say my minde in it. I answeared that I thought not mete to yelde my selfe a scholler to go to schoole in prison, & then slaunder my selfe as though I redemed my faults with my consci∣ence. As touching the law which I know not,* 19.79 I wil honor it like a subiect, and if I keepe it not, I wil willingly suffer the paine of it. And what more conformitie I should shew, I cannot tell, for mine offences be past if there be any. If I haue not suffred enough I will suffer more, if vpon exami∣nation I be found faulty, & as for this new law, if I keepe it not, punish me likewise.

Then my Lorde Chaunceloure asked mee whether I would not desire the kings Maiestie to be my good Lorde. At which worde I sayde: alas my Lorde (quoth I) doe yee thinke that I haue so forgotten my selfe?* 19.80 My duety (quoth I) requireth so, and I will on my knees desire hym to be my good Lord and my Lord Protectour also quoth I, that is wel sayd quoth my Lord Chaunceler. And what will ye say further, quoth my L. Chanceler, In good faith quoth I thys, that I thought when I had preached, that I had not offended at all, and thinke so still, and had it not ben for the article of the supremacie, I woulde haue rather fayned my selfe sicke, then be occasion of this that hathe followed: but going to the Pulpit, I must needes say as I sayde. Well quoth my lord Chanceler, let vs go to our purpose again. Ye will quoth he, desire the kings maiestie to be your good Lord, and my Lord Protectour also, and ye say ye thought not to haue offended. All this I will say quoth I.* 19.81 And yee wil (quoth my Lord Chanceler) submit your selfe to be or∣dered by my Lorde Protector. Nay (quoth I) by the lawe for my Lord Protectour quoth I hath scourged mee ouer∣sore this yere, to put my matter in his hands now. And in the latter poynte I varyed with my Lorde Chauncellour, when I could not refer my order to my Lord Protectour, but to the law, and staying at this poynt they were cōtent to graunt me of their gentlenes to make their sute to pro∣cure me to be heard, and to obtaine me libertie to goe in the galery, and that I should heare of one of them within two daies following. I desired them to remember that I refu∣sed not the boke by way of contempt, nor in no euil maner, but y^t I was loth to yelde my selfe a scholer in the Tower, and to be seene to redeme my faults if I had any, with my conscience. My body I sayde, shoulde serue my conscience, but not contrariwise. And this is the truth vpon my con∣science and othe that was done and said at their comming. There was more sayde to the purposes aforesayde. And I binde not my selfe to the precise forme of wordes, but to the substaunce of the matter and fashion of the intreating. So neare as I can remember, I haue truely discharged mine oth: But I heard no more of my matter in one whole yere after almost wythin 14. dayes notwithstāding two letters wrytten by me to the Counsaile, of most humble request to be heard according to iustice. And then at y^e ende of 2. yeres almost, came vnto me the Duke of Somerset with other of the counsel, which matter because it is left out here, I shall not touch but prepare it in a matter aparte, for declaration of my behauiour at all times.

The 12. Article.

Item, that after that. &c. the 9. day of Iuly, in the 4. yeare of his Maiesties raign, his highnes sent vnto you his graces letters, with a certaine submission and Articles, whereunto his grace willed and commaunded you to subscribe, to whiche submission, you contemptuously refused to subscribe.

Winchester.

To the 12. article for answer therunto, he graunted that about the time mentioned in this Article, the Lorde Trea∣surer, the Erle of Warwike lord great maister,* 19.82 sir William Harbert, and M. Secretary Peter, came to the tower: and called me before them, and deliuered vnto me the Kynges maiesties letters which I haue to shew, and receiued them at the handes of the lord Treasurer vpon my knees, kissed them as my duety was, and still vpon my knees red them, where as they right gently required me to take more ease, & to go apart with them, & consider them, which after that I had throughly read, I much lamented that I should be commaunded to say of my selfe as was there wrytten, and to say otherwise of my selfe then my conscience will suffer me, & where I trust my dedes wil not condemne me, ther∣to condemne my selfe w^t my tongue, I should sooner (quoth I to them) by commaundement: thinke if ye would bid me to tumble my selfe desperately into the Thames.

My lord of Warwicke seeing me in that agonye, sayde: What say ye my Lorde, quoth he, to the other Articles? I aunswered that I was loth to disobey, where I might o∣bey

and not wrast my conscience, destroying the comfort of it, as to say vntruely of my selfe. Well, quoth my Lorde of Warwicke,* 19.83 will ye subscribe to the other Articles? I tolde him I would. But then, quoth I, the Article that toucheth me, must be put out. I was answered that needeth not, for I might wryte on the one side what I woulde say vnto it: and then my Lorde of Warwicke entertained mee verye gently,* 19.84 and would needes whiles I should write, haue me sit downe by him, and when hee sawe me make somewhat straunge so to do, he pulled me nearer him, and said we had ere this sit together, & trusted we should do so againe. And then hauing pen & inke geuen me, I wrote as I remem∣ber, on the Article that touched me, these words: I can not with my conscience say this of my selfe, or such like words. And there folowed an Article of the kings Maiesties pri∣macie, and I began to write on the side o•• that, & had made an I, onward as may appere by the articles, & they would not haue me do so, but write onely my name after theyr ar∣ticles: which I did. Whereat because they shewed them∣selues pleased and content:* 19.85 I was bold to tel them merely that by this meane, I hadde placed my subscription aboue them all, & therupon it pleased them to entertein me much to my comfort.

And I was bold to accōpt vnto them mery tales of my miserie in pryson, which they seemed content to heare: and then I tolde them also (desiring them not to be miscontent with that I should say:) when I remember eache of them alone, I could not thinke otherwise of them but they were my good Lords: and yet when they meete together, I feele no remedy at their hands. I looked quoth I, when my L. of Somerset was heere to goe out wythin two dayes, and made my fare well feast in the Tower and all, since whych time there is a moneth past or thereabout: and I agree w^t them,* 19.86 and now agree with you, and I may fortune be for∣gotten. My Lorde Treasurer sayde nay, I shoulde heare from them the next day, and so by their special commande∣ment came out of the chamber ofter them, that they myght be seene depart as my good Lordes: and so was done. By which processe doth appeare how there was in me no con∣tempt, as is sayd in this article, but such a subscriptiō made as they were content to suffer me to make, whiche I tooke in my cōscience for a whole satisfaction of the kings maie∣sties letters, whiche I desire may be deemed accordinglye. And one thing was said vnto me further that other would haue put in many moe Articles, but they woulde haue no more but those.

The 13. Article.

Item, that you hauing eftsones certaine of the kings Maiesties honorable Counsaile sent vnto you the 12. of Iuly in the sayde 4. yere with the said submission, and being on his Maiesties behalfe required and commaunded to consider again and better the sayd submission, and to subscribe the same, stoode in iustification of your self, & would in no wise subscribe thereunto.

Winchester.

To the 13. article he sayde: The next day after the being in the Tower of the saide L. Treasurer, the Earle of War∣wike & other: came vnto me Syr W. Harbert & M. Secre∣tary Peter,* 19.87 to deuise with me how to make some acknow∣ledging of my fault (as they saide) because the other forme liked me not. Wherunto I said I knew my selfe innocent, and to enter with you to entreat of a deuise to empaire my innocency in any poynt by my wordes or wrytings, it can haue no pollicie in it. For although I did more esteeme li∣berty of body, then the defamation of my self: yet (quoth I) whē I had so done with you, I were not so assured by you to come out. For when I were by my owne * 19.88 penne once made an naughtye man, then were I not the more sure to come out, but had locked my selfe the more surely in, and a small pleasure were it to me to haue my body at libertie by your procurement, and to haue my conscience in perpetual prison by mine owne act. Many more wordes there were, and perswasions on their parties▪ which caused me to re∣quire of them, for the passion of God, that my matter might take an end by iustice, and so departed, theyr being no con∣tempt or faction of disobedience shewed on my behalfe, but onely allegation for my defence of mine innocency in y^e best maner I could deuise, as I trust they will testifie.

The 14. Article.

Item, that after all this, videlicet the 14. day of Iuly in the said 4. yeare, the kings maiestie sent yet again vnto you certain of hys maiesties honorable Counsaile with an other submission, and di∣uers other articles, willinge and commaunding you to subscribe your name thereunto: which to do you vtterly refused.

Winchester.

To the 14. Article he sayde, that on the Monday in the morning following came the bishop of London, Syr Wil∣liam Harbert, maister Secretarie Peter, & an other whom I knowe not, who brought with them a paper, wyth cer∣taine articles wrytten in it,* 19.89 which they required me to sub∣scribe. Whereupon I most instantly required that my mat∣ter might be tried by iustice, whych although it were more greeuous, yet it hathe a commoditie wyth it, that it endeth certainely the matter? And I coulde neuer yet come to my assured stay, and therfore refused to meddle wyth any more Articles, or to trouble my selfe with the readinge of them, & yet they desired me so instantly to read them, that I was content, and did reade, and to shewe my perfecte obediente minde, offered incontinently vpon my deliuerie out of pri∣son, to make aunswere vnto them, all such as I woulde a∣bide by and suffer paine for, If I haue deserued it. I would in deede gladly haue bene in hand with my Lorde of Lon∣don, but he saide hee came not to dispute,* 19.90 and sayde it was the hand of God that I was thus in prison, because I had so troubled other mē in my time. Finally my request was, that they should in this forme make my aunsweare to my Lordes of the Counsell as foloweth: That I most humbly thanke them of theyr good will to deliuer me by the way of mercy, but because in respecte of mine owne innocent con∣science I had rather haue iustice, I desired them,* 19.91 seing both was in the kinges Maiesties hands, that I might haue it, whych if it happen to me more greeuous, I will impute it to my selfe, and euermore thanke them for their good will, and so departed I with them, as I trust they will testifie, and no misbehauiour or demeanour to haue bene vsed on my behalfe.

The 15. Article.

Item, that after all this, viz. the 19. day of Iulye, in the sayde 4. yeare, you being personally called before the kings maiesties pri∣uie counsaile, and hauing the sayd submission and articles open∣ly and distinctly read vnto you, & required to subscribe the same refused for vniuste considerations by you alledged to subscribe the same.

Winchester.

To the 15. article. I graunte, that vpon a Saterdaye at after noone, euen at suche time of the daye as they were at Euensong in the Chappell at the Courte, I was brought thether, and at my comming the Lordes of the Counsaile sayde they were all my Iudges by special commission, and entended to proceede thus wyth me: That I shoulde sub∣scribe certaine articles which were then read, and I muste directly make aunswere, whether I would subscribe them or no. I aunswered on my knees in this wise: For the pas∣sion of God my Lordes be my good Lordes, and let me be tried by iustice whether I be faultye or no:* 19.92 and as for these articles assoone as yee deliuer me to my libertie, I woulde make aunswere to them whether I would subscribe them or no. Then they hauing further to say, I aunswered, these Articles were of diuers sortes: some be lawes whyche I may not qualifie: some be no lawes but learning and facte, which maye haue diuers vnderstandings, & a subscription to them without telling what I meane, were ouer dange∣rous:* 19.93 and therfore I offered for y^e more declaration of raine obedience to all their requestes, that if they woulde deliuer me the articles into the prison with mee, I woulde shortly make them particulare aunswere, and suffer the paynes of the lawe, that by my aunswere I mighte incurre vnto: Wherupon I was commanded to go a part, and they sent vnto me the Lorde Treasurer and maister Secretarie Pe∣ter, who communed with me of a meane way, and that li∣ked not the Lordes. And then was I called foorth agayne, and my absolute subscription required againe, & I againe made offer to aunswer particularly, for I coulde not wyth my conscience subscribe them as they were absolutely. And these my considerations, I trust to be iust, seing no man for any commaundements ought to offende his conscience, as I must haue done in that case.

The 16. Article.

Item, that for your sondry and manifold contempts and diso∣bediences in this behalfe vsed, the fruites of your Bishoppricke were then by speciall commission of his Maiestie iustly and law∣fully sequestred.

Winchester.

To the 16. article, I deny contemptes, and disobedience of partes, and say that my doings cannot so be termed, be∣cause it is taught in thys realme for a doctrine of obediēce, that if a king commaunde that is contrary to the cōmaun∣dement of God,* 19.94 the subiect may not doe as he is comman∣ded, but humbly stande to my conscience, which is my case, who could not with my conscience do as I was required. And as touching the fact of decree, there was in deede a de∣cree read, hauing wordes so placed and framed, as though I were such an offender, which mater I deny. And in that decree was mention made of sequestration of fruites: but whether the forme of woordes were of the present tense, or els to be sequestred, I cannot precisely tell, but doe referre that to the tenor of the decree.

The 17. Article.

Item, that after this, you had intimation and peremptorie mo∣nition, with communication that you should within 3. monethes next following the saide intimation, reconcile and submit youre selfe vnder paine of depriuation.

Winchester.

To the 17. article I aunswer, that in the same decree of sequestration at the same time read, I kneling from the be∣ginning of the decree, to the latter ende, I remember there was an intimation and three monthes spoken of, & expres∣sed also how at euery monthes end I should haue pen and inke offred to wryte, if I would yet subscribe, and as I vn∣derstand it was vpon the paine of proceeding further. And I do not remember that I herd the word depriuation, but therein I referre me to the acts of the sentence, which whē it was red, I desired it might be testified what mine offer was, to answer all those articles particularly, euen remai∣ning in prison. And this done, I made suite for some of my seruants abroad to resort to me to the tower, partly for my comfort, partly for my necessary businesse, which could not be obtained. And yet to prouoke it, I sayde to my Lorde of Warwike, howe for agreeing w^t my L. of Somerset, I had some commoditie, and for agreeing with him had nothing, and therefore would needes by intercession presse him, that I might by his meanes haue some of my seruāts resorting vnto me. He answered very gently. And then one sayde I shoulde win 2. or 3. daies haue some body come to me. And then I was dismissed with commaundement to the lieute∣nant to let me haue the same liberty I had, but no more.

The 18. Article.

Item, that the sayd three moneths are naw throughly expired and runne.

Winchester.

To the 18. Article he sayd, there is almost 6. months pas∣sed in time and number of daies, but not one month past to the effecte of the lawe, nor 10. daies neither, because I haue bene so kept in prison y^t I could not see for remedy in forme abouesaide, nor there was not at euery moneth, after the forme of the sentence offred me, pen and inke & libertie ge∣uen me to consult and deliberate w^t other learned men and friends what were best to doe, or to send vnto them. And furthermore, the very 8. day after the decree geuen, I pro∣tested before my seruaunts whom I had only commodity to vse as witnes of the nullitie of the decree for the euident and apparant matter in it,* 19.95 but if it were any in lawe, I ap∣pealed to the kings Maiestie, because my request was not admitted to haue the copie of the articles to answere them particularly, and because it is excessiue correction to seque∣ster my frutes and keepe me in prisone, with other cases to be deduced where I might haue oportunity. Which appel∣lation I protested to intimate as soone as I coulde come to any presence mete therfore, as I did in this assemble at my last repaire, desiring therewith the benefite restitutionis in integrum, because of mine imprisonment, and therefore doe answere this matter with protestation of that appeale, and vtterly deny all manner of contempt.

The 19. Article.

Item, that yon hitherto according to the sayd intimation and monition, submitted, reconciled, nor reformed your selfe, but cō∣temptuously yet still remaine in your first disobedience.

Winchester.

To the 19. Article, I say that I haue bene all this while in prison so kept, as no man could haue accesse to counsaile with me, nor any meanes to wryte or send to any man, ha∣uing made continuall suite to Maister Lieutenaunte and master Marshal, vnder whose custody I am here, to make suite in my name to the Lordes of the Counsaile, that I might come to hearing, or els be bailed vpon surety: which I coulde not obtaine, and so haue remained vnder the be∣nefite of my said appeale to the kings Maiestie, made as I might for y^e time, which I eftsoones desire may haue liber∣tie to prosecute.

And where as aunswering to these Articles, for decla∣ration of the integritie of my conscience, I vse in the same places generall woordes: I protest I meane not by those words to setforth my selfe otherwise more arrogantly then as my direct entent (which excludeth malice) and purpose mooueth mee to say,* 19.96 and as my conscience beareth witnesse vnto me at this time, and therfore will say therein wyth S. Paule: Nihil mihi conscius sum, sed non in hoc iustificatus sum. Wherefore if any specially be obiected vnto me, wherein by ignorance or ouersight & negligence, any mine offence may appeare against the kings Maiesties lawes, Statutes and Iniunctions, I shal desire and protest that it be not preiu∣diciall to mine aunsweare (for thys present, credo, as law∣yers in ciuill matters vse that terme) to be true,* 19.97 y^t is to say suche as w^tout any alteration in my conscience, presently I may of my selfe say in affirmation or denial, as afore is an∣swered. And whereas I speake of commaundement to be made to me against Gods lawe, I protest not to touch my soueraigne Lordes honor therin, which my duetie is by al meanes to preserue, but that the commādement geuen, re∣solueth to be against Gods law on my part, in the obediēce to be geuē, because I may not answer or say otherwise, but Est, est, non, non. So as my wordes and heart may agree to∣gether, or els I should offend Gods lawe, which my soue∣raigne if he knew my conscience, would not command me.

After these things thus passed, certaine of the Counsail by the kings appoyntment had sondry daies and times ac∣cesse to him in the Tower to perswade with hym: whiche were these, the Duke of Somerset, the lord Treasurer, the Lord priuie Seale, the Lord great Chamberlaine, and M. Secretary Peter.* 19.98 Who repairing to him the x. day of Iune an. 1550. he desired of them to see the kings booke of procee∣dings: vpon the sight wherof he would make a ful answer, seeming to be willinge in all thinges to conforme himselfe therunto: and promising that in case any thing offēded his conscience, he would open it to none but to the Counsaile. Whereupon it was agreed the booke should be sent him to see his answer, that his case might be resolued vpon, & that for the meane time he should haue the libertie of the galery and gardine in the Tower, when the Duke of Northfolke were absent.

The king then was lying at Grenewich, at which time the Lieftenant of the tower was appoynted to deliuer the kings booke to the bishop of Winchester.* 19.99 Who within thre dayes after (which was the 13. of Iune) made declaration againe vnto the counsaile, that the Bishop hauing perused it, said vnto him he could make no direct answer vnlesse he were at libertie, and so being he woulde say hys conscience. Whereupon the Lordes and other that had bene with him the other day, were apointed to go to him againe to receiue a direct aunswer that the Counsail therupon might deter∣mine further order for him.

The aunswer of the bishop being receiued, through the report of the Lordes which had ben with him,* 19.100 declaration was made again, the 8. day of Iuly 1550. that his answers were euer doutful, refusing while he were in prisō to make any direct aunswer. Wherefore it was determined that he shoulde be directly examined whether he woulde sincerely conforme himself vnto the kings maiesties proceedings or not. For which purpose it was agreed y^t particulare arti∣cles should be drawne,* 19.101 to see whether he woulde subscribe them or not, and a letter also directed vnto hym from the kinges highnesse, with the which the L. Treasurer, the L. great maister, the maister of the horse, and master Secreta∣rie Peter shoulde repaire vnto hym: the tenour of whyche letter heereafter ensueth.

¶A letter sent to the Bishop of Winchester, signed by the king, and subscribed by the Counsaile.

IT is not (we thinke) vnknowen vnto you, with what clemency and fauour,* 19.102 we by the aduise of our Counsayle caused you to be heard and vsed vpon these sundry complaintes and informations that were made to vs & our said Counsaile of your disordered do∣inges and wordes, both at the tyme of our late visitation, and o∣therwise. Which notwithstāding, considering that the fauour both then and many other tymes ministred vnto you, wrought rather an insolent wilfulnes in your selfe, thē any obediente conformi∣tie, such as would haue beseemed a man of your vocation, we could not but use some demonstration of iustice towardes you,* 19.103 as well for such notorious and apparaunt contemptes and other in∣obediences, as after and contrary to our commaundement were openly knowen in you, as also for some example and terrour of such others as by your example seemed to take courage to mut∣ter and grudge agaynst our most godly proceedinges: whereof great discord & inconuenience at that tyme might haue ensued. For the auoyding whereof, & for your iust deseruinges, you were by our sayde Counsayle committed to warde. Where albeit we haue suffred you to remaine a long space, sending vnto you in the meane tyme at sundry tymes diuers of the Noble men and others of our priuy Counsayle, and trauayling by them with clemencye and fauour to haue reduced you to the knowledge of your duety: yet in al this time haue you neyther knowledged your faultes, nor made any such submission as might haue beseemed you, nor yet shewed any apparāce either of repētāce, or of any good confor∣mitye to our godly proceedinges. Wherewith albeit we both haue good cause to be offēded, & might also iustly by the order of our lawes, cause your former doinges to be reformed and punished to the exāple of others, yet for that we would both the world & your self also shuld know that we delite more in clemency, then in the straight administratiō of iustice, we haue vouchsafed not only to a dresse vnto you these our letters, but also to sēd eftsones vnto you 4. of our priuy coūsel with certain articles: which being by vs with

the aduise of our sayde Counsaile considered,* 19.104 we thinke requisite for sondry considerations to be subscribed by you, and therefore woulde and commaunde you to subscribe the saide Articles vp∣on paine of incurring such punishment and penalties, as by our lawes may be put vppon you for not doing the same. Geuen at our palace of Westminster the 8. day of Iulye, the 4. yeare of oure raigne.

With this letter addressed from the king and his Coun∣saile, these Articles also were deliuered to the B. of Win∣chester here following.

The copie of the Articles.

* 20.1WHereas I Steuen bishop of Winchester haue ben suspected as one too much fauouring the bishop of Romes aucthori∣tie, decrees and ordinaunces, and as one that did not approoue or allow the kings maiesties proceedinges in alteration of certayne rites in religion, was conuented before the kings highnes coun∣saile and admonished therof: and hauing certaine things appoyn∣ted for me to doe and preache for my declaration, haue not done that as I ought to do, although I promised to do the same wherby I haue not onely incurred the kings maiesties indignation, but also diuers of his highnes subiectes haue by mine example taken incouragement (as his graces counsaile is certainly enformed) to repine at his maiesties moste godly proceedings: I am right sorie therefore, and acknowledge my selfe condingly to haue ben pu∣nished, and do most heartily thanke his maiestie, that of his great clemencie it hath pleased his highnesse to deale with me, not ac∣cording to rigour, but mercye. And to the entent it may appeare to the world how little I do repine at his highnes doings, whych be in religion moste godly, and to the common wealth most pro∣fitable, I doe affirm and say freely of mine owne will without any compulsion as ensueth.

* 20.21 First, that by the lawe of God and the authoritie of scriptures the kings maiestie and his successors are the supreme heades of the churches of England, and also of Ireland.

2 Item, that the apoynting of holy daies or fasting daies, as Lent, imber daies, or any suche like, or to dispence therewith, is in the kings maiesties authoritie and power and his highnes as supreme head of the sayde Churches of Englande and Irelande,* 20.3 and gouer∣nour thereof, may appoynt the maner and time of the holy dayes and fasting dayes, or dispence therewith, as to his wisedome shall seeme most conuenient for the honour of God and the wealth of thys realme.

3 Item, that the kings maiestie hath moste Christianly and godly set foorth, by, and with the consent of the whole parliament, a de∣uout and christian booke of seruice of the church to be frequen∣ted by the church,* 20.4 which booke is to be accepted and allowed of all bishops, pastours, curates, and all ministers Ecclesiastical of the realme of England, and so of him to be declared and commended in all places where he shal fortune to preach or speake to the peo∣ple of it, that it is a godly and christian booke and order, and to be allowed, accepted, and obserued of all the kings maiesties true subiectes.

4 I do acknowledge the kings maiestie that nowe is (whose life God long preserue) to be my souera••gne Lord and supreme head vnder Christ to me as a Bishop of this realme,* 20.5 and naturall sub∣iect to his maiestie: and nowe in this his yonge and tender age to be my full and entire kinge, and that I and all other his highnesse subiectes are bounde to obey all his maiesties proclamations, sta∣tutes, lawes, and commaundements, made, promulgate and sette foorth in this his highnesse yong age as well as thoughe his high∣nes were at this present 30 or 40. ye••es olde.

* 20.65 Item, I confesse and acknowledge that the statute commonlye called the statute of sixe articles, for iust causes and grounds, is by authoritie of parliament repealed and disanulled.

6 Item, that his maiestie and his successours haue authoritie in the said churches of England and also of Ireland to alter,* 20.7 reforme, correct, and amend al errours & abuses, and all rites and ceremo∣nies ecclesiastical, as shall seeme frō time to time to his highnesse and his successors most conuenient for the edification of his peo∣ple, so that the same alteration be not contrary or repugnante to the scripture and lawe of God.

* 20.8Subscribed by Steuen Winchester, with the testimoniall handes of the counsaile to the same.

To these articles afore specified, althoughe Winchester with his owne hand did subscribe, graunting and consen∣ting to the supremacie of the King, as well then beyng as of hys successours to come:* 20.9 yet because hee stucke so muche in the first poynt touching his submission, and would in no case subscribe to the same, but onely made hys aunswere in the margent (as is aboue noted) it was therefore thoughte good to the king, that the Maister of the horse, and maister Secretarie Peter should repaire vnto him again with the same request of submission, exhortinge hym to looke better vppon it: and in case the woords seemed too sore, then to re∣ferre it vnto him selfe in what sort and with what wordes he should deuise to submit hym, that vpon y^e acknowledge of his fault, the kings highnes might extēd his mercy and liberality towards him as it was determined. Which was the 11. day of Iune, the yeare abouesaid.

When the maister of the horse and secretarie Peter had bene with him in the tower according to their Commissi∣on, returning from him again they declared vnto the king and his Counsaile how precisely the sayd Bishop stoode in iustification of him selfe, that hee hadde neuer offended the kings Maiestie: wherefore he vtterly refused to make any submission at all. For the more suretie of which deniall, it was agreed that a newe booke of Articles should be deui∣sed, wherwith the said maister of the horse and master Se∣cretarie Peter should repaire vnto him againe, and for the more autentike proceeding w^t him, they to haue wyth thē a Diuine and a temporall Lawyer, whiche were the Bishop of London, and maister Goodricke.

The copie of the last ArticIes sent to the Bishop of Winchester.

WHere as I Steuen Bishop of Winchester haue bene suspected as one that did not approoue or allowe the kings Maiesties procedings in alteration of certaine rites in Religion,* 21.1 and was conuented before the kings highnes Counsaile, and admonished thereof, and hauing certayne things appoynted for me to doe and preach for my declara∣tion, haue not done therein as I ought to doe, whereby I haue deserued hys maiesties displeasure: I am righte so••e therfore. And to the intent it may appear to the world how litle I doe repine at his highnes doings, which be in reli∣gion most godly, and to the common wealth most profita∣ble, I doe affirme as followeth.

1 First, that the late king of moste famous memorie kyng Henrie the eight, our late soueraigne Lorde, iustly, and of good reason and ground hath taken away and caused to be suppressed and defaced,* 21.2 all monasteries and religious hou∣ses, and all conuenticles and conuents of Monks, Friers, Nonnes, Chanons, Bonhoms, & other persons called re∣ligious, and that the same being so dissolued, the persones therein bound and professed to obedience to a person, place, habit, and other superstitious rites and ceremonies, vpon that dissolution and order appoynted by y^e kings maiesties authority as supreme head of the church, are clearely relea∣sed and acquited of those vowes and professions, & at their full libertye as thoughe those vnwittye and superstitious vowes had neuer bene made.* 21.3

2 Item, that any person may lawfully marrie without a∣ny dispensation from the B. of Rome or any other manne, with any persone whome it is not prohibited to contracte matrimonie by the lawe Leuiticall.

3 Item, that the vowing and going of pilgrimage to I∣mages, or to the bones and reliques of any Sainctes hath ben superstitiously vsed and cause of much wickednes and idolatrie, and therfore iustly abolished by the said late king of famous memorie, and the Images and reliques so abu∣sed, haue ben of great and godly consideratiōs defaced and destroyed.

4 Item, that the counterfaiting of S. Nicholas, S. Cle∣ment, S. Katherine,* 21.4 and S. Edmond by children heereto∣fore brought into the church, was a meere mockerye & foo∣lishnesse, and therefore iustly abolished and taken away.

5 Item, it is conuenient and godly, that y^e scripture of the olde Testament and new, that is, the whole Bible, be had in English and published to be read of euery man, & that who soeuer doth repel & dehort me from the reading ther∣of, doth euell and damnably.

6 Item, that the sayd late king of iust ground and reason did receiue into hys handes the authoritie and disposition of chauntries and such liuings as were geuē for the main∣tenaunce of priuate masses, and did well change diuers of them to other vses.

7 Also the kings maiestie that now is by the aduise & con∣sent of the Parliament, did vpon iuste ground and reason,* 21.5 suppresse, abolish, and take away the sayd chauntryes and suche other liuings as were vsed and occupied for mainte∣naunce of priuate Masses, and Masses satisfactorye for the soules of thē which are dead, or finding of obites, lights, or other like things:* 21.6 the Masse that was wonte to be sayde of priestes, was full of abuses, and had very fewe thinges of Christes institution besides the Epistle, Gospell, Lordes prayer, and the wordes of the Lords supper: the rest for the more part were inuēted and deuised by bishops of Rome, and by other men of the same sort, and therfore iustly taken away by the statutes and lawes of this realme: and the cō∣munion which is placed in the stead thereof, is very godly and agreeable to the Scriptures.

* 21.78 Item, that it is most conuenient and fit, and according to the first institution, that all Christen men should receiue the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ in both the kindes,* 21.8 that is, in bread and wine.

9 And the masse wherein the Priest doth onely receiue and the other doe but looke on,* 21.9 is but the inuention of man, and the ordinance of the bishop of Romes churche, nor agreea∣ble to Scripture.

10 Item, that vpon good and godly cōsiderations, it is or∣dred in the said boke and order,* 21.10 that the Sacrament should not be lifted vp and shewed to the people to be adored, but to be w^t godly deuotion receiued as it was first instituted.

* 21.1111 Item, that it is well, politikely and godly done, that the kings maiestie by Act of Parlament, hath commanded all images which haue stande in Churches or Chappels, to be clerely abolished & d••faced, least hereafter at any time they should geue occasion of Idolatrie or be abused, as many of them heretofore haue bene with pilgrimages and such I∣dolatrous worshipping.

* 21.1212 And also that for like godly and good considerations, by the same authoritie of Parliament, all Masse bokes, Cow∣chers, Grailes, and other bokes of the seruice in latin here∣tofore vsed, should be abolished and defaced, as wel for cer∣taine superstitions in them contained, as also to auoid dis∣sention: and y^t the saide seruice in the church should be tho∣row the whole realme in one vniform conformitie, and no occasion through those olde bookes to the contrary.

13 That bishops, priests, and deacons haue no commaun∣dement of the law of God, either to vow chastitie, or to ab∣staine continually from mariage.* 21.13

14 Item, that al canons, cōstitutions, lawes positiue, and ordinances of man, which doe prohibite or forbid mariage to any bishoppe, priest, or deacon, be iustly and vpon godly grounds and cōsiderations, taken away and abolished by authority of Parlament.

15 The Homilies lately commanded and set foorth by the kings maiestye to be red in the congregation of England, are godly and wholesome,* 21.14 and doe teache such doctrine as ought to be embraced of all men.

16 The boke set forth by the kings maiesty by authority of Parliament, containing the forme & maner of making and consecrating of archbishops,* 21.15 bishops, priests and deacons, is godly & in no poynt contrary to the wholesom doctrine of the gospel, & therfore ought to be receiued and approued of all the faithfull members of the church of England, and namely the ministers of Gods worde, & by them commen∣ded to the people.

17 That the orders of Subdeacon, Benet and Colet, and suche others as were commonly called Minores ordines,* 21.16 be not necessarye by the woorde of God to be reckened in the church, and be iustly left out in the sayd booke of orders.

18 That the holy Scriptures containe sufficiently all doc∣trine required of necessity for eternal saluatiō through faith in Iesus Christ, and that nothing is to be taught as requi∣red of necessity to eternal saluation, but that which may be concluded and prooued by the holy Scriptures.

19 That vpon good and godly considerations, it was and is commaunded by the kings maiesties Iniunctions, that the Paraphrases of Erasmus in English shoulde be set vp in some conuenient place in euery parish Churche of thys realme, where as the parishioners may most commodiou∣sly resort to read the same.

20 And because these Articles aforesaid, do containe onely such matters as be already published and openly set forthe by the kings maiesties authority, by the aduise of his high∣nesse Counsaile, for many great and godly considerations, and amongst others for the common tranquillity and vni∣ty of the realme:* 21.17 his maiesties pleasure by the aduise afore∣sayd, is, that you the B. of Winchester shall not only affirm these Articles wyth subscription of your hande: but also declare and professe your selfe well contented, willing, and ready to publish and preach the same at such times and pla∣ces, and before suche audience as to his Maiestie from time to time shal seeme conuenient and requisite, vpon the pain of incurring suche penalties and punishmentes, as for not doing the same, maye by his Maiesties lawes be inflicted vpon you.

These Articles were sent the 15. of Iuly.

The bishop of Winchester receiuing and perusing these Articles, made this aunswer againe: That first touching the Article of submission, he woulde in no wise consent, af∣firming as hee had done before, that he had neuer offended the kings Maiestye in any such sorte as shoulde geue hym cause thus to submit himselfe: praying earnestly to be brou∣ght vnto his trial: wherin he refused the kings mercy, and desired nothing * 21.18 but iustice. And for the rest of the articles he aunswered that after he were past his triall in this firste poynt, and were at libertie, then it should appeare what he would do in them: not being (as he said) reasonable that he should subscribe them in prisone.

Of this answer when the king and hys counsel had in∣telligence by the foresayde Maister of the horse, Secretarie Peter, the bishop of London, and M. Goodricke who had bene wyth him, it was agreed that he should be sent for be∣fore the whole counsel, and peremptorily examined once a∣gaine, whether he would stand at this poynt or no: which if he did, then to denoūce vnto him the sequestration of his benefice, and consequently the intimation, in case hee were not reformed within 3. monethes, as in the daye of his ap∣pearance shall appeare. The tenor and words of which se∣questration, with the Intimation followeth.

The wordes of the Sequestration with the Intimation to the Bishop of Winchester.

FOr asmuch as the kings maiestie our most gratious so∣ueraigne Lord vnderstandeth,* 21.19 and it is also manifestly knowne and notorious vnto vs, that the clemency & long sufferaunce of his maiestie woorketh not in you y^e good ef∣fect and humblenes and conformitie, that is requisite in a good subiect: and for that your first disobediences, cōtēpts, and other misbehauiours, for the which you were by hys Maiesties authoritie iustly cōmitted to warde, haue ••ithes your said committing, dayly more & more increased in you in such sort as a great slaunder and offence is therof risen, in many parts of the realme, whereby also much slander, dissention trouble, & vnquietnes is very like more to ensue if your foresaid offences being as they be openly knowne, should passe vnpunished:* 21.20 we let you wit that hauing spe∣ciall and expresse Commission and commaundement from his Maiesty, aswell for your contumacies and contempts so long cōtinued and yet daily more increasing, as also for the exchange of the slaunder & offence of the people, which by your sayd ill demeanours is risen, and for that also the Church of Winchester may be in the meane time prouided of a good minister that may and will see all things done & quietly executed according to lawes and common orders of this Realme,* 21.21 & for sondry other great and vrgent causes we do by these presentes sequester all the fruites, reuenues landes and possessions of your Bishopricke of Winchester & discerne, deeme & iudge the same to be committed to the seueral receite collection and custody of such person or per∣sons as his Maiesty shall appoynt for that purpose. And because your former disobediences and contemptes so lōg cōtinued, so many times doubled, renued and aggrauated, do manifestly declare you to be a person without all hope of recouery & plainly incorrigible: we eftsoones admonish and require you to obay his maiesties said cōmaundement and that you do declare your selfe by subscription of youre hand, both willing & well contēted to accept, allow preach and teache to others the sayde articles, and all suche other matters as be or shalbe set forth by his maiesties authority of supreme head of this church of England, on this side, & within the terme of 3. monthes, whereof we appoynt one month for the first monition, one month for the second mo∣nition and warning, and one moneth for the third and pe∣remptorie monition.

Within which time as you may yet declare your cōfor∣mitie, and shal haue paper,* 21.22 pen and inke when you wil cal for them for that purpose, so if you wilfully forbeare and re∣fuse to declare your self obedient and conformable as is a∣foresayd, we intimate vnto you that his maiestie, who like a good gouernor desireth to keepe both his cōmon wealth quiet, and to purge the same of euill men (especially mini∣sters) entendeth to proceede against you as an incorrigible person and vnmeet minister of this church, to depriuation of your sayd bishopprike.

Neuertheles, vpon diuers good considerations, and spe∣cially in hope he might within his time be yet reconciled, it was agreed that the sayd bishops house & seruants should be maintained in their present estate, vntill y^e time that this Iniunction should expire, & the matter for the meane time to be kept secrete.

After this sequestration, the sayde B. was commensed vnto Lambeth before the Archbishop of Cant. & other the kings commissioners by vertue of the kings speciall letter sent vnto the sayde Commissioners, to witte, to the Arch∣byshop of Caunterburie, Nicholas bishoppe of London,* 21.23 Thomas bishop of Ely, Henry bishop of Lincoln, Secre∣tarie Peter, Syr Iames Hales knight, Doctour Leyson, Doctor Olyuer lawyers, and Iohn Gosnold Esquire. &c. before them, and by them to be examined, by whome were obiected against him 19. special articles in order and forme heere following.

Articles and positions ministred ioyntly and seuerally obiected to the B. of Winchester.

IN primis, that the kings Maiestie iustly and rightfully is, and by the lawes of God ought to be the supreme head in earth of the Church of England and Ireland,* 21.24 and so is by the Clergie of this realme in their conuocation, and by the Act of Parliament iustly and according to y^e lawes of God recognised.

2 Item, that his maiestie as supreme head of y^e saide chur∣ches, hath full power and authoritie to make and set suche Lawes, Iniunctions, and ordinances, for and concerning Religion an•• orders in the said churches for the increase of vertue and repressing of all errours, heresies, and other e∣normities and abuses.

3 Item, that all and euery his graces subiectes are bound by the lawes of God to obey all his highnesse saide lawes, Iniunctions, and proceedings concerning religion & or∣ders in the sayd Churches.

* 21.254 Item, that you Steuen B. of Winchester haue sworne obedience to his Maiestie, as supreme head of this Church of England and also of Ireland.

5 Item, that all and euery his graces subiects that disobey any of his sayde Maiesties lawes, Iniunctions, ordinan∣ces and proceedings already set forth & published, or here∣after to be set foorth & published, ought worthely to be pu∣nished according to his graces Ecclesiasticall lawes, vsed within thys his realme.

* 21.266 Item, that you y^e sayd Byshop, as wel in the kings ma∣iesties late visitation w^tin your Diocesse, as at sondry other times, haue ben complained vpon, & sundry informations made against you for your doings, sayings & preachings against sundry Iniunctions, orders and other procedings of his maiestie set foorth for reformation of errors, supersti∣tions and other abuses in religion.

7 Item, that after and vppon the occasion of those & other many complaints and informations, you haue ben sundry times admonished, commanded and enioyned to conforme your selfe, as to your duetie appertaineth.

8 Item, that after the premisses, and for that those former admonitions & commaundements notwythstanding, you did yet still shewe your selfe not conformable,* 21.27 & for that also by your example the people were much animated, & therby occasion of muche vnquietnesse ministred, you were called before the kings maiesties counsell in the moneth of Iune, the 2. yeare of his maiesties raigne, & by them on his high∣nes behalfe commaunded to preache a Sermon before hys maiestie, and therin to declare the iustnes and godlines of his Maiesties father and his proceedings vppon certaine matters partly mentioned in certaine articles to you deli∣uered in wryting, and partly otherwise declared vnto you. The effecte whereof, was touching the vsurped authoritye of the B. of Rome, and that his pretensed authoritie was iustly & godly taken away in this realm, & other the kings maiesties dominions: Touching the first suppression and taking away of Monasteries, Religious houses, Pilgri∣mages, Reliques, Shrines and Images, the superstitious going about of S. Nicholas bishop, S. Edmund, S. Ka∣therin, S. Clement and such like, for taking away of Chā∣treis, Obites and Colleges, touching hallowing of Can∣dels, water, ashes, palme, holy breade, beades, creeping to the crosse and suche like: touching the setting foorthe of the kings maiesties authoritie in his yōg yeres to be as great, as if his highnesse were of many more yeres, touching au∣ricular confession, touching the procession & common prai∣er in Englishe, and that things done in generall Councels against the woorde of God, may be iustly reuoked in parti∣cular Councels.

* 21.289 Item, that you receiuing the same, and promising to de∣clare them in a sermone by you made before his Maiestie for that purpose, on the feast of S. Peter in the sayd second yere of his highnesse raigne, did then and there contemptu∣ously and disobediently omit to declare and set foorth many of the sayd matters to the great contempt of his Maiestie, and daungerous example of others.

10 Item, that you being also commanded, and on his ma∣iesties behalf, for the auoyding of tumult, & for other great considerations inhibited to treate of any matter in contro∣uersie concerning the Masse or the communion (then com∣monly called the Sacrament of the aultar) did contrary to the sayd commandement & inhibition, declare diuers your iudgements & opinions in the same, in manifest contempt of hys Maiesties sayd inhibition,* 21.29 to the great offence of the hearers, and disturbaunce of the common quiet, and vnity of the realme.

11 Item, that after the premisses, videlicet, in the moneths of May or Iune, or one of them, in the thirde yeare of hys highnesse raigne, his Maiestye sent eftsoones vnto you, to know your conformity towards his said reformation, and specially touching the booke of Common praier then lately set foorth by hys maiestie, whereunto you at the same time refused to shewe your selfe conformable.

12 Item, that after that, videlicet the 9. day of Iuly, in the fourth yeare of his Maiesties raigne, his highnes sent vn∣to you hys graces letters, wyth a certaine submission and articles, wherunto hys grace willed and commanded you to subscribe, to the whyche submission you contemptuously refused to subscribe.

13 Item, that you hauing eftsoones certaine of the kyngs most honorable Councell sent vnto you the 12. of Iulye,* 21.30 in the sayd fourth yeare, with the same submission, and beyng in his maiestyes behalfe required and commanded to con∣sider agayne better the sayd submission and to subscribe the same, stoode in iustification of your selfe, and woulde in no wise subscribe thereunto.

14 Item, that after all thys, the 14. daye of Iulye, in the sayde fourth yeare, the sayd kings Maiestie sent yet againe vnto you certaine of his maiesties most honorable councel with an other submissiō and diuers other articles, willing and commaunding you to subscribe your name thereunto, whych to do you vtterly refused.

15 Item, that after all thys, videlicet the 19. of Iulye in the sayde fourth yeare, you being personally called before the whole counsaile,* 21.31 and hauing the sayde submission and ar∣ticles openly and distinctly read vnto you, and required to subscribe the same, refused for vniust and fantasticall consi∣derations by you alledged, to subscribe the same.

16 Item, that for your sundry and manifolde contemptes and disobediences in this behalfe vsed, the fruites of your benefice were then by speciall commission of hys Maiestie iustly and lawfully sequestred.

17 Item, that after this, you had intimation and peremp∣torie monition, with communication that you shuld with∣in 3. monethes next following the sayde intimation, recon∣cile and submit your selfe vpon paine of depriuation.

18 Item, that the saide 3. moneths are nowe fully expired and runne.

19 Item that you haue not hetherto,* 21.32 according to the sayd intimation and monition submitted: reconciled, nor refor∣med your self, but contemptuously yet still remaine in your disobedience. Whereupon they required the B. of Winche∣ster, then and there personally present to be sworne faith∣fully and truely to make answere.

After these articles were exhibited vnto him, and he ha∣uing leaue to say for himself, wherin he vsed al the cautels, shiftes and remedies of the law to his most aduantage, by way of protesting, recusing and excepting against the com∣mission, and requiring also the copies as well of the Arti∣cles, as of his protestation of the Actuaries (which wer W. Say and Tho. Argall) time and respite was assigned vnto hym to aunswer to the sayd Articles in wryting. But he so cauilled and dalied from day to day, to answer directly,* 21.33 al∣though he was sufficiently laboured and perswaded to the same by sondry callinges and Actes, and also aboundantly conuicted by depositions and witnesses, especially by mat∣ter induced by the L. Paget, and Andrewe Beynton, & M. Chalenor, pag. 816. (all which I referre to my first booke) that at the last he appealed from them, reputing them not to be competent and indifferent iudges to heare and deter∣mine his cause, vnto the kings royal person: notwithstan∣ding by protestation alwaies reseruing to himselfe the be∣nefite of his appellation: And so proceded he to the answe∣ring of the foresaid articles, but in such crafty and obstinate maner, as before he had ben accustomed, and as at large to them that be desirous to vnderstand the processe thereof, in the first booke of the Actes and monuments of the Church aforesayd may appeare.

But briefly to conclude, such exceptions he vsed against the witnesses produced against him, and he himself produ∣ced such a number of witnesses in hys defence, and vsed so many delaies and cauillations, that in the end the commis∣sioners seeing his stubbernesse, proceeded to the sentence definitiue against him, as heere vnder followeth.

¶Sentence definitiue agaynst Stephen Gardiner B. of Winchester.

IN the name of God, Amen. By authority of a commissi∣on by the high and mighty prince our moste gracious so∣ueraigne Lord Edward the 6. by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defendour of the faith,* 21.34 and of the Church of England and also of Ireland in earth the supreme head, the tenour whereof hereafter ensueth: Ed∣ward the sixt. &c. Wee Thomas by the sufferaunce of God Archbishop of Canterburye, primate of all Englande, and Metropolitane, wyth the right reuerende fathers in God,

Nicholas Bishop of London, Thomas Byshop of Ely, and Henry Byshop of Lincolne, Syr William Peter Knight, one of our said soueraigne Lordes two principall secretaries, Sir Iames Hales knight, one of our sayd so∣ueraigne Lordes Iustices of his common plees, Griffith Leison and Iohn Oliuer, Doctors of the Ciuill lawe, Ri∣chard Goodrike & Iohn Gosnold Esquiers, delegates, and Iudges assigned & appointed, rightfully & lawfully pro∣ceeding according to the forme & tenor of y^e said commissi∣on, for the hearing, examinatiō, debating, & finall determi∣nation of y^e causes and matters in the said commisson men∣tioned and conteined, and vpon the contentes of the same, and certeine articles obiected of office against you Steeuen Bishop of Winchester, as more plainely and fully is men∣cioned and declared in the said commission and articles, all which we repute & take here for to be expressed: & after son∣dry iudiciall assemblies, examinations, & debatings of the said cause & matters, with all incidents, emergents, & cir∣cumstances to the same or any of them belonging, and the same also beeing by vs ofte heard, seene, and well vnder∣standed, and with good and mature examination and deli∣beration debated, cōsidered and fully wayed and pondred, obseruing all such order and other things as by the lawes, equitie, and the said commission ought or needed heerein to be obserued, in the presence of you Steeuen Bishop of Winchester, do proceede to the geuing of our finall iudge∣ment and sentence diffinitiue in this maner following:

For asmuch as by the actes inacted, exhibites, and allega∣tions purposed, deduced, & alleaged, & by sufficient proofes with your owne confession in the causes aforesaid had and made, we do euidently finde and perceiue that you Steuen Bishop of Winchester haue not only transgressed the com∣maundements mencioned in the same,* 21.35 but also haue of lōg time, notwithstanding many admonitions and comman∣dements geuen vnto you to the contrary, remained, a per∣son much grudging, speaking, and repugning against the godly reformations of abuses in religion set foorth by the kings highnes authoritie within this his realme: and for∣asmuch as we do also finde you a notable, open, and con∣temptuous disobeyer, of sondry godly and iust commande∣ments geuen vnto you by our sayd soueraigne Lorde and by his authoritie, in diuers great and weighty causes, tou∣ching and cōcerning his princely office, the state and com∣mon quietnes of this his Realme: and for asmuch as you haue and yet do contemptuously refuse to recognise your notorious negligences, & misbehauiours, contempts, and disobediēces, remaining still after a great number of seue∣rall admonitions alwaies more and more indurate, incor∣rigible, and without all hope of amendement, cōtrary both to your oth sworne, obedience, promise, and also your boū∣den duety of allegiance: and for the great sclaunder and of∣fence of the people, arise in many partes of the Realme, through your wilfull doings, sayings, and preachings, contrary to the common order of the Realme, and for son∣dry other great causes by the actes, exhibites, your owne confession, and proofes of this processe more fully appea∣ring, considering withall that nothing effectually hath ben on your behalfe alleaged, purposed, and proued, ne by any other meanes appeareth, whiche doth or may empayre or take away the proofes made against you, vpon the sayde matters and other the premisses:

Therefore we Thomas Archbyshop of Caunterbury, Primate of all England and Metropolitane, Iudge dele∣gate aforesayd, calling God before our eyes, with expresse consent and assent of Nicholas B. of London, Tho. bishop of Ely, Henry B. of Lincolne, sir Wil. Peter Knight, Sir Iames Hales Knight, Griffith Leison, and Ioh. Oliuer, doctors of the ciuill law, Rich. Goodricke, and Iohn Gos∣nold, Esquires, Iudges, and Colleagues with vs in the matters aforesaid, and with the counsaile of diuers learned men in the lawes, with whome we haue conferred in and vpon the premisses,* 21.36 do iudge and determine you Steeuen Bishop of Winchester, to be depriued and remooued from the Bishopricke of Winchester, and from all the rightes, authoritie, emoluments, commodities, and other apurte∣naunces to the sayde Byshoprike in any wise belonging, whatsoeuer they be, and by these presentes we doe depriue and remoue you from your sayd Bishopricke, and all rites & other commodities aforesaide: and further pronounce & declare the sayd Byshopricke of Winchester to all effectes and purposes, to be voyde by this our sentence definitiue, which we geue, pronounce, and declare in these writings.

This sentence diffinitiue being geuen, the sayd Byshop of Winchester vnder his former protestatiōs, dissented frō the geuing and reading thereof, and frō the same as vniust of no efficacy or effect in law: and in that that the same con∣teineth excessiue punishmēt, and for other causes expressed in his appellation aforesayd, did then and there apud Acta, immediately after the pronouncing of the sētence, by word of mouth, appeale to the kinges Royall maiestie, first, se∣condly and thirdly, instantly, more instantly,* 21.37 most instant∣ly, & asked apostles, or letters dimissorials to be geuen and granted vnto him: And also vnder protestation not to re∣cede from the sayd appellation, asked a copy of the sayd sē∣tence, the Iudges declaring that they would first knowe the kinges pleasure and his counsell therin: vpon the rea∣ding and geuing of which sentence, the promoters willed Will. Say and Thomas A••gall to make a publicke In∣strument and the witnesses then and there present to beare testimony thereunto. &c.

And thus haue ye the whole discourse and processe of Steuen Gardiner late bishop of Winchester, vnto whome the Papisticall cleargy doth so much leane, as to a mighty Atlas: an vpholder of their ruinous Religion.* 21.38 And though I haue not here withal so fully expressed all his letters, an∣sweres, preachinges, examinations, defensions, exhibites & attestations, with the depositions of all suche witnesses as he could and did produce for the most aduantage of hys owne cause, with such notes also and collections gathered vpon the same, as here I might, and as before I haue don I must intreate y^e reader to cōsider first y^e greatnes of this volume which would not well beare the tedious tractatiō thereof: and secondly to content himself in resorting to our first history,* 21.39 where not onely he may peruse the whole dis∣course of this bishops doinges set foorth at large: but also may briefely read in a few summarye notes collected, the whole course of his doctrine and Iudgement, touchyng what poyntes of religion he did consent and agree, or not agree vnto. pag. 862.

And thus an end of Winchester for a while, til we come to talke of his death hereafter. Whome as wee number a∣mongest good Lawyers, so is he to be reckoned amongest ignoraunt and grosse Diuines,* 21.40 proud Prelates and blou∣dy persecuters: as both by his cruell life and Pharisaicall doctrine may appeare, especially in the article of the Sa∣crament, and of our iustification and Images, and also in crying out of the Paraphrase, not considering in whose person the things be spoken, but what the Paraphrast vt∣tereth in the person of Christ, or of the Euangelist, and not in his own, that he wrasteth vnto the author, and maketh thereof heresie, and abhomination.

The like impudency and quarrelling also hee vsed a∣gaynst Bucer, Luther, Peter Martyr, Cranmer, & almost agaynst all other true Interpreters of the Gospell. So blinde was his iudgement, or els so wilfull was his mind in the truth of Christs doctrine, that it is hard to say whe∣ther in him vnskilfulnes or wilfulnes had greater predo∣mination. But agaynst this doct. Gardiner we will now set and match on the cōtrary side, D. Redman,* 21.41 for so much as he departing this transitory life the same present yeare 1551. commeth now by course of history here to be mentio∣ned. Who for his singular life and profounde knowledge, being inferiour in no respect to the sayde Gardiner,* 21.42 shall stand as great a frend in promoting the gospels cause, as the other seemeth an enemy by all maner of wayes to em∣payre and deface the same. For the more assured declaratiō whereof, we will hereto adioyne (the Lorde willing) the learned communication betweene the said Doct. Redman lying in his deathbed, and M. Wilkes, mayster Alexander Nowell, Doct. Yong, and other witnesses moe. Whereof the sayd M. Wilkes thus recordeth, speaking in his owne person and his owne wordes as followeth.

A note of the communication that I Richard Wilkes had with maister Doctor Redman being sicke at West∣minster, but of good memory 2. Nouemb. 1551. in the presence of M. Yong & an other, whō I did not know, and 2. of M. Doct. Red∣mans seruants, the one called E∣lias, and the other vnknowne.

I The foresayd Richard Wilkes comming to Doct. Red∣man lying sicke at Westminster, and first saluting him af∣ter my ordinary duetye, wished him health both in soule & body, not doubting moreouer,* 21.43 but he did practise the god∣ly counsaile in himselfe, which he was wont to geue to o∣ther being in his case: and thankes be to God (said I) who had geuen him stuffe of knowledge to comfort himself w^t∣all. To whom he answering again, said in this wise: God of all comfort geue me grace to haue comfort in hym, and to haue my mind wholy fixed in him. M. Yong & I sayd, Amen. Thē I cōmoned w^t him of his sickenes, & the weak¦nes of his body, and said y^t though he were brought ne∣uer so low, yet he, if it were his pleasure that raised vp La∣zarus, could restore him to health agayne. No, no saith he,

that is past, and I desire it not but the will of God be ful∣filled.

After this or a little other like communication, I asked if I mighte be so bolde not troubling him, to knowe hys mynde for my learning in some matters and poyntes of re∣ligion. He sayd, yea, and that he was as glad to common wyth me, in such matters, as with any man. And then I sayde to hys seruauntes: I trust I shall not trouble hym. No said Ellis his seruaunt, my L. of London, M. Nowel and other haue communed with him, and he was glad of it. Then sayd M. Redman, no you shall not trouble me. I pray God euer geue me grace to speake the truth, and hys truth, and that which shall redound to his glory, and send vs vnitie in his Church, and we sayd, Amen.

I sayde he shoulde do much good in declaring his faith, and I would be glad to knowe his minde as touching the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ.* 21.44

He sayd, as man is made of two partes, of the body and the soule, so Christ would feede the whole man: but what (sayth he) be the wordes of the text? Let vs take the words of the Scripture: and he rehearsed the text himselfe thus: Accepit Iesus panem: Christ tooke bread. Wherein hys wyll was to institute a Sacrament, Accipite, commedite: Take, eate. Here he told the vse of it. What did he geue them? Hoc est corpus meum,* 21.45 he calleth it his body.

Then I asked him of the presence of Christ.

He said, Christ was present with his sacrament, and in those that receaued it as they ought. And there was Mira vnitio, a wonderfull vnion (for that word was named be∣twixt Christ and vs) as S. Paul saith: Vos estis os ex ossi∣bus eius, & caro ex carne eius. Ye be bone of his bones, and flesh of his flesh.* 21.46 The which vnion was ineffable.

Then I asked him what he thought of the opinion, that Christ was there corporally, naturally, and really.

He aunswered: if you meane by corporally, naturally, and really, that he is there present Verè, I graunt.

Then I asked how he thought of that which was wont commonly to be spoken, that Christ was there flesh, bloud & bone, as I haue heard the Stewards in their Leets giue charge when the 6. articles stoode in effect, and charge the Inquest to enquire, that if there were any that would de∣nie that Christ was present in the Sacrament of the aultar in flesh, bloud, and bone, they should apprehend them.

He said, that was too grosse, and could not well be excu∣sed from the opinion of the Capernaites.

* 21.47Thē I asked him: in as much as Christ was there Verè, howe do we receaue him? in our myndes and spirituall partes, or with our mouthes and into our bodies, or both?

He said, we receaue him in our minds & soules by fayth.

Then in asmuch as he was much in this point, y^t there was Mira vnitio, a marueylous vnion betwixt vs & Christ, in that we were Caro ex carne eius, & os ex ossibus eius: Bone of his bone,* 21.48 and flesh of his flesh: I desired to knowe his opi∣nion whether we receiued the very body of Christ wyth our mouthes, and into our bodies or no.

Here he paused & held his peace a litle space, and shortly after he spake, saying: I will not say so: I can not tell: it is a hard question, but surely saith he, we receiue Christ in our soule by faith. When you speake of it other wayes, it soun∣deth grosly and sauoureth of the Capernaites.

* 21.49Then I asked him what he thought of y^t which y^e Priest was wont to lift vp & shew the people betwixt his hāds?

He saide it is the Sacramente. Then sayd I, they were wont to worship that which was lifted vp. Yea saith he, but we must worship Christ in heauen: Christ is neither lifted vp nor downe. I am glad, sayd I, M. Doctour, to heare you say so much. I would not speake of the holy Sa∣crament otherwise then reuerently, but I feare least that Sacrament, and the little white peece of bread so lifted vp, hath robbed Christ of a great part of his honour.

* 21.50Then said he, looking, vp and praying, God graunt vs grace that we may haue y^e true vnderstanding of his word, whereby we may come to the true vse of his Sacraments, and sayd he woulde neuer allow the carying about of the Sacrament, and other fond abuses about the same.

Then after a little while pausing, said I: Maister Doc∣tor,* 21.51 if I shuld not trouble you, I would pray you to know your mind in transubstantiation. Iesu M. Wilkes (quoth he) wyll you aske me that? Syr sayde I, not if I shoulde trouble you. No, no, I will tell you saith he: Because I founde the opinion of Transubstantiation receiued in the Church, when I heard it spoken against, I searched the auncient Doctors diligently,* 21.52 & went about to stablishe it by them, because it was receiued. And whē I had read ma∣ny of them, I found little for it, & could not be satisfied. Thē I went to the Schoole Doctors, and namely to Gabriell, and wayed his reasons. The which when I had done, and perceiued they were no pithier, Languescebat opinio mea de transubstantiatione, my opinion of Transubstantiation waxed feeble, and then (sayth he) I returned agayne to Ter∣tullian and Irenaeus, and when I had obserued their say∣ings, mine opinion that there should be transubstantiati∣on, prorsus erat abolita: was quite dashed.

Then sayd I,* 21.53 you know that the Schoole Doctors dyd hold that panis non remanebat post consecrationem, that bread remained not after consecration as they called it.

The schoole Doctors (sayth he) did not know what con∣secratio doth meane: and here he paused a while. I pray you sayd I, what say you that consecratio doth meane? Sayth he, it is Tota actio, in ministring the Sacramente,* 21.54 as Christ did institute it. All the whole thing done in the ministery, as Christ ordeyned it, that is, consecratio, and what (saith he) neede we to doubt that bread remayneth? Scripture calleth it bread, and certaine good authors that be of the latter time, be of that opinion.

After that I had communed with M. Redman,* 21.55 and ta∣ken my leaue of him, M. Yong came foorth into the nexte chamber with me, to whome I said that I was glad to see M. Doct. Redman so well minded. Then said M. Yong to me, I am sure he will not deny it. I ensure you saith he, M. Doct. hath so moued me, that where as I was of that opi∣nion before in certaine things,* 21.56 that I would haue burned and lost my life for them, now saith M. Yong, I doubt of them. But I see (saith he) a man shall knowe more & more by processe of time, and reading and hearing of other, and M. Doct Redmans saying shall cause me to looke more di∣ligently for them.

Also Ellis M. Doctour Redmans seruaunt shewed me that he did knowe that his maister had declared to Kyng Henry 8. his Maiesty, that faith only iustifieth:* 21.57 but that doctrine as he thought, was not to be taught the people, least they should be negligent to do good workes.

The sayd maister Yong hath reported (the which also I heard) that M. Doctor Redman should say, that consensus Ecclesiae, the consent of the Church was but a weake staffe to leane to, but did exhort him to reade the Scriptures, for there was that which should comfort him when he should be in such case as he was then.

*Another communication betweene Doctor Red∣man lying in his death bead, and Mayster Nowell then Schoolemaister in Westminster, and certaine other, with notes of his censure & iudge∣ment touching certayne poyntes of Christes Religion.

1 IN primis, the sayd D. Redman sent for M. Nowell of his own mind,* 21.58 and said he was willing to commune with him of such matters as he had moued y^e said D. Red∣man of a day or two before: and he being desired of the said M. Nowell to declare his mind cōcerning certain points of our Religion, first said: aske me what ye will, and I wil answere you (before God) truly as I thinke, without any affection to the world, or any worldly person.

Witnesses Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lo∣mas, Iohn Wright.

2 Item, the said D. Redman said, that the sea of Rome in these latter daies is Sentina malorū, that is, a sinke of al euil.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Iohn Wright, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, Ellis Lomas.

3 Item, that Purgatory, as the schoolemen taught it and vsed it, was vngodly, and that there was no such kynde of Purgatory as they fantasied.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, Iohn Wright.

4 Item,* 21.59 that the offring vp of the Sacrament in Masses and Trentals for the sinnes of the dead, is vngodly.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edward Cratford, Ellis Lomas.

5 Item, that the wicked are not pertakers of the body of Christ, but receiue the outward Sacrament only.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw. Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, Iohn Wright.

6 Item, that the Sacrament ought not to be caried about in procession:* 21.60 for it is taught what is the vse of it in these wordes: Accipite, manducate, & bibite, & hoc facite in mei memoriam: Take, eate, and drinke, and do this in remembrance of me.

Witnesses Ioh. Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Iohn Wright, Edward Cratford, Ellis Lomas.

7 Item, that nothing which is seene in the Sacramente,* 21.61 or perceiued with any outward sence, is to be worshipped.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Alexander Nowell, Ellis Lomas, Richard Burton.

8 Item, that we receiue not Christes body Corporaliter, id est, crassè: corporally, that is to saye, grosly,* 21.62 like other

meates, and like as Capernaites did vnderstand it.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edw. Cratford, Ellis Lomas, Iohn Wright.

9 Item, that we receiue Christes body sic spiritualiter vt tamen verè:* 21.63 so spiritually, that neuerthelesse truly.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Edward Cratford,* 21.64 Ellis Lomas, Iohn Wright.

10 Item, as touching transubstantiation, that there is not in any of the old doctours any good ground or sure proofe thereof, or any mention of it, as farre as euer he could per∣ceiue, neither that he seeth what can be aunswered to the obiections made against it.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas.

11 Item, being asked of Maister Wilkes what that was which was lifted vp betwene the priestes handes, he aun∣swered: he thought that Christ could neyther be lifted vp nor downe.

Witnesses Iohn Yong, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas.

12 Item, that Priestes may by the lawe of God marry wiues.

Witnesses Alexander Nowell, Ellis Lomas.

13 That this proposition: Sola fides iustificat, so that fides signifie Veram, viuam, & acquiescentem in Christo fidem, id est am••lexum Christi: that is to say, that only faith doth iusti∣fie, so that faith do signifie a true, a liuely▪ and a faith resting in Christ and embracing Christ: is a true, godly, sweete, and comfortable doctrine, so that it be so taught that the people take none occasion of carnall libertie thereof.* 21.65

Witnesses Ioh. Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ioh. Wright, Edwarde Cratford, Richard Elithorne, Ellis Lomas.

14 Item, that our workes cannot deserue the kingdome of God,* 21.66 and life euerlasting.

Witnesses Ioh. Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edwarde Cratford, Richard Elithorne, Iohn Wright.

15 Item, that the sayde D. Redman, at such times as wee the foresayd persons, which haue subsc••ibed, heard his cō∣munication concerning the for••said pointes of Religion, was of quiet mind and of perfite remembraunce, as farre as we were able to iudge.

Witnesses Ioh. Yong, Alexander Nowell, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edward Cratford▪ Richard Elithorne, Iohn Wright.

¶Also M. Yong of himselfe doth declare further tou∣ching the former Articles in this wise.

¶To the v. Article.

IN primis, that D. Redman sayd more, where as S. Au∣gustine sayde:* 21.67 Quòd Iudas idem accepit quod Petrus, that Iudas receiued the same that Peter did, he said that he vn∣derstoode that of the Sacramente, and that after the same phrase a man might say: Quòd Simon Magus idem Baptisma recepit quod Apostoli, that Simon Magus receiued the same Baptisme that the Apostles did, when he did receiue only the outwarde Sacramente to his condemnation: for he sayd that he thought Christ would not vouchsafe to giue his holy flesh to an vngodly man. And this he saide was alwayes his mind, though he knew that other men did o∣therwise thinke.

¶To the vj. Article.

Item, he sayde, he neuer liked the cariage aboute of the Sacrament,* 21.68 and preached against it about 16. yeares since in Cambridge.

¶To the x Article.

Item, when he was demaunded of transubstantiation, he sayde,* 21.69 that he had trauayled about it, and thinking that the doubtes which he perceyued dyd rise thereon shoulde be made playne by the Schoolemen, did reade their bookes, and after that he had read them, the opinion of Transub∣stantiation was euery day Magis & magis languida, that is, weaker and weaker, and that there was no suche Tran∣substantiation as they made, adding therto, that the whole Schoole did not knowe what was meant by consecration, which he sayd was the whole action of the holy Commu∣nion.

¶To the xiij. Article.

Item, he sayd that he did repent him that he had so much striued against iustification by only faith.* 21.70

¶To the xiiij. Article.

Item, that workes had their crowne and rewarde, but that they did not deserue eternall life,* 21.71 and the kyngdome of God, no not the workes of grace: Nam donum dei vita aeter∣na. For euerlasting life is the gift of God.

Although the••e testimonies aboue alledged may suffice for a declaration touching the honest life, sounde doctrine, and sincere iudgement of Doctour Redman: yet (velut ex abundanti) I thought not to cut off in this place, the testi∣moniall letter or Epistle of D. Yong writtē to M. Cheke, specially concerning the premisses. Which Epistle of Doct. Yong, as I receiued it written by his owne hand in the la∣tine tongue, the copy whiche he himselfe hath not, nor can deny to be his owne, & is extant to be read in the former booke of Actes and Monumentes, so I haue here exhibi∣ted the same faythfully translated into the English tongue the tenour whereof here followeth.

The letter of M. Yong written to M. Cheke concerning Doct. Redman, translated out of Latine into English.

ALthough right worshipfull,* 21.72 I am stricken into no lit∣tle dampe and dolour of minde for the vnripe (but that it otherwise pleased almighty God) & lamentable death of that most blessed & learned man doct. Redman, in so much that all astonied with weeping and lamenting, I can not tell what to doe or thinke (yet neuerthelesse: (perceiuing it to be your worships will and pleasure, that so I shoulde do) I gladly cal my wittes together, and purpose by gods grace, here in these my letters, sincerely and truely to open and declare what I heard that worthy learned man speak and confesse at the houre of his death as touching the con∣trouersies of religion, wherwith the spouse of Christ is in these our dayes most miserably troubled and tormented.

This Doct. Redman, being continually by the space of xx. yeares or somewhat more exercised in the reading of the holy scripture, wi••h such industry, ••abor, modesty, magna∣nimiti••, and prayers to almigh••y God tryed and wayed y^e controuersies of religiō, that in al his doings as he would not seeme to approue that was either false or superstitious so he would neuer improue that he thought to stand wyth the true worship of God.* 21.73 And albeit in certayne poyntes and articles of his fayth, he seemed to diuers whiche were altogether ignoraunt of that his singular grauitie, eyther for so••tnes, ••eare, or lacke of stomacke to chaunge his mind and beliefe, yet they, to whom his former life and conuersa∣tion by familiar acquayntaunce with him was throughlye knowne, with them also which were present at his depar∣ture, may easely perceaue and vnderstand, how in graue & weighty matters, not rashly and vnaduisedly, but wyth constant iudgement and vnfayned conscience he descended into that maner of beliefe which at that time of his goyng out of this world, he openly professed.

I geue your wisedome to vnderstand, that when death drew neare, he casting away all hope of recouery, minded & talked of no other thing (as we which were presēt heard) but of heauē and heauenly matters, of the latter day of our Sauiour Iesus Christ, with whom most feruently he de∣sired to be: whose incredible loue towardes vs miserable sinners,* 21.74 most worthely and not without teares hee often times vsed to extol and speake of: and vs which wer there present, he earnestly moued and exhorted to prepare oure selues to Christ, to loue one an other, and to beware of this most wretched & corrupt world. And besides that he pro∣mised (calling God to witnes thereunto, to whom he tru∣sted shortly to come) if any woulde demaund any question that he would answere him what he thought in his iudge∣ment to be the truth.* 21.75 At what time there were present M. Alexander Nowell, a man earnestly bent to the true wor∣shipping of God, and one that had alway singularly well loued y^e said M. Redman: to whome he spake on this wise:

Your excellent learning and purity of life I haue euer both highly fauoured, and had in admiration: and for no o∣ther cause (God be my iudge) I do aske these things of you which I shall propound, but that I might learne & knowe of you what is your opinion and beliefe touchynge those troblous controuersies which are in these our dayes: and I shall receaue and approue your wordes as oracles sent from heauen.

To whom when doct. Redman had geuen leaue to de∣maund what he would, and had promised that he woulde faythfully and sincerely aunswere (all affection set aside) what he thought to be the truth, M. Nowel said: I would (quoth he) right gladly, but that I feare by my talke and communication I shalbe vnto you, so feeble and nowe al∣most spent, a trouble and griefe. Then sayd Doct. Redmā replying: what shall I spare my carcas (quoth he) whiche hath so short a time here to remaine? Go to, go to (sayd he) propound what you will. Thē M. Nowell put forth cer∣tayne questions in order, which I will here declare: wher∣unto the sayd doct. Redman seuerally answered, as here∣after followeth.

The first question that he asked of him was, what hee thought of the bishop of Rome. Unto whō Doct. Redmā answered that the Sea of Rome in these our latter dayes had much swarued from the true religiō and worshipping of God & is with horrible vices stayned & polluted:* 21.76 which I therfore (quoth he) pronounce to be the sincke of all euill and shortly wil come to vtter ruine by scourge of God, ex∣cept

it do fall the sooner to repentance: wherewith he briefly complayned of the filthy abuse of our Englishe Church.

Beeing then asked what his opinion was concerning purgatory,* 21.77 and what the Scholemen iudged therof, he an∣swered, that the subtill reasons of the Scholemen concer∣ning purgatory, seemed to him to be no lesse vayne, and friuolous, then disagreeing from the truth: adding there∣unto: that when we be rapt vp to the cloudes to meete Christ comming to iudgemēt with a great number of An∣gels in all glory and maiesty then euery one shall be pur∣ged with fire as it is written: The fire shall go before hym, and shall flame round about his enemies, and the fire shall burne in his sight,* 21.78 and round about him shall be a great tempest: saying that diuers of the old writers approued this his sentence concerning purgatory.

When he was asked whether wicked and vngodly peo∣ple in the holy communion did eate the body of Christ, and drinke his bloud: he aunswered that such kind of men dyd not eate Christes most blessed flesh, but only tooke the Sa∣cramēt to their own damnation:* 21.79 saying that Christ would not gyue his most pure and holy flesh to be eaten of suche naughty and impure persons, but would withdraw hym∣selfe from them. And that (quoth hee) that is obiected by S. Augustine, that Iudas receiued the selfesame thing whych Peter receiued: that I thinke to be vnderstanded of the ex∣ternall Sacrament. And the like kynde of phrase of spea∣king (sayde hee) we may vse concerning the baptisme of Magus: that Simon Magus receaued that which the Apostles did receaue. In deede as concerning the Sacrament of the externall baptisme, Simon Magus receaued that whiche the Apostles did, but that internall grace, wherewith the Apostles were endued, and that holy spirit wherewith by baptisme they were enspired, he lacked. And so (quoth he) the wicked and forsaken people, which rashly presume to come to the holy table of the Lorde, do receiue the Sacra∣ment and the selfesame which good and godly men receiue: but the body of Christ, they do not receiue, for Christ doth not vouchsafe to deliuer it them. And thus he sayd was his opinion and beliefe, although he knewe others to be of a contrary iudgement.

Being then after this demaunded whether he thought Christes presence to be in the Sacrament or no, he answe∣red that Christ dyd geue & offer to faythfull and Christian men,* 21.80 his very reall body and bloud verely & really vnder sacramēts of bread & wine, in somuch that they which de∣uoutly come to bee partakers of that holy foode, are by the benefite thereof vnited and made one with Christe in hys fleshe and body. And therefore he sayde that Christ dyd di∣stribute his body spiritually that he gaue it truly,* 21.81 not so yet neuerthelesse that by these and the like wordes we should conceiue any grosse or carnall intelligence, such as the Ca∣pernaites once dreamed of, but that (quoth he) we myghte labour & endeuour to expresse by some kinde of wordes the ineffable maiestie of this misterie. For the maner whereby Christ is there present, and ministreth to the faythfull hys flesh, is altogether inexplicable: but we must beleue (quoth he) and thinke, that by Gods mighty power & the holy o∣peration of his spirit, this so notable a mistery was made: & that heauen & earth was ioined together in that momēt, as the blessed man s. Gregory saith: y^e lowest parts are ioi∣ned w^t the highest: By which is vnderstand that holy food, whereby they whiche be regenerate by the holy Ghost in baptisme, are nourished to immortalitie. And further hee sayd that Christes body was receiued in the sayde Sacra∣ment by faith: which being receiued both body and soule, were quickned to euerlasting life.

Beeing then required to say his minde about transub∣stantiation, he gaue answere that he had much trauelled in that point,* 21.82 and that he first much fauoured and enclined to that part which mainteined transubstantiation: in sear∣ching the veritie whereof most studiously, he had bene no little while occupied, and founde to arise thereabout infi∣nite, and almost inexplicable absurdities. In confutyng whereof, when he had but smally contented himselfe, he said he tooke in hand the Scholemens works, and perused Gabriell and other writers of that sorte, for that by theyr helpe and aide he hoped that all inconueniences which did spring and arise by maintenance of Transubstantiation, might be cleane conuinced and wiped away. Of which his hope he was vtterly frustrate (sayd he) for that he did finde in those works many fond and fantasticall things, which were both too foolish to be recorded in writing, and also to be alledged about such a mistery: and truly (saide he) euer after the reading of them, my former zeale and opinion, touching the maintenance of transubstantiation, did euery day more and more decrease, and therefore in conclusion perswaded himselfe to thinke that there was no such tran∣substantiation as the Schoolemen imagined and fained to be, saying that in deede the auncient writers were plain••∣ly against the maintenance thereof: amongst whome, he recited by name Iustine, Irene, and Tertullian, notorious ad∣uersaries to the same. Furthermore, he added heereunto,* 21.83 that the whole Schoole vnderstoode not what this word Consecratio was: which he defined to be the full and entire action of the whole Communion.

Being demaunded also whether we ought to worship Christ present in his holy Supper, he told vs that we are bound so to do: and that it was most agreeing to piety and godly Religion. Likewise being asked whether he would haue the visible Sacrament to be worshipped, which we see with our eyes, and is lifted vp betweene the Priestes hands: he answered, that nothing which was visible, and to be seene with the eye, is to be adored or worshipped, nor that Christ woulde be eleuated into any higher, or pulled downe into any lower place,* 21.84 and that he can neither bee lifted vp higher, nor pulled downe lower.

Againe, being asked what his iudgement was about the custome and maner in carying about the Sacrament in so∣lemne pompes, processions and otherwise: he said, that he alwaies misliked and reproued that order: in so much that about xvj. yeares agon openly in the pulpit at Cambridge he spake against that abuse and disalowed that ceremony, shewing that Christ had expressed by playne and euidente wordes a very fruitefull and right vse of this Sacrament, when he sayde Take ye: (by which phrase quoth hee, he doth expresse that he will giue a gift:) Eate yee: (by whyche words he doth declare the proper vse and order of that hys precious gift:) This is my body: (whereby he doth euidently and plainely shewe what by that gift they should receaue, and how royall and precious a gift he woulde giue them: and therefore he iudged such pompous and superstitious ostentations vtterly to be condemned and taken as plaine mockeries and Counterfaite visars.

His iudgement also being asked about the Commemo∣ration of the dead, and the remembrance of them in orisons whether he thought it profitable or no: he aunswered, that it seemed to him to be no lesse profitable then religious and godly: and that might be well proued out of the bookes of Machabees. The which bokes although Saint Hierome adiudging as not authentike,* 21.85 thought good to bee read in the Temples onely for the edifying of the Church, and not for the assertion of opinions: yet with me the opinions of the other writers, to whome those bookes are allowed as Canons, preuaileth: which he in that point thinketh good to be read.

Being furthermore required to shew hys mynde about trentall Masses, and Masses of Scala coeli,* 21.86 he shewed them that they were altogether vnprofitable, superstitious, and irreligious, flowing out of the filthy and impure fountaine of superstition, not yelding the fruite which they promised to bring forth. The Sacrifice of the Supper of the Lorde, (the Eucharist I meane) that sacrifice he sayd could not be offered for the sinnes of the quicke and the dead.* 21.87

Finally, of his owne voluntary will, and no man (as farre as I can call to remembrance) demaunding of him, he shewed his opinion concerning Iustification by Christ, I lament (said he) and repent, beseching God forgiuenes for the same, that to seriously and earnestly I haue wyth∣stand this proposition: that onely fayth doth iustifye, but I alwayes feared that it should be taken to the libertie of the fleshe,* 21.88 and so should defile the innocencie of life which is in Christ. But that proposition: that onely faith doth iustifye, is true (quoth he) sweete and full of spirituall comfort, if it be truely taken, and rightly vnderstanded. And when hee was demaunded what he thought to be the true and very sense thereof: I vnderstand (quoth he) that to be the liuely faith, which resteth in our only Sauiour Iesus Christ and imbraceth him: so that in our only Sauiour Iesus Christ, all the hope and trust of our saluation be surely fixed. And as cōcerning good works (said he) they haue their crowne and merite: and are not destitute of their rewards. Yet ne∣uerthelesse they do not merite the kingdome of heauen. For no workes (said he) coulde not purchase and obteyne that blessed, happy and euerlasting immortalitie:* 21.89 no nor yet those things whiche we do vnder grace by the motion of the holy Ghost. For that blessed and immortall glory is gi∣uen and bestowed vpon vs mortall men, of the heauenly father for his Sonne our Sauiour Christes sake, as S. Paule testifieth, The gift of God is eternall life.* 21.90

And these be the resolutions which I heard him geue to the questions by M. Nowell proposed.* 21.91 From which hys sentence and iudgement so heard by me and of him vttered (as I remember) I neuer declined or varied. I beseeche our Lorde Iesus Christ to cease these troublous stormes wherewith the Church is tossed, and vouchsafe for his ho∣ly names sake tenderly to beholde & looke vpon his poore

wretched flocke so miserably scattered and dispersed,* 21.92 besee∣ching him also of his goodnes to preserue your worship. At London the third of Nouember.

*Heere followeth the history no lesse lamentable then notable of William Gardiner an Englishman, suf∣fering most constantly in Portyngale for the testimony of Gods truth.

* 21.93COmming now to the yeare next following 1552. wee will some what step aside, and borow a little leaue, coa∣sting the Seas into Portingale amongst the Popish mar∣chauntes there, whither a certaine countrymā of ours doth call me, named William Gardiner, a man verely in my iudgement, not only to be compared with the most princi∣pall & chiefe Martirs of these our daies, but also such one, as the auncient Churches in the time of the first persecuti∣ons, can not shew a more famous: whether we do behold the force of his faith, his firme and stedfast constantnes, the inuincible strength of his spirit, or the cruell and horrible tormentes: the report only and hearing whereof, were e∣nough to put any man in horror or feare. Yet notwyth∣standing so farre it was of that the same did discourage him, that it may be doubted whether the payne of his bo∣dy, or the courage of his mind were the greater: when as in deede both appeared to be very great.

Wherfore, if any prayse or dignity amongst men, (as rea∣son is) be due vnto the Martirs of Christ for their valiant actes,* 21.94 this one man amongst many, seemeth worthy to bee numbred and also to be celebrate in the Church with Igna∣tius, Laurentius, Ciriatius, Grescentius, and Gordianus. And if the Church of Christ do receiue so great and manifolde be∣nifits by these martirs, with whose bloud it is watred, by whose ashes it is enlarged, by whose constancie it is con∣firmed, by whose testimonie it is witnessed, and finally through whose agonies and victories the truth of the Gos∣pell doth gloriously triumph: let not vs then thinke it any great matter, to requite them with our duety againe, by committing them vnto memory, as a perpetuall token of our good will towards them. Albeit, they themselues re∣ceiue no glory at our hands, and much lesse challenge the same: but referre it wholy vnto the Lord Christ, frō whom it came whatsoeuer great or notable thing there was in them. Notwithstanding, for so much as Christ himselfe is glorified in his Saints, we cā not shew our selues thanke∣full vnto him, except we also shew our selues dutifull vnto those, by whome his glory doth increase.

Heereupon I thinke it came to passe, that the aunciente Christians in the time of the first persecutiōs,* 21.95 thought good to celebrate yearely commemorations of the Martirdome of those holy men, not so much to honour thē, as to glorifie God in his souldiours, vnto whom all glory & praise doth worthely belong: and moreouer, that we being instructed by their example, might bee the more prompt and ready in the policies of those warres, to stand more stoutly in bat∣ta••le against our aduersaries, and learne the more easily to contemne and despise thys worlde. For in considering the ende and death of these men, who will greatly long or luste after this life, which is so many wayes miserable, through so many afflictions dolorous, through so many casualties rumous, wherin consisteth so litte constancie & lesse safety, being neuer free from some hard calamitie one or other? What good mā would haue this world in reputatiō, wher∣in he seeth so many good men so cruelly oppressed, & wher∣in no man can liue in quietnes, except he be wicked? Wher∣fore I do not a little merueile,* 21.96 that in this great slaughter of good mē with so many spectacles and examples of cruell tormēt, Christians do yet liue as it were drowned in y^e foo∣lish desires of this world, seeing dayly before their eyes so many holy and innocent men yeeld vp their spirits vnder the handes of such tormentors, to lye in filthy prisons, in bondes, darkenes, and teares, & in the end to be consumed with fire. We see so many Prophets of God, euen Christ himself the sonne of God,* 21.97 to be so cruelly and many waies afflicted in this world, tormoiled, scourged and crucified: & yet we laugh, drinke, and giue our selues vnto all losenes of life, and all lasciuiousnes. For honour & great possessi∣ons we contend: we build: we study & labour by al meanes to make our selues rich. Unto whome it doth not suffice y^t we with safety and freedome from their afflictions, racks, wheeles, scourges, yrons read hote, gredirōs, fleshhookes, mallets, and other kyndes of tormentes, may serue our Christ in peace and quiet: but being herewith not content, will giue ouer our selues to all kinde of wickednes, to be led away at the will and pleasure of Sathan?

* 21.98But what do we thinke in so doing? Eyther we must recken those mē to be most miserable in this life, or els our selues to be most vnhappy. But if their blessednes be most certaine and sure, then let vs direct the course of our life to the same felicitie. These men haue forsaken this life, which they might haue enioyed. But if w•• cannot willingly put of this life, yet let vs not be slow to amend and correct the same: and though wee cannot dye with them in like mar∣tyrdome, yet let vs mortifie the worldly and prophane affections of y^e flesh, which striue agaynst y^e spirite & at the least let vs not runne thus headlong into the licētious de∣sires of the world, as we do. As the lyfe of Christen men is nowe, I praye thee, what doe these bondes, prisons, these woundes and scarres, these great fires, and other horrible tormentes of martirs, then vpbrayd vnto vs our slouthful sluggishnes, & worthely make vs ashamed therof? Which Martirs if in their liues they liued so innocently, & in their death continued so constant, what then is to be deemed of vs which suffer nothing for Christ, and will not take vpon vs the small conflict agaynst vices & our owne affections? How would we suffer the cruell looks of tirannes?* 21.99 y^e fear∣full kindes of torments, or the violent assaultes of the tor∣menters in any quarrell of godlines, if in peace and quiet∣nes we are & y^t with euery small breath or winde of temp∣tation we are blown away frō God, so faynt harted w^tout any resistaunce are caryed headlong into all kinde of wic∣kednes & mischiefe? One singeth songes of loue, an other watcheth all the night at dice, some spend their life & tyme day by day in hawking & hūting, some tipple so at tauerns that they come home reeling. Others what soeuer desire of reuenge doth put into their heads, that by and by they seek to put in practise. Some gape after riches: some swell with ambition: some thinke they are borne for no other purpose but for pleasure and pastime. All the world is full of iniury and periury, nay rather it is so rare a thinge paciently to suffer iniuries done vnto ••s, that except we haue y^e sleight to doe iniury to other, wee thinke our selues scarse men. There is no loue almost nor Charitie among men: neither is there any man that regardeth the good name or fame of his neighbour.

But amongst al the rest, vnsatiable couetousnes and a∣uarice so raigneth that no man almost is contented w^t any tollerable estate of life, either that wil prescribe himself any measure in hauing y^t he possesseth: or in proling for y^e which he lacketh: neuer quiet, but alwayes toiling, neuer satisfied but alwaies vnsatiable. Whereby it so commeth, that the mindes of Christen men, being occupyed in suche worldly carks & cares, can scarsely find any vacant leisure to think vpon heauenly things: and yet notwithstanding w^t these mindes, we will needes seeme Christians. But nowe set∣ting apart these complayntes spent in vayne, we will pro∣secute our purposed story touching good W. Gardiner.

And first as cōcerning his kinred, he was of an honest stocke, borne at Bristow,* 21.100 a towne of Marchandise on the seacost of England, honestly brought vp and by nature ge∣uen vnto grauitie, of a meane stature of body, of a comelye & pleasant countenance, but in no part so excellent as in y^e inward quallities of the mind, which he alwayes from his childhood preserued without spot of reprehension. Also his handsome and indifferent learning did not a litle commēd & beautifie his other ornamēts. When he grew vnto those yeares at which young men are accustomed to settle theyr minds to some kinde of life, it happened y^t he gaue himselfe to the trade of Marchandise, vnder y^t conduct & guidyng of a certaine marchant of Bristow, called M. Paget,* 21.101 by whō he was at the last (being of the age of xxvi. yeares, or ther∣about,) sent into Spayne, and by chaunce the ship ariuing at Lishborne (which is the chiefe Citie of Portugale) he ta∣ryed there about his Marchandise, where at the last he ha∣uing gotten vnderstanding of the language and being ac∣customed to their maners, became a profitable seruāt both vnto his maister & others, in such things as pertayned vn¦to the trade of that vocation. Whereunto he did so applye himselfe that neuerthelesse he in that popish country reser∣uing still the religion of his owne country of England, e∣uer kept himself sound and vndefiled from the Portugals superstition. There were also besides him diuers other good men in y^e same Cittie.* 21.102 Neither did he lacke good books or the conference of good and honest men, vnto whome he would oftentimes bewayle his imbecilitie and weakenes that he was neither sufficiently touched w^t the hatred of his sinnes, neither yet inflamed with the loue of godlines.

Whilest hee was there abiding, it happened that there should be a solemne maryage,* 21.103 celebrate y^e first day of Sep∣tember in the yeare abouesayd, betweene two Princes: to say, the sonne of the king of Portugale, & the Spanishe K. his daughter. The mariage daye being come, there was great resort of the Nobility and Estates. There lacked no Bishops with Miters, nor Cardinals with their hats, to set out this royall wedding. To be short they wēt forward to the wedding with great Pompe, where a great con∣course

of people resorted, some of good will, some for ser∣uice sake, and some (as the maner is) to gaze and looke. Great preparation of all parties was there throughout the whole Citie, as in such cases is accustomed, and all places were filled with mirth and gladnes. In this great assem∣bly of the whole kingdome, William Gardiner, who, al∣beit he did not greatly esteeme such kind of spectacles, yet being allured through the fame and report thereof, was there also, comming thether early in the morning, to the intent he might haue the more oportunitie and better place to behold and see.

The houre being come, they flocked into the church with great solemnitie and pompe: the King first, and then euery estate in order.* 21.104 The greater persons, the more ceremonies were about them. After all things were set in order, they went forward to the celebrating of their Masse: for that a∣lone serueth for all purposes. The Cardinall did execute, with much singing and orgaine playing. The people stood with great deuotion and silence, praying, looking, knee∣ling, and knocking, their mindes being fully bent and set, as it is the maner, vppon the externall sacramente. How greeuously these things did pricke and mooue this yong mans minde, it can not be expressed, partly to beholde the miserable absurditie of those things, and partly to see the folly of the common people: and not only of the common people,* 21.105 but specially to see the King himself and his Coun∣cell, with so many sage and wise men (as they seemed) to be seduced with like Idolatry as the common people were: In so much that it lacked very little, but that he woulde e∣uen that present day haue done some notable thing in the Kings sight and presence, but that the great prease and throng that was about him, letted that he could not come vnto the altar. What neede many words? when the cere∣monies were ended, he commeth home very sad and heauy in his minde: in so much that all his fellowes marueiled greatly at him: Who albeit vpon diuers coniectures they conceiued the cause of his sadnes, notwithstanding they did not fully vnderstand that those matters so much trou∣bled his godly mind: neither yet did he declare it vnto any man, but seeking solitarines & secret places falling downe prostrate before God, with manifold teares bewayled the neglecting of his dutie, deliberating with himselfe how he might reuoke that people from their impietie and super∣stition.

In this deliberation and aduise his mind being fully set∣led, and thinking that the matter ought not to be any lon∣ger differred, he renounced the world, making vp all his accompts so exactly (as well of that whiche was due vnto him,* 21.106 as that whiche he ought vnto others) that no man coulde iustly aske so muche as one farthing. Which thyng done, he continued night and day in prayer calling vppon God, and continuall meditation of the Scriptures, that scarsely he would take any meate by day,* 21.107 or slepe by night, or that most, aboue an houre or two of rest in the night, as Pendigrace his felow companion both at bed and boord, being yet aliue, can testifie.

The Sonday came againe to be celebrate either wyth like pompe & solemnitie,* 21.108 or not much lesse, wheras the sayd William was present earely in the morning, very cleanely apparelled euen of purpose, that he might stand neare the altar without repulse. Within a while after commeth the King with all his Nobles. Then Gardiner setteth hym∣selfe as neare the alter as he might, hauing a Testament in his hand, the which he diligently read vpon, and prayed, vntill the time was come that he had appointed to worke his feate.* 21.109 The Masse began, which was then solemnised by a Cardinall. Yet he sate still. He which said Masse, pro∣ceeded, he consecrated, sacrificed, lifted vp on high, shewed his God vnto the people, all the people gaue great reue∣rence, and as yet he stirred nothing. At the last they came vnto that place of the Masse, whereas they vse to take the ceremoniall Hoste, and tosse it too and fro round about the Chalice, making certaine circles and semicircles. Then the sayd William Gardiner not being able to suffer any lon∣ger, ranne speedily vnto the Cardinall: and (which is vn∣credible to be spoken) euen in the presence of the King and all his Nobles and Citizens,* 21.110 with the one hande he snat∣ched away the cake from the Priest, and trode it vnder hys feete, and with the other hand ouerthrew the chalice. Thys matter at the first made them all abashed, but by and by there rose a great tumult, and the people began to cry out. The Nobles and the common people ranne together, a∣mongst whome, one drawing out his dagger, gaue him a great wounde in the shoulder, and as he was aboute to strike him againe to haue slaine him, the King twise com∣maunded to haue him saued. So by that meanes they ab∣steined from murther.* 21.111

After the tumult was ceased, he was brought vnto the King: by whome he was demaunded what countreyman he was,* 21.112 and how he durst be so bold to worke such a con∣tumely against his Maiestie, and the Sacramentes of the Church? He answered: Most noble King, I am not asha∣med of my Countrey, which am an Englishman both by birth and religion, and am come hether only for traffike of Marchaundise. And when I saw in this famous assembly so great Idolatry committed, my conscience neither ought neither could any longer su••••er, but that I must needes do that which you haue scene me presently do. Whiche thyng (most noble Prince) was not done nor thought of me for any contumely or reproche of your presence, but onely for this purpose (as before God I do clearely confesse) to seeke the only saluation of this people.

When they heard that he was an Englishman,* 21.113 and cal∣led to remembraunce how the Religion was restored by K. Edward, they were by and by brought in suspition, that he had bene suborned by Englishmen thus to do, to mocke and deride their religion. Wherefore they were the more earnest vpon him to knowe who was the author and pro∣curer that he should commit that act. Unto whome he an∣swered, desiring them that they would conceiue no suche suspition of him, for so much as he was not moued there∣unto by any man, but only by his owne conscience.* 21.114 For o∣therwise there was no man vnder the heauen, for whose sake he would haue put himselfe into so manifest daunger: but that he ought this seruice first vnto God, and seconda∣rily vnto their saluation: wherefore if he had done anye thing which were displeasaunt vnto them, they ought to impute it vnto no man, but vnto themselues, which so vn∣reuerētly vsed the holy Supper of the Lord vnto so great Idolatry, not without great ignominie vnto the Church, violation of the Sacraments, and the perill of their owne soules, without they repented.

Whilest that he spake these with many other thynges more vnto this effect very grauely and stoutly, the bloud ran aboundantly out of the wounde, so that he was ready to faint. Whereupon Surgeons were sent for, whereby he might be cured if it were possible, and be reserued for fur∣ther examination, and more greeuous torment. For they were fully perswaded that this deede had diuers abbettors and setters on: which was the cause that all the other eng∣lishmen also in the same citie came into suspition, and were commaunded to safe custody. Amongst whome,* 21.115 Pendi∣grace, because he was his bedfellow, was greeuously tor∣mented and examined more then the residue, and scarcely was deliuered after two yeares imprisonment. The other were much sooner set at libertie at the intercession of a cer∣taine Duke. Notwithstanding their suspition coulde not yet be satisfied, but they came vnto his chamber to seeke if there were any letters,* 21.116 to vnderstand and find out the au∣thor of this enterprise. And when as they coulde finde no∣thing there, they came againe vnto him being greeuously wounded, with tormentes to extort of him the author of this fact, and to accuse him as gilty of most greeuous here∣sie. Of both whiche pointes, with suche dexteritie as hee could, he cleered himselfe. Wherein, albeit he spake in the Spanish tong well, yet he vsed the Latin tong much more exactly.

But they not being therewith satisfied, added another straunge kynde of torment, which (as I suppose) passeth the Bull of Phalaris. Because there shoulde no kynde of extreme crueltie be left vnassayed,* 21.117 they caused a linnen cloth to be sowed round like a ball, the which they wyth violence put downe his throate vnto the bottome of hys stomacke, tied with a small string which they held in their hands, and when it was downe, they pulled it vp agayne with violence, so plucking it too and fro through the meate pipe, in suche sorte, as with muche lesse griefe they might haue ridde him out of his life at once.

Thus at the last, when all tormentes and tormenters were weeried, and that it did nothing at all preuaile to go this way to worke, they asked him whether he did not re∣pent his wicked and seditious deede. As touching the deede, aunswered, that it was so farre off that he did re∣pent, that if it were to do againe, he thought he should do the same. But as touching the maner of the deede, he was not a little sory that it was done in the Kings presence to the disquietnes of his minde. Howbeit, that was not to be imputed vnto him, which neither enterprised or thought vpon any such matter,* 21.118 but rather to be ascribed vnto the King, in that he hauing power, woulde not prohibite so great Idolatry vsed among his people. This he spake with great feruencie.

After they had vsed all kynde of torments, and saw th••t there could nothing more be gathered of him, and also that through his woundes and paynes he could not long liue▪ they brought him three dayes after to execution. And first

of all,* 21.119 bringing him into the Uestry, cut off his right hand, which he taking vp with his left hād, kissed. Then he was brought into the market place, wheras his other hand also was cut off: which he kneeling downe vpon the grounde, also kissed. These things thus done after the manner and fashion of Spaine, his armes being bound behinde him, & his feete vnder the horse bellye, hee was caried to the place of execution.

[illustration]

❧ The order and manner of the cruell handlinge of William Gardiner, an English Merchaunt, tormen∣ted and burned in Portugall, in the cause of God and of his truthe.

There was in that place a certaine engine, frō the which a great rope comming downe by a pulley,* 21.120 was fastened a∣bout the middle of this Christian Martyr, which first pul∣led him vp. Then was there a great pile of woode sette on fire vnderneath him, into the which he was by little & lit∣tle let downe, not with the whole body, but so, that his fete only felt the fire. Then he was hoised vp, and so let downe againe into the fire, and thus oftentimes pulled vppe and downe. In which great torment for al that, he continued w^t a constant spirite: and the more terribly he burned, y^e more vehemently he prayed.

At the last, when his feete were consumed, the tormen∣tors asked him whether hee did not yet repent hym of his deede,* 21.121 and exhorted him to call vppon oure Ladie and the Saintes. Wherunto he answered, that as he had done no∣thing whereof hee did repent him, so hee had the lesse neede of the helpe of our Lady or any other Sainte: and what ex∣ternall torments so euer they vsed, the truthe (he sayde) re∣maineth alwaies one and like vnto it selfe: the which as he had before confessed in his life, so would he not nowe denie it in his death▪ desiring them to leaue of such vanities and follie. For when as Christ did cease any more to be our ad∣uocate, then he would pray to our lady to be his aduocate,* 21.122 and sayd: O eternall God, father of all mercies, I beseeche thee looke downe vpon thy seruant. &c. And when as they sought by all meanes possible to stoppe his praying, and praising God in this sorte, he cried out with a loude voyce, rehear∣sing the 43. Psalme: Iudica me Deus, & discerne causam me∣am, de gente non sancta. Iudge me O God, and defende my cause against the vnmercifull people.

He was not come vnto the latter ending of the Psalme, when as they pulling him vp and downe in the fire for the more torment, the rope being burnt a sonder, he fel downe in the midst therof: wheras geuing his body for a sacrifice, hee chaunged his temporall paines for perpetuall rest and quietnesse.

Thus it seemed good in the sighte of God by this Mes∣senger to prouoke the Portugales to y^e sincere knowledge of him: and therfore they ought the more to haue acknow∣ledged the great loue & kindnesse of God offred vnto them, and also the more to be mindefull of their owne duetie and thankefulnesse towardes him. And if it be so great an of∣fence

to violate the ordinaunces of mans lawe, and to con∣temne the Ambassadours of Kyngs and Princes, lette the Portugalles and all other looke well vnto it,* 21.123 what it is so cruelly to handle the heauenly messenger of the high God. Neither was this their cruelty altogether vnreuenged by the mighty hand of God,* 21.124 when as not onely the very same night, amongst diuers of the kings ships which were in y^e next hauen ready to saile, one was burned, being set on fire by a sparcle of Gardiners fire driuen thether w^t the winde, but also y^e kings sonne which then was maried, died with∣in halfe a yere,* 21.125 and the next yere after the King himselfe al∣so died, and so both within one yeare after the tormenting of this blessed Martyr.

Thus the body of the sayd Gardiner being consumed, yet the rage & fury of the common people so ceased not, but they were as cruell against him being deade, as they were when he was aliue, and with their tongues tormēted this Martyr, when they could doe no more with their handes: yea for very madnes they would scarse tarry vntil he were burned, but euery man as they could catch any pece of him halfe burned, threwe it into the sea.

Thys Sacrifice thus ended, the Cleargie, to pacifie Gods wrath which they feared,* 21.126 for the violating of theyr aultar, appoynted a solemne fast of certaine dayes, for pe∣naunce to purge that facte, which facte rather shoulde haue taught them to purge them selues, and to put awaye theyr filthy Idolatrie, and much rather they shoulde haue fasted & repented for that their extreeme cruelty they had shewed vnto the liuely member of Christ.

Albeit this death of William Gardiner seemeth to haue profited very many of them litle or nothing: yet for all that there are some (as I haue hearde diuers reporte) oute of whose mindes the remembraunce of this constant Martir can neuer be pulled, and is so freshe yet amongest them, as if it were nowe lately done: and finally, albeit it be a good while since hee was put to death, yet the memorie of hys death, as frutefull seede, hath taken such roote in some, that euen vnto this present day, he is a liuely and diligent prea∣ching vnto them, against superstition and Idolatry vsed in their Churches. Ex testimonio N. Fildi, Pendigrace, & aliorum, qui rei gestae interfuerunt.

The tragicall hystorie of the worthy L. Edward Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector, with the whole cause of his troubles and handling.

AFter so many troublous matters in this historie afore∣passed, comming nowe to the lamentable and tragicall narration of the L. Edward duke of Somerset,* 21.127 the kings vncle, and Protector of his person & of his realme, I could not wel enter into the story of him, without some premoni∣tion first to all noble personages,* 21.128 of what honor or calling soeuer within this realme, by way of history briefly to ad∣monish them, no man to plant any trust or assurance vpon the brickle pillers of worldly prosperity, howe high soeuer it seemeth, consideringe that there is no state so high, but it hath his ruine, wisedome so circumspecte, but it maye bee circumuented, no vertue so perfecte, but it may be enuyed, neither any mans trade so simple, but it maye be beguiled. And therefore seeing the condition of mortall things is so,* 21.129 that no man can alwaies stand in this so ruinous a world: y^e surest way is euery man to chuse his standing so, that his fall may be y^e easier. But because my purpose is (as I haue said in the stories before) to abridge and make short, I will here stay, referring to the secrete cōsideration of that which remaineth further by me in this matter to be vttered: and so falling into the storie of the Lorde Protectoure Duke of Somerset, we will (the Lorde willing) declare in order the original and whole occasion of his trouble and decay, euen from the beginning.

King Edwarde, after that both his father and mother were dead, had three vncles least him by his mothers side, Edwarde, Thomas, and Henry Semer, of the which two first, one was made Protectour of the Realme, and the o∣ther high admirall of the same. These two brethren, so long as they were knit & ioyned together in amitie and cōcorde,* 21.130 preserued both themselues, the king their nephew, and the whole common wealth from the violence and feare of all danger. But the subtil old serpent alwaies enuying mans felicitie, through slanderous tongues sought to sowe mat∣ter, first of discord betwene them, then of suspition, and last of all extreme hatred: in so much that the Protectour suffe∣red his brother being accused (whether truely or falsely the Lorde knoweth) to be condemned, and to loose hys heade. Wherby it came to passe (whether by y^e correction of Gods iudgement vpon him, or whether that he after the death of his brother, and the king being yet but yong and tender of age, was the lesse able to shift for himselfe) that not long af∣ter he was ouermatched and ouerthrowen of his enemies, and so cast into the Tower, and at last lost hys head also, to the great lamentation of many good men, as in the sequele of this hystorie foloweth to be declared.

For the better introduction of which hystorie, firste to begin with the foresaide brother of the Lorde Protectoure,* 21.131 namely Sir Thomas Semer high Admirall of England, and the kings Uncle, here is to vnderstande that he hadde maried Queene Katherine late wife to kinge Henrye the eight, of whome ye heard before, pag. 1342.* 21.132 Now it happe∣ned (vppon what occasion I knowe not) that there fell a displeasure betwixt the sayde Queene and the Duchesse of Somerset, and therupon also in the behalf of their wiues, displeasure and grudge began betwene the brethrē. Which albeit through perswasion of frendes it was for a time ap∣peased betweene them:* 21.133 yet in shorte space after (perchaunce not without y^e priuie setting forward o•• some whych were backefrendes to the Gospell) it brake out againe, both to the trouble of the Realme, and especially to the cōfusion of them both, as after it is prooued. First to the Lorde Admi∣ralles charge it was laide, that hee purposed to destroy the young king, and translate the Crowne vnto hymselfe, and for the same being attainted and condemned, did suffer at Tower hill the 20. of Marche. An. 1549. As manye there were which reported that the Dutches of Somersette had wrought his death: so manye moe there were,* 21.134 who mis∣doubting the long standing of the Lord Protectour in hys state and dignity, thought and affirmed no les, but that the fall of the one brother, woulde be the ruine of the other: the experiment whereof as it hath often ben proued, so in these also eftsoones it ensued.

It was not long after the beheading of the Lorde Ad∣mirall, but insurrections began to kindle the same yeare in diuers quarters of the realme, as is aboue storied.* 21.135 By the occasion wherof the lord Russel, lord priuy Seale was sent to the West parts, and the lord Dudley Earle of Warwike was sent w^t an armie into Norfolke: where bothe he hym∣selfe & a great number of Gentlemen that were with hym, meeting with the rebels were in great daunger: notwith∣standing in the ende the ouerthrowe was geuen to the re∣bels, which was aboute the beginning of Septemb. 1549. After this victorie atchieued, in the next moneth folowing, whiche was October,* 21.136 howe the matter fell oute betweene the Lorde Protectour and certaine other Lordes, I knowe not, but at the retourne of the Earle of Warwike aforesaid, greate workinge and consultation there was amonge the Lordes, assembling them selues in the house of M. Yorke, and at Bainardes Castle, and in the Lorde Maiors house at London, against the Lorde Protectoure remaining the•• with the King at Hampton Court. Of the which businesse and trouble, thus the Lorde Protectoure wryteth in hys letters to the Lorde Russell in the West countrey, as follo∣weth.

A letter of the L. Protectour, to the L. Russel, Lord priuie Seale, concerning troubles working against him.

AFter our right harty commendations to your good Lordship, heere hath of late risen such a conspiracie against the kinges Maiestie and vs, as neuer hath bene seene,* 21.137 the which they can not maintaine, but with such vaine letters and false tales surmised, as was neuer meant nor entended on vs. They pretend and say, that we haue solde Bulloigne to the French, and that we do withhold wages from the souldiours, and other such tales and letters they doe spreade abroade (of the which, if any one thing were true, we would not wish to liue) the matter now being brought to a mar∣ueilous extremitie, such as we wold neuer haue thought it could haue come vnto, especially of those men towardes the kings ma∣iestie and vs, of whom we haue deserued no such thing, but r••ther much fauour and loue. But the case being as it is, this to require and pray you to hastē you hither, to the defence of the kings ma∣iestie, in such force and power as you may, to shew the parte of a true Gentleman, and of a very frende: the which thing we truste God shall rewarde and the kinges Maiestie in time to come, and we shall neuer be vnmindefull of it too. We are sure you shal haue other letters from them, but as ye tender your duety to the kings Maiestie, we require you to make no stay, but immediately repair with such force as yee haue, to his highnesse Castle of Windsore, and cause the rest of such force as yee may make to followe you. And so we bid you right heartily farewel.

From Hampton Court, the sixt of October.

Your Lordships assured louing frend, Edward Somerset.

An answere to the L. Protectors letter.

TO this letter of the Lorde Protectoure sent the sixte of Octob. the L. Russel returning answere againe vppon

the eight of the sayde moneth, first lamenteth the heauie dis∣sention fallen betwene the Nobilitye and him, which he ta¦keth for suche a plague, as a greater could not be sent of al∣mighty God vpon this Realme, being the next way (saith he) to make of vs conquerors, slaues, & like to induce vp∣on the whole realme an vniuersal calamitye & thraldome, vnlesse the mercifull goodnes of the Lorde do helpe,* 21.138 & some wise order be taken in staying these great extremities. And as touching the Dukes request in his letters, for as much as he heard before of this broile of the Lords, & feared least so••e conspiracie had ben meant against the kings person, he hasted forwarde with such company as he coulde make, for the surety of y^e king, as to him appertained. Now per∣ceiuing by the Lordes letters sent vnto him the same sixte day of Oct••. these tumults to rise vpon priuate causes be∣twene him and them, he therfore thought it expedient that a conuenient power should be leuied, to be in a readines to withstand the worste (what perils soeuer might ensue) for the preseruation both of the king, & state of the realm from the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of forraine enemies, and also for the staying of bloudshed, if any such thing should be intended betwixt the partes in the heate of thys faction. And this hee thinking beste for discharge of his allegeance, humbly beseecheth his grace to haue y^e same also in speciall regard and considera∣tion, first that the kings Maiestie be put in no feare, & that if there be any such thing wherein he hath geuen iust cause to them thus to proceede, hee will so conforme him selfe, as no such priuate quarels do redound to the publike distur∣bance of the Realme: certifying moreouer the Duke, that if it were true whyche he vnderstandeth by the letters of the Lordes, y^t he should send about proclamations and letters for raising vp of the commons, he liked not the same. Not∣withstanding hee trusted well, that his wisedome woulde take such a way, as no effusion of bloud should follow.

And thus muche being contained in his former letters of the eight of October, in his next letters againe, wrytten the 11. day of Octob. the said Lord Russel reioysing to heare of the most reasonable offers of the Lord Protectour made to the Lordes,* 21.139 wryteth vnto him, & promiseth to doe what in the vttermost power of him (and likewise of sir W. Har∣bert ioyned together with him) doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to worke some ho∣norable reconciliation betwene him & them: so as his sayd offers being accepted & satisfied, some good cōclusion might ensue, according to their good hope & expectation: Signi∣fying moreouer, that as touching the leuying of men, they had resolued to haue the same in readinesse for the benefite of the realme,* 21.140 to occurre all incōueniences whatsoeuer, ei∣ther by forraine inuasion or otherwise might happen, & so hauing their power at hand, to drawe neare, wherby they might haue the better oportunitie to be solicitours, and a meanes for this reformation on both parties. &c. And thus much for answer of the Lord Russel to the Lorde Protec∣tours letters.

But nowe to the matter againe of the Lordes, who to∣gether with the Earle of Warwike (vppon what occasion God knoweth) being assembled at London,* 21.141 as ye heard, a∣gainst the Lorde Protector: when the king with his coun∣saile at Hampton court heard therof, first Secretarye P••∣ter with the kings message was sent vnto them, whome the Lords notw^tstanding detained still with them, making as yet no answer to the message. Whe••upon the L. Protec∣tour wryteth to them in this maner as followeth.

A letter of the Lorde Protectour, to the Counsaile at London.

* 22.1MY Lordes, we commend vs most hartily vnto you, & wher∣as the kings Maiestie was infourmed that you were assem∣bled in such sorte as you doe and nowe remaine, and was aduised by vs and such other of his Counsaile as were then heere aboute his persone, to send M. Secretarie Peter vnto you, with such mes∣sage as whereby mighte haue ensued the suretie of hys Maiesties persone, with preseruation of his realme and subiects, & the quiet both of vs and your selues, as maister Secretarye can well declare to you: his maiestie and we of his Counsaile heere doe not a litle maruel that you stay still with you the sayd M. Secretarie, & haue not as it were vouchsafed to send aunswer to his Maiestie, neyther by him nor yet any other. And for our selues we doe much more maruell and are right sory, as both wee and you haue good cause to be, to see the manner of your doinges bent•• with violence, to bring the kings Maiesty and vs to these extremities. Which as we doe intende, if you wil take no other way but violence, to defend (as nature and our allegeaunce doeth binde vs) to extremitye of death, and to put all to Gods hand, who geueth victory as it plea∣seth him: so that if any reasonable conditions and offers woulde take place (as hetherto none hath bene signified vnto vs frō you, nor we do not vnderstand what you do require or seeke, or what you do meane) & that you do seek no hurt to the kings Maiesties person: as touching all other priuate matters, to auoid the effusi∣on of Christian bloud, and to preserue the kings Maiesties person, his realme and subiectes,* 22.2 you shall finde vs agreeable to any rea∣sonable conditions that you will require. For we doe esteeme the kings wealth and tranquillitie of the realme, more then all other worldly things, yea more then our owne life. Thus praying you to send vs your determinate answer heerein by M. Secretarie Pe∣ter, or if you will not let him go, by this bearer: we beseeche God to geue both you and vs grace to determine this matter, as maye be to Gods honour, the preseruation of the king, and the quiet of vs all, which may be, if the fault be not in you. And so we bid you most heartily fare well. From the kings maiesties

Castle of Wind∣sore, the 7. of Octob. 1549.

Your Lordships louing frend, E. Somerset.

After these letters receiued, and the reasonable conditi∣on of the Lorde Protectour, and yet not much regarded of the Lordes, they persisting still in their pretended purpose, tooke this aduise: first to keepe themselues in the Citie of London, as strong as they might: and therfore calling vp∣on the Maior and the Aldermen, they willed them in any case to prouide a good and substantiall watch by nyght,* 22.3 and a good warde by day, for the safegard of their Citie, and the portes and gates thereof: which was consented vnto, and the Cōpanies of London in theyr turnes warned to watch and warde accordingly.

Then the sayd Lordes and Counsailours demaunded of the Lorde Maior and hys brethren 500. menne to ayde them to fetche the Lorde Protectour out of Windsore from the king: but therunto the Maior answeared,* 22.4 that he could graunt none aide without the assent of the common Coun∣saile of the citie: wherupon the next day a common coun∣cell was warned. But in this meane time the said Lordes of the Counsaile assembled thēselues at the Lorde Maiors house of London, who then was Syr Henrye Amcottes Fishmonger, and W. Locke Mercer, and sir Iohn Aileph Sheriffes of the said citie, and there the said Counsaile did agree and publishe a Proclamation foorthwith agaynst the Lorde Protector, the effect of which Proclamation was as followeth.

1 First,* 22.5 that the Protector by his malitious and euill go∣uernment, was the occasion of all the sedition that of late happened within the realme.

2 The losse of the kings peeces in France.

3 That he was ambitious and sought his owne glorye, as appeared by building of most sumptuous & costly hou∣ses, in the time of the kings warres.

4 That hee esteemed nothinge the graue Counsell of the Counsailours.

5 That he sowed diuision betwene the Nobles, the gen∣tlemen, and the commons.

6 That the Nobles assembled themselues together at Londō for none other purpose, but to haue caused the pro∣tectour to haue liued wythin limites, and to haue put such order for the suretie of the kings maiestie as appertained: whatsoeuer the Protectours doinges were, whyche they sayd were vnnaturall, ingrate, and traiterous.

7 That the Protectour sclaundered the Counsaile to the king, and did that in him lay, to cause variaunce betweene the king and the nobles.

8 That hee was a great traitor, and therefore the Lordes desired the citie & commons to aid them, to take hym from the king.

And in witnes and testimonie of the contents of the said Proclamation, the Lordes subscribed theyr names, whych were these.

• ...The Lorde Rich, Lord Chauncellour.
• ...The Lord S. Iohn, Lord great maister, & pre∣sident of the Coun∣saile.
• ...The Lord Marques of Northampton.
• ...The Earl of Warwike, Lord great Cham∣berlaine.
• ...The Earle of Arundel, L. Chamberlaine.
• ...The Earle of Shrews∣burie.
• ...The Earle of South∣hampton, Wriothe∣sley.
• ...Sir Thomas Cheyney knighte, treasurer of the kings house, and Lord Warden of the Cinque portes.
• ...Syr Iohn Gage knight, Constable of the Tower.
• ...Syr Wil. Peter knight, Secretarie.
• ...Syr Edwarde North knight.
• ...Syr Edwarde Monta∣gue, chief Iustice of the common place.
• ...Syr Rafe Sadler.
• ...Syr Iohn Baker.
• ...Syr Edw. Wootton.
• ...Doctour Wootton.
• ...Deane of Cant.
• ...Syr Rich. Southwell.

After the foresaide Proclamation was Proclaimed, the Lordes or the most parte of them continuing and lying in London, came y^e next day to the Guild hal, during the time that the Lord Maior and their brethren sate in their Court or inner chamber,* 22.6 and entred and communed a long while with the Maior, and at the last the Maior and his brethren came foorth vnto the common Counsaile, where was read the kings letter sent to the Maior and citizens, commaun∣ding them to aid him with a thousand wel appoynted men out of their citie, and to send the same with all speede to his Castle at Windsore.

Thys Letter by name was directed to Syr Henrye Amcottes knighte Lorde Maior, to Syr Roulande Hyll knight, Maior electe, and to the Aldermen and common Counsaile of the Citie of London. The daye and Date of the Letter, was the sixte of October, in the thirde yeare of his raigne, being assigned with the hand of the King, and of the Lorde Protectour, the contentes of which letter, for the satisfaction of the reader, are heere to be seene in maner and forme as followeth.

EDWARD. By the King.

TRustie and welbeloued, we greete you wel. Wee charge and commaunde you most earnestly to geue order with all speede for the defence and preseruation of that our citie of London for vs,* 23.1 and to leuy out of hande, and to put in order as many as con∣ueniently you maye, well weaponed and arraied, keeping good watch at the gates, and to sende vs hither for the defence of oure person, one thousand of that our Cittie, of trustie and faithfull men to attend vpon vs and our most entirely beloued vncle, Ed∣ward Duke of Somerset, Gouernour of our person, and Protector of our Realmes, dominions, and subiects, well harnessed, and with good and conuenient weapon: so that they do make their repaire hither vnto vs this night, if it be possible, or at the least to morow before noone, and in the meane time to doe what as appertaineth vnto your duetie for ours and our sayd vncles defence against all such as attempt any conspiracie or enterprise of violence against vs our sayd Vncle, & as you knowe best for our preseruation and defence at thys present. Geuen vnder our Signet at our Honor of Hampton Court, the sixte of October the thirde yeare of oure raigne.

You shall farther geue credite to our trustie and welbeloued Owen Cleydon, the bearer heereof, in all such things as hee shall further declare vnto you on the behalfe of vs and our said vncle the Lord Protectour.

Edward Somerset.

This Letter of the king and of the Lorde Protectoure was not so secretely deuised, nor so speedily sente, but the Lordes keeping at London, had knowledge immediately thereof (by the meanes, as some suppose, of the Lorde Pa∣get, who was then with the King and the Protectour, but the truth the Lorde knoweth) being there ready furnished with their owne ••andes of seruing men, and other souldi∣ours and men of armes.

Who forthwith vpon the same addressed their letters in s••mblable wise to the sayd Lorde Maior and Aldermen, in the kings name, not onely for supportation of armed men to serue their purposes, and for a sufficient watche to forti∣fie their Citie, but also that they should not obey any suche letters, Proclamations, or Iniunctions sent to them from the Duke. Which letter of the Lordes at the same instante came likewise to the Lorde Maior and his brethren, the 6. day of the sayde moneth of Octob. The tenour and copie of which letter heere ensueth.

To our very good Lord, the Lord Maior, Aldermen, and Citizens of London.

AFter our right hearty commendations vnto your good Lord∣shippe:* 24.1 knowing your heartie fauour and earnest zeales to the preseruation of the person of the kings Maiestie & of this realme, and other his maiesties realmes and dominions, we haue thought good to aduertise you, that notwithstanding all the good aduice aod Counsell that wee coulde geue to the Duke of Somerset, to staye him selfe wythin reasonable limites, and to vse hys gouerne∣ment nowe in the tender age of hys Maiestie, in suche sorte as myght tende to his highnesse suretie, to the conseruation of hys estate, and to his honour: the sayde Duke neuerthelesse still con∣tinuing in his pride, couetousnes, and ambition: ceaseth not dai∣ly by all the waies and meanes he can deuise, to enriche him selfe without measure, and to impouerish his Maiestie.

Hee buildeth in foure or fiue places moste sumptuously, and leaueth the poore souldiours vnpaide of their wages, vnuictual∣led, and in all things so vnfurnished, as the losses lately susteined,* 24.2 to the greatest dishonor that euer came to the king & this realme, doe declare. Hee soweth daily diuision betweene the Nobles and Gentlemen, and the Commons. Hee rewardeth and entertaineth a number of those that were Captaines of the Commons in these late insurrections: and finally in suche wise subuerteth all lawes, iustice, and good order (as it is euident) that putting hys trust in the Commons, and perceiuing that the Nobles and Gentlemen shoulde be an impediment to him in his deuilish purposes, hee la∣boureth first to haue them destroyed, and thinketh after easily e∣nough to atchieue his desire, which it appeareth plainly, is to oc∣cupie the kings Maiesties place: For his doings, who soeuer list to beholde them, doe manifestly declare, that hee mindeth neuer to render account to his Maiestie of his proceedings.

These thinges, with many moe too long to recite, considered, wee pondered wyth our selues,* 24.3 that either wee muste trauaile for some reformation, or wee must in effecte as it were consent with him to the destruction of oure soueraigne Lorde and Countrey. Whereuppon laying apart all respectes, and resting onely vppon our dueties, wee ioyned in Counsell, and thought quietly to haue treated the matter with him. Who perceiuing that we ioyned for the king, and woulde haue suche order as might be for the suertie of his Maiesties persone, and the common wealth, straite put him selfe in force, and resteth at plaine poynt (as it appeareth) eyther to goe through with his detestable purpose, in sorte as hee hathe done, or to trie it by the sworde.

Nowe, for as much as we see presently, that vnlesse there be a reformation, the personne of the kings Maiestie is in moste cer∣taine daunger, and this Realme our naturall Countrey lyke to be destroyed wyth all our posterities, like as we haue againe fully re∣solued wyth Gods helpe, eyther to deliuer the kings Maiestie and the realme from this extreeme ruine and destruction, or to spend our liues for the declaration of our faithfull hearts and dueties: so knowing your heartie good willes and trouth to his Maiestie, and therefore nothing doubting of your readinesse to ioyne with vs in our godly purpose, wee thoughte good to lette you knowe the very trouth of our enterprise, and in the kings Maiesties be∣halfe to require you, not onely to putte good and substantiall or∣der for watche and warde, but also to haue an earnest continuall regarde to the preseruation within your City, of all harneis, wea∣pons, and munitions, so as none be suffered to be conueyed to the sayde Duke, nor any others attending about him: and besides that, you from hencefoorth obey no letters, proclamations, nor other commandements to be sent from the sayd Duke. And thus we bid your Lordship most heartily fare well.

From London, the sixt of October.

Your Lordships assured louing frendes.

• Will. Saint Iohn.
• W. Northampt.
• Iohn Warwike.
• Arundell.
• Th. Southampton.
• William Peter.
• Edward North.
• Iohn Gage.
• Rich. Southwell.

After the receiuinge of these two Letters aboue men∣tioned, the one from the King, the other from the Lordes,* 24.4 whyche came both at one instaunte, wyth contrarye com∣maundement to the Lorde Maior and Citizens of Lon∣don, the case seemed harde to them, and very doubtfull (as it was in deede) what waye to take, and what were best for the Citizens to doe. On the one side the name and au∣thority of the king was much, on the other side the power and garrisons of the Lordes, lyinge then in London, was not little, which seemed then to be suche, as would haue no repulse.

The case thus standing perplexedly, first by the mouth of the Recorder it was requested,* 24.5 that the Citizens would graunt their aide rather vnto the Lords, for that the Pro∣tectour had abused both the kings maiestie, and the whole Realme, & that without he were taken from the king, and made to vnderstande his follie, this Realme was in great hazard, and therfore required that the citizens would wil∣lingly assent to ayd the Lordes with 500. men.

Hereunto of a great parte of the Common Counsaile, was no other answeare made but silence. But the Recor∣der (who at that time was M. Brooke) still cryed vppon them for aunswere.* 24.6 At the last stepped vp a wise and a good Citizen named George Stadlowe, and sayde:

In thys case, it is good for vs to thinke of things past, to auoyde the daunger of thynges to come. I remember (sayeth he) in a storie wrytten in Fabians Chronicle, of the warre betweene the King and his Barons, which was in the time of king Henry the thirde, & the same time the Ba∣rons (as our Lordes do now) demaunded aide of the Ma∣ior and citie of London, and that in a rightfull cause for the common weale, which was for y^e execution of diuers good lawes against y^e king, which would not suffer those lawes

to be put in execution: and the citie did aide them, & it came to an open battel, and the Lordes preuailed against y^e king, and tooke the king and sonne prisoners,* 24.7 and vpon certaine conditions the Lordes restored the kinge and his sonne a∣gaine to their liberties, & among all other conditions thys was one, that the king should not only graunt his pardon to the lordes, but also to the citizens of London: the which was graunted, yea and the same was ratified by act of par∣lament. But what folowed of it? Was it forgottē? No sure¦ly, nor forgeuen neither, during the kings life. The liber∣ties of the citie were taken away, straungers appoynted to be our heads and gouernours, the Citizens geuen awaye body and goods, and from one persecution to an other wer most miserably afflicted. Such is it to enter into the wrath of a Prince, as Salomon sayeth: The wrath and indignation of a Prince is death. Wherfore, for as much as this aide is re∣quired of the kinges Maiestie,* 24.8 whose voyce wee ought to hearken vnto, for he is our high Shepehearde, rather then vnto the Lordes, and yet I woulde not wishe the Lordes to be clearely shaken off: my counsell is, that they wyth vs, and we with them maye ioyne in sute, and make our moste humble petition to the kings maiestie, that it would please his highnes to heare such complaint against the gouerne∣ment of the Lorde Protectoure, as maye be iustly alleaged and prooued, and I doubte not, but thys matter will be so pacified, that neither shal the king, nor yet the Lordes haue cause to seeke for further aide, neither we to offende any of them both.

After this tale the Commons stayed, and the Lorde Maior and his brethren for that time brake vppe, till they had further communed wyth the Lordes. To make short, I lette passe what order by the Citie was taken.* 24.9 But the conclusion was, that the Lordes (vppon what occasion I knowe not) sate the next daye in Counsaile in the Starre chamber, & from thence sente sir Philip Hobby wyth theyr letter of credence to the kings maiestie, beseeching his ma∣iestie to geue credit to that which the sayd sir Philip should declare vnto his maiestye in their names: and y^e king gaue him liberty to speake, and most gently heard all that he had to say. Who so hādled the matter, declaring his message in the name of the Lords, that in the end the Lord Protector was commaunded from the kings presence,* 24.10 & shortly was committed to warde in a tower within the castle of Wind∣sore, called Bewchamp Tower, and soone after were stay∣ed sir Tho. Smith, maister Whalley, master Fisher, & ma∣ny other gentlemen that attended vpon the Lorde Protec∣tour. The same day the Lordes of the Counsaile resorted to the Kinge, and the next day they brought from thence the Lorde Protector, and the other that were there stayed, and conueyed them through the Citie of London vnto the To∣wer, and there left them.

Shortlye after the Lordes resorted vnto the Tower, and there charged the Lorde Protectour with sundry arti∣cles, as follow.

Articles obiected against the Lord Protectour.

1 IN primis, you tooke vppon you the office of Protectour and Gouernour, vpon condition expressely and speci∣ally, that you woulde doe nothinge in the kinges affaires, publikely or priuately, but by the assent of the late kinges executors.

2 Also you, contrary to the sayde condition, of your owne authority, did stay and let iustice, and subuerted the lawes, as wel by your letters, as by your commaundements.

3 Also, you caused diuers persones being arested and im∣prisoned for treason, murder, manslaughter, and felonie, to be discharged and set at large, against the kings lawes, and statutes of this realme.

4 Also, you haue made and ordained Lieutenants for the kings armies & other weighty affaires, vnder your owne wryting and seale.

5 Also, you haue communed with the Ambassadours of other Realmes, discoursing alone with them the waighty causes of this Realme.

6 Also you haue sometime rebuked, checked, and taun∣ted, as well priuately as openly, diuers of the kings moste honourable Counsailours, for shewing & declaring theyr aduises and opinions against your purposes in the kings waightye affaires, sayinge sometimes to them, that you neede not to open matters vnto them, and would therfore be otherwise aduised: and that you would, if they were not agreeable to your opinyon, put them oute, and take other at your pleasure.

7 Also, you had and helde against the lawe in your owne house, a Courte of Requestes, and thereby did enforce di∣uers the kinges subiectes to answeare for their free holdes and goodes, and determined the same to the subuersion of the same lawes.

8 Also, you being no Officer, without the aduise of the Counsaile, or the more part of them, did dispose of the Of∣fices of the kings gift, for money, and graunted leases and Wardes of the kings, and gaue presentations to the kings benefices & bishoprikes, hauing no authority so to do. And farther, you did meddle with the selling of y^e kings landes.

9 Also, you commaunded Multiplication and Alcumistry to be practised, to abuse the kings coyne.

10 Also, you caused a proclamation to be made concerning enclosures, wherby the common people haue made diuers insurrections, & leuied open warre, and distre••ed & spoy∣led diuers of the kings subiects, which proclamation went foorth against the wil of the whole counsaile.

11 Also, you haue caused a commission, with certaine arti∣cles thereunto annexed, to be made our concerning enclo∣sures of commons, high wayes, decaying of cottages, and diuers other things, geuing the Commissioners authority to heare and determine the same causes, to the subuersion of the lawes and statutes of this realme: whereby much se∣dition, insurrection, and rebellion, haue risen and growen among the kings subiects.

12 Also, you haue suffered the rebels and traitours to as∣semble and to lie in campe and armor against the king, his Nobles and gentlemen, without any speedye subduing or repressing of them.

13 Also you did comfort and encourage diuers of the sayde rebelles, by geuing of them diuers summes o•• your owne mony, and by promising to diuers of them, sees▪ rewards, and seruices.

14 Also, you in fauour of the sayde rebels, did againste the lawes, cause a Proclamation to be made, y^t none of the said rebels or traitors shuld be sued or vexed by any person for any their offences in the said rebellion, to the clear subuer∣sion of the same lawes.

15 Also, you haue sayd in the time of the rebellion, that you liked wel the doings and proceedings of the sayde rebelles and traitors, and sayde, that the couetousnes of the gentle∣men gaue occasion to the common people to rise: sayinge also, that better it were for the Commons to die, then pea∣rish for lacke of liuing.

16 Also, you saide that the Lordes of the parlamente were loth to encline themselues to reformatiō of enclosures and other things: therfore the people had good cause to reforme the things them selues.

17 Also, you after the reporte and declaration of the de∣faultes and lackes reported to you by suche as did suruey Bulleine and the Peeces there, woulde neuer amende the same defaultes.

18 Also, you would not suffer the kings peeces beyōd the seas, called Newhauen, & Blacknest to be furnished wyth men and vitailes, although you were aduertised of the de∣faults therin by the captaines of the same peeces & others, & were thereto aduertised by the kings Counsaile: wherby the French king being the kings open enemy, was encou∣raged and comforted to inuade and win the sayd peeces, to the kings great losse, and dishonor of his realme.

19 Also, you declared and published vntruely, as well to the kings maiestie, and other the young Lordes attendant vpon his graces persone, that the Lordes of the Counsaile at London, minded to destroy the king, & you required the king neuer to forget it, but to reuenge it: and likewise you required the yong Lordes to put the king in remembrance therof, to the entent to make sedition, and discord betwene the king and his Lordes.

20 Also, where the kinges Maiesties priuie Counsaile, of their loue and zeale that they did beare vnto the king & his Realme, did consulte at London to haue communed wyth you, to the entent to mooue you charitablie to amend your doings and misgouernment, you hearing of their sayd as∣sembly, did cause to be declared by letters in diuers places, the said Lordes to be high traitors to the king, to the great disturbance of the realme.

And thus muche hitherto concerning the first trouble of the Lorde Protectoure, Duke of Somersette,* 24.11 wyth the crimes and articles obiected against him, with his prison∣ment also in the Tower, and the terrible proclamatiō ge∣uen out against hym. All which purposes of man, thoughe they seemed fully entended to no lesse, but to the spilling of his life: yet the Lorde aboue, the onely disposer of all mens purposes,* 24.12 so ordered the matter by the meanes of the kinge labouring for his Uncle, that in short while after, hee was lette out of the Tower, and the Proclamation, whyche be∣fore had made hym a traitor, wythin three dayes was cal∣led in agayne, a Domino factum est istud,) wyth commaun∣dement geuen, none of them to be solde. And so the Duke of Somerset gratiously escaping thys aduersitie, was a∣gaine

restored, though not to his former office, yet vnto li∣bertie: wherein he continued the space of two yeares and two dayes.

After the which time of respite being expired, the sayde Duke of Somerset was apprehended & committed againe to the Tower,* 24.13 and wyth him also Sir Michaell Stanhop, sir Raufe Uane, sir Miles Partrige, & other. &c. At length the time being come of his arrainment, the foresayde good Duke being conueied from the Tower, was brought tho∣row London with the axe of the tower before him, & wyth great preparance of bils, halbardes, pikes, and polaxes, in most forcible wise: a watch also sette and appoynted before euery mans doore through the hie streat of London,* 24.14 and so was he brought into Westminster hal, where the Lords of the counsaile sitting as his iudges in the middle of the hal, vpon a newe scaffolde, he was there before them arrayned and charged both with treason and felonie.

In the whiche iudgement, I passe ouer the vnseemely speach, the vile taunts, and despiteful rebukes, without all modesty or honesty,* 24.15 vsed by certaine of the Sergeants and Iustices, and some other sitting there. Al which notwyth∣standing he patiently & quietly did suffer, neither storming inwardly in stomacke, nor reuiling them with woordes a∣gaine: but like a lambe folowing the true lambe, & exam∣ple of all meekenes, was contēted to take al things at their handes, and with no lesse patience to beare now theyr vn∣gentle and cruell railings,* 24.16 then hee did before their glaue∣ring wordes and flatterings in time of his high estate and prosperitie. And as the patience of this good Duke was marueilous in forbearing his ennemies, so also was his discretion and temperance no lesse seene in answearing for himself to the articles to him obiected: wherunto he wisely and substantially replied,* 24.17 putting himselfe in the ende to be tried by his Peeres. Who then at length after consultation had, did frame and temper their verdicte thus, that as con∣cerning y^e case of treason, wherewith he was charged, they discharged him, but they accounted him guiltie of fellonie. When the people (which were there present to a great nō∣ber) hearde the Lordes say, Not guiltie, (meaning by the case of treason) supposing no lesse, but y^t he had bene clearly acquited by these woordes,* 24.18 and especially seeing the Axe of the Tower to be carried away, for great ioy and gladnesse made an outcrie, well declaring theyr louing affection and hearty fauour vnto the Duke, whose life they greatly desi∣red. But thys opinion of the people was deceiued, and the innocent Duke condemned to die for fellonie. Which act of fellonie had bene made a litle before against the rebels, and vnlawfull assembles, suche as shoulde seeke or procure the death of any Counsailour,* 24.19 so that euery suche attempt and procurement, according to the act, should be iudged felony. By the vertue of whych Act, the Duke being accused, with certaine other hys complices, to intende and purpose the death of the Duke of Northumberlande, and of certayne beside,* 24.20 was therfore caste and condemned of felonie, and so was returned toward the Tower againe.

At whose passage throughe the Citie, greate exclamati∣ons and outcries were made againe of the people,* 24.21 some re∣ioycing y^t hee was acquited, some bewayling that hee was condemned.

Thus the good Duke passing through a great parte of the Citie, landinge at the Crane of the Uinetrie, was con∣ueyed vnto the Tower, where hee endured till the 22. of Ianuary. Upon the which day at the comminge downe of the letter of execution from the Kinge and the Counsaile, the foresayde Duke and Uncle to the Kyng, beinge founde no traitour, onely being caste by the Acte of Fellonye, was deliuered vnto the Sheriffes, and so brought to the place of execution.

Touching which execution, a few words here woulde be bestowed in describing the wonderful order and maner thereof, according as it hath faithfully ben suggested to vs vppon the credite of a certaine noble Personage, who not onely was there present at the deede doing, but also in a maner next vnto him vpon the scaffolde, beholding the or∣der of all things with his eies, and with his penne also re∣porting the same in order and maner as here foloweth.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1552. the 22. day of Ianuary, in the sixte yeare of the raigne of king Edward the sixte, he being yet vnder age and gouernaunce of Tutours: the no∣ble Duke of Somersette, vncle to kynge Edwarde, was brought out of the tower of London, and accordinge to the maner, deliuered to the Sheriffes of the Citie: and com∣passed round about w^t a great number of armed men, both of the garde and others, he was brought vnto the scaffolde on Tower hill: where as hee nothing chaunging neyther voyce nor countenance, but in a maner with the same ge∣sture whych he commonly vsed at home, kneeling downe vppon both his knees, and lifting vpp his handes, com∣mended himselfe vnto God.

After that he had ended a fewe short prayers, standing vp againe, and turning him selfe towarde the East side of the Scaffold, nothing at all abashed (as it seemed vnto me standing about the middest of the Scaffold, and diligently marking all things,) neither with the sight of the axe,* 24.22 ney∣ther yet of the hangman, or of present death: but wyth the like alacritie and chearefulnesse of minde and countenance as before times he was accustomed to heare the causes and Supplication of other, and especially the poore (towardes whom, as it were with a certaine fatherly loue to his chil∣dren, he alwaies shewed himselfe moste attentiue) he vtte∣red these wordes to the people.

Dearly beloued frendes,* 24.23 I am broughte hither to suf∣fer death, albeit that I neuer offended against the king, ne∣ther by word nor dede, and haue bene alwaies as faithful & true vnto this Realme, as any man hath bene. But for so∣much as I am by a lawe condemned to die, I do acknow∣ledge my selfe as well as others to bee subiecte thereunto. Wherefore to testifie my obedience whiche I owe vnto the lawes, I am come hither to suffer death: wherunto I wil∣lingly offer my selfe, with most hearty thankes vnto God, that hath geuen me this time of repentaunce, who myght thorowe sodaine death haue taken away my life, that ney∣ther I should haue acknowledged him nor my selfe.

Moreouer (dearly beloued frendes) there is yet some∣what that I must put you in minde of as touchinge Chri∣stian religion: which so long as I was in authoritie, I al∣wayes diligently sette foorth and furthered to my power. Neither I repent me of my doinges, but reioyce therein, sith that now the state of Christian religion commeth most neare vnto the forme and order of the Primitiue Churche.* 24.24 Which thing I esteeme as a great benefite geuen of God, both vnto you and me: most hartily exhorting you all, that this which is most purely set forth vnto you, you wil with like thankfulnesse accept and embrace, and set out the same in your liuing. Which thing if you do not, wythout doubt, greater mischiefe and calamitie wil folow.

When he had spoken these wordes,* 24.25 sodainely there was a terrible noise heard: whereupon there came a great feare on al men. This noise was as it had bene the noise of some great storm or tempest, which vnto some semed to be heard from aboue: like as if a great deale of gunpouder being in∣closed in an armorie, and hauing caught fire, had violently broken out. But vnto some againe, it seemed as though it had ben a great multitude of horsemen running together, or comming vppon them. Suche a noyse was then in the eares of all men, albeit they saw nothing. Whereby it hap∣ned, that all the people being amased wythout any euident cause, wythout any violence or stroke striken, or any man seene, they ran away, some into y^e ditches and puddles, and some into the houses thereabout: other some being afraide with the horrour and noyse, fell downe groueling vnto the ground w^t their polaxes and halbards, & most part of them cried oute: Iesus saue vs, Iesus saue vs. Those whyche tarried still in their places, for feare knewe not where they were. And I my selfe which was there present among the rest, being also afraid in this hurly burly, stoode stil altoge∣ther amased, looking when any man woulde knocke me in the head. It hapned heere, as the Euangelists write, it dyd vnto Christ, when as the officers of the high Priestes and Phariseis comming wyth weapons to take him, being a∣stonied, ran backwardes, and fell to the ground.

In the meane time,* 24.26 whilest these things were thus in doing, the people by chance spied one sir Anthony Broune riding vnto the scaffold: which was the occasion of a new noise. For when they saw him comming, they coniectured that which was not true, but notwithstanding which they all wished for, that the king by that messenger had sent hys vncle pardone: and therfore with great reioysing & casting vp their cappes, they cried out, Pardon, pardone is come: God saue the king. Thus this good Duke, although hee was destitute of all mans helpe,* 24.27 yet he sawe before hys de∣parture, in how great loue & fauour he was with all men. And truely I doe not thinke, that in so great slaughter of Dukes as hath bene in England within these few yeares, there was so many weeping eyes at one time: and not w^t∣out cause. For all men did see in the decay of this Duke, the publike ruine of al england, except such as in dede did per∣ceiue nothing. But now to returne from whence we haue strayed, the Duke in the meane time standing stil in y^e same place, modestly and with a graue coūtenance, made a signe to the people w^t his hand, that they woulde kepe themselues quiet. Which thing being done, & silence obtained, he spake vnto them in this maner.

Dearely beloued frendes,* 24.28 there is no such matter heere in hande, as you vainely hope or beleeue. It seemeth thus good vnto almighty God, whose ordinance it is meete and

necessary that we all be obedient vnto. Wherefore I pray you all to be quiet, and to be contented with my death, which I am most willing to suffer: and let vs now ioyne in praier vnto the Lord, for the preseruation of the Kings Maiestie, vnto whome hitherto I haue alwaies shewed my selfe a most faithfull and true subiecte. I haue alwayes bene most diligent about his Maiestie in his affayres both at home and abroade, and no lesse diligent in seeking the common commoditie of the whole Realme. At whyche words all the people cried out, and said, it was most true.

* 24.29Then the Duke proceeding, said: Unto whose Maiestie I wish continuall health, with all felicitie & all prosperous successe. Whereunto the people againe cryed out, Amen.

Moreouer, I do wishe vnto all his Counsaylours the grace and fauour of God, whereby they may rule in all things vprightly with iustice. Unto whome I exhort you all in the Lord, to shew your selues obedient, as it is your bounden duety, vnder the payne of condemnation, and al∣so most profitable for the preseruation and safegarde of the Kings Maiestie.

Moreouer, for so much as heeretofore I haue had often∣times affaires with diuers men,* 24.30 & hard it is to please euery man, therfore if there be any that hath ben offended & iniu∣ried by me, I most humbly require & aske him forgeuenes: but especially almighty God, whome throughout all my life I haue most greeuously offended: and all other, what∣soeuer they be that haue offended me, I do with my whole hart forgeue them. Now I once againe require you, dear∣ly beloued in the Lord, that you wil keepe your selues qui∣ete and still, least through your tumult you might trouble me. For albeit the spirite be willing and ready, the flesh is fraile and wauering: and through your quietnesse I shall be much more quieter.* 24.31 Moreouer, I desire you all to beare me witnes, that I dye heere in the fayth of Iesus Christ: desiring you to helpe me with your prayers, that I may perseuere constant in the same vnto my liues end.

After this, hee turning himselfe agayne aboute like a meeke lambe,* 24.32 kneeled down vpon his knees. Then doctor Coxe, which was there present to counsell and aduertise him, deliuered a certaine scroll into his hand, wherin was conteined a briefe confession vnto God. Which being read, he stoode vp againe vpon his feete, without any trouble of mind (as it appeared) and first bad the Sheriffes farewel, then the Lieutenant of the Tower and other, taking them all by the handes which were vpon the scaffold with hym. Then he gaue the Hangman certaine money. Which done, he put off his gowne, and kneeling downe againe in the straw, vntied his shyrt strings. After that, the hangman comming vnto him, turned downe his coller round about his necke, and al other things which did let or hinder him. Then lifting vp his eyes to heauen, where his only hope remained, and couering his face with his owne handker∣cher, he layd himselfe downe along, shewing no maner of token of trouble or feare, neyther did his countenaunce chaunge, but that before his eyes were couered, there be∣gan to appeare a red colour in the middest of his cheekes.

Thus this most meeke and gentle Duke lying along, and looking for the stroke, because his doublet couered his necke, he was cōmaunded to rise vp and put it off: and then laying himselfe downe againe vpon the blocke,* 24.33 and calling thrise vpon the name of Iesus saying: Lord Iesu saue mee, as he was the thyrd tyme repeating the same, euen as the name of Iesu was in vttering, in a moment he was bereft both of head & life, & slept in the Lord Iesus, being taken away from all the daungers and euils of this life, and re∣sting now in the peace of God: in the preferment of whose truth and Gospell he alwaies shewed himselfe an excel∣lent instrument and member, and therefore hath receyued the reward of his labours. Thus gentle Reader, thou hast the true history of this worthy and noble Duke, and if any man report it otherwise, let it be counted as a lye.

As touching the maners, disposition, life, and conuersa∣tion of the said Duke and the Kings vncle, what shall we neede to speake, when as he can not be sufficiently commē∣ded, according to the dignitie of his vertues? There was alwaies in him great humanitie, and suche meekenes and gentlenes, as is rare to be found in so high estate. He was prone and ready to geue care vnto the cōplaints and sup∣plicatiōs of the poore,* 24.34 & no lesse attentiue vnto the affaires of the cōmon wealth. Which if he had liued together wyth king Edward, was like to do much good in reforming ma∣ny misorders within this realme. He was vtterly ignorāt of al craft and deceit, and as farre void of all pride and am∣bition, as he was frō doing of iniury, being indeede vtter∣ly voyd of both. He was of a gentle dispositiō, not coueting to be reuenged: more apt & ready to be deceiued, then to deceiue. His auncient loue & zeale of the Gospell & of reli∣gion he brought with him to the state of this his dignitie. The proofe whereof sufficiently was seene in his constant standing to gods truth, and zealous defence therof,* 24.35 against the Bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincolne, London, and others moe, in the Consultation had at Windsore, the first yeare of the kinges raigne.

Briefly, considering the nature and vertues of this Duke, I may (as seemeth) not vnaptly compare and re∣semble him vnto Duke Humfrey, the good Duke of Glo∣cester. Who likewise being vncle vnto king Henry 6. and Protector of the Realme (as this was also to king Edw. the 6.) yet he wanted not his enemies and priuy enueyers especially Henry Beauford Cardinal, Bishop of Winche∣ster, and Lord Chancellour of England:* 24.36 who at that time disdayning and enuying the rule and authoritie of thys Duke, procured much trouble agaynst him, and great de∣uision in the whole realme, in so muche that all the Shops within the Cittie of London were shutte in, for feare of the fauourers of these two great personages: For ech part had assembled no small number of people.

For pacifying wherof the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the Duke of Quimber, called the Prince of Portu∣gale, rode eight times in one day betwene the two aduer∣saries. Such were then the troubles of these tumultuous diuision within the realme, betweene these two:* 24.37 as is be∣fore expressed, pag. 679. not much vnlike to y^e troublesome discord betwixt parties in this Protectors dayes. And as in their afflictions and troubles, these two Dukes seemed not much vnlike, so in matters of religion, and in discer∣ning truth from falshood, their zeale seemed not much dis∣crepant. Although the light of the Gospell did not so fully then shine out, as in the time of this latter Duke (the Lord be praysed therfore) yet the wisedome and towardnes of y^e other Duke also touching the same, was not vtterly vn∣worthy of his commendation.* 24.38 For the more manifest de∣claration whereof, amongest many other his godly do∣inges, we may take for example the prudent and famous acte of that noble Duke, in descerning and trying out the false lying miracle and popish hipocrisie of the blinde beg∣ger at S. Albons mentioned in his story before, pag. 679. For the whiche cause, and for his dilligent studye in refor∣ming that and such other blinde abuses of fayned Religi∣on, he was the more hated of the spiritualtie, and suche as Winchester then was.

Finally, as thys Lorde Protector Duke of Somerset the kinges vncle, by certayne of the Counsayle was then accused, arraigned & cōdemned for the trespasse (as it was geuen forth) of felonie (although I neuer heard he murde∣red or robbed any) so the other vncle of king Henry the 6. was made away.* 24.39 Of whose decease thus writeth Mayster W. Tindall in his practise of Prelaets: At y^e last they found the meanes to contriue a drift to bring their matters to passe & made a Parliamēt far from the Citizens of Londō, where was slayne the sayd good Duke, & the onely wealth of the Realme, and y^e mighty shield which so long had kept it from sorowe, which shortly after his death fell vpon thē by heapes. But the Chronicles (sayth he) cannot tel wher∣fore he dyed, nor by what meanes. Neuertheles, this they testifie, that he was a vertuous man, godly and good to the common wealth.

But to leaue Duke Humfrey, and to return to the ma∣ners and vertues of the Duke of Somerset, whiche before we were about to describe: as he was a gentle and courte∣ous Duke at home, so was he no lesse fortunate a Captain in warfare abroad.* 24.40 Under whose gouernment & guidyng not onely diuers rebellious commotions were happily suppressed here at home, but also abroad in the expedition of Scotland such a victory was geuen him of God, that w^t the losse scarse of sixe hundred of his own men, there were of the enemies as good, or little lesse then x. thousand slayn and put to flight, and euen the very same day and tyme in the which all the Idolatrous Images were here burnt at London. And yet al these warres notwithstanding, wher∣unto he was agaynst his will compelled, he was a man of nature singularly geuen to peace, as may be seene by the sweete and peaceable exhortation by him set forth in print before, and sent to the realme of Scotland.

But as there is nothing in this worlde so perfect in all respectes, which is not blotted or darckned with some spot of vice adioyned withal: so amongst the manifold commē∣dations of this Duke, one thinge there was too, whiche both desteyned his honour and estimation much, and also more empayred and hindered his owne life & safety: which was, that he in condescending to the death of his brother, followed too rashly the perswasion of certayne, whosoeuer they were: for that matter lacked not perchaunce some sin∣gular fetche and pollicie of some, more craftely then godly disposed persons, as many good men haue supposed.

But what soeuer of that matter is to be deemed, cre∣dible,

it is, that the said Duke in suffering or procuring this death of his brother, not only endamaged himselfe, & wea∣kened his own power, but also prouoked the chastisement of Gods scourge and rod, which did so light vpon him.

Furthermore, as touching the death and decay of the Lord Henry Earle of Surrey, who suffered also at the Tower next before the Lord Admirall, the Lorde Protec∣tours brother, because the casting of him was so neare to the death of King Henry:* 24.41 as I know not vpon whome, or what cause the same did proceede, so I passe it ouer and leaue it to the Lord. Notwithstanding, as for the Duke of Somerset, whatsoeuer his other vices and vertues were, this is certayne, that his ende (the Lord so working wyth him) was constant in Christes truth, as his life was be∣fore a great maintenance of the same.

Moreouer, on the xxvj. day of February, in the same yeare was sir Rafe Uane,* 24.42 sir Miles Partrige both hāged at the Tower hill: And sir Michaell Stanhop, & sir Tho∣mas Arundell beheaded vppon the scaffold: all which four were condemned by the saide Acte of vnlawfull assemblie, and as accessaries vnto the Duke of Somerset.

Not long after the death of the Duke of Somerset, in the next yeare folowing deceassed the King himselfe about the moneth of Iune, whereof more shall be said (the Lord graunting) in his due order and course heereafter. In the meane season, before we come to close vp the latter end and story of this good King, the place heere present seemeth not vnfitte to intermixt by the way a few other things before,* 24.43 hapning within the time of his reigne, namely concerning matters incident, of the Church & of Religiō. Which state of Religion begā wel to grow, & to come happely forward during this Kings daies, had not the vnhappy troubles of the outward state amongst the Lords not agreeing with∣in themselues, disquieted the good towardnes of things be∣gon. But the malice of the diuell how subtilly worketh it, if men could see it? So long as the Lordes agreed in concord among themselues, Winchester and Boner, with all that faction, was cut short, and began to condescend to good cō∣formitie. But afterward perceauing the states and nobles of the Realme to be amōg themselues diuided, and y^e Lord Protectour the Kings vncle displaced, and his brother the Admirall before beheaded, and the yong King now left in that case, they begā vpon some hope to take more hart vn∣to them,* 24.44 till at last it came to passe, as they themselues de∣sired. And thus though nothing else will leade vs, yet ex∣perience may teach vs what discorde worketh in publicke weales: and contrary, what a necessary thing concord is to the aduancemēt especially of Gods matters apperteining to his Church. Examples whereof in this Kings daies be not farre to seeke. For as touching the successe of the Gos∣pell of peace,* 24.45 while publicke peace and the Gospel did ioine together, marueilous it was how errour & Popery were in themselues confounded, and ashamed almost to shewe their faces. In so much that then both Doctour Smith, Chadsey, Standishe, Yong, Oglethorpe, with many moe recanted their former ignoraunce, whose recantations I haue to shew. Boner then with his owne hand subscribed to the Kings supremacie, and promoted his Iniunctions.

The same also did Steuen Gardiner, subscribing wyth his owne hand to the first booke of the Kings proceedings,* 24.46 and no doubt had done no lesse to the second booke also set foorth by the King, had not the vnfortunate discorde fallen amongst the nobles in time so vnfortunate, as then it did. Brieflye during all that time of peace and concorde, what Papist was found in all the Realme, which for the Popes deuotion would or did once put his necke in the halter to die a Martyr for his sake?

I shewed before how in these peaceable dayes of Kyng Edward, Peter Martyr, Martin Bucer, Paulus Phagi∣us,* 24.47 with other learned men moe, were enterteined, placed and prouided for in the two Uniuersities of this Realme, Oxford and Cambridge, who there with their diligent in∣dustrie did much good. The learned and fruitefull disputa∣tions of whome, I haue likewise present in my handes heere to insert, but that the bignes of this Uolume driueth me to make short, especially seeing their disputations be so long and prolixe as they be, and also in Latin, and re∣quire of themselues a whole Uolume to comprehend thē.

First, Peter Martyr beeing called by the King to the publicke reading of the Diuinitie Lecture in Oxforde,* 24.48 a∣mōgst his other learned exercises did set vp in the publicke scholes iij. conclusions of Diuinitie to be disputed & tryed by Argument. At whiche disputations were present the Kings visitours, to witte, Henry Byshop of Lincolne, Doctour Coxe Chauncellour of that Uniuersitie, Doctour Haynes Deane of Exeter, M. Richard Morison Esquier; Christopher Neuynson Doctour of Ciuill law. The con∣clusions propounded were these.

1. In the Sacrament of thankes geuing there is no transubstan∣tiation of bread and wyne into the body and bloud of Christ.

2. The body and bloud of Christ is not carnally or corporally in bread and wine, nor as other vse to say, vnder the kindes of bread and wine.

3. The body and bloud of Christ be vnited to bread and wyne Sacramentally.

They which were the chiefe disputers against hym on the contrary side, were Doct. Tresham, D. Chadsey,* 24.49 and Morgan. The reasons and principall Arguments of Pe∣ter Martyr heereunder follow.

¶The Arguments of Peter Martyr vpon the first conclusion.

• ...The Scriptures most plainely do name and acknow∣ledge bread and wyne.* 24.50 In the Euangelistes we reade that the Lord Iesus tooke bread, blessed it, brake it, and gaue it to his Disciples. S. Paule likewise doth ofttimes make mention of bread.
• Ergo, we also with the scriptures ought not to exclude bread from the nature of the sacrament.

Cyprianus.

As in the person of Christ, his humanitie was seene outward∣lye, and his Diuinitie was secret within:* 24.51 so in the visible Sacra∣ment the diuinitie inserteth it selfe in such sort as can not be vtte∣red, that our deuotion about the Sacraments might be the more religious.

Ergo, as in the person of Christ: so in the Sacramente both the natures ought still to remaine.

Gelasius.

The Sacramentes which we receaue of the body and bloud of Christ, are a Diuine matter: by reason whereof,* 24.52 we are made par∣takers by the same, of his Diuine nature, and yet it ceaseth not still to be the substance of bread and wine. And certes the repre∣sentation and similitude of the body and bloud of Christ, be cele∣brated in the action of the mysteries, &c.

Augustinus.

As the person of Christ consisteth of God and man, when as he is true God, and true man.* 24.53 For euery thing conteyneth in it selfe the nature and veritie of those things whereof it is made. Now the Sacrament of the Church is made of two things, that is, of the Sa∣crament that signifieth, and of the matter of the Sacrament that is signified, &c.

Theodoretus.

These visible mysteries which are seene, he hath honored with the name of his body and bloud, not chaunging the nature,* 24.54 but adding grace vnto nature, &c. And the same Theodoretus a∣gaine sayeth:

Those mysticall sacraments after sanctification, do not passe out of theyr owne proper nature, but remayne still in their for∣mer substance, figure, and shape, &c.

Ergo, lyke as the body of Christ remained in him, and was not chaunged into his diuinitie: so in the sacrament the bread is not chaunged into the body, but both the sub∣stances remaine whole.

Origine.

If whatsoeuer entreth into the mouth, goeth downe into the belly, and so passeth through a man:* 24.55 euen that meate also which is sanctified by the word of God and by prayer, as touching that part which it hath materiall within it, passeth into the belly, and so voydeth through a man. But thorough prayer, which is adioi∣ned to it, according to the measure of faith, it is profitable and ef∣fectuall, &c. And he addeth moreouer: For it is not the out∣ward matter of the bread, but the word that is spoken vpon it, that profiteth him which eateth him worthely, &c.

Irenaeus.

Iesus taking bread of the same condition which is after vs,* 24.56 (that is, taking bread of the same nature and kinde as we vse commonly to eate) did confesse it to be his body. And ta∣king likewise the cup which is of the same creature which is af∣ter vs, (that is, which we commonly vse to drinke) confes∣sed it to be his bloud, &c.

Item, lib. 4. Like as bread which is of the earth,* 24.57 receauing the word and calling of God, is now not common bread, but the Eu∣charist, consisting of two things, the one earthly, the other hea∣uenly: so our bodies receauing the sacred Eucharist, be now not corruptible, hauing hope of resurrection, &c.

¶Argument.

• Ba- The bread in the Sacrament is so chaunged into the body, as our bodies are changed when they are made vncorruptible by hope.
• ro- But our bodies are not made incorruptible by chaun∣ging their substance.
• co. Ergo, no more is the bread changed into the substance of the body.

Gregory.

Notwithstanding, whether we take leauened or vnleauened bread, we are all one body of our Lord and Sauiour, &c.

¶Argument.

• Da- Where bread leauened or vnleauened is taken, there is substance of bread, and not accidences only.
• * 24.58ri- In the Sacrament bread is receaued either leauened or vnleauened:
• j. Ergo, in the Sacrament is substaunce of bread and not accidences onely.

¶Argument.

• Ba- The body of Christ is named of that which is propor∣tioned round, and is vnsensible in operation.
• ro- Accidences only of bread haue no figure of roundnes:
• co. Ergo, the body of Christ is not named of accidences, but of very bread substantiall.

¶Argument.

• The wordes of the Euangelist speaking of that whyche Christ tooke, blessed, brake, and gaue, do importe it to be bread, and nothing else but bread.
• Ergo, the substance of bread is not to be excluded out of the Sacrament.

Chrisostome.

Christ in bread and wyne sayde: do this in remembraunce of me.* 24.59

Cyrillus.

He gaue to them peeces or fragments of bread.

* 24.60Also the same Cyrill sayth: In bread we receaue his preci∣ous body and his bloud in wyne.

Ergo, by these Doctours it remaineth bread after conse∣cration.

Ambrose.

Before the blessing of the heauenly words, it is called another kynde of thyng. After consecration the body of Christ is signi∣fied.

¶Arguments of Peter Martyr disputing with M. Chadsey vpon the first question.

• Da- The Analogie and resemblaunce betwene the Sacra∣ment and the thing signified, must euer be kept in all Sacraments.
• ti- In the Sacrament of the Lordes body, this Analogie or resemblaunce can not be kept, if bread be transub∣stantiated:
• si. Ergo, the substance of bread must needes remayne in the Sacrament of the Lords body.

The Maior of this Argument is certaine by S. Austen, Lib. De catechisandis rudibus,* 24.61 & Epist. ad Dardan. Where hee sayeth: Sacramentes must needes beare a similitude of those thyngs whereof they are Sacramentes, or else they can be no Sa∣cramentes.

The Minor is thus proued.

¶Argument.

• Ba- The resemblaunce betweene the Sacrament and the body of Christ is this:* 24.62 that as the properties of bread and wyne do nourish outwardly: so the properties of the body of Christ do nourish spiritually.
• ro- Without the substaunce of bread and wine, there is no resemblaunce of nourishing.
• co. Ergo, without the substaunce of bread and wyne, the Analogie can not hold.

¶Argument.

• Ba- Agayne, another resemblaunce and similitude or Ana∣logie of this Sacramente is this, that as one loafe of bread, and one cuppe of wine conteineth many cornes and many grapes: so the mysticall congregation cōtei∣neth many members, and yet maketh but one bodie:
• ro- Without the substance of bread & wine, no such resem∣blaunce or similitude of cōiunction can be represented:
• co. Ergo, without the substaunce of bread and wyne, the Analogie of this spirituall coniunction can not holde.

¶Another Argument.

• Ba- Euery Sacrament consisteth in two thynges, that is, in the thing signifieng, and the thing signified.
• ro- Without the substance of bread and wine, there is no∣thing that signifieth in the Sacrament:
• co. Ergo, the substaunce of bread and wyne in the Sacra∣mente, can in no wise be transubstantiate from theyr natures. The Minor is thus to be proued.

• Fes- There is no signification in any Sacrament without the element.
• ••i- The substaunce of bread and wine is the elemente of this Sacrament:
• ••o. Ergo, without the substaunce of bread and wine, there is no similitude nor signification in this Sacrament.

And for somuch as the aduersaries ground their tran∣substantiation so much vpon these wordes of Christ: This is my body: which they expound onely after y^e litteral sense,* 24.63 without troupe or figure: now that this their exposition is false, and that the sayde woordes are to be taken figu∣ratiuely and spiritually, by three causes it is to be proued. 1. First by the wordes of the Scripture. 2. By the nature of a Sacrament. 3. By the testimonies of the fathers.

1. First by these wordes of the scripture, where he sayth: Doe this in remembraunce of mee, for so muche as remem∣braunce properly serueth not for thinges corporally presēt, but for thinges rather being absent.

2. Secondly, where he saith: Vntill I come.* 24.64 Which words were vayne, if he were already come by consecration.

3. Thirdly, where S. Paule sayth: The breaking of bread, is it not the communion of the body of Christ? Which words of breaking in no case can be verified vppon the body of Christ, which for the glory thereof is vnpossible.

4. Furthermore where as the Lord biddeth thē to take and eate, it is euident, that the same cannot be vnderstand simply of the body of Christ without a trope, forsomuch as he cannot be eaten and chawed with teeth, as we vse pro∣perly in eating other meates to doe.

5. The wordes moreouer of Luke and Paule spoken of the cuppe, doe argue likewise that the other words spoken of the bread must needes be taken mistically. As where it is sayd: This cup is the new testament: which woordes must needes be expounded thus: thys cup doth signifie the new Testament.

6. Item, these wordes of S. Iohn. chap. 6. My wordes be spirite and life. The flesh profiteth nothing &c.

7. Itē, where in the same place of S. Iohn, Christ to re∣fell the carnal vnderstanding of the Capernaites of eating his body, maketh mention of his Ascension. &c.

The second cause why the wordes of Christ:* 24.65 This is my body, cannot be litterally expounded without trope, is y^e nature of a sacrament: whose nature and propertie is to beare a signe or signification of a thinge to be remembred, which thing after the substantiall and reall presence, is ab∣sent. As touching which nature of a sacrament sufficiently hath bene sayd before.* 24.66

The third cause, why the woordes of consecration are figuratiuely to be taken, is the testimonie of the auncient Doctours.

Tertullianus. This is my body: that is to say, this is a figure of my body.* 24.67

August. Psal. 3. Christ gaue a figure of his body.

August. Contra Adamantum Manichaeum. He did not doubt to say: This is my body when he gaue a signe of his body.

Hieronimus. Christ represented vnto vs his body.

August. August. in his booke De Doctrina Christiana declareth ex∣pressely that this speache of eating the body of Christ,* 24.68 is a figuratiue speach.

Ambrosius. As thou hast receaued the similitude of his death: so thou drinkest the similitude of his precious bloud.

¶Argument.

• Fe- The death of Christ is not present really in the sacra∣ment but by similitude.
• ri- The precious bloud of Christ is present in the Sacra∣ment as his death is present:* 24.69
• o. Ergo, the precious bloud of Christ is not present really in the Sacrament.

The Minor of this argument is proued before by the wordes of Ambrose.

The second question. Whether the body and bloud of Christ be in the bread and wine,* 24.70 or vn∣der the formes of bread and wine car∣nally and corporally.

¶Argument.

• Di- The true natural body of Christ is placed in heauen.
• sa- The true naturall body of man can be but in one place at once, where he is:
• mis. Ergo, the true naturall body of Christ can be in no place at once, but in heauen where he is.

The Maior is playne by the Scriptures: Iesus was ta∣ken vp to heauen, and sitteth at the right hand of God.* 24.71 Math. 26 The poore ye haue alwayes with you, but me you shall not alwayes haue Iohn. 12. I leaue the world and go to my Father. Ioh. 16. Many shal say in that day: Loe here is Christ,* 24.72 and there is Christ, beleue thē not, Mat. 24. Whō the heauēs must receiue

for a time, vntill the restitution of all. Actes. 3. Seeke those things that are aboue, where Christ is, sitting at the right hand of God, &c. Col. 3.

The Minor likewise is euident by S. Austen, who spea∣king of the glorified body of Christ,* 24.73 affirmeth the same to be in one certayne place, Propter veri corporis modum, that is, for the maner of a true body.

¶Argument.

• Da- Euery true naturall body requireth one certaine place. August.
• ri- Christes body is a true naturall body:
• j. Ergo, Christes body requireth one certayne place.

¶Argument.

• * 24.74Austen giueth not to the soule of Christ to be in mo pla∣ces at once, but one. August ad Dardanum.
• Ergo, much lesse is it to be giuen to the body of Christ to be in mo places at once, but in one.

¶Argument.

• The nature of the Aungels is not to be in diuers pla∣ces,* 24.75 but they are limited to occupy one certaine place at once. Basilius de spirit. sanct. cap. 22.
• Ergo, the body of Christ, being the true naturall body of a man, can not fill diuers places at one time.

¶Argument.

• Ba- Whatsoeuer is in many & diuers places at once is God▪
• ro- The body of Christ is not God but a creature:
• co. Ergo, the body of Christ can not be in moe places to∣gether.

¶Argument.

• Fes- We must not so defende the Diuinitie of Christ, that we destroy his humanitie. August.
• ti- If we assig••e to the body of Christ pluralitie of places, we destroy his humanitie:
• no. Ergo, we must not assigne to the body of Christ plura∣litie of places.

¶Argument.

• Fes- Whatsoeuer thing is circumscribed, that is to say, con∣teined in the limits of any peculiar place, can not be di∣spersed in mo places at once.
• ti- The body of Christ is a thing circumscribed:
• no. Ergo, the body of Christ is not dispersed in mo places at one time.

¶Argument.

• Da- Euery quantitie, that is, euery body hauing magni∣tude, length, and other dimensions, is circumscribed in one peculiar place:
• ri- The bodye of Christe hathe his dimensions, and is a quantitie:
• j. Ergo, the body of Christ is circumscribed.

Cyrillus. The Maior is proued by Cyrillus. Whatsoeuer is vnder∣standed to be a body,* 24.76 the same is verely in a place, and in magni∣tude, and in quantitie. And if it be in quantitie, it can not auoyd circumscription, that is, to haue his place.

¶Argument.

• Ba- If Christ had giuen his body substantially and carnal∣ly in the Supper, then was that body either passible, or impassible.
• ro- But neither can you say that body to be passible or im∣passible, which he gaue at Supper:
• co. Ergo, he did not giue his body substancially and car∣nally at Supper.

August. The Minor is proued thus. For if ye say it was pas∣sible,* 24.77 Austen is against it, which sayth: Ye shall not eate thys body which you see, nor drinke the same bloud which they shall shed, that shall crucifie me, &c. And if ye say, it was impas∣sible, that may not be admitted by the words of the Euan∣gelist, which sayth: Eate, this is my body which shall be geuen for you: So that that body was passible and not impas∣sible, wherein Christ was geuen.

Vigilius. One creature can not receaue in it selfe two contrary or di∣uers thynges together.* 24.78 But these two thyngs be diuers and farre vnlike, that is to say, to be conteyned in a place, and to be euery where. For the word is euery where, but the fleshe is not euery where.

¶Argument.

• Fe- Bodyes origanicall without quantitie be no bodies.
• ri- The Popes doctrine maketh the body of Christ in the Sacrament to be without quantitie:
• o. Ergo, the Popes doctrine maketh the body of Christ in the Sacrament to be no body.

¶Argument.

• Da- All things which may be deuided, haue quantitie.
• ri- The body in the Popes Sacrament is deuided in iij. partes:
• j. Ergo, the body in the Popes Sacrament hath quanti∣tie, which is against their owne doctrine.

¶Argument.

• Fe- No naturall body can receaue in it selfe, and at one time, contrary or diuers qualities. Vigilius.
• ri- To be in one place locall, and in another place not lo∣call, in one place with quantitie, in another place with∣out quantitie, in one place circumscript, in another place incircumscript, is for a naturall body to receyue contrary qualities:
• o. Ergo, the body of Christ can not be in one place locall, and in another not locall, in one place with quantitie, and in another without quantitie, as our aduersaries do affirme.

¶Argument.

• Fe- The wicked receaue not the body of Christ.
• ri- The wicked do receaue the body of Christ, if transub∣stantiation be graunted:
• son. Ergo▪ transubstantiation is not to be graunted in the Sacrament.

¶Argument for probation of the Maior.

• Ca- To eate Christ, is for a man to haue Christ dwellyng and abiding in him. Augustine.
• mes- The wicked haue not Christ dwelling in them:
• tres. Ergo, the wicked eate not the body of the Lord.

Cyprian. Cyprianus de Coena Domini. The eating of Christ, is our aby∣ding in hym.* 24.79

¶Argument.

• Bo- The holy Ghost could not come if the body of Christ were really present.
• car- That the holy Ghost is come, it is most certayne:
• do. Ergo, it can not be that Christ himselfe should be heere really present.

For proofe of the Maior. Iohn 16. Vnlesse I go from you, the holy Ghost shall not come: It is expedient for you that I go hence.* 24.80

¶Argument of Peter Martyr.

• Ba- If the wicked and infidels doe receaue the bodye of Christ, they receaue him either with sense or reason, or with fayth.
• ro- But they receaue him neither with sense, reason, nor with faith:
• co▪ Ergo, wicked men and infidels receaue in no wise the body of Christ.

For declaration of the Maior: if yee say, they receaue him with sense, that is against their owne lore,* 24.81 for the body of Christ in the blessed Sacrament (say they) is not sen∣sible, nor to be perceaued by any sense, neither with reason can they receaue him, by their owne learning, for so much as this Sacramente exceedeth all reason: Nec fides habet meritum, vbi ratio praebet experimentum. And if ye say, that they receaue him with faith, how can that be, seeing infi∣dels haue no faith?

What is to eate the body of Christ, the teachyng of the Papistes heerein is straunge, and differeth from the olde Doctours. For where the Papistes do teache,* 24.82 that wicked persons and infidels, albeit they receaue not the effect of the Sacrament, yet the matter of the Sacrament, which is the very body of Christ, they receiue with their mouth, and with their sense the accidences of bread, and thus imagine a certaine body of Christ, suche as euill men and infidels may eate, and yet being eaten, it geueth them no nourish∣ment nor life, nor maketh them no partakers of his spirite and grace: both Scripture and the auncient expositours of the Scripture do teach much otherwise. For the Scripture knoweth no such kinde of eating Christes body, but onely that which is fruitefull, wholesome, and effectuall.* 24.83 He that eateth my fleshe and drinketh my bloud, abideth in mee and I in him, &c. Iohn. 6. And therefore it may appeare, that the Scripture meaneth by eating Christes flesh, to beleeue in Christes Passion, which none can doe but onely the faith∣full. And to the same sense sound all the old Doctours.

Cyprianus. That we should knowe, that eatyng is our dwellyng in hym, and our drinkyng is, as it were,* 24.84 a certayne incorporation in hym.

Item, the same Cyprian: The eatyng therefore of hys fleshe is a certayne desire to abyde in hym:* 24.85 and sayeth moreo∣uer, that none eateth of thys Lambe, but suche as be true Israe∣lites, that is, true Christen men, without colour or dissimula∣tion.

And agayne hee sayeth: That as meate is to the fleshe, the same is fayth to the soule, the same is the woorde to the spirite, &c.

Moreouer: And therefore (sayth hee) doing this we whet not our teeth to bite, but with pure faith we breake the holy bread, and distribute it, &c.

Augustinus. It may not be sayde, that any suche doe eate the body of Christ, because they are accompted amongst the members of Christ. Neither can they be both members of Christ,* 24.86 and members of an harlot, &c. Furthermore, when Christ sayeth: He that eateth my fleshe, and drinketh my bloud, dwelleth in me, and I in him: hee sheweth what it is, not Sacramentally, but in deede to eate hys body and drinke his bloud, which is, when a man so dwelleth in Christ, that Christ dwelleth in him. For so Christ spake those wordes, as if hee shoulde saye: he that dwelleth not in me, and in whome I dwell not, let him not say nor thinke, that he eateth my body, or drinketh my bloud.

Also in other places the sayde Austen affirmeth, that, to drinke is to liue: And sayeth moreouer: Why preparest thou thy belly and thy teeth? beleeue and thou hast eaten, &c.

All which kindes of eating can not be sayd of the wicked and infidels, but only of the godly and faithfull.

And thus briefly we haue runne ouer all the arguments and authorities of Peter Martyr in that disputation at Oxford, with Doctour Tresham, Chadsey, and Morgan, before the Kings visitours aboue named. an. 1549.

Furthermore, who so listeth more fully to be satisfied and resolued in all the occurrents touching the matter of thys Sacrament, let him reade the bookes first of the Archbishop Cranmer against Winchester: Secondly, the tractation of Peter Martyr made in Oxford, translated and extant in English: and thirdly the booke of Bishop Ridley made in prison, called A briefe declaration of the Lordes Supper.

The lyke disputation also about the same time was ap∣pointed and commensed at Cambridge, cōcerning the same matter of the Sacrament, the Kings visitours being dire∣cted downe for the same purpose by the King. The names of which visitours were these, Nicholas Ridley Byshop of Rochester, Thomas Bishop of Ely, M. Iohn Cheeke the Kings Scholemaister, Doctour May Ciuilian, and Thomas Wendy the Kings Phisician. The conclusions in that disputation propounded were these.

The first disputation holden at Cambridge the 20. day of Iune. ann. 1549. before the Kings Maiesties Commissio∣ners by Doctor Madew respondent, whose first conclusion was this.

Transubstantiation can not be prooued by the playne and ma∣nifest wordes of Scripture, nor can thereof be necessarily collected, nor yet confirmed by the consents of the aun∣cient Fathers, for these thousande yeares past. Doctour Glin, M. Langedale, M. Segewike, M. Yong▪ opponents.

Doctour Madew.

FIrst of all (quoth he) I am very sory, and do not a little lament the shortnes of time, to declare and discusse such waighty matters of Religion in, as these be. But that not∣withstāding, if I had had more plenty of time indeede: yet you shall vnderstande, how that I haue euer both in hart and mind (if otherwise I could haue auoided it) abhorred all scholasticall disputations, and subtile sophistications. In consideration whereof, I beseech those that are to dis∣pute, not to alledge or bring foorth any dismembred, or cur∣teled sentences, or wrested as hapneth many times, but the whole and full sentences eyther of the Scriptures, or of the auncient Doctors: yea, and to auouch suche Authors say∣ings, as are not suspected, or fayned, but suche as be theyr owne very sayings indeede, which if they do, there is no doubt, but the cleare light of this our disputation, shall the sooner appeare, and be manifest to this auditorie. And for a further declaration of my part, you shall vnderstande that this my preface in my said former most catholique & godly conclusion shall consist in three principall points. 1. First, what thing it was that Christ gaue to his disciples. 2. Se∣condly, what season or time this transubstantiation did begin. 3. Thirdly, how many diuelish abhominatiōs haue ensued vpon that horrible and pestilēt inuention. As con∣cerning the first, that is, what thing Christ gaue to his dis∣ciples, that may very well appeare euen by our owne na∣turall sences, as namely, by the sight, by the touching, by the tasting, whiche can not be deceiued of their naturall iudgement. For the eye seeth nothing but bread and wine, the tasting sauoureth nothing else, and the handes touche nothing else. He gaue also to their vnderstanding not ••••ly his holy and sacred doctrine, but also a special gi••t & pledge of his loue. He gaue the only materiall brea•• & wine sanc∣tified, as the first rude and plaine elements or principles to allure them withall, but he gaue them the gift of his grace and heauenly doctrine, as the very things signified by the sensible elementes, which thing playnly appeareth by the wordes of Christ our sauiour, Non bibam. &c. I will not drinke hereafter of the fruite of this vine, vntill I drinke it new with you in the kingdome of God. Nowe this fruit or iuoise of y^e vine is nothing els but wine, as Chrisostome saith. And moreouer to proue the same true, if it be reser∣ued after the cōsecratiō for a time, it becommeth sower, and tarte, therefore it is but wine. And as touching the bread, S. Paul sayth thus, is not the bread which we breake, the communion, or participation of Christes body? hee brake breade, therefore it was but bread, whiche he gaue them: for the body of Christ is not broken, as the scripture saythe of y^e same, os non cōminuetis ex eo, you shall not breake a bone of him. Also he saith this is my bodye, not that the bread was his body, and the wine his bloud, but he spake those wordes to, and of his owne mortall bodye, there sit∣ting amongest them at supper, or hee spake yet doubtfully as thus: this signifieth my body, it is one thing, whiche is seene, but it is an other thing which is vnderstanded: for y^t which is seen hath a bodely form, but y^t which is vnderstood thereby hath a spirituall fruite. S. Austen sayth. Let the word haue accesse to the element, so is it made a sacrament: marke, he sayth, let the word haue accesse, and not successe. Now the thinge that hath accesse to an other thinge, doth not quench the thinge that it commeth to, no more doth i•• here, ergo it is bread and wine still as before, how be it sa∣cred, and holy: What saw you yesterday (sayth S. Austen) vppon the aulter? Truely bread and wine, whiche your owne eyes can witnesse said he, what playner testimonye can be had of so auncient a father as he was, and of so rare knowledge in the scriptures of God? Seeing then y^t oure eyes doe behould nothing, but bread and wine, it must needes follow that it is so in deede, or els our sences ••e de∣ceaued in their owne proper obiecte, which cannot be by a∣ny reason, or naturall philosophy. And yet notwithstan∣ding some papistes dreame and phantesie such a corporal, reall, and grosse presence of Christs body in the sacrament as they affirme it to be there euen as verily, as it was vp∣on the Crosse. Indeede the bread is chaunged after a cer∣tayne maner, into Christes bodye: for Christ gaue not hys owne natural bodye to his Disciples at his last supper, but an onely signe or figure thereof. Christes body is there with the bread: our sences cannot be deceaued about the substaunce of bread, but they doe iudge there to be but one body, that is of bread, Ergo so it is. Also the very definition of a sacrament doth playnly repugne vnto transubstantia∣tion. Bread nourisheth the substaunce of Christes body, but the accidentes doe not so, Ergo the substaunce doth re∣mayne of the bread that nourisheth: it is also called bread in the Actes, and in diuers other places of the scriptures, wherefore it is so, but in deede after a sorte more holy then before: what gaue he in the supper? bread which is the bo∣dy, that is to say, an holy signe of his body, as Austen doth witnesse saying: hee doubted not to say this is my bodye, whē it was but a signe of his body. The vnleauened bread was but a bare and naked signe of Christes bodye, and so is this bread the same body, euen as baptisme is. Now in∣deed there be two maner of signes, one that signifie onely, the other that doth exhibite the thing it self. The first is ap∣plyed to the old lawe chiefly, ••he other to the law of grace. The old ancient & learned fathers, did neuer vse to speake of the substanciall chaunge, for because that all the mutati∣on is but condicionall, not substanciall, nor we deeme not the bodely substaunce sacramentally, but yet we saye that this proposition (that is my bodye) is but a figuratiue speache, and no proper speache, as some doe deeme. But it is as muche to saye, as this signifieth my bodye, or els thus, this is a sacrament of my body, for the bodi••ye bread, and Christes body are not contayned in place local∣ly but mistically. This portenteouse and monstrouse tran∣substanciation began first to enter, when the popishe pre∣lates, & priestes began to vnderstād this said proposition (this is my body) of the carnall and reall presence of Chri∣stes body▪ as hugo de sancto victore, Gracian, Peter, Lom∣bard and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. the very pestilent poyson of al Chri∣st••n religion, vnto whome we haue of long season, yea al∣••as too long geuen credite: vnder the which Innocente the said deuilish terme, or vocable of transubstantiation began anno. 1315. And Boniface after him Bishop of Rome made the sayde ••ad blinde transubstantiation to be the 3. article of the fayth, full wisely no doubt, whereas an other bishop of Rome after him affirmed plainly against Nestor the hereticke that bread remayneth there still whose name was G••••••sius. 3. Now as touching y^e most shamefull and detestable inconueniences which must needes follow this diuelish t••rme or vocable of transubstantiation, you shall vnderstand the first is, that then suche Papistes will haue Christes body still prostituted, and receaued euen of the

wicked and naughty people, which is cleane contrary to that place of our sauiour Christ, where he sayth: Whosoeuer eateth my fleshe and drinketh my bloud, dwelleth in me, and I in him. Nowe it is plaine, that euill persons dwell not in Christ, nor Christ in them, wherefore they receiue not his body therin at all. For S. Austine tract. 8. super Iohannem saith, that it is but bread which is seene after the Consecration, Ergo, the substance of bread is there still. 2. The seconde inconuenience that groweth heereof, is the fonde and su∣perstitious reseruation of the sacrament in pixes, boxes, and such like, with vaine tabernacles ouer the alter, where oftentimes it did putrifie for all their foolish honour, which began in Honorius daies the third Bishop of Rome of that name, which corruption declareth it to be but onely bread, say all Papists what they list. 3. The third inconuenience that must needes follow Transubstantiation, is adorati∣on, which is too plaine Idolatry, as the Papists do know themselues if they list, but they are so stiffenecked, that they will not know it, and so both haue, and yet also will keepe the world in blindnes still if they might be suffered. But to be short with you, euen as we are chaunged into Christ by receiuing the sacrament, so is the bread chaunged into the body of Christ. But our substance is not chaunged into Christes substance, Ergo, the substance of the bread is not changed into Christes body. And to be shorte and playne with you (most honourable audience) the whole vniuersall world hath bene, and yet is sore deceaued and deluded a∣bout the estimation of this Sacrament. Therefore this is most true, when we do receaue the sayd Sacrament wor∣thely, then are we ioyned by faith spiritualy to Christ our sauiour. And thus much haue I said in this first matter.

The second matter to be disputed of is this.

That in the Lords Supper is none other oblation or sacrifice, then one onely remembraunce of Christes death, and of thankesgiuing.

IN this conclusion, I will be muche shorter, and more compendious then in the first. In consideration where∣of, you shall vnderstande, that the same is a very godly, and true catholique proposition. For to offer Christ, and to exhibite the same, is all one thing, for in that that he is of∣fered, he is set foorth for to eate, there is no difference at all betweene the maker of the sacrifice, or offerer, and the thing that was offered, which both were one Christ. The Lorde did commaund saying, Do this in remembraunce of me, hee made mention of the remembrance only, wherefore it can be none other sacrifice, but only that. The Apostle doth de∣clare the maner of the thing doing, saying thus: He tooke bread in his hands, he blessed it, he brake it, and gaue it to his dis∣ciples. What gaue he to them? forsooth bread, which was the sacrament, and not his body. No earthly creature nor heauenly, did euer offer vp Christ at any time, but he him∣selfe once for all, vpon the crosse, Ergo, he can not, nor ought not to be offered many times, and often, though that Pig∣hius with all the blinde rabble of Papists say the contrary. For truely in this point especially they knowe not what they say, being so led by the old pharisaicall blindnes. But to the purpose. You shall vndestand good auditors, that the pure and cleane oblation and sacrifice spokē of by the Pro∣phet Malachy, is nothing else, then deuoute, and faithfull prayer, and thankesgiuing, as Tertullian sayth in his third booke contra Marcionem expounding the Psalme, where it is sayd thus: The sacrifice of laude, and prayse shall honor mee. So doth S. Hierome, Irenaeus, and S. Austen say also vppon Malachy. Where also they denie that Christ is essencially in the sacrament. Yea and S. Austen Epistola 95. ad Paulinum witnesseth, that the mortifying of our earthly members is our true sacrifice that be Christians. And all the aunciente Fathers do call praiers by the name of sacrifices. And for this purpose, whosoeuer list to reade that most excellente and famous Clarke Zwinglius ca. 18. de articulis, shall finde the same confirmed of him by most grounded reasons, whatsoeuer the Papists do barke against it. Thus I haue declared my mind in both matters now disputable. And if my further declaration be required through the vehemency of argumentes, I will performe the same in my aunswe∣ring thereunto.

There disputed against this defendant Doctour Glin, M. Langedale, M. Segewike, and M. Yong, Students in Diui∣nitie.

Glin.

Notwithstanding right worshipfull Maister Doc∣tor, that you haue so exquisitely declared your mind and o∣pinion in euery of these matters now in contention before this honorable and learned audience, and also though iust occasion be ministred to me to infringe your positions in both conclusions, yet I will not inuade the same as now indirectly with contrarious and vaine wordes to occupie the small time which is appointed vs for the triall of the same, but we will go forthwith to the thing it selfe, whych conteineth in it matter ynough. It is but ••olly to vse many wordes where fewe will serue our purpose, as sayeth the maister of the Sentences. All words may signifie at plea∣sure and commonly there bee moe thinges then vocables, like as sometimes there was variance amongst learned men of the vnitie of two substances in one personage of Christ God and Man. So is there now in our dayes va∣riance of Transubstantiation of bread and wine into the body and bloud of Christ. Wherefore I do require you first to shew me heare openly what the said Transubstantiati∣on is, that we go not from the thing it selfe, which is our first and chiefest ground.

Madew.

As for that I neede not to shew you, for euery man knoweth it.

Glin.

Peraduenture it is not so good Maister Doctor. And I am perfectly assured that euery man doth not knowe it indeede: for it is not so light a matter as you make it to be.

Madew.

Forsooth you know it your selfe, and so do all men else.

Glin.

Well, yet I pray you shew me what thing Christ did demonstrate and shew foorth by that article of the newter gender, where he said, This is my body. What did he appoint in that article this? for if he meant by that, the bread, then Christ in the Sacrament is not onely of two natures, but of three natures, as of the nature of bread, of the nature of man, and of the diuine nature, which to say, were blasphe∣mie. The argument is good, and doth hold by that text, He spake the word, and it was done, he commaunded, and they were created. Moreouer, if he should meane by that article of the newter gender (this) the materiall bread, then he woulde haue sayd, This bread is my body, so making the article of the newter gender: or else he would haue sayd thus, Heere with this bread is my body, to haue auoyded euer after all here∣sies, errours, and schismes. But he saide not so, but spake the article of the newter gender, saying, This is my body, that is to saye, the thing or substance conteyned vnder the forme and kind of bread, which you see not with your bo∣dely eyes is my body, according to my promise made to you before, that I woulde geue you my very fleshe to eate, Iohn. 6. In like maner when he gaue the cup of his blood, he sayd not this in the newter gender, as he woulde haue done if he had meant the materiall creature of wine to haue remained, but he saide then in the masculine gender, This is my bloud: That is to say the thing conteined vnder the forme of wine whiche you see not with your bodely eyes is my bloud. For truely the holy Ghost came downe to leade vs into all truth and veritie, and not to deceiue vs in so notable a point of our faith. But out of doubte he should haue deceaued in this matter, if so be he had geuen vs onely materiall bread and wine in stead of his bodye and bloud, and not haue fulfilled his promise made Iohn 6. where he promiseth thus. The bread whiche I will geue is my fleshe, which I will geue for the life of the world. Heere be two giuings spoken of, with two relatiues, whereof the first with his relatiue, must needes be referred to his gift in the last supper, and the second geuing of the same fleshe of his, with his relatiue, must be applied of necessitie vnto his geuing of his body vpon the Crosse. Nor we do finde in the whole Scripture, where Christ did fulfill his sayde promise made in y^e 6. of Iohn, but at those said two times. Wherefore if we be deceiued in this matter of Transub∣stantiation, we may well say, O Lord thou hast deceaued vs. But God forbid that we should once thinke such wic∣kednes of him. He must also be vniust of his promise if it be not performed at any season, as it is not indeede, if it were not at both the said times. Then if it were performed (as the Catholique Churche of Christe dothe holde, deter∣mine, and beleeue) then must it needes be graunted, that he gaue at his last Supper his owne body and flesh indeede and verely which he gaue vpon the Crosse for the life of the world, though not in so fleshly a manner and bloudie, yet the very same flesh and ••loud really after an vnblou∣dy sort, and spiritually. He said not This bread is my bo∣dy, nor yet heere with the bread is my body, but, This is my body, which shall be geuen for you. Nor he said not, this wine is my bloud, nor with this wine is my bloud, whiche cir∣cumstance of plaine speach he would haue vsed, if the pure creatures should haue remained, but he sayde, This is my bloud, which is shed for you and for many for the remission of sinnes, that is to say, the substance hidden vnder these vi∣sible formes of bread and wine, are my very proper fleshe and bloud. I pray you where do you find in the whole bo∣dy of the Scripture expressed, or iustly vnderstanded, that Christ gaue but only a bare and naked signe, figure, or sa∣crament? Or where finde you that he gaue his body wyth

bread,* 24.87 it remayning bread still? And if you thinke to finde it, I pray you shewe me here, whether that bodye that hee gaue with materiall bread, were his true body or not? If not, then it was phantasticall, if it were his true body (as you doe graunt) then must there needes be two very true bodyes in one place together. Now that it was his verye true body and bloud, it is certayne by the playne wordes of the text saying thus. Which is betrayed or geuen, and which is shedde for you, and for many. But I will let all this passe ouer, and I do requyre of you this one question whether that the sacramentes of the old law, and of y^e new law be all one?

Madew.

* 24.88If you doe consider the thinges themselues they be all one, but if you respecte the onely signes, figures and sacramentes outwardly then they be diuers.

Glin.

I doe perceiue your aunswere very well, then fur∣ther to our purpose, was Christ then after the same maner in the bread that came from heauen. In the paschall lamb, and in Isaac, as he is in this Sacrament? Which if you do graunt me then these propositions were true, for Christ to say this Manna is my body, this Lambe is my body, this Isaac is my bodye. Moreouer if the Sacramentes of the olde law, and of the law of grace be all one, in very deede, & effect (as you seeme to graūt) thē what difference is be∣tweene the shew bread in Moyses law, and the bread, that we doe breake that Saynt Paule speaketh of? They then had that bread, which signified Christ and so doth ours (as you say) that was bread, so is ours, and so by your reason there is no difference betweene them: yea theyr Manna because it came from heauen, was better then this earth∣ly bread, that commeth from beneath, which is contrarye to the truth: for Saynt Paule sayth, that the law was ge∣uen by Moyses, but the verity was geuē by Iesus Christ. Wherefore that which Christ gaue, was not onely a signe but also the veritye, that is to saye, the liuing breade, that came from heauen, the true Lambe that taketh awaye the sinnes of the world, and Isaac himselfe which is Christ, or els you must graunt me that we christians doe receiue lesse then the Iewes did. For they receiued the breade called Manna from heauen, and we onely a poore morsel of bread from the earth. Theyrs was called Aungelles foode, and ours is (as you holde) little better then common breade. Me seemeth that you doe distrust the doctrine of the fayth of Christendome, for these fiue hundreth yeares, euen as though Christ had forsaken his Catholique Church after one thowsande yeares, but that is not so, for he promised his holy spirite to assist his spowse the Church, and to lead her continually into all trueth from time to time, as neede should require.* 24.89 As I remember you sayd, that adoration did followe vpon transubstaunciation, but the fathers for one thowsand yeares past doe graunt adoration of the sa∣crament therefore transubstantiation also. The minor I proue by the most cleare testimonies of S. Austen, S. Am∣brose, S. Deuise, S. Basile, and S. Chrisostome,

Madew.

I denye (mayster Doctour) that I sayde any suche thing, and therwith I say that the Fathers do vnderstand by adoration a certeine reuerent maner, that we should re∣ceiue the Lordes supper with, which may be called a certē veneration, but no adoration.

Glin.

No may? S. Austen (de ciuitate Dei) witnesseth that the Ethnikes, and Paynims doe esteme the Christians to worship and adore the gods of wheat and barly called Cae∣res, and the God of wyne called Bacchus. And agayne S. Austen saith thus. Lo no man eateth of that bread except he first adore and worship it.

Madew.

By your pacience S. Austen in that place speaketh of the honoring of Christes body now sitting in heauen.

Glin.

* 24.90Yea mayster Doctor, thinke you so? And why not al∣so of his blessed body in the sacrament? Seing that he saith it is there, this is my body, which is geuen for you, sayth he. More playnely he needed not to speake for the reall presēce of his blessed body, being both able & willing to verify his word. For if a cunning Lapidary should say to you or me thys is a true right diamōd,* 24.91 a perfecte carbuncle, saphyre, emrode or any such precious stone, we would beleue him, though we were ignorant of theyr natures. Wherefore we ought much more to beleue our Sauiour Christ God, and man, in that he sayth: this is my body. And why then ought we not to honor it in the sacrament. Or how many bodies hath Christ, seeing you do graunt his body in heauen to be honored, but not his body here in the sacrament.

Madew.

Forsooth he hath but one very body, & no moe, but the same is sacramentally in the sacrament, and substanci∣ally in heauen, here by fayth, and there in deed.

Glin.

Well yet once agayne to you thus. The very true bo∣dy of Christ is to be honored,* 24.92 but the same very true body is in the Sacrament, ergo the body of Christ in the sacra∣ment is to bee honored.

Rochester.

Welbeloued frendes and brethren in our sauior Christ you must vnderstand that this disputatiō,* 24.93 with the other that shalbe after this are appointed for to search forth the playne trueth of the holy scriptures in these matters of religion, which of a long season haue bene hidden from vs by the false gloses of that greate Antichrist and his Mini∣sters of Rome and now in our dayes must be reueyled to vs Englishe men, thorow the great mercy of God prin∣cipally, and secondarily thorow the most gentle clemencye of our naturall soueraigne Lord the kings maiesty, whom the liuing Lord long preserue to raigne ouer vs in health wealth & godlines, to mayntenaunce of Gods holy word, and to the exterpation of all blinde gloses of men, that goe about to subuert the truth. For because therfore that I am one that doth loue the truth, and haue professed the same a∣mongst you: th••••••ore I say because of conferring my mind with yours, I will here gladlye declare what I thinke in this poynt now in controuersy. Not because this worship¦full Doctor hath any need of my healpe in dissoluing of ar∣gumentes proposed agaynst him, for as me semeth he hath aunswered hitherto very well and clarkly according to the truth of Gods word. But now to the purpose. I do graūt vnto you (mayster oponent) that the old auncient fathers do record and witnesse, a certeine honour and adoration to be done vnto Christes body, but then they speake not of it in the sacrament, but of it in heauen at the right hand of the father as holy Chrisostome sayth, honor thou it,* 24.94 and then eat it but that honor may not be geuē to the outward signe but to the body of Christ it self in heauen. For that body is there onely in a signe vertually, by grace, in the exhibition of it in spirite, effect, and fayth, to the worthy receiuer of it. For we receiue vertually onely Christes body in the sacra∣ment.

Glin.

How thē (if it please your good Lordship) doth bap∣tisme differ from this Sacrament? For in that we receiue Christ also by grace and vertually.

Rochester.

Christ is present after an other sort in baptism, then in this sacrament,* 24.95 for in that he purgeth and washeth the infant from all kinde of sinne, but here he doth feed spi∣rituallye the receiuer in fayth, with all the merites of hys blessed death and passion. And yet he is in heauen still re∣ally and substancially. As for example. The kinges Maie∣sty our Lord and maister is but in one place, wheresoeuer that his royall person is abiding for the time, and yet hys mighty power, and authoritye is euery where in his real∣mes and dominions. So Christes reall person is onely in heauen subauncially placed, but his migh is in all thinges created effectually. For Christes flesh may be vnderstan∣ded for the power, or inward might of his flesh.

Glin.

If it please your fatherhood, S. Ambrose and S. Au∣sten do say, that before the consecratiō, it is but very bread,* 24.96 and after the consecration it is called the verye bodye of Christ.

Madew.

Indeed it is the very body of Christ sacramental∣ly after the consecration, whereas before it is nothing but common bread, and yet after that it is the Lordes bread, & thus must S. Ambrose and S. Austen be vnderstanded.

¶Here the proctours cōmanded the Opponent to di∣uert to the secōd conclusion, but he requested them, that they would permit hym as long in this matter, as they would in the second, and so he still prosecuted the fyrst matter as followeth

Glin.

THe bread after the consecration doth feed the soule,* 24.97 ergo the substaunce of common breade doth not remayne. The argument is good, for S, Ambrose de sacramentis saith thus. After the consecration there is not the thing, that na∣ture did forme, but that which the blessing doth consecrate. And if the benediction of the Prophet Elias did turne the nature of water how much more then doth the benedictiō of Christ here both God and man.

Madew.

That book of S. Ambrose is suspected to be none of his workes.

Rochester.

So say all the fathers.

Glin.

I doe maruaile at that, for S. Austen in his book of retractions maketh playne that, that was his own ve∣ry worke.

Rochester.

He speaketh indeede of such a booke so intituled to S. Ambrose, but yet we do lacke the same book indeed.

Glin.

Well, let it then passe to other mens iudgementes: What then say you to holy S. Ciprian 1200. yeares past?* 24.98 Who saith that the bread which our Lord gaue to his dis∣ciples, was not chaunged in forme, or quallitie: but in ve∣ry nature, and by the almighty word was made fleshe.

Madew.

I do aunswere thus, that this word fleshe may be taken two wayes either for the substaunce it selfe, or els for a natural propertie of a fleshly thing. So that Ciprian

there did meane of a naturall property, and not of fleshlye substance. And cōtrariwise in the rod of Aarō, where both the substance, and also the property was changed.

Glin.

Holy S. Ambrose sayth, the body there made by the mighty power of Gods worde,* 24.99 is a bodye of the Uyrgyne Mary.

Rochest.

That is to say, that by the word of God the thing hath a being, that it had not before, and we doe consecrate the body that we may receiue the grace and power of y^e bo∣dy of Christ in heauen by this sacramentall body.

Glin.

By your pacience (my Lorde) if it bee a bodye of the Uyrgyne as Saynt Ambrose sayth, which we do con∣secrate as ministers by Gods holy word, then must it nee∣des be more then a sacramentall, or spirituall bodye: yea a very body of Christ in deed, yea the same that is still in hea∣uen without all mouing from place to place, vnspeakably, and farre passing our naturall reason, which is in this mi∣stery so captiuate, that it cannot conceiue how it is there, without a liuely fayth to Gods word. But let this passe: You do graunt that this breade doth quicken or geue lyfe, which if it doe, then it is not a naturall bread, but a super∣substanciall bread.

Rochester.

So doth the effectuall, and liuely word of god, which for that it nourisheth the soule, it doth geue life, for the diuine essence infudeth it selfe vnspeakably into y^e faith∣full receiuer of the sacrament.

Glin.

How then say you to holy Damascene a Greeke au∣thour,* 24.100 who as one Tritenius sayth florished one thowsand yeares past, he sayth thus. The bodye that is of the holye Uirgine Mary is ioyned to the Diuinitye after the conse∣cration in veritye, and in deede, not so as the body once assumpted into heauen, and sitteth on the Fathers ryghte hand, doth remoue from thence, and commeth downe at the consecration time, but that the same breade and wyne are substauncially transumpted into the verye bodye and bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ. If (sayth he) thou doest not know the maner how it is brought to passe, let it be e∣nough to thee to beleue, that it is done by the operation of the holy Ghost, and we do know no more but that the ly∣uing word of God is working, and almighty, but the ve∣ry maner how, is inscrutable to vs, and no great maruell sayth he, for we cannot well expresse howe the materiall bread, wine, or water are transumpted naturally into the same body and bloud of the receiuer, and be become an o∣ther body, then they were before. So sayth this great an∣cient Clarke, also this shewbread with wine and water, are chaunged by the comming of the holy Ghost into chri∣stes body and bloud, and they be not two bodies there, but very one (of Christ) and the same.

Rochester.

First I denye (Mayster Doctour) that Damas∣cene was one thowsande yeares past,* 24.101 secondarily that hee is not to be holden as an auncient father, for that he main∣teyneth in his workes euill and damnable doctrine, as the worshipping of images, and such like. Thyrdly I say that in deede God by his holy spirit is the worker of that, whi∣che is done in the sacrament. Also I graunt that there is a mutation of the common bread and wine spiritually in∣to the Lordes breade and wine,* 24.102 by the sanctifying of them in the Lordes word. But I denye that there is any muta∣tion of the substaunces, for there is no other chaunge there indeed, then there is in vs, which when we do receiue the sacrament worthely, then are we chaunged into Christes body, bones and bloud, not in nature, but spiritually, and by grace, much like as Isaias saw the burning cole, euen so we see not there the very simple bread, as it was be¦fore the consecration, for an vnion cannot be but of two very thinges. Wherefore if we be ioyned to Christ recey∣uing the sacrament, then there is no adnihilation of bread, which is, whē it is reduced to nothing as it is in your fai∣ned transubstantiation.

Glin.

So I perceiue you would haue me to graunt, that the Sacrament is but a figure, which Theophilactus doeth deny.

Rochester.

You say trueth, he denyeth it deed to be a figure, but he meaneth that it is not onely a figure.

Glin.

* 24.103Whereas Saynt Paule sayth that we being manye are one bread, he speaketh not, nor meaneth one materiall bread, as you do here, ergo he speaketh of a heauenly bread. And holy Chrysostome vpon Mathew sayth, that the pas∣chall Lambe was a figure, but the mistery is the veryty: For the Disciples would not haue bene offended to haue dronken a figure of Christes bloud being well accustomed to figures.* 24.104 For Christ did not institute a figure for a figure but the cleare verity in stead of the figure, as Saynt Iohn sayth, grace and verity was geuen by Christ. Doest thou see bread? (sayth Chrisostome) doth it auoyd or passe as o∣ther meates do which we receiue? God forbid, ergo. &c.

Madew.

That auncient Clarke Origene vpon the 15. of S. Mathew sayth thus, as touching that which is materiall in the Sacrament, it descendeth,* 24.105 and issueth out as other nutrimentes doe. But as concerning that which is cele∣stiall, it doth not so.

Glin.

Chrisostome homile. 83. vpō Mathew sayth, that we cannot be deceiued of Christes wordes, but our naturall sences may be deceiued in this poynt very soone and ease∣ly: his sayd wordes cannot be false, but our sences be ma∣ny times beguiled of theyr iudgementes. Because there∣fore that Christ sayd this is my body, let vs not at any hand doubte (sayth he) but let vs beleue it, and well perceiue it with the eyes of our vnderstanding. And within a litle af∣ter in that place, he sayth thus. It was not enough that he was become man; and afterwardes to be scourged for vs but also he did reduce, and bring vs to be as one body with him, not thorow fayth onely, but in very deed also he ma∣keth vs his body. And after that, he sayth that these works are not of mannes power: But the same thinges that hee wrought in his last supper, he nowe worketh also by his precept to his right minister, and we doe occupy the place of the same ministers, but hee it is that doth sanctify, and transumpt the creatures, he performeth still the same.

Rochester.

M. Doctour you must vnderstand that in that place S. Chrisostome sheweth vs that Christ deliuered to vs no sensible thing at his last supper.

Glin.

Honourable syr by your pacience, I graunt that hee gaue to his Disciples no sensible thing in substaunce, but a thing insensible, his owne precious body, and bloud vn∣der the onely kindes of creatures. And truely (as it see∣meth) Theophilactus best knew the meaning of Chriso∣stome, because all authors accept him as a faythfull inter∣preter of him. And he hath these same playne words, tran∣selemented, and transformed. Also Theophilactus Alexandri∣nus super Marcum, Cyrillus, and Saynt Augustine sayth that before the consecration it is breade, but afterwardes it is Christes very body. In like maner S. Augustine vpon 33. Psalme. sayth, that in his last supper Christ did beare him∣selfe in his owne handes. Now euery man may beare the figure of his body in his owne hands, but S. Austen saith it there for a miracle. Ireneus in his fift booke is of the same minde. And Saynt Augustine sayth I doe remember my wordes. &c. The law and figures were by Moises, but the verity and body came by Christ.

Rochester.

Well, say what you list, it is but a figuratiue speach, like to this if you will receiue, and vnderstand he is Elias for a property, but indeede he was not Elias, but Iohn the Baptist. And so in this place Christ called it his body, when it was very bread. But better then the cō∣mon breade, because it was sanctified by the woorde of Christ.

¶Here Mayster Langdale replyed to Doctor Madew.

Langdale.

RIght worshipfull Mayster Doctor by your pacience I haue noted two thinges that you affirmed in youre position euen nowe before this honourable audience,* 24.106 the which as me seemeth, are not consonant to the trueth of Gods worde. The first is as touching Christes sayinge I will not from hence forth drinke any more of the fruite of the Uyne, vntill I drinke it newe with you. &c. Whyche place of the Scripture you dyd (as I thinke) vnderstand, and interprete as though nothing els remayned after the consecration, but very wyne still. Whereof I doe not a little maruell. Seeyng that, that most famous Clarke Erasmus whose authoritye and sentence you refuse at this present onely, yet neuerthelesse he is very worthy in thys matter of farre better estimation amongest learned men. Wherefore I trust I shall not offend to alledge him before this learned and honourable auditorye, he playnely affir∣meth that for all his great laboure in searching the Scrip∣tures,* 24.107 he coulde neuer finde either in the Euangelistes or yet in the Apostolicall doctrine, that it might be, or was called wyne, after the consecration. And therefore I can∣not but maruell, if the thing be so open and playne, as in your declaration you seeme to make it, that such a profoūd Clarke as he was, coulde not finde it out. For that sayde place he intreated of in his paraphrases, in his annotati∣ons, and in others of his lucubrations, and yet he playne∣ly denyeth that same very thing to be found of him, whiche you here openly affirmed, that it is wine, or may be so cal∣led after the consecration duely performed by a right mi∣nister. I beseeche you not to be offended, though I credite not your saying in this so weightye a matter of Christian religion, as I do his.

Madew.

No forsooth, I will not be offended one iote with

you,* 24.108 but for to contēt your minde in this poynt. It is most constant and sure, that Erasmus was of that mind and opi∣nion, that it was enough for a christian to beleue Christes body and bloud to be in the sacrament in what manner or condition soeuer it were.* 24.109

Langdale.

By your license good mayster Doctor, these be E∣rasmus wordes.* 24.110 The Church of Christ hath determined ve∣ry lately transubstanciation in the sacrament. It was of a long season enough to beleue Christes body to be eyther vnder the bread consecrated, or els to be present after anye other maner. But yet (sayth he) after that the sayd Church had pōdered and weyed the thing more pithely w^t greater iudgement, then she made a more certeyne determination of the same. In the which place 1. Cor. 7. Erasmus sayth that the proceeding of the holy Ghost equally from the Father, & the sonne, was also determined of the same Church. But let this passe. And as touching the second poynt, whiche I noted in your so eloquent declaration, which was that you did wrest,* 24.111 and wring the saying of Tertullian from the verity of his minde, for you sayde that he doth interpret the Prophette Malachye speaking of our dayly sacrifice in the new law, to meane nothing els, by that sacrifice in that place, but praier and thankesgeuing. But the sayd an∣cient Clerke Tertullian hath not those wordes that you doe alleadge of him, that is to saye, (nothing els.) And yet though that Oecolampadius do so interprete that place, yet (as me semeth) the iudgement of the hole Christen church is to be preferred in suche a matter of religion. But I will passe ouer this poynte, and returne to the matter it selfe. And first I doe requyre of your maystershippe••, whether that this sentence (this is my body) be spoken of Christ figu∣ratiuely or not?

Madew.

After the minde of the common glose of Cyprian & Origene it is so taken in very deed.

Langdale.

That cannot be by your pacience, for it is taken the••e substantially, ergo not figuratiuely.

Madew.

I deny your argument.

Langdale.

I proue my argument good thus. This worde substaunce doth playnely repugne, and is contrary to this word figure, ergo substancially, and figuratiuely do also re∣pugne. Moreouer I aske of you whether that this be a true proposition or not, bread is Christes body?

Madew.

* 24.112Yea forsooth, it is a true proposition.

Langdale.

Then thus to you. Christes body was geuen for vs, but you saye that bread is Christes body ergo bread was geuen for vs.

Rochester.

Not so syr, for your former propositiō is of dou∣ble vnderstanding.

Langdale.

Well, yet you M. Doctor doe graunt that Christ is substauncially in the sacrament.

Madew.

No I deny that I sayd so euer.

Langdale.

* 24.113Yea? do you so? Well I passe not thereupō great∣ly, for I will proue it by an other meanes. Christ did suffer his most glorious passion for vs really, and substauncially ergo he is also in the sacrament substauncially. The argu∣ment is good, for because that it is the same here, that was there crucified for vs, how be it here inuisibly, indeede spi∣ritually and sacramentally, but there visiblye, and after a mortall, and most bloudy maner.

Rochester.

Mayster Langdale, your argument doth well conclude, in case that his body were here in the sacrament, after such a sort as it was when he was betrayed. But that is not so, for he was betrayed, and crucified in his naturall body substauncially, and really in very deede: but in the Sacrament he is not so, but spiritually, and figuratiuely onely.

Langdale.

By your good Lordships fauor that is not so, for he is there, not figuratiuely but veryly, and indeed by the power of his mighty word, yea euen his very owne natu∣ral body vnder the sacramēt, duely performed by the law∣full minister.

Madew.

Oh say not so, for you speake blasphemy.

Langdale.

No, no, M. Doctor, God forbid, that either I or any mā els should be noted of blasphemy, saying nothing, but the very playne trueth, as in my conscience, & learning I do no lesse.

Rochester.

O M. Langdale, I wis it becommeth you, not heare to haue such wordes.

Langdale

If it like your good Lordship I gaue not y^e fyrste occasion of them, but onely did refute that, whiche I was vniustly burthened withall as reason doth require, and it greeued me to heare it. He sayth (if it please your Lord∣shippe) that there is a mutation or chaunge of the bread af∣ter it is consecrated,* 24.114 which if it be so (as I graunt no lesse) then I would inquyre of him, whether it be chaunged in the substaunce, or in the accidentes, or els in both, or in no∣thing. No man can iustly say that there is a chaunge into nothing. And all auncient fathers do agree, that the same accidentes are there still after, that were before, nor no do∣ctor sayth▪ that there is any mutation of both the substance, and accidentes also, ergo the substaunce o•• bread is chaun∣ged into some other thing, that is there really present vn∣der the formes of bread and wine, which by Christes wor∣des, must needes be his owne blessed body.

Rochester.

Syr you are deceiued greately, for there is no chaunge of the substaunces neither of the accidentes:* 24.115 but in very deed there do come vnto the bread other accidents, in so much that wheras the bread and wyne were not san∣ctified before, and holy, yet afterwardes they be sanctified, and so do receiue then an other sort, or kind of vertue whi∣che they had not before.

Here is to be noted, that Peter Martyr in his aunswere at Ox∣ford did graunt a chaunge in the substaunces of bread and wine, which in Cambridge by the Bishop Doct. Ridley was denyed.

Langdale.

By your pacience reuerend father,* 24.116 by such mea∣nes a man may easely auoyde all the misteries of our chri∣stē fayth: As where it is sayde thus of God the father, this is my beloued sonne. &c. A man may also wring that to be vnderstood thus: this is y^e image of my welbeloued sonne, or this is the vertue of my well beloued sonne: yea muche more iustly then your good Lordship doth y^e other, because S. Paule to the Hebrues doth call the sonne the Image of the father, and in an other place he calleth him the power, or vertue of God, and Gods wisedom▪ Now though he be so called in scripture, God forbid that we shoulde call hym onely Gods Image or Gods vertue, and not God him∣selfe.

Rochester.

Oh gentle M. Langdale,* 24.117 you ought not to rea∣son after such a sort as you do now, because that a trope or figuratiue speache is no••iue somewhere, but not euery where, nor in this matter.

Langdale.

Yet by your license (honorable father) it doth ap∣peare to me no trope at al in these words of christ,* 24.118 this is my body, which is geuen for you, and that for this reason: Chryst did exhibite or geue againe the very same things at his last supper, by the which thinges he was ioyned to vs, but he was ioyned or knit vnto vs by his owne naturall flesh, & bloud, ergo he did exhibite to vs at his last supper no lesse agayne. My former proposition I proue by the testimony of S. Chrisost. whose wordes in Christes person are these: I would be your brother, I tooke vpon me common flesh & bloud for your sakes, and euen by the same things that I am ioyned to you, the very same I haue exhibited to you agayne. &c.

¶Here the Proctors commaunded Langdale to geue place to an other.

Rochest.

We are not ioyned by natural flesh, but do receiue his flesh spiritually from aboue. &c.

¶Here M. Segewicke replied.

RIght worshipful M Doctor, I do also aske of you first of all,* 24.119 whether the greeke article (this) of the neuter gē∣der be referred to the word (bread) or to the word (body) if it be referred to the worde (bread) then Christ woulde not haue sayd this, in the neuter gender, but rather this, in the masculine gender.

Rochester.

Forsooth that article is referred to neyther of both, but may signify vnto vs any other kinde of thing.

Segewicke.

No forsoothe, but it doth note vnto vs some ex∣cellēt great thing determinately, & not so cōfusedly as you say. For such a great heap of articles, in the greek doth no∣tify vnto vs a great and weighty thing to be in the sacra∣ment determinately, if wee may credite the auncient Fa∣thers.* 24.120 Moreouer this word (bread) is not alwayes in the scriptures taken after one sorte: wherefore I desire you to shew me how it is taken in this place of S. Paule: we are many, one bread. &c.

Madew.

Forsooth of the very wheaten bread.

Segewicke.

Then after your minde, we are all very whea∣ten bread.

Rochest.

Forsooth we are bread, not for the nature of bread, but for the felowship and vnity that is noted by the coagu∣lation of many graynes into one bread or loafe.* 24.121

Segewicke.

Well let that passe, then thus. It is the body, er∣go no figure, for because there is a perpetuall contrarietye betweene the law of Moyses & the law of grace. Therein were figures & shadowes, and herein is the verity indeed.

Rochester.

I do graunt it to be Christes true body, & flesh by a propriety of the nature assumpted to the godhead,* 24.122 yea and we do really eat and drinke his flesh and bloud after a certeine reall property.

Segewicke.

It is not the figurate paschall lambe, it is not the figuratiue Manna, nor yet y^e figuratiue shewbread. &c. ergo it is no figure.

Madew.

I do deny your argument.

Segewicke.

I maynteyne my argument thus, all the sha∣dowes are wholy past, ergo also so be the figures, for eue∣ry figure is a shadow, if then it be but a figure, all y^e figu∣res are not past as yet, but that is false, ergo so is the other.

Rochest.

It is nothing but a figure, or token of the true bo∣dy of Christ as it is sayd of Iohn the baptiste,* 24.123 he is Elias, not that he was so in deede or person, but in property, and vertue he represented Elias.

Segewicke.

So, but most learned father, when Christ sayde I am the way, the truth, and the life: may it be vnderstanded as you do the other place thus: I am y^e vertue of the way, ve∣rity, and the life? But now to the matter it selfe. It is veri∣ly meat, ergo it is not figuratiuely.

Madew.

This verbe or word (is) in this place is taken for that that signifieth.

Here he was commaunded to reply in the second matter.

Segewicke.

NOw as touching our second conclusion thys I say. Wheresoeuer Christ is there is a sacrifice propiciato∣ry, but in the Lordes supper is Christ, ergo in the Lordes supper is a sacrifice propiciatory.* 24.124

Madew.

Christ is not offered in the Lordes supper, but is receiued spiritually.

Segewicke.

The priesthood and the sacrifice be corespondēt together,* 24.125 but Christes priesthood after the orde of Melchi∣zedech is perpetuall, ergo also so is his sacrifice.

Rochest.

Christ is a Priest for euer, that is to say his sacri∣fice, and priesthood offered once for all, is auaylable for euer so that no other shall succeed him.

Legewicke.

Where there is no oblatiō, there is no sacrifice, ergo if Christ be not perpetually offered,* 24.126 there is no perpe∣tuall sacrifice. Item the same bloudy sacrifice of Christ vp∣on the Crosse was the very fine and end of all the bloudye sacrifices figured in y^e law after the order of Aarons priest∣hoode. Wherefore you must needes graunt that he offered himselfe also at his last supper after the order of Melchize∣dech vnder the formes of breade and wine: or els you must shewe the scripture where he did so, which I cannot per∣ceiue to be done, but at his last supper onely after an vn∣bloudy maner. Item he is offered for the remission of sins daylye, ergo he is a sacrifice propitiatorye still in the newe law, as Saynt Augustine sayth expounding these wordes of the Psalme. Thou hast not willed to haue sacrifice and oblation, but. &c.

Rochester.

S. Cyprian speaketh much like y^e sorte, where he sayth thus. It is the Lordes Passion, whiche we doe of∣fer. &c.

Segewicke.

In the olde law there were many sacrifices pro∣piciatory, ergo there be also in the new law, or els you must graunt that God is not so beneficiall now to vs, as then he was to them, seing that we be as frayle, and as nedy as euer were they, whiche must be especially the moste pure dayly sacrifice of Christes body and bloud, that holy Ma∣lachy speaketh of.

Madew.

* 24.127As touching the place of Malachy the Prophet, I answere that it is nothing to your purpose for the offering of Christ dayly in the Sacrament. For that sacrifice there spoken of is nothing els, but the sincere & most pure prea∣ching of Gods holy word, prayer and of thankesgeuing to God the Father thorow Iesus Christ.

Here M. Segewicke was commaunded to cease to Mayster Yong.

Yong.

WOrshipful mayster Doctor, although you haue lear∣nedly, and Clarkely defended these your conclusiōs this day: yet seeing that I am now placed to impugne thē in place of a better: I do begin thus w^t you. It hath pleased Christ to make vs partakers of his holy spirite, and that in very deede, by receiuing of the Christen fayth, hope, and charitye, ergo muche more of his owne blessed bodye, and bloud spiritually and in very deede in the Lordes supper. Item the Aungels foode was altogether holy from aboue, and heauenly called Manna, ergo also this celestial, and heauenly foode can be iustly estemed to be of no lesse excel∣lency then that,* 24.128 but without comparison better: and so no very wheate, after due consecration of it. Item the wordes of holy scripture are euermore effectuall, and working, er∣go they must performe the thing indeede that they doe pro∣mise. For he that might create, might also chaunge at hys pleasure, the natures, and substaunces of creatures, as ap∣peareth that Christ did by chaunging water into wyne at a Mariage in Galile. But Christ in the Scripture dyd promise Iohn. 6. that the bread that he would geue, is hys flesh in deede, whiche promise was neuer ful••illed till in his last supper, when he tooke bread, gaue thankes, blessed it, and gaue it to his disciples saying, take, eate, this is my bo∣dy. Which bread then was his flesh in deede, as doth well appeare in the sayd place, and next promise depending vp∣on the same, thus, which flesh I will geue for the life of the world. This last promise was fulfilled by him vpon the Crosse, ergo the first was likewise at his last Supper. So that it was but one, and the same flesh, first and last promi∣sed and performed.

Rochester.

In deed the wordes of holy scripture doe worke theyr effectes potencially and thorowly by the mighty o∣peration of the spirite of God.

Yong.

If it please your Lordship,* 24.129 man is fedde and nou∣rished with Christes bloud, ergo thē it is his bloud indeed, though it do not so appeare, to our outward senses, which be deceiued, for Christ sayth this is my bloud: And also my bloud is drinke in deede. And because that we shoulde not abhorre his blessed bloud in his naturall kinde, or his flesh if they shoulde be so ministred vnto vs: of his most excel∣lent mercy, and goodnesse, condescending to our weake in∣firmityes, he hath appoynted them to be geuen vs, vnder the sensible kindes of his conuenient creatures, that is to say of bread and wyne. Also our body is fedde with Chri∣stes body, which is meate in deede, but it can not be nou∣rished with that that is not there present, ergo Christs bo∣dy that feedeth vs must needes be present in very deede in the sacrament. Item the nature of bread is chaunged, but the nature of the bread, and the substaunce of it, is all one thing, ergo the substaunce also is chaunged. My first pro∣position is S. Cyprian de coena domini saying, that the bread in figure is not chaunged, but in nature.

Rochester.

Cyprian there doth take thys worde nature for a propertye of nature onelye,* 24.130 and not for the naturall sub∣staunce.

Yong.

That is a straunge acception, that I haue not read in any author before this time, but yet by your leaue, the communion of Christes body, can not be there, where hys body is not, but the communion of Christes body is in the sacrament, ergo Christes body is there presēt in very deed.

Rochester.

Grace is there communicated to vs by the be∣nefite of Christes body sitting in heauen.

Yong.

Not so onely, for we are members of his flesh, and bones of his bones.

Rochester.

We be not consubstantiall with Christ,* 24.131 God for∣bid that, but we are ioyned to his mistical body thorow his holy spirite, and the communion of hys fleshe is commu∣nicated to vs spiritually thorow the benefite of his flesh in heauen.

Yong.

Well I am contented, and do most humbly beseeche your good Lordshippe to pardon me of my greate rude∣nesse and imbecillity, which I haue here shewed.

¶Here ended the first disputation holden at Cam∣bridge the 20. day of Iune. 1549.

¶The second disputation holden at Cambridge 24 of Iune. Ann. 1549.

Doctor Glin in his first conclusion.* 24.132

TThe misteries of fayth (as August. witnesseth) may ve∣ry profitably be beleued, but they cannot well be sear∣ched forth, as sayth the scripture, I beleued, therefore I spake and he that confesseth me before men, him will I cō∣fesse before my father which is in heauen, We beleue euery man in his arte, therefore much more Christ our sauior in his word. Maruell not most honorable Lordes and wor∣shipfull Doctours that I speake thus nowe, for once you your selues spake the same. But peraduenture some wyll say beleue not euery spirite. I aunswere charity beleeueth all thinges, but not in all thinges. If those thinges whiche I shall vtter, be conuinced as false, I shall desire you to take them as not spoken at all. But these are the wordes of of trueth hoc est corpus meum, this is my body, Christ spake them, therefore I dare not say this bread is my body,* 24.133 for so Christ sayd not, Christ sayd thus, this is my body, and ther∣fore I but duste and ashes, yea a worme before him, dare not say this is a figure of his body: heauen and earth (saith he) shal passe but my word shall not passe. Whatsoeuer our old father Adam called euery creature, that is his name to this day, y^e new Adam (Christ Iesus) sayd this is my body, & is it not so? he neuer sayd this is a figure of my bodye, nor eat you this figure, or signe of my body. And therfore whē y^e paschall lambe was set before him, he sayd not, this is my body. Wherefore if at y^e day of iudgemēt, Christ should say vnto me, why hast y^u beleued y^t this is my body? I would

aunswere him, because thou hast so called it▪ I beleued it not to be a figure, because thou saydst not, that it was a fi∣gure: Other reasons to auouch I know not. Of the worde it self. I contend not, but the thing it selfe I defend, for we must speake regularly. Thus Christ, thus the Apostles, thus all the ancient fathers haue spoke, our fathers hadde but onely figures and shadowes, but the Churche of God hath the truth itselfe with the signes. Tertullian sayth one fi∣gure conteyneth not another, but Melthizedech was a figure, ergo this is the body. The Sacramentes of the Ie∣wes weare signes and tokens, but ours be both the signes and the thing signed also. Luther himselfe confessed that the body was present with the bread, and could not denye it: Oecolampadius tooke it for a figure onely Chrisostome de∣maunding wherefore Christ gaue his body before his pas∣sion,* 24.134 rather then at any other time, aunswereth; that hee might tye the trueth to the figure, saying, t••ke, eate, this is my body, not a figure of my body. And the same Chrisostome sayth agayne, if it were but bare bread, or but a figure, wherefore should his Disciples haue bene offended in ea∣ting a fygure? Agayne in his 83. Homely vpon Mathew. They are not any humayne workes, which he did worke at his last supper, he it is that worketh, he maketh perfect, we are his ministers, but it is he that sanctifieth, and chaū∣geth the elementes of breade and wine into his bodye and bloud. Agayne doest thou see bread and wine? doe they passe into the priuy like other meates, God forbid. &c. The∣ophilus Alexandrinus vpon these wordes of Marke the E∣uangelist this is my body, sayth. This whiche I geue, and which you receiue, ••s not onely bread, or a figure of Chri∣st••s body, but the trueth it selfe, for if it should appeare as it is, in forme of flesh & bloud, we should loth it, and there∣fore the Lord condescendyng to our weakenesse, reteyneth the formes of bread and wine, and yet conuerteth the same into the trueth of his body and bloud. Theophilactus sayeth the bread and the wine is the very body & bloud of Christ, and not a figure onely. If you stand in suspēse of the author, or approue him not, yet know you that he is counted and taken amongest all the learned for a most faythfull inter∣preter of Chrisostome, the bread sayth he is transelementate, and transmitted into an other substaunce then it was be∣fore. Augustine sayth there was great heede taken in the primitiue Church, least any part of the Sacrament should fall downe to the grounde. &c. Cyrillus sayth, leaste wee shoulde abhorre fleshe and bloud in the Sacrament of the Aultar, God humbleth himselfe to our weakenesse pou∣ring and infusing the force of life into it, and making it the very trueth of his owne blessed body and bloud. Dama∣sce••e calleth it a diuine body, or a body deifyed. Origene, Ireneus, Eusebius Hieronimus, with al the rest of the auncient Catholicke Fathers are of the same opinion with me, all which to produce it were too long.

¶The Declaration of Doctor Glin vpon his second conclusion.

THe sacrifice and offering vppe of Christes body in the Sacrament of the Aulter (right honourable and wor∣shipfull) I will defend euen to the effusion of bloud as a thing consonant to scripture, whereof Paule speaketh to y^e Hebrues. But perchaunce some will obiect, Christ offered vp himselfe,* 24.135 ergo you ought not to offer him. I aunswere, yea, because he offered himselfe therfore, I offer him, for ex∣cept he had offered himselfe, I could not haue offered hym. But you will say, Christes death is sufficient, and therfore you ought not to offer him agayne. I aunswere. So may we say, we neede neyther to fast nor pray, for Christe hath done both sufficiently for vs. Agayne you will obiect, if you offer him vppe agayne, you crucify him anew. I an∣swere, not so, for many haue offered him, that haue not crucified him, as Abraham, Isaac, Moyses, the Leuites, Anna, Samuel. We offer Christ, but not to the death, but incōmemoration of his death, there being not onely com∣memoration thereof, but also the very presence of Christes body and bloud. Ireneus sayth, Christ counselled his Disci∣ples to offer the first fruites of all theyr goodes to God, not that he needed any of them, but for that they shoulde not shewe themselues fruitless, or vngratefull, and therefore Christ tooke the creature of bread, gaue thankes, and sayde this is my body, and likewise the creature of the cuppe, and confessed saying, this is my bloud of the new Testament. Thus Christe hath taught a newe kinde of oblation, whiche the Church receiuing from the Apostles, offereth to God tho∣row out all the whole world, who onely geueth vnto vs all kynd of foode, and the first fruites of his gracious giftes in the newe Testament, whereof Malachye thus sayth, I haue no pleasure in you sayth the Lorde of Hostes, I will not receiue any sacrifices at your handes, because my name is glorified amongest the Nations from the East to the West sayth the Lord, and in euery place is incense and pure sacrifice offered to my name. But here may be ob∣iected, Christe is the onely sacrifice for sinne, and wyth∣out hym there is no moe. I aunswere,* 24.136 notwithstanding wee haue this commaundement, doe this in remembe∣raunce of me, besides that I denye not that it is a comme∣moration, but I denye that it is an onely commemorati∣on. I denye his absence, and I affirme his presence.

Here endeth the declaration of Doctor Glin.

Mayster Perne.

WHere as you say (most reuerend mayster Doctor) in your proposition, I beleued, and therefore I spake, and we beleue, and therefore doe speake, our consciences, suggesting the same vnto vs, and agayne that misteryes are not to be searched, and the like, it semeth you go about to restrayne the searching of holye Scriptures, whereas Christe sayth scrutamini scripturas, searche the Scriptures.* 24.137 Moreouer you haue cited the Fathers confusedly, & with∣out order, you left transubstantiation and endeuour your selfe to proue the reall pr••sence in the Sacrament, wheras we denye nothing lesse then his corporall presence, or the absence of his substaunce in the bread.

Glin.

You inueigh wonderfully you knowe not agaynste what, for neyther I, nor yet August. doe denie the searching of the scriptures, but I sayd out of Augustine misteries are not to be searched: it is an other thing to search misteryes, then it is to searche the Scriptures, whereas you requyre of me a regulate order of citing the Doctours, I had not (as all men know) the liberty of tyme so to do: but if you desire me so earnestly to performe that, if time may be graū¦ted me, I will easely fulfill your request.

Perne.

I pray you let me aske you, what is a sacrament?

Glin.

A sacrament is a visible signe, of an inuisible grace.

Perne.

Augustine agaynst Maximinus the Arian Bishop ma∣keth this diffinition of a sacrament. A sacrament is a thing signifiyng one thing and shewing an other thing.

Glin.

I refuse not his reason.

Perne.

What is the thing figured by the sacrament?

Glin.

The thing figured is twofolde, to witte the thynge conteined, and the thing signified, the thing signified, and not conteined. For there be three thinges conteyned, the true body of Christ, the mistical body and the fruit or bene∣fite of the sacrament.

Perne.

The formes and signes of bread nourishe not, ergo somewhat els besides the bare signe of bread doth remain, which nourisheth y^t is the substaunce of bread. For in eue∣ry sacrament there is a similitude, betwixte the signe and the thing signed, but betwixt the body of Christ, and the forme or kinde of bread, there is no similitude, ergo the na∣ture of a sacrament is taken away.

Glin.

I deny your minor mayster Doctor.

Perne.

The formes nourish not, but the bodye nourisheth ergo there is no similitude betwixt them, and so is the na∣ture of a sacrament cleane destroyd.

Glin.

It is sufficient to similitudes that the bread whyche was doth nourishe, and yet certayne Doctors do affirme that the formes do nourish miraculously.

Rochester.

Whosoeuer taketh awaye all the similitude of substaunces, consequently he taketh away the sacrament, for a similitude is three folde, namely of nutrition, of vnity and conuersion. But by a contrary similitude, he is not charged into our substaunce, but we into his: for in nutri∣tion this is the similitude, that our bloud nourisheth our bodyes, so the bloud of Christ doth nourish vs, but after a wonderfull maner, to wit by turning vs into himselfe.

Glin.

I haue aunswered your reason (most reuerend Fa∣ther) in that I sayd that the formes do nourish miraculou∣sly, as certeine learned do affirme.

Perne.

By what authority can you say that bread doth not remayne.

Glin.

By the authority of Christ who sayth this is my body.

Perne.

By the same reason may we say that bread still re∣mayneth, for S. Paule calleth it bread sundry times in hys epistles.

Glin.

I denye not that it is breade, but that it is materiall bread, for Paule alwayes addeth this article (which) beto∣kening (as all men hold) some chiefe thing.

Perne.

We are chaunged into a new creature.

Glin.

Not substancially, but actually.

Rochest.

This is that bread which came downe from hea∣uē, ergo it is not Christs body,* 24.138 for his body came not from heauen.

Glin.

We may say that Christ, God & man, came down frō heauen for the vnity of his person, or els for the mutuall cōmunity of the same his 2. natures in one, for his humain

nature I know came not from heauen.* 24.139

Rochester.

The bread is his humaine nature, but y^e humain nature of his came not from heauē, ergo neither the bread.

Glin.

It is true that the bread came not frō heauē as bread simply, but as celestiall & heauenly bread. But I will aun∣swere to that, wheras you hold that y^e body of Christ came not from heauen: I by the body and flesh of Christ do vn∣derstand whole Christ, neyther separating his soule, nor yet his Deity, although hys humanity is not turned into his diuinity by confusion of substaunce, but is one by vni∣ty of both. Or els thus I may reason, the God of glory is crucified, and the sonne of Mary created the world. &c.

Rochester.

So it is. But he is called a rocke and a vine, and so after your iudgement he is both a materiall rocke,* 24.140 & al∣so a materiall vine.

Glin.

The circumstances there shew playnely that there is a trope or figure: for it foloweth I am the vine, you are the braunches: but here is no trope. For after these words, this is my body, he addeth, which is geuen for you.

Rochester.

* 24.141Your iudgement herein is very grosse, and farre discrepant from the truth.

Glin.

If my iudgement in this he grosse (most reuerend fa∣ther) thē are all the auncient fathers as grosse in iudgemēt as I in this poynt and the catholicke church also.

Perne

Shew vs one place, or one Doctor who sayth that it remayneth not bread after the consecration.

Glin.

I wōder that you are not ashamed to aske that of me, for haue you not had almost infinite places and doctors al∣ledged vnto you in my former declarations prouing as much as you request at my handes?

Perne.

He tooke bread, he brake bread, ergo it is bread.

Glin.

* 24.142I haue answered often hereunto, and I graunt it is bread, but not onely, or materiall.

Perne.

Ireneus affirmeth that a sacramēt consisteth of a dou∣ble matter, of a earthly matter, and of a heauenly, ergo the bread remayneth.

Glin.

Ireneus in that place by the earthly matter,* 24.143 meaneth the humanity of Christ, and by the heauenly matter, the de∣ity of Christ.

Rochester.

The humanity, and the diuinity of Christ make not a sacrament, which consisteth of a visible, and an inui∣sible nature, & I deny that Ireneus can be so vnderstanded: Therefore we desire the learned auditory to search Ireneus at home as oportunity will serue for this matter.

Glin.

I wish them so to do also with all my hart.

Here Maister Grindall beginneth to dispute.

Grindall.

WHeras you say (worshipful M. Doct.) that we speak not now as sometimes we thought,* 24.144 and iudged in this matter, peraduenture you also iudge not so now of all thinges as you haue done tofore. But what we haue once bene, it forceth not, God respecteth no mans person. And wheras you say that you dare not contrary to Christ cal it a signe,* 24.145 or a figure, August. notwithstanding dareth to call it a figure, and Tertullian likewise with many mo.

Glin.

True it is, but they called it not a signe or a figure onely, but proue you (if you can) that after the consecrati∣on remayneth any other substaunce then the reall body of Christ?

Grindall.

If the formes do nourish (as you contend) they nourish the naturall and humayne body, for they be both as one,* 24.146 and are nourished a like.

Glin.

Your reason is meere phisicall, and therfore to be re∣iected in matters of fayth, but I graunt they nourish, but miraculously.

Grindall.

If you graūt that the formes do nourish, thē you graunt that bread remayneth.

Glin.

I sayd euen now that that is true, but the nature of it is chaunged and that miraculously.

Grindall.

If it be the reall and substaunciall body of Christ because Christ sayde (this is my body) ergo because the Lord sayd I will not drinke of the fruit of this vine,* 24.147 and Paule calleth it bread after the consecration it is therfore bread, & wine.

Glin.

Truely syr you must bring better arguments, or els you will proue nothing for your purpose. For to your rea∣sons thus I answere: Chrisost. sayth Christ did drinke of the bloud, but whether this sentence I will not drinke of the fruit of the vine be spokē of the bloud it is not certayne. And tru∣ly Erasmus denyeth that it is not to be found in all y^e whole scripture, that it is called bread after the consecration. Or els thus I may answere you. Euē as it is called bread for the forme,* 24.148 and kind, and accidentes which remayne, so for y^e forme, & similitude which it hath it may be called y^e fruit of the vine after the consecratiō. And wheras Chrisost. cal∣leth it wine, he speaketh of the nature wherof the sacramēt necessarily is made. And I denye not but it may be called wine, but yet eucharisticall. &c.

Rochest.

The Euangelistes, Math. Marke, and Luke, call i•• the fruit of the vine, and Chrisost. saith that the fruit of the vine is nothing els but wine, ergo Christ gaue them wine, and dranke wine himselfe also, not bloud.* 24.149

Glin.

Christ said twise I will not drink of the fruit of the vine, once at the eating of the paschall Lambe (as Luke sayth) & then was it wine indeed: And agayne after the consecrati∣on of his body and bloud he sayd the like, and then it was not wine, which me think I can proue by the plain words of S. Luke if we compare him with Math. For if it were wine as they both affirme, then the wordes of Christ can∣not well stand, because first (as Luke sheweth) he sayde at his legall supper I will not drinke of the fruit of this vine. &c. And agayne in Math. after the consecration of his body & bloud he dranke: it followeth therefore that that which he dranke was not wine by nature, for then must Christ nee∣des be a lyer, which were blasphemy to say.

Rochest.

August. doth thus reconcile those places, saying it is spoken by a figure which we call histeron proteron.

Glin

I know that August. sayth so,* 24.150 but me thinke y^t which I haue sayd semeth to be the true meaning of the places.

Rochest.

August. seeketh no starting holes, nor yet any indi∣rect shiftes to obscure the truth.

Glin.

Say your fatherhoode what you will of Aug. I thinke not so.

Grindall.

This cup is the new testament in my bloud, but here is a trope, ergo,* 24.151 in these wordes of Christ (this is my bo∣dy) is a trope also.

Glin.

I deny your argumēt: for wheras Luk saith this cup, Math. sayth this is my bloud, & therfore as Aug. sayth places that be darcke, are to be expounded by other that be light.

Rochest.

All of your side, deny y^e Christ euer vsed any trope in the instituting of sacramentes.

Glin.

For my part I hold no opinion but the truth, wher∣of you your selfe also do pretend the like.

Rochest.

What vnderstād you by this word (hoc, this) & in what words standeth the force or strength of the sacramēt?* 24.152 In this pronowne (hoc, this) or in this verbe (est, is) or els in this whole sentence this is my body?

Glin.

It is not made the true body, except all the words be spokē, as in baptisme, I baptise thee in the name of the fa∣ther, of the sonne, and of the holy ghost. For neither doth baptisme consist in this word ego I, or in baptise, or in this word (te, thee) or in these words in nomine, in the name. &c. but in all the wordes spoken in order.

Grindall.

If to eat the body of Christ be a figuratiue speach,* 24.153 as August. sayth it is, ergo, then these wordes (this is my bo∣dy) is a figuratiue speach also.

Glin.

It is a figuratiue speach, because we eat not the body of Christ after the same maner that we do other meates. &c.

Grind.

Ciprian vnderstandeth this of those y^t come vnwor∣thely,* 24.154 & make no difference of y^e Lordes body speaking of y^e diiudicatiō of the sacramentes & not of the body of Christ.

Glin.

Truely he speaketh of the true body of Christ.

Rochest.

They receiue vnworthely, who neither iudge themselues, nor yet the sacraments taking them as other common bread.

Grind.

August. vpon the 33. psal. sayth Christ bare himselfe in his owne handes after a sort, not in deed or truely. &c.

Glin.

You omit many other thinges which August. sayth, & I confesse that he caried himselfe in his own handes after •• sort, but August. deliuereth this vnto vs, and as a great mi∣racle. And you know it was no great miracle to cary a fi∣gure of his body in his hands. And wheras you say y^t ••hrist caryed himselfe after a sort in his owne handes, it is verye true, but yet diuersly, for he sat after one maner at his sup∣per, & after an other maner he caried himselfe in his hands. For Christ in the visible figure bore himselfe inuisibly.* 24.155

Grind.

Tertullian calleth it a figure, ergo, it is so.

Glin.

It is (as I haue sayd) a figure, but not a figure onely. But heare what Tertullian sayth, he tooke bread, and made it his body, saying, this is my body. &c.

Grind.

Heare what Chrisost. vpon Math. homil. 11. sup. ca. 5 if vessels sanctified to holy vses. &c.

Glin.

That worke is receiued not as Chrisostomes, but some mans els, as you know, or thus I answere, it is not y^e true body in proper and visible forme.

Here Mayster Gest disputed.

THe bread is not chaunged before the consecration, ergo not after it neither.

Glin.

I deny your argument M. Gest.

Gest.

Christ gaue earthly bread, ergo there is no transub∣stantiation.

Glin.

I deny your antecedent.

Gest.

That that Christ tooke he blessed, that which he bles∣sed he brake, what he brake he gaue, ergo he receiuing earth¦ly bread, gaue the same bread.

Glin.

Your order in reasoning standeth not, for by y^e same reason may you gather that God tooke a rib of man, and therof built a rib and brought it vnto Adam. Ergo, what he receiued, he brought, but he receiued a rib, Ergo, he brought a ribbe.

Gest.

How is the body of Christ in heauen, and how in the sacrament, whether circumscriptiuely or diffinitiuely?

Glin.

The body of Christ is in heauen circumscriptiuely, but not so in the sacrament. The angels also are conteined diffinitiuely. But I haue learned that the body of Christ is in the sacrament, but not locally nor circumscriptiuely, but after an vnspeakable maner vnknowen to man.

Rochest.

Ah, know you not?

Glin.

Neither in other mysteries of fayth we know not the meane how, although this may partly be prooued by reason. For as my soule is wholy in my head, and wholy in my foote, and wholy in my finger, and so in other parts of my body: and as there is one voyce or sound which all men hearyng do vnderstand, so the body of Christ beyng one and the same, is wholy in the aulter, and in many pla∣ces els. For if God could do this in my foule, how much more in hys owne body.

Rochest.

I beseech you shew vs what difference is betwixt these two, to be in a place circumscriptiuely, & diffinitiuely.

Glin.

Your Lordship knoweth very well, but yet if any would know the difference, let hym read August. ad Volusi∣anum, & ad Dardanium, &c.

Gest.

If the bread be changed, it is made the body of Christ, but that is not so,* 24.156 Ergo, it is not changed.

Glin.

I deny your Minor.

Gest.

It is not generate or begot, ergo it is not the body.

Glin.

That foloweth not, as though to be made & to be ge∣nerate or begot, were all one thing, or as thogh there were no other mutation then a generation, & so you impugne a thing y^t you know not. But what call you the generation?▪

Gest.

The generation is the production of the accidents.

Glin.

A new definition of a new philosopher.

Gest.

That which he tooke, he blessed, that which he blessed, he brake, and gaue it vnto them, Ergo, &c.

Glin.

Christ tooke bread, brake bread, & gaue his body, that is the substance of his body, saying, This is my body.

Gest.

The bread is not chaunged into the bloud of Christ, Ergo, not into his body neither.

Glin.

I deny your antecedent.

Gest.

The maister of the sentences saith it.

Glin.

You vnderstand him not, for the bread is changed in∣to the bloud of Christ,* 24.157 by the power of Gods word.

Rochest.

Ye dreame of a reall presence of Christes body in the sacrament, by the force of the words spoken, which the holy scripture doth impugne.

Glin.

We say that not only by the power of the worde, but also by the spirit & secret vertue in the words it is brought to passe, for there is no power in one word alone, as before in baptisme: but in all the words duly prolated, according to the custome of the ancient catholike church.

Gest.

If there were any transubstantiation, the accidences should not remayne still,* 24.158 but they haue no matter whereto they may leane or cleaue, but the accidentes remayne not themselues alone, Ergo, &c.

Glin.

I confesse the accidents cannot stande themselues a∣lone by their own nature without a subiect, but by y^e pow∣er of God they may, not after the opinion of philosophers, but of the scriptures, although I could shew out of y^e scrip∣tures, the accidents to haue bene without the subiect, as in Genesis, The light was made without a subiect, where as the subiect of the light was made the fourth day after, as Basill beareth me record.

Here M. Pilkington disputed.

Pilkington.

THis one thing I desire of you (most worshipfull M. Doctor) that you will answer me with like breuitie, as I shall propound, and thus I reason. The body of Christ that was broken on the crosse, is a full satisfaction for the sinnes of the whole world, but the sacrament is not the sa∣tisfaction of the whole world. Ergo, the Sacrament is not the body of Christ.

Glin.

I deny your argument.

Pilking.

It is a Sillogisme.

Glin.

It is not so, for there be 4. termines. Touching this word Sacrament, it is manifold: but thus I aunswer. If you take the sacrament for the matter of the sacramēt, that is the body of Christ, then is your Minor propositiō true, and y^e matter of y^e sacrament is the satisfaction for y^e sinnes of the whole world, but if you take the sacrament for the signe, which we call a sacrament, then is your Minor pro∣position false.

Pilking.

The body of Christ hath satisfied for the sinnes of the whole world, but the sacrament hath not satisfied, Ergo the sacrament is not the body of Christ.

Glin.

I deny your Minor, vnderstanding the Sacrament for the matter of the sacrament.

Pilking.

The sacrament only profiteth him that receiueth it but many were saued before the institution of this Sacra∣ment was begun, ergo y^e sacrament is not y^e body of Christ.

Glin.

If you meane of the bare signe onely, it profiteth no∣thing, but if you meane of the thing signified, than what is spoke of the body of Christ, is spoke also of the thing of the sacrament it selfe.

Pilking.

Transubstantiation is not a Sacrament, but that which I meane is a sacrament, Ergo, that which I meane is not transubstantiated.

Glin.

I meane not that transubstantiation is a sacrament, neither do I say that the Sacrament is transubstantiate, but the bread.

Pilking.

The body of Christ is resiant in heauen, & the bo∣dy of Christ is in the sacrament, Ergo the Sacrament is in heauen.

Glin.

A goodly reason forsooth: but I aunswer, he is after one sort in heauen, and after another sort in the sacrament: for in heauen he is locally, in the sacrament not so, in hea∣uen visibly and circumscriptiuely, but in the sacrament in∣uisibly and sacramentally.

Rochest.

S. Augustine sayth, take away the spaces from the bodies, and they shall be no where, and that which is no where, is not at all, so whilest you take away the spaces and dymensions from the body of Christ, in the Sacra∣ment you bryng to passe that it is not there at all.

Glin.

In that place Augustine speaketh of naturall bodies, not of supernaturall, otherwyse I could deny that Christ had a true body when he entred into his disciples, y^e gates beyng shut.

Rochest.

Of the gates beyng shut, a diuers and doubtfull meanyng may be gathered, for it may be that he entered in before the gates were shutte, and afterward opened them beyng shut, &c.

Glin.

Then it could be no myracle, but the Euangelists & all sound interpreters say and affirme this to be a miracle of our sauiour Christ.

Rochest.

Whether Christ entred in miraculously, the gates beyng shut, or els open, the scripture setteth not downe.

Glin.

As Christ (the wombe of the virgin being shut) was borne into the world without violation of her pure virgi∣nitie, or apertion of her wombe (for so he might haue bene polluted) so entred he through the dores to hys Disciples miraculously.

Pilking.

In the bodye of Christ which was geuen for vs, there are no accidents of bread, but in the sacrament there be accidents of bread, ergo, in the Sacrament there is not the body of Christ.

Glin.

In the matter of the sacrament that is in the body of Christ, is no accidents of bread, but accidents are the very sacrament it selfe.

Pilking

I beseech you what do we eate, the substaunce, or the accidents?

Glin.

Both, as when we eate wholesome, and vnwhole∣some meates together, so we eate the substance of Christes body, and yet not without the accidents of bread.

Pilking.

I prooue that the accidents are eaten, for whatsoe∣uer entreth in by the mouth, goeth into the priuy, but the accidents go in by the mouth, Ergo into the priuy.

Glin.

This sentence whatsoeuer entreth in by the mouth, &c. is not ment of all kynd of meats, as not of that which Christ eate after hys resurrection.

Pilking.

You shall not eate this body which you see.

Glin.

That is not after that maner as you see it now, nor after the same visible forme.

Pilking.

Wheresoeuer Christ is, there be his ministers also (for so he promised) But Christ as you hold is in the Sa∣crament, Ergo his ministers are there also.* 24.159

Glin.

To bee with Christ is spoken diuers wayes, as in hart, in mynd and place, and sometymes both: or to bee with Christ is to minister vnto him, and to do his wil, &c.

The third disputation holden at Cambridge as before.

M. Perne.

CHrist at his last supper tooke bread, brake bread, distri∣buted bread, Ergo, not his body, but a Sacrament of hys body, for the bones of Christ could no man breake, as witnesseth the Prophet, sayeng: Os non comminuetis ex eo, that is, you shall not breake a bone of hym. This cuppe is the cup of the new Testament in my bloud. In this sen∣tence there is a trope by theyr owne confession, wherefore

there is in the other also, This is my body, for the holy scrip∣ture is a perfect rule not onely of doyng, but also of spea∣kyng. Paule calleth it bread three tymes, Ergo it is bread, &c. And wheras they vrge so much this Pronoune (illum) it is not in the Greeke canon which hath panem, bread, not panem illum, that bread. There was no transubstantiation in the Manna, Ergo, nor in this sacrament, for there is this article (est) if that can prooue transubstantiation as they suppose. And if Manna were a figure (say they) then this is not. This mysterie or Sacrament we hold to be true bread, and true meate. Manna gaue lyfe vnto them, as this doth vnto vs, yet was it but a figure. In euery sacra∣ment there ought to be a certaine analogie,* 24.160 both of the in∣terne and externe thyng of the Sacrament, as Augustine sayth, writyng to Bonifacius, but betwixt the formes of bread and wyne, and the body of Christ, there is no analo∣gie at all, Ergo, they make not a Sacrament. As of many graynes, &c. This similitude of Paule is spoken of y^e sub∣stance of bread, not of the forme thereof, otherwyse Paule should in vayne compare vs to bread. As in Baptisme there is materiall water, so in the sacrament of the Eucha∣rist is materiall bread. Dionysius called the Sacrament of Christes bodye no otherwyse then bread. Eusebius in ec∣clesiastica historia doth the same▪ Tertullian, lib. 4. against Mar∣cion, sayth thus, He gaue hys body, that is (sayth he) a figure or type of hys body. Cyprian sayeth, In his last supper he gaue bread and wyne, and hys body vpon the crosse. The same Cyprian epist 6. lib. 1. and epist. 3. lib. 2. sayeth. Christ dranke wyne at his last supper,* 24.161 because he would root out the heresie of certaine who onely vsed water in the mini∣stration thereof. Chrysost. hom. 13. vpon Math. sayth, That onely bread remayneth, &c. Theodoretus sayth in hys first dialogue, bread remayneth still in hys first nature as be∣fore. Augustine sayth, The bread doth not loose his first na∣ture after the consecration, but receyue y^e another qualitie, whereby it differeth from common bread. The same Au∣gust. lib. 3. agaynst Maximinus sayeth:* 24.162 Sacramentes are figures, beyng one thyng in deede, and shewyng forth an other thyng: he speaketh of no transubstantiation here. Agayne, writyng to Bonifacius he sayth, The Sacrament of the body of Christ is the body of Christ, and so is the sa∣crament of wyne also, &c. The sacraments of the olde and new law, are all one in substaunce of matter, notwithstan∣dyng they be diuers in signes: which Sacramentes, why should they not be one, whē as they signified al one thing. The body of Christ when it was on the earth, was not in heauen, so now it beyng in heauen, is not on the earth. Wherby it may appeare, that transubstantiation is a most blasphemous, sacrilegious, and damnable errour, and a most vayne,* 24.163 vnsauory, and diuelish papisticall inuention, defended and maintayned onely by the papistes, the pro∣fessed and sworn enemies of all truth. Those who impugn this doctrine of transubstantiation, are no new vpstartes, as the enemies of the truth the papists beare the world in hand. But contrarily, those who maintayne this diuelish doctrine, are new sprong vp cocatrices, as Manicheus, Euti∣cus and others. Gelasius sayth, The sacramentes which we receyue, are diuine thyngs, yet cease they not to bee bread and wyne in nature. Out of this puddle of transubstanti∣ation, hath sprong vp adoration of the sacrament, and in∣ducyng men to beleeue that Christ hath many bodies.

The declaration of the sayd M. Perne in the 2. conclusion.

MAthew, Marke, Luke, and the apostle Paule, call it a commemoration or remembraunce of Christes body and bloud. And Paule to the Hebrews sayth: By one one∣ly oblation once offered, are we made perfect to eternall saluati∣on, &c. By hym therefore doe we offer vp the sacrifice of laud and prayse to God, that is the fruit of the lips, &c. It is called the Eucharist,* 24.164 because we offer to God praise and thankesgeuyng, with deuout myndes, and it is called the cup of thankesgeuyng, because we geue thankes to God thereby also. You shall preach forth the Lordes death, &c. that is, you shall geue thanks & be myndfull of his death, &c. Geue your bodies a quick and liuyng sacrifice, &c. The sacrifice of prayse and thankesgiuing, shall honour me, &c. Chrysostome sayth,* 24.165 The wyse men offered three kyndes of sacrifices, gold, frankencense and myrrhe, so we doe also, namely vertue, prayer, and almes deedes. These be the sa∣crifices wherewith Christ is pleased. And Augustine sayth there are no other sacrifices thē prayer, prayse and thanks∣geuyng, &c. Chrysostome homil. 46. vpon Iohn sayth, to be conuerted or turned into Christ, is to be made pertaker of hys body and bloud.

There disputed against him M. Parker, M. Poll••rd, M. Vauisor, and M. Yong.

Parker.

CHrist whose wordes are to be beleeued, sayd, This is my body, he said not this bread is my body, or w^t this bread, or vnder this bread, or by this bread, but sayd plainly, This is my body. And this he prooued by these reasons: First, for that it was prefigured before. Secondly,* 24.166 for that it was promised. Thirdly, for that it was geuen. The transubstā∣tiation of the bread was prefigured by the Manna which came downe from heauen, all that bread was heauenly, and without any earthly matter or substance adnexed. Se∣condly, it was promised in those wordes of Christ, y^e bread that I will geue, is my flesh, &c. Thirdly, it was geuen by Christ, and exhibited in hys last supper, sayeng: Take, eate, this is my body.

Here they were forced to breake of through the want of tyme, yet Parker replied thus agaynst Doct. Perne.

WE geue thee thanks most holy Father, that thou hast hid these thyngs from the wyse and prudent, and hast reuealed them to babes, for pryde is the roote of al heresies whatsoeuer. And on the other side, to acknowledge our owne infirmitie and imperfection, is the first steppe to the true vnderstandyng of the truth. Nestorius the heretike affirmed, that there were two persons in Christ, one that was man, another that was God, therefore he sayd that in the Eucharist was contayned true flesh, but onely of hys pure manhoode. Agaynst hym did the counsell of Ephesus conclude, sayeng: That there was the reall fleshe of the sonne of God, &c. This he proued by the words of Christ, My flesh is meate in deede, and what flesh that is, he tea∣cheth vpon the sixt of Iohn, that is, quoth he, the fleshe v∣nited to the deitie, and quickened by the holy Ghost, &c. Now that that flesh is in the Sacrament, it is playn•• by Hillarius, lib. 8. de Trinitate, he prooued the same also out of Chrysostome, homil. 45. vpon Iohn.* 24.167 We are one bodye with hym, mēbers of his flesh, and bones of his bones, &c. A∣gayne in the same homilie, we are ioyned to hys flesh, not onely by fayth and loue, but also in very deede, and truely▪ And agayne it pleased me to become your brother, and by the same thyngs wherin I was ioyned to you, haue I ge∣uen my selfe agayne vnto you, &c.

Perne.

I graunt vnto you that Christ is in the sacrament truely, wholy, & verely,* 24.168 after a certaine propertie & ma∣ner: I deny not hys presence, but hys reall and corporall presence I vtterly deny, for doubtles hys true and natural body is in heauen, and not in the sacrament: notwithstā∣dyng he dwelleth with vs, and in vs after a certaine vni∣tie. And also in the 6. chapter of Iohn, he speaketh not of the flesh of Christ crucified, &c.

Parker.

The flesh of Christ as it is in the sacramēt, is quick and geueth lyfe, Ergo, his reall and substantiall fleshe is in the sacrament.

Perne.

The flesh of Christ in that it is vnited to the deitie, doth viuifie, and geueth lyfe, but not otherwyse.* 24.169

Rochest.

Christ dwelleth in vs by fayth, and by fayth we receiue Christ both God and man, both in spirit and flesh, that is, this sacramentall eatyng is the meane and waye whereby we attayne to the spirituall eatyng, and in deede for the strengthenyng of vs to the eatyng of this spirituall foode, was this sacrament ordeyned.* 24.170 And these words This is my body, are ment thus, by grace it is my true body, but not my fleshly body, as some of you suppose.

Parker.

We are ioyned to Christ, not onely by faith, but also in very deede, ergo &c.

Rochest.

We are ioyned to Christ that is, we are made per∣takers of his flesh and of immortalitie. And so lyke case is there a vnion betweene man and woman, yet is there no transubstantia••ion of eyther, or both, &c.

Pollard.

The sacrament is not bare bread and nothing els, onely because it is called bread so often in the Scriptures,* 24.171 and that I prooue by three reasons. First, it is called bread because of the similitude. Secondly, because of the mutati∣on. Thirdly, for the matter whereof it is made and com∣pact, as the Angels are called men, the holy ghost a tonge, the rod of Aaron a serpent, and such lyke. The wordes of Christ do teach the same thyng, as appeareth in the hea∣lyng of the woman of Canaans daughter, Iairus sonne, and many others, &c. Ergo, &c. Then he prooued agaynst Rochester, that somewhat els was in the Sacrament be∣sides power and grace by this reason. The euill receyue the body of Christ, as is playne out of Augustine, homil. 21. de verbis domini, but the euill and wycked receyue not the vertue or grace, Ergo, there is not onely grace and vertue in the sacrament.

Rochest.

The euill do not receyue the Lord in Sacrament,

but the sacrament of the Lord,* 24.172 as Iudas, who in deed eate not the true body of the Lord.

Pollard.

In the sacrament be three thyngs, to wit, an out∣ward signe, the matter of the Sacrament, and the fruite of the same, the euill receyue the outward signe, and the subiect of the Sacrament, but not the fruite of the Sacra∣ment, Ergo, there is somewhat els in the Sacrament than onely grace. Also euery Sacrament ought to haue a cer∣taine similitude with the matter of the Sacrament, but the materiall bread hath not such similitude with the body of Christ, which is the matter of the Sacrament, Ergo, mate∣riall bread is not a Sacrament.

Perne.

I deny your Minor, for materiall breade doth so nourish the bodye, as the fleshe of Christ doth the soule.

Here he beyng requested, gaue place to others.

M. Vauisor.

THorough the shortnesse of tyme I am so constrayned, that neyther I can speake without losse of my reputa∣tion, nor yet hold my peace without offence to God. For in speakyng (as I doe) without great premeditation be∣fore this honourable, worshipfull, and learned audience, I shall but shewe foorth my childishnesse herein, and if I should hold my peace, I myght be thought to betray the truth of Gods cause. And therfore whilest I can neyther speake for the breuitie of tyme, nor yet hold my peace gods truth beyng in controuersie, I haue determined although with the impairyng of my good name, to render a reason of my fayth, which if I cannot affourd probably in words, yet wyll I not faulte in sayeng nothyng at all. For it see∣meth better that I be esteemed altogether foolish and vn∣learned, amongst so many graue learned Fathers & Doc∣tours, then to forsake the iust defence of the truth, which e∣uery good christian man throughout the world, hath euer holden inuiolable. For who so forsaketh the manifest knowen truth, had neuer any true fayth therein. Which thyng that I may ouerpasse in Berengarius,* 24.173 Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, and many others, who are certaynely knowen to be of no lesse variaunce amongest themselues, then vncertayn of theyr fayth what to beleeue. Zuinglius wryteth thus of hymselfe. Although this thyng which I meane to intreate of doth lyke me very well, yet notwith∣standyng, I dare define nothyng, but only shew my poore iudgement abroad to others, that if it please the Lord, o∣thers may be therby instructed by the spirit of God which teacheth all good thynges. In vayne doe I spende many wordes. You see playnely he dare not define anye thyng certainely, but doubteth whether it please GOD or not. Oecolampadius writyng to a certayne brother of hys, sayth thus: Peace be with thee. As farre as I can coniec∣ture out of the learned Fathers these wordes, Iohn. 6. This is my body, be figuratiue locutions, &c. You see hereby how vncertaine they be of their opinions. They leane not to the Scriptures, to Doctors, nor yet to the trueth, but to supposals and coniectures, who therefore hereafter wyll cleane vnto them? But nowe I come to your Oration, whose beginnyng pleased me very well, and whose pro∣gresse therein offended me not. But in the end you conclu∣ded in such sort, that you left the whole matter to me, as it were confirmyng my partes by the same. And herein you framed a Syllogisme after this maner. What Christ tooke, that he blessed, what he blessed, that he brake, what he brake that he gaue,* 24.174 Ergo, what he receyued he gaue, &c. Whereto I aunswer wyth a lyke Syllogisme out of Genesis. God tooke a ribbe out of Adams side, what hee tooke, he built, what he built that he brought, what he brought, that hee gaue to Adam to be hys wyfe, but he tooke a ribbe, Ergo, he gaue a ribbe to Adam to wyfe, &c. Also in your sayd Ora∣tion, you shute much at those wordes of Paule, where he calleth it bread so often, &c. But the Scripture in another place calleth it water, when in deede it was wyne, a rodde when it was a playne serpent.

Rochest.

You haue pretended great zeale & words inough, but what pith or substance your reasons will affourd, we shall see hereafter.

Vauisor.

Christ gaue the same flesh to vs, that he receyued of the virgine,* 24.175 but he tooke true and naturall flesh of her, Ergo, he gaue vs true and naturall fleshe. My Maior I prooue by August. vpon the 98. Psalme.

Rochest.

M. Uauisor you are in a wrong boxe, for y^e place maketh altogether for maintenāce of adoration, if it make for any thyng.

Vauisor.

I know it very well, and therefore I alledge it as the ground of my reason. These bee Augustines woordes, Christ of the earth receyued earth, and of the flesh of Ma∣ry, he receyued flesh, acknowledge his substance therefore?

Rochest.

I acknowledge it.

Vauisor.

And in the very same flesh he walked here vppon the earth, acknowledgge his substaunce.* 24.176

Rochest.

I acknowledge it.

Vauisor.

And the very same fleshe he gaue vs to eate, ac∣knowledge hys substaunce.

Rochest.

I acknowlege not hys reall substance to be there, but the propertie of hys substance.

Vauisor.

Then Uauisor recited the place, to the ende hee myght prooue that hys reall substaunce ought to bee ac∣knowledged as well in the last place, as in the first and se∣cond, affirmyng it out of Saint Augustine, who sayeth thus. The Disciples of Christ approchyng the Lordes ta∣ble, by fayth dranke the same bloud which the tormenters most cruelly spilt, &c. but the tormenters spilt no figure of bloud, Ergo, &c. this place will not permit the other so to be illuded.

Rochest.

It is no illusion good M. Uauisor, but surely you would moue a Saint with your impertinent reasons.

Vauisor.

I beseech your fatherhood to pardon my rudenes, for surely I cannot otherwyse speake without breache of conscience.

Perne.

That place of Augustine is to bee vnderstoode of a spirituall kynd of eatyng.

Vauisor.

I demand whether the faythfull may receyue spi∣ritually, so as they neede not to receiue sacramentally.

Perne.

They may.

Vauisor.

Then thus to you: To the spirituall eatyng, there is no need to come to the Lordes table, for so it is the meat of the soule, not of the teeth, but the faythfull come to the Lordes table, Ergo that place is to be vnderstood of a sacra∣mentall eatyng. And agayne, Augustine sayth, that he cari∣ed hymselfe in hys hands.

Rochest.

Augustine sheweth a little after, what he meaneth thereby, where he sayeth he caried hymselfe in his owne hands, after a certayne sort or maner.

Vauisor.

True it is that after one maner he sate at the ta∣ble, and after another maner was in the sacrament.

¶M. Yong here disputeth agaynst Perne, as followeth.

Yong.

I Understand the meanyng o•• this worde Proprietas, pro∣prietie, well enough, for in Hillarie and Eusebius, it sig∣nifieth not the vertue or power of any substance or beyng, but rather a naturall beyng or substance.

Rochest.

I commend your great diligence in searchyng of authors, but in diuinitie the matter standeth not so, for the proprietie of essence in the deitie, is the very essence, and whatsoeuer is in God, is God.

Yong.

True it is (most reuerend father) that this worde Proprietas, proprietie, in Hillary in hys 8. booke de Trinitate, intreatyng there of the diuinitie of the father, of the sonne, and of the holy ghost, is so meant and taken, but the same Hillary almost in the same place speaketh of our commu∣nion and vnitie wyth Christ, &c. Tertullian also writyng of the resurrection of the flesh, affirmeth that the fleshe of our sauiour is that whereof our soule is allied to God, that is it which causeth that our soules are ioyned to hym, but our flesh is made cleane, that the soule may be purged, our flesh is annoynted, that the soule may be made holy, the flesh is sealed, that the soule may be comforted, the fleshe is shadowed with the imposition of the handes, that our soule may be lightened with the glory of the spirite. Our flesh is clothed with a body and bloud, that the soule may be fed and nourished of God.

Rochest.

The fleshe in deede is fed with the body and the bloud of the Lord,* 24.177 when our bodies by mortification are made lyke to his body. And our body is nourished when the vertue and power of the body of Christ doth feede vs. The same Tertullian is not afrayd to cal it flesh, and bloud, but he meaneth a figure of the same.

Yong.

Then by your leaue it should follow by good con∣sequence, that where anye mortification is, there must needes be a sacramentall communion, which cannot be. Ergo, &c.

¶Here endeth the third, and last Disputation holden at Cam∣bridge. 1549.

This disputation continued three dayes. In the first dyd aunswer Doctour Madew. Agaynst whome dispu∣ted Doctour Glinne, M. Langdale, M. Segewike, M. Young.

In the second disputation did answer Doctor Glinne. Agaynst whome disputed M. Grindall, M. Perne, M. Gest, M. Pilkington.

* 24.178In the third disputation answered M. Perne. Against whome disputed one M. Parkar (not Doct. Math. Par∣kar) M. Pollard, M. Uauisour, M. Yong.

At length the disputations ended, the Bishop of Ro∣chester Doct. Nicolas Ridley after the maner of Scholes,* 24.179 made this determination vpon the foresayde conclusions, as here followeth.

¶The determination of Doctor Nicolas Rid∣ley Bishop of Rochester, vpon the conclusi∣ons aboue prefixed.

THere hath bene an ancient custome amongst you, that after disputations had in your common scholes,* 24.180 there should be some determination made of the matters so dis∣puted and debated, especially touching Christian religion. Because therefore it is seene good vnto these worshipfull assistentes ioyned with me in commission from the kings Maiestie, that I should performe the same at this tyme: I will by your fauourable pacience declare, both what I do thinke and beleue my selfe, and what also other, ought to think of the same. Which thing I would that afterwardes ye did with diligence way and ponder, euery man at home seuerally by himselfe.

The principal groundes or rather headsprings of this matter are specially fiue.

The first is the authoritie, maiestie, and veritie of holy Scrip∣ture.* 24.181

The second is the most certayne testimonies of the auncient Catholicke Fathers, who, after my iudgement, do sufficiently de∣clare this matter.

The third is the definition of a Sacrament.

The fourth is the abhominable heresie of Eutiches that may ensue of Transubstantiation.

The fift is the most sure beliefe of the article of our fayth: He ascended into heauen.

¶The first grounde.

This Transubstantiation is cleane agaynst y^e wordes of the scripture,* 24.182 and consent of the auncient Catholick Fa∣thers. The scripture sayth: I will not drinke hereafter of thys fruite of the vine. &c. Now the fruite of this Uyne is wyne. And it is manifest that Christ spake these wordes after the Supper was finished, as it appeareth both in Mathewe, Marke, and also in Luke, if they be well vnderstanded. There be not many places of the scripture that do confirm this thing, neither is it greatly materiall: For it is enough if there be any one playne testimonie for the same. Neither ought it to be measured by the number of Scriptures, but by the authority,* 24.183 and by the veritie of the same. And the maiestie of this veritie is as ample in one short sentence of the Scripture, as in a thousand.

Moreouer, Christ tooke bread, he brake bread, he gaue bread. In the Actes Luke calleth it bread. So Paule cal∣leth it bread after the sanctification. Both of them speaketh of breakyng, which belongeth to the substaunce of bread, and in no wyse to Christes body, for the Scripture sayth: Ye shall not breake a bone of hym.* 24.184 Christ sayth, Doe ye this in my remembraunce. Saint Paule also sayeth: Doe ye this in my remembraunce. And agayne, As often as ye shall drinke of this cup,* 24.185 do it in the remembraunce of me. And our Sauiour Christ in the 6. of Iohn, speakyng against the Capernaits, sayth: Labour for the meat that perisheth not. And when they asked: What shall we do that we may worke the workes of God? He aunswered them thus: This is the worke of God, that ye beleeue in hym whom he hath sent.* 24.186 You see how he exhorteth them to fayth, for fayth is that worke of God. Agayne, This is the bread which came downe from heauen. But Christes body came not downe from heauen. Moreouer, Hee that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my bloud, dwelleth in me, and I in hym. My flesh (sayth he) is meat in deede, and my bloud is drinke in deede. When they heard this, they were offended. And whilest they were offended, he sayd vnto them: What if ye shall see the sonne of man ascend vp where he was before? Wher∣by he went about to draw them from the grosse and carnal eatyng. This body sayth he, shall ascend vp into heauen, meanyng altogether as S. Augustine sayth: It is the spi∣rit that quickneth, the flesh profiteth nothyng. The wordes that I speake vnto you, are spirit and lyfe, and must be spiritually vn∣derstood. These bee the reasons which perswade me to in∣cline to this sentence and iudgement.

* 24.187¶The second ground.

Now my second ground agaynst this transubstantia∣tion are the auncient Fathers a thousand yeares past. And so farre of is it that they do confirme this opinion of tran∣substantiation, that playne they seeme vnto me, both to thinke and to teach the contrary.

Dionysius in many places calleth it breade.* 24.188 The pla∣ces are so manifest and playne, that it needeth not to recite them.

Ignatius to the Philadelphians sayth:* 24.189 I beseech you bre∣thren cleaue fast vnto one fayth, and to one kynde of preachyng, vsing together one manner of thankesgeuyng: for the fleshe of the Lord Iesu is one, and hys bloud is one which was shedde for vs: There is also one bread broken for vs, and one cuppe of the whole Church.

Irenaeus writeth thus:* 24.190 Euen as the bread that commeth of the earth receauyng Gods vocation is nowe no more com∣mon breade, but Sacramentall breade, consistyng of two na∣tures, earthly and heauenly: euen so our bodyes receauyng the Eucharist, are now no more corruptible, hauyng hope of the re∣surrection.

Tertullian is very playne,* 24.191 for he calleth it a figure of the body, &c.

Chrysostome writyng to Caesarius the Monke, albeit he be not receyued of dyuers,* 24.192 yet wyll I read the place to fasten it more deepely in your myndes: for it seemeth to shewe playnely the substaunce of bread to remayne. The wordes are these.

Before the bread is sanctified, we name it bread: but by the grace of God sanctifiyng the same thorough the ministery of the Priest, it is deliuered from the name of breade, and is counted worthy to beare the name of the Lordes body, although the ve∣ry substaunce of bread notwithstandyng doe still remayne ther∣in, and now is taken not to be two bodies, but one body of the Sonne, &c.

Cyprian sayth: Bread is made of many graynes. And is that naturall bread, and made of wheate? Yea it is so in deede.* 24.193

The booke of Theodoret in Greeke, was lately printed at Rome, which if it had not bene his, it should not haue bene set forth there, especially seeyng it is directly against transubstantiation: For he sayth plainely, that bread styll remayneth after the sanctification.

Gelasius also is very playne in this manner. The Sacra∣ment (sayth he) which we receyue of the body and bloude of Christ, is a diuine matter:* 24.194 by reason whereof we are made par∣takers by the same of the deuine nature, and yet it ceaseth not s••il to be the substaunce of bread and wyne. And certes, the repre∣sentation and similitude of the body and bloud of Christ be ce∣lebrated in the action of the mysteries, &c.

After this he recited certayne places out of Augustine and Cyrill, which were not noted.

Isichius also confesseth that it is bread.* 24.195

Also the iudgement of Bertram in this matter, is verye playne and manifest. And thus much for the second groūd.

The third ground.

The third grounde, is the nature of the Sacrament, which consisteth in three things, that is, Unitie,* 24.196 Nutriti∣on, and Conuersion.

As touching vnitie, Cyprian thus writeth:* 24.197 Euen as of many graynes is made one bread, so are we one mysticall bodye of Christ. Wherfore bread must needes still remaine, or els we destroy the nature of a Sacrament.

Also they that take away nutrition, which commeth by bread, do take away likewise the nature of the sacrament.* 24.198 For as the body of Christ nourisheth the soule, euē so doth bread likewyse nourish the body of man.

Therfore, they that take away y^e graynes or the vnion of the graynes in the bread, and deny the nutrition or sub∣staunce thereof, in my iudgement are Sacramentaries: for they take away the similitude betwene the bread & the bo∣dy of Christ. For they which affirme transubstantiation are in deed right Sacramentaries and Capernites.

As touchyng conuersion (that lyke as the bread which we receyue, is turned into our substance,* 24.199 so are we turned into Christes body) Rabanus and Chrysostome are wit∣nesses sufficient.

The fourth ground.* 24.200

They which say that Christ is carnally present in the Eucharist, do take from him the veritie of mans nature. Eu∣tiches granted the diuine nature in Christ, but his humane nature he denied. So they that defend transubstantiation ascribe that to the humane nature, which onely belongeth to the deuine nature.

The fift ground.

The fift ground is the certaine perswasion of this Ar∣ticle

of fayth: He ascended into heauen, and sitteth on the right hand. &c.

Augustine sayth: The Lord is aboue euen to the end of the world: but yet the veritie of the Lord is here also. For his body wherein he rose agayne,* 24.201 must needes be in one place, but his ve∣ritie is spread abroad euery where.

Also in another place he sayth: Let the godly receyue al∣so that Sacrament, but let them not be carefull (speaking there of the presence of his body.* 24.202) For as touchyng hys maiesty, his prouidence, his inuisible and vnspeakeable grace, these woordes are fulfilled which he spake: I am with you vnto the ende of the world. But accordyng to the flesh which he took vpō hym, accor¦dyng to that which was borne of the Virgin, was apprehēded of the Iewes, was fastened to a tree, taken downe agayne from the crosse, lapped in lynnen clothes, was buried and rose agayne, and appeared after hys resurrection, so you shall not haue me always with you. And why? because that as concernyng his flesh he was conuersant with hys Disciples fourty dayes, and they accompa∣nying hym, seyng hym, but not followyng hym, he went vp into heauen, and is not here, for he sitteth at the right hand of hys Fa∣ther, and yet he is here, because he is not departed hence, as con∣cernyng the presence of hys diuine Maiestie.

Marke and consider well what Saint Augustine say∣eth: He is ascended into heauen, and is not here, sayth he. Be∣leeue not them therefore which say that he is yet here still in the earth.

* 24.203Moreouer, Doubt not (sayeth the same Augustine) but that Iesus Christ as concernyng the nature of hys manhoode, is there from whence he shall come. And remember well and be∣leeue the profession of a Christian man: that he rose from death, ascended into heauen, and sitteth at the right hand of his father, and from that place, and none other (not from the aultares) shall he come to iudge the quicke and the dead, and he shal come as the Angell sayd, as he was seene go into heauen: that is to say, in the same fourme and substaunce, vnto the which he gaue im∣mortality, but chaunged not nature. After this fourme (mea∣nyng hys humaine nature) we may not thynke that it is eue∣ry where.

And in the same Epistle he saith: Take away from the bo∣dies the limitation of places and they shall be no where:* 24.204 and be∣cause they are no where, they shall not be at all.

* 24.205Vigilius sayth: If the word and the flesh be both of one na∣ture, seeyng that the word is euery where, why then is not the flesh also euery where? For when it was in earth, then verely it was not in heauen: and now when it is in heauen, it is not sure∣ly in earth. And it is so certayne, that it is not in earth, that as cō∣cernyng the same we looke for hym from heauen, whom as con∣cernyng the word, we beleeue to be with vs in earth.

Also the same Vigilius sayth: Which thyngs seeyng they be so, the course of the scripture must be searched of vs, and many testimonies must be gathered to shew plainly what a wickednes and sacriledge it is to referre those thyngs to the property of the diuine nature, which do onely belong to the nature of the flesh: and contrarywyse, to apply those thinges vnto the nature of the fleshe, which doe properly belong to the diuine nature. Which thyng the transubstantiatours doe, whilest they affirme Christes body not to be conteyned in any one place, and ascribe that to hys humanity, which properly belongeth to hys diuinitie: as they do which will haue Christes bo∣dy to be in no one certayne place limited.

Now in the latter conclusion concerning the sacrifice, because it dependeth vpon the first,* 24.206 I will in fewe wordes declare what I thinke. For if we did once agree in that, the whole controuersie in the other would soone be at an end: Two things there be which do persuade me that this con∣clusion is true: that is, certayne places of the scripture, & also certayne testimonies of the fathers. Saint Paul saith, Heb. 9.* 24.207 Christ beyng come an high Priest of good thinges to come, by a greater and more perfecter tabernacle not made with hands,* 24.208 that is, not of this building, neyther by the bloud of Gotes and Calues, but by his owne bloud, entred once into the holye place, and obtayned for vs eternall redemption, &c. and now in the end of the world he hath appeared once to put away sinne by the sacrifice of hymselfe.

And agayne: Christ was once offered to take away the sinnes of many.

Moreouer he sayth: With one offering hath he made per∣fect for euer those that are sanctified.* 24.209

These scriptures do perswade me to beleeue that there is no other oblation of Christ (albeit I am not ignoraunt there are many sacrifices) but that which was once made vpon the crosse.* 24.210

* 24.211The testimonies of the auncient Fathers which con∣firme the same, are out of Augustine ad Bonifac. Epist. 23. A∣gayne in his booke of 43. Questions, in the 61. Question. Also in his 20. booke agaynst Faustus the Manichie, cha. 21. And in the same booke agaynst the sayd Faustus, cap. 28. thus he writeth: Now the Christians keepe a memoriall of the sacri∣fice past, with a holy oblation and participation of the body and bloud of Christ.

Fulgentius in hys booke De Fide, calleth the same obla∣tion a Commemoration. And these thynges are suffici∣ent for this tyme for a scholasticall det••rmination of these matters.

Disputations of Martin Bucer.

OUer and beside these disputations aboue mentioned, other disputations also were holden at Cambridge shortly after by Martin Bucer vppon these conclusions followyng.

Conclusions to be disputed.

1. The Canonicall bookes of holy Scripture alone,* 24.212 do sufficient∣ly teach the regenerated all thinges necessarily belongyng vnto saluation.

2. There is no Church in earth which erreth not as well in faith as in maners.

3. We are so iustified freely of God, that before our iustificati∣on it is sinne, and prouoketh Gods wrath agaynst vs, what so euer good worke we seeme to doe. Then beyng iustified we do good workes.

In these three Propositions agaynst Bucer, disputed M. Segewike, Yong, and Perne.* 24.213 Which disputations be∣cause they are long here to be recited, I mynde (the Lord willyng) to reserue them to some other conuenient place. In the meane season because great controuersie hath bene and is yet amongst the learned, and much effusion of Chri∣sten bloud about the wordes and meanyng of the Sacra∣ment: to the intent that the veritie thereof more openly may be explained, and all doubtfull scruples discussed, it shall not be out of place to adioyne to the former discour∣ses of Peter Martyr, and of Doctour Ridley aboue men∣tioned, an other certayne learned treatise in fourme of a Dialogue, as appertaynyng to the same Argument, com∣piled (as it seemeth) out of the tractations of Peter Mar∣tyr and other Authours,* 24.214 by a certayne learned and reue∣rend person of this Realme: who vnder the persones of Custome and Veritie, manifestly layeth before our eyes, and teacheth all men not to measure Religion by Cu∣stome, but to try Custome by truth and the word of God, for els custome may soone deceyue, but the worde of God abydeth for euer.

A fruitfull Dialogue declaring these wordes of Christ: This is my body.

CVSTOME. VERITIE.

CVstome.

I maruell much what madnes is cropen into those mens harts,* 24.215 which now a days are not ashamed so violently to tread downe the liuely worde of God, yea and impudently to deny God hymselfe.

Veritie.

God forbid there should be any such. In deede I remember that the Romish bishop was wont to haue the Bible for his footestoole, & so to tread downe Gods worde euermore when he stood at his Masse. But thankes be to God he is now detected, and hys abhominations be ope∣ned and blown throughout all the world. And I heare of no moe that oppresseth Gods word.

Cust.

No mo say you? Yes doubtles there are an hundreth thousand moe, and your parte it is Veritie to withstande them.

Veri.

As touching my part, you know it agreeth not with my nature to stand with falsehood. But what are they, dis∣close them if you will haue them reprooued.

Custome.

What? are you so great a stranger in these quar∣ters? Heare you not how that mē do daily speake against the Sacrament of the aulter, denying it to be the real body of Christ?

Veritie.

In good sooth I haue bene a great whyle abroade, and returned but of late into this countrey. Wherfore you must pardon me if my aunswere be to seeke in such questi∣ons. But goe foorth in your tale. You haue bene longer here, and are better acquainted then I. What say they more then this?

Cust.

Then this? why, what can they possible say more?

Veri.

Yes there are many things worse then this: for this seemeth in some part to be tollerable.

Cust.

What? me thinketh you dally with me. Semeth it to∣lerable to deny the sacrament?

Veritie.

They deny it not so much as I can gather by your wordes.

Custome.

Nay then fare you wel: I perceyue you wil take

their part.

Veri.

I am not parciall, but indifferent to all parties: For I neuer go further then the truth.

Cust.

I can scarsly beleue you. But what is more true then Christ, which is truth it self? or who euer was so hardy be∣fore this tyme to charge Christ with a lye for sayeng these wordes,* 24.216 This is my body. The words are euident & playne: there is in them not so much as one obscure or darke let∣ter, there is no cause for any man to cauill. And yet that notwithstanding, where as Christ himselfe affirmed it to be his body,* 24.217 mē now a days are not abashed to say, Christ lyed, it is not his body. The Euangelists agree all in one, the old writers stand of our side, the vniuersall and catho∣like church hath bene in this mynd these xv. hundred yeare and more. And shall we thinke that Christ hymselfe, hys Euangelists, all the whole Catholike church hath bene so long deceyued, and the truth nowe at length begotten and borne in these dayes?

Veri.

You haue mooued a matter of great force and waight, and whereto without many words I can make no ful an∣swer. Notwithstanding because you prouoke me thereto, if you will geue me licence I will take part with them of whome you haue made false report,* 24.218 for none of them euer reproued Christ of any lye. But contrarywise, they say that many men of late days, not vnderstanding Christs words haue builded and set vp many fonde lyes vpon hys name. Wherfore, first I will declare the meaning of these words, This is my body,* 24.219 and next in what sense the Church and the old fathers haue euermore taken them. First therefore you shall vnderstand, that Scripture is not so to be taken al∣ways as the letter soundeth, but as the intent and purpose of the holy ghost was, by whom the scripture was vttred. For if you follow the bare wordes, you will soone shake downe & ouerthrow the greatest part of the christiā fayth. What is plainer then these words: Pater maior me est. My father is greater then I am.* 24.220 Of those plaine words sprāg vp the heresy of the Arrians, which denied Christ to be e∣qual with his father. What is more euident then this say∣ing: I and my father are both one. Thereof arose the heresy of thē that denied three distinct persons. They all had one soule and one hart,* 24.221 was spoken by the apostles. Yet had ech of thē a soule and hart peculiar to himselfe. They are now not two, but one flesh, is spoken by the man and his wife. Yet hath both the man and the wife his seuerall body.* 24.222 He is our very flesh, sayd Ruben by Ioseph his brother, which notwith∣standing was not their reall flesh. I am bread sayd Christ, yet was he flesh and no bread.* 24.223 Christ was the stone, sayeth Paul, and was in deed no materiall stone. Melchisedech had neither father nor mother, and yet in deed he had both. Behold the Lambe of God, sayth Iohn Baptist by Christ, notwith∣standing Christ was a man & not a lambe. Circumcision was called the couenant, where as it was but a token of the couenant. The Lambe named the Passeouer, and yet was it eaten in remembrance only of the passeouer. Iacob raised vp an aulter, & called it beyng made but of lyme and stone, the mighty God of Israel. Moses when he had conque∣red the Amalakites, set vp an aulter, & called it by y^e names of God,* 24.224 Iehoua, and Tetragrammatum, We all are one loafe of bread, sayth Paule, yet were they not thereby turned into a loafe of bread. Christ hanging vpon the crosse, appoynted S. Iohn to his mother, saying: Lo there is thy sonne, & yet was he not her sōne.* 24.225 So many as be baptised into Christ (saith Paule) haue put on Christ, and so manye as are baptised into Christ, are washed with the bloud of Christ. Notwithstanding no man tooke the fonte water to be the naturall bloude of Christ. The cup is the new Testament, sayth Paul, & yet is not the cup in deed the very new Testament. You see therfore that it is not strange, nor a thing vnwoont in y^e scriptures, to call one thing by an others name. So that you can no more of necessitie enforce the chaunging of the bread into Christes body in the sacrament, because y^e words be plaine, This is my body,* 24.226 then the wiues flesh to be the naturall & re∣all body & flesh of the husbād, because it is written: They are not two but one flesh: or the aulter of stone to be very God, because Moses with euident and playne words pronoun∣ced it to be the mighty God of Israel. Notwithstandyng, if you wil needs cleaue to the letter you make for me, and hinder your own cause. For this I will reason, & vse your owne weapon against you. The scripture calleth it bread. The Euangelists agree in the same.* 24.227 Paule nameth it so v. times in one place, the holy ghost may not be set to schoole to learne to speake. Wherfore I conclude by your own ar∣gument, that we ought not only to say, but also to beleeue that in the sacrament there remayneth bread.

Cust.

Me thinketh your answer is reasonable, yet cā I not be satisfied. Declare you therfore more at large, what moo∣ueth you to thinke this of the sacrament. For I thinke you would not withstand a doctrine so long holdē and taught, vnles you were inforced by some strong and likely reasōs.

Veri.

First, in examining the wordes of Christ, I get me to the meanyng & purpose for which they were spoken.* 24.228 And in this behalfe I see, that Christ ment to haue his death & passion kept in remembrance. For men of themselues bee & euermore were forgetfull of the benefites of God. And therfore it was behouefull that they should be admonished & stirred vp with some visible and outward tokēs, as with the Passeouer Lambe, the brasen serpent, and other lyke. For the brasen serpent was a token that when the Iewes were stinged & wounded with serpents, God restored thē and made them whole. The passeouer Lambe was a me∣mory of the great benefit of God, which when he destroied the Egyptians, saued the Iewes whose dores were sprin∣kled with the bloud of a lambe. So likewise Christ left vs a memoriall & remembraunce of his death and passion in outward tokens, that when the childe should demaund of his father what the breaking of the bread, & drinking of the cup meaneth, he myght answer him, that like as the bread is broken, so Christ was broken and rent vpon the crosse, for to redeme the soule of man. And like as wine fostereth and comforteth the body, so doth the bloud of Christ che∣rish & relieue the soule. And this do I gather by the words of Christ, and by the institution and order of the sacramēt. For Christ charged the Apostles to do this in the remem∣brance of him. Wherupon thus I do conclude:

Fes- Nothyng is done in remembraunce of it selfe.

ti- But the Sacrament is vsed in the remembraunce of Christ.

no. Therfore the Sacrament is not Christ.

Fe- Christ neuer deuoured hymselfe.

ri- Christ did eate the Sacrament with his Apostles.

son. Ergo, the Sacrament is not Christ hymselfe.

Beside this I see, that Christ ordeined not his body, but a sacrament of his body. A sacrament (as S. Augustine de∣clareth) is an outwarde signe of an inuisible grace. Hys words are: Sacramentum est inuisibilis gratiae visibile signum. Out of which words I gather two arguments. The first is this, the token of the body of Christ is the thyng toke∣ned, wherfore they are not one. The second is this.

Fe- One thyng cannot be both visible and inuisible.

ri- But the Sacrament is visible, and the body of Christ inuisible:

son. Therfore they are not one.

Which thing S. Augustine openeth very well by these wordes: Aliud est Sacramentum, aliud res Sacramenti. Sacra∣mentum est quod in corpus vadit: res autem Sacramenti est cor∣pus Domini nostri Iesu Christi. Moreouer, I remember that Christ ministred this sacrament not to great & deepe phi∣losophers, but to a sort of ignorant and vnlearned fishers, which notwithstanding vnderstoode Christes meanyng right well, & deliuered it euen as they tooke it at Christes hand, to the vulgar and lay people, and fully declared vn∣to them the meanyng therof. But the lay people, nor scars∣ly the Apostles themselues could vnderstand what is mēt by transubstantiation, impanation, dimensions, qualitates, quantitates, accidens sine subiecto, terminus a quo, & terminus ad quem, per modum quanti. This is no learnyng for the vn∣learned and rude people, wherefore it is likely that Christ ment some other thyng then hath bene taught of late dais. Furthermore, Christes body is food, not for the body, but for the soule,* 24.229 & therfore it must be receyued with the instru∣ment of the soule which is fayth. For as ye receiue suste∣nance for your body by your bodily mouth, so the foode of your soule must be receiued by fayth, which is the mouth of the soule. And for that S. Augustine sharpely rebuketh them that thinke to eat Christ with their mouthe, saying: Quid paras dentem & ventrem, crede & manducasti. i. Why ma∣kest thou redy thy tooth & thy belly?* 24.230 beleue & thou hast eatē Christ. Likewise speaking of eatyng the selfe same body, he sayth to the Capernaites which tooke hym grosly as men do now a dayes: The words that I speake are spirit and lyfe. It is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh profiteth nothyng.* 24.231 And S. Augustine vpon these words of Christ sayth: * 24.232 Nō hoc cor∣pus quod videtis manducaturi estis, neque bibituri sanguinem, quem effusuri sunt qui me crucifigent. Sacramentum aliquod vo∣bis trado. Id spiritualiter acceptum viuificat: caro autē non pro∣dest quicquam. August. Quinquagena. 2. Psal 98.

Custome.

What meane you by this spirite, and by spiritu∣all eatyng? I pray you vtter your mynde more playnely. For I know well that Christ hath a bodye, and therefore must be eaten (as I thinke) with the mouth of the bodye. For the spirit and the soule as it hath no body and flesh, so

it hath no mouth.

Veritie.

You must vnderstand, that a man is shaped of two partes: of the body, and of the soule. And eche of them hath his life and his death, his monthe, his teethe, his foode, and abstinence. For like as the body is nourished and fostered with bodily meats, or els can not endure, so must the soule haue his cherishing, otherwise it will decay, & pine away. And therefore we do & may iustly say that the Turkes, Ie∣wes, and Heathen be dead, because they lacke y^t liuely foode of the soule. But how then, or by what meane wil you fede the soule? Doubtles not by the instrument of the body, but of the soule. For that which is receiued into the bodye, hath no passage from thence into the soul. For Christ sayth, That what ••o entreth into the belly, is conueied into the draught. And where as you say that the spirite hathe no mouth, like as it hath no bodye or bones, you are deceiued. For the spirite hath a mouthe in his kinde, or else howe coulde a man eate and drinke Iustice? for vndoubtedly his bodily mouthe is no fit instrument for it. Yet Christ sayeth, that he is blessed that hungreth and thirsteth for Iustice. If hee hunger and thirst for Iustice,* 24.233 belike he both eateth and drinketh it, or o∣therwise he neither abateth his hunger, nor quencheth hys thirst.* 24.234 Nowe if a man eate and drinke righteousnesse wyth hys spirite, no doubt his spirite hath a mouth. Whereof I will reason thus:

Da- Of what soeuer sorte the mouth is, suche is hys foode.

* 24.235ti- But the mouth of the spirite is spirituall, not bodily:

si. Therefore it receiueth Christes body spiritually, not bodily.

And in like manner Christe speaking of the eatyng of hys bodye, nameth him selfe the breade, not for the bodye, but of life for the soule,* 24.236 and sayth: He that commeth to me, shal not hunger, and he that beleeueth in me, shall neuer thirst. Wher∣fore who so will be relieued by the body of Christ,* 24.237 must re∣ceiue him as hee will be receiued, with the instrumente of faith appoynted thereunto, not with his teethe or mouthe. And where as I say that Christes body must be receiued & taken with faith, I meane not that you shall plucke downe Christ from heauen, and put him in your faith, as in a visi∣ble place: but that you must with your faith rise and spring vp to him, and leauing this world, dwell aboue in heauen, putting all your trust, cōfort and consolation in him, which suffered grieuous bondage to set you at libertye & to make you free, creeping into his wounds, which were so cruelly pearced and do••ted for your sake. So shall you feede the body of Christ, so shall you sucke the bloud that was pou∣red out and shed for you. This is the spiritual, y^e very true, the onely eating of Christes body.* 24.238 And therfore S. Gregorie calleth it Cibum mentis, non ventris. i. The foode of the minde and not of the bellie.* 24.239 And S. Cyprian sayth likewise: Non ac∣cuimus dentem, nec ventrem paramus. i. We sharpen not oure tooth nor prepare our bellie.

Now to returne to our former purpose, seeing it is plain that Christes body is meat for our spirit, and hath nothing to do with our body, I wil gather thereof this reason. The sacrament is bodily foode and increaseth the body: Ergo, the sacrament is not the very body of Christ. That it norisheth the body, it is euident: for Christe calleth it the fruite of the vine, whose duetie is to nourish. And for a proofe, if you consecrate a whole loafe, it will feede you so well as your table bread.* 24.240 And if a little Mouse get an host, he will craue no more meate to hys dinner. But you will saye these are worldly reasons. What then if the old Fathers recorde the same? Irenaeus sayth: Quando mixtus calix, & fractus panis per∣cipit verbum Dei,* 24.241 sit Eucharistia corporis & sanguinis Domini, ex quibus augetur & consistit carnis nostrae substantia. Beda wit∣nesseth the same by these woordes: Quia panis carnem confir∣mat,* 24.242 & vinum sanguinem operatur in carne, hic ac corpus Chri∣sti mysticè, illud ad sanguinem refertur. Wherefore as I sayde before, seeing that Christes body is spirituall meat, and the bread of the sacrament bodily, I may conclude that the sa∣crament is not Christes body. Beside this, where it was forbidden in the old law, that any man should eat or drinke bloud, the Apostles notwithstanding tooke the cup at Chri¦stes handes, and dranke of it, & neuer staggered or shranke at the matter:* 24.243 whereby it may be gathered, that they tooke it for a mysterie, for a token, and a remembraunce, farre o∣therwise then it hath of late bene taken.

Againe, when the sacrament was dealte, none of thē all crouched downe and tooke it for his God, forgettinge hym that sate there present before their eies,* 24.244 but tooke it, and eate it, knowing that it was a sacrament and a remembrāce of Christes body. Yea, the old Councels commanded that no man should kneele downe at the time of the Communion, fearing that it should be an occasion of Idolatry. And long after the Apostles time, as Tertullian wryteth, womē were suffered to take it home with them, and to lap it vp in their ch••stes. And the priest many times sent it to sicke persones by a childe: which no doubt would haue geuen more reue∣rence therto, if they had taken it for their God. But a great while after, about 300. yere agone. Honorius 3. the Bishop of Rome tooke him and hanged him vp, and caused men to kneele and crouch downe, and all to b••god him.

Futhermore,* 24.245 if the bread be turned and altered into the body of Christ, doubtles it is the greatest miracle that euer God wrought. But the Apostles saw no myracle in it. Na∣zianzenus an olde wryter, and Augustine entreating of al the myracles that are in the scripture, number the Sacrament for none. As for the apostles it appeareth wel that they had it for no maruel, for they neuer mused at it,* 24.246 neither deman∣ded how it might be: whereas in other thinges they euer∣more were ful of questions. As touching S. Augustine he not only ouerhippeth it, as no wonder, but by plaine & expres words, testifieth that ther is no maruel in it. For speaking of the Lords supper and of the other sacraments he sayeth these words. * 24.247Hic Sacramēta honorem vt religiosa habere pos∣sunt, stuporem autem vt mira non possunt. Moreouer, a little before the institution of the sacrament, Christe spake of hys ascension, saying, I leaue the world: I tary but a litle while wyth you. Let not your hearts be troubled because I go from you, I tell you truthe it is for your profite that I goe from you, for if I goe not, the spirite of comfort cannot come to you. Ihon 14. wyth many other like warnings of his departure. S. Steuen sawe hym sitting at the right hand of his Father, and thought it a speciall reuelation of God: but he neuer said that he sawe him at the Communion, or that he made him * 24.248 euery daye himselfe. And in the Actes of the Apostles S. Peter sayeth, that Christ must needes keepe the heauen till all be ended. Esay, Salomon, and S. Steuen,* 24.249 saye that God dwelleth not in temples made with mans hand: S. Paule wysheth that he were dissolued and dead, and were with Christ, not in the aultar doutlesse where he might be daily, but in hea∣uen. And to be briefe, it is in oure Credo, & we do constant∣ly beleeue, that Christe is ascended into heauen, and sitteth at his fathers right hande: and no promise haue we that he will come iumping downe at euery priests calling. Here∣of I gather this reason.

Christes body can not both be gone, and be heere.* 24.250

But he is gone, and hath left the world:

Therefore it is follie to seeke him in the world.

Cust.

Fie, you be farre deceiued, I can not in no wise brooke these words. You shut vp Christ too straitly, and imprisone hym in one corner of heauen, not suffering hym to goe at large. No, doubtlesse, he hath deserued more gentlenesse at your hande, then to be tied vp so shorte.

Veri.

I do neither locke vp, neither imprison Christ in hea∣uen:* 24.251 but according to the Scriptures declare that hee hath chosen a blessed place, & moste worthy to receiue his maie∣stie: in which place who so is inclosed, thinketh not himself (as I suppose) to be a prisonner: but if you take it for so hainous a thing, y^t Christ should sit resident in heauen in y^e glory of his father, what thinke you of them that imprison him in a litle boxe, yea and keepe him in captiuitie so long, vntil he be mouldy & ouergrowne with vermine, & when he is past mans meat, be not contented to hang him till he stincke, but will haue him to a newe execution, and burne hym too? This is wonderfull and extreme cruell impriso∣ning. But to returne to the matter, wee are certainely per∣swaded by the worde of God, that Christ the very sonne of God vouchsaued to take vppon him the body and shape of man, & that he walked & was conuersant amongst men in that same one, & not in many bodies, and that hee suffered death, rose againe, and ascended to heauen in the selfe same body, and that he sitteth at his fathers ryght hande in hys manhode, in the nature and substance of the said one body. This is our beliefe, this is the very word of God. Where∣fore they are far deceiued, which leauing heauen, wil grope for Christes body vpon the earth.

Cust.

Nay sir, but I see now you are farre out of the way. For Christ hath not so grosse & fleshly a body, as you think,* 24.252 but a spirituall and a ghostly body, and therefore without repugnaunce it may be in many places at once.

Veri.

You say right wel, and do graunt that Christes body is spiritual. But I pray you answer me by the waye: Can any other body then that which is spirituall, be at one time in sondry places.

Cust.

No truely?

Veri.

Haue we that same selfe sacrament that Christe gaue to his Disciples, at his Maundie, or no?

Cust.

No doubtlesse, we haue the same.

Veri.

When became Christes body spirituall? was it so euē from his birth.

Cust.

No, for doubtles before he arose from death, his bo∣body was earthly as other mens bodies are.

Veri.

Well, but when gaue Christe the Sacrament to hys Disciples? before he arose from death or after?

Cust.

* 24.253You know your selfe he gaue it before his resurrecti∣on, the night before he suffered hys Passion.

Veritie.

Why then, me thinketh he gaue the Sacrament at that time, when his body was not spirituall.

Cust.

Euen so.

Veri.

And was euery portion of the Sacrament delt to the Apostles, and receaued into their mouthes the very reall and substantiall body of Christ?

Cust.

Yea doubtles.

Veri.

Marke well what ye haue said, for you haue graun∣ted me great repugnance. First you say that no body being not spiritual can be in sundry places at once. Then say you that at the maundy Christes body was not spirituall: and yet hold you that he was there present visible before the A∣postles eyes, and in ech of theyr handes and mouthes all at one time: which graunts of yours are not agreeable. But I will gather a better and a more formall reason of youre wordes,* 24.254 in this sort.

Fe- No body being reall, naturall, and organical, and not spirituall, can be in many places at once.

ri- Christes body in the Sacrament was in the Apostles handes and mouthes at one time, which were manye places:

son. Ergo, Christes body in the sacrament was not a reall, naturall, and organicall body, but spirituall.

Cust.

In deede you haue driuen me into the straites before I was ware of you, and I knowe not howe I may escape your handes honestly. But the best refuge that I haue, is thys, that I will not beleeue you.

Veri.

I desire you not to geue credence to me. Beleeue the worde of God, yea beleue your owne beliefe, for they bothe witnesse againste you that Christes body is taken vp into heauen, and there shal remaine vntil he come to Iudge.

Cust.

Tush, what speake you of the word of God? There be many darke sayings therein, which euerye man can not attaine to.

Veri.

I graunt you there be certaine obscure places in the scripture,* 24.255 yet not so obscure but that a man wyth the grace of God may perceiue: for it was wrytten not for Aungels, but for men. But as I vnderstand Custome medleth but li∣tle with Scripture. How say you by S. Augustine, S. Hierom, S. Ambrose, what if they stand on our side?

Cust.

No, no, I know them well inough.

Veri.

So wel as you know them, for all old acquaintance, if they be called to witnesse, they will geue euidence against you. For S. Augustine commonly in euery of his bookes, but chiefly in an Epistle to his frende Dardanus, declareth that Christes body is placed in one roume.* 24.256 I maruell you be not nearer of his counsel. His words are these: Noli dubita∣re ibi nunc esse hominem Christum Iesum, vnde venturus est. Memoriter{que} recole & fideliter crede Christianam confessionem: quoniam resurrexit, ascendit in coelum, sedet a dextris Dei patris, nec aliundè quam indè venturus est, ad viuos mortuosq́ue iudi∣candos. Et venturus est in eadem corporis substantia: cui immor∣talitatem dedit, naturam non abstulit. Secundum hanc formam non est putandus vbiq́ue diffusus. Cauendum enim est, ne ita diui∣nitatem astruamus hominis, vt humanitatem amittamus Dei. i. Do not dout the man Iesus Christ to be there, frō whence he shall come. And remember well, and faithfully beleeue the Christian confession, that he is risen, ascended into hea∣uen, sitteth at the righte hande of God the father, and from thence shal come & from no other place, to iudge the quicke and the dead. And shall come in the same substaunce of bo∣dy, to the which he gaue immortality, and tooke not the na∣ture from it. After this forme he is to be thought not to be dispersed in all places, for we must beware so to defend his Diuinitie, that we destroy not his humanitie. And in an o∣ther place of the same Epistle. Vna persona Deus & homo, & vtrumq́ue est vnus Christus.* 24.257 Vbiq́ue per id quod Deus, in coelo autem per id quod homo. Likewise vpon the 14. Psalme. Do∣nec saeculum finiatur sursum est Dominus: sed etiam hic nobiscum est veritas Domini. Corpus enim in quo resurrexit, in vno loco esse oportet,* 24.258 veritas autem eius vbique diffusa est. i. While the world shall last, the Lorde is aboue, and also the veritye of the Lorde is with vs. For the body wherein he rose againe must be in one place. But the verity of him is euery where dispearsed. In like manner wryteth Damasus an olde By∣shop of Rome in his Credo.* 24.259 Deuictis mortis imperijs, cum ea carne in qua natus, & passus est, & resurrexit, ascendit in coelum, manente eadem natura carnis in qua natus & passus est. S. Am∣brose wryting vppon the 10. chapter of Luke recordeth the same: Ergo, nec supra terram, nec in terra, nec secundum terram quaerere debemus Dominum, si volumus inuenire. Non enim su∣pra terram quaesiuit qui stantem ad Dei dextram vidit.* 24.260 Maria quae∣rebat in terra tangere Christum & non potuit. Stephanus terigit quia quaerebat in coelo. i. Wherefore, neither aboue the earth, nor vppon the earth, nor according to the earth we oughte to seeke the Lorde, if we wil finde him: For he did not seeke hym aboue the earth, which did see him sitting at the right hande. And Marie sought vppon the earth to touch Christ and coulde not. Steuen touched hym, because he soughte hym in heauen. S. Hierome in an Epistle to Marcella, proo∣ueth that the bodye of Christe must needes be contained in some place, for he sayeth: Veri Dei est vbiq́ue esse: veri hominis alicubi esse. i. The property of God is to be euery where,* 24.261 the propertie of man is to be in one place. The same Hierome in an other place calleth it a foolish thing to seeke for him in a narowe place, or in a corner, which is the lyghte of all the worlde: Stultum est eum paruo in loco, vel abscondito quaerere, qui totius mundi est lumen. i. Foolishnesse it is, in a smal place or in a hidde corner to seeke hym which is the lyghte of all the whole worlde. Origine sayeth likewise: Audiendi non sunt qui Christum demonstrant in aedibus. i.* 24.262 They are not to be heard, which shewe Christ in houses. The same also recor∣deth Beda, wryting vpon these woordes of Christe: Now a litle while shal you see me. He speaketh in Christes person. Therefore (sayeth he) shall you see me but a little while after my resurrection, because I will not still abide in the earth bodily,* 24.263 but in the manhoode which I haue taken, will ascende vp to heauen.* 24.264 What needeth more woordes. All the olde fathers witnes∣seth the same. You may by these soone iudge the rest. Nowe to retourne to the matter, seeing that the woorde of God in many and sundrye places, the Credo, and the abridgement of the faith, seeing all the olde fathers doe constantly agree in one, that the body of Christ is ascended into heauen, and there remaineth at the right hande of the father, and cannot be more then in one place, I doe conclude that the Sacra∣ment is not the body of Christ:* 24.265 first because it is not in hea∣uen, neyther sitteth at the Fathers right hande: moreouer, because it is in an hundreth thousande boxes, where as Christes bodye filleth but one place. Furthermore, if the bread were turned into the body of Christe, then woulde it necessarily followe, that sinners and vnpenitent persones receiue the body of Christ.

Cust.

Marie, and so they do. For Paule saith plainly, that they receiue the body of Christ to their owne confusion.

Veri.

No not so. These are not Paules woordes, but hee sayeth: Who so eateth of this bread, and drinketh of thys cuppe vnworthely, eateth and drinketh his owne condemnation,* 24.266 not iudging the bodye of the Lorde. Heere hee calleth it in playne woordes breade. And althoughe the Sacramente be very bread, yet doeth the iniurie redounde to the body of Christ. As if a man breake the kynges Mace, or treade the broade Seale vnder his foote, although hee haue broken and defa∣ced nothynge but siluer and waxe. Yet is the iniurie the Kinges, and the doer shall be taken as a Traitour.* 24.267 Saint Ambrose declareth the meaninge of Saint Paule by these woordes. Reus est corporis Domini, qui poenas dabit mortis Christi, quoniam irritam fecit mortem Domini. The cause of the ordinance therof was the remembraunce of the death of Christe, which who so forgetteth, receiueth the Sacrament to their condemnation.* 24.268 That same witnesseth S. Augu∣stine. For the Sacrament, sayeth he, is an outwarde token of loue and charitie. For like as many graines of come are become one pece of bread, euen so they that receiue it ought to be one. Then sayeth hee. Mysterium pacis ac vnitatis nobis Christus in mensa sua consecrauit. Quid accepit mysterium vni∣tatis, & non seruat vnitatem, non mysterium accepit pro se, sed testimonium contra se. Hee that readeth the Gospel, where∣in is declared the passion and death of Christe,* 24.269 and liueth contrary to the Gospell, shall doubtlesse be the more giltie of the death of Christe, because hee heareth and readeth the word of God, and regardeth it not. In a certaine countrey the maner is, that when the Gospell is read, the king shall stand vp with a naked sword in his hand, declaring therby that he beareth his sword in defence of the Gospell. But if he himselfe oppresseth the Gospell, he beareth the sword a∣gainst himself, for the Gospel shal turne to his iudgement, and condemnation. So wil Christ so much more extreme∣ly punish a manne which knowing him selfe to be wicked and without repentance, and therefore none of the flocke of Christe, yet notwithstanding will impudently creepe into the company of Christian men, & receiue the Sacramentes with them, as though he were one of the nomber. And this meant S. Paule by the vnworthy receiuing of the Sacra∣ment of Christes body. Wherefore a man maye vnworthe∣ly take the Sacrament, and be giltie of the death of Christe, although he receiue not Christes body into hys mouthe, & chawe it with his teeth. But what if I prooue that euerye Massing priest is giltie of the body and bloud of Christ?

Cust.

I dare say, you can not prooue it.

Veri.

But if I do prooue it, will you beleeue me.

Cu••t.

I may well inough, for it is impossible to doe it. For Priestes commonly are confessed before they go to Masse: and how can they then take the Sacrament vnworthely?

Veri.

* 24.270In deede confession, if it be discretely vsed, is a lauda∣ble custome, and to the vnlearned man, and feeble cōscience so good as a Sermone. But notwythstanding because it was, neuer neither commaunded of Christ, nor receiued of the Apostles,* 24.271 nor much spoken of the olde Doctours, it can not make much for y^e due receiuing of the Sacrament. But how like you these woordes of S. Ambrose? Is indignè sumit, qui aliter sumit, quam Christus instituit. i. He taketh it vnwor∣thely, that taketh it otherwise then Christ ordained it.

Custome.

This liketh me very wel. But what gather you of it?

Veritie.

This will I gather. The Massing Priest taketh the Sacrament otherwise then Christ either commaunded or taught: Ergo, he taketh it vnworthely, and so consequēt∣ly to his condemnation.

Cust.

That is not so, for he doth altogether as Christ com∣maunded him.

Veritie.

That shall appeare. For Christ commaunded it to be done in his remembraunce: the Priest doth it in remem∣braunce of dead men.* 24.272 Christ tooke breade: and left it breade: the Priest taketh bread and coniureth it away. Christ tooke bread and gaue thankes: the Priest taketh bread, and brea∣theth vppon it. Christe tooke bread, and brake it: the Priest taketh bread and hangeth it vppe. Christ tooke breade and dealt to hys Apostles: the Priest because hee is an Apostle him selfe, taketh breade and eateth it euery whitte alone. Christ in a Sacrament gaue his owne body to be eaten in faith: the Priest for lacke of faith receiueth accidences, and dimensions. Christ gaue a Sacrament to strengthen mens faith: the Priest geueth a sacrifice to redeeme mens soules. Christ gaue it to be eaten: the Priestes giueth it to be wor∣shipped.* 24.273 And to conclude. Christe gaue bread: the Priest sayth he geueth a God. Here is difference inough betwene Christ, and the Priest. Yet moreouer Christ at his Supper spake his woordes out and in a plaine tounge: the Prieste speaketh nothing but Latine or Greeke, which tounges he ofttimes perceiueth not, and much he whispereth least any other poore man should perhaps perceiue him. So it com∣meth to passe that the Prieste knoweth no more what hee himselfe sayeth, then what he doeth. This you may see that the Massing Prieste receiueth the Sacrament of Christes body farre otherwise then euer Christ minded, and so ther∣fore vnworthely and to his condemnation. Nowe if you thinke your selfe satisfied, I wil returne to my former que∣stion, and prooue more at large that Christes body can not be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the wicked, which thing must necessarily ensue if the bre••de were turned into the body of Christ. Christ in the 6. of Iohn,* 24.274 speaking of the eating of his body, sayth•• He that eateth of this bread, shall liue for euer. Whereof I gather thus: But sinnefull men take the Sacrament to theyr con∣demnation, and liue not for euer: Ergo, in the Sacrament they receiue not the body of Christ. Againe, Christe sayeth: He that eateth me, shall liue for my sake. Heereof I conclude thus: But impetinent personnes can not liue for Christes sake. Moreouer Christes bodye must be receiued, and not wyth the mouth,* 24.275 as Gregorie recordeth, saying, that it is ea∣ten wyth the teethe of the soule, not of the body, as I haue aboue more largely declared. But wicked, and impenitent persons lacke faith: Wherefore they can not eate the bodye of Christe. Againe, Christes body can not be deuided from his spirite, but wicked men haue not the spirite of God▪ Er∣go, they haue not Christes body. Heereunto agreeth all the old wryters, affirming constantly that the vnfaithful he no meete vess••lles to receiue the body of Christe.* 24.276 S. Augustine sayth: Qui non manet in Christo, & in quo non manet Christus, 〈…〉〈…〉 non manducat carnem Christi, nec bibit eius san∣guinem 〈…〉〈…〉 ad iudicium suum 〈…〉〈…〉 And in the persons of Christ he sayeth likewise: Qui non 〈…〉〈…〉 & in quo ego non maneo, ne se dica•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 existime•• manducare corpus meum▪ aut sanguinem meum bibere. Ambrose auoweth the same, by these woordes: Qui discordat a Christo, non manducat carn••m eius▪ nec bibit sanguinem, ets•• tantae rei Sacramentum accipiat.* 24.277 In like maner wryteth Pro∣sperus:* 24.278 Qui discordat a Christo, nec carnem Christi edit, nec san∣guinem bibit, etsi tantae rei Sacramentum, ad iudicium suae prae∣sumptionis quotidiè acciprat.* 24.279 And therfore S. Augustine sayth▪ Mali Sacramentum habent, re•••• autem Sacramenti non habent. Thus by the woordes of God by reason and by the old fa∣thers it is plaine that sinnefull men eate not the bodye of Christ receiue they the Sacrament neuer so ofte: Whiche thing coulde not be, if in the Sacramente there remained nothing but the body of Christ.* 24.280

The Sacramente in the Scriptures is named Fractio pa••is, the breaking of bread: whiche, to say the trueth, were but a colde breaking, if there remained no breade to breake, but certaine phantasies of white, and round. Yet where as they with wordes, crossinges, blessinges, breathings, lea∣pings, and much a do can scarsly make one God, they haue suche vertue in their fingers, that at one crosse they be able to make 20. Gods, for if they breake the Sacrament euery portion, yea euery mite must needes be a God. After the A∣postles time there arose vppe heretickes, whych sayde that Christ walking here amongst men bodely vpon the earth, had no very body, but a thing like a body, and so therewith dimmed mennes light. Against whom the old fathers vsed these arguments: Christ increased in growing, fasted, hun∣gred, eate, wept, sweat, was weary, and in cōclusion died, & had all other properties of a very body: wherfore he had a body. I will vse the same kinde of reasoning. It feedeth,* 24.281 it tasteth like bread, it looketh like bread, the litle sely mouse taketh it for bread, and to be short, it hath all the properties and tokens of bread: Ergo it is bread. The old fathers, whē there remained anye parte of the Sacramente, more then was spent at the Communion, they vsed to burne it, and of it there came ashes. But there is nothing in the Sacra∣ment that can turne to ashes,* 24.282 but onely bread (for I thinke they burned not Christes body to ashes): Ergo, in the Sa∣crament there remaineth bread. Henry the Emperour the 6, of that name was poysoned in the hoste: and Uictor the Bishop of Rome in the Chalice. But poyson can not hang in Gods body, and bloude: Wherefore there remayneth breade and wine. What needeth many wordes in a matter so euident? If you demaund either Gods word, or the doc∣tours and the auncient wryters, or your reason, or your eyes, or nose, or toung, or fingers, or the Cat, or the Ape, or the Mouse, all these agree in one, and aunswere together there is bread: wherefore if yo•• re••ecte so many and so con∣stant witnesses, and so well agreeing in their tale, specially being such as will lie for no mans pleasure, I will appeale from you, and take you as no indifferent iudge. If all these witnesses suffice you not, I wil call the sacrament it selfe to record. It crieth vnto you, and plainely doth aduertise you what you should thinke of it. I am, it sayth, grated wyth y^e tooth: I am conueied into the belly: I perish: I can endure no space: I canker: I suffer grene mould, blew mould, red mould: I breede wormes:* 24.283 I am kept in a boxe for feare of battes: if you leaue me out al night, I shalbe deuoured be∣fore morning, for if the mouse gette mee I am gone: I am bread, I am no God, beleeue them not. This crieth the sa∣crament daily, and beareth witnesse it selfe.

Cust.

The deuill on such like reasons: and therfore I will neuer trouble my braines to make you aunswere. But if it be true that you haue sayde, why is the Sacrament so well of Christ himselfe, as of hys Apostles, and the olde fathers called the body of Christ?

Veri.

Because it is no straunge thynge in Scripture so to speake, as I haue declared before. But wil you stand to S. Augustines arbitrement in the matter?

Cust.

To no man sooner.

Veri.

S. Augustine in an Epistle to his frende Bonifacius,* 24.284 ge∣ueth a good cause why the Sacramente, although it be not the body of Christ, is notwithstanding called the bodye of Christ. His wordes be these: Si Sacramenta quandam similitu∣dinem earum rerum quarum Sacramenta sunt non haberent, om∣••i••o Sacramenta non essent. Ex hac autem similitudine plerum∣que ••arum re••m nomina accipiunt. Ergo,* 24.285 secundum quendam modum Sacramentum corporis Christi, corpus Christi est: Sa∣cramentum sanguinis Christi, sanguis Christi est: If Sacra∣ments had not a certaine similitude of those things wher∣of they be sacraments, then were they no Sacramentes. Of the which similitude many times they take their name. Wherefore after a certaine manner the Sacrament of the body of Christ, is the body of Christ, and the Sacrament of the bloud of Christ, is the bloud of Christ. &c. And vpon the 23. Psalme he wryteth likewise:* 24.286 Christus quod••mmodo se fe∣rebat in manibus suis, cum diceret: Hoc est corpus meum. Christ after a certaine manner and fashion, as it were, did beare himselfe in his owne handes when he sayde: This is my bo∣dye. In manner (he sayeth) and after a fashion, not in very dede. Again, when faithful menne receiue the Sacrament, they thinke not of the breade nor marke the wine,* 24.287 but they looke farther, & beholde the very body of Christ spread vp∣pon the Crosse and his very bloud poured downe for their sakes: So in Baptisme men regarde not greatly the wa∣ter, ••ut accounte them selues washed wyth the bloude of Christ▪ So sayeth S. Paule: What so euer we bee that are Baptised, wee are washed in the bloude of Christ. Where∣fore to the faithfull receiuers you may say that the water of Baptisme is the bloude of Christe, and the breade and wine the body and bloud of Christ: for to them it is no lesse then if the natures were altered and chaunged. Whyche thynge you maye very well learne of Chrysostome, whose woordes are these. Mysteria omnia interioribus oculis con∣sideranda

sunt, hoc est spiritualiter. Interiores autem oculi post∣quam panem vident, creaturas transuolant, neque de illo pane à pistore cocto cogitant,* 24.288 sed de eo qui se dixit panem esse aeternae vitae. All mysteries must be considered with inwarde eyes, that is to say, spiritually: As the inwarde eyes when they see the bread, they passe ouer the creatures, neither do they thinke of that bread which is baked of the baker, but of him which called himself the bread of eternal life. For these two causes the bread and wine are called the body and bloud of Christe. Nowe I thinke you are satisfied concerning the meaning of these woordes: This is my body.

Cust.

Yet one thing mooueth me very much.

Veri.

What is that?

Cust.

The Doctors and old wryters, men inspired with the holy Ghost haue euermore bene against your doctrine:* 24.289 Yea, and in these daies the wisest men and best learned call you heretickes, and your learning heresie.

Veri.

As touching the olde wryters, I remember well they speake reuerently of the Sacramentes, like as euery man ought to doe.* 24.290 But where as they deliuer their minde wyth the right hand, you Custome receiue it wyth the lefte. For where as they say, that it is the bodye of Christe, and that it must be verely eaten, meaning that it doeth effectu∣ally lay before the eyes Christes body, and that it is to the faithfull man no lesse then if it were Christe him selfe, and that Christe must be eaten in faith, not torne nor rent wyth the teeth:* 24.291 you say that howsoeuer it be taken, it is Christes bodye, and that there is none other eatyng but wyth the mouth. And that the fathers meant no other thing then I haue sayde, it shall appeare by their wordes. But as tou∣ching the learned and wise men of these dayes, I can not blame them if they call my doctrine heresie: for they would condemne al auncient wryters of heresie, if they were now aliue. But I will aunsweare you to them anone. In the meane while marke you how well their learning agreeth. They say, you must follow the letter, you must sticke to the letter.* 24.292 But Origenes sayeth: Si secundum literam sequaris id quod scriptum est [nisi manducaueritis carnem filij hominis non erit vita in vobis] ea litera occidit. If ye folow after the letter, that which is wrytten [vnlesse yee shall eate the flesh of the sonne of man,* 24.293 there shalbe no life in you] this letter killeth. Augustine in the third booke De doctrina Christiana: Principio cauendum est ne figuratam dictionem secundum literam accipias. Ad hoc enim pertinet id quod ait Apostolus▪* 24.294 litera occidit. Cum enim figuratè dictum sic accipitur tanquam propriè dictum sit, carnaliter sapitur, neque vlla animae mors congruentius appella∣tur. i. First, thou muste beware that thou take not a figura∣tiue speache after the letter. For thereto pertaineth that the Apostle sayeth: The letter killeth. For when a thing is spi∣ritually meant, and the same is takē litterally and proper∣ly spoken that is a carnall taking. Neither can any other be called the killing of the soule rather then that. And in the same booke he teacheth a man to know the plain sense from a figure,* 24.295 saying thus: Si praeceptiua loquntio est flagitium iu∣bens, aut beneficentiam vetans, figurata est: Nisi m••nducaueritis carnem filij hominis, & biberitis eius sanguinem, non erit vita in vobis. Flagitium videtur iubere: Ergo, Figura est praecipiens pas∣sioni Domini esse communicandum,* 24.296 & suauiter in memoria recō∣dendum, quòd pro nobis caro eius crucifixa sit. i. If the com∣maunding speach be such, as commandeth a thing wicked and horrible to be done, or a charitable thing to be vndone, then this is a figuratiue speach: Unlesse ye shal eat the flesh of the sonne of man, and shall drinke his bloud, there shall be no life in you. Because in this speach he seemeth to com∣maund a wicked thing, it is therefore a figuratiue speache, commaunding that we should communicate with the pas∣sion of our Lorde, and sweetely to retaine it in our remem∣braunce. In like manner Chrysostome plucketh you from the plaine letter, and the bare woordes by this saying: Caro non prodest: hoc est secundum spiritum verba mea intelligenda sunt. Quia qui secundum carnem audit, nihil lucratur. Quid est autem carnaliter intelligere?* 24.297 Simpliciter vt res dicuntur, neque a∣liud quip piam cogitare. Non enim ita iudicanda sunt quae viden∣tur, sed mysteria omnia interioribus oculis videnda sunt, hoc est spiritualiter. i. The flesh profiteth not: that is to say, my wor∣des must be taken and expounded after the spirite. For hee that heareth after the flesh, gaineth nothing. Nowe what is it to vnderstād carnally? To take things simply as they be spoken, and not to consider any meaning further there∣in. For things must not be iudged as they are seene, but all mysteries must be seene with inwarde eyes, that is to say, spiritually. What is so hainous in these dayes, as to cal the Sacrament the token or the remembrance of Christes bo∣dy? Yet did the olde wryters in manner neuer call it other. Tertullian in the 4. booke against the Martionistes: Christus ac∣cepit panem,* 24.298 & corpus suum fecit: Hoc est corpus meū dicendo▪ id est figura corporis mei. Christ took bread & made it hys bo∣dy, saying: This is my body, that is to say, a figure of my body. Ambrose vpon the 11. to the Corinthians: Quia morte Domini liberati sumus, huius rei memores in edendo & potando,* 24.299 carnem & sanguinem quae pro nobis oblata sunt significamus. Because we are deliuered by the Lords death, in y^e remem∣braunce of the same by eating and drinking we signify the body and bloud which were offered vp for vs.* 24.300 Chrysostome in the lxxxiij. Homily vpon the Gospel of Mathew: Quan∣do dicunt, vndè patet Christum immolatum fuisse, haec adferen∣tes eorum ora consuimus. Si enim mortuus Christus non est, cuius Symbolum ac signum hoc sacrificium est? When they ob∣iect vnto vs, and aske: howe knowe you that Christe was offered vppe? then alledging these things, we stoppe theyr mouthes. For if Christ died not, then whose signe or token is this sacrifice? Augustine to Adimantus: Non dubitauit Chri∣stus dicere: Hoc est corpus meum, cum daret signum corporis sui.* 24.301 Christ doubted not to say: This is my body, when he gaue but a signe of his body. Augustine vpon the thirde Psalme:* 24.302 Christus adhibuit Iudam ad conuiuium, in quo corporis & san∣guinis sui figuram discipulis suis commēdauit & tradidit. Christ receiued Iudas to the Supper, in the which he commen∣ded and deliuered a figure of his body and bloud vnto hys Disciples. Rabanus, de institutione clericorum: Quia panis cor∣pus confirmat,* 24.303 ideo ille corpus Christi congruenter nun∣cupatur. Vinum autem quia sanguinem operatur in carne, ideo ad sanguinem Christi refertur. Because the breade strengtheneth the bodye, therefore it is aptly called Christes body. And likewise the wine, because it encrea∣seth bloud in the flesh, it doth resemble the bloud of Christ. Druthmarus Monachus in Mathaeum.* 24.304 Vinum laetificat & sangui∣nem auget, & ideo non inconuenienter per hoc sanguis Christi fi∣guratur. Wine maketh glad the heart, and encreaseth bloud, and therefore the bloude of Christ is not vnaptly signified thereby. Irenaeus witnesseth plainly that in the Sacrament remaineth bread and wine by these woordes: Quemadmo∣dum terrenus panis percipiens vocationem Dei,* 24.305 iam non com∣munis panis est, sed Eucharistia ex duabus rebus constans, terre∣na, & coelesti: As the earthly breade receiuing the vocation of God, is now no common bread but the Eucharist, con∣sisting of two things, the one earthly & the other heauenly. Heere he recordeth that there remaineth in the Sacrament an earthly nature, which is either breade or nothing. Gela∣sius wryting against Nestorius, auoweth the same, sayinge:* 24.306 In Eucharistia non definit substantia panis, & natura vini. Etenim imago & similitudo corporis & sāguinis Domini in actione my∣steriorum celebratur. i. In the Eucharist the substance of the bread and nature of the wine ceasseth not to be: For the I∣mage and similitude of the body and bloud of the Lorde is celebrated in the action of the mysteries. Chrysostome in his 20. Homely vpon the 2. Epistle to the Corinthians prefer∣reth a poore man before the Sacramente,* 24.307 and calleth hym the body of Christe rather then the other. Whereof I maye gather this reason:

Bo- The poore man is not the naturall and reall bodye of Christ.

car- Euery poore member of Christe is the body of Christe, rather then the Sacrament: Chrysost.

do. Ergo, the Sacrament is not the naturall and reall bo∣dy of Christ.

His wordes are: Hoc altare veneraris quoniam in eo pro∣ponitur corpus Christi▪ Eum autem qui reipsa corpus est Christi, afficis contumelia, & negligis pereuntem. This aultare thou doest reuerence because the body of Christ therein is set be∣fore thee: but him whiche is the body of Christe in deede, thou doest spitefully intreate, and doest neglect him readye to perish. Chrysostome in the 11. Homely vppon Mathewe: Quod si haec vasa sanctificata ad priuatos vsus est transferre peri∣culosum, in quibus non verum corpus Christi,* 24.308 sed mysterium cor∣poris Christi continetur, quanto magis vasa corporis nostri If it be so perillous a matter to translate these sanctified vessels vnto priuate vses, in the which not the true body of Christ, but a mysterie of the bodye of Christe is contained, howe muche more then these vesselles of our bodye? Athanasius vppon these woordes:* 24.309 Qui dixerit verbum contra filium ho∣minis, sayeth: Ea quae Christus dicit non sunt carnalia, sed spiri∣tualia. Quod enim ••omedentibus suffecisset corpus, vt totius mū∣di fieret alimonia▪ Sed id••irco meminit Ascensionis filij hominis in coelum vt eos a corporali cogitatione auelleret. The words that Christe heere speaketh, be not carnall but spirituall. For what bodye mighte haue suffised for all that shoulde ea••e, to be a nourishment of the whole worlde? But there∣fore hee maketh mention of the Ascension of the sonne of manne into Heauen,* 24.310 to the enten••e to plucke them awaye from that corporall cogitation. Augustinus ad Marcellinum: In illis carnalibus vi••ctimis figuratio fuit carnis Christi, quam pro peccatis nostris erat oblatu••us, & sanguinis quem erat effusurus▪ In i••to autem Sacrificio gratiarum actio atque com∣memoratio est carnis Christi quam pro nobis obtulit, & san∣guinis, quem pro nobis effudit. In i••lo ergo Sacrificio, quid

nobis sit donandum figuratè significatur: in hoc autem sacrificio quid nobis donatum sit, euidenter ostenditur. In illis sacrificijs p••••nunciabatur filius Dei occidendus: in hoc pro impijs annun∣ciatur occisus. In those carnall oblations the flesh of Christ was figured, which he should offer for our sinnes, and the bloud which he should bestow for vs. But in this sacrifice is the giuing of thanks and memorial of the flesh of Christ, which he hath offred for vs, and of the bloud which he hath shedde for vs. In that sacrifice therfore is signified figura∣tiuely what should be giuē for vs: in this sacrifice what is giuen to vs, is euidently declared. In those sacrifices, the sonne of God was before preached to be slaine: in thys sa∣crifice he is shewed to be slaine already for the wicked. Ori∣genes vpon Mat. expounding these words:* 24.311 This is my body, sayth: Panis iste quem Christus corpus suum fatetur esse, verbum est nutritorium animarum. i. The bread which Christ confes∣seth to be hys body,* 24.312 is a nutritiue worde of our soules. Au∣gustinus: Nulli aliquatenus dubitandum, vnumquemque fideli∣um corporis & sanguinis Domini tunc esse participem, quando in baptismate membrum efficitur Christi. Sacramenti quippe illi∣us participatione ac beneficio non priuabitur, quando in se hoc inuenit quod Sacramentū significati. No manne ought in any wise to doubt but that euery faithfull man is then partaker of the body and bloud of the Lord, when in Baptisme he is made a member of Christ. For he shall not be depriued of the participation and benefite of that Sacrament, when he findeth in himselfe that thing which the Sacrament doeth signifie. Ambrosius: Tanta est vis verbi, vt panis & vinum mane∣ant quae sunt, & mutētur in aliud. Such is the force & strength of the worde, that the bread and wine remaine the same as they were, and yet are changed into an other thing. For it is not any longer common breade,* 24.313 but it is turned into a Sacrament: Yet notwithstanding there remaineth bread and wine. Tertullian wryting against an hereticke named Martion, which taught that the creatures of God, as flesh, bread,* 24.314 wine and such like were naught and vncleanly: Non abiecit Deus creaturam suam, sed ea repraesentauit corpus suum. God hath not cast away his creature, but by it hee hath re∣presented his body. Origenes vppon Leuiticus, speaking of the drinking of Christes bloud, sayeth: Non sanguinem car∣nis expetimus sed sanguinem verbi.* 24.315 We doe not desire y^e bloud of the flesh, but the bloud of the woorde. Ambrose called the Sacrament, Typum corporis Christi, and Basilius Antitypum, whych is as much to say,* 24.316 as a token, a figure, a remēbrance and example of Christes body. Origine vpon the 14. chapt. of Mathew: In isto pane, quod est materiale eijcitur in secessum: id autem quod fit per verbum Dei pro fidei ratione prodest.* 24.317 In thys bread that thing which is matoriall, passeth throughe mans body: but that which is made by the woord of God, by the meanes of faith doth profite. And least perhaps you thinke that hee spake those woordes of our common table b••ead, he concludeth the matter himselfe with these words: Haec diximus de pane symbolico: These things we haue spo∣ken of the mysticall bread. Augustinus contra aduersarium le∣gis & Prophetarum, declareth that it must needes be a figure and a remembraunce of the body of Christ:* 24.318 Ista secundum sa∣nae fidei regulam figuratè intelliguntur. Nam alioqui horribilius videtur esse humanam carnem vorare quam perimere, & huma∣num sanguinem potare qu••m fundere. These things are vn∣derstanded figuratiuely, according to the rule of sound and true faith. For otherwise it seemeth to be more horrible to eate mannes flesh, then to kill a man, and more horrible to drinke mannes bloud, then to shed it. And therfore he saith vpon the 98. Psalme: Non hoc corpus quod videtis estis man∣ducaturi,* 24.319 nec bibituri sanguinem quem fundent qui me crucifi∣gent. Sacramentum aliquod vobis trado. i. Ye shall not eat this body which you see, and drinke that bloud which they shal shed that shall crucifie me: I commend vnto you a Sacra∣ment. Tertullian: Aliud a pane corpus Iesus habet: nec pro no∣bis panis traditus,* 24.320 sed ipsum Christi verum corpus traditum est in crucem, quod panis figura in coena exhibitium est. i. Iesus hath an other body then breade, for breade was not geuen for vs, but the very true body of Christ was geuen vppon the crosse, which body was exhibited in the Supper vnder the figure of bread.

This recordeth Theodoretus an auncient wryter, and a∣noweth that there is no turning or altering of the bread in the Sacrament.* 24.321 His woordes are these: Symbola visibilia corporis & sanguinis, sui appellatione honorauit, non mutans naturam sed naturae addens gratiam. i. He hath honoured and dignified the visible signes wyth the name of his body and of his bloud, not changing the nature, but adding grace to nature. And in an other place, where hee maketh a true Christian man to reason with an heretike, he geueth to the hereticke this part, to holde with the turning of breade and wine into the natural body and bloud of Christ. The here∣tickes wordes are these: Sacramentum Dominici corporis & sanguinis, alia sunt ante sacram inuocationē: post inuocationem verò mu••antur, & alia fiunt. The sacramentes of the Lordes body and bloude before the holy inuocation are one thing, but after inuocation they are changed and made an other. This maketh Theodor. to be the heretikes part. Then brin∣geth he foorth the true Christian man, which reprooueth the hereticke for so saying: Incidisti in laqueos quos ipse struxeras: Ne{que} enim sancta illa symbola post consecrationem discedunt a natura sua: Manent enim in priori & substantia, & figura, etenim & oculis videri & digitis palpari vt ante possunt. Thou art fal∣len into the snares which thou thy se••••e hast laid. For those selfe same holy signes after this consecration, do not go frō their nature, for they abide still both in their former sub∣stance and figure, and may be both with eyes seene and felt wyth handes, as before. To the same agreeth well Chryso∣stome, saying, Postquam sanctificatur panis,* 24.322 non amplius appel∣latur panis, tametsimaneat natura panis. i. After the breade is sanctified, it is called breade no more, althoughe the nature of bread stil remaine. Hereby you may vnderstand, how & in what sort the old fathers, how the primatiue and begin∣ning church, how the Apostles, howe Christ himselfe tooke these wordes: This is my body.

Now to withstand and stoutly to go against, not onely ancient wryters, or the congregation of Christian people, which at that time was not ouergrown, no neither spotted with couetousnesse and worldly honour, but the Apostles also, and God himselfe, no doubt it is great fondnesse. But what speake I of the olde fathers? It is not long since the sacrament grew out of his right vnderstanding.* 24.323 For thys word Transubstantiatio, wherby they signifie turning of the breade into the body of Christ, was neuer neyther spoken, neither heard, neither thought among y^e auncient fathers, or in the olde Churche. But aboue 500. yeares past, Pope Nicolas 2. in a Councell holden at Lateranum in Rome, confirmed that opinion of the changing of bread, & woulde haue made an article of the faith, and placed it in the Credo. After whiche time ensued Corpus Christi daye, Masses of Corpus Christi, reseruation of the sacrament, with honoure, with canapies, with sensing, w^t kneeling, wyth worshyp∣ping and adoration, and with so much as any man coulde deuise. For they thought they could not do to much to hym after that the Bishoppe of Rome had allowed hym for a God. But not fully 200. yeare before that time, when thys doctrine first began to bud, and yet notwithstandinge had not so preuailed, but that a greate number of learned and good men could know the Sacrament to be a Sacrament, and not himselfe: Charles the great king of Fraunce, and Emperour of Rome demaunded of a great learned man,* 24.324 whose name was Bertramus, what hee thoughte by that straunge kinde of calling downe Christe from heauen, and turning a litle gobbet of bread into his naturall body. To whom Bertram made answere in this wise: Dicimus quòd multa differentia feparantur corpus in quo passus est Christus & sanguis quem in cruce pendens fudit, & hoc corpus quod in my∣sterio passionis Christi quotidie a fidelibus celebratur. Etenim hoc corpus pignus & species est, illud autem ipsa veritas. Apparet ergo quod tam multa differētia separentur, quantum est inter pi∣gnus & eam rem pro qua pignus traditur, & quantum inter ima∣ginem, & rem eam cuius imago est, & quantum inter speciem & veritatem. This wee say, that there is a great difference and separation betwixt the body in the which Christe suffered, and the bloud which he shed vpon the Crosse, & thys body which euery day is celebrated in the mysterie of the Passion of Christe. For this body is a pledge and a similitude, but the other is the very truthe it selfe. Ergo, it appeareth that these two are seperated a sunder by no lesse difference, then is betweene a pledge, and the thing whereof y^• pledge is geuen, or then is betweene an Image of a thing and the thing it selfe whereof the Image is, or then is betwene the forme of a thing and the veritie it selfe. This wrote Ber∣tramus, Druthmarus & manye other,* 24.325 and yet were neuer in all their time once reprooued of heresie. Thys wrote Io∣annes Scotus also, in whose life time men had not eies to es∣pie his heresies. But about 200. yeare after his death, he was iudged and condemned for an hereticke, & his bookes burned in a Councell holden at Vercellae in Lombardie, in the yeare of our Lorde God .1015.* 24.326 Since which time euen vntill this day although Idolatrye had great encrease, yet there neuer wanted some good men whiche boldly woulde professe and sette foorth the truth, although they were well assured that theyr worldly reward shoulde be spite, malice, imprisonning, sworde, fire, and all kindes of tormentes. Thus so shortly, and in so few woordes as I could, I haue declared to you what Christe meant by these woordes: This is my bodye, what the Apostles thought therein, & in what sorte they deliuered them to theyr successors, in what sense and meaning the holy Fathers and olde wryters, and the Uniuersall and Catholicke Churche hath euermore taken them.

The ende and deceasse of king Edward the sixt.

THus hauing discoursed thinges done and past, vnder the raigne of king Edwarde,* 24.327 suche as seemed not vn∣fruitfull to be knowen, we will now draw to the ende and death of this blessed king, our young Iosias. Who about a yeare and a halfe after the death of the Duke of Somer∣set hys Uncle,* 24.328 in the yeare of our Lorde 1553. entring into the 17. yeare of his age, and the 7. yeare of his raigne, in the month of Iune, was takē from vs, for our sinnes no dout. Whome if it had so pleased the good wil of the Lord to haue spared with longer life, not vnlike it was by all cōiectures probably to be esteemed by those his towarde and blessed beginnings, but proceeding so as he began he would haue reformed suche a Common wealth heere in the Realme of England, as by good cause it might haue bene sayd of hym, y^t was sayd in y^e olde time of the noble Emperour Augustus in reforming and aduauncing the Empire of Rome: Quam quum ille lateritiam (vt aiebat) accepit,* 24.329 marmoream reliquit. Which Empire he receiued (he sayd) of bricke, but he left it of fine Marble. But the condition of this Realme, and the customable behauiour of English people (whose propertie is commonly to abuse the lighte of the Gospell when it is offered) deserued no suche benefite of so blessed a reformati∣on, but rather a contrarye plague of deformation, suche as hapned after his raigne, as ye shall heare (the Lord graun∣ting) in the nexte Queenes dayes that followed.

Thus then this godly and vertuous Impe, in the time and moneth aboue mentioned was cut from vs, of whose worthy life and vertues haue bene partly afore declared. Neuerthelesse, to haue some monument of him remaining to testifie of the good nature and gentle disposition of that Prince, we will adde heere for a remembraunce, thys little Epistle of his own hand wryting to the Archb. of Canter∣bury, his Godfather as followeth.

An Epistle of yong Prince Edward to the Archb. of Canterbury his Godfather.

* 24.330IMpertio te plurima salute colendissime Praesul, & charissime Susceptor Quia abes longè a me, vellem libenter audire te esse incolumem. Precor autem vt viuas diu, & promoueas verbum Dei. Vale.

Antilae decimo octauo Iunij.

Tuus in Christo filius Edwardus Princeps.

An other Epistle of the young Prince Ed∣ward to the Archb. his Godfather.

ETsi puer sum colendissime Susceptor, non tamen immemor sum vel officij erga te mei,* 24.331 vel humanitatis tuae quam indies mihi exhibere studes. Nō exciderūt mihi humanissimae tuae litte∣rae pridie diui Petri ad me datae. Quibus ante hac respondere no∣lui, non quòd illas neglexerim, aut non minerim, sed vt illarum diuturna meditatione fruerer, fideliq́ue memoria reponerem, at∣que demum bene ruminatis pro mea virili responderem. Proinde affectum erga me tuum verè paternum, quem in illis expressisti, amplector & veneror, optoque vt multos viuas annos, tuo{que} pio ac salubri consilio pergas esse mihi venerandus pater. Nam pieta∣tem ante omnia mihi amplectendam & exosculandam esse duco, quoniam diuus Paulus dicit:* 24.332 Pietas ad omnia vtilis est▪ Optimè valeat tua paternitas in plurimos annos.

Hartefordioe tertio de∣cimo Ianuarij.

Tui studiosissimus EDOVAR∣DVS Princeps.

The aunswere of the Archbishop to Prince Edwardes Epistle.

* 24.333NOn magis poterit ipsa me seruare salus (fili in Christo cha∣rissime) quam salus tua. Mea vita non dicenda est vita abs{que} tua & salute & valitudine. Quapropter cum te incolumem ac sal∣uum intelligo, vitam etiam mihi integram esse & incolumem sen∣tio.* 24.334 Neque certè absentia mea tam est iniucunda tibi quàm sunt litterae tuae periucundae mihi. Quae arguunt tibi iuxta adesse & ingenium dignum tanto principe, & praeceptorem dignum tanto ingenio. Ex quibus tuis litteris te sic litteras video colere, vt in∣terim doctrinae coelestis tua nequaquam minima sit cura: quae cui∣cunque sit curae, non potest illum quaeuis cura frangere. Perge i∣gitur qua via incoepisti Princeps illustrissime, & Spartam quam nactus es hanc orna, vt quam ego per literas video in te virtutis lucem, eadem olim illuminet vniuersam tuam Angliam. Nō scri∣bam prolixius, tum quidem vt me intelligas breuitate non nihil affici, tum etiam quod credam te aetate quidem adhuc paruulum paruo gaudere, & similem simili: tum etiam praeterea ne impolita mea oratio in causa sit, quò generosa illa tua indoles barbariae vi∣tium contrahat.

The report of the Princes Scholemaister, in commendation of his toward∣nes to the Archb.

RIght honorable and my singular good Lorde,* 24.335 after my most harty cōmendations: the oportunitie of this mes∣senger forceth me to wryte at this time, hauing litle matter but onely to signify vnto your grace, that my Lords grace your godsonne is mery and in health, and of such toward∣nes in learning, godlinesse, gentlenes and all honest quali∣ties, y^t both you and I, and all this realme ought to thinke him and take him for a singular gift sent of God, an Impe worthy of such a father: for whome we are bound sine inter∣missione, to render to God most harty thankes, wyth most humble request of hys long & prosperous continuance. He hath learned almoste foure bookes of Cato to construe, to parse, and to say wythout booke. And of hys owne courage nowe in the latter Booke hee will needes haue at one time 14. Uerses which he konneth pleasantly and perfectly, be∣sides things of the Bible, Sattellitium Viuis, Aesops Fables, and Latin making, wherof he hath sent your Grace a litle tast. Dominus Iesus te diutissimè seruet.

Thus muche hetherto hauinge declared,* 24.336 touchinge the worthy vertues and singulare towardnesse of this godlye impe, king Edward the sixth, although I haue not, neither can insert all things due to his commendation, but am en∣forced to let passe many memorable matters, well worthy to be prosecuted, if they might haue come to our hands: yet this one briefe note I thought not to ouerslip (somethinge to recreate the wery reader in suche a dolfull storye) being notified to me by one M. Edward Hunderhill, who way∣ting y^e same time, w^t the rest of his felowes pensioners, and men at armes, as Syr Henry Gates, M. Robert Hal, M. Henry Harston, and M. Stafforton hearde these woordes betweene the king and his counsaile.

The relation and testimonie of which persone and per∣sons aboue named, come to this effect, that king Edw. the 6. the 4. yere of his raigne, being then but 13. yeres old and vpward, at Greenewiche vpon S. Georges day, when he was come from the sermon, into y^e presence chamber, there being his vncle, the Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Nor∣thumb. with other Lordes & Knights of that order, called the order of the Garter, he said vnto them: My Lordes, I pray you, what saincte is S. George, that we here so honour hym▪ At which question the other Lordes being all astonied, the L. Treasurer (y^t then was) perceiuing this, gaue answer, and said: If it please your Maiestie, I did neuer read in any hystorie of S. George, but only in Legenda aurea, where it is thus set downe, that S. George out with his sworde, and ran the Dragon through with his speare. The king, when he could not a greate while speake for laughing, at length saide: I pray you my Lorde, and what did he with his sworde the while? That I can not tell your maiesty, said he. And so an end of y^t question of good s. Georg.

Now to returne againe from whence we haue digres∣sed, which is to signifie some part of the order & manner of his godly departing: as the time approched when it plea∣sed almighty God to call this young king from vs, whych was the 6. day of Iulye, the yeare aboue sayde, about three houres before his death, this Godly childe, his eyes being closed, speaking to himselfe, & thinking none to haue heard him, made this prayer as followeth.

The prayer of king Edwarde be∣fore his death.

LOrde God, deliuer me out of this miserable & wretched life, & take me among thy chosen: how be it not my will, but thy wil be done: Lord I commit my spirit to thee.* 24.337 Oh Lord thou kno∣west howe happy it were for me to be with thee: yet for thy cho∣sens sake send me life and health, that I may truely serue thee. Oh my Lorde God, blesse thy people, and saue thine inheritaunce. Oh Lord God, saue thy chosen people of England. Oh my Lord God, defend this Realme from papistrie, and maintaine thy true religi∣on, that I and my people may praise thy holy name, for thy sonne Iesus Christes sake.

Then turned he his face, & seeing who was by him, sayd vnto them: Are ye so night, I thought you had bene further off? Then Doc. Owen said, We heard you speake to your selfe, but what you saide we knowe not. He then (after his fashion smi∣lingly) said, I was praying to God. The last words of his pangs were these: I am faint, Lord haue mercy vpon me, & take my spirite. And thus he yeelded vp the ghost, leauing a wo∣full kingdom behinde vnto his sister. Allbeit he in his will hadde excluded his sister Marye from the succession of the crowne, because of her corrupt religion: yet y^e plage which God had destinate vnto this sinfull Realme, coulde not so be voided, but that shee beinge the elder and daughter to king Henry, succeeded in possession of y^e crowne. Of whose dreadfull and bloudy regiment, it remaineth nowe con∣sequently to discourse.

This briefly may suffice to vnderstande, that for all the writing, sending, and practising with the Lady Mary, by the King and his Counsayle, and also by the Bishop Rid∣ley, yet would she not be reclaymed from her owne singu∣lar opinion fixed vpon custome, to giue anye indifferente hearing to the word and voice of veritie. The whiche set will of the said Lady Mary,* 24.338 both this yong King and also his father King Henry before him right well perceauing and considering, they were both much displeased agaynst her: In so much that not onely her brother did vtterly se∣quester her in his will,* 24.339 but also her own father considering her inclination, conceiued suche hart against her, that for a great space he did seclude her from the title of Princesse, yea and seemed so egerly incensed against her, that he was fully purposed to proceede further with her (as it is re∣ported) had not the intercession of Thomas Cranmer the Archbyshop, reconciled the King againe to fauour and pardon his owne daughter. For the better vnderstanding whereof, by these her owne letters copied out of her owne hand writing (which I haue to shew) something may be perceiued, and more peraduenture may be gessed. The words out of her owne hand writing be these. And first her letter to King Henry her father heere followeth.

*A Letter of the Lady Mary, to King Henry her father.

IN my most humble wise I beseeche your grace of your dayly blessing.* 24.340 Pleaseth it the same to be aduertised, that this mor∣ning my Lord my Chamberleyne came and shewed me, that hee had receyued a letter from sir William Paulet Controller of your house. The effect whereof was, that I should with all diligence re∣moue vnto the Castle of Herford. Whereupon I desired him to see the same letter, which he shewed me. Wherein was written, that the Lady Mary the Kings daughter should remooue to the place beforesayd, leauing out in the same the name of Princesse. Which when I heard, I could not a little marueyle, trusting verily that your grace was not priuie to the same letter as concerning the leauing out of the name of Princesse, for as much as I doubt not in your goodnes, but your grace doth take me for your lawfull daughter, borne in true Matrimonie. Wherefore if I should agree to the contrary, I should in my conscience runne in the displea∣sure of God, whiche I hope assuredly your grace will not that I so should. And in all other things your grace shall haue me al∣wayes as humble and obedient daughter and handmayd, as euer was child to the father, which my duty bindeth me to: as knoweth our Lorde, who haue your grace in his most holy tuition, wyth much honour and long life, to his pleasure.

Written at your Ma∣nor of Beaulien this second day of October.

By your most humble daughter, Mary Princesse.

*A protestation of the Lady Mary, to certayne Lordes sent by the King her father, with certayne requestes vnto her.

MY Lordes, as touching my remouing to Hatfield, I will obey his Grace,* 24.341 as my duety is, or to any other place that his grace will appoint me. But I protest before you and all other that be heere present, that my conscience will in no wise suffer me to take any other then my selfe for the Kings lawfull daughter, borne in true matrimonie, or Princesse, and that I will neuer willingly and witting∣lye say or do, whereby any person might take occasion to thinke that I agree to the contrary, not of any ambition or proud mind, as God is my Iudge: but that if I should say or do otherwise,* 24.342 I shuld in my conscience sclaunder the deede of our mother holy Churche and the Pope, who is the iudge in this matter, and none other: and also disho∣nor the King my Father, the Queene my Mother, and falsly confesse my selfe a Bastard, which God defende that I should do, seeing the Pope hath not so declared it by his sentence definitiue, for to his iudgement I submit me.

As you haue heard some part already of the stout cou∣rage of the Lady Mary toward her father, and also by her letters no lesse was d••clared towarde king Edward her brother and other of his Counsaile: as well may appeare by the letters aboue specified, betweene her and the King her brother and his counsaile: So now let vs inferr some∣what likewise of the stoute talke and demeanor of the sayd Lady Mary toward D. Ridley Bishop of London, who gently comming to her of meere good will, had his com∣munication w^t her, and she with him as here followeth.

About the eight of Sept. 1552. D. Ridley then Byshop of Londō, lying at his house at Hadham in Hartfordshire:* 24.343 went to visite the Lady Mary then lying at Hunsden two myles off: & was gently entertayned of Sir Tho. Whar∣ton & other her officers, til it was almost xi. of the clock. A∣bout which time the said Lady Mary came foorth into her chamber of presence, and then the said bishop there saluted her grace, and sayde, that he was come to doe his duety to her grace. Then she thanked him for his paynes, and for a quarter of an houre talked with him very pleasauntly: and sayd, that she knew him in the Court when he was Chap∣leine to her father, and could wel remember a sermon that hee made before king Henry her father, at the mariage of my Lady Clinton y^t now is, to Sir Anthony Broune &c. and so dismissed him to dine with her officers.

After dinner was done, the bishop being called for by the said Lady Mary, resorted againe to her grace, betwene whome this communi••ation was, first the bishop begin∣ning in maner as followeth.

Bishop.

Madame I came not onely to do my duetye to see your Grace,* 24.344 but also to offer my selfe to preache before you on Sonday nexte, if it will please you to heare me. At thys her countenaunce chaunged, and after silence for a space, she aunswered thus.

Mary.

My Lorde, as for this last matter, I pray you make the aunswere to it yourselfe.

Bishop.

Madame, considering mine office and calling, I am bounde of duety to make to your grace this offer, to preach before you.

Mary.

Well, I pray you make the aunswere (as I haue sayd) to this matter yourselfe: for you know the aunswere well enough. But if there be no remedy but I must make you aunswere, this shall be your aunswere: The doore of the parishe Churche adioyning shalbe open for you,* 24.345 if you come, and ye may preach, if you list, but neither I, nor none of mine shall heare you.

Bishop.

Madame, I trust you will not refuse Gods word.

Mary.

I cannot tell what ye call Gods word. That is not Gods worde now, that was Gods word in my fathers dayes.

Bishop.

Gods worde is all one in all times, but hath bene better vnderstanded and practised in some ages, then in o∣ther.

Mary.

You durst not for your eares, haue aduouched that for Gods worde in my fathers dayes, that now you doe. And as for your new bookes, I thanke God I neuer read none of them: neuer did, nor neuer will doe.

And after many bitter wordes against the forme of re∣ligion then established,* 24.346 and against the gouernment of the Realme, and the lawes made in the young yeares of her brother, which she sayd she was not bound to obey, til her brother came to perfect age, and then affirmed shee woulde obey them. She asked the Bishop whether he were one of the Counsaile: He aunswered, No. You might well e∣nough (sayd she) as the Counsaile goeth now a dayes.

And so she concluded with these wordes: My Lord, for your gentlenes to come and see me, I thanke you, but for your offering to preache before me, I thanke you neuer a whit.

Then the sayd B. was brought by sir Thomas Whar∣ton, to the place where he dined, & desired to drink. And af∣ter he had dronke, he paused a litle while,* 24.347 looking very sad∣ly, & sodenly brake out into these woordes: Surely I haue done amisse. Why so, quoth sir Thomas Wharton? For I haue dronke (sayd he) in that place where Gods word of∣fred, hath bene refused: Whereas if I had remembred my duetie, I ought to haue departed immediately, and to haue shakē of the dust of my shoes for a testimonie agaynst this house. These wordes were by the sayd bishop spoken with such a vehemencie, that some of the hearers afterward cō∣fessed their heare to stand vpright on their heades. Thys done, the sayde Bishop departed, and so returned to hys house. Testified by a certayn reuerend personage yet aliue, being then the bishops Chaplaine.

¶And thus making an ende of this ninth Booke, touching the story and raigne of King Edward, and hauing also somewhat sayde be∣fore of the nature and disposition of the Lady Mary, whereby the way may be prepared the better to the troubles of the next Booke following: we intend (the grace of God assisting vs therein) now further to proceede in describing the actes and proceedings of the foresayde Lady Mary, comming now to be Queene, and aduaunced next after this godly King Edward, to the Crowne of this Realme of England.

¶The ende of the ninth Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Edward 6.
• * 1.2

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.3

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.4

  Commendation of K. Edward.
• * 1.5

  Anno. 1547.
• * 1.6

  Comparison betwene King Iosias and King Edward. 6.
• * 1.7

  K. Iosias and K. Edward onely differ in conti∣nuāce of raigne.
• * 1.8

  K Edward be∣loued of his subiectes.
• * 1.9

  The meeke na∣ture of K. Edw.
• * 1.10

  K Edward well ••illed in the tongues,
• * 1.11

  The readines of K. Edward to his booke.
• * 1.12

  D. Cox king Edwardes schoolemaster
• * 1.13

  K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 knew 〈◊〉〈◊〉 name•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 religion all his 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.14

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Edward in 〈…〉〈…〉 religion▪
• * 1.15

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.16

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Maryes Masse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the teares 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Edwar••
• * 1.17

  K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 skilful•• the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.18

  K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 chest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 keeping Actes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.1

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.2

  The wordes 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉 of king 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.3

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.4

  Lactea via is a white and a brighte parte of the firmament, like a long white causie or way appearing in the night a∣mōg the thicke starres.
• * 2.5

  Carmen Ep••ta∣phium Cardani, in obi••um Reg. Edouardi.
• * 2.6

  The Lord Edw. Semer made L. Protectour.
• * 2.7

  Commendation of the Lord Protectour.
• * 2.8

  Reformation by K. Edward.
• * 2.9

  Anno 1547.
• * 2.10

  Peter Martyr., Marr. Bucer. Paulus Phagi∣us.

  Ed••. Boner B. of London com∣mitted to the Marsha••sey. Gardiner and Tons••all com∣mitted to the tower.
• * 2.11

  Tho. Dobbe in∣prisoned, and in prison dyed.
• * 2.12

  Doues as Phi∣losophers natu∣rally do write haue no gall.
• * 2.13

  Order 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••••ligion.
• * 2.14

  Learne•• preache•• appoyn•••••• by King Edwar••
• * 2.15

  Ecclesia••••••••call 〈◊〉〈◊〉 must 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Popes 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 2.16

  Sermon•• quarter•••• be made
• * 2.17

  Differe•••• betwee•• wor••••s c••••••maunde•• God, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 workes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 2.18

  Images ••••bused 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pilgrim•••••• to be de••stroyed.
• * 2.19

  Ann•• 154••
• * 2.20

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 & the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 prayer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 English be read Parent•• maister charged trading of their childre•• Sacram•••••••• to be 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.21

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.22

  None to preach 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••fficiently 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.23

  That all hinderers of Gods word, and fauou∣rers of the contrary proceedings should 〈◊〉〈◊〉 detected. Ecclesia••ti∣call and be∣neficed per∣sons, what they must 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the 〈…〉〈…〉 bene∣•••••• of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉, pou••d, to finde a scholer at the vniuer∣sitye.
• * 2.24

  Certaine ••hinges to ••e prouided 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the ••••••rchmen.
• * 2.25

  The Gospel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 epistle to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 read in 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 2.26

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.27

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 2.28

  Diligent prepa∣ration to be had before the com∣ming to the Communion.
• * 2.29

  A godly charge geuen to euery beneficed mini∣ster to preach personally twise at least in the yeare and what to preach.
• * 2.30

  All monuments of Idolatry to be taken away out of Chur∣ches, houses, & windowes.
• * 2.31

  A chest to be prouided vpon publicke charg•• to receaue the almes of the poore, & the Curates to call vpon their pa∣rishioners to geue to the same chest.
• * 2.32

  Homelies to be read euery son∣day when there is no sermon.
• * 2.33

  Read the for∣mer edition of the booke of Actes and Mo∣numentes, pag. 684.
• * 2.34

  Anno 1547.
• * 2.35

  Iniunctions ge∣uen to the Bi∣shops.
• * 2.36

  A Parliament called in the first yeare of king Edward.
• * 2.37

  Statut. an. 1. Reg. Edwardi. 6. Cap. 12.
• * 2.38

  The statute made An· 1. Reg. Rich. 2. An. Reg Hen 5. An. 25. Reg. Hē. 8. Item An. 31. Henr. ••. An. 34. Henr. 8. An. 35. Henr. 8. repealed.

  Item note for the statute, An. 2. Reg. Hē. 4. cp. 15. because that statute was re∣pealed by an estatute made 25. an. Henr. 8. therefore the same is here o∣mitted.

  The bloudy sta∣tute of the 6. ar∣ticles repealed..
• * 2.39

  The asse••••bly o•• By••shop•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 others at Windsore
• * 2.40

  The assem••bly of By∣shops and others 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Windsore
• * 2.41

  Candle•••••• to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 on Cand••••••mas day.
• * 2.42

  Ashes for bidden on Ashwed∣nesday, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Edm. Bo••••••
• * 3.1

  Boners 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 abolish•••• Ashes, Palmes
• * 3.2

  Ann•• 154••
• * 3.3

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.1

  Letters frō the Councel for aboli∣shing of I∣mages, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Archb. of Cant.
• * 4.2

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arch∣••••shop wri∣••••th to Bo∣••er.
• * 5.1

  Boners letter to the Byshop at Westminster, for abolishing of Images.
• * 5.2

  An vniforme order of the Communion.
• * 6.1

  Anno 1548.
• * 6.2

  The Communi∣on in both kindes to be ministred.
• * 6.3

  Priuy hinderers of the Gospell.
• * 6.4

  Diuision among the Priestes a∣bout the kinges proceedinges.
• * 6.5

  One vniforme order of commō prayer.
• * 6.6

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.7

  Anno 1548.
• * 6.8

  Statut. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 3. Reg. Ed••. cap. ••.
• * 6.9

  Petition 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Lorde•• & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Pa••••liament to the king.
• * 6.10

  Anno 1549.
• * 6.11

  Penaltye.
• * 6.12

  Lawes and 〈…〉〈…〉 again••t 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 6.13

  Mariage of Priestes ••et ••ree.
• * 6.14

  Edmund Boner B. of London.
• * 7.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 other 〈…〉〈…〉 progating priuate Masses.
• * 7.2

  The Apo∣••••les 〈…〉〈…〉 Paul▪
• * 8.1

  Boners letter to the Deane and Chapter of Paules.
• * 8.2

  An exhortation or ad••onition vnto the Iustices of peace.
• * 8.3

  Iustices slacke in furthering of Religion.
• * 8.4

  The fruite of o∣bedience in a Realme.
• * 8.5

  Order taken for Iustices.
• * 8.6

  Prouisiō against priuy conspira∣cy & rebellion.
• * 8.7

  Prouision a∣gaynst foreine power.
• * 8.8

  T••e singular zeale of king Edward and his Vncle, in refor∣ming religion.
• * 8.9

  The slacknes of Popish Curates in furthering the kinges pro∣ceedinges.
• * 9.1

  An other letter to Boner By∣shop of London.
• * 9.2

  The kinges booke neg∣lected.
• * 9.3

  Anno 1549.
• * 9.4

  Boners ne••••ligence noted.
• * 10.1

  A letter of 〈…〉〈…〉 Deane of Paules.
• * 10.2

  Slacknes of Boner in ••••••thering good pro∣ceedinges,
• * 10.3

  Popishe Masse pri∣••••ly fre∣quented in places a∣gainst the law.
• * 10.4

  Anno 1549.
• * 10.5

  Boner cal∣••ed before ••he Coun∣••••ile.
• * 10.6

  Certayne ••••l••ate In∣••••nctions ••euen to ••oner by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Coun∣••••ile ••oner ••••signed by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Coun∣••••ile to ••••each at ••aules Crosse.
• * 10.7

  ••••monitiō geuen to ••oner by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Coun∣••••••le.
• * 10.8

  Boner restrained to execute all principal feastes, contrary to his wonted maner.
• * 10.9

  Boner noted of slacknes in his duty, & of con∣tempt of pub∣licke lawes.
• * 10.10

  Certayne priuat Articles inioy∣ned to Bone•• by the Counsaile. Boner admoni∣shed to preach euery qua••ter at Paules Crosse.
• * 10.11

  Boner Bishop of Londō com∣maunded to keepe his owne house.
• * 10.12

  The rebels in Cornewall and Deuonshyre.
• * 10.13

  Popishe priestes first stirrers of this rebellion.
• * 10.14

  All wickednes first beginneth vnder faire pre∣tenses.
• * 10.15

  Captaines of the rebelles in Deuonshyre.
• * 10.16

  Priestes rebelles and traytors a∣gainst the king.
• * 10.17

  Diuers Com∣motions in K. Edwardes tyme suppressed.
• * 10.18

  The citye of Ex∣ceter inuaded by the rebells.
• * 10.19

  Diuersitye of wittes amongest the rebells.
• * 10.20

  The Arti∣cles of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 men, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ing and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Counsaile▪
• * 10.21

  1. Sacrament of Baptis••••
• * 10.22

  2. Confirmat••••on.
• * 10.23

  3. Consecra••••••on of the Lords bod••
• * 10.24

  4. Reseruati•••• of the Lor•• body cons••••crated.
• * 10.25

  5. Holy bre•••• and holy-water.
• * 10.26

  6. The single 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••riestes.
• * 10.27

  7. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 6. 〈…〉〈…〉 to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 10.28

  The aun∣swere of 〈…〉〈…〉 the Articles 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the rebels 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 10.29

  Anno 1549.
• * 10.30

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.31

  Anno 1549.
• * 10.32

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.33

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 causes.
• * 10.34

  1. Baptisme.
• * 10.35

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.36

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.37

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.38

  3. Mattins and ser∣uice in English.
• * 10.39

  Alteratiō of ser∣uice from an vn∣knowen tongue to a knowen tong••••.
• * 10.40

  4. The Masse.
• * 10.41

  Confirmation.
• * 10.42

  Baptisme 〈◊〉〈◊〉 without any Bi∣shoping.
• * 10.43

  Anno 1549.
• * 10.44

  The rebells re∣quire the 6. Ar∣ticles.
• * 10.45

  The 6. Articles taken away by Parliament.
• * 10.46

  A notaple zeale and a princely word of a king.
• * 10.47

  The kinges age.
• * 10.48

  A king posses∣seth his crowne not by yeares but by Gods or∣dinaunce.
• * 10.49

  Younge yeares by 〈…〉〈…〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 10.50

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.51

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.52

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.53

  The great goodnes of God in the 〈…〉〈…〉 the ••••bells.
• * 10.54

  The lauda∣ble seruice of the 〈…〉〈…〉 Seale.
• * 10.55

  False trust of the De∣uonshire men in their Popishe I∣dolls disa∣pointed. The Sacra∣ment in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brought to the bat∣taile in a Carte.
• * 10.56

  Musclebo∣rough field in Scotlād.
• * 10.57

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.58

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.59

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.60

  〈…〉〈…〉 to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Marques
• * 10.61

  The ••. Shefield slaine at Nor∣wich.
• * 10.62

  The rebells of Northfolke sup∣pressed.
• * 10.63

  An other rebel••lion or tumult beganne in Yorkeshire.
• * 10.64

  The chiefe stir∣rers of this re∣bellion in the North.
• * 10.65

  The causes ••••••∣uing the Yorke∣shiremen to re∣bellion.
• * 10.66

  A blinde pro∣phesie amongest the ••ortheren men.
• * 10.67

  The deuise of the rebels how to compasse their purpose.
• * 10.68

  Anno 1549.
• * 10.69

  False lyes for∣ged of Gods true religion.
• * 10.70

  The conspiracye of the rebels v••tered in dronkennes.
• * 10.71

  Foure men cru∣elly murthered by the rebels in the North,
• * 10.72

  The rebels in Yorkeshire ga∣thered to three thousand per∣sons.
• * 10.73

  The kinges free pardon sent to the rebels.
• * 10.74

  Ombler refused the kinges par∣don.
• * 10.75

  Ombler cap∣taine of the re∣bels taken.
• * 10.76

  The names of the rebels taken and executed at Yorke.
• * 10.77

  Ex actis iudicia∣rijs registro ex∣ceptis & notatis.
• * 10.78

  The stirring and rising of the French King a∣gainst King Edward.
• * 10.79

  Ex literis D. Protectoris.
• * 10.80

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.81

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 King Ed∣ward.
• * 10.82

  Sitting o•• the king•• Commi••••••oner•• in Paules Church▪
• * 10.83

  An 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••nystred t•• Boner to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••he Pop••
• * 10.84

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.85

  Ann•• 1549
• * 10.86

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.87

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 10.88

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••••••rupt life of these 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priestes & Popish 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 10.89

  Thinges in this visita∣tion to be noted.
• * 10.90

  Boner re∣penteth his euil demea∣nour in his protestatiō.
• * 10.91

  Boner sent to the Fleete.
• * 11.1

  The kinges letter to the Commissi∣oners con¦cerning the recantation and pardo∣ning of Bo∣ner.
• * 11.2

  Boner recā∣teth his protestatiō. Boner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his recantation 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 11.3

  The Copy of Boners recantation.
• * 12.1

  Ex registro Pe∣tri Lilij.
• * 12.2

  The order of Boners doinges in the begin∣ning of king Edward.
• * 12.3

  Boner begin∣neth to slacke in his diligence.
• * 12.4

  Anno 1549.
• * 12.5

  Matters put to Boner to re∣dresse.
• * 12.6

  Boner inioyned to preach at Paules Crosse.
• * 12.7

  What thinges be necessary to be ioyned in all Gods seruice.
• * 12.8

  Externe rites & ceremonyes how farre they serue.
• * 12.9

  Ceremonyes made naught by disobedience.
• * 12.10

  Foolish deuoti∣on.
• * 12.11

  The hart ma∣keth true deuo∣tion.
• * 12.12

  Boners prea∣ching much looked for of the people.
• * 12.13

  The disobedient stubbernes of Boner in his Sermon at Paules Crosse.
• * 12.14

  W. Lati•••••• and Iohn Hoope•• a∣gainst Bo∣ner.
• * 12.15

  The de••••••tiation of W. Latim•••• and Iohn Hooper d••••nounce•••• ••••gaynst Bo∣ner▪
• * 12.16

  Yeares an•• age doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make a kin•• but the right of succession▪
• * 12.17

  Anno 1549▪
• * 12.18

  Boner left out of his Sermon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 article of the kinges authority▪
• * 12.19

  Commissiō directed downe by the King a∣gainst Bon∣ner.
• * 12.20

  Commissio∣ners appoin¦••••d.
• * 13.1

  The Copye of the King•• Com¦mission for Bonners ex¦amination.
• * 13.2

  The Commissi∣on deliuered.
• * 13.3

  The stubborne behauiour of Boner before the Commissi∣oners.
• * 13.4

  Boner speaketh for the Masse.
• * 13.5

  The Archbi∣shop.
• * 13.6

  Boner.
• * 13.7

  The Archbi∣shop.
• * 13.8

  Anno 1549.
• * 13.9

  Boner falleth to scorning and taunting of his denouncer••.
• * 13.10

  Boners iudge∣ment of the people.
• * 13.11

  Boner full of his pretenses, Dawes, Wood∣cockes, Fooles, and such lyke▪
• * 13.12

  Boners demea∣nour not tolera∣ble for his cal∣ling though meete for his byrth.
• * 13.13

  Boners friuo∣lous shiftes.
• * 13.14

  The first ap∣pearaunce of Boner before the kinges Commissioners the 10. day of September.
• * 13.15

  The Iudges de∣legate, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Byshop of Ro∣chester, Syr W. Peter, Doct. Moy Deane of Paules.
• * 13.16

  Syr Thomas Smyth then ab∣sent.
• * 13.17

  The forme and copy of Boners Protestation.
• * 13.18

  Boner in∣ueyeth a∣gaynst his denou••••••▪
• * 13.19

  Boner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 slateth his cause to th•• matter of the Sacra∣ment.
• * 13.20

  Boner ma∣keth excep∣tion of his accusers▪
• * 13.21

  Boners gro••••e opi∣nion of the Sacrament of the Aul••tar.
• * 13.22

  Anno 1549.
• * 13.23

  Boner ray∣leth agayn•••• M. Hoope••▪
• * 13.24

  Talke be∣tweene th•• Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Boner a∣bout the Sacramen••▪
• * 13.25

  A questi•••• to Boner.
• * 13.26

  〈…〉〈…〉 Bo∣ner to aun∣swere for himselfe.
• * 13.27

  The second appearance 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Boner before the kings Com∣missioners. Boners an∣swere to the Archb. of Cāterbury. A precise point of the lawe, whe∣ther any new Com∣missioner may sit af∣terward, which satte not at the beginning.
• * 13.28

  The words of Secretary Peter to Boner.
• * 13.29

  The answer of Boner to Secretarye Peter.
• * 13.30

  The wordes of Secretary Smyth to Boner.

  The answer of Boner to Secretary Smyth.

  The words of Secretary Peter.
• * 13.31

  Allegations o•• rather cauilla∣tions of Boner agaynst his de∣nunciators.
• * 13.32

  How fayne would thi•• man finde a fault, if he could tell how?
• * 13.33

  This terme Mathematicall is referred of Hooper, not to the substance of the body vpon the crosse but to Papisticall acci∣dence without substance vpon the aultar.
• * 13.34

  If al truth were away he had spoken mor•• truely.
• * 13.35

  But what and where were your proues?
• * 13.36

  As though he could not both confute your er∣rour then: and also saye the truth now without all ma∣lice or affection.
• * 13.37

  Euer that is since Pope In∣nocentius 3. his time 400. yeares agoe.
• * 13.38

  Though the bil of articles bare no seale or sig∣net: yet you be but a cauillere, knowing that you were sent for, and in the presence of the Lord Protector in the councell chamber, recea∣ued the copy of the iniunctions, with the articles promised to be sent vnto you in writing, as they 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.39

  But where was any menti••n made of the kings pow∣er in his mi∣nority•• as it was inioy∣ned you to intreat of
• * 13.40

  If ye did be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it, why did ye not fully ap∣proue and declare the same to the people.
• * 13.41

  Ergo, by yo•••• owne confessiō it appeareth that these in∣iunctions were geuē you by my L. Protectors owne mouth though not with his owne handes, which article you will not graunt.
• * 13.42

  Boners writing exhibited to the Commyssioners aunswering to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the denunciati••
• * 13.43

  Exceptions laid by Boner a∣gaynst M. Hoo∣per hys denoun∣cer.
• * 13.44

  The friuolo•••• quarelling of Boner agaynst his denouncers.
• * 13.45

  Boner put to a ba••e shifte.
• * 13.46

  Boners ••ayne cauillation to no purpose.
• * 13.47

  Anno 1549.
• * 13.48

  Boners supposi∣tion.
• * 13.49

  Boner agaynst the rebelles.
• * 13.50

  Externall rites and ceremonies.
• * 13.51

  As iustly they might, the same being hereticall & blasphemous agaynst the hu∣manitye of Christ.
• * 13.52

  Boner flyeth stil to the Sacra∣mēt of the altar.
• * 13.53

  Boners purgatiō of himelfe for his Sermon.
• * 13.54

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.55

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.56

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.57

  Boner.
• * 13.58

  Secreta•••• Peter.
• * 13.59

  Boner.
• * 13.60

  Secretary Smyth.
• * 13.61

  Boner.
• * 13.62

  Secretary Smyth. Boner. Secretary Smyth. Boner. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 M. Boner Articles ••••••liuered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agaynst Boner.
• * 13.63

  Boner.
• * 13.64

  Secretary Peter.
• * 13.65

  Boner re∣••uireth ••espite to ••unswere▪
• * 13.66

  Secretary Peter.
• * 13.67

  Boner.
• * 13.68

  Secretary Peter.
• * 13.69

  Boner.
• * 13.70

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.71

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.72

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.73

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.74

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.75

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.76

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.77

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.78

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 people 〈…〉〈…〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 13.79

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.80

  The wordes of the Archb. to the people.
• * 13.81

  Syr Iohn Mason readeth the de∣nunciation vnto the people.
• * 13.82

  Boner in a rage. Boner for his contumacy not suffered to speak to the people.
• * 13.83

  Boner chargeth the Archb. with cōtrarietie in his owne bookes.
• * 13.84

  The Archb pur∣geth himselfe & his bookes.
• * 13.85

  Boner commaū∣ded to aunswere to the Articles.
• * 13.86

  Boner' aunswe∣reth to the Arti∣cles.
• * 13.87

  Examples of kinges that were young, and yet sufficient kinges▪
• * 13.88

  Boner, excuseth his obliuion. A good Prelate that had lost his memory for lack of Preaching.
• * 13.89

  Boners booke of notes fell from him at his Ser∣mon, as he excu∣seth·
• * 13.90

  Boner knew not the rebells opi∣nion if ye will beleue him.
• * 13.91

  He meaneth the B, of Cant.
• * 13.92

  After his long Periode well blowen vp with much wast winde of words at length he be∣ginneth to aun∣swere to the ar∣ticles before ob∣iected-
• * 13.93

  Aunswere to the 2. article.
• * 13.94

  Aunswere to th•• 3. article.
• * 13.95

  Aunswere to the 4. article.
• * 13.96

  To the article▪
• * 13.97

  Boner 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.98

  To the article. To the article▪
• * 13.99

  Ann•• 154••
• * 13.100

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.101

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.102

  ••o the 1••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 13.103

  ••o the 11. ••••ticle.
• * 13.104

  The 5. arti∣cle insu••••••∣••iently an∣swered o•• Boner.
• * 13.105

  Boners 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.106

  Boners 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.107

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.108

  Witnesses a∣gainst Boner.
• * 13.109

  Protestation and obiections of Boner against the Witnesses.
• * 13.110

  Boners interro∣gatoryes con∣cerning the first article.
• * 13.111

  Interrogatoryes concerning th 2. article.
• * 13.112

  Interrogatoryes concerning the 4. article.
• * 13.113

  Interrogatoryes concerning the 5. article.
• * 13.114

  Interrogatoryes concerning the 6. article.
• * 13.115

  Interrogatoryes concerning the 7. article.
• * 13.116

  Interrogatoryes concerning the 9. article.
• * 13.117

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.118

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.119

  Boner ••••gayne 〈…〉〈…〉 ••••gaynst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 witnes••••
• * 13.120

  The C••••••missio•• certyfi•••• king of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.121

  Leaue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the C••••••mission•••• to dete••••mine a••gainst 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 13.122

  The 4. ••••∣pearing 〈…〉〈…〉 ••oner ••••••••ore the kings Com∣missioners.
• * 13.123

  Boner 〈…〉〈…〉, why brought ••ut to be declare•• pro cōfesso▪ Causes al∣leaged of Boner why he ought not to obey the Com∣missioners assignation.
• * 13.124

  The sec••nd cause.
• * 13.125

  The third cause.
• * 13.126

  The Popes 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 13.127

  The fourth cause.
• * 13.128

  The Popes lawe.
• * 13.129

  The fifte cause.
• * 13.130

  The intole∣••••ble 〈…〉〈…〉 Boner 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.131

  The wordes of the Archbishop to Boner.
• * 13.132

  Boners scorneful aunswere to the Archbishop.
• * 13.133

  The Archby∣shop.
• * 13.134

  Boner.
• * 13.135

  The value suspi∣cion of Boner.
• * 13.136

  The wordes of Secretary Smith to Boner.
• * 13.137

  All thinges pre∣tensed with Bo∣ner that made a∣gaynst him.
• * 13.138

  Boner and the rebels compared together.
• * 13.139

  New articles, & Iniunctions mi∣nistred to Bo∣ner.
• * 13.140

  Boner againe as¦signed the next day to appeare.
• * 13.141

  New witnesses against Boner.
• * 13.142

  Boners informa¦tion agaynst M. Williā Latimer Preacher.
• * 13.143

  W. Latimer im∣peached of Bo∣ner for concea∣ling of treason.
• * 13.144

  A new terme assigned to Bo∣ner to appeare.
• * 13.145

  Articles agaynst Boner ministred the second time.
• * 13.146

  Boner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 feare of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 feuer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 could 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or durst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appeare.
• * 13.147

  Boner p••••••tendet•• ••••gayne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 feuer.
• * 13.148

  Boners ••••••cuse of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 taken 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.149

  A goo•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sent to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by S••••cretary Smyth▪
• * 13.150

  The 5. 〈…〉〈…〉 against Bo∣ner Byshop of London.
• * 13.151

  Boner aun∣swereth to the first ar∣ticle.
• * 13.152

  Aunswere to the 2. article.
• * 13.153

  He aunswe∣reth in a generall.
• * 13.154

  Aunswere to the 15. article.
• * 13.155

  Boner refuseth Secretary Smith to be his iudge.
• * 13.156

  Causes alleaged by Boner why he refused Se∣cretary Smyth.
• * 13.157

  Boner layeth exceptions a∣gainst Sir Tho∣mas Smyth.
• * 13.158

  Here Boner most proudly shamet•• not to belye the kinges Secretary and one of his Ma∣iesties Coūsaile, charging him with alte••ing, & adding vnto the Counsailes In∣iunctions.
• * 13.159

  Anno 1550.
• * 13.160

  The popes lawes termed by the name of the kinges Ecclesi∣asticall lawes.
• * 13.161

  The reply of Se∣cretary Smith to Boners allegati∣ons.
• * 13.162

  Boner.
• * 13.163

  Boner in a pel∣ting chafe a∣gaynst Syr Tho. Smyth.

  The Archb.
• * 13.164

  Boner.
• * 13.165

  I pray God ye g••e not for your selfe.
• * 13.166

  Secretary Smyth.
• * 13.167

  Boner.
• * 13.168

  Secretary Smyth.
• * 13.169

  Boners talke to his Chapleins in the quadrant place before the chamber of pre∣sence at Lam∣beth.
• * 13.170

  Here Bo∣ners 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.171

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.172

  Boners 〈…〉〈…〉 to two of the Archb••••shops ge••••tlemen.
• * 13.173

  Boner ap∣pealeth to the king because he could not to the pop••••
• * 13.174

  Apostles a terme o•• Canon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & signifie as much 〈◊〉〈◊〉 letters re∣uerential•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 13.175

  Anno 1559.
• * 13.176

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 13.177

  Boner re∣quireth his appeale, recusation, & protesta∣tion to be entred in Register.
• * 13.178

  The last an∣swer of Bo∣ner to the articles exa∣mined, and found vn∣perfect.
• * 13.179

  Boner com∣maunded to the Mar∣shalsey.
• * 13.180

  〈…〉〈…〉 hart 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but 〈…〉〈…〉 vtter 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.181

  Boner threat∣neth to accuse the Archbishop before God.
• * 13.182

  The 6. Sessiō or appearaunce of Boner.
• * 13.183

  A generall re∣cusation of Bo∣ner agaynst all the Commissio∣ners.
• * 13.184

  Boner still stic∣keth to his for∣mer protestatiōs & prouocations.
• * 13.185

  Anno 1550.
• * 13.186

  An other ap∣pellation of Boner to the king.
• * 13.187

  Boner standing vpon his recusa∣tions and appel∣lations denyeth to make answer.
• * 13.188

  Boner de∣clared C••••••tuma•• & pro con••e••••so, that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 gilty.
• * 14.1

  Boners let••ter to the Lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Alde••••men of Lō••don.
• * 14.2

  Boner would no•• tarye M. Hooper•• Sermon.
• * 14.3

  Boner dif••ferred till the next Fryday, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from that till tewsd•••• after.
• * 14.4

  The 7. S••••••sion or ap••pearaun•••• of Bone••
• * 14.5

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wordes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Co••••missione•• to Bone••
• * 14.6

  Anno 1549.
• * 14.7

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 14.8

  〈…〉〈…〉 king.
• * 14.9

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 15.1

  The copy of Bo∣ners supplicatiō.
• * 15.2

  The Archbishop answered to the words of Boner
• * 15.3

  Boner.
• * 15.4

  The archbishop. Secretary Smith.
• * 15.5

  Boner.
• * 15.6

  Secretary Smith. Boner compared to the rebells of Deuonshire.
• * 15.7

  Boner.
• * 15.8

  The people laughing at Bo∣ner.

  D. May.
• * 15.9

  Boner with his tauntes.
• * 15.10

  Secretary Smith.
• * 15.11

  Boner.
• * 16.1

  The cōtēptuous talke of Boner.
• * 17.1

  The wor•• of Boner appealing from the Sentence definitiue▪
• * 17.2

  Letters ••••••uerentiall demissori••••
• * 17.3

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 declare in the effect of Boners Sentence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Englyshe▪
• * 17.4

  Boner de••priued an•• vnbishop▪
• * 17.5

  Boners ••••••••daynefu•• wordes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Com••missione••••
• * 17.6

  Boner a••gayne c••••mitted t•• his keep••▪
• * 17.7

  Anno 1549.
• * 18.1

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 sup∣••••ication 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the king.
• * 18.2

  Boners appella∣tion to the king▪ perused & tryed and found by the Lawe vneffec∣tuall and vnrea∣sonable.
• * 18.3

  The sentence of Boners depriua∣tion by the Peeres & lear∣ned men of the realme, found to be iust and lawfull.
• * 18.4

  The first trouble of the L. Pro∣tector was about the moneth of Octob. an. 1549.
• * 18.5

  Disputation of Pete. Martyr, with Doct. Chedsey in Ox∣forde.
• * 18.6

  Ecclesiasticall lawes by Acte of Parlament to be compyled by 32. persons. Statut. an. 3. Edou. 6.
• * 18.7

  Euill disposed people thinking to haue their la∣tin seruice again after the appre∣hension of the L. Protectour.
• * 18.8

  The kings com∣maundement to the Byshops.
• * 18.9

  Bookes of La∣tin•• seruice cal∣led in.
• * 18.10

  Anno 1549.
• * 18.11

  Common bread vsed in the holy Communion.
• * 18.12

  Taking down of Altars.
• * 18.13

  The kings letter to Nicholas Ridley then B. of London.
• * 18.14

  Altars taken downe and de∣stroyed.
• * 18.15

  Considerations to perswade the people.
• * 18.16

  Consider••••tions 〈…〉〈…〉 reasons, why the table we•••• more con••uenient 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then the Altar.
• * 18.17

  The seco•••• reason▪
• * 18.18

  Aunswe•• to certay•••• cauilers, which, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hold•• of the term•••• of Alt•••• the king•• booke.
• * 18.19

  The tabl•• how it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be called Altar 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in what ••••spect.
• * 18.20

  The thi•••• reason. This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for takin•• away th•• superstit••••ous opin•••••• serueth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the abol••••shing of ••••ther thin•• moe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Altars. &••
• * 18.21

  The fou•••• reason. The na•••• of an alta•• how it i•• deriued, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 what it ••••••••nifieth.
• * 18.22

  The fifte reason. Christ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a table 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not an A••••tar. The Alt•••• neuer vs•• among 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Apostle••
• * 18.23

  The six reason.
• * 18.24

  Anno 1550.
• * 18.25

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 18.26

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 wall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the high 〈◊〉〈◊〉 side in 〈…〉〈…〉 Nicholas 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 18.27

  〈…〉〈…〉 letters 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Lords 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Coū∣••••yle.
• * 18.28

  Note Doctor Hoptons al∣lowance of the communion in those dayes.
• * 18.29

  The story 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Steuē Gar••diner.
• * 18.30

  For the fu•••• tractation of Steuen Gardiners story, read in the booke of Actes and Monumen•• of the first edition, pag. 728.
• * 18.31

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 or euiden•••• geuen out against S••••••uen Gard••••ner B. of Winchest••••
• * 18.32

  Wynche•••••••• misusing himselfe before th•• Councell Winches•••••• cōmitted the Flee•••• Wynches•••••• deliuere•• out of th•• Fleete & at liberty Wynche•••••••• forgette•••• himselfe gaine in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dioces.
• * 18.33

  W••••chester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the ••••unsayle. Winchester ••••••manded keepe his 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  ••ynchester ••ine 〈…〉〈…〉 with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Coun∣••••••le▪
• * 18.34

  Wynchester ••••••miseth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 shew his ••••••formitie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 18.35

  Wynchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his sermō war••eth ••••om his ••wne pro∣mise & the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 com∣••andemēt.
• * 18.36

  ••ynchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his sedi∣••••ous diso∣••edience 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 18.37

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 the let∣••••s of win∣••••ester read the booke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Actes & ••••••uments the first 〈◊〉〈◊〉, pag. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 18.38

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 18.39

  Images plucked downe at Por∣tesmouth.
• * 18.40

  Then were the old fathers and bishops in the primitiue Church with Epiphanius and Carolus Mag∣nus, and all the Councell of Franckford, hogs and dogs.
• * 18.41

  Winchesters reason: The pur∣siuant caryeth a∣bout Saint George on horsebacke and the kinges pic∣ture: Ergo Ima∣ges must stand in Churches.
• * 18.42

  Bookes serue onely to be read and not to be kneeled vnto & worshipped: for so are they no bookes but are made Idols and are to be brokē.
• * 18.43

  If euery Image representing a thing of truth may stand in place of wor∣ship, then let Winchesters face stand in the Church also.
• * 18.44

  For Images.
• * 18.45

  Distinction of I∣mages.
• * 18.46

  More gentlenes shewed to the bookes of Ima∣ges, then to the bookes of Gods worde in King Henryes tyme.
• * 18.47

  Papistes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 better abid•• the booke of Gods word then Images to be burned.
• * 18.48

  Images falsely cal∣led and counted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lay mens bookes.
• * 18.49

  Winches•••••• ouerseene in mistak•••••• the kinge•• Image fo•• S. Georg•• on horse•• backe.
• * 18.50

  If it be a∣gaynst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that lear•••• men sho•• take frō 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnlearne•• the book•• of their ••••mages, much 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is it aga•••• reason, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 take fro•• them the booke•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gods 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 18.51

  1. Cor. •• Winche•••• distinct•••••• betwee•• true & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Images futed.
• * 18.52

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is false, therfor•• Winche∣sters 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be ab••••lished.
• * 18.53

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 18.54

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 18.55

  Wyly Winche∣ster vnder pre∣tense of geuing sage councell cra••tely goeth about to incense & set the Lorde Protectour a∣gaynst all good men and all Godly procee∣dinges.
• * 18.56

  Wynchester a∣gaynst the ex∣pedition into Scotland.
• * 18.57

  Winchester here meaneth a fetch if he could haue brought it about
• * 18.58

  Winchesters let∣ters against Ridley. Gods word is folly to Win∣chester but to them that be wise in the Lord it is the Wise∣dome of the Lord to saluati∣on.

  ¶This place here eyther see∣meth to lacke something or e••s Winchester to lackesome of his wits.
• * 18.59

  Winchester wrangleth a∣gaynst Dales bookes.
• * 18.60

  Luther and Anne Askew why not as well Saintes both in heauen, though they varied in one small poynt here: as well as you & Smith both the Popes friendes though ye vary, as ye sayde your selfe, in diuers.
• * 18.61

  ¶If the 6. arti∣cles might haue continued stil, al were quiet with Winchester how so euer it were els with the true church of Christ.

  ¶Printers Players and Preachers trou∣ble Winchester.
• * 18.62

  Euery incer∣teinty is noy∣some I graunt. But reformatiō of religion is not by & by the cause of incer∣teinty in a com∣mon wealth nor maketh euery man to be a maister.
• * 18.63

  ¶The realme is troubled by thē much lyke as the Prophet Hely was he that troubled the kingdome of A∣cheb.

  ¶Salt layd on a sore if it do vexe it the fault is not in the salt, but in the fleshe which cannot abide it.
• * 18.64

  ¶Winc••••••ster, what he saith, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 long as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 proueth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it mattere•• not, wh•••• he sayth.
• * 18.65

  A 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sight in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sonne 〈…〉〈…〉 Duke of Saxon•••••• king.

  ¶True re••ligion of the opin•••••• of these Germa•••••• wil be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not to disa••gree, wh•••• the Bys•••••• of Winche••ster shal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be able to proue the contrary, as yet he hath not done it hi∣therto.
• * 18.66

  Germa•••• with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 religion 〈◊〉〈◊〉 doth star•• notwith∣standing Wynchest•••• and the Emperour did with∣stand the•• what that they both could.

  His argu∣ment, Go•• lawe hath rule of all▪ Men & w••••mē say the vnderstan•• Gods law Ergo men and wem•••• haue rule all. Nego argument quia const▪ 4. termin•••••• His argu∣ment shou•••• thus pro∣cead: Go•• lawe hath rule of all Men and wemen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 they are Gods law Ergo such men & w••••men haue rule of al•• thus is th•• forme of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 good, & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wynche•••• a friend 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lent, thou he loued fishe.

  The acti•••• of Christ haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and ••oo•• endes▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to f••••••fill the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Some pe••••••liar to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 owne pe••••sone?

  Some pe••••tayning 〈◊〉〈◊〉 publike ample.
• * 18.67

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 18.68

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 18.69

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 18.70

  How well you remembred this le••••on of anger in Queene Ma∣ryes time let o∣thers iudge.
• * 18.71

  Quiet may be as well broken by Ielosie as by negligence.
• * 18.72

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 18.73

  Ambr. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 1. Ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pro∣••rendum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nihil 〈◊〉〈◊〉 latet 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 18.74

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 euery ••hing were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oracle by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Henry 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then ••inchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 here a 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 18.75

  Wherefore then serue the Scrip∣ture for rea••mes to be ruled by: if God neu•••• re∣ueale any thing in a re••••me, but by the kinges owne person in his mans age?
• * 18.76

  Canterbury and Duresme carped of Wynchester.
• * 18.77

  D. Smyth re∣proued of Win∣chester.
• * 18.78

  And why then did ye not fol∣low the same your soueraigne Lord in aboli∣shing the Pope in Queene Ma∣ryes tyme.
• * 18.79

  Argum••••••
• * 18.80

  Anno 1549.
• * 18.81

  ••••swere.
• * 18.82

  The Para∣phrase of Erasmus.
• * 18.83

  The booke of Home∣l••••.
• * 18.84

  The exami∣••••tion of Anne As∣kew sette forth by M. Bale.
• * 18.85

  Quiet and tranquilitye of realmes, ••••ght not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stoppe reformation of religion.
• * 18.86

  Preachers. ••••inters ••••••ayers.
• * 18.87

  The Article 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ustifi∣••••••ion.
• * 18.88

  The letter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Winche∣•••••••• sent to ••. Ridley.
• * 19.1

  If this doctrine were playne in king Edwardes time, how chaū∣ced it was not ••o playne with you in Queene Ma∣ryes tyme?
• (a) 19.2

  Euseb. Caesar▪ sayth, that he saw the pictures of Paul & Peter kept with a certain christian man, but yet he saith not that those pictures were set vp in any Church.
• (b) 19.3

  What antiquitie Images had in the Church, is declared by the doyng and writing of Epiphanius, in his epi∣stle ad Episc. Hierosol. translated by Hierome.

  Item, in the Councell called El••her∣tinum. Artic. 36. it is to be seene how pictures were forbid in church walles.

  Item, in concilio Constantinop. sub le∣one imp. Images were condemned.

  Itē, Carolus Magnus with the whole Councell of Frankford, decreed against Images, abrogating the vayne and fri∣uolous actes of Irene in his Councell a little before.

  Brieflie, concerning the antiquity of Images when bishops began to cease from preaching in churches, then Ima∣ges began to be set vp.
• (c) 19.4

  It is not lyke, for non facies sculp∣tile, that is, Mo∣rall: De immund••••▪ is but ceremoniall.
• (d) 19.5

  Betwixt Ima∣ges and Idols there is but little difference, but be∣twixt Images set vp in Churches, and Idols, there is none at all.

  Cic. lib. 1. de finib. Imagines, quae Ido∣l a nominant.
• * 19.6

  Duo hic videnda sunt primum tem∣pore Gregorij Ima∣gines, non dum colebantur: vt hodie apud nos, sed tantum ad historiam adhibeban∣tur. Cuiusmodi videtur pictura illa Chri∣sti & mulieris fimbriam tangentu, cuius meminit Eusebius in hist. Verum si vi∣ueret hodie Gregorius vide••et que tan∣tam in statuis prophanationem, quid tum sensisset ille haud obscurum est.

  Praeterea excusatio illa & defensio pi∣cturarum quam affert. praeterquam quod iusta ratione care••, pugnat etiam mani∣feste cum Synodo Elib. Artic. 3••. vbi prohibentur in templis picture▪ ne in ••ultu sit error. Pugnat etiam cum exemplo E∣piphanij, & Ez ech. &c.
• * 19.7

  Idolatry is not excluded so long as any vertue is sought at their hands.
• * 19.8

  Vertue is and hath beene sought at their handes.
• * 19.9

  Ergo. Idolatry is not excluded as he sayth.
• a) 19.10

  What worke Winchester ma∣keth to creepe to dead crosses, & to worship bloc∣kish Images. But the liuely Ima∣ges of Christ, thē he brought to the crosse & burned cruelly. Ther∣fo••e it is woorthely sayde of Cle∣mens, lib. 5. Quis est iste honor Dei, per lapideas & ligneas formas discurrere, atque exanimes figuras venerari, & hominem in quo vera Dei Imago est spernere. But Win∣chester was so busied in his lay mens bookes, that hee had no laysure to vnder∣stand learned bookes.
• (b) 19.11

  If things ha∣uing the office to signifie, and worke in vs the vnderstāding of Christ and holy things, are therefore to be worshipped, censed, and crept vnto: why then do ye not wor∣shippe the preacher, the Bible booke, the Epistler and Gospeller whiche geue a much more liuely vnderstanding to our myndes of holy and heauenly things, then I∣mages do?
• (c) 19.12

  The argument of Winchester reuerted against hymselfe. For if Gods word & such other sounds, geuyng a liuely vnderstandyng to vs, yet bee not had in such a worshipfull regard, that any doth cense them, or creepe and offer to them: Ergo, much lesse should you doe the same to these your dead and insensible Images.
• (d) 19.13

  One Idoll well compared with another.
• (e) 19.14

  Because you say that godly honor, or cultus diuinus, is taken away by you from Images, I pray you what could ye doe to God, if he were h••re materially hymselfe more, then you do to them? to cense them, to candle them, to tabernacle them, to sette them vp in churches, to adore and inuocate them, to kneele and knocke to them, to creepe and offer to them, to seeke vertue, and to require health at them, to make them your patrons, and to make your vowes vnto them, &c. If this be not Diuinus cultus, tell me what geue you to God more then this?
• (f) 19.15

  All papists perchance.
• (g) 19.16

  Yea but what knight of that order kneeleth or prayeth to that George that hangeth about his necke.
• (h) 19.17

  A worshipfull seruice to diswor∣ship God, & wor∣ship creatures.
• * 19.18

  You sayd before they were lay mens bookes, now ye make thē learned mens books also, wherein you read (ye say) ma∣ny thinges at one openyng. And what read you or see you in those bookes, I pray you? nimtrum, id quod puer•• vident in nuhibus. And where be you bid to looke vpon these fantasticall bookes? Scruta∣mini scripturas, sayth the Lorde: Contemplamini picturas, writeth Winchester. But rather Winchester should haue read the booke of Epiphanius, contra Encratitas, where these woordes be opened to him: Non decet Christianum per oculos suspensum teneri, sed per occupatio∣n••m menti••, &c.
• * 19.19

  If ye did see any prin¦••e•• yet to do worship to his grauen letter••, then might you well seeke thus (as ye do) a knot 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in a rushe.
• * 19.20

  Holy wa∣ter.
• (:) 19.21

  Conse∣cration of water and salt to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the peo∣ple is attri∣bute to A∣lexander. 1. but what credite is to be geuen to those de∣c••••es falsly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon those auncient Byshops, 〈…〉〈…〉 In nomine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &c. If the name of Christ do & can serue only to cast out deuils. What should wa∣ter doe, where Christ may and should serue onely to worke that maste∣ry.
• * 19.22

  The king•• ring geueth 〈◊〉〈◊〉: Ergo holy water may haue also his effect & operation. Resp. Non 〈…〉〈…〉 thing of corporall things, wi•••• spirituall, ioyneth in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 com∣pa••ison together▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 playne answere this. B••••h be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and a••gaynst the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of God.
• * 19.23

  Anno 1550.
• * 19.24

  〈…〉〈…〉 ••rgumēt. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 King 〈…〉〈…〉 weare S. George 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brest, if Images 〈…〉〈…〉. The Kyng 〈◊〉〈◊〉 S. George vpon hys 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ergo, Images be not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Resp. This argu∣••••••••, besides that it 〈…〉〈…〉 particula••ibu••, 〈…〉〈…〉 may be denied. 〈…〉〈…〉 also, there is a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnderstanding in this 〈…〉〈…〉: whether it be 〈…〉〈…〉 the latter part of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bee taken vniuersally 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Images, both in chur∣•••••• 〈…〉〈…〉 priuate houses 〈…〉〈…〉 in garmentes. 〈…〉〈…〉 part is false. If 〈◊〉〈◊〉, for such only as 〈…〉〈…〉 churches: then 〈…〉〈…〉 whether it be 〈…〉〈…〉, maketh a false 〈…〉〈…〉. terminis. Or 〈…〉〈…〉, it may be 〈…〉〈…〉, and hurteth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ou•• doct••••ne, for wee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 onely against the I∣mages set vp in Churches, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 agaynst the other.
• * 19.25

  S. Georges feast is kept. Ergo, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 are to be wor∣shipped.

  Resp. A like argument. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fayre is kept. Ergo, La••bes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be wor∣shipped.
• * 19.26

  The wa∣ter of Bap∣tisme hath an expresse ordinaunce, where holy water hath ••one,
• * 19.27

  Christ v∣seth not ••ow in his Church ••••mme ••reatures of Gold and Siluer. &c. ••ut mini∣sters by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mini∣string of his word to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 abroad ••is grace. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Crampe ••••inges and holy water, both toge∣ther in lyke 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a∣buse and su∣pe••••••ition.
• * 19.28

  After Peters doctrine the bloud of Christ onely purgeth vs from al sinne. Ergo what should holy water doe.
• * 19.29

  Playnely as it is, his penne wil not let him lye.
• * 19.30

  The beginning of holy water came first from the Gentyles, who vsed to sprincle aqua lustrati standing at the dore vpō such as went in∣to the temple.
• * 19.31

  Cum fide et Zelo.

  Sorcerers and Coniurers with such a wrong fayth ioyned to dumme crea∣tures may and do with lyke▪ reason call vp deuils, as holy-water may driue them away.
• * 19.32

  Articles layd a∣gaynst Winche∣ster.
• * 19.33

  Winchester graunteth to the kings supremacy
• * 19.34

  Winchester grūnteth to the full authority of the king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 set∣ting forth his lawes.
• * 19.35

  Wynchester hath sworne o∣bedience to the kinges suprema∣cye.
• * 19.36

  Wynchester complayned of.
• * 19.37

  Winchester re∣leased out of the Fleete by the kinges generall pardon.

  The article of Iustification put to Winchester. Winchester pri∣soner in his own house.

  Winchester de∣nyeth to sub∣scribe to the ar∣ticle of Iustifi∣cation.

  M. Cicill sent to Winchester Winchester a∣gayne set free.
• * 19.38

  Winchester sent for to the Coū∣saile.

  Winchester sicke.

  Winchester cō∣meth at last in a horselitter.
• * 19.39

  Winchester charged with disobedience.
• * 19.40

  Winchester charged to deface cer∣taine of the kings chap∣leins.
• * 19.41

  Reall pre∣sence.
• * 19.42

  Wynchester commaun∣ded to tarry at London.
• * 19.43

  Wynchester commaun∣ded to write his mind of ceremonies.
• * 19.44

  M. Philpot complayned vpon of Winchester.
• * 19.45

  Wynchester when and how oft he hath bene called to coram.
• * 19.46

  Wynchester admoni∣shed to con••forme him selfe▪
• * 19.47

  W••nchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••inges ••ouncell to ••••each the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 19.48

  Certayne poyntes in∣••••yned to Wyn••hester to preach vpon.
• * 19.49

  M. Cicill.
• * 19.50

  Wynchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to preach by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mens 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉 yet he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ould 〈◊〉〈◊〉 other 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 19.51

  ••••nchesters ••••swere to ••he Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.52

  Syr Tho. Smith Secretary.
• * 19.53

  Winchester walketh here subtilly.
• * 19.54

  Wynchesters o∣pinion of the kinges minority.
• * 19.55

  M. Cicills re∣payre agayne to Wynchester.
• * 19.56

  Winchester ma∣keth daūgerous speaking of the king, to ioyne Counsayle withall.
• * 19.57

  The 9. article.
• * 19.58

  Answere to the 9. article.
• * 19.59

  Omission by contempt.
• * 19.60

  Winchesters di∣stinctiō betwene the vpper parte and lower part of the lawes.
• * 19.61

  Omission excu∣sed by a di∣stinction.
• * 19.62

  A locke of wordes, that is, to open & shutte agayne as they lyste.
• * 19.63

  Aunswere by wordes to o∣mission in deedes.
• * 19.64

  10 article.
• * 19.65

  Aunswere to he 10. Article. M. Cicill.
• * 19.66

  Winche∣sters catho••licke fayth in the Sa∣crament.
• * 19.67

  Winchest•••• would nede•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Sa∣crament & of the Masse.
• * 19.68

  S. Paule threatneth death to the misusers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Sacra∣ment: Ergo, the reall pre∣sence of Christ is the Sacra∣ment. Nego ar∣gumentu••▪
• * 19.69

  And why would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wynches•••••• alow this reason in 〈…〉〈…〉 Maryes time, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king the word of truth after their con∣science, 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 19.70

  Winches•••••• agaynst Players 〈◊〉〈◊〉 b••lladem••••kers.
• * 19.71

  11. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.72

  Answe•••• the 11. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 19.73

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 19.74

  Wynchester 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  Wynchester committed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the tow∣er.
• * 19.75

  The Lord Chauncel∣lour and Secretary Peter com∣meth to Wynchester in the tow∣er.
• * 19.76

  Wynchester denyeth to sue for mer∣cy.
• * 19.77

  Take be∣tweene the Lord Chaū∣cellour and Wynchester in the tow∣er.
• * 19.78

  Wynchester will ac∣knowledge no offence.
• * 19.79

  Winchester wil not go to scoole in prison.
• * 19.80

  Wynchester de∣sireth the king to be his good Lord.
• * 19.81

  Winchester yet will not confesse himselfe to be an offender. Winchester will not submit himselfe to the Lord Protector but to the law.
• * 19.82

  The kings letter deliuered to Winchester in the tower.
• * 19.83

  Other articles put to Winche∣ster.
• * 19.84

  The article which touched him, was the first article, prescri∣bing him to subscribe, which article he wi∣sheth here to be put out.
• * 19.85

  Winchester subscribeth to the kinges arti∣cles.
• * 19.86

  Winchesters farewell feast lost in the tow∣er.
• * 19.87

  Winchester still standeth vpon reputation of his innocencye.
• * 19.88

  Your putting to the penne in this matter would not haue made you naught, but your naughtines would not put to your penne.
• * 19.89

  Other ar••••••cles 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.90

  The Bish•••• of Londo•• worde•• of Winchest••••
• * 19.91

  Wynchest•••• refuseth to be deliue••red by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of mercy.
• * 19.92

  Wynchest•••• required a••gayne to subscribe, refuseth.
• * 19.93

  Wynche∣sters shift••••
• * 19.94

  But this an∣swer could not stand i•• Queene Maryes time.
• * 19.95

  Winche∣sters ap∣peale to the king.
• * 19.96

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 wordes 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 19.97

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 19.98

  Winchester re∣quireth the sight of the kinges booke of proceedinges▪
• * 19.99

  winchester de∣nyeth to make any direct aun∣swere to the booke vnlesse he were at li∣berty.
• * 19.100

  Winchesters aunswers euer doubtfull.
• * 19.101

  Articles and let∣ters sent to Win∣chester.
• * 19.102

  The kings letter to Winchester.
• * 19.103

  Notorious con∣temptes in Win∣chester noted.
• * 19.104

  Anno 1551.
• * 20.1

  The Bishop•• aunswere to this article in the margent.
• * 20.2

  The kinges su∣premacy.
• * 20.3

  The kinges au∣thoritye in dis∣pensing with holydayes and fasting dayes or in appointing the same.
• * 20.4

  The kings booke of proceedinges.
• * 20.5

  The kinges full authoritye in his tender age.
• * 20.6

  Abrogation of the 6. articles.
• * 20.7

  The kinges iu¦risdictiō to alter and correct a∣buses ecclesiasti∣call.
• * 20.8

  Subscription of Winchester to the articles afore sayd.
• * 20.9

  Winchester deni¦eth to subscribe to the first be∣ginning of these Articles.
• * 21.1

  Wynches•••••• againe re••quired 〈◊〉〈◊〉 submit him••selfe.
• * 21.2

  Good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in suppr••••sing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of religi••••
• * 21.3

  Mariage•• permitte•• by God•• law, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Popes ••••••••pensatio•• Vowes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 going 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pilgrima••••
• * 21.4

  Gaddin•• ••••bout 〈◊〉〈◊〉 S. Nicho•••••• &c.

  Scripture•• be in th•• vulgare tongue.
• * 21.5

  Chaunt•••• Masses 〈◊〉〈◊〉 put dow••
• * 21.6

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 full of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 chaunges to the C••••••munion.
• * 21.7

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 21.8

  Anno 1550.
• * 21.9

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 21.10

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 21.11

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 21.12

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 21.13

  Vowel cha••••ity of Priestes hath no cō∣maundemēt of God.
• * 21.14

  Homelies ••o be read in ••he church.
• * 21.15

  The kinges booke of order.
• * 21.16

  Orders of Subdeacon, Benet, & Colet need∣••es in the Church. Doctrine of our saluatiō sufficiently contayned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the scrip∣ture.

  Paraphrases of Erasmus.
• * 21.17

  Wynchester required to ••ubscribe to these arti∣cles.
• * 21.18

  So ye right 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 turned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 altar to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 21.19

  The tenour of of the sequestra∣tion read to Winchester.
• * 21.20

  The causes why this sequestratiō was laid against Winchester.
• * 21.21

  Winchester se∣questred from his Byshopricke▪
• * 21.22

  Intimation geu•• to Winchester.
• * 21.23

  The names of the Commissi∣oners delegate in the cause of Steuē Gardine••.
• * 21.24

  Articles mini∣stred agaynst Winchester by the Commissio∣ners.
• * 21.25

  Winchester sworne to the kinges suprema∣cy.
• * 21.26

  Winchester af∣ter his oth foūd disobedient to the king and his proceedinges.
• * 21.27

  The manifold transgressions of Wint. worthy of punishment
• * 21.28

  Winchesters cō∣temptuous diso∣bedience to the king.
• * 21.29

  Winchester stubbernely re∣fused to con∣forme himselfe to the booke of the kinges pro∣ceedinges.
• * 21.30

  Wynches•••••• standeth in iustificatio•• of himselfe▪
• * 21.31

  Fantastica•••• considera••••••ons of wy••••chester.
• * 21.32

  Wynche•••••••• sworne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aunswere•• truely.
• * 21.33

  Time 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Winc••••••ster to a••••swere by wryting. For the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 positions 〈◊〉〈◊〉 these and ••••ther wit∣nesses a∣gainst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 read in th•• first editi•••• of Actes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monumē••••▪ pag. 816.
• * 21.34

  The finall sentence 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the depri••uation of the Bish•••• of Winch••••ster.
• * 21.35

  Wynchester foūd to be a transgressor.
• * 21.36

  Steuē Gar∣diner Bish. of Winche∣ster depri∣ue•• of his Bisho∣pricke.
• * 21.37

  Steuē Gardiner appealeth from the Sentence to the king.
• * 21.38

  The end of Win∣chesters story.
• * 21.39

  The Notes and collections here∣of, read in the first edition. fol. 862.
• * 21.40

  Winchester a good lawyer yet but a naughty diuine, and a worse Bishop.
• * 21.41

  Winchester as vnskilfull as wilfull.
• * 21.42

  D. Redman set to match Steuen Gardiner.
• * 21.43

  The communi∣cation and con∣fession of D. Redman in his deathbed.
• * 21.44

  Communicatiō touching the Sacramēt of the Lordes Body & bloud.
• * 21.45

  Question. Whether Christ be present in the Sacrament. Vnitio.
• * 21.46

  Question. Whether Christ be present cor∣porally, natu∣rally, and really in the Sacramēt. Corporally, that is truely: so Christ is there otherwise not. Quest. Whether Christ be there flesh, bloud, & bone.
• * 21.47

  Quest. Whether Christ be recea∣ued in minde & spirite, or with mouth & body, or with both?
• * 21.48

  Quest. Whether Christes very body be recea∣ued into our ve∣ry bodyes or no?
• * 21.49

  Quest. Whether that be to be worshipped which the priest sheweth to the people betwixte his handes?
• * 21.50

  Quest. Whether the carying a∣bout of the Sa∣crament is to be alowed?
• * 21.51

  Transubstantia∣tion.
• * 21.52

  Transubstantia∣tion not to be founde in the Doctours.
• * 21.53

  The schol•• Doctour•• deceaued i•• the word consecratiō
• * 21.54

  What 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cō∣secrati••n.
• * 21.55

  Talke abo•••• Doctour Redman.
• * 21.56

  D. Yong•• stayed by D. Redma•• from his Popishe o••pinion.
• * 21.57

  The opini•••• of Docto•• Redman touching iustificatio•• by fayth. Consensu•• Ecclesiae i•• but a weak staffe to leaue to▪
• * 21.58

  The confes••sion of D. Redman before M. Nowell.
• * 21.59

  Offering 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Sa∣crament called the sacrifice of the Masse▪
• * 21.60

  Carying a••bout of th•• Sacrament disproued.
• * 21.61

  Adoration of the Sa∣crament disproued.
• * 21.62

  A grosse o∣pinion to thinke that 〈…〉〈…〉 ••orporally 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Sac••ament.
• * 21.63

  Anno 1551.
• * 21.64

  〈…〉〈…〉 in ••he old ••octours. ••hrist can 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vp not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 owne 〈…〉〈…〉 by Gods word. ••ayth onely 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 21.65

  T••ue fayth defined.
• * 21.66

  Workes do not me••ite to saluatiō▪
• * 21.67

  Doctour Yonges te∣stimony of Docto••r Redmans doctrine. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 recea∣••ed the same that Peter did, as ••imon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 receiued the same Baptisme as Peter did.
• * 21.68

  Carying a∣bout of the Sacrament.
• * 21.69

  Transubstā∣••••ation.
• * 21.70

  Instification by fayth onely.
• * 21.71

  Workes merite not eternal life.
• * 21.72

  M. Yonges let∣ter to M. Cheke touching Doct. Redman.
• * 21.73

  Commendation of D. Redman.
• * 21.74

  Exhortation of Doct. Redman to them that were about him.
• * 21.75

  M. Alexander Nowell now Deane of Paules.
• * 21.76

  The Sea of Rome a sincke of all sinne.
• * 21.77

  Purgatory.
• * 21.78

  Psal. 97. & 50.
• * 21.79

  The wicked eat not the fleshe of Christ.
• * 21.80

  How Christ is present in the Sacramedt.
• * 21.81

  The Caper∣naites grosse er∣rour of Christes bodyly presence in the Sacramēt.
• * 21.82

  Transubstantia∣tion.
• * 21.83

  Consecrati•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it meaneth.
• * 21.84

  Nothing to be worshi••••ped that may be seene. The Sacra∣ment not to be caryed a∣bout.
• * 21.85

  In this poynt the iudgement of Doct. Redman is not to be followed.
• * 21.86

  Trentall Masses dis∣proued.
• * 21.87

  Sacrifice of the Masse disproued.
• * 21.88

  Fayth onely iustifieth.
• * 21.89

  Workes do not merite saluation.
• * 21.90

  Rom. 6.
• * 21.91

  The iudge∣ment of D. Yonge a∣bout the controuer∣sies of reli∣gion.
• * 21.92

  Anno 1552.
• * 21.93

  The story of W. Gar∣••••ner. most 〈…〉〈…〉 in Portugale.
• * 21.94

  W. Gardi∣ner, com∣parable with the Martyrs in the primi∣t••••e church. What du••ty is to be geuē of Christiās to the bles∣sed Martyrs past.

  The memo∣ry of Christes Martyrs not to be for∣gotten.
• * 21.95

  How it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to passe that 〈…〉〈…〉 Church 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yearely 〈…〉〈…〉 Martyrs. ••••perstitiō 〈◊〉〈◊〉 honou∣••••••g Mar∣tyrs.

  What 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cōmeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 memory 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Martyrs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vs.
• * 21.96

  The world 〈…〉〈…〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wicked ••••ecially.
• * 21.97

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 21.98

  〈…〉〈…〉 be lessons to vs, to plucke vs from ••his world.
• * 21.99

  The great diffe∣rence betweene Christs Martyrs that haue bene, and the lyfe of Christians which now is.
• * 21.100

  The first bring∣ing vp and trade of W. Gardiner.
• * 21.101

  W. Gardiner folowed the trade of mar∣chaundi••e.
• * 21.102

  The Godly dis∣posed minde of W. Gardiner.
• * 21.103

  A solemne ma∣riage betweene the king of Por∣tugals sonne and the Spanish kinges daughter in Portugale.
• * 21.104

  A P••pishe ce∣lebration of a mariage.
• * 21.105

  The Godly zeale of W. Gar∣diner in seing the Idolatry of the people and the great diswor∣ship of God.
• * 21.106

  William Gardi∣ner cleareth his bookes of ac∣comptes.
• * 21.107

  William Gardi∣ner continuing in watching and prayer.
• * 21.108

  William Gardi∣ners aduised preparation to the accomplish∣ment of his pur∣pose.
• * 21.109

  The Cardinall at his Masse.
• * 21.110

  William Gardi∣ner plucketh the Cardinals Idoll out of his hands at Masse as he was leaping a∣bout the Cha∣lice.

  William Gardi∣ner wounded with a dagger.
• * 21.111

  William Gardi∣ner brought be∣fore the king.
• * 21.112

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of William Gardiner before the king.
• * 21.113

  The suspi∣tion of th•• Portugal•• vpon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of •• Gardiner▪
• * 21.114

  The ans•••••• of Willia•• Gardiner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 suspition the Port••••gall••.
• * 21.115

  Pendigrace bed••ello•• to W. G••••••diner im∣prisoned vpon 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 21.116

  William Gardin•••• chamber searche••
• * 21.117

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 certaine 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ranne 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kinde o•• tormen•• made o•• Brasse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Bull 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fire vn∣to torm•••••• such as were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into it, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Bull.
• * 21.118

  Willia•• Gardi•••••• not 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 21.119

  The right hand of W. Gardiner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The left 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of W. Gardi∣ner cut of in the Market place.
• * 21.120

  The wret∣ched cruel∣•••• of the ••ortugals in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a Christian Martyr.
• * 21.121

  William Gardiner at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burning 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 21.122

  W. Gardiner would not pray to our Lady, so long as he had Christ to be his aduocate.

  The prayer of W. Gardiner out of the 43. Psalme.
• * 21.123

  A lesson for the Portugales.
• * 21.124

  The iust hand of God vpon persecuters.
• * 21.125

  It is reported that that sparcle lighted amōgest gunpouder▪
• * 21.126

  The blind and miserable cruel∣ty of the Portu∣gals agaynst a poore Englishe man.

  A Popeholy fast for pacefying the wrath of theyr God of the Al∣tar.
• * 21.127

  Anno 1552.
• * 21.128

  The story of the L. Protector Duke of Somer∣set.
• * 21.129

  Worldly pro∣sperity not to be trusted vnto.
• * 21.130

  Concorde ma∣keth brethren strong.
• * 21.131

  Syr Thom•••• Semer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admirall.
• * 21.132

  Displeas•••••• betweene the Quee•• & the Du••••ches of So••merset.
• * 21.133

  Discorde betweene the L. Pr••••tectour 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the L. A••••mirall his brother. The L. A••••mirall be∣headed at tower hy••
• * 21.134

  En quo discordial fratres per••ducit mise••ros.
• * 21.135

  Iohn Du••••ley Earle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Warwicke afterward Duke of Northum∣berland.
• * 21.136

  Discorde betweene the Earle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Warwick•• & the Lo•••• Protecto••
• * 21.137

  A letter o•• the L. Pr••••tectour, to the L. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Seale.
• * 21.138

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 21.139

  The con∣tents of the second aun∣swer of the L. Russell to the Lord Protector.
• * 21.140

  The goo•• L. Russell a solicitor for peace be∣tweene the Lord Pro∣tector and the Lordes.
• * 21.141

  The Lordes of the Co••••∣••ell assem∣bled against the Lorde. Protectour.
• * 22.1

  The Lord Protecto••s l••tter to the Lordes of the Counsaile at London.
• * 22.2

  No worde he∣therto sent from the Lords to the Lord Protector, what they re∣quired of him to doe.

  Reasonable cō∣ditions offered by the Lord Protector.
• * 22.3

  A solemne watch commaū∣ded in London.
• * 22.4

  The Citye of London pressed with 500. m••n to fetch the L. Protector. The aunswere of the Lorde Maior to the Lordes. The Lordes as∣sembled in the L. Maiors house▪
• * 22.5

  The effect of the proclamation se•• out agaynst the Lord Protector▪
• * 22.6

  The Lordes comming into the Guild hall.
• * 23.1

  The Copy of the kinges letter sent to the L. Maior, Aldermen and Citizens of Lō∣don, in the be∣halfe of the L. Protectour.
• * 24.1

  The letter of the Lordes sent to the L. Maior & Coūcell of Lon∣don, agaynst the Lord Protector.
• * 24.2

  Crimes layd to th•• Lord Pro••tectour by the Lord••
• * 24.3

  Iuste iudi••cate filij hominu••
• * 24.4

  The City of Londo•• vrged wi•••• two con••trary lette•• at one in∣stant.
• * 24.5

  The Rec••••••der spea∣keth for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lordes▪
• * 24.6

  The gra•••• Oration o•• a discrete Citizen speaking for the ki•••• whose name was George Stadlow 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Parliament man. Deuision betweene the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 24.7

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 wrath 〈…〉〈…〉 be 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 24.9

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 is to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 noted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the City leuied 〈◊〉〈◊〉 men, but they were not 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 24.10

  The Lord Protector committed to prison▪ in Winsore castle.

  The Lord Protector committed to the tow∣••••.

  Articles obiected a∣gainst the ••ord Pro∣tectour.
• * 24.11

  The mercifull working of the Lord for the Lord Protector.
• * 24.12

  The Lord Pro∣tectour deliue∣red out of the tower.
• * 24.13

  The second trouble of the Duke of Somer∣set.
• * 24.14

  The Duke of Somerset agayne br••ught to the towe••.
• * 24.15

  The vile tauntes of certayne Ius∣tices and others sitting in iudge∣ment against the good Duke of Somerset.
• * 24.16

  The great pati∣ēce of the Duke of Somerset in taking rebukes.
• * 24.17

  The discrete be∣hauiour of the Duke in aun∣swering for himselfe.
• * 24.18

  The harty affec∣tion of the peo∣ple toward the Duke of Somer∣set.
• * 24.19

  The Duke of Somerset con∣demned of felo¦ny.
• * 24.20

  Statut. an. 5. Reg. Edw 6.
• * 24.21

  The Duke of Somerset accu∣sed for seeking the death of the Duke of North∣umberland.
• * 24.22

  The chea••••••full counte••nance of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Duke of Somerset his death▪
• * 24.23

  The wor•• of the Duke of Somerset peop•••• the peop•••• at his dea••••▪
• * 24.24

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Duk•• Somerse•• setting forth tru•• religion▪
• * 24.25

  A sodein•• noyse and feare of people 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the deat•• the Du•••• Somers••••▪
• * 24.26

  The lyke story you shall rea•• Caius M••••rius, in V••••lerius M••••••imus the booke & chapter.
• * 24.27

  The grea•• fauour of the peop•••• to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Somer••set.
• * 24.28

  The word of the Du•••• agayne to the peopl••▪
• * 24.29

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.30

  The confes∣sion of the Duke of Somerset
• * 24.31

  The Duke ••f Some••set 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ie∣•••••• Christ.
• * 24.32

  ••. Coxe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ghostly 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 24.33

  The godly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Duke of So∣••erset.
• * 24.34

  The vertues of the Duke of Somerset declared.
• * 24.35

  The zealous standing of the Duke of Somer∣set in defence of the truth against the Bishops at Winsore.
• * 24.36

  A comparison betweene Duke Humfrey Vncle to K. Henry. 6. and the Duke of Somerset Vncle to K. Edward. 6.
• * 24.37

  Touching the trouble of the Duke of Glo∣cester, read be∣fore pag. 67••.
• * 24.38

  A false miracle detected by Duke Humfrey of Glocester.
• * 24.39

  The testimonye of M. William Tindall of good Duke Humfrey. The happy suc∣cesse of the Duke of Somer∣set in his victo∣ryes.
• * 24.40

  Gods chastise∣ment vpon the Duke of Somer∣set.
• * 24.41

  The beheading of the Earle of Surrey.
• * 24.42

  Syr Rafe Vane, Syr Myles Par∣trige.

  Syr Michael Stanhop, and Syr Thomas A∣rundell suffered at Tower hyll.
• * 24.43

  Religion hinde∣red by discorde.
• * 24.44

  Discorde what decay it worketh in a common wealth.
• * 24.45

  D. Smyth, Chadsey, Stan∣dish, Younge, Oglethorpe, re∣claymed from their errours.
• * 24.46

  The Gospell how it florished so long as peace continued.
• * 24.47

  Peter Martyr, Martyn Bucer, & Paulus Pha∣gius, placed in the vniuersityes.
• * 24.48

  The kinges Vi∣sitors at the dis∣putation in Ox∣ford.

  The conclusions to be disputed in Oxford.
• * 24.49

  Disputers on the co••••trary part agaynst Peter Ma••••tyr.
• * 24.50

  The first argument of Peter Martyr a••gaynst tra••••substantia••tion.
• * 24.51

  Cyprian sermon. De caena Domini.
• * 24.52

  Gelasius contra E••••tithen.
• * 24.53

  August. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 consecrat•• dist. 2. ex Sententi Presperi••
• * 24.54

  Theodor••••tus Dial. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contra E••••tichen. Theodor••••tus Dial. 2. contra Eutichen.
• * 24.55

  Origen, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Matth. ca•• 15.
• * 24.56

  Irenaeus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 4. contra heres.
• * 24.57

  Irenaeus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eodem.
• * 24.58

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••egistro.
• * 24.59

  Chrisost. •• Cor. 11. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 27.
• * 24.60

  Cyrill. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉. lib. 4. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 14.
• * 24.61

  ••ugust. e∣••••st. ad ••ardanum.
• * 24.62

  ••••alogi•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 propor∣••••••n be∣••••eene the ••••tward ••••urishing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bread in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bodyes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉 Christes 〈…〉〈…〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 soules.
• * 24.63

  Three causes prouing that these wordes of Christ. Hoc est corpus meum, are not to be ta∣ken literally but spiritually.
• * 24.64

  Places of Scrip∣ture making a∣gaynst transub∣stantiation.
• * 24.65

  The secōd cause, the nature of a Sacrament.
• * 24.66

  The third cause, the testimonye of the fathers.
• * 24.67

  Tertullianus Contra Martio∣nem. Lib. 4. Augustinus.

  Psal. 3. August. contra Adamantum. Cap. 12. Hi••∣ronimus.
• * 24.68

  August de Doc∣trina Christiana▪ Lib.
• * 24.69

  Ambros. de Sa∣cram. lib. 4. cap. 4.
• * 24.70

  The second con∣clusion.
• * 24.71

  Math. 26. Iohn. 12.
• * 24.72

  Iohn. 16. Math. 24.
• * 24.73

  Actes. 3. Col. 3. August. ad Dar∣danum.
• * 24.74

  Comparatio a Maiori.
• * 24.75

  Comparison betweene Aun∣gels and the bo∣dy of Christ.
• * 24.76

  Cyrillus De cre∣nit Lib 2. pag. ••••5.
• * 24.77

  August. in Psal. 98.
• * 24.78

  Vigilius contra Eutichen. lib. 4.
• * 24.79

  Cyprian. De Coen•• Domini.
• * 24.80

  Iohn. 16.
• * 24.81

  Declarati•••• of the Ma••ior.
• * 24.82

  What i•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eate the body of Christ by the Papi••••
• * 24.83

  What is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eate the body of Christ b•• Scripture Doctour••
• * 24.84

  Cyprian. De 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Domini.
• * 24.85

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and infid•••• do not ea•••• the body 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ.
• * 24.86

  ••ugust. De 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Lib ••. cap. 25 ••••hn. 6.
• * 24.87

  Anno 1549.
• * 24.88

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.89

  Adoration of the Sa∣crament mainteyned by Glyn.
• * 24.90

  Math 26. Marc.
• * 24.91

  Real pre∣••••nce 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the Papistes.
• * 24.92

  Argument.
• * 24.93

  Byshop Ridley replyeth.
• * 24.94

  Christ to be ho∣noured in hea∣uen not in the Sacrament.
• * 24.95

  Christ worketh otherwise in Baptisme, then the Sacramental bread.
• * 24.96

  Obiect.
• * 24.97

  Aunswere. Well cauilled & lyke a Papiste.
• * 24.98

  Cyprian.
• * 24.99

  Ambrose·
• * 24.100

  Damascene.
• * 24.101

  Damascene ex∣pounded.
• * 24.102

  A spirituall mu∣tation of the bread and wine, but no mutation of the substance.
• * 24.103

  Theophilact. expounded.
• * 24.104

  The paschall Lambe a figure.
• * 24.105

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 of the S••••cramēt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 out as ••••ther me•• doe.
• * 24.106

  Two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 noted in Madew•• position
• * 24.107

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Lordes Supper.
• * 24.108

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.109

  Anno 1549.
• * 24.110

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈…〉〈…〉 to present the Sa∣••••••ment 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 24.111

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.112

  A true pro∣position 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is Chri••••es ••••dy.
• * 24.113

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.114

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.115

  No change nei∣ther of the sub∣stance, nor yet of the accidents in the Sacrament.
• * 24.116

  How Scripture may be ab••sed to any purpose as commōly the Papistes vse it.
• * 24.117

  A figuratiue speach some∣where hurtfull, somewhere not.
• * 24.118

  A fond reason wherefore this is my body should seeme no figuratiue speach.
• * 24.119

  Whether the ar∣ticle of the new∣ter gender (this) be refer••ed to the bread o•• to the body.
• * 24.120

  Bread taken di∣uersly in the Scripture.
• * 24.121

  How we are bread, and how not.
• * 24.122

  How the bread is Christs body.
• * 24.123

  The bread but a figure and ••ow.
• * 24.124

  Christ not offe∣red, but recea∣ued in spirite.
• * 24.125

  Christes sacrifice offered once for all is onely suf∣ficient without any other.
• * 24.126

  Christes sacri∣fice an end of all sacrifices.
• * 24.127

  What sacrifice it is that Mala∣chie speaketh of.
• * 24.128

  The wordes of Scripture euer effectuall.
• * 24.129

  Man is ••••••rished b•• the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christe•• bloud b•• faith, b•• not by drincki•••• really in cuppe.
• * 24.130

  Cypria•• expound▪
• * 24.131

  We be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 consubs••••••••ciall wit•• Christ, ioyned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 holy spi••••••▪
• * 24.132

  Misterie•• may 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be belee•••• then cu••••••ously sea••••ched.
• * 24.133

  As 〈◊〉〈◊〉 called 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the brea•• figure, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speaking ••••••guratiue at other tymes ca••••led the•• not pla•••• figures though they 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so.
• * 24.134

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.135

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.136

  Christ is the on∣ly true sacrifice for sinne and without him there are no moe.
• * 24.137

  The Papistes refrayne the vse of Scriptures.
• * 24.138

  Christes body came not from heauen.
• * 24.139

  Anno 1550.
• * 24.140

  Christ is called a rocke a vyne, but in figure.
• * 24.141

  The iudgement of the Papistes very grosse.
• * 24.142

  Christ tooke brake, and gaue bread.
• * 24.143

  A Sacrament consisteth in a double matter.
• * 24.144

  Grindall reply∣eth.
• * 24.145

  August. Tertull. with many moe call it a figure.
• * 24.146

  What the forme of bread & wine doe nourishe.
• * 24.147

  It remayneth bread and wine a••te•• the conse∣cration.
• * 24.148

  How it is called bread and in what respect.
• * 24.149

  Christ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 24.150

  Two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 assoyle 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 24.151

  In these wordes this is m•• body is a trope.
• * 24.152

  A quest wherein consistet•• the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Sa••crament••
• * 24.153

  To eate body of Christ a figurati•••• speach••••
• * 24.154

  Cyprian explane••
• * 24.155

  Chris•• sup. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 homil. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 5.
• * 24.156

  The bread 〈◊〉〈◊〉 chaun∣••••••.
• * 24.157

  ••apistes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••••an substā∣••••••tion.
• * 24.158

  If there were tran∣substantia∣tion there ••••ould re∣mayne no ••••••idents.
• * 24.159

  Where Christ is there be his mi∣nisters.
• * 24.160

  Their ought to be a certaine a∣nalogie in euery Sacrament be∣twene the thing that signifieth, & the thing that is signified.
• * 24.161

  Cyprian epist. 6. Cyprian epist. 6. li. 1. epist. 3 li. 2.
• * 24.162

  Aug. li. 3. contra Maximinum.
• * 24.163

  Transubstantia∣tion a most blasphemouse errour.
• * 24.164

  Why it is called the Eucharist.
• * 24.165

  No other sa∣crifice, but onely prayse and thankesgeuing.
• * 24.166

  Three vaine rea••sons, to proue th•• bread to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 transubst••••••ciate.
• * 24.167

  Hill••rius li. 8. de tri∣nitat. Chrisost. ho. 45.
• * 24.168

  Christ is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Sacra∣ment real•• after a 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 24.169

  How Christes fleshe ge∣ueth lyfe.
• * 24.170

  How the•••• wordes, this is my body are ment. There is a vnion be∣tweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and woma•• yet no tran••substantia∣tion.
• * 24.171

  Why it is called bread so often.
• * 24.172

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.173

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.174

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.175

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.176

  Anno. 1549.
• * 24.177

  When our bo∣dyes be fed with the bodye and bloud of Christ▪
• * 24.178

  Aunswerers and disputers in those disputatiōs at Cambridge.
• * 24.179

  Anno 1552.
• * 24.180

  The determina∣tion of D. Nic. Ridley vpon the disputations.
• * 24.181

  5. Princypall groundes to take away transub∣stantiation.
• * 24.182

  Transubstantia∣tion agaynst the Scripture.
• * 24.183

  Scripture to be measured not by number but by authoritye.
• * 24.184

  Exod. 12. 1. Cor. 11.
• * 24.185

  Iohn. 6.
• * 24.186

  Iohn. 6.
• * 24.187

  The second ground agaynst transubstantia∣tion.
• * 24.188

  Dionysi•••• Eccle. 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 24.189

  Igna••ius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Phila∣delph.
• * 24.190

  Irennaeus lib. 4. cap. 34.
• * 24.191

  Tertullia∣nus.
• * 24.192

  Chrisost. Cesariu••
• * 24.193

  Cyprian. Lib. 1. E∣pist. 6. Theodor••••••us.
• * 24.194

  Gelatius Epist. de duabus n••••turis in Christo.
• * 24.195

  ••sych. Lib▪ cap. 8. ••ertrame.
• * 24.196

  The third ground.
• * 24.197

  Cyprian. Three thinges in Sacramen••▪
• * 24.198

  1. Vnity 〈◊〉〈◊〉 2. Nutriti••••▪ 3. Conu••••••sion.
• * 24.199

  Conuers••••••▪
• * 24.200

  4. Grou•••• The real•• presence the Sacr••••ment sta••••deth not with the truth of Christe•• humanit••▪
• * 24.201

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.202

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.203

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.204

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.205

  Vigilius 〈…〉〈…〉 lib. 4.
• * 24.206

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 thyrd ••onclusiō.
• * 24.207

  ••eb 9.
• * 24.208

  ••••crifice of 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 24.209

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 10.
• * 24.210

  〈…〉〈…〉 offered 〈◊〉〈◊〉 once.
• * 24.211

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Epist. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 August. 〈…〉〈…〉 cō∣••tanstum 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••1.
• * 24.212

  Conclusions disputed at Cā∣bridge by Mar∣tin Bucer.
• * 24.213

  Disputers a∣gaynst M. Bucer at Cambridge.
• * 24.214

  A learned Dia¦logue betweene Custome and Truth.
• * 24.215

  A Dialogue be∣twene Custome and Veritye.
• * 24.216

  Math. 26.
• * 24.217

  Christs wordes. The Euange∣listes.

  The old writers. The Catholicke Church.
• * 24.218

  The doctrine of the Papistes cō∣monly standeth vpon false re∣porters.
• * 24.219

  The sense of Hoc est corpus meum. expoun∣ded.
• * 24.220

  Iohn 14.
• * 24.221

  Iohn. 10. Actes. 4.
• * 24.222

  Gen. ••7.
• * 24.223

  1. Cor. 10.
• * 24.224

  1. Cor. 10.
• * 24.225

  Gal. 3. Rom. 6.
• * 24.226

  Figuratiue spea∣ches most cōmon in Scripture.
• * 24.227

  The name of bread vsed in Scripture.
• * 24.228

  The mea∣ning of Christes wordes e••∣pounded.
• * 24.229

  Christ is no foode for the b••••dy but fo•• the soule▪
• * 24.230

  August. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ioan. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 25.
• * 24.231

  Iohn. 6.
• * 24.232

  That is to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 You shall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eate the bo•••• which you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈…〉〈…〉 blo••d whic•• they shall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that shall 〈…〉〈…〉 me. I 〈◊〉〈◊〉 commended you a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vnderstood 〈◊〉〈◊〉 spiritually 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it shall 〈◊〉〈◊〉 you lyfe: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 flesh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nothing.
• * 24.233

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 5.
• * 24.234

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 is to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 24.235

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.236

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6.
• * 24.237

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.238

  ••regory.
• * 24.239

  ••••yprian.
• * 24.240

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.241

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.242

  Christes ••••dy is spi∣••••••uall ••eate.
• * 24.243

  〈…〉〈…〉 bloud 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 24.244

  ••neeling to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sacra∣••ent for∣••idden in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Coū∣••••ls.

  ••he Sacra∣••••nt carry∣•••• home in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 24.245

  Pope Honorius 3. first author of worshipping the Sacrament. An 1220.
• * 24.246

  Apostles & olde Doctours make no miracle nor maruell at the Sacrament.
• * 24.247

  That is to say: Sacraments here may haue their honour as things religious but they are not to be wōdred at as miracles.
• * 24.248

  Actes. 3.
• * 24.249

  Actes. 17.
• * 24.250

  If Christ were both gone and tarried, then he should seme to haue left him∣selfe behinde him.
• * 24.251

  The body of Christ impriso∣ned by the Pa∣pistes in a boxe, and afterward burned when he is mouldye.
• * 24.252

  Christes body i•• spirituall in th•• Sacrament, say the Papistes.
• * 24.253

  The Popes do∣ctrine repug∣nant to it selfe.
• * 24.254

  The Papistes though they be conuicted, yet they will not beleue.
• * 24.255

  Custome med∣leth but little with Scripture.
• * 24.256

  August. ad Dar∣••anum.
• * 24.257

  August ibid.
• * 24.258

  August. in Psal. 14.
• * 24.259

  Damasus.
• * 24.260

  Ambros. in 10. cap. Luc.
• * 24.261

  Hier••••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Marcell••▪
• * 24.262

  Hieron.
• * 24.263

  Origin••▪
• * 24.264

  Beda in cap. Ioa••
• * 24.265

  The Sac••••••ment is 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the reall•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and why▪
• * 24.266

  The wic•••••• receiue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the body 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christ.
• * 24.267

  Ambros••••••▪
• * 24.268

  Augusti••••▪
• * 24.269

  The pla•••• of S. Pau•••• of receiu•• vnworth•• expound▪
• * 24.270

  ••••••fessiō.
• * 24.271

  ••••brosius.
• * 24.272

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priest 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈…〉〈…〉 as 〈…〉〈…〉 it vn¦worthely.
• * 24.273

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••tweene Christs or∣••••nance & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priestes 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 24.274

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.275

  Gregorius.
• * 24.276

  ••••gust. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 24.277

  ••••brosius.
• * 24.278

  ••••••••perus.
• * 24.279

  ••••gustinus.
• * 24.280

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.281

  Agaynst tran∣substantiation.
• * 24.282

  Reasons pro∣prouing bread in the Sacramēt▪
• * 24.283

  The Sacrament geueth witnes that it is breade▪
• * 24.284

  The cause why the scripture cal∣leth the Sacra∣ment the body of Christ.
• * 24.285

  Augustinus ad Bonifacium E∣pist. 23.
• * 24.286

  Augustine in Psal. 23.
• * 24.287

  An other caus•• why the Scrip¦ture calleth the Sacrament the body of Christ. Rom. 6.
• * 24.288

  Chrisost. in Ioan. Hom. 46.
• * 24.289

  Custome stan∣deth vpon au∣thority & cōmon voyce.
• * 24.290

  The right mea∣ning of the Doctours mis∣construed of custome keepers.
• * 24.291

  The Doctours how they call the Sacrament the body of Christ & why? The wordes of the Doctours a∣gainst the Popes doctrine.
• * 24.292

  Origines in Le∣uit. Hom. 17.
• * 24.293

  August. de doc∣trina Christiana Lib. 3▪ cap. 16.
• * 24.294

  2. Cor. 3.
• * 24.295

  August. de doc∣trina Christiana Lib. 3. cap. 16.
• * 24.296

  A rule to know a figuratiue speach from the litterall.
• * 24.297

  Chrisost. in Ioan. hom. 46.
• * 24.298

  ••••rtullianus ••••ntra Martion. Lib. 4.
• * 24.299

  Ambros. •• 1. Cor. 1••▪
• * 24.300

  Chrisost. Matth. Hom. ••3.
• * 24.301

  August. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Adiman••••••
• * 24.302

  August. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Psal. 3.
• * 24.303

  Rabanus institut. Clerico••••
• * 24.304

  Druthm••••••rus in Matth.
• * 24.305

  Irenaeus contra V••••lentinu•• Lib. 3.
• * 24.306

  Gelasius▪
• * 24.307

  Chrisost. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hom. 20. epist. 2. ad Corin••••
• * 24.308

  Chrisost. in Hom. sup. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 24.309

  Athanasi•••• in verba ••••uang. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dixerit ve••bum in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hominis▪
• * 24.310

  August. Marcelli••••
• * 24.311

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.312

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.313

  Ambrosius.
• * 24.314

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 24.315

  Origines in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 24.316

  Typus. An∣typhon.
• * 24.317

  Origen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Matth. Cap. 14.
• * 24.318

  Augustinus contra ad∣uersa••um 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Propheta∣••••••.
• * 24.319

  August. in Psal. 98.
• * 24.320

  Tertullia∣••••s.
• * 24.321

  ••••••odore∣••••••.
• * 24.322

  Chrisostomus.
• * 24.323

  Transubstantia∣tion a new in∣uention.
• * 24.324

  Carolus Mag∣nus Bertramus.
• * 24.325

  Bertramus. Ioan. Scotus. Druthmarus.
• * 24.326

  Bertramus con∣demned for an hereticke 200. yeares after his death.
• * 24.327

  The decease of king Edward .6.
• * 24.328

  Anno 1553.
• * 24.329

  Ex Suetonio.
• * 24.330

  Prince Edward when he wrote this epistle see∣med to be very younge not a∣boue seauen yeares of age, lying then at Antile.
• * 24.331

  An other Epi∣stle of Prince Edward to his godfather.
• * 24.332

  1. Tit. 4.
• * 24.333

  Alludit ad verba Terentijin Co∣moedia.
• * 24.334

  The aunswere of Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Cant. to the e∣pistle of Prince Edward.
• * 24.335

  This 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seemet•• be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by D.••
• * 24.336

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 depart••••
• * 24.337

  The kin•• prayer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his deat••
• * 24.338

  The Lady Mary wed∣ded to Custome.
• * 24.339

  The Lady Mary in displeasure both with her brother and father.
• * 24.340

  Lady Mary writeth to K. Henry her father.
• * 24.341

  The Prote∣station of Lady Mary.
• * 24.342

  Lady Mary standeth to ••he Popes ••••dgement.
• * 24.343

  Talke betweene Lady Mary and Byshop Ridley.
• * 24.344

  Byshop Ridley offereth to preach before the Lady Mary.
• * 24.345

  Lady Mary re∣fuseth to heare Bishop Rydley to preach before her.
• * 24.346

  It is lyke shee was perswaded by Witches and blinde prophe∣sies that king Edward should not liue so long.
• * 24.347

  Byshop Rydley repēted to haue dronken there where Gods worde was re∣fused.