Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

* 1.1¶Argument,

Da- In the Sacrament of the Lordes body, the thing that re∣presenteth must nedes beare a similitude of the thing repre∣sented.

ti- The substance of bread in the Sacrament, is onely that whi∣che beareth the similitude of Christes body.

j. Ergo, the substaunce of bread, must needes be in the Sacra∣ment.

And therfore by this demonstratiō, it is apparant, that these ij. partes in the Article aforesayd, are euil couched to∣gether, wherof the one must nedes destroy the other. For if the first part of the Article be true, that the naturall body of Christ is present in the Sacrament, vnder the formes of bread and wine, and seing the Sacrament wherein the bo∣dy of Christ is present, must nedes be the substance of bread and not the accidences onely of bread, as is aboue proued, then the substance of bread can not be euacuated from the Sacrament, and so the second member of the Article must nedes be false.

Or if the second part be true that there is no substaunce of bread remayning, and seing ther is nothing els to make the sacrament of the naturall body of Christ, but onely the substaunce of bread, for as much as the accidences of bread can make no Sacramēt of Christes body, as is aboue she∣wed: then taking away the substance of bread, the first pa••t of the article must needes be false, which sayth that the na∣turall body of Christ is present in the sacrament forasmuch as the substance of bread being euacuated, there remaineth no Sacrament, wherin the body of Christ should be presēt. 2. Secondly,* 1.2 that it disagreeth from the whole order and course of the scriptures, it is sufficiently explaned before, in the treatise of Iohn Lambert, vpon the Sacrament. pag. 1099. as also in other sūdry places in this volume besides. 3. Thirdly, that the sayd Article of transubstantiation is no auncient nor authentike doctrine in the church publick∣ly receiued: but rather is a nouelty lately inuēted,* 1.3 reaching not much aboue y^e age of 3. or 4. hundred yeares or at most aboue the the time of Lancfrancus an, 1070. it remayneth now to be proued,

Wherin first may be ioyned this issue, that this mon∣strous paradoxe of transubstantiation was neuer induced or receiued publickely in the church, before the time of the Laterane Councell, vnder Pope Innocentius the 3. ann. 1216. or at most before the time of Lanfrancus, the Italian, Archbishop of Cant. 1070.

In which time of Lanfrancus, I denye not, but that this question of transubstantiation began to come in con∣trouersy, and was reasoned vpon, amongest certaine lear∣ned of the clergy. But that this Article of transubstantiati∣on was publickely determined, or prescribed in the church for a general law or Catholick doctrine of all men necessa∣ryly to be beleued,* 1.4 before the time of the forsayd Innocen∣tius the 3. it may be doubted, and also by histories of tyme proued to be false.

And though our aduersaryes seeme to alledge out of the olde Doctours certayne speeches and phrases, which they wrast and wring to theyr purposes: wherin they say: that the bread is called, is beleued, & is the body of Christ that of bread is made the body of Christ: that the bread is chaunged,* 1.5 altered, or conuerted to the body of Christ, or is made to be his body, that the creatures be conuerted into the substance of the body and bloud of Christ: that the bread and wine doe passe into the diuine substaunce, with such other like sentences: and beare themselues bragge vpon the same as thought thys doctrine of transubstantiation stood vpon y^e consent of the whole vniuersall Church,* 1.6 of all ages and times of nations and people, and that the iudgement of the Church was neuer other then this: and yet if the olde Doctors sayings be well weyed, and the discourse of times by this historye well examined, it will be found that this prodigious opi∣nion of transubstantiation hath no such ground of consent and antiquity as they imagine: nor yet that any heresy or treason was made of denying of transubstantiatiō before y^e time of Innocentius the 5. or at the furthest of Lanfran∣cus, as is aforesayd: about the which time Sathan the old Dragon was prophesied by the Apocalips to be let lose, to seduce the world.

For probation whereof, first I will beginne with the time of Tertullian, and of Augustine:* 1.7 which both doe teach the Sacrament to be a figure, a signe, a memoriall, & representation of the Lordes body, and knewe no suche transubstantiation: & yet were no traytors nor heretickes.* 1.8

Neyther was S. Ambrose any hereticke or traytour, where he writeth these wordes: Vt sint, quae erant, & in aliud conuertantur. &c.* 1.9 Which wordes Lanfrancus coulde not aunswere vnto any otherwise, but by denying them to be the wordes of Ambrose.

Gelasius was byshop yf Rome, and liued about 500. yeares after Christ,* 1.10 and speakth of a transmutation of the bread and wine into the diuine nature, but there expoun∣ding himselfe, he declareth what he meaneth by that mu∣tation, so that he expressely sheweth the elementes of bread & wine, notwithstanding to remayne still in their proper nature, with other wordes moe, very playne, to the same effect: vnto the which words Contarenus in the assemble of Ratesbone, could not well aunswere, but stood astonied.

Theodoretus likewise speaking of the visible simboles, hath these words: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.* 1.11 i. after the sanctification they remayne in theyr former substaunce, figure and forme. &c.

Ireneus, where he sayth, that the bread broken and the cuppe mixt, after the vocation of God,* 1.12 cease to be cōmon bread any more, but are the Eucharist of the body and bloud of Christ: and explicating his wordes more playnely addeth moreo∣uer, that the Eucharist consisteth in 2. things, one being earthly, which is bread & wine: the other heauenly: which is the bodye and bloud of Christ. &c. declareth in these woordes, both his owne opinion playnely, & also teacheth vs what was then the doctrine of his time.

* 1.13Hesichius also who was 500. yeares after Christ where he speaketh of the sayd mistery, quòd simul panis & caro est. i. which he sayth to be both flesh, and bread, declareth ther∣by two substances to be in the Sacrament. By the whiche we haue to vnderstande, that transubstantiation in hys age was not crept into the Church: and yet neyther he∣resy nor treason therefore was euer layd to his charge for so saying.* 1.14

Emissenus, comparing a man conuerted to Christ, by regeneration, vnto the holy misteryes conuerted into the body and bloud of our Lord, expresseth playnly, quod in ex∣teriori nihil additum est, & totum in interiori mutatum est. That is, that outwardly nothing is chaunged, and that all the chaunge is inward. &c. wherin (no doubt) he spake playne agaynst this Article, and yet no man in all that age did ac∣cuse him therfore either to be hereticke or traytor.

Here might be added the wordes of Fulgentius, Hic calix est nouum Testamentum, id est. Hic calix quem vobis trado, nouum Testamentum significat. i. This cup is the new Testa∣ment: that is, this cup which I deliuer vnto you, signifieth the new Testament.

Bede also who liued about the yeare 730. writing vpō the psalme 21. hath these wordes: Edent pauperes. &c. Paupe∣res id est mundi contemptores, edent quidem realiter, si ad sacra∣menta referantur, & saturabuntur aeternaliter, qui intelligent in pane & vino visibiliter sibi proposito, inuisibile scilicet corpus verum, & sanguinē verum domini, quae verus cibus & verus po∣tus sunt, quo non venter distenditur, sed mens saginatur. &c. that is: Poore men, to wit, despisers of the world, shall eat in deed re∣ally, if it be referred vnto the Sacramentes, and shalbe filled eter∣nally, because they shall vnderstand in bread and in wine, beyng visibly set before them▪ a thing inuisible, to wit, the true body and true bloud of the Lord, which are true meat, & true drinke, wher∣with not the belly is filled, but the mind is nourished.

And thus in these words of Bede likewise is to be vn∣derstand, that no transubstantiation, as yet in his time was receiued in the Church of England.

Long it were to stand vpon all particulars Briefely to conclude, the farther the church hath bene from these our latter dayes, the purer it was in all respectes, and especi∣ally touching this barbarous article of trāsubstātiation.* 1.15 We will now draw more neare our owne time, cōming to the age of Bertrame, and of Haimo, who were about the yeare of our Lord 810. vnder Carolus Magnus.

By whose writings it is euident, that the church was infected as yet with no such phantasy of transubstantiatiō neither did any almost, dreame of taking away y^e substance of bread from the Sacrament. For although Haymo, Re∣migius, Rabanus, and other which liued in that age, doe attribute to the Sacrament, the honorable name, and reue¦rence (as we also doe) of the Lordes body and bloud: yet they exclude not from thence all substaunce of mele & bread & leane the bare accidences, as our new come Catholickes do,* 1.16 as by the wordes of Haymo doth appeare. Where he folowing the wordes of Bede, sheweth also the cause, why it is so called by the name of the Lordes body. Quia (sayth he) panis corpus confirmat, ideo ille corpus Christi congruenter nuncupatur: Vinum autem quia sanguinem operatur in carne, i∣deo ad sanguinem Christi refertur. That is: Because bread con∣firmeth the hart of man, therefore it is called conueniently the body of Christ, and because wine worketh bloud in the fleshe of man, thereof is it referred to the bloud of Christ. What canne be more effectually spoken to proue the substaunce of breade there to remayne? For take away the substance of bread & wine, what is in the accidences left, that can confirme mās hart, or ingender bloud in the flesh. And therefore seeyng there must nedes something remaine, that must be referred to Christes body & bloud in that Sacramēt, it either must be the substaunce of bread and wine, or els it canne be no Sacrament. And furthermore, speaking of the visible thin∣ges which are sanctified how and whereunto they be con∣uerted, he sayth: that by the holy ghost they passe to a Sa∣crament of the Lordes body.

And likewise the same Haymo in an other place, spea∣king of the feuites of the earth, that is, of corne and wyne, declareth,* 1.17 how our Sauiour making of them an apt mistery, cō∣uerteth them to a Sacrament of his body and bloud. &c. Lib. 7. in Ecclesiast. cap. 8.

Bertramus likewise, as he liued in the same age, so in like sort he shewed his opinion therein, to the like effect as Haymo did. For as Haymo writing in these words decla∣reth, quia aliud est Sacramentum, aliud virtus sacramenti: sacra∣mentum enimuero percipitur, virtute Sacramenti interior homo satiatur,* 1.18 that is: the sacrament is one thing, and the vertue of the sacramēt is an other thing: for the sacrament is receiued with the mouth, but with the vertue of the Sacrament, the inward man is satisfied.

So after like maner, Bertramus according to y^e same, thus writeth: Ille panis, qui per Sacerdotis ministerium Chri∣sti corpus efficitur, aliud exterius humanis sensibus ostendit, & a∣liud interius fidelium mentibus clamat. &c. That is: the bread, which by the ministery of y^e priest is made the body of christ doth import one thing outwardly to the senses of man,* 1.19 & an other thing it speaketh to the mindes of the faythfull. Outwardly it is bread, the same as was before, the same forme is pretended, the coulour appeareth, the same taste remayneth. But inwardly there is an other matter fare more precious, and more excellent, because it is heauenly, which is the body of Christ, that is scene, not with the out∣warde eyes of the fleshe, but with the syght of a faythfull minde. &c.

We will now proceede to the testimonye of Rabanus Maurus byshop of Mentz & scholer somtime to Alcuinus in Paris, an english man:* 1.20 who liuing also in the same age with Haymo and Bertrame, (which was 800. yeares af∣ter Christ) geueth the like testimony of this doctrine in his booke of Institutions. Where he asking the question, why the Lord would geue the misteries of his body and bloud, then vnder suche thinges as might be kept and reserued whole with great honor? thus he aunswereth agayne: The Lord (sayth he) would rather that the Sacramentes of his body and bloud should be receiued with the mouth of the faythfull,* 1.21 and made to be theyr food, that by the visible action, the inuisible effecte might be shewed: For like as materiall meate outwardlye nourisheth and quickeneth the body, so also the word of God in∣wardly nourisheth and strengtheneth the soule. For man lyueth not onely by bread, but by euery word proceeding from the mouth of God.

And after foloweth: For this bread and drink, signifieth the eternall society of the head, and of the members together.

And agayne: For the Sacrament is one thing, and the ver∣tue of the Sacrament is an other thing. The Sacramēt is receiued with the mouth, with the vertue of the Sacrament the inwarde man is nourished: For the Sacrament is turned to the nourishmēt of the body, but the vertue of the Sacrament, the dignity of eter∣nall life is gotten.

Wherfore, like as the same is turned into vs, when we eate of it: so also are we turned into the body of Christ, when we liue o∣bediently and godly. &c. Who seeth not by these wordes of this Byshoppe, what forme of doctrine was then in the Church receiued concerning this article of the Sacramet, much diuers from this our grosse opinion of transubstan∣tiation.

With the sayd Rabanus also accordeth an other of the like standing and also doctrine,* 1.22 called Christianus Druthme∣rus: who writing vpon Math. The wine (sayth he) doth chere and cherish the bloud, and therfore not incōuenienlty the bloud of christ is figured therby: for whatsoeuer procedeth frō him to vs it chereth vs with true gladnes, & encreaseth al goodnes vnto vs.

And a ••it••e before, the sayd Druthmarus sayth: The Lorde gaue to his Disciples the Sacrament of his body, to the remission of sinnes, and keeping of charity, that they alwayes remembring his doing, might do that in figure, which he should doe for them. This is my body (sayth he) that is, in Sacrament. This Druth∣marus liued also in the time of Carolus Magnus, as witnes∣seth Abbas Spaynehemensis.

After Bertamus was Ioannes Scotus, or els as some call him, Ioannes Erigena,* 1.23 a man well accepted with Carollus Caluus, and afterward with Lodouicus Balbus, about the yere of our Lord 880.* 1.24 He wrote a Booke De corpore & san∣guine Domini, so affirming therein, & teaching, as he knew that Bertramus had taught a litle before in Fraunce.* 1.25 This booke y^e pope caused to be condemned in Vercellensi Synodo, Of the life and conuersation of this Iohannes Scotus, & also of hys death, read before, pag. 146.

In the yere of our Lord. 950. liued Odo Archbyshop of Cāterbury, in whose time it appeareth in the catholickes owne confession, that many priests then affirmeth, that the bread and wine after consecration, did remayn in their for∣mer substance, and that the sayd mysteries were onely a fi∣gure of the body and bloud of Christ, as we finde it witnes∣sed by Osberne himselfe, who did write the liues of Odo, Dunstane. and Elphege, at the bidding of Lanfrāke Arch∣byshop of Canterbury, as reporteth Edmerus, Anselmus Chaplain. The wordes of Osberne be these:* 1.26 Hoc ferè tem∣pore, quidam clerici maligno errore seducti, asseuerare conaban∣tur panem & vinum, quae in altari ponuntur, post consecratio∣nem, in priori substantia manere, & figuram tantummodo esse corporis & sāguinis Christi. &c. That is: About this time (saith Osbern,* 1.27 writing in the daies of Lanfrak) certaine of the Cler∣gy, being seduced by wicked errour, did hold and maintein, that bread and wine, which are set vpon the aulter, after the conse∣cration do remaine in their former substaunce, and are but one∣ly a figure of the body and bloude of Christe. &c. And no doubt but at that time, the common opinion of most of the Clergye was so that the Sacrament was the bodye and

bloud of Christ, and that the substaunce of bread and wine notwithstanding were not transubstantiate, as the Ro∣mish Catholikes do now teach. But this is the guise of these men that in their writinges and stories, stil they di∣minish the better number, wherby their faction may seeme euer to be the bigger and therefore to extenuate the com∣mon opinion then receiued in the Churche, he inferreth mention of certaine of the Cleargy. &c.

And as he fayleth in the number of these Clergymen which then held against transubstantiation, so he vphol∣deth the same with as lying a miracle:* 1.28 Which miracle hee faineth to be wrought the same time, for the conuersion of the sayd Clergy men, by the bloud dropping out of the host at Masse, as Odo was breaking the host ouer the chalice. At the sight wherof, first Odo himselfe (saith he) wept for ioye, seeing his petition accomplished, which he so earnest∣ly praied for. Secondarily, all those Clergie men (saith he) which before beleeued not this transubstantiation, by & by were conuerted, and blessed the archbishop that euer he was borne, desiring him to pray againe, that the bloud might returne to his former shape,* 1.29 & streight it was done. And this was the miracle: which seemeth as true, as that which W. Malmesbury writeth of the sayde Odo, howe by his prayers, he caused a sworde to come flying from heauē into king Aethelstanes scabbard whē he had lost his owne, as he should fight aginst Analanus: or els as that miracle where the sayd Odo is said to couer and defend the church of Caunterbury, that no droppe of raine could touch it, so long as the roofe thereof was in making.* 1.30 Ex W. Malmesb. Vid sup. pag. 151.

In the which so miraculous a myracle, many things are to be marueiled. First I maruel, that at this great myra∣cle of the Archb. in his Cathedral Church, amongest so ma¦ny singing men, we read of no Te Deum ther to be song, af∣ter the doing thereof.

* 1.31Secondly I maruell, that those Priestes and Clerkes, which then denied transubstantiation, were suffered to be so neare the Archb. at his Masse, and that they were not committed rather to ward like heretickes and traitours, if this Article of transubstantiatio had ben then such a Ca∣tholike doctrine, and so publikely receaued in the Church as they say it was.

Thirdly I maruel, seeing the time of myracles is ex∣pired, we hauing the scriptures to guide vs, why y^e Arch∣byshop would seeke to miracles and apparitions to con∣uert men, rather then to the lawe and Prophets, according as we are commaunded, especiall hauing no such example of all the olde Doctors, which in confutatiō of so many er∣roneous opinions, yet neuer sought to such myracles, or blynde meanes,

Fourthly, I maruel much at the discrepance in telling this tale,* 1.32 betwene Osbern and the other which since haue written Legendes of Odo. For wheras Osbern speaking of certaine Priestes, nameth no place, but leaueth the mat∣ter at large, and speaketh absolutely: quidam clerici: all o∣ther which haue since written the Legendes of Odo, doe tell this tale against certaine Priests of Caunterbury, ad∣ding to the wordes of Osberne, quidam Clerici Cantuarien∣ses But to conuict the falshode of them all, as well Os∣berne as of the rest, there is a legend of the life of Odo, and of Oswald together, more auncient then this of Osberne, written (as it may seeme) in the time of Aelfricus Archb. of Canterbury & Elphege then Bishop of Winchester, wher∣in mention is made in deede of this miracle, but after an o∣ther sort, then this of Osberne, & to an other purpose, then to disswade certaine priestes infected with that errour frō the opiniō before declared: which is only brought to shew the holines of Odo: as comonly the maner of Legendes is to do. So that in this olde Legend it is thus reported, that when this miracle was done, Odo disclosed the matter not to many priests of England, that were in that error as Os¦borne would: sed vocat protinus fidelem seruum, qui cominus erat, & miraculum secretè demonstrat, &c. that is, but called vnto him a certaine faithful seruaunt, which was neare a∣bout him, and shewed vnto him the miracle secretly. Wher vpon the Priest (sayth the Legende) muche reioyced at the holines of Odo, and desired him to make his prayer to al∣mighty God, that the body might returne againe to the former shape. &ce. Out of this old lying Legend, Osberne, and other likewise that followed him, seemeth to haue takē this tale: so that out of the errour of one (as the maner is) springeth the errour of a number mo.

But this much more I maruel, why this miracle is not stored in Henry Huntington,* 1.33 which professedly writeth of such miracles, nor in Rog. Houeden, and such other: but onely in such blinde Legendes, which commonly haue no substance of veritie, nor certeinetie of time or writer, to know when, and by whom they were written, and for the most part are stuffed with lying visions, and prodigious fables.

Finally, if this miraculous fiction of Osberne, were true y^t for the conuerting of Priestes of England, whiche would not beleue transubstantiation, this bloud did drop out of the hoste (of the which bloud peraduenture came the bloud of Hales) and that by the sight thereof the Priestes e••tsoone were all conuerted (as Osberne pretendeth) how then came it to passe, that after the time of Odo, in the daies of Elfricus, which was after him Archb. of Canterbury, y^e third from Dunstane, and fourth from Odo, not onely the Priestes of England, but also the Archbishop himself, wer not yet brought to the beliefe of this transubstantiatiō, but taught the very same doctrine of the sacrament thē, whiche we doe nowe? as most clearly appeareth both by the Epi∣stles and Homelies of the foresayde Archbishop Elfricus, whiche herunder, for the more euidence (Christ willing) wee will annexe.

This Elfricus, as sayth Capgraue, in the life of Os∣wald bishop of Worceter, was first Abbot of S. Albo••es and after made archbishop of Canterbury,* 1.34 about the yere of our Lord 996. in the time of king Etheldred, & of Wulf∣sinus B. of Scyrburne, Elfricus also (as witnesseth Wil. of Malmesbery, in Vita Adelmi) was Abbot of Malmes∣bery. Furthermore the sayd Wil. of Malmesbery writing of Elfricus Archbishop of Caunterbury, saith that he was before bishop of Welles, and afterward archbishop of Cā∣terbury. So that Elfricus was Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry, it is out of al ambiguitie.* 1.35 But whether Elfricus which was Abbot (of whom we doe here intreate) were the same Archbishop, or not, by this diuersitie of Capgraue & Mal∣mesbery, it may be doubtful. But whether, he were or no, to this our present purpose is not greatly materiall, for so much as the said Elfricus, & Elfricus (although they were diuers persons yet were they both in one age, and liued in one time together.

Furthermore, the same Elfricus (of whome nowe we speake) of what calling soeuer he was,* 1.36 yet notwithstan∣ding hee was of suche estimation and good liking in those dayes among the most learned, that for his learnyng authoritie, and eloquence, hys writings were accepted and authorised among y^e Chanons & constitutions of y^e Church in that time, as hereby may appeare: For where as the bi∣shops and Priestes before the comming of William Con∣querour had collected together a certayn booke of Canons and ordinaunces, to gouerne the Clergie,* 1.37 gathered out of generall and particular councels, out of the bookes of Gil∣das, out of the poenitentiall bookes of Theodorus Archby∣shop of Canterbury, out of the writings of Egbertus arch¦bishop of Yorke, out of the Epistles of Aleuinus, as also out of the writynges of the olde Fathers of the primitiue Church. &c. among the same Canons & Constitutions be placed these two Epistles of the sayd Elfricus here vnder folowing, wherof the one was sent to Wulfsinus Bysh. of Scyrburne, the other to Wulfstane Archb. of Yorke, as yet are to be sene in ij. bookes belongyng to the Library of the Church of Worceter,* 1.38 the one written in the old Saxones tongue intituled 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the other for the most part in Latine, with this title: Admonitio spiritualis doctrinae. Which booke of Saxon Canons & Constitutions belongyng sometyme to Wulfstane Byshop of Worceter, was geuen by him as for a great iewell, to the Church o•• Worceter, as by the same booke appeareth.

Moreouer, besides this booke of Worceter aboue tou∣ched,* 1.39 there is yet extant also another like booke of Canons belōgyng to the Church of Exeter, wherein the same two Epistles of Elfricus be conteined in the old Saxon tōgue, and also in Latine, and prescribed yearely to be read to the Clerkes and Priestes of that Church: Which booke in like maner was geuen to the Church of Exeter by Leofricus the first, and most famous Bishop of that sea.

Of this Elfricus further is to be vnderstanded,* 1.40 that hee translated two bookes of 80. sermons out of Latin, into the Saxon speach, vsed then orderly to be read in Churches on sondayes & other festiual dayes of the yeare, as by his own words may appeare in the end of one of y^e said books of ser∣mons, whose woordes be these: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉; We let passe many good Gospels whiche he that lyst, may translate. For we dare not enlarge this booke muche fur∣ther, left it be ouergreat, and so be a cause of lothsomnes

to men, through the bignes therof. &c.

Also in an other place he confesseth the same of himselfe: whose wordes in the preface before his grammer be these. Ic AElfric ƿolde þa listlan boc aƿendan to englis∣cum gereorde of ðam staef craefte ðe is geha∣ten grammatica. syððan ic tƿa bec aƿende on hund eahtatigum spellum;* 1.41 I Elfrike was desirous to turne into our English tongue from the arte of letters, called grammer, this little booke, after that I had transla∣ted the two bookes of fourescore sermons, &c.

Of his Epistles especially we read of foure, which he wrote. One to the monkes of Egnesham. De consuetudine monachorum. An other to Wulfstane Arch. of Yorke, wher∣in is touched the matter of the Sacrament. The thirde, he wrote against priestes marriage,* 1.42 to one Sygeferth, with whom there was a certaine Anker abiding, which defen∣ded the marriage of priests, affirming it to be lawfull. The fourth, he wrote to Wulfsinus B. of Scyrburne, touching the matter of the sacramēt. In the which epistle he taking occasion by a certaine abuse in his time, which was, that priests on Easter day filled their housel boxe, and so kept it for the space of the whole yeare, till Easter came againe, for sicke persons, writeth vppon that occasion, in these words as follow in his owne Saxons tongue.

A writing of Aelfrike to wulfstne.

* 2.1 Man sceal healden þaet halige husel mid my∣celre gymene & ne forhealdan hit. ac halgian o∣þen edniƿe to sceocum mannum. a. embe VII. niht. oððe embe XIIII. night {that} hit huru fynig ne sy. forðon ðe eal sƿa {that} ðe on easterdaeg ƿaes gehad∣god; Ðaet husel is Cristes lichama na licham∣lice ac gastlice; Na se lichama ðe he on ðro∣ƿode. ac se lichama ðe he embe spraec. ða ða h bletsode hlaf & ƿin to husel anre nihte aer his ðroƿunge. & cƿaeþ be þam gebletsode hlaf. ðis is min lichama. & eft be ðam halgan ƿine. ðis is min blode þe bið for manegum agoten on synna forgifenesse; Vnderstandaþ nu {that} se drighten ðe mihte aƿendon ðone hlaf aer his ðroƿunge to his lichaman. & {that} ƿin to his blode gastlice. þaet se ylca daeghƿamlice bletsah ðurh sacerda han∣da hlaf & ƿin to his gastlican lichaman. and to his gastlican blode.

The same in English.

Men shal reserue more carefully that holy housell, & not reserue it to long, but halow other of new for sicke men al∣wayes within a week or a fortnight,* 2.2 that it be not so much as hory. For so holy is the housel which to dayis halowed, as that which on Easterday was halowed, That housel is Christes body not bodily but ghostly. Not the body which he suffred in,* 2.3 but the body of which he spake, when he bles∣sed bread and wine to housel the night before his suffring, and sayd by the blessed bread: this is my body, & agayn by the holy wine, this is my bloud, which is shed for many in forgiuenes of sinnes. Understand now that the Lord, who could turne that bread before his suffering to his body, and that wine to his bloud ghostly, y^t the selfe same Lorde bles∣seth daily through the priestes handes, bread and wine to his ghostly body, and to his ghostly bloud.

After this Epistle aboue prefixed of Elfricus, written to Wulfsinus B. of Shireburne, concerning the sacramen∣tal bread, how it is not Christes body, lichamlice that is, bodily, or (as we terme it now) really: and also howe the same ought not to be ouerlong kept in y^e pixe: here folow∣eth further an other epistle of the sayd Elfricus written to Wulfstane Archb. of Yorke, both reprehending y^e said abuse aboue touched, and also conteining matter more at large against the bodily presence in the sacramental bread. The copy of his epistle, both in his owne Saxon, and in our English here followeth.

An other Epistle of Aelfricus against the bodily presence to Wulfstane Archbishop of Yorke.

SVme preostas gefyllað heora husel box on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & healdaþ ofer tƿelf monaþ to untrumum 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sƿylce ðaet husel sy haligre ðonne oþer. Ac hi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ƿislice. forðam he hit ƿannað. oððe mid ealle for•••••••• on sƿa langum fyrste. & he bið ••onne scyldig 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saegþ seo boc; Se ðe husel forhylt. oððe hit 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oððe miseton. oððe oðre nytenu. sceaƿa þapoeniten∣tialem. hƿaet he saegðe þisum; Eal sƿa halig is ðaet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ðe bið gehalgod to daeg. sƿa ðaet ðe bið gehalgod on ð•••• halgan easterdaege; Healda•• forþig ic bidde þone hal•••• Cristes lichaman mid maran ƿisdome to seocum ••••••¦num fram sunnan daege to sunna daege on sƿiþe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 boxe. oððe be ðam maestan feoƿertyne niht and ðþþ hit þonne. and lecgað ðaer oþer; ƿe habbaþ by s•••••• ðam on Moyses bocum. sƿa sƿa God sylf bebead 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Moyses ae. ðaet se sacerd sceolde on aelcum saet•••••• daege ƿettan tƿelf hlafas on ðam tabernaculo ealle ••••••¦bacene. ða ƿaeron gehatene Panes propositionis. and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sceoldon ðaer standan on ðam Godes getaelde oð 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saeternes daeg. & etan hi ðonne ða sacerdas sylfe ••••••¦tan daer oðre; Sume preostas nellað ðicgan ðaet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ðe hi halgiaþ; Nu ƿille ƿe eoƿ secgan. hu seo boc segð 〈◊〉〈◊〉 þam; Presyter missam celebrans. & non audens sac••••¦ficium accurante conscientia sua anathema est; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 maessepreost ðe maessaþ. and ne dear ðaet husel ðicg•••• ƿat hine scyldigne. se is amansumod; Laesse 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••¦digenne ðaet husel. ðonne to halgienne; Se ðe tu••••••¦gaþ ane ofletan to husle. se bið þam gedƿolan gelice. ••••••¦an cild fullaþ tuƿa; Crist sylf gehalgod husel aer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ðroƿunge. he bletsode ðone hlaf. & to braec þus sƿeþe••∣de to his halgum apostolum. etaþ ðisne hlaf. hit is m•••• lichama: and he eft bletsode aenne calic mid ƿine and cƿ•••••• heom ðus to. drincaþ ealle of ðisum. his is min ag•••••• blode ðaere niƿan gecydnysse. ðe bið for maneg•••• ••••¦goten on synna forgyfenysse; Se drihten þe halg•••••• husel aer his ðroƿunge, and cƿaeþ {that} se hlaf ƿaere his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lichama. and þaet ƿin ƿaere ƿitodllice his blod. se ha•••••• daeghƿamlice þurgh his sacerda handa hlaf to his ••••••¦man. & ƿin to his blod on gastlicere geryne. sƿa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 raedaþ on bocum; Ne bið se liflica hlaf lichamlice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ah se ylca lichama. ðe Crist on ðroƿode; Ne ðaet 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ge ƿin nis þaes haelendes blod ••e for us agoten ƿaes ••••••∣chamlice þinge. ac on gastlicum andgyte; aegþer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 soþlice se hlaf his lichama. and {that} ƿin eac his blod sƿa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 heofonlica hlaf ƿaes. ðe ƿe hataþ manna. ðe feoƿertig•••• ara afedde Godes folce. & þaet hlutre ƿaeter ƿas ••••••∣lice his blod. ðe arn of ðam stane on ðam ƿaetene ð•••••• Sƿa sƿa Paulus aƿraet on sumon his pistole: Omnes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nostri eandem escam spiritualem manducauerunt: & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 eundem potum spiritualem biberunt. &c. Ealle uref•••••• aeton on ðam ƿaestene þone ylcan gastlican mete. & ð•••••• gastlican drenc druncon; Hi druncon of þam gastli•••••• stane. & se stane ƿaes Crist; Se apostol saede sƿa sƿa 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nu gehyrdon þaet hi ealle aeton ðone ylcan gast••••••

mete. and hi ealle druncon ðone gastlican drenc; N•• cƿaeð he na lichamlice. ac gastlice; Naes Crist ða gyt geboren. ne his blod naes agoten. ða þaet Israhela folc 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aet ðone mete. & of ðam stane dranc. & se stan naes li∣chamlice Crist ðeah he sƿa cƿaede; Hit ƿaeron ða ylcan geryn•• on ðaere ealdam ae. & hi gastlice getacnodon þaet gastlice husel ures haelendes lichaman. ðe ƿe halgiaþ nu.

The same in English.

* 3.1SOme Priests fil their boxe for housel on Easter day, and so reserue it a whole yere for sicke men, as though that housel were more holy then any other. But they do vnad∣uisedly, because it waxeth hory, or altogether rotten by ke∣ping it so long space: and thus are they become giltie, as y^e booke witnesseth to vs. If any do kepe y^t housell to long or lose it or myse or other beastes doe eate it, se what the peni∣tential booke saith by this: So holy is altogether that hou∣sel, which is halowed to day, as that which is halowed on Easter day. Wherefore I beseech you to keepe the holy bo∣dy of Christ with more aduisement: for sick men, frō Son∣day to Sonday, in a very cleane boxe: or at the most not to keepe it aboue a fortnight, and then eate it, laying other in the place. We haue an example hereof in Moises books, as God him selfe hath commanded in Moyses law, how the Priestes should set euery Saterday, twelue loaues al new baked, vpon the tabernacle: the which were called Panes propositionis: and those shoulde stand thereon Gods taber∣nacle, till the next Saterday, and then did the Priests thē∣selues eate them, and set other in the place. Some Priestes will not eate the housell, which they do hallowe: But we wil now declare vnto you how the booke speaketh by thē Presbyter missam celebrans, & non audens sumere sacrificium, accusante conscientia, an athema est. The Prieste that doeth say masse and dare not eate the housel, his conscience accu∣sing him, is accursed. It is lesse daunger to receiue the housel, then to hallowe it. Hee that doth twise halow one host to housel, is like vnto those heretickes, who doe chri∣sten twise one childe. Christ himselfe blessed houssel before his suffering: he blessed the bread and brake it, thus spea∣king to his Apostles: Eate this bread, it is my body. And a∣gaine, he blessed one Chalice with wyne, & thus also spake vnto them: Drinke ye al of this, it is mine owne bloude of the newe Testament, which is shed for many for the forgiuenesse of sinnes. The Lord which hallowed housel before his suf∣fering, & saith that the bread was his own body, & that the wyne was truly his bloud, haloweth daily by the handes of the prieste, breade to his body and wine to his bloud in ghostly mystery, as we read in bookes▪ And yet notwith∣stāding that liuely bread is not * 3.2 bodily so, nor the self same body that Christ suffered in: nor that holy wine is the Sa∣uiours bloud which was shed for vs in bodily thinge: but in Ghostly vnderstanding. Both be truely, y^e bread is his body, & that wine also is his bloud, as was the heauenly bread, which we call manna that fedde forty yeares Gods people. And the cleare water which did then runne from the stone in the wildernesse, was truely his bloud, as S. Paul wrote in one of his Epistles: Omnes patres nostri can∣demescam spiritualem manducauerunt, & omnes eundem po∣tum spiritualem biberunt, &c. Al our fathers did eat in the wil¦dernes the same ghostly meat, and dranke y^e same ghostly drinke. They dranke of that Ghostly stone, and that stone was Christ. The Apostle hath saide (as you nowe haue heard) that they all did eate the same ghostly meate, & they all did drinke the same ghostly drinke. And he saith not bo∣dily, but ghostly. And Christe was not yet borne, nor his bloud shedde, when that the people of Israel did eate that meat and dranke of that stone. And the stone was not bo∣dily Christ, though he so said. It was the * 3.3 same mystery in the olde lawe, and they did ghostly signifie that ghostly housell of our Sauiours body which we consecrate nowe.

Besides these Epistles aboue prefixed, of Elfricus to Wulfsinus,* 3.4 and Wulfstane, whiche fight directly against transubstantiatiō, mention was touched also before of cer∣tein Sermons to the number of lxxx. translated by the said Elfricus, out of Latine into the Saxon, that is, into our English tongue, as ye partly haue heard before. Of the which lxxx. Sermons, xxiiij. were chiefly selected, to bee read,* 3.5 as in stede of Hom••lies, or treatises, vnto the people: in such order, as the first xij. Sermons or treatises, intrea∣ting of general matters (as De initio creaturae, de auguri∣ls, de die iudicij, vnius confessoris de vanilo••uio & negligentia, d•• auaritia, de falsis dijs, &c.) were apointed to be read at plea¦sure, & at the discretion of the Minister. The other xij. ser∣mons were prescribed of proper feasts: (as De annūtiatione beate Mariae, de natiuitate domini, de circumcisione domini, de Epiphania, de purificatione sanctae Mariae. Dominica prima in Quadragesima, Dominica palmarum Die Pascae &c. Wherof this testimony remaineth in y^e same book yet to be sene both in the Saxon tongue, and also in the Preface of the latter xij. Sermons in Latine, in these wordes following: In hoc codicillo con tinentur sermones Anglice, quos accepimus de li∣bris quos Abbas Anglicè transtulit. &c.

Furthermore as touching these lxxx. Sermons afore∣sayd, which El••ricus translated into Englishe, here is to be vnderstanded, that in the said Sermons vsed then order¦ly to be recited to y^e people, there is one appointed to be red in die Sancto Pascae, that is, vpon Easter day, Which Ser∣mon being translated by the sayd Elfricus, we haue here exhibited both in Saxon speache and in English, to the en∣tent, that the Christen and indifferent reader perusing the same, may iudge therby, how the fantastical doctrine of trā¦substantiation, in those daies of Elfricus & before his time, was not yet receiued nor knowen in the Churche of Eng∣land: for so much as the sayd Sermon being in Latine be∣fore, doth leaue vnto vs an euident declaratiō, what was the common opinion of this Sacrament in the Church re∣ceaued: before that Elfricus did euer set hande to translate the same out of the Latin.

And thogh the Latin copies and exemplars of these fore∣said Sermons, are not remaining in our Libraries,* 3.6 let y^t be no maruel to thee, louing reader: but vnderstand therby the craftie packing of the Popes Clergie, who in the time of Lanfrancus, & Pope Innocent, studying by al meanes, how to preferre and further this their newcome doctrine of transubstantiation, did abolish and rase out of Libraries and Churches, all such bookes which made to the contra∣ry. And therefore because Lanfrancus and other Italian Priestes here in England vnderstood not y^e Saxon bookes as they did the Latine, all that whiche they vnderstoode, they made away. The Saxon bookes, because they knewe them not, they let remaine, And this is the cause why our Latine copies now are not to be found. Which to be true by iij. reasons coniectural it may probably be supposed.

First,* 3.7 for that these Saxon Sermons being translated out of the Latine (as ye haue heard by the wordes of El∣fricus already proued) onely we see the Saxon bookes re∣serued: of the Latin none doth appeare.

Secondly, there is yet remaining one certaine peece or fragment of an epistle of Elfricus in the Library of Wor∣ceter, wherin, so muche as maketh agaynst the matter of transubstantiation, we haue found in the middle of the said Latin epistle, vtterly rased out, so that no letter or piece of a letter doth there appeare. The woordes cut out, were these: Non est tamen hoc sacrifi••ium corpus eius, in quo passus est pro nobis ne{que} sanguis eius quem pro nobis effudit:* 3.8 sed spiri∣tualiter corpus eius efficitur & sanguis, sicut Manna quod de caelo pluit, & aqua quae de petra fluxit. Sicut Paulus &c. 1. Not∣withstanding this sacrifice is not the same body of hys, wherin he suffered for vs, nor the same bloud of hys: whiche he shed for vs but spiritually it is made his body and bloud as that Manna whi∣che rayned from heauen and the water whiche did flowe out of the rocke, as Paule. &c. These woordes so rased out are to be restored agayne by an other Saxon booke found in Exceter. By the rasing of whiche one place, it may easily be coniectured, what these practisers haue likewyse done in the rest.

Thirdly by one Italian tricke of Polydore Uirgill in our daies,* 3.9 the properties and doinges of all other Italian papists of elder time, may partly be coniectured. For so I am informed by such, as precisely will affirme it to be true y^t when Polydore being licensed by the king to viewe and searche all Libraries, had once accomplished his storye by the help of such books as he had compiled out of Libraries in y^e end, when he had taken out what he would: like a true factor for y^e popes own tooth, he piled his bookes together & set them al on a light fire. For what cause he so did, I can not certaynly pronounce: but who so considereth well his religion, may shrewdly suspect him. For a probatiō, wher∣of, this may serue for a sufficient tryall: that whereas of all other writers of historyes that haue bene in Englād, as of Fabian, Lanquer, Rastall, More, Leland, Balle, Halle, & such other, some of their bookes which they then occupyed yet remayn in hands to be seene. Onely of suche books, as Polydore vsed and which past his handes, what Englishe man is he that hath seene, or can shewe me one? Whereby it may wel be thought, the foresaid information to be true. As also by this one Italian tricke of Polydore, may other Italians likewise be suspected, in making away such La∣tin books within this land, as made not for their purpose. But for somuch as those Latine bookes be n••w abolished, and can not be had, let vs returne to our Saxon tongue a∣gayne, and see what this Saxon sermon of Elfricus tran∣slation, doth say for transubstantiation: The copy whereof here ensueth.

¶A Sermon translated out of Latin into the Saxon tongue by Aelfricus, against Transubstantiation. An. 996.

In die Sanctae Pascae.

¶The Alphabet of the Saxon tongue.

¶a. b. c. d.* 4.1 e. f.* 4.2 ʒ. * 4.3 h. i. l. m. n. o. p. r.* 4.4 s.* 4.5 t.* 4.6 u. ƿ.* 4.7 x. y.* 4.8 z.* 4.9

Abbreuiations.

AE.* 4.10 Þ.* 4.11 Þ.* 4.12 S.* 4.13 ƿ.* 4.14 &.* 4.15 ð.* 4.16 þ.* 4.17

This Sermon was vsuall to be read in the Church here in England in the Saxons time. An. 366.

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

The same in English.

A Sermon on Easter day.

MEn beloued, it hathe bene often sayde vnto you about our Sauiours resurrection,* 4.18 howe hee on this present day, after his suffering mightely rose from deathe. Nowe will we open vnto you through Gods grace, of the holye housell, which ye should nowe go vnto, and instruct your vnderstanding about this mysterie, both after the olde co∣uenaunt, and also after the newe, that no doubting maye trouble you about thys liuely foode. The almightye God bad Moses hys Captaine in the Lande of Egypt, to com∣maund the people of Israel to take to euery family a lamb of one yere old, the night they departed out of the countrey to the land of promise, and to offer that lambe to God, and after to cutte it, and to make the ✚ 4.19 signe of the Crosse wyth the lambes bloud vpon the side postes, and the vpper post of theyr doore, and afterwarde to eate the Lambes flesh ro∣sted, and vnleauened bread with wilde lettisse, God sayeth vnto Moyses: Eate of the Lambe nothing rawe, nor sodden in water but rosted at the fire. Eate the heade, the feete, and the in∣wardes, and lette nothing of it be left vntill the morning, if anye thing therof remaine▪ that shall you burne with fire. Eate it in this wise: Girde your loynes▪ and doe your shoes on your feete▪ haue you staues in your handes, and eate it in haste. The tyme is the Lordes Passeouer. And there was slaine on that night in e∣uery house through oute Pharaos raigne, the firste borne childe: and Gods people of Israel were deliuered frō that sodaine death through the Lambes offering & his bloudes marking. Then sayde God vnto Moyses. Keepe this day in your remembraunce, and holde it a great feaste in your kindredes wyth a perpetuall obseruation, and eate vnleauened breade al∣wayes seuen dayes at this feaste.* 4.20 After thys deede, God led the people of Israel ouer the red Sea with drye foote, & drow∣ned therein Pharao and all his army together with theyr possessions, and fedde afterward the Israelites 40. yeares, wyth heauenly foode,* 4.21 and gaue them water out of the hard rocke, vntill they came to the promised land. Parte of thys storie we haue treated off in an other place, partly we shall nowe declare, to witte, that which belongeth to the holye housell, Christen men may not nowe keepe that olde lawe bodely, but it behooueth them to knowe what it Ghostlye signifieth. That innocent Lambe which the old Israelites did then kil, had signification after Ghostly vnderstanding, of Christes suffering, who vnguiltie shedde his holy bloud for our redemption. Hereof sing Gods seruaunts at euery * 4.22 Masse, Agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi, miserere nobis. That is in our speach: Thou Lambe of God that takest a∣way the sinnes of the world, haue mercy vppon vs. Those Israelites were deliuered from that sodaine deathe, and from Pharaos bondage by the lambes offeryng, which si∣gnified Christes suffering: through which we be deliuered from euerlasting death, and from the deuils cruell raigne, if we rightly beleue in the true redemer of the whole world Christ the Sauiour. That Lambe was offered in the eue∣ning: and our sauiour suffered in the sixt age of this world. This age of this corruptible worlde is reckened vnto the euening. They marked with the lambes bloud vppon the doores, and the vpper postes * 4.23 Thau, that is the signe of the crosse, and wer so defended from the Angels that killed the Egyptians first borne childe. And wee * 4.24 ought to marke our foreheades and our bodies with the token of Christes roode, y^t we may be also deliuered from destruction, when we shalbe marked both on forehead, and also in heart with the bloude of oure Lordes suffering. Those Israelites dyd eate the lambes flesh at their Easter time, when they were deliuered, and we receiue ghostly Christes body, & drynke his bloude, when we receiue with true beliefe, that holye housell. That time they kept with them at Easter 7. daies with great worship, when they were deliuered from Pha∣rao, and went from that land. So also Christen men keepe Christes resurrection at the time of Easter these 7. dayes, because throughe his suffering and rising we be deliuered, and be made cleane by going to this holy housel, as Christ sayeth in hys Gospell: Verely, verely I say vnto you ye haue no life in you excepte yee eate my flesh and drinke my bloud. He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my bloude,* 4.25 abideth in mee, and I in him, and hath that euerlasting life, and I shall raise him vp in the last day. I am the liuely bread that came downe from heauen: not so as your forefathers did eate that heauenly breade in the wilder∣nesse, and afterwarde died. Hee that eateth this breade, liueth for euer. Hee blessed breade before his suffering, and deuided it to hys Disciples, thus sayinge: Eate of thys breade, it is my body, and doe this in my remembraunce. Also hee blessed wyne in one cuppe,* 4.26 and sayd: Drinke ye all of this: This is my bloude that is shedde for manye, in forgeuenesse of sinnes. The Apo∣stles did as Christ commanded, that is, they blessed breade and wine to housel againe afterward in his remembrance. Euen so also their successours and all priestes by Christes commaundement do blesse bread and wine to housel in his name wyth the Apostolicke blessing. Nowe menne haue often searched and doe yet often* 4.27 search, how bread that is gathered of corne, and through fires heate baked, may be turned to Christes body: or howe wine that is pressed out of many grapes is turned through one blessing, to y^e Lords bloud. Now say we to such men, that some thinges be spo∣ken of Christ by * 4.28 signification▪ and some be thinges cer∣tayne. True this is and certayne that Christ was borne of a mayd, and suffered death of his owne accord, and was buryed, and on this day rose from death. He is sayde to be bread by signification, and a Lambe, & a Lyon, & a moun∣tayne. He is called bread, because he is our life and angels lyfe. He is sayd to be a Lambe for his innocencie: a Lyon for strength wherewith he ouercame the strong deuil. But Christ is not so notwithstanding after true nature, neither bread, nor a lambe, nor a lyon. Why is then the holy house called Christes body, or his bloud, if it be not truely that it is called?* 4.29 Truely the bread and the wine which in the sup∣per by the priest is hallowed, shewe one thing without to humaine vnderstanding, and an other thing within to be∣leuing mindes. Without they be seene bread and wine both in figure & in taste, & they be truely after theyr hallowing Christes body and his bloud through ghostly mistery. An heathen childe is christened, yet hee altereth not his shape without, though he be chaunged within. He is brought to y^e fontstone sinfull through Adams disobedience: howbeit he is washed frō all sinne within, though he hath not chā∣ged his shape without. * 4.30 Euen so the holy font water that is called the welspring of life, is like in shape to other wa∣ters, and is subiect to corruption, but y^e holy ghostes might commeth to the corruptible water through the priests bles∣sing, and it may after wash the body and soule from al sin, through ghostly might. Behold now we see two things in this one creature: after true nature, y^t water is corruptible moysture, and after ghostly mistery, hath wholsom vertue. So also i•• we behold the holy housell▪ after bodily vnder∣standing, then we see that it is a creature corruptible and mutable. If we knowledge therein ghostly might, thē vn∣derstand we that life is therein, and that it geueth immor∣talitie to thē that eate it with beliefe. Muche is betwixt the inuisible might of the holy housel, and the visible shape of proper nature. It is * 4.31 naturally corruptible bread, and cor∣ruptible wine, & is by might of Gods word truely christes body and bloud, not so notwithstāding bodily, but ghost∣ly. Much is betwixt the * 4.32 body of Christ which he suffered in, and the body that is hallowed to housel. The body tru∣ly that Christ suffered in, was borne of the flesh of Marie w^t bloude and with bone, with skin and with sinewes, in hu∣maine lims, with a reasonable soule liuing, and his ghost∣ly body, which we call the housel,* 4.33 is gathered of many cor∣nes, without bloud and bone, without limme, w^tout soule,* 4.34 and therefore nothing is to be vnderstand therein bodely, but all is ghostly to be vnderstande. Whatsoeuer is in that housel, which geueth substaunce of life that is of the ghostly might, and inuisible doing. Therefore is that holy housell, called a mysterie, because there is one thing in it seene, and an other thing vnderstanded. That which is there * 4.35 seene, hath bodely shape: and that we do there vnderstande, hath ghostly might. Certainely Christes body whyche suffered death and rose from death neuer * 4.36 dieth hencefoorth, but is eternal and vnpassible. That housel is temporal, not eter∣nal,* 4.37 * 4.38 corruptible and dealed into sundrye partes chewed betweene teeth and sent into the belly: howbeit neuerthe∣lesse after ghostly myght it is all in euery parte. Many re∣ceiue that holy body: and yet notwithstandinge, it is so all in euery part after ghostly mysterie. Though some chewe the lesse, yet is there no more might notwithstāding in the more parte, then in the lesse, because it is whole in all men after the inuisible might. This mysterie is a * 4.39 pledge and a figure: Christes body is truth it selfe. Thys pledge we doe kepe mystically, vntill that we be come to the truth it selfe, and then is this pledge ended. Truely it is so as we before haue sayde, Christes body and his bloude: not bodily, but ghostly. But now here the Apostles words about this mi∣sterie. Paul the Apostle speaketh of the old Israelites thus writing in his epistle to faithful men: Al our forefathers were baptised in the cloud and in the sea,* 4.40 and all they did eate the same ghostly meat, & dranke the same ghostly drinke. They drank truly of the stone that followed them, and that stone was Christ Nei∣ther was that * 4.41 stone then from which the water ran bo∣dily Christe, but it signified Christe, that calleth thus to all beleuing and faithful men: Who soeuer thirsteth, let hym come to mee and drinke, and from his bowelles shall flowe liuely water. This he sayd of the holy Ghost, whych they receiued who beleeued on him. The Apostle Paul sayth: that the Israelites did eate the same ghostly meat, & dranke the same ghostly drinke,

because that heauenly meate that fed them 40. yeares, and that water which from the stone did flowe, had significati∣on of Christes body and hys bloud, that now be offred dai∣ly in Gods Church. It was the same which we now offer, not bodely, but ghostly.

We said vnto you ere while, that Christ halowed bread and wine to housell before his suffering,* 4.42 and sayde: Thys is my body and my bloud, Yet he had not then suffered: but so notwithstanding he * 4.43turned through inuisible mighte, the bread to his owne bodye: and that wine to his bloud: as he before did in the wildernes, before that he was borne to be a man, when he * 4.44 turned y^e heauenly meate to his flesh, and the flowing water from that stone to his owne bloud. Uery many did eate of that * 4.45heauenly meat in the wilder∣nes, and drinke the ghostly drinke: and were neuerthelesse dead, as Christ sayd. And Christ meant not y^e death whych none can escape, but that euerlasting death which some of that folke deserued for theyr vnbelief. Moyses and Aaron, and many other of that people which pleased God, did eate that heauenly bread: and they died not y^• euerlasting death, though they died the common death. They sawe that the heauenly meate was visible and corruptible, & they ghost∣ly vnderstood by that visible thing, and ghostly receiued it. The Sauiour sayeth:* 4.46 Hee that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my bloud▪ hath euerlasting life. And he bad them not eate that bo∣dy wherewith hee was enclosed, nor to drinke that bloude which he shed for vs:* 4.47 but he meant with those wordes that holy housell, which ghostly is his body and his bloud, and hee that tasteth it with beleeuing heart, hathe that eternall life. In the olde lawe faithfull men offred to God diuers Sacrifices, that had * 4.48 foresignification of Christes bodye, which for our sinnes he himselfe to his heauēly father hath since * 4.49 offered to sacrifice. Certainly this housell which we do now halow at Gods alter, is a * 4.50remembrance of Chri∣stes body which he offered for vs: and of hys bloud whych he shed for vs: So he himselfe commaunded: Doe thys in my remembraunce. Once suffered Christe by hym selfe, but yet neuerthelesse hys suffering is daily renued at thys supper, through mysterie of the holy housell. Therefore we ought to consider diligently: howe that this holy housell is both Christes bodye, and the bodye of all * 4.51 faithfull menne, after ghostly mysterie. As wise Augustine sayeth of it: If ye wil vnderstand of Christes body, here the Apostle Paule thus speaking. Yee truely be Christes body and his members. Nowe is your mysterie sette on Gods table, and ye receiue youre mysterie, which mysterie ye your selues be. Be that which ye see on the altare, and receiue that which yee your selues be. Againe the Apostle Paule sayeth by it: We manye be one bread, and one bodye. Understande nowe and reioyce, many be one bread, and one body in Christ. He is our heade, and we be his limmes: and the bread is not of one corne, but of many: nor the wine of one grape, but of many. So also we all shoulde haue one vnitie in our Lorde, as it is wryt∣ten of the faithfull armie, how that they were in so great an vnitie, as though al of them were one soule, and one heart. Christe hallowed on hys table the mysterie of oure peace and of our vnitie. He which receiueth that mysterie of vni∣tie, & keepeth not the bonde of true peace, receiueth no my∣sterie for himselfe, but a witnesse against himselfe. It is ve∣ry good for Christen men, that they goe often to howsell, if they bring with them to the alter, vngiltines and innocēcy of hart: if they be not oppressed with sinne. To an euil man it turneth to no good, but to destruction, if hee receyue vn∣worthely that holy housell. Holy * 4.52 bookes commaund that water be mingled to that wine which shall be for housell, because the water signifieth the people, & the * 4.53 wine Chri∣stes bloud, and therefore shall neither the one wythout the other be offered at the holy masse, that Christ may be wyth vs, and we with Christ, the head with the limmes, and the limmes with the head. Wee woulde before haue intreated of the Lambe whyche the olde Israelites offered at theyr Easter time, but that we desired first to declare vnto you of this mysterie, and after how we should receiue it. That si∣gnifying lambe was offered at the Easter, And the Apostle Paule sayeth in the Epistle of this present day, that Christ is our Easter who was offred for vs, and on this day rose from death. The Israelites did eate the Lambes fleshe as God commaunded, with vnleauened bread and wilde let∣tisse: * 4.54 so wee shoulde receiue that holy housell of Christes body and bloud without the leauen of sinne, and iniquitie. As leauen turneth the creatures from their nature: so doth sinne also chaunge the nature of manne from innocencie to vncleannesse. The Apostle hath taught howe we shoulde feast, not in the leauen of the euilnesse, but in the sweete doughe of puritie and truth. The herbe which they should eate with the vnleauened bread is called lettisse, and is bit∣ter in taste. So we should with bitternesse of vnfained re∣pentaunce purifie oure minde,* 4.55 if wee will eate Christes bodye. Those Israelites were not woonte to eate rawe fleshe, and therefore God badde them to eate it neyther raw nor sodden in water, but rosted with fire. He shal re∣ceiue the body of God rawe, that shal thinke without rea∣son, that Christ was onely manlike vnto vs, and was not God. And he that will after mans wisedome search y^e my∣stery of Christs incarnation, doth like vnto him that doth seeth lambes fleshe in water, because that water in this same place signifieth mans vnderstanding: but we should vnderstand, that all the mistery of Christes humanitie was ordered by the power of the holy Ghost: and then eate we his body rosted with fire because the holy ghost came in fy∣ry lykenes to the Apostles in diuers tonges. The Israe∣lites should eate the lambs head, and the feete: and the pur¦tenaunce, and nothing therof must be le••te ouer night. If any thing thereof were left, they did burne that in the fire: and they breake not the bones. After Ghostly vnderstan∣ding we doe eate the lambes head, when wee take holde of Christes diuinitie in our beliefe. Agayne when we take holde of his humanitie with loue, then eate we the lambs feete, because that Christe is the beginning and end, God before all worlde, and man in the end of this worlde. What bee the lambes purtenaunce but Christes secrete precepts, and these we eate when we receiue with the greedines the word of life. There must nothing of the lambe be left vn∣to the mornig, because that all Gods sayings are to bee searched with great carefulnesse: so that all his precepts may be knowen in vnderstanding and deede in the nyght of this present life, before that the last day of the vniuer∣sall resurrection doe appeare. If wee cannot searche out throughly all the mysterie of Christes incarnation, then ought we to betake the rest vnto y^e might of the holy ghost with true humilitie, and not to search rashly of that deepe secretenes aboue the measure of our vnderstanding. They did eate the Lambes flesh wyth theyr loynes girte. In the loynes is the lust of the bodye, and he whiche will receyue that housell, shall couer or wrap in that concupiscence, and take with chastitie that holy receite. They were also shod. What be shoes but of the hides of dead beasts? We be true∣ly shod if we match in our steppes and dedes, the life of mē departed this life, which please God with keeping of hys commandements. They had staues in their handes when they did eate. This staffe signifieth a carefulnes & diligent ouerseeing. And all they, that best knowe and can, shoulde take care of other men, and stay them vp with theyr helpe. It was inioyned to the eaters y^t they should eat the lambe in haste, for God abhoreth slouthfulnesse in his seruaunts, and those hee loueth, that seeke the ioye of euerlasting lyfe with quickenes, and hast of minde. It is written: Prolong not to turne vnto God, least the time passe away throughe thy slow tarrying. The eaters mought not breake the lābs bones. No more mought y^e souldiers that did hang Christ, breake his holy legges, as they did of the two theeues that hanged on either side of him. And the Lord rose from death sounde without all corruption: and at the last iudgement they shall see him, whom they did most cruelly wounde on the crosse. This time is called in the Ebrue tongue Pasca, & in Latine Transitus, and in English a Passeouer, because that on this day the people of Israel passed from the land of E∣gypt ouer the red sea: from bondage to the lād of promise. So also did our Lorde at this time departe as sayeth Iohn the Euangeliste, from thys world to hys heauenly father. Euen so we ought to folow our head, and to goe from the deuill to Christe: from thys vnstable worlde, to hys stable kingdome. Howbeit we shoulde firste in this presente lyfe departe from vice to holy vertue: from euill manners to good manners, if we wil after this our lente life goe to that eternall life, and after our resurrection, to Christ. He bring vs to hys euerlastinge father, who gaue hym to deathe for our sinnes. To hym be honour and praise of well doynge world wythout ende. Amen.

And thus I suppose, it standeth cleare & euidently proo∣ued by course of al these ages afore recited, from the time of Tertullian and Austen vnto the daies of this Elfricus a∣boue mencioned, and after him, that this newcome miracle of transubstantiation was not yet crept into the heades of men, nor almost came in any question amongst learned mē nor was admitted for any doctrine in the Churche,* 4.56 at least for any general doctrine of all men to be receiued, til a M. yeare compleate after Christe, that is, till that Sathan be∣gan to be let at large. Apoca. 20.* 4.57 For who euer heard in all the primitiue Churche, or euer reade in the woorkes of the old ancient Doctors this question once to be asked, or dis∣puted, whether any substance of bread and wine remained in the Lordes Supper? Or what manne was euer so dol∣tish to beleeue any suche thyng, or euer called hereticke for not beleuing the same, before the time of seduction that is

before the 1000. yeares aforesayd were expired.

* 4.58Wherefore they that stand so much vppon the antiquity of this Article as a doctrine which hath euer since Christes time bene receaued in the Church, taught by the Apostles, beleued of all Catholickes, and confirmed by consent of all ages, of Councels, of natiōs, and people vnto this present day: these I say, either shewe them selues very ignoraunt in hystories and in all state of antiquitie or els most impu∣dently they doe abuse the simple credulitie of the people.

To procede now farther in this discussion of antiquitie, it followed, that after the time of Elfricus aforesayde, this matter of transubstantiation began firste to be talked off, & to come in question among a few superstitious monkes: so that as blindnes and superstition began more and more to encrease,* 4.59 so the sayd grosse opinion still more and more, both in number and authoritie preuailed, in so muche that about the yeare of our Lord. 1060. the denying of transub∣stantiation began to be counted heresie.

And in thys number firste was one Berengarius a Frenche man,* 4.60 and Archdeacon of Angeowe, whyche of all Christen men, which we read of, was first called and coun∣ted an hereticke for denying of transubstantiation, & trou∣bled for the same, as ye shall heare.

This Berengarius liued in the time of Pope Leo 9. Uictor, and Nicholas 2. which was about the yeare of our Lorde. 1060. Albeit I doe finde our wryters heere in some discrepaunce. For the most of them doe holde, that he firste recanted vnder Pope Leo 9. in the Councel of Uercellen∣se: and afterwarde againe vnder Pope Nicholas 2. about the yeare 1062. as is to be gathered of Gratian, De consecrat. dist. 2. Ego Berengarius, where he sayth, that Pope Nicholas did send about to Bishops and Archbyshops, the Copie of his recantation.

Againe, by the Actes of the Councell of Rome, it there appeareth, that the sayd Berengarius made this hys sayde last recantation vnder Pope Hildebrande, called Gregory 7. But this difference of times is no great matter to stand vpon. The truth of the story is this: that when Berenga∣rius had professed the truth of the sacrament, & had stande in the open confession therof, according to the auncient ve∣ritie of the doctrine receaued in the Churche before, he was so handled by certaine malignaunt & superstitious monks that what by euill entreatie, and what for feare of deathe (such is the weake frailty of man) he began to shrinke, and afterward did in deede recant the truth.

Of these malicious ennemies againste Berengarius, the chiefest troubler was Lancfranke, Abbot of Codune, afterward Archbishop of Canterbury, Guimond monke, likewise first of the abbey of Leufrede, & afterward Archb. of Auersane: Algerius also monke of Corbein: Fulbertus also monke and byshop: and Hildebrand sometime monke of Cluniake, and then Archdeacon of Turon, & afterward Bishop of Rome.

By these and such other monkes of the like fraternitie, the errour and heresie of transubstantiation began firste to be defended, and partes publikely in wryting to be taken about that matter.* 4.61 Of the which sides and partes, the firste that began to set vp that faction by wryting, seemeth to be Paschasius, who was a little before Berengarius aboute the time of Bertrame: and likewise Lancfrancke the firste that brought it into England.* 4.62

On the contrary side againe, the firste that was openly impugned and troubled for denying transubstantiation, was this Berengarius: with whom Lancfranck also was supposed at the first beginning to holde and take part, but afterward to cleare himselfe, he stoode openly against hym in the Councell, and wrote against him.

It foloweth then in the Acte of the Councel, that when the Synode of Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, and other Prelates were together assembled, y^e greater number (saith the storie) did holde, that the breade and wine were turned substantially into the body and bloud of Christ. Notwith∣standing (sayeth he) diuers there were in the sayde Councel whych helde the contrary wyth Berengarius,* 4.63 but at laste were driuen to geue ouer. Berengarius amonge the rest, after he had long stand in the constant defence of the truth, at last relented to their willes, confessing his errour where none was, and desired pardon of the Councell. And thys was (as seemeth to W. Malmesb.) hys firste geuing ouer. Who afterwarde returning to hymselfe agayne after the death of Pope Leo,* 4.64 and prickte with the stinge of consci∣ence, was driuen againe to recognise the truthe, whych he before had denied.

The Pope (sayeth Malmesb.) perceauing this, would not leaue him so, but sent into Fraunce, Hildebrande hys Cardinall Chaplaine (as meete a mate for such a feate, as was in all Satans courte) and made him with a wany and to come againe coram nobis: who so handled Berengarius and bringing hym before the face of the Councel bolden at Turon, that he made him to say, erraui, once again: against whome stoode vp in that Councell Lanfrancus, and Gui∣mundus aforesaid, impugning his assertion. And thus stā∣deth the narration of W. Malmesbery. But by the actes of y^e Councel of Rome appeareth an other declaration, which is, that thys latter recantation of Berengarius shoulde be at Rome vnder Hildebrand, being then Pope,* 4.65 in the yere of our Lord. 1076. and in the moneth of February, and that in the sayde Councell holden in Ecclesia Saluatoris, thys re∣cantation of, Ego Berengarius, was made, and he enioyned by the sayd Pope Hildebrand, vpon hys oth, neuer hereaf∣ter to teache or dispute contrary to that faith of the Sacra∣ment there holden. &c.

Againe, Henry Bullinger in his booke,* 4.66 De origine erro∣ris, following belike some other authour, expresseth the or∣der of the foresayd recantation after thys sorte, and sayeth, that in the time of Pope Leo. 9. Anno. 1051. there was a Romane Councell holden at Uercellense, in the whyche Councell Lanfrancke beinge then present, the Booke of Ioh. Scotus was openly read, and there condemned. Al∣so Berengarius was sent for,* 4.67 who seeing the preiudiciall proceeding of that Councell, refused himselfe to come, but sent two Clerkes, which openly there defended hys cause and quarell, and were for the same committed vnto prison. Such is the freedome of the Popes generall Councels, w^t prisons and violence to defend their verities. Against the doings of this Councel notwithstanding, the French men stoode stiffe, both at Angew, and Turon, ioyning and con∣senting wyth Berengarius.

Not long after this, died Pope Leo, and after him suc∣ceeded Pope Uictor,* 4.68 by whom an other Synode was kept at Florence, where the Actes and doings of the foresayde Councel of Uercellense, were confirmed, and a Legate al∣so appointed to be sent to Turon in Fraunce. This legate was Hildebrand aboue mentioned,* 4.69 who calling the clergy of Fraunce together in a Synode, fell there in hande wyth the cause of the Sacrament. Berengarius not being igno∣raunt of these Romaine Councels, so kept himselfe, that in all his action, he would geue none other answere, but that he beleeued and consented with the faith of the Catholicke Churche: & so for that time did frustrate the purpose of the councel, rather deluding the pretēses of his ennemies, then freely confessing the simple truth.

Againe,* 4.70 after Uictor came Pope Nicholas 2. who con∣gregating an other Councell at Rome, An. 1058. sent for Berengarius there to appeare, who being present, argued what he could, for the iustnesse of his cause, but all woulde not serue: In the Popes generall Councels, such a stroke and mastership beareth authoritie aboue veritie. Berenga∣rius being thus borne downe on euery side by might & su∣perioritie, when no remedye woulde serue,* 4.71 but hee muste needes recant againe (for the law of relapse was not yet in season) he desired to know what other confession of the sa∣crament the Pope woulde require of him,* 4.72 besides y^t whych hee hadde there confessed. Then Pope Nicolas committed that charge to Humbart a Monke of Lotharinge, and af∣ter a Cardinall, y^t he should draw out in formable wordes, the order of his recantatiō, after the prescription of Rome, whych hee shoulde reade and publickely professe before the people. The forme of which words is registred in the De∣crees, De consecrat. dist 2. Ego Berengarius. &c. The effecte whereof is thys: That hee pretendeth with heart and mouth, to professe, that he acknowledging the true, catholicke,* 4.73 and Aposto∣licall faith, doth execrate all heresie, namely, that, wherewyth hee hath lately bene infamed, as holding that the bread and wine vp∣on the Altare, after the consecration of the Priest, remaine onely a Sacrament, and are not the very selfe body and bloude of oure Lorde Iesu Christ, neither canne be handled or broken wyth the priestes handes, or chewed with the teethe of the faithfull, other∣wise then onely by maner of a Sacrament Consenting now to the holy and Apostolicall Church of Rome,* 4.74 he professed wyth mouth and heart, to holde the same faith touching the Sacraments of the Lordes masse, which the Lorde Pope Nicholas, with his Synode heere present doth holde, and commaundeth to be holden by hys Euangelicall and Aposticall authoritie, that is, that the bread and wine vpon the Altar, after consecration are not only a Sacramēt, but also are the very true and selfe body, and bloud of our Lorde Iesu Christ, and are sensibly felt and broken with handes, and che∣wed with teethe: swearing by the holy Euangelistes, that whosoe∣uer shall holde or say to the contrary, he shal holde them perpetu∣ally accursed, and if he himselfe shall hereafter presume to preach or teach against the same, he shall be content to abide the seueri∣tie and rigour of the Canons. &c.

This cowardly recantation of Berengarius, as it of∣fended a great number of the godly sorte: so it gaue to the cōtrary part no litle triumph, wherby euer since they haue taken the greater courage to tread downe the truth.

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It happened shortlye after this, that Hildebrande the Popes graunde Captaine, in the behalfe of hys Mayster Pope Nicolas, went in warfare against the Normandes. Which warre being finished, shortly after, he set vppon a new viage to fight for Pope Alexander, against Cadolus: which victory being also atchieued, it was not long, but he put the new Pope Alexander beside the cushion, and was made Pope himselfe: so that during the busie stirre of these warres, the Popes holinesse had no laisure to attende the debating of this controuersie of the Sacrament.

* 4.75At length, when al was quieted, and Pope Hildebrand now was where he woulde be, hys restlesse brayne coulde not be vnoccupied, but eftsoone summoneth a new Coun∣cell at Rome in the Church of Laterane, to reuiue agayne the olde disceptation of Berengarius, about the yeare (as some holde) 1079.

Thus Berengarius beyng toste by these Monkes and Phariseis, was so confounded, and bayted on euery side, that partly for worldly feare, straining him on the one side, partly for shame and griefe of conscience, that he had nowe twise renied the truth, on the other side, that the man (as is of hym reported) after these suche turbulent tragedies, for∣saking his goods, his studies, learning, and former state of life, became a labourer, and wrought wyth hys handes for liuing, all the residue of his life.

The opinion which Berengarius sustained touchyng the Sacrament (as by his owne wordes in Lancfranckes booke may appeare) was thys:* 4.76 The sacrifice of the Churche consisteth of two things: The one visible: the other inuisible, that is, of the Sacrament, and of the thing or matter of the Sacrament. Which thing (which is to meane, the body of Christe) if it were here present before our eyes, it were a thing visible & to be sene: but being lift vp into heauen, and sitting on the right hand of his father, to the time of restoring of all thing (as S. Peter sayeth) it can not be called downe from thence. For the person of Christ consi∣steth of God and man: the Sacrament of the Lords table consisteth of bread and wine, which being consecrate are not chaunged, but remaine in their substances, hauing a certaine resemblance or si∣militude of those things, wherof they be sacraments, &c. Ex Lib. Lancfranci.

By these wordes of Berengarius doctrine, all indiffe∣rent readers may see & iudge, that he affirmed nothing but that was agreable to the holy scripture, beleuing wyth S. Austen, and all other auncient elders of the Churche, that in the holy supper all faithful beleuers be refreshed spiritu∣ally, with the body & bloud of the Lord, vnto euerlasting life.* 4.77 Wherefore most impudently they doe misreporte hym (as they doe many other besides) whych falsely lay to hys charge, as though his teaching should be, that in the sacred supper of the Lord, nothing els were receiued of y^e faithful, besides onely y^e bare signes, which is the bread & the wine.

And nowe that you haue seene the doctrine of Beren∣garius, let vs also take a vewe of the contrary teaching of Lanfrancus and his fellowes, conferring and comparyng together the institution of the one side, with the institution of the other, to marke and cōsider whych of them soundeth nearer to the truth of the scriptures. The wordes of Lan∣francke be these:

I beleue the earthly substances, which vpon the Lordes table are diuinely sanctified, through the ministration of the Priest, to be conuerted vnspeakeably, incomprehensibly, and miraculously by the operation of Gods mightye power, into the essence of the Lordes body,* 4.78 the outward formes only of the things themselues, and certaine qualities reserued, and that for two respectes: The one, least the sight of the rawe and bloudy flesh might otherwyse make men to abhorre from eating thereof for that they whi∣che beleeue the thinge they see not, might haue the grea∣ter merite for their beliefe. The conuersion of which earthly sub∣stances into the essence of the Lordes body, notwithstanding, yet is the selfe same body of the Lorde in heauen, and there hathe hys essentiall being at the right hande of hys father immortall inuio∣late, perfect, vndeminished, and vncorrupted: so that truely it may be affirmed, the selfe same body both to be receiued of vs, and yet not the selfe same.* 4.79 The self same, I meane, as touching the essence, propertie, and vertue of his true nature: and yet not the selfe same as touching the formes of breade and wine, and other outwarde qualities incurring to our outwarde senses. &c. And thus haue ye the confession of Lancfranke Archb. of Cant.

From thys confession of Lancfranke, the opinion and assertion also of Guimundus Archb. of Auersane, doth no∣thing differ in grosenesse and impietie, but rather passeth the same, thus affirming and defending: That the bodye of Christ is pressed, and torne with teethe euen like as it was felt and touched with the handes of Thomas.

And moreouer, the sayde Guimundus (if his booke be not rather counterfaited at Louaine) in the same place an∣swearing to an obiection put out, that it is not lawfull for Christe to be torne in pieces with teethe, doubteth not to pronounce that whether we take tearing for hard bitinge, or soft biting, it is not repugnant nor disagreeing, but that (by the will of God agreeing therunto) the body of Christ may be touched with handes, bitten wyth mouth, crushed,* 4.80 yea and deuided in pieces, wyth hard or soft pressing of the teeth: and that, as hee was brused vppon the crosse, accor∣ding to the Prophete, saying: Hee was brused for our iniqui∣ties, &c. so the same body for the health of the faithfull, may deuoutly be torne and rent with theyr teethe any thynge to the contrary notwythstanding. &c. Guimund. lib. Sacrament. fol. 30. Iudge now all good studious readers, what is to be thought of this kinde of doctrine, and howe thys opinion cohereth with the infallible voyce of Gods worde, saying: Exod. And of him ye shall not breake a bone. &c.

Thys rude and mishapen doctrine of these Monkes, concerning transubstantiation, as ye haue heard,* 4.81 whē and by whome it began first to be broached: so if ye would now know by what learning and scriptures they did confirme, and establish the same, ye must here thinke and vnderstād, howe their chiefest groundes and substaunce to perswade the people was at this time, certain myracles by them for∣ged, and published both in theyr wrytings and preachings whereof one was the same of Odo aboue recited, whyche Osberne, or some other monkish Legend inuented of him, howe he shoulde shewe vnto certaine the host turned into the likenesse of flesh and bloude droppinge into the chalice for the conuersion of those clearkes, whiche before woulde not beleeue it.

An other like miracle is also told by the sayde Osberne of Dunstane in this order,* 4.82 how the sayd Dunstane appea∣red to a certaine lame crepill in the nyght, willing hym to resort vnto his tombe, to haue hys limmes again restored. Which crepil, according as he was willed, after he had ther continued praying for health a lōg time, and could not ob∣taine, began to returne home againe after long tarying,* 4.83 w^t∣out all hope of recouery. To whom the sayd Dunstane ap∣pearing againe by the way, asked from whence hee came, and whether he woulde. The crepill answearing, declared how he came thether vppon hope of health, where hee had long taryed, and because he could finde no recouerie, ther∣fore he nowe was returning home. To whome then sayde Dunstane: I am (sayeth he) Dunstane the fellowe seruant of all Gods seruants,* 4.84 and haue bene occupied with certain necessary busines, for the which I could not be present ther with my children. For Elfrike (sayde hee) otherwise surna∣med Bata hathe attempted to disherite my churche, but I haue so stopped him, that he could not preuaile.

Many other fabulous miracles of the like stampe are rife in popish stories, counterfayted & forged vnder diuers and sondry names, some referred to Gregory, some to Pa∣schasius, and to other moe, whiche to recite all, would fill a whole sea full of lyes & fables. Among many,* 4.85 one is thus inuented of Paschasius. There was a Priest, sayth hee, of Almain, named Plegildus, who did see and handle wyth his hands, visibly the shape of a childe vpon the aulter & so after he had imbraced and kissed him, it returned againe to the likenes of bread, as hee shoulde come to the receiuing therof. This miracle when it was obiected against Berē∣garius, he merely deriding the blinde fable, aunswered in these wordes: Speciosa inquit, pax nebulonis, vt cui oris prae∣beret basium, eo dentium in ferret exitium. That is, A goodly peace quoth he of a false verlet, that whō he before kissed with his mouth, by & by he goeth about to teare him with ••is teeth.

An other miracle is reported of a Iew body, who vpon a time entring into the Churche, with an other Christian lad which was his play fellow, saw vppon the altar a little childe broken & torne in peeces,* 4.86 and afterward by portions to be distributed among the people. Which sight when the young Iew comming home had told vnto his father to be true and certayne, hee was for the same, condemned to be burned. Thus he being inclosed in a house, and the dore fast where he should be burned, he was founde and taken out from thence by the Christians, not onely aliue, but also hauing not one heare of his heade blemished w^t the flames about him. Who then being of the Christians, demaunded howe he was so preserued from the burning fire: there ap∣peared (sayd he) to me a beutiful woman sitting on a chair, whose sonne the childe was, which was before deuided & distributed in the Church among the people, who reached to me her hand in the burning flame, and wyth her gowne skirtes kepte the flame from mee, so that I was preserued thereby from pearishing. &c. Belike these Monkes lacked miracles among the Christians, when they were faine to borow such figmentes of the Iewes to prooue their fayned transubstantiation.

And these commonly were then the argumēts of these Monkes,* 4.87 wherwith they perswaded the people to beleeue their transubstantiation. But to leaue these monkes ficti∣ons, & to returne againe to Berengarius, thus Malmes∣bury

of him reporteth, that after he had once or twise recā∣ted (as is aforesayde) yet notwythstanding this doctrine of the Sacrament still remained in the minde of his hearers. And how so euer the tirāny of the Pope did driue him tho∣rough feare to denye his opinion, and wrought him much trouble, yet notwithstanding after hys death he lacked not his well willers. In the number of whom was Hildeber∣tus Bishop Cenomanensis, whose verses in commenda∣tion of his master, I thought here not vnworthy to be pre∣serued, being otherwise rare peraduenture to be founde in our storie wryters.

Verses in praise of Berengarius.

QVem modo miratur, semper mirabitur orbis, * 5.1Ille Berengarius non obiturus obit: Quem sacrae fidei fastigia summa tenentem, Tandem extrema dies abstulit ausa nefas. Illa dies damnosa dies, & perfida mundo: Qua dolor & rerum summa ruina fuit. Qua status ecclesiae, qua spes, qua gloria cleri, Qua cultor iuris iurè ruente ruit. Quicquid Philosophi, quicquid cecinere Poetae, Ingenio cessit eloquioquè suo. Sanctior & maior sapientia, maius adorta, Impleuit sacrum pectus & ora Deo. Pectus eam voluit, vox protulit, actio prompsit: Singula factori sic studuere suo. Vir sacer & sapiens, cui nomen crescit in horas: Quo minor est quisquis maximus est hominum. Qui census peperit paucos, seruauit honores: Cui potior pauper diuite, iusq́ue lucro. Cui nec desidiam, nec luxum res dedit ampla: Nec tumidum fecit multus & altus honos. Qui nec ad argentum, nec ad aurum lumina flexit: Sed doluit quoties cui daret haec, aberat. Qui non cessauit inopum fulcire ruinas, Donec inops, dando pauper & ipse fuit. Cuius cura sequi naturam legibus vti, Et mentem vitijs, ora negare dolis: Virtutes opibus, verum praeponere falso, Nil vacuum sensu dicere vel facere: Laedere nec quemquam, cunctis prodesse, fauorem Et populare lucrum pellere mente, manu. Cui vestis textura rudis, cui non fuit vnquam, Ante sitim potus, nec cibus ante famem. Quem pudor hospitium statuit sibi, quam{que} libido Incestos superat, tam superauit eam. Quem natura parens cum mundo contulit, inquit, Degenerant alij, nascitur iste mihi: Quaeque vagabatur & penè reliquerat orbem, Inclusit sacro pectore iustitiam. Vir sacer à puero, qui quantum praeminet orbi Fama, adeò famae praeminet ipse suae. Fama minor meritis cùm totum peruo let orbem, Cùm semper crescat, non erit aequa tamen. Vir pius atque grauis, vir sic in vtroque modestus, Vt liuor neutro rodere possit eum. Liuor enim destet, quem carpserat antea, nec tam Carpsit & odit eum, quam modo laudat, amat: Quàm prius ex vita, tam nunc ex morte gemiscit, Et queritur celeres huius abisse dies. Vir verè sapiens & parte beatus ab omni: Qui coelos anima, corpore ditat humum. Post obitum secum vi••ram precor ac requiescam, Nec fiat melior sors mea sorte sua.

Althoughe in this time of Berengarus, whyche was a∣bout the yeare of oure Lorde. 1060. (as ye haue heard) this errour of transubstantiation began to growe in force and strength, by the supporting of certaine popishe monkes a∣boue rehearsed, as Lancfrancus, Guimundus, Algerius, Hugo, Bishop of Lincolne. Fulbertus, (of whom it is said in stories, that our Ladie gaue him sucke being sicke, wyth her owne brestes) and such other: yet notwythstanding, all this while the sayd Transubstantiatiō was decreed for no publicke law,* 5.2 nor doctrine to be holden by any general cō∣sent, either of the Church of Rome, or any other Councell, before the Councel of Laterane, vnder Pope Innocent the 3. who in the yeare of our Lorde. 1215. celebrating in the church of Laterane, a generall councel of 1300. bishops, en∣acted there diuers constitutions, as of yerely cōfession, and the communion to be vsed of the whole multitude once a yeare through euery parish church.

Item, for the recouery of the holy land, with a subsidie also to be leauied for the same.

Item for the abolishing of the bookes and wrytinges of Ioachim Abbas, and also the opinions of Almaricus afore mentioned: notwithstanding that y^e said Ioachim did sub∣scribe with his owne hand that he held the same doctrine,* 5.3 which was in the church of Rome, and also submitted hys bookes to be presented to the Sea of Rome, there to bee corrected or approoued. And yet was he iudged though not an heretike yet to be erroneous, & especially in those bokes which he wrote against Peter Lombard, calide afterward the master of Sentence.

In the sayde Counsel, besides diuers other constituti∣ons and the Articles of the Creede there in order repeated,* 5.4 as appeareth, Extr. De summa trinit. & fide Catholica, cap. 1. fir∣miter, there was also enacted, decreed, and establyshed the fayth and beliefe of Transubstantiation, in these woordes following.

There is one vniuersall Church of the faithful, without which none can be saued, in the which Church the self same Iesus Christ is both Priest and also the sacrifice,* 5.5 whose body and bloude are truly contained in the Sacrament of the aulter, vnder the formes of breade and wine, the breade being transubstantiated into the body and the wine, into the bloud, by the power and workinge of God: so that to the accomplishing of thys mysterie of vnitie, wee might take of his, the same which he hath taken of ours. And thys sacrament none can make or consecrate, but hee that is a prieste lawfully ordained, according to the keyes of the Church, whych Iesus Christ hath left to his Apostles, and to their successours. &c.

And thus was the foundation layd for the building of transubstantiatiō, vpon the consent of these foresayd. 1300. Byshops, in the yeare of our Lorde aboue specified, vnder pope Innocentius, and the doctrine therof intruded for an article of fayth into the church, necessarily to be beleeued of all men vnder payne of heresie.

But yet all this while, notwithstanding that the sub∣staunte of bread and wine was nowe banished out of the sacrament,* 5.6 and vtterly transcorporated into the substaunce ot Christes very body and bloud: yet was not this body e∣leuated ouer the priestes head nor adored of the people till the dayes af pope Honorius the 3. succeeding after Inno∣centius, who by his counsaile likewise commaunded ado∣ration and eleuation to be ioyned with transubstantiation as one idolatry commonly bringeth forth an other.

Agayne, the sayd sacramedt of the Lordes supper be∣ing now consecrated, transubstantiated, eleuated and ado∣red yet it was not offered vp for a sacrifice propitiatory for the quicke and the dead, nor for a remedye of the soules in Purgatory, nor for a merite operis operati, sine bono motu vtentis. &c. before that other popes comming after, added still new aditions to the former inuentions of theyr prede∣cessours.

And thus haue you the whol order and origine of these Idolatrous partes of the masse described by theyr times & ages,* 5.7 whiche first began with consecration and the forme therof, which were wordes of the Canon. Then came trā∣substantiation by Innocentius, and after eleleuation & a∣doration by Honorius, and last of all came the oblation meretorious and propitiatory for the quicke and dead in remission of sinnes, Ex opere operato.

Which thinges being thus constituted by the to muche vsurped authority of the church of Rome,* 5.8 shortly after fol∣lowed persecution, tyranny and burning among the chri∣stians, first beginning with the Albingenses, and the fayth full congregation of Tholouse, neare about the tyme of the sayd Innocentius, as is afore remembred. pag. 271.

And thus much for the first article of transubstantiatiō which (as ye haue heard) was not admitted into y^e Church for any generall doctrine of fayth, before the yeare and time aboue assigned, of pope Innocent the third, and therefore if any haue bene otherwise perswaded, or yet doe remayne in the same perswasion still of this doctrine, as though it had bene of a longer cōtinuance then frō the time aboue ex∣pressed, let him vnderstand that by ignoraunce of hystories he is deceiued, and for the more satisfyinge of his mynde, if he credite not me,* 5.9 let him beleeue the wordes of one of hys owne catholike sort, Iohn Duns I meane, who in hys 4. booke wryting of Transubstatiation, in what time and by whose authority it was first establieshd, hath these words, which also are before mentioned, pag. 257. These woordes of the Scripture might be expounded more easily and more plainly wythout transubstantiatiō: but the Church did chuse thys sence, whych is harder, being thereto mooued (as seemeth) chiefly be∣cause men shoulde holde of the Sacraments, the same whyche the Churche of Rome doth holde. &c. And further in the same place the sayde Duns expounding himselfe what hee mea∣neth by the churche of Rome, maketh there expresse men∣tion of the sayde Innocentius the 3. and of thys Councell of Laterane. &c.

And furthermore, to the entent that such as be indiffe∣rent seekers of the trueth, may be more amplie satisfied in

this behalfe, that this transubstantion is of no antiquitie, but of a late inuention: I wil also adioyne to this testimo∣nie of Iohan. Scotus,* 5.10 the iudgement and verdite of Erasm. lib. Annot. where he wryteth in these wordes: In Synaxi transub∣stantiationē serò definiuit Ecclesia. Diu satis erat credere siue sub pane consecrato, siue quocun{que} modo adesse verum corpus Chri∣sti.* 5.11 &c. That is, In the sacrament of the communion, the church cōcluded transubstantiatiō but of late dayes. Long before that it was sufficient to beleue the true body of Christ to be present ey∣ther vnder bread, or els by some maner. &c.

The second Article.

As touching the seconde Article, which debarreth from the lay people the one halfe of the Sacramente,* 5.12 vnderstan∣ding that vnder one kind, both partes are fully contained, for so much as the world wel knoweth that thys Article is but young, inuented, decreed, and cōcluded no longer since then at the Councel of Constance, not past 200. yeres agoe: I shal not nede to make any long standing vpon that mat∣ter,* 5.13 especially for that sufficient hath bene ••aid th••rof before in our long discourse of the Bohemians story, pag. 611.

First, lette vs see the reasons and obiections of the ad∣uersaries in restraining the Laitie from the one kynde of this Sacrament.* 5.14 The vse (say they) hath bene so of longe continuaunce in the Churche. Whereunto we aunsweare, that they haue no euident nor authentike example of anye auncient custome in the church, which they can produce in that behalfe.

Item, where they alledge the place of S. Luke, where Christ was known in breaking of bread.* 5.15 &c. citing moreo∣uer many other places of Scripture, wherein mention is made of breaking of bread: to aunswer therunto, although wee doe not vtterly repugne, but that some of those places may be vnderstanded of the Sacrament, yet that beynge graunted, it followeth not therefore, that one parte of the Sacrament was only ministred to the people without the other, when as by the common vse of speach, vnder the na∣ming of one part, the whole action is meant. Neither doth it followe, because that breade was broken among the bre∣thren, therefore the cuppe was not distributed vnto them. For so we finde by the words of S. Paule, that y^e vse of the Corrinthians was to communicate not onely in breaking of bread, but in participating the cuppe also. The cup (sayeth he) which we participate.* 5.16 &c.

Also after the Apostles, in the tyme of Cyprian, of Hie∣rome, of Gelasius and other successiuely after them, it is e∣uident y^t both the kindes were frequented in the Churche. First Cyprian in diuers places declareth that the sacramēt of the bloud was also distributed.* 5.17 How do we (sayth he) pro∣uoke them to stand in the confession of Christ, to the sheding of their bloud, if we deny vnto them the bloud of Christ when they prepare themselues to the conflict?

The wordes of Hierome are plaine. Priestes (sayth he) whiche minister the Eucharist,* 5.18 and deuide the bloude vnro the people.

In historia tripartita, it was sayde to y^e Emperour Theodo∣sius,* 5.19 how will you reciue the body of the Lord, with such bloudy handes, or the cup of hys precious bloud, with that mouth, which haue spilled so much innocent bloud?

In the Canon of Gelasius, and in the Popes own de∣crees,* 5.20 these words we read: We vnderstand that there be some whych receauing onely the portion of the Lordes bodye, doe ab∣staine from the cuppe of hys sacrate bloud, to whom we enioyne, that either they receaue the whole Sacrament in both the kinds, or els that they receaue neither:* 5.21 for the diuiding of that whole & one Sacrament cannot be done without great sacriledge, &c. So that thys decree of Pope Gelasius being contradictorie to the councell of Constance, it must follow, that either y^e pope did erre, or els the councell of Constance must needes be a sacrilegious Councel, as no doubt it was.

The like testimonie also appeareth in the Councell of Toletane,* 5.22 that the laitie did then communicate in bothe kindes, besides diuers other olde presidēts, remaining yet in the churches both of Germanie and also of Fraunce, de∣claring likewise the same.

And thus it standeth certain and demonstrable by ma∣nifolde probations, how farre this newfound custome dif∣fereth from all antiquitie and prescription of vse and time. Againe, although the custome therof were neuer so aunci∣ent, yet no custome may be of that strength to gainstand or countermaunde the open and expresse commaundement of God, which sayeth to all men: Bibite ex hoc omnes. Drincke yee all of this. &c.

Againe, seeing the cup is called the bloude of the newe testament, who is hee that dare or can alter the Testament of the Lorde, when none may be so hardy to alter the Te∣stament of a man, being once approoued or ratified?

Further, as concerning those places of Scripture be∣fore alledged, De fractione panis, that is, of breaking of bread, wherupon they thinke themselues so sure that the Sacra∣ment was then ministred but in one kinde: To aunswere thereunto, first we say, it may be doubted whether all those places in Scripture, De fractione panis,* 5.23 are to be referred to the Sacrament. Secondly, the same beyng geuen vnto them, yet can they not inferre thereby, because one parte is mentioned, that the full Sacrament therefore was not mi∣nistred. The common maner of the Hebrue phrase is, vn∣der breaking of bread to signifye generally the whole feaste or supper: as in the Prophete Esay, these woordes, Frange esurienti panem tuum, doe signifie as well geuyng drinke as bread, &c. And thirdly howsoeuer those places, De fractione panis be taken, yet it maketh little for them, but rather a∣gainst them. For if the Sacrament were administred a∣mongst them in fractione panis. i. in breakinge of breade, then must they nedes graūt, that if bread was there broken. Er∣go, there was breade,* 5.24 forasmuche as neither the accidences of bread without breade can be broken, neither can the na∣turall body of Christ be subiect to any fraction or breakyng by the Scripture, which sayeth:* 5.25 And yee shall breake no bone of him. &c. Wherfore take away the substance of breade, and there can be no fraction. And take away fraction, how then do they make a Sacrament of this breaking, whereas nei∣ther the substance of Christes body, neither yet the acciden∣ces wythout their substance can be broken, neither agayne will they admit any bread there remaining to be broken? And what then was it in thys their Fractione panis▪ that they did breake, if it were not Panis, that is, Substantia panis quae frangebatur? To conclude, if they say that this fraction of bread was a Sacramentall breaking of Christes bodye, so by the like figure let them saye that the being of Christes naturall body in the Sacrament is a Sacramental being, and we are agreed.

Item, they obiecte further and say,* 5.26 that the churche vpon due consideration may alter as they see cause, in rites, ceremonies and Sacraments.

Aunswer. The institution of this sacrament standeth v∣pon the order, example, & commandement of Christ.* 5.27 This order he tooke: First he deuided the breade seuerally frō the cuppe, and afterward the cuppe seuerally from the breade.* 5.28 Secondly this he did not for any neede on his behalfe, but onely to geue vs example how to do the same after him, in remembraunce of his death to the worldes ende. Thirdly, beside this order taken, and example left, hee added also an expresse commaundement: Hoc facite, Doe thys. Bibite ex hoc omnes. Drinke ye all of this. &c. Against this order, example, and commaundement of the Gospel, no Church nor coun∣cell of men nor aungell in heauen hath any power or au∣thoritie to change or alter, according as we are warned: If any bring to you any other Gospell beside that ye haue receiued, holde him accursed. &c.

Item, an other Obiection.* 5.29 And why maye not the Churche (say they) as well alter the fourme of thys Sacramente, as the A∣postles did the fourme of Baptisme, where in the Actes S. Peter sayth: Let euery one be baptised in the name of Iesu Christ. &c.

Aunswere. Thys text sayeth not, that the Apostles vsed thys fourme of baptising: I baptise thee in the name of Christ.* 5.30 &c. but they vsed many times this manner of speache, to be baptised in the name of Christe, not as expressing thereby the formable words of baptising, but as meaning this, that they would haue them to become members of Christe,* 5.31 and to be baptised as Christians, entring into his baptism, and not only to the Baptisme of Iohn: and therfore, althoughe the apostles thus spake to the people, yet notwithstanding when they baptised any themselues, they vsed (no doubte) the forme of Christ prescribed, and no other.

Item, among many other obiections, they alledge cer∣taine perils and causes of waight and importance, as spil∣ling, sheding, or shaking the bloud out of the cuppe, or sou∣ring, or els sticking vpon mens beardes. &c. for the which they say it is wel prouided, the halfe communion to suffice. Wherunto it is soone aunswered, that as these causes were no let to Christ, to the Apostles, to the Corinthians, and to the brethren of the Primitiue Churche, but that in theyr publike assemblies they receiued al the whole Communi∣on, as well in the one part as in the other:* 5.32 so neither be the sayd causes so important nowe, to adnull and euacuate the necessarye commaundement of the Gospell, if we were as carefull to obey the Lorde, as wee are curious to magni∣fie oure owne deuises, to strayne gnattes, to stumble at strawes, and to seeke knottes in rushes, whych rather are in oure owne phantasies growing, then there where they are sought.

* 5.33In summa, diuers other obiections and cauillations are in Popish bookes to be found as in Gabriell the difference made betwene the laitie and Priests, also the distinction v∣sed to be made betweene the Priestes communion and the laicall communion. Where is to be vnderstand, that when Priests were bidde to vse the laicall communion, thereby was ment not receauing vnder one kinde as lay men doe nowe, but to absteyne from consecrating, and onely to re∣ceaue as the lay men then did. Some also alledge certeyne speciall or particular examples, as of the cuppe onely ser∣uing for the bread, or of the bread only sent to certeine sicke folke for the cuppe. And heere they inferre the story of So∣zomenus, touching the woman in whose mouth the Sa∣crament of bread, whiche she onely receaued without the cuppe, was turned to a stone, &c. other alledge other pri∣uate examples likewise of infants, aged mē, sicke persons, men excommunicate, phrentickes and madde men, or men dwelling farre off from Churches,* 5.34 in mountaynes or wil∣dernes, &c. All which priuate examples neither make any instance against the auncient custome of publicke congre∣gations frequented from the Apostles time, and much lesse ought they to derogate from the expresse and necessarye precept of the Gospell which saith to all men without ex∣ception: Hoc facite, &c. Bibite ex hoc omnes, &c.

The third Article.

Priuate Masses, trentall Masses, and dirige Masses, as they were neuer vsed before the time of Gregory,* 5.35 vi.C. yeares after Christ: so the same do fight directly agaynste our christian doctrine, as by the definition therof may wel appeare: The Masse is a worke or action of the priest, ap∣plied vnto men for meriting of grace, Ex opere operato, in the which Action the Sacrament is first worshipped,* 5.36 and then offered vp for a sacrifice for remission of sinnes, à poena & culpa, for the quicke and the dead. Of this definition as there is no part, but it agreeth with their owne teaching: so there is no part thereof which disagreeth not from the rules of christian doctrine, especially these, as follow.

* 5.371. The first rule is: Sacramentes be instituted for some principall end and vse, out of the which vse they are no sa∣craments. As the sacrament of Baptisme is a Sacrament of regeneration, and forgiuenes of sinnes to the person that is Baptised. But if it be caried about to be worship∣ped and shewed to other as meritorious for their remissi∣on, and regeneration, to them it is no sacrament.

2. No sacrament nor ceremonie doth profite or conduce, but them only which take and vse the same.* 5.38

3. Only the death of Christ, and the worke of his sacrifice vppon the crosse is to be applied to euery man by faith for saluation and health of his soule.* 5.39 Beside this worke alone, to apply any action or worke of Priest or any other per∣son, as meritorious of it selfe, and conducible to saluation, to soules health, or to remission of sinnes, it is Idolatrie and derogatorie to the Testamente of God, and to the bloud of Christ preiudiciall.

4. To make Idoles of sacramentes, and to woorshyp dumbe things for the liuing God,* 5.40 it is Idolatry. Fugite I∣dola, &c. 1. Cor. 10.

5. Euery good worke whatsoeuer it be that a man doth, profiteth onely himselfe,* 5.41 and cannot be applied to other men, Ex opere operato, to profite him vnto merite or remis∣sion, only the Actions of Christ except.

6. No man can apply to an other the sacrifice of Christes death by any worke doing:* 5.42 but euery man must apply it to himselfe by his owne beleeuing. Iustus ex fide sua viuet. Ha∣bacuc. 2.

7. The Sacrifice of Christes deathe dothe saue vs freely by it selfe,* 5.43 and not by the meanes of any mans working for vs.

8. The Passion of Christ once done and no more, is a full and a perfecte oblation and satisfaction for the sinnes of the whole world,* 5.44 both originall and Actuall: by the vertue of which Passion, the wrath of God is pacified toward man∣kind for euer, Amen.

9. The Passion of Christ once done is onely the obiect of that faith of ours whiche iustifieth vs and nothing else.* 5.45 And therefore whosoeuer setteth vp any other obiect, be∣side that Passion once done, for our faith to apprehend and to behold the same, teacheth damnable doctrine, and lea∣deth to Idolatrie.

Against all these rules, priuate Masses directly doe re∣pugne. For first beside that they transgresse the order, ex∣ample, and commaundement of Christ (which diuided the bread and cup to them all) they also bring the Sacramente out of the right vse wherunto principally it was ordeined. For where as the vse of that Sacrament is principally in∣stituted for a testimoniall and remembraunce of Christes death, the priuate Masse transferreth the same to an other purpose, either to make of it a gasing Idoll, or a worke of application meritorious,* 5.46 or a sacrifice propiciatory for re∣mission of sinnes, or a commemoratiō for soules departed in Purgatory, accordyng as it is written in their Masse booke: Pro quorū memoria corpus Christi sumitur, Pro quorū memoria sanguis Christi sumitur. &c. Where as Christ sayth contrary, Hoc facietis in meam commemorationem.

Furthermore,* 5.47 the Institution of Christe is broken in this, that where the Communion was giuē in common, the priuate Masse suffereth the Priest alone to eate & drink vp all, and when he hath done, to blesse the people with the emptie cuppe.

Secōdly, whereas Sacraments properly profite none but thē that vse the same in the priuate Masse the Sacra∣mēt is receaued in the behoofe not onely of him that execu∣teth, but of them also that stand lookyng on, & of them also which be farre of, or dead and in Purgatory.

Thirdly,* 5.48 whē by y^e scripture nothyng is to be applyed for remission of our sinnes, but onely the death of Christ, cōmeth in the priuate Masse as a worke meritorious done of the Priest, which beyng applyed to other, is auayleable Ex opere operato, both to him that doth it, and to them for whom it is done, ad remissionem peccatorum.

Fourthly, priuate Masses & all other Masses now vsed of the Sacramēt make an Idol, of commemoration make adoration, in stead of a receauyng, make a deceauyng,* 5.49 in place of shewing forth Christes death, make new oblation of his death, & of a cōmuniō, make a single sole supping.* 5.50 &c

Fiftly, whereas in this generall frayltie of mans na∣ture,* 5.51 no mā can merite by any worthynes of workyng for him selfe, the Priest in his priuate Masse taketh vpon him to merite both for him selfe, and for many other.

Sixtly, it standeth agaynst Scripture, that the Sacri∣fice and death of Christ can bee applyed any other wise to our benefite and iustification, then by fayth: Wherfore it is false that the action of the Masse can apply the benefite of Christes death vnto vs. Ex opere operato,* 5.52 sine bono motu vtentis vel sacrificantis.

Seuenthly, where as the benefite of our saluatiō and iustifiyng standeth by the free gift & grace of God through our fayth in Christ:* 5.53 contrary the application of these Po∣pish Masses stoppeth the freenesse of Gods grace and ma∣keth that this benefite must first come through y^e Priestes handes and his opus operatum, vnto vs.

The eight contrarietie betweene priuate Masse, and gods word, is in this: That where the scripture sayth Vni∣ca oblatione cōsummauit eos, qui sanctificantur in perpetuum With one oblation he hath made perfect them that be sanctified for euer:* 5.54 agaynst this rule the priuate Masse proceedeth in a contrary doctrine, making of one oblation a dayly obla∣tion, and that which is perfectly done and finished, newe to be done agayne: And finally, that which was instituted onely for eating and for a remembraunce of that oblation of Christ once done, the Popish Masse, maketh an oblati∣on and a new satisffaction dayly to be done, for the quicke and the dead.

To cōclude these both priuate and publicke Masses of Priestes,* 5.55 turne away the obiect of our fayth from the bo∣dy of Christ crucified, to the body of Christ sacrifised in their Masses. And where God annexeth the promise of iustification, but onely to our fayth in the body of Christ crucified: they do annexe promise of remissiō a poena & cul∣pa, to the body in their Masses sacrificed, by their applica∣tion: besides diuers other horrible and intolerable corrup∣tions whiche spryng of these their priuate and publicke Masses, whiche here I leaue to other at their leysure fur∣ther to conceaue and to consider. Now let vs proceede to the other Articles folowyng.

¶The fourth and fift Articles of vowes and Priestes Mariage.

As we haue discoursed before by histories and order of tyme,* 5.56 the antiquitie of the iij. former Articles aboue men∣tioned, to witte, of trāsubstātiation, of the halfe cōmunion and of priuate Masses, so now commyng to the Article of vowes and of Priestes mariage, the reader will looke per∣chaunce to be satisfied in this likewise, as in the other be∣fore & to be certified from what cōtinuaunce of tyme these vowes & vnmaried lyfe of Priests haue continued.* 5.57 Wher∣in although sufficient hath bene sayd before in the former processe of this history, as in the life of Anselmus. pag. 195. also of Pope Hildebrād, pag. 175. &c. yet for the better esta∣blishing of y^e readers mynde agaynst this wicked article of Priests mariage, it shalbe no great labour lost, here briefly to recapitulate in the tractatiō of this matter, either what before hath bene sayd, or what more is to be added.

And to the entent that the world may see and iudge the sayd lawe and decree of Priests single sole life, to be a doc∣trine of no auncient standing heere within this Realme, but only since the time of Anselmus,* 5.58 I will first alledge for me the wordes of Henr. Huntyngton. lib. 7. De historia Anglo∣rum heere following.

Eodem anno ad festum Michaelis tenuit Anselmus Archiepis∣copus Concilium apud Londonias: In quo prohibuit sacerdoti∣bus Anglorum, vxores antea non prohibitas. Quod quibusdam mundissimum visum est, quibusdam periculosum: ne dum mun∣dicias viribus maiores appeterent, in immundicias horribiles ad Christiani nominis summum dedecus inciderent, &c. That is, The same yeare at the feast of S. Michaell. Anselme the Archby∣shop of Canterbury held a Synode at London:* 5.59 In the which Sy∣node he forefended Priestes heere in Englande to haue wiues, which they were not inhibited before to haue. Which constitu∣tion seemed to some persons very pure and chaste. To othersome againe it seemed very dangerous,* 5.60 least while that men should take vpon them such chastitie more then they should be able to beare, by that occasion they might happily fall into horrible filthines, whiche shoulde redound to the exceeding slaunder of christian profession, &c.

Albeit I deny not but before the time also of Anselmus, both Odo, and after him Dunstane Archb. of Canterbury, and Ethelwold B. of Winchester, and Oswold B. of Wor∣cester in the dayes of King Edgar, anno. 963. as they were all Monkes themselues, so were they great doers against the marriage of priests, placing in Monkes in Churches and Colledges,* 5.61 and putting out the married Priests as ye may read before pag. 153. Yet notwithstāding neither was that in many Churches, and also the priests then married, were not constrayned to leaue their wyues, nor theyr roumes, but onely at their owne choyce. For so writeth Malmesbury in vita Dunstani: Ita{que} clerici multarum Ecclesi∣arum,* 5.62 data optione, vt aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedice∣rent, cessere, &c. That is: Therefore diuers & sondry clerkes of many Churches, being put to their choice, whether to chaunge their weede, or to part from their places, wente their waies, &c. So also Elfricus after them (of whome mention was made before) was somewhat busie in setting forward the single life of Priestes,* 5.63 and Lanfrancus lyke∣wise. But yet this restreynt of Priestes lawfull marriage was neuer publickely established for a lawe heere in the Church of England, before the cōming of Anselme in the daies of William Rufus, & king Henry 1. writing in these words: Boldly I commaunde by the authoritie which I haue by my Archbishoprike,* 5.64 not only within my Archbishoprike, but also throughout England, that all Priests that keepe women, shall be depriued of their Churches, and al ecclesiasticall benefices, &c. As ye may reade more at large before, page. 196. whiche was much about the same time whē as Hildebrand also at Rome begā to attempt the same matter, as before hath ben shewed: & also besides him were other Popes mo, as In∣nocent the 3. Pope Nicholas the 2. and Calixtus the 2. by whome the acte against Priests mariage was brought at length to his ful perfectiō, and so hath cōtinued euer since.

Long it were and tedious to recite here all such consti∣tutions of Councels prouinciall and generall, namely of y^e councel of Carthage, & of Toledo, which seemed to worke something in that behalf, against the matrimony of priests. Againe, longer it were to number vp the names of al such bishops and priests, which notwithstāding haue bin ma∣ried since that time, in diuers countreys, as more amplye shall be shewed (the Lord willing) in the sequele hereof. In the meane season, as touching the age & time of this diue∣lish prohibition for priests to haue their wiues, thys is to be found by credible proofes, and conferring of histories, that in the yeare of our Sauiour 1067. at what time Pope Hildebrand began first to occupy the Papall chayre,* 5.65 this othe began first to be taken of Archbishops and Byshops, that they should suffer none to enter into the ministerie, or into any ecclesiasticall function hauing a wife: and lyke∣wise the Clergie to be bound to promise the same.

And this was (as I said) about the yeare of our Lorde, 1067. well approued and testified by course of hystories.* 5.66 Whereby appeareth the prophesie of S. Paule truely to be verified, speaking of these latter times. 1. Tim. 4. Where he writeth in these wordes. The spirit speaketh playnely, that in the latter times, there shall some depart from the faith, harkening vnto spirits of errour, and to doctrines of deuils, forbidding to marry, and commaunding to abstayne from meates, whiche the Lord hath created to be taken with thankesgeuing, &c.

In this prophesie of S. Paule ij. things are to be obser∣ued: First the matter which he prophesieth of, that is, the forbidding of mariage,* 5.67 and forbidding of meates, whiche God generally hath left free to all men. The second thyng in this prophesie to be noted, is the time whē this prophe∣sie shall fall, that is, in the latter times of the worlde. So that this concurreth right well with these yeares of Pope Hildebrand aforesayde, beeing a thousande yeares complete after the Ascension of our Sauiour: so that they may well be called the latter times.

This prophesie of S. Paule thus standing (as it doth firme and certain, that is,* 5.68 that forbidding of mariage must happen in the latter times of the world, then must it nedes consequently follow therby, that the maried life of priestes is more auncient in the Church, then is the single life, then the law I meane commaunding the single life of Priests. Which may soone be proued to be true, by the true count of times, and search of hystories.

For first at the Councell of Nice, it is notorious that this diuelish law of mariage to be restrained, was stopped by Paph••••tius.

2. Before this Councell of Nice, in the yeare of our Lord 180. we reade of Polycrates B. of Ephesus, who dissen∣ting from Pope Uictor about a certaine controuersie of Easter day, alledgeth for himselfe how his progenitoures before him 7. together, one after another, succeeded in that seate, and he now the 8. after them was placed in the same: vsing this his discent of his parents, not only as a defence of his cause, but also a glory to himselfe, &c.

3. Pope Syricius about the yeare of our Lord 390. wrote to the priests of Spaine about the same matter of putting their wiues from them, if his Epistle be not counterfeyte. These Spanish priestes had then with them a Byshop of Terragon. Who aunswering to Syricius in this behalfe, alledged the testimonies of S. Paule, that Priestes might lawfully retaine their wiues, &c.* 5.69 To this Syricius reply∣ed againe (if his writing be not forged) most arrogantly and no lesse ignorauntly, reprouing the Priests that were maried, and for the defence of his cause, alledged this sen∣tence of S. Paule: Si secundum carnem vixeritis, moriemini. That is: If ye shall liue after the flesh, ye shall die, &c. Whereby may appeare not onely howe they in Spaine then had wiues,* 5.70 but also how blinde these men were in the Scrip∣tures, which shewed themselues such aduersaries against Priests Mariage.

4. To be short, the further we go & nearer to the auncient time of the church, the lesse auncient we shall finde the de∣priuation of lawfull matrimony amongst christian mini∣sters, beginning if we will, with the Apostles, their ex∣amples and Canons, who although were not all maried, yet diuers of them were, and the rest had power and liber∣tie to haue and keepe their wiues, witnessing S. Paule, where he writeth of himselfe:* 5.71 Non habemus potestatem soro∣rem mulierem circumducendi sicut & reliqui Apostoli? That is to say: haue not we power to leade about a sister to wife, as also the other Apostles haue? Whereby is to be seene, both what he might do, and what the other Apostles did. Also Cle∣mens Alexandrinus, whiche was CC. yeares after Christe, Lib. Strom 7. denieth not but that Paul was maried beyng an Apostle, as well as Peter and Philp.* 5.72 And as the sayde Apostles in their doctrine admonishe all men to marrie that can not otherwise doe, sayeng to euery one beeyng in daunger of temptation: Vnusquisque suam vxorem habeat ne tentet vos Satanas, &c. That is, Let euery man haue his owne wife, least Sathan tempt you, &c. So likewise the same A∣postles in their Canons (as in the Popes Decrees cited) do precisely charge, that no Bishop nor priest,* 5.73 shoulde se∣quester from him his wife for any matter or pretence of re∣ligion, saieng: If anye shall teach that a priest for religion sake,* 5.74 ought to contemne his owne wife, let him be accursed, &c.

As for the Glose there in the margent, whiche expoun∣deth this word contemning for exhibiting things necessa∣rye for her sustenance, all the worlde may see that to bee a Glose of meere Sophistry.* 5.75 And because I haue here made mention of Clemens Alexandrinus, it shal not be to our pur∣pose impertinent, to inferre the wordes of this worthy writer, wherewith he doth defend Priests lawfull matri∣monie, against certayne vayne bosters of virginitie in his time. Dicunt gloriosi isti iactatores, se imitari dominum,* 5.76 qui ne∣que vxorem duxit, neque in mundo aliquid possedit: se magis quam alios Euangelium intellexisse gloriantes. That is: These glorious braggers doe vaunte themselues to bee the followers of the Lord, who neither had wife, nor yet possessed anye thing heere in the worlde, &c. And it follo∣weth: Eis autem dicit scriptura, deus superbus resistit, humilibus autem dat gratiam. Deinde nesciunt causam cur dominus vxorem non duxerit primum quidem propriam sponsam habuit ecclesiam. Deinde vero nec homo erat communis, vt opus ha∣beret etiam adiutore aliquo secundum carnem, &c. To these the Scripture maketh aunswere: God withstandeth the proude, and geueth grace to the humble. Agayne, they con∣sider not the cause why the Lorde tooke no wife.* 5.77 First he had his owne peculiar spouse: which is y^e Church. More∣ouer, neither was he as a common man, that hee shoulde

stand in such neede of a helper after the fleshe, &c. And in the same booke a little after alleadging against them that ab∣horre matrimonie,* 5.78 he inferreth the wordes of S. Paule: how that in the latter dayes some shall fall from the faith atten∣ding to spirits of errour, and to doctrine of deuils, forbidding to marry, and to absteyne from meates, &c. Which place of Saint Paule, Clement heere applieth not against the Nouati∣ans, and them that condemne matrimony in generall in all men, as naught: but he applyeth it only against suche, as forbid mariage in part, and namely in Priests, &c.

* 5.79This Clement wrote after Christ two hundreth yeres, and yet if we come downeward to lower times, we shall finde both by the Councell of Gangren CCC. yeares, and also by the Councel of Nice CCCC. yeares after Christe, the same libertie of priestes mariage established and enac∣ted as a thing both good and godly. The wordes of Gan∣gren Councell be these: Si quis discernit Praesbyterum con∣iugatum, tanquam occasione nuptiarum, quod offerre non debe∣at,* 5.80 & ab eius oblatione ideo abstinet, anathema sit, &c. That is: If any do iudge that a Priest for his mariage sake, ought not to minister, and therefore doth abstaine from the same, let him be accursed.

Moreouer, proceeding yet in times and Chronicles of the Church, we shall come to the sixt Councell called Sy∣nodus Constantinopolitana,* 5.81 almost seauen C. yeares after Christ: the wordes of the which Councell be alleadged in the Decrees, and be these in Latine. Quoniam in Romani ordine canonis esse cognouimus traditum, eos qui ordinati sunt Diaconi vel Presbyteri, confiteri quod non suis iam copulentur vxoribus, antiquum sequentes canonem Apostolicae diligentiae & constitutiones sacrorum virorum, legales nuptias amodo va∣lere volumus, nullo modo cum vxoribus suis eorum connubia dissoluentes, aut priuantes eos familiaritate adinuicem, in tem∣pore oportuno, &c. That is: Because in the order of the Romaine Canon, we know it so to be receaued, that such as be Deacons and Priestes, shall professe themselues to haue no more copulation with their wiues, we following the auncient Canon of the diligent Apostles and constitu∣tions of holy men, enact that suche lawfull mariage, from henceforth, shall stande in force, in no case dissoluing theyr coniunction with their wiues, neither depriuing them of their mutuall societie and familiaritie together, in suche time as they shall thinke conuenient, &c. Hetherto ye haue heard the decree: heare now the penaltie in the same decree and distinction conteined. Si quis igitur praesumpserit contra Apostolicos canones aliquos Praesbyterorum & Diaconorum priuare à contactu & communione legalis vxoris suae depona∣tur, &c. That is: If any therefore shal presume, against the Canons of the Apostles,* 5.82 to depriue either priest or Dea∣con from the touching and companye of his lawfull wife, let him be depriued. And likewise this Priest and Deacon, whosoeuer for religion sake shall put away his wife, let him be excommunicate, &c. And the Councell of Gangren sayth: let him be accursed. By these wordes of the Councell recited, sixe things are to be noted.

1. First, how this Councell calleth y^e Mariage of priestes lawfull, contrary to these vj. articles, and to a certeyne late Englishe writer of our countrey, entituling his booke a∣gainst the vnlawfull mariage of Priests.

2. In that this Councell so followeth the Canons of the Apostles, and constitutions of holy men: we haue to vn∣derstand, what the censure both of the Apostles: and de∣termination of other holy men were therein.

3. If the Iniunction of this Councell, agreeyng thus with the Apostles and holy men, stoode with truth, the contrary Canon of the Romaines, and also of these sixe English articles, must needes be condemned of errour.

4. By this Councell appeareth that so long time, almost 700. yeares after Christ, this prohibition of Priestes ma∣riage was not yet entred into the Orient Churche, but stoutely was holden out.

5. By the Romane Canon heere mentioned (which be∣gan with Gregorius 600. yeares after Christ, a little before this Councell) it can not be denied, but the Churche of Rome began then to disceuer, not onely from the veritie, but also from the vnitie of all other Churches, following the Apostolicke doctrine. Albeit the said Romane Canon, at that time stode not long, but was shortly disanulled by the sayd Gregorius agayne by the occasion of infants heads found in his fish pond, whereof (Christ willing) more shal be spoken heereafter.* 5.83

6. Sixtly, heere is to be noted & remēbred the craftie false packing, and fraude of the Romaines: which in the Latine booke of Councels, in diuers new impressions, haue sup∣pressed this Canon, because be like, it maketh little w^t their purpose: plaieng much like with this, as Pope Zosimus Bonifacius and Celestinus played with y^e sixt councel of Car∣thage, which for their supremacy would haue forged a false Canon of Nice, had not the Councell sent to Cōstantino∣ple for the true exemplar therof & so proued them open ly∣ers to their faces. So likewise this Canō aboue mētioned although it be omitted in some bookes, yet beyng found in the auncient & true written copies beyng alledged of Ni∣lus a Greeke Byshop of Thessalonica.* 5.84 CC. yeare tofore and moreouer beyng found & alledged in the Popes own booke of Decrees Distin. 31. must needes conuince them of manifest theft & falsehoode. Thus it may stand sufficiently proued that y^e deprauation of Priestes lawfull mariage all this space was not entred into the church neither Greeke nor Latin,* 5.85 at least tooke no ful possession before Pope Hil∣debrandus tyme. Anno Domini. 1070 and especially Pope Calixtus time. Anno Domini. 1120. which were the first o∣pen extortors of Priestes mariage.

Auentinus a faythfulll writer of his tyme writyng of the Councell of Hildebrand, hath these wordes:* 5.86 Sacerdotes illa tempestate publicè vxores, sicut caeteri Christiani habebant filios procreabant, sicuti instrumentis donationū quae illi tem∣plis, Mystis, & Monachis fecere: vbi hae nominatim cum con∣iugibus testes citantur, & honesto vocabulo Praesbiterissae nū∣cupantur, inuenio Caesar tum. &c. That is: In those dayes Priestes commonly had wiues as other Christē men had, and had children also, as may appeare by auncient instru∣mentes, & deedes of gift, which were then giuen to Chur∣ches to the Clergy and to religious houses in the whiche instrumentes both the Priestes and their wiues also with them (which there be called Praesbyterissae) I finde to be al∣ledged for witnesses. It happened moreouer y^e same tyme (sayth Auentine) that the Emperour had the inuestyng of diuers Archbyshoprickes, Byshoprickes, Abbayes and Nunries within his dominions, Pope Hildebrand dis∣daynyng agaynst both these sortes aforesayd, that is, both against them that were inuested by the Emperour and al∣so agaynst all those Priestes that had wiues, prouided so in his Coūcell at Rome, that they which were promoted by the Emperour into liuyngs of the Church were coun∣ted to come in by Symony: the other which were maryed Priestes were counted for Nicolaitanes. Wherupon pope Hildebrād writyng his letters to y^e Emperour, to Dukes, Princes, and other great Prelates, and Potētates: name∣ly to Bertholdus, Zaringer, to Rodolphus of Sueuia, to Welphon of Bauaria, to Adalberon, and to their Ladyes, and to diuers other to whom he thought good: also to By∣shops, namely, to Otto Byshop of Constance, with other Priestes and lay people, willeth them in his letters to re∣fuse and to keepe no company with those Symoniake, and those Nicolaitane Priestes (for so were they termed then, which had either any Ecclesiasticall liuyng by the Empe∣rour, or els which had wiues to auoyd their Masses:* 5.87 nei∣ther talke, neither to eate nor drinke with them, nor once to speake to them, nor to salute them, but vtterly to shunne them, as men execrable and wicked, no otherwise thē they would eschue the plague or pestilence.

By reason whereof ensued a mighty schisme and affli∣ction among the flocke of Christ,* 5.88 such as lightly the lyke hath not bene seene. For the Priestes went agaynst their Byshops, the people agaynst the Priest, the laytie agaynst the Clergy: briefly all ranne together in heapes & in con∣fusion. Men and women, as euery one was set vpon mis∣chief, wickednesse, contention and auarice, tooke thereby occasion vpon euery light suspition, to resiste their Mini∣ster, to spoyle the goodes of the Church. The vulgare peo∣ple contemned the Priestes which had maryed wiues, de∣spised their Religion, and all thynges that they dyd: yea and in many places would purge the place where they had bene, with holy water, and brent their Tithes. Also such was, the mischief of them, that they would take the holy mysteries, whiche those maryed Priestes had conse∣crated, and cast them in the dyrt, & tread them vnder their feete: For so then had Hildebrand taught them, that those were no Priestes, neither that they were Sacramentes, whiche they did consecrate. So that by this occasion, ma∣ny false Prophets rose, seducing the people from the truth of Christ, by forged Fables, and false miracles, and feyned Gloses, wrastyng the Scriptures as serued best for their owne purposes. Of whom few there were that kept any true chastity. Many could make glorious boastes & brags thereof, but the greatest part vnder the shew & pretence of honesty & purenes of life cōmitted incest, fornication, adul∣tery, euery where almost, and no punishment was for the same. &c. Thus much out of Auentinus: Lib. 5. Annal.

To this testimony of Auentinus aboue mentioned, we will also adioyne the recorde of Gebuilerus a writer of this our latter tyme, and one also of their owne crewe,* 5.89 who doth testifie that in tyme of the Emperour Henricus the fourth,* 5.90 an. 1057. the number of 24. Byshops both in Ger∣many, Spayne, and in Fraunce, were maryed, with the

Cleargie also of their dioces.

Of the which Spanish Byshops we reade also in Isido∣rus, whiche wrote more then sixe hundreth yeares after Christ (and the place also cited in the Popes Distinctions) in his booke De clericorum vita,* 5.91 how they ought eyther to leade an honest chaste life, or else to keepe themselues within the bande of matrimonie, &c. Whereby is declared the single life of Priests, eyther to be then voluntary, or else their mariage not to be restrained as yet, by any law.

Moreouer, such Calistian Priestes as be nowe adayes, counting Priests mariage as a new deuise, and not stan∣ding with auncient times,* 5.92 let them looke vpon the Decree of Pope Symmachus, and answeare there to the Glose. Dist. 81. where it is written: Let Priests be all restrained from the conuersation of all women, except it be their mother, sister, or their owne wife, &c. Where the glose in the mar∣gent, geueth a note, saieng: Hic loquitur secundum antiqua tempora.

Thus if either the voyce of scripture might take place with these men which be so rigorous against Priestes ma∣riage:* 5.93 or if the examples of the Apostles might moue them (whome S. Ambrose witnesseth to haue bene all married, except onely Paule and Iohn) or else if the multitude of maried Bishops and Priestes might preuaile with them, heere might be rehearsed:

That Tertullian was a married Prieste, as witnesseth Hierome.

* 5.94Spiridion Byshop of Cyprus, had wife and children.

Hylary Byshop of Poytiers, was also maried.

Gregory Byshop of Nyssa.

Gregory Byshop of Nazianzum.

* 5.95Prosper Byshop of Rhegium.

Cheremon Byshop of Nylus. All these were married Byshops.

* 5.96Of Polychrates, and his 7. aunciters Byshops and ma∣ried men, we spake before.

Epiphanius Byshop of Constantinople in Iustinians tyme was the more commended, because his father & aun∣citers before him,* 5.97 were Priests and Byshops marryed.

Hierome sayth, that in his time, Plurimi Sacerdotes habe∣bant matrimonia. That is, many Priestes were then marri∣ed men.

Pope Damasus reciteth vp a great number of Byshops of Rome,* 5.98 which were Priests sonnes, as:

• Syluerius. an. 544.
• Deus dedit, aboute the yeare 622.
• Adrianus 2. aboute the yeare 873.* 5.99
• Foelix 3. about the yeare 474.
• ...Hosius.
• Agapetus. an. 534.
• Gelasius, 484.
• ...Bonifacius.
• Theodorus, whose Father was Byshoppe of Hie∣rusalem, aboute the yeare 634.
• Ioannes 10. an. 924.
• Ioannes 15. the sonne of Leo a Priest, aboute the yeare 984.
• ...Richarde Archdeacon of Couentry.
• ...Henry Archdeacō of Hun∣tingdon.
• ...Volusianus Byshop of Car∣thage.
• ...Tho. Archbishop of Yorke, sonne of Sampson By∣shop of Worcester.

And howe many other Byshops and Priestes in other countreys besides these Bishops of Rome, might be an∣nexed to this Catalogue, if our leasure were such, to make a whole beaderole of them all?

In the meane time the wordes of Siluius Cardinall, & afterward B. of Rome, are not to be forgotten, whiche he wrote to a certeyne frende of his,* 5.100 whiche after his orders taken, was disposed to mariage. To whome the foresayde Syluius aunswereth agayne in these wordes folowing: Credimus te vti non insulso consilio, si cum nequeas continere, coniugium quaeris: quamuis id prius cogitandum fuerat, ante∣aquam initiaueris sacris ordinibus. Sed non sumus dij omnes qui futura prospicere valeamus. Quando huc ventum est, vt legi resistere nequeas, melius est nubere quàm vri, &c. That is: We beleeue that you in so doing, follow no sinister counsayle, in that you choose to be maried, when otherwise you are not able to liue chaste. Albeit this counsayle should haue come into your heade, before that you entred into Ecclesiasticall orders. But we are not all gods to foresee before, what shall happen heereafter. Now for so much as the matter and case standeth so, that you are not able to resist the lawe, better it is to marry then to burne, &c.

All these premisses well considered, it shall suffice, I trust though no more were sayd, to proue that this general law and prohibition of priests mariage pretended to be so aun∣cient, is of no such great time, nor lōg cōtinuance of yeres as they make it, but rather to be a late deuised doctrine gē∣dered by the Monkes, and grounded vpō no reason, law nor scripture, but that certeine, which be repiners against the truth, do racke and wrast a few places out of Doctors and ij. or iij. Councels for their pretensed purpose. Whose obiections and blinde cauillations, I as professing heete but to write stories, referre to the further discussion of Di∣uines: in whose bookes this matter is more at large to bee sought and searched. In the meane season so muche as ap∣perteyneth to the searching of times and antiquitie, and to the conseruation of such Actes and monuments as are be∣houeable for the Churche, I thought heereunto not vn∣profitable to be adioined a certaine Epistle learned and auncient of Uolusianus, Bishop sometimes of Carthage, tending to the defence of Priests lawfull wedlocke,* 5.101 which Aeneas Syluius in Descriptione Germaniae, also Illyricus in Ca∣tal. and Melancth. Lib. De coniugio do father vpon Huldericus Byshop of Augusta, in the time of Pope Nicholas 2. but as I finde it in an old written example, sent by Iohn Bale to Math. Archbishop of Canterbury, as it is ioyned in the same booke:* 5.102 so it beareth also the same title and name of Uolusianus Byshop of Carthage: ioining also withall, another Latine Epistle, whiche perhaps hath not bene seene in Print before. The Copies of which both Epistles as being pertinent to the purpose present, heere vnder en∣sue in forme as foloweth.

¶The epistle in Latin of Volusianus, or as some thinke of Huldericus Byshop of Augusta, to Pope Nicholas, agaynst the forbidding of Priestes Mariage.

Epistola Volusiani Carthaginensis Episcopi ad Nico∣laum Romanorum Episcopum.

¶Haec est rescriptio Volusiani Carthaginensis Episcopi, in qua Papae Nicolao de continentia clericorum, non iustè sed impiè, nec canonicè, sed indiscretè tractanti ita respondit.

Nicolao Domino & patri peruigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Prouisori, Volusianus solo nomine Episcopus, amorem vt filius, timorem vt seruus.

CVm tua, ô Pater & Domine,* 6.1 decreta super clericorum conti∣nentia nuper mihi transmissa, à discretione inuenirem alie∣na, timor me turbauit cum tristitia. Timor quidem propter hoc, quod dicitur, pastoris sententia, siue iusta, siue iniusta timenda est. Timebam enim infirmis Scripturae auditoribus, qui vel iustae vix obediunt sententiae, ne iniustam conculcantes liberè, onerosa, imò importabili pastoris praeuaricatione praecepti, se obligarent. Tristitia verò vel compassio, dum considerabam, qua ratione membra cauere possent, capite suo tam graui morbo laborante. Quid enim grauius quid totius Ecclesiae compassione dignius, quam te summae sedis Pontificem, ad quem totius Ecclesiae spe∣ctat examen, à sancta discretione vel minimum exorbitare? Non parum quippe ab hac deuiasti, cum clericos, quos ad abstinenti∣am coniugij monere debebas, ad hanc imperiosa quadam violen∣tia cogi volebas. Nun quid enim meritò communi omnium sapi∣entum iudicio haec est violentia, cum contra Euangelicam insti∣tutionem, ac sancti Spiritus dictationem, ad priuata aliquis de∣creta cogitur exequenda?

Cum ergo plurima veteris ac noui Testamenti suppetant ex∣empla, sanctam (vt nosti) discretionem docentia,* 6.2 tuae rogone gra∣ue sit paterniati, vel pauca ex pluribus huic paginae interseri. Do∣minus quidem in veteri lege sacerdoti coniugium constituit, quod illi postmodum interdixisse non legitur. Sed idem in Euan∣gelio loquitur: Sunt eunuchi,* 6.3 qui se castrauerunt propter reg∣num caelorum, sed non omnes hoc verbum capiunt: qui potest capere, capiat. Quà propter Apostolus quoque ait: De virgini∣bus praeceptum Domini non habeo, consilium autem do. Qui e∣tiam iuxta praedictum Domini, non omnes hoc consilium cape∣re posse considerans, sed multos eiusdem consilij assentatores, ho∣minibus, non Deo, pro falsa specie continentiae placere volentes, grauiora vides committere, patrum scilicet vxores subagitare, masculorum ac pecudum amplexus non abhorrere:* 6.4 ne morbi huius aspersione ad usque pestilentiam conualescente, nimium status labefactetur Ecclesiae totius: Propter fornicationem, di∣xit, vnusquisque suam vxorem habeat. Quod specialiter ad laicos pertinere, ijdem mentiuntur hypocritae: qui licet in quouis sanc∣tissimo ordine constituti, alienis tamen vxoribus non dubitant abuti. Et quod flendo cernimus, omnes in supradictis saeuiunt sceleribus. Hi nimirum non rectè Scripturam intellexerunt,* 6.5 cu∣ius mamillam quia durius pressêre, sanguinem pro lacte bibe∣runt. Nam illud Apostolicum: Vnusquisque suam habeat vxo∣rem, nullum excipit verè, nisi professorem continentiae, vel eum qui de continuanda in Domino virginitate prefixit.

Quod nihilominus tuam, Pater venerande, condecet strenui∣tatem, vt omnem qui tibi manu vel ore votum faciens continen∣tiae, postea voluerit apotatare, aut ad votum exequendum ex de∣bito constringas, aut ab omni ordine, canonica autoritate depo∣nas: & hoc vt viriliter implere sufficias,* 6.6 me omnesque mei ordi∣nis viros adiutores habebis non pigros. Verùm vt huius voti nescios omninò scias non esse cogendos, audi Apostolum dicen∣tem

ad Timoth: Oportet (inquit) Episcopum irreprehensibilem esse, vnius vxoris virum. Quam sententiam ne quis ad solam Ec∣clesiam verteret, subiunxit: Qui autem domui suae praeesse ne∣scit, quomodo Ecclesiae Dei diligentiam habebit? Similiter in∣quit: Diaconi sint vnius vxoris viri, qui filijs suis bene praesint, & suis domibus. Hanc autem vxorem à sacerdote benedicendam esse, sancti Syluestri Papae decretis scio te sufficienter docuisse. His & huiusmodi sanctae Scripturae sententijs, Regulae clerico∣rum scriptor non immeritò concordans, ait: Clericus sit pudi∣cus, aut certè vnius matrimonij vinculo foederatus. Ex quibus omnibus veraciter colligit, quòd Episcopus & Diaconus repre∣hensibiles notantur, si in mulieribus multis diuiduntur. Si verò vnam sub obtentu religionis abijciunt, vtrunque, scilicet Episco∣pum & Diaconum, sine graduum differentia, hic Canonica dam∣nat sententia: Episcopus aut Presbyter vxorem propriam ne∣quaquam sub obtentu religionis abijciat, si verò reiecerit, ex∣communicetur:* 6.7 & si perseuerauerit, deijciatur. Sanctus quoque Augustinus, sanctae discretionis non inscius: Nullum, inquit, tam graue facinus est, quin admittendum sit, vt deuitetur peius.

Legimus praeterea in secundo Tripartitae Ecclesiasticae libro historiae, quòd cum Synodus Nicaena haec eadem vellet sancire decreta,* 6.8 vt videlicet Episcopi, Praesbyteri, Diaconi, post conse∣crationem à proprijs vxoribus vel omninò abstinerent, vel gra∣dum deponerent: surgens in medio Paphnutius, (ex illis Mar∣tyribus quos Maximus Imperator, oculis eorum dextris euulsis, & sinistris suris incisis, damnauit) contradixit, honorabiles con∣fessus nuptias, ac castitatem esse dicens connubium cum pro∣pria vxore: persuasitque Concilio ne talem ponerent legem: grauem asserens esse causam, quae aut ipsis, aut eorum coniugi∣bus occasio fornicationis existeret. Et haec quidem Paphnutius, licet nuptiarum expers, exposuit: Synodusque eius sententiam laudauit, & nihil ex hac parte sanciuit, sed hoc in vniuscuisque voluntate, non in necessitate dimisit.

Sunt verò aliqui, qui sanctum Gregorium suae sectae sumunt adiutorem: quorum quidem temeritatem rideo, ignorantiam doleo. Ignorant enim, quòd periculosum huius haeresis decre∣tum à S. Gregorio factum, condigno poenitentiae fructu post∣modum ab eodem sit purgatum. Quippè cùm die quadam in viuarium suum propter pisces misisset, & allata inde plus quam sex milia infantum capita videret, intima mox ductus poenitentia ingemuit,* 6.9 & factum à se de abstinētia decretū, tātae caedis causam cōfessus, cōdigno illud, vt dixi, poenitentiae fructu purgauit: su∣oque decreto prorsus damnato, Apostolicum illud laudauit con∣filium: Melius est nubere quàm vri: addens ex sua parte: Melius est nubere, quàm mortis occasionem praebere. Hunc forsitan rei euentum si illi mecum legissent,* 6.10 non tam temerè, credo, iudica∣rent, Dominicum saltem timentes praeceptum: Nolite iudicare, vt non iudicemini. Inde Paulus dicit: Tu quis es, qui iudicas ali∣enum seruum? suo Domino stat, aut cadit. Stabit autem: potens est enim Dominus statuere illum.* 6.11 Cesset ergo sanctitas tua co∣gere, quos tantùm deberet admonere: ne priuato (quod absit) praecepto, tam veteri quàm nouo contrarius inueniaris testa∣mento. Nam, vt ait sanctus Augustinus ad Donatum: Solum est quòd in tua iusticia pertimescimus, ne non pro lenitatis Christi∣anae consideratione, sed pro immanitate facinorum censeas coer∣cendum. Quod te per ipsum Christum ne facias obsecramus: sic enim peccata compescenda sunt, vt supersint quos peccasse poe∣niteat.* 6.12 Illud etiam Augustini volumus te recordari, quod ait: Nihil nocendi fiat cupiditate, omnia consulendi charitate: & ni∣hil fiat immaniter, nihil inhumaniter. Idem de eodem: In timore Christi in nomine Christi exhortor: Quicunque non habetis temporalia, habere non cupiatis: quicunque habetis, in eis non praesumatis. Dico autem, non si ista habetis, damnamini: sed si in istis praesumatis, damnamini: si propter talia magni vobis videa∣mini: si generis humani conditionem communem propter excel∣lentem vnitatem,* 6.13 obliuiscamini. Quod nimirum poculum dis∣cretionis ex illo fonte Apostolicae hauserat praedicationis: So∣lutus es ab vxore, noli quaerere vxorem: alligatus es vxori, noli quaerere solutionem. Vbi & subditur: Qui habent vxores, sint tanquam non habentes: & qui vtuntur mundo, tanquam non v∣tantur. Idem dicit de vidua: Cui vult nubat, tantum in Domino. Nubere in Domino est, nihil in contrahendo cōnubio quod Do∣minus prohibeat, attentare. Ieremias quo{que} ait: Nolite cōfidere in verbis mendacij, dicētes: Templū Domini, templum Domini, tē∣plum Domini est. Quod Hieronimus exponens: Potest (inquit) & hoc illis virginibus conuenire,* 6.14 quae iactant pudicitiam suam im∣pudenti vultu: praeferunt castitatem, cum aliud habeat conscien∣tia: & nesciunt illam Apostoli definitionem de virgine, vt sit sanc∣ta corpore & spiritu. Quid enim prodest corporis pudicitia, ani∣mo constuprato, si caeteras virtutes, quas Propheticus sermo de∣scribit, non habuerit? Quas quidem, quia te aliquatenus habere videmus, & quia discretionem, licet in hac re neglectam, in alijs tamen vitae tuae constitutionibus eam honestè conseruatam non ignoramus: huius intentionis prauitatem te citò correcturum non desperamus. Et ideo non quanta possumus grauitate, istam licet grauissimam negligentiā corripimus, vel iudicamus. Quan∣quam enim secundū vocabula quae vsus obtinuit, sit Episcopatus Praesbyterio maior: tamen Augustinus Hieronymo minor est, & à minori quolibet non est refugienda correptio: praesertim cum is qui corripitur, & contra veritatem, & pro hominibus niti inuenitur. Ne{que} enim, vt ait sanctus Augustinus ad Bonifaciū: Quorumlibet disputationes, quam uis catholicorū & laudato∣rum virorum, velut Scripturas Canonicas habere debemus: vt non liceat nobis salua honorificentia, quae illis debetur, aliquid in eorū scriptis improbare at{que} respuere, si fortè inuenerimus quòd aliter senserint quàm veritas habeat, diuino adiutorio vel ab alijs intellecta, vel à nobis. Quid autem veritati magis contrariū, quàm hoc, quòd cum ipsa veritas de continentia lo∣quens, nō vnius hominis,* 6.15 sed omnium planè (non excepto nu∣mero professorum continentiae) dicat: Qui potest capere, ca∣piat: isti (nescitur vnde instigati) dicant: Qui non potest cape∣re, feriatur anathemate?

Quid verò per homines fieri potest stolidius? quid diuinae maledictioni obligatius, quàm cum aliqui, vel Episcopi videli∣cet, vel Archidiaconi, ita praecepites sint in libidinem, vt ne{que} a∣dulteria, neque incestus, neque masculorum (proh pudor) tur∣pissimos amplexus sciant abhorrere: casta clericorum cōiugia sibi dicant foetere, & ab eis non verae iusticiae compassione, sed falsae iusticiae dedignatione, non vt conseruos rogent cōtinere, sed vt seruos iubeant ac cogant abstinere? Ad cuius imperij, ne dicam consilij, tam fatuam, tam{que} turpē addunt suggestionem, vt dicāt: Honestius est pluribus occultè implicari, quàm aper∣tè in hominū vultu & conscientia cum vna legari. Quod pro∣fectò nō dicerent, si ex illo & in illo essent, qui dicit: Vae vobis Pharisaeis, qui omnia facitis propter homines. Et per Psalmistā: Qui hominibus placent, confusi sunt,* 6.16 quoniam Dominus spre∣uit eos. Hi sunt, qui prius deberent nobis persuadere, vt in cō∣spectu eius, cui omnia nuda & aperta sunt, erubescamus pec∣catores esse, quàm in conspectu hominū mundi esse. Licet ergo merito suae prauitatis, nullius consiliū mereantur pietatis, nos tamē memores humanitatis diuinae, eis consilium authoritatis nunquam à pietate vacantis, per viscera ministramus charita∣tis. Dicimus nempe:* 6.17 Eiice primùm hypocrita trabem de ocu∣lo tuo, & tunc perspicies vt eiicias festucā de oculo fratris tui.

Illud quoque rogamus eos attendere, quod Dominus di∣cit de muliere: Qui sine peccato est vestrûm, primus in eam la∣pidem mittat, quasi di••eret: Si lex iubet, si Moses iubet,* 6.18 iubeo & ego, sed competentes legis ministros exigo. Attendentes, quid adducitis, attendite quaeso & quid estis: quia, si te ipsum, vt ait Scriptura, perspexeris, nulli vnquam detraxeris. Signifi∣catum est autem nobis de quibusdā eorum, quod tanta apud se intumescant elatione, vt gregem Domini,* 6.19 pro quo boni pasto∣res animas non dubitant ponere, isti verberibus etiam abs{que} ra∣tione praesumant laniare. Quorum sentētiam S. Gregorius ni∣mium deplorans ait: Quid fiet de ouibus, quando pastores lu∣pi fiunt? Sed quis vincitur, nisi qui saeuit? quis verò persecutorē iudicabit, nisi qui dorsū suū ad flagella patienter ministrauit?* 6.20 Operae praecium est autē, vt audiatur, quo fructu tantū Eccle∣siae Dei inducabant scandalū, tantū cleris despectum, & ab ipsis Episcopis, & ab eorum infidelibus patiatur. Nec enim eos in∣fideles dicere dubitauerim, de quibus Paulus Apostolus dicit ad Timotheum: Quia in nouissimis temporibus discedēt qui∣dam a fide, attendentes spiritibus erroris,* 6.21 & doctrinis daemo∣niorum, in hypocrisi loquentium mendacium, & cauteriatam habentium conscientiam, prohibentium nubere.

Hic est autem, si diligēter inspiciatur, totius eorum manipu∣lus zizaniae, totius euentus insaniae,* 6.22 vt dum clerici licita vnius mulieris cōsortia, Pharisaico deuicti (quod absit) furore, relin∣quere cogātur, fornicatores & adulteri & aliarum prauitatum turpissimi ministri cum ipsis efficiantur. Qui hanc in Ecclesia Dei haeresim, sicut caeci duces caecorū machinantur, vt videlicet illud impleatur quod Psalmista eis, vt pote doctoribus erroris, taliter imprecatur: Obscurentur oculi eorum ne videant. &c. Quia ergo nemo, ô Apostolice, ignorat,* 6.23 quòd si tu per tui de∣creti sententiam, tantam futuram esse pestilentiam solitae dis∣cretionis claritate perspexisses, nūquam quorumlibet tam pra∣uis suggestionibus consensisses: debitae tibi subiectionis fideli∣tate consulimus, vt vel nūc ad tanti scandali ab Ecclesia Dei pro pulsionē euigiles: & qua nosti discretionis disciplina, Phari∣saicā ab ouili Dei extirpes doctrinā, ne scilicet vnica Sunami∣tis, adulterinis diutius vsa maritis, gentem sanctam, regale sa∣cerdotium, per irrecuperabile à sponso Christo videlicet, auel∣lat diuortium: dum nemo sine castimonia, non tantum in vir∣ginali flore, sed etiam in coniugali habita coniunctione, visu∣rus sit Dominum nostrum: qui cum Deo patre & Spiritu san∣cto viuit & regnat per omnia saecula saeculorum. Amen.

As touchyng the antiquitie of this Epistle aboue pre∣fixed it appeareth by the copie which I haue sene, & recea∣ued of the aboue named Matthew Archbyshop of Cāter∣bury, to be of an old & aunciēt writyng, both by the forme of the characters, and by the wearyng of the Partchment, almost consumed by length of yeares and tyme.

And as cōcernyng the author therof, the superscriptiō (if it be true) playnely declareth it to be the Epistle of Uo∣lusianus Byshop of Carthage. Albeit heretofore it hath

commonly bene taken and alleaged by the name of Hul∣dericus Byshop of Augusta, and partely appeareth to be so, both by the testimony of Aeneas Syluius, in Descriptione Germaniae, who in the said treatise affirmeth that Hulderi∣cus Byshop of Augusta, did constantly resist the Pope a∣bolishing the mariage of Priests, &c. and also by the record of Illyricus, testifieng that the said epistle not only remai∣neth yet to this day in old monumentes, but also that hee himselfe did see two exemplars of the same, both preten∣ding the name of the sayde Huldericus to bee the author. Notwithstanding this copie heere aboue prefixed, beareth the title not of Huldericus Bishop of Augusta, but of Uo∣lusianus Bishop of Carthage in Aphricke, as ye may see by the words of the preamble, sayeng, This is the rescripte of Volusianus Byshop of Carthage, vnto Pope Nicholás concer∣ning Priests not to be restrayned from lawfull marriage, &c.

Furthermore, which Pope Nicholas this was to whōe these epistles were written, it is not plainely shewed in the same, but that by probable coniecture it may be gessed ra∣ther to be Pope Nicholas 2. for so much as in his time, Priestes mariage began somewhat earnestly to be called in, more then at other times before

Now as touching the English▪ of this Latine epistle a∣boue exhibited,* 6.24 forasmuch as the same is before inserted, page 157. we will referre the reader vnto the same place. Wherein if the translation of the English doe swarue any thing from the Latin heere aboue prefixed, the cause was, for that the Latine copie which heere we follow, came not before to our hands.

¶Another epistle of the said Volusianus, concer∣ning marriage not to be restrayned from priestes and ministers of the Church.

CVm sub liberi arbitrij potestate creati simus, & non sub lege, sed sub gratia, qualiter creati sumus, viuamus. Vos qui conti∣nentiae legem nobis inuitis, imponitis, liberi arbitrij nos potesta∣te priuatis. Quod nolumus velle, & quod volumus nolle cogen∣do imperatis, & imperando cogitis: & legis vinculo, à quo ipsa gratia nos in libertatem liberati sumus,* 7.1 alligare, & spiritum ser∣uitutis iterum in timore accipere, ipsamque gratiam, sine qua ni∣hil facere possumus, omninò euacuare satagitis, ita vt (sicut ait Apostolus) ipsa gratia iam non sit gratia, & Dei donum non sit Dei donum: Et non ex Deo sed ex homine, nec ex vocante, sed ex operante: cum idem Apostolus dicat: Quia non est volentis ne∣que currentis, sed Dei miserentis.

Nam cùm sint▪ tria principalia & quasi effectiua, per quae omnis anima humana capax & compos rationis,* 7.2 quicquid spiritalis bo∣ni apprehendere & percipere potest, apprehendit & percipit, & sine quibus nihil prorsus capere possit: liberum arbītrium vide∣licet, Mandatum, & gratia (libero enim arbitrio bona à malis de∣cernimus atque eligimus: mandato ad omnia facienda prouoca∣mur ac incitamur: gratia promouemur & adiuuamur) horum omnium tamen gratia Domina & Magistra & quasi praepotens imperatrix & Regina est, ad cuius nutum caetera pendent, & ab ea vim & efficaciam expectant, & sine illa nihil praeualent, sed quasi stolida & mortua,* 7.3 sicut materia sine forma, iacent & subiacent. Loco enim materiae, secundum propositionem aliquam, liberum arbitrium possumus accipere non incongruè: Gratiam verò, lo∣co formae: Mandatum autem quod medium est quasi instrumen∣tum, ad vtrunque respicere, quo summus artifex Dominus libe∣rum arbitrium quasi stolidam materiam moueat & promoueat, & formam gratiae illi componat. Et sicut materia sine form•• est hor∣rida & deformis: ita liberum arbitrium est horridum & deforme sine gratia superueniente se mouente & promouente, mandato medio quasi instrumento (vt diximus) interueniente. Quod ergò forma in materia, hoc in libero arbitrio per quandam similitudi∣nem est gratia: & quod materia sub forma, hoc idem est libera vo∣luntas sub gratia.* 7.4 Et item, quod est instrumentum ipsorum, hoc est mandatum ad vtrunque istorum. Instrumentum namque sor∣didam materiam, & horridam atque asperam, obscuram, & quasi coecam emaculat & expolit, & claram, planam ac lucidam, forma superueniente, reddit. Sic & mandatum, liberum arbit••ium sordi∣dum & horridum, asperum & incultum, obscu••um & coecū, niti∣dat, comit, lenit, & excolit, lucidat, & illuminat: sicut Propheta di∣cit:* 7.5 praeceptum domini lucidum, illuminans oculos, splendore gratiae superueniente. Et sicut materia & instrumentum sine for∣ma nihil valent, ita libera voluntas & mandatum sine gratia nihil virtutis habent. Quid enim liberum arbitrium vel mandatum si∣ne gratia praeueniente & subsequente potest▪ Gratia namque ad liberum arbitrium,* 7.6 mandatum quasi nuntium ac famulum mittit: mandatum liberum arbitrium prouocat atque quasi sopitum ex∣citat, vt ad bona facienda euigilet & exurgat, viamque ei quam peragere debeat, quasi coeco deducendo demonstrat. Quorum vtrunque▪ si à gratia deseritur, nihil omninò per se potest. Quod si conatur, deficit, non proficit, neque etiam efficit, vel perficit. Si praesumit, non assumit, sed potius to tam operam & laborem fru∣stra consumit. Cùm enim mandatum, seu per hominem siue per Angelū mittitur, & etiam liberum a••bitrium seu humano seu an∣gelico mandati nuntio cōmouetur, prouocatur, & instruitur, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 diuina gratia comitetur, praeueniat, & subsequatur, quid valebi•••• Quid nempè homini in paradiso posito mandatū quod audiuit: E•• omni ligno Paradisi comede, de ligno vero scientiae boni & mali ne comedat? Nihil prorsus ad salutem,* 7.7 sed potius ad condemnati∣onem. Quare? Quia gratia saluatrix & auxiliatrix defuit, quā ille iniustè suis viribus fisus, cōtempsit. Aut quid valuit Israelitico po∣pulo in Eremo cōstituto, mandatū legis quod per Moyse accepit, cui obedire neglexit?* 7.8 Aut quid profuit illi qui Dominū se qui suo arbitrio, & nō illius vocatione praesumit dicens: Domine, sequa•• te quocun{que} ieris. Ex multis alijs diuinae scripturae locis noui & veteris Testamenti demōstrari potest, quòd ne{que} mandatū, neque liberū arbitriū per se quicquā valet, nisi diuina gratia praeuenien∣do▪ & subsequendo adiuuet. Cùm igitur continentiae bonū, imò omne bonū sit solius diuinae gratiae donū, nec per mandatum,* 7.9 nec per liberū arbitriū cōprehendatur, errant & frustrà laborant qui se suis viribus illud apprehendere ••entant. Illi etiam magis errant qui hoc inuitis & nolentibus imperant, & nō spōtaneè sed coactè in Sacrarium Dei dona offerre suadent, nescientes aut obliti illius quod Dominus Moysi & Moyses à Domino praecepit dicens•• Se∣parate apud vos primitias Domino: quisque voluntarius & bono animo offerat eas Domino. Quid est separare apud vos primitias Domino,* 7.10 nisi studiosa cogitatione & meditatione in cordibus vestris tractare, & cum discretione deponere & diuidere, quid Domino de thesauro cordis nostri valeamus offerre? Si enim rec∣tè offeras & non rectè diuidas, peccasti. Et quid est prono animo offerre, nisi quod ait Psalmista: voluntariè sacrificabo tibi? Et A∣postolus: Non ex tristitia aut necessitate: Hilarem datorem dili∣git Deus. Et Salomon, Bono animo gloriam redde Domino, & in omni Dato hilarem fac vultum tuum, & in exultatione sanctifica decimas tuas, & in bono oculo facito adinuentionē manuū tua∣rū. Et Apostolus Iacobus:* 7.11 Nō amat Dominus (inquit) coacta ser∣uitia. Et, maledictus qui opus Domini facit negligenter .i. nō curi∣osè neque voluntariè. Sicut nos ergo Dominus inuitos aliquid offerre non iubet: ita vos inuitos aliquos offerre aliquid cogere, prohibet per eundem Moysen vbi ait:* 7.12 Ne facias Calumniam pro∣ximo tuo, nec vi opprimas eum. Calumniā proximo facere, est eū non cōpatiendo & miserando corrigere de peccato: sed dedigni∣do & exprobrando & detrahendo arguere & accusare, & non in spiritu lenitatis instruere, sed in spiritu asperitatis & austeritatis destruere, cum Apostolus dicat:* 7.13 Si praeoccupatus fuerit homo in aliquo delicto, vos qui spirituales estis instruite huiusmodi in spiritu lenitatis, considerans teipsum ne & tu tenteris. Vi oppri∣mere proximū, est vltra vires suas aliquid exigere, & onus quod portare nō potest imponere, imponētibus fortassis importabile,* 7.14 cùm Dominus de Pharisaeis ad Discipulos loquens, hoc eis pro∣hibeat dicens: Super cathredam Moysi sedent Scribe & Phari∣saei, &c. Et Apostolus Petrus: Pascite (inquit) qui in vobis est, gregem Domini, prouidentes, non coactè, sed spontaneè, secun∣dū Dominum: neque turpis lucri gratia, sed volūtariè: neque do∣minantes in Clero, sed forma estote gregi ex animo. Hic pastor pastorū, princeps Apostolorū, quid caeteri pastores vel Apostoli debeant facere, quomodo gregē Domini sibi creditum tractare, apertè & piè demonstrat atque insinuat, & quantam solicitudi∣nem & compassionem erga subditos habere oporteat, eis incul∣cat: & omnem potestatem tyrannicae dominationis vel ambitio∣nem cupiditatis, quam quidam in subditos sibi exercent, ab eo∣rum cordibus procul eliminat, & eos non dominos,* 7.15 sed patres subditorum debere esse pronunciat: neque eis aliquid typo po∣tentiae imperare, sed zelo pietatis admonere & obsecrare iuxta vires vniuscuiusque secundum Dominum, non secundum suae voluntatis arbitrium vel potestatis imperium: & illis formam esse gregi debere, vt quid alijs imperant, ipsi priores faciant, & non minus exemplis quam verbo proficiant. Ex animo▪ inquit: non ex imperio: ex voluntate, non coactione: ex charitate, non ex cupi∣ditate. Sunt enim plaerique qui zelo cupiditatis, nō charitatis ac∣censi, alijs imperant quod implere non valent: & dum lucrum a∣nimarum querere se simulant, lucrum potius terrenum captant. Quod bene Baalam propheta exprimit,* 7.16 qui prophetiae donum & benedicendi gratiam quam diuinitus acceperat, non ad vtilitatē aliorum, sed ad vsum suae cupiditatis vertit: & sicut nonnulli qui dum alios corrigunt, hoc zelo Dei facere se ostendunt, & dū me∣liores alijs se videri volunt, hoc praesumptione quadam & teme∣ritate agunt, & ideo in ipso praesumptionis suae & temeritatis actu corruunt. De quibus dicit Apostolus: Qui zelum Dei habent,* 7.17 sed non secundum scientiam. Zelum Dei secundum scientiam est ha∣bere, prouidè & cōsulte in diuinis rebus aliquid agere. Quorum profectio Oza similitudinem gerit, qui dum Arcam Domini cal∣citrantibus bobus qui eam portabant, in••linatum parumper e∣rigere voluit, mox dum ad eam manum tetendit, mortuus ceci∣dit. Arcam Domini calcitrantibus bobus inclinari▪ est legem Do∣mini quam ipsi sacerdotes portare & tenere debent ab eis nō ob∣seruando contradici, & quasi à recto statu in diuersam partem fle∣cti, quam Oza, qui adiutor dei interpretatur, erigere tentat: Quia sunt quidā Prelati, qui dum sacerdotalem ordinem▪ ipsam legem diuinā maligno excessu vel leuiter à sitae rectitudinis vta quasi in∣clinare & in aliam partem flectere vident, eam inclinationem ca∣stigere

& corrigere magis virtutis suae ostentatione quàm diuina emulatione praesumunt, & quia hoc inconsultè agunt dum ad∣iutores Dei videri appetunt, plerum{que} mortaliter in deterius ca∣dunt. Sunt & alij qui nullam infirmitatis humanae consideratio∣nem,* 7.18 nec vllum misericordiae respectum & compassionis affectū habent, & cum Apostolo dicere nescientes: Quis infirmatur & e∣go non infirmor? D••m se subditis non conditione qua pares, sed authoritate qua superiores sunt, conferunt, at{que} magistri videri, & plus prae esse quàm prodesse cupiunt,* 7.19 illorum infirmitatem vi do∣minationis premunt, & eos sibi obedire compellunt. Quod ni∣mirum illo facto figuratur, quod de Simone Cyrenaeo in Euan∣gelio legitur, quem angariauerunt persecutores Domini vt tol∣leret crucem eius. Cuius etiam nomen huic figurae conuenienter aptatur. Simon nam{que} interpretatur obediens. Simon verô, id est obediens, crucem Domini portare angariatur cum subiecti qui{que} à suis magistris vi dominationis vel authoritatis, ••el ana∣thematis pressi, & eis obedire compulsi, crucem continentiae pa∣tiuntur inuiti: ipsam{que} crucem quam portant, non amant, quia ip¦sam plus ad perniciem suam, quàm ad salutem portant, nec ipsa cruce peccato moriuntur,* 7.20 sed potius ipsi peccato viuificantur: Nam & alia peccata grauiora exindè oriūtur. Inhibito enim na∣turali vnius mulieris coniugio, surrepit non naturalis, sed contra naturam execrabilis Sodomitica fornicatio: surrepit illicita & damnabilis, non legitima sed contra legem alienae vxoris conta∣minatio, nec non etiam & meretricabilis nefanda pollutio: quin etiam abominabilis omnibus parentalis incestatio, vel aliarum multarum immundiciarum vel libidinum à diabolo inuentarum id genus, in quibus humana infirmitas periclitatur. Vnde Loth de Sodomitico incendio Angelo domini educente ereptus, & vx∣oris consortio viduatus, dum sua infirmittais cōscius ad montana non ausus est Angelo monente ascendere, ipse in Segor p••rua ci∣uitate quae iuxta erat, elegit habitare, ipso Angelo praecipiente & sic ad eum loquente:* 7.21 Salua animam tuam: noli respicere post ter∣gum, sed in monte saluum te fac, ne & tu simul pereas. Cui dixit▪ Loth: Quaeso Domine mi, quia inuenit seruus tuus gratiam corā te vt saluares me: non possum in monte saluari, ne fortè apprehē∣dat me malum & moriar. Est Ciuitas iuxta hic ad quam▪ possum fugere parua,* 7.22 & saluabor in ea. Quid est quod Loth à Sodomis fu∣giens praecipiente Angelo vt in monte saluaretur, montem ascē∣dere quia ibi mori timebat, noluit, sed Segor paruā ciuitatem iu∣xtà montem positam, vt in ea saluaretur, ad habitandum elegir, nisi quicun{que} fidelium Sodometicae libidinis incendium & peri∣culum euadere cupiens, dum celsitudinē virginalem non valet, & castitatis vidualis timet ascendere ne in ea periclitetur ad cō∣iugalem copulam cùm ad vtram{que} continentiam p••r••ula est & v∣tri{que} proxima,* 7.23 confugit? Nam{que} post continētias supradictas, haec castitas probatur laudabilis, & non priuatur praemio regni coele∣stis. Ad hanc castitatem, qui non potest continere, iubetur acce∣dere & in ea suluari, ne fortè si montem ascenderit, apprehendat eum malū & moriatur, & ne, si continentiam non sibi diuinitus concessam, suis viribus obtinere tentauerit, malum incontinenti∣ae vel fornicationis vel aliquarum supradictarum pes••••um eum apprehendat, & in eis mortaliter pereat. Sunt enim multi qui dū infirmitatem suam non considerant, & dum maiora se apprehen∣dere conantur, ipsa sua praecipitatione retroacti, in deteriora la∣buntur: quia dum maiora inconsultius ambiunt, minora quae tenere videbantur,* 7.24 amittunt. Quod sanè exemplo ipsius Loth a∣pertè demonstratur: qui dum relicta Segor quam ad habitandum elegerat, & in qua saluari petierat, in montem ascendit, ibi{que} man∣sit, in incestum filiarum suarum, ipsarum surreptione corruit, sicut scriptura dicit. Ita nam{que} scriptum est: Ascendit Loth de Segor & mansit in monte, dederunt{que} filia patri suo bibire vinum nocte il∣la, & ingressa est maior, dormiuit{que} cum patre. Quod nequaquam sibi contigisset, si in Segor in qua saluari poterat, ad praeceptum Angeli, sicut ille postulauerat, remaneret. Sed quia hoc quod sibi ab Angelo concessum fuerat, dereliquit, & quod concessum non fuerat,* 7.25 id postea sua voluntate contra praeceptum Angeli prae∣sumpsit, salutis suae dispendium pertulit, & graue incestus pecca∣tum incurrit. Sic pleris{que} contingit▪ qui dum quod sibi concessum est à Deo relinquunt, & id quod sibi concessum est ambiunt, & illud quod sibi concessum est perdunt, & illud quod sibi conces∣sum non est, aprehendunt. Quia sunt nonnulli, qui dum coniuga∣lem vitam quae sibi concessa est, & in qua saluari possent, vel in∣uiti vel volentes deserunt, & maiori profectus desiderio caelibem vitam actitare satagunt, salutem quam in illa habere poterant, perdunt, & periculum maximum in ista incurrunt, & ex quo pro∣ficere conabantur, magis deficiunt (& sicut supradiximus) in ma∣ioris ruinae voraginem vergunt. Quod bene Doctor gentiū Pau∣lus cōsiderans, & infirmis quibus{que} benignè prospiciens Corin∣thijs super his scriptis suis se consulentibus, ita rescripsit dicens: De quibus autem scripsistis mihi: bonum homini est mulierē non tangere:* 7.26 propter fornicationem autem vitandam, vnusquis{que} vxo∣rem suam habeat, & vnaquae{que} virum. Et vxori vir debitum red∣dat: similiter vxor viro. Et post pauca, Nolite (inquit) fraudari in∣uicem, nisi fortè ex consensu ad temptus, vt vacetis orationi: & i∣terum reuertimini in idipsum ne tentet vos Satanas propter incō∣tinentiam vestram: quoniam, sicut ait Poeta, non omnia possimus omnes: Et sicut Apostolus in superioribus dixit: Quia non est vo∣lentis ne{que} currentis, sed Dei miserentis: Et alibi:* 7.27 Quia vnicui{que} nostrum data est gratia secundum mensuram donationis Christi. Hanc mensuram vnicui{que} tenendam nec transgrediendam esse, docens mox intulit: Volo autem omnes homines esse sicut meip∣sum, sed vnusquis{que} proprium habet donum ex Deo, alius quidē sic▪ alius autem sic: Quia videlicet mensura nos arcendos, & de∣bere esse contentos in sequentibus intimauit dicens: Vnumquē∣{que} sicut vocauit Deus, ita ambulet. Et vnusquis{que} in qua uocatio∣ne vocatus est, in hac permaneat apud Deum Et hoc idem repetit paulò inferius causa confirmationis: Vnusquis{que} in quo vocarus est frater, in hoc permaneat apud Deum. Et quia infirmitatem humanā videbat non posse tollerare incentiua * 7.28 gemini calori••▪ nisi per gratiam Dei, ne{que} vincere pugnam carnis aduersus spiri∣tum: & quia sic ipse dixit de se alibi•• Videbam aliam legē in mē∣bris meis, repugnantem legi mentis meae, hoc se misericorditer, & compatiēter, & vnanimiter, nō regulariter ne{que} imperatiuè dix isse, sicut in alia epistola, mōstrauerat vbi ait: Humanū dico prop∣ter infirmitatem carnis vestrae.* 7.29 Et in hac ipsa paulò superius in e∣odem schemate, vbi ait: Hoc autem dico secūdum indulgentiam, non secundum imperium, subdendo demonstrat: De virginibus autem preceptū Domini non habeo▪ consilium do tanquā miseri∣cordiā consecutus, vt sim fidelis. Id est, ea misericordi•• qua mihi Dominus consuluit quando ad fidem me vocauit, & sibi fidelem fecit, & ego alijs consulo & eandem misericordiā illis impendo. Et quoniam bonū est vtrum{que} cū vxore esse & sine vxore esse, & cū viro esse & cū viro non esse, ne{que} peccatum est vel cum vxore esse vel cū viro esse, mox subinfert dicēs: Estimo ergò bonū esse propter instantē necessitatē: quo niā bonū est homini esse sic. &c.

Quid est propter instantem necessitatem? Que est necessitas instans, nisi infirmitas praesens? Vel necessitas instans,* 7.30 est necessi∣tas vrgens & cogens prout necessitas extirerit vel coegerit. Vel instantem necessitatem dicit illius temporis necessitatem & an∣gustiam quae tunc extabat & cum cogebat vt talia scriberet & eis sic indulgeret causa scilicet vitandae fornicationis quae▪ tunc tem¦poris acciderat, & aliarum multarum fornicationum supradi∣ctarum quae accidere possent. Pro qua fornicatione hoc incaepit, & sibi scribentibus rescripsit, & Corinthijs in superioribus hu∣ius epistolae vehementer inuectus, in haec verba prorupit: Quid vultis? In verga veniam ad vos,* 7.31 an incharitate & spiritu mansue∣tudinis? Omninò auditur inter vos fornicatio, & talis fornicatio qualis nec inter gentes, ita vt vxorē patris sui quis habeat. Prop∣ter hanc ergo necessitatem vitandae fornicationis dico bonum es∣se homini sic esse, vt si continere non potest, nubat, vel vxorem accipiat, Quod exponendo subdit: Alligatus es vxori?* 7.32 Noli quae∣rere solutionem. Solutus es ab vxore? Noli querere vxorem. Si autem acceperis vxorem, non peccasti. Et si nupserit virgo, non peccauit. Et hic iterum non imperando sed indulgendo & com∣patiendo se dixisse ostendit: Ego autem vobis parco, id est, infir∣mitati vestrae cedo, Hoc ita{que} in potestate voluntatis vniuscuius{que} posuit vtrum velit eligire: nec se dicit cuiquam violentiam in∣ferre, nec laqueum quo eum astringat & teneat, inijcere, conse∣quenter subiungens: Porrò, hoc ad vtilitatem vestram dico: non vt laqueum vobis inijciam, sed ad id quod honestum est, & quod facultatem praebeat Dominum obsecrandi. Hoc dicit illis quos ad continentiam superius hortatus fuerat, & quos consortio vx∣oriae coniunctionis impediri, vel sollicitos esse nolebat. Alijs ve∣rò ita dicit: Si quis autem turpem videri se existimat super virgi∣nem suam, quod sit superadulta, & ita oportet fieri: quod vult, faciat: non peccat si nubat. Et iterum: vtrun{que} bonum esse▪ vnum tamen melius esse cōcludendo confirmat:* 7.33 Igitur qui matrimonio coniungit virginem suam, benè facit, & qui non iungit melius fa∣cit. Quod concordatur superiori sententiae vtri{que} sexui datae, in qua ait: Si acceperis vxorem non peccasti, & si nupserit virgo non peccauit. Si ergo virum accipere vxorem, & virginem nu∣bere, iuxta Apostolum peccatum non est, & beatitudinem non aufert, sed affert: & quia vter{que} bene facit, ideo ambo beati: nos qui vxores propter infirmitatem habemus, quid habendo pecca∣mus? Aut si Apostolus vnicui{que} propter fornicationem vxorem suam habere indulget & permittit, cur nos qui ex eadem massa sumus, & carnem peccati ex carne Adae peccatricem traximus, & continere non possumus, propter eandem causam & secundum eandem indulgentiam vxores habere non permittimut, & habi∣tas dimittere angariamur? Aut ita{que} vxores nobis habere imitātes Apostolum permittite, aut nos ex eadem massa non esse docete, aut nobis eandem indulgentiam, & permissionem non esse con∣cessam ab Apostolo, demonstrate. Quod opinor dicturi estis, quia haec indulgentia non fuit data ab Apostolo clericis aut alicui no∣stri ordinis, sed solis laicis. Quod ex verbis Apostoli vel ex cir∣cumstantia epistolae non potest defendi, cûm nulla ibi certa di∣stinctio vel denominatio habeatur personarum vel graduum siue professionum, nec ipse discernit seu nominibus seu officijs vel qui sibi scripserunt, vel de quibus, vel quibus ipse rescribebat, nisi tantū generaliter omni Ecelesiae Corinthiorum, sicut ipse in principio huius epistolae his verbis demōstrat:* 7.34 Paulus vocatus A∣postolus Christi Iesu per volūtatē Dei, & Sostenes frater, Ecclesiae Dei quae est Corinthi, sanctificatis in Christo Iesu, vocatis sanctis, cū omnibus qui inuocant nomē Domini. [Et post nonnulla alia, quae cōpendij causa hic rescidimus, haud ita multum ad rem atti∣nentia,

subinfert mox ad hunc modum:] Infirmitatem nostrā vos cōsiderate, ac miserari rogamus, & ne ei violentiā inferatis sup∣pliciter imploramus. Nam sicut iam satis superius inculcauimus vobis, null{us} ad cōtinētiā inuitus debet compelli. Ne{que} hoc genus virtutis vlli per legem Dei necessario imparutū est, sed volutaria deuotione Domino offerendū, dicēte ipso de hoc, Euangelio: Nō omnes capiunt verbū istud, sed quibus datū est. Ad quā tamē be∣nigna mox exho••tatione eos qui possūt inuitat dicēs:* 7.35 Qui potest capere ••apiat. Vndè gratia distinctionis nō Moyses foeminalibus vestire Aaron & filios eius iubetur,* 7.36 vt de prioribus dicitur: vesties ijs Aarō fratrē tuū & filios eius cū eo: sed, facies (inquit) faemina∣lia linea vt operiant carnē turpitudinis suae. Ipsi (inquit) operian•• ea••nē turpitudinis suae, tu foeminalia pontifici & filijs eius faci∣es: tu castitatis regulam docebis: tu abstinendum ab vxorio com∣plexu eis qui Sacerdotio functuri sunt, intimabis: nulli tamē vio∣lentū huiusmodi continentiae iugū imponens: sed quicunque Sa∣cerdotes fieri ac ministerio altaris seruire volūt, ipsi sua sponte vx¦ori serui esse desistant. Quod vbi perfecerint, at{que} suscepto semel continentiae proposito, ministros se Sanctuarij at{que} Altaris fore consenserint, aderit diuina gratia quae velut caeteris illis habitū Sacerdotibus cōgruū imponens, quomodo viuere vel docere de∣beant, abundanter instituit. Qui sensus subsequentibus quoque Domini verbis affirmatur, quibus post pauca subiungit: Cùm{que} laueris patrē cū filijs aqua, indues Aaron vestimentis suis, id e••t, linea & tunica,* 7.37 & superhumerali, & rationali, quod stringes bal∣teo, & pones tiaram, & oleum vnctionis fundes super caput eius, at{que} hoc ritu consecrabitur. Filios quo{que} illius applicabis & indu∣es tunicis lineis, cinges{que} Aaron balteo, cilicet & liberos eius, & impones eis Mitras, erūt{que} Sacerdotes mei in religione perpetua: Nam{que} hic de foemmalibus à Moyse accipiēdis praecipitur. Vndè liquidò constat quod se hoc genere vestimēti ipse prius Aaron ac filij eius induerant, & ••ic ad manum Moysi lauādi, inducendi, vn∣gendi & consecrandi intrabant. Hic apertè ostenditur & docetur nulli continentiae iugum inuito imponendum, sed à Deo promp∣ta & deuota volūtate accipiendum. Quod & Dionysius Areopa∣gita theosophus, id est Deū sapiens, Pauli Apostoli Discipulus▪ & ab eo Atheniensium Archiepiscopus ordinatus, in epistola qua dam ad Pymtum Gnasiorum Episcopum missa, in qua plurima de nuptijs & castitate commemorat, sicut Ecclesiastica refert histo∣ria, monet, & precatur illum ne grauia onera discipulorū cerui∣cibus imponat, neue fratribus necessitatē cōpulsae castitatis in∣ducat, in qua nonnullorum pereclitatur infirmitas. At{que} Pymtus Dionysio rescripsit sententiā se consilij melioris quod ipse dabat, amplecti. Hoc i••idem & Paphnutius vir diuinissimus at{que} castis∣simus, cùm in Niceno Concilio (vt in tripartita historia inueni∣mus) patres qui ibi aderant, hoc interdicere Sacerdotibus volu∣issent, in mediū eorū zelo humanae infirmitatis cōmotus & cōsci∣us exurgens, hoc ne facerent rogauit: quin potius in voluntate v∣niuscuius{que} ponerent exorauit, ne fortè per hoc locum darent & occasionē adulterio & fornicationi. Hac nam{que} cautela sancti vi∣ri in religione vtebantur, vt cùm de instructione & aedificatione subditorū aliquid agerent, & eos ad meliorē vitā de diuinis prae∣ceptis cōmoneri facerēt, cū patientia & mansuetudine potius o∣bedienda praeciperēt, quam cū potentia & austeritate imperarēt, nullū{que} inuitū sibi obedire cōpellerent. Quorū vos exempla se∣quentes qui eorum loco tenetis & nomen, ne nobis infirmis im∣portabilem sarcinam quaesumus imponatis,* 7.38 ne imprecatione do∣minica cū pharisaeis & ••egisperitis suscipiamini, in qua a••••: Ve vo∣bis legis periti, qui oneratis homines oheribus quae non possunt portari, & ipsi vno digito vestro ea non tangitis. Et ne clamo•• fili∣orū Israel ascendat ad Dominum propter duritiam eorū qui prae∣sūt operibus Ne{que} vos voletis facere eunuchos qui de vtero ma∣tris sic nati sunt,* 7.39 vel eos eunuchos qui violēter ab hominibus fa∣cti sunt, sed potius eos eunuchos, qui seipsos sua sponte eunuchi∣zauerunt propter regnum coelorum:* 7.40 neue sacris ordinibus & di∣uino mysterio propter nos tantū, calumniā faciatis vel inferatis, qui propter nostram vitam improbā illud hominibus cōtempti∣bile facitis, dum eis ne à nobis illud audiant & percipiant, prohi∣bitis:* 7.41 ac per hoc vitā improbam infamatis, & odorem nostrū corā Pharone & seruis eius faetêre facitis. Quod vos non rectè, si dici liceat (ne molestè accipiatis) videtur nobis, facere, & cōtra diui∣nā authoritatē & Canonicam regulā hoc {quod} facitis, esse: cùm Do∣minus per legislatorem dicat:* 7.42 Turpitudinē matris tuae nō reueles, & ignominia eius ne discooperias: Mater nostra Ecclesia est: Fi∣lij huius matris, quiquè fideliū sunt. Cuius tamē materna appel∣latio,* 7.43 maximà in Sacerdotibus est. Nam ipsi, generant fideles, & verbo praedicationis, & sacramento Baptismatis. An non mater erat quae dicebat: Filioli mei quos interum parturio? Turpitudo ergo & ignominia matris nostrae reprehēsibilis est actio Sacerdo∣talis vitae. Quae turpido tunc reuelatur, & ignominia discooperi∣tur, cū sacerdotalis vita publicè infamatur. Quod vos nimirū fa∣citis, qui fragilitatē nostrā quasi hactenus latentē & coopertam (quia eā nullus ita cognouerat) hominibus diffamatis, & propter eā diuina mysteria vel ministeria aspernāda sancitis. Quasi ad ea pertineat pollutio aliena,* 7.44 & ea polluat & cōmaculet immūdicia nostra cū Psalmographus dicat: Lex domini immaculata. Aut qua si illi nostro cōtagio cōtaminētur, quia ea ex nostro ore & ex no∣stro officio adipiscūtur.* 7.45 Quod si ita dicitis esse, nequaquā discipu¦lis & turbis de Pharisaeis Domin{us} praeciperaet: Omnia quaecū{que} di∣xerint vobis, seruate & facite Et rursus, si ita esset nequaquā Do∣minus Iudam quē ••urē esse scieba•• & proditorē suū futu••ū, cum discipulis alijs ad praedicandū mitteret, ne{que} pot••statē signa ••••c••∣endi & sanitates donādi, n••{que} ad communionem sac••o••anctae cae∣nae eū admittéret. Et si immūdicia nostra diuina mysteria vel mi∣nisteria & eorū capaces & auditores insiceret & deteriora••et, ne∣quaquā Dominus Lepro••ū quē mūdauerat, ••āgeret, ne{que} ei o••••u∣lū daret, & nequaquā cū Simone alio Leproso māducaret, & ne∣quaquā à Maria peccatrice pedes suos osculari, & lach••y•••••• la∣••ari, & capillis tergi▪ & caput suum vngi permitteret. Hinc sacro∣rum Canonū veneranda authoritas sanxit, nullū qui etiam ab hae∣retico sacramēta dominica rectè perceperit, vll••tenus ipsa haere∣tica prauitate corrumpi, nec vlla sacramēta illius cōtagione co∣maculari. Vndè Romana Ecclesia Anastasium Papam in quadam epistola ad Anastasium Imparatorem directa, decreuit & scripsit, quòd nullū de his vel quos baptizauit Acatius, vel quos Sacerdo∣tes vel Leuitas secundū Canones ordinauit, vlla eos ex nomine Acatij portio laesionis attingat, quo forsan per iniquum t••adita sa∣cramēti gratia minus firma videatur. Nā & baptismū (quod pro∣cul sit ab Ecclesia) siue ab adultero, siue a fu••e datū fuerit, ad per∣cipientē non minus peruenit illibatum. Quid vox illa quae son••it per colūbā? Omnē maliciā vel maculā humanae pollutionis excla¦dit, qua declaratur ac dicitur: Hic est qui baptizat. &c. Nā si visibi∣lis solis istius radij cū per loca foetidissima transeunt,* 7.46 nulla cōta∣ctus inquinatione maculantur: multo magis virtus illius qui istū visibilē solē fecit, nulla mysterij dignitate cōstringitur. Quicquid ergo ad hominum profectum quilibet in Ecclesia minister pro of∣ficio suo videtur operari, hîc totū cōtinetur implēdo diuinitatis effectu. Ita ille per quē Christ{us} loquitur Paulus, affirmat: Ego plā∣taui, Apollo rigauit: sed deus incrementum dedit. A Deo nō qu••∣ritur quis vel qualis praedicet: sed sic praedicet, vt inuidos etiā benè de Christo praedicare confirmet.* 7.47 Tanta est nam{que} diuinae potentia graciae, vt per malos acquirat bonos, & per reprobos & impro∣bos acquirat & colligat probos. His ita{que} authoritabus & alijs praedictis rationibus persuaderi debetis, ne{que} nos à diuini officij celebritate arcere, ne{que} illos quorū nihil interest, ab eius cōmuni∣one suspēdere. Quodsi mali sumus, nobis ipsis sumus▪ & plus no∣bis quàm alljs nocemus: & quos fortassè malos conspicitis, quid boni interius habeāt, ignoratis. Sūt enim pleri{que} quos de incōti∣nētia iudicatis, qui cōtinētiores sūt quàm illi quos de cōtinentia glorificatis. Qui habemus vxores, iuxta Apostolū tanquā non ha∣bemus. Quum videlicet cōtinētiā quia nobis nō potestis dare, o∣rate nobiscū & pro nobis, vt ille nobis donet,* 7.48 cuius hoc donū nos citur esse, & sine quo nemo poterit cōtinēs esse. Aliter enim illā habere nō possumus nisi ex totis precordijs illum oremus cuius hoc donū esse cognoscimus. Et hoc ipsū (inquit Salomō) est sapi∣entia, scire culus hoc donum est, & quoniam super hoc nihil est.* 7.49

¶The same in English.

FOrasmuche as we are created vnder the power of * 7.50 free will,* 7.51 & not vnder the law but vnder grace let vs so liue as we are created. You which lay vpon vs the law of con∣tinency agaynst our will, do depriue vs of the liberty of fre will. You commaund vs, and by commaunding compell vs to will that we would not, & not to will that we would do. You binde vs to the law, from the which by grace we are made free: and you constrayne vs to receiue the spirite of bondage agayn to feare: and go about to make the grace of God of no effect, without the which we can do nothing, so that, as the Apostle sayth: Grace is now no grace: and the gift of God is not the gift of God. And not of God, but of mā: not of him that calleth, but of him that worketh where as the Apostle sayth: It is not in him that willeth, nor in hym that runneth, but in God that sheweth mercy.* 7.52

For where as there be three principal & effectual things wherby euery humane soule endued with reason apprehē∣deth & perceiueth whatsoeuer spirituall thing it is able to apprehend and perceiue, and without the which it can per∣ceiue nothing: the which three thinges be these:* 7.53 to wit free will, the cōmaundement, and grace (for by free wil we dis∣cerne and chose the good from the euill: by the commaūde∣ment we are prouoked and styrred vp to do all thinges: by grace we are furthered & holpen to performe the same) yet of all these, grace is the Lady & Maistres, and as a mighty Empresse and Queene,* 7.54 vpon whose becke the other doe wayte and geue attendance, receiuing of her both strength and efficacy, and without her can do nothing, but remayne as thinges of themselues dull and dead, much like as a∣mongst the Philosophers, their Materia without Forma, be∣ing thereto adioyned. For in the stead of Materia, we maye, after a maner not vnfitly place free will: and in the place of Forma we may set grace, & the commaundement (which is the meane betwene them both,* 7.55 as a certayne instrumēt) to haue respect to both: whereby the principall Artificer which is God, furthereth and setteth forward free will as a rude dul matter, applieth to it his grace as y^e forme ther∣of. And like as the sayde Materia without Forma, is rude and shapelesse, so free wil is a thing rude and deforme, if it

be not holpen with grace comming therunto, to moue it & to further it, the commaundement cōming as a meane be∣twene them both in the stead of the instrumentall cause, as is before sayd.

Therfore like as Forma is in respect of Materia, the like resemblaunce beareth free will in respect of grace. And a∣gayne, as Materia is in respect of Forma, the same also is free will in respect of grace.* 7.56 And as the instrument serueth be∣twene the foresayd Materia and Forma, so doth the commaū∣dement betwene free wil and grace. The instrument com∣ming and working vpon the sayd Materia being of it selfe ougle, rugged, and a thing without all shape and fashion, doth forme it, shape and pullish it, and maketh it hansome, lightly, lightsome, bright and cleare: euen so likewise the commaundement comming and working vpon free will, being of it selfe, a thing rude, grosse, vnshapen & deformed, blind and obscure, doth clarify it, decke 〈◊〉〈◊〉, adourne it, bew∣tifye and lighten it through the brightnesse of grace com∣ming vnto it, according to the saying of the Prophet: The ••ommaundement of the Lord is bright and cleare, geuing sight to the eyes.* 7.57

And as the matter & the instrument without the forme can do nothing, euen so free will and the commaundement without grace haue no power to worke. For what can ey∣ther free w••ll or the cōmandement do except they be holpē with grace both going before and folowing?* 7.58 For grace sē∣deth the commaundement as a messenger and minister to free will: the commandement prouoketh freewil and styr∣reth it vp, as out of a sleepe to do good workes and leadeth it as a blind man, by the hand, teaching him the way wher¦in to go. Which both if they be destitute of grace, are able of thēselues to do nothing. And if they beginne, yet they pro∣ceede not, neither do they performe or accōplish any thing: and if they presume, it prospereth not, and is but labor lost. For where the commaundement commeth, ••yther by man or by Aungell: and also where freewell is mooued, prouo∣ked and enformed either by the motion of man or of Aun∣gell, yet vnlesse Gods grace go withal preuenting and fo∣lowing the same what is it able to do? For whē man was put in Paradise, what auayled him the commaundement which he heard: Thou shalt eate of euery tree of Paradise, but onely of the tree of knowledge of good and euill, thou shalt not eate.* 7.59 Which commaundement wrought not to his saluati∣on but to his condemnation. And why? because grace that saueth and helpeth,* 7.60 was wanting, whiche he presuming vniustly vpon his owne strength despised. Or what did the commaundement of the law geuen by Moyses, profite the people of Israel in the wildernesse, which law they re∣fused to obey? Or what profite wrought it to hym whych presumed to folow the Lord of his owne free will and not of the Lordes calling, saying vnto him: Lord I wil folow thee whether soeuer thou goest. By these and many other pla∣ces of holy Scripture both of the olde and newe Testa∣ment,* 7.61 it may be prooued that neyther the commaunde∣ment nor free will haue power to woorke of themselues, vnlesse they be holpen by Gods grace preuenting and fo∣lowing them.

* 7.62Seing therfore the gift of continency, as all other gifts be, is the gifte onely of Gods grace, and commeth not by the commaundement nor by free will: they erre therfore & striue in vayne which labour to obteyne it by theyr owne power. And much more they also do erre, whiche by force constrayne men agaynst their will thereunto, mouing thē to offer giftes into the sanctuary of God, not of theyr own accord but by coactiō, either not knowing or els not remē∣bring the saying of the Lord to Moyses: Seperate amon∣gest you the first fruites vnto the Lord, and let euery man of his owne voluntary and willing minde,* 7.63 come and offer the same vnto the Lord. What is this, to separate with you the first fruites to the Lord, but onely to wey and consider diligently in your hartes, and with discretion to lay down and separate vnto the Lord, what we ought to present vn∣to him out of the treasure of our hart? For if thou offer rightly & doest not rightly deuide, thou sinnest. And what is to offer with a willing and ready minde,* 7.64 but as the psal¦mist, sayth: I will offer sacrifice vnto thee willingly and chearefully: And the Apostle sayeth: Not grudgingly or of necessity: for God loueth a chearefull geuer. And Salomon sayth: Geue the Lord his glory with a good and free hart, and in euery gift thou geuest,* 7.65 shew a ioyfull countenaunce, and sancti∣fy thy tythes with gladnes: and with a chearefull eye do all that thou takest in hand. And the Apostle Iames sayth: The Lord loueth not constrayned seruice. And cursed be he that doth the worke of the Lord negligently, that is, not carefully and with a willing minde.* 7.66

Wherfore, as the Lord willeth vs not to offer any thing to him agaynst our willes: so doth he forbid vs to compell any man to offer any thing agaynst their wils by the fore∣sayd Moyses where he sayth: Thou shalt not do thy neigh¦bour wrong, neither oppresse him with violence. To do wrong to thy neighbour, is to correcte him for his sinne not of any compassion or mercy towardes him, but to re, proue him and to cause him in disdayning, vpbrayding,* 7.67 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rebuking him: not to informe him in the spirite of lenity: but to destroy him in the spirit of bitternes and rigour, as the Apostle sayth: If a man be taken in any fault,* 7.68 you that are spirituall informe such in the spirite of lenity, conside∣ring thy selfe least thou also be tempted.

To oppresse our neighbor with violence, is to exact a∣ny thing of him aboue his power, & to lay vpon him more then he is able to beare, an•• more peraduenture then they thēselues are able to weeld, which lay it vpon him. Where as the Lord speaking of the Pharises to his disciples,* 7.69 for∣biddeth them the same, saying: The Scribes and Pharises doe sitte vpon the chayre of Moyses. &c. And the Apostle Peter: Feed (sayth he) as much as in you lyeth, the Lordes flocke, proui∣ding for them, not by constraint, but willingly after a godly sort, and not for filthy lucre, but of a ready a minde: not as though ye were Lordes ouer the Clergy, but be you as an example to the flocke of good will.

This shepheard of shepheardes and Prince of the A∣postles doth playnely and euidently declare and insinuate what all other Pastors and Apostles ought to do: how to entreat the flocke of the Lord committed vnto them,* 7.70 and what great care and compassion of minde they ought to haue towards theyr Cure: and remoueth farre out of their harts all power of Tyrannicall Lordship and all ambitiō, which some do exercise with gredynes vpon those that are committed to their charge, and pronoūceth that they ought not to be Lordes, but fathers ouer their flocke: and not im∣periously to commaūd them, as exercising stately authori∣ty and power vpon them, but gētly to admonish them and beseech them in the zeale of piety, according to the strength of euery person, after the Lord, and not after the affection of theyr owne will, or ambiciously setting forth theyr own power and iurisdictiō, and that they ought to be an exam∣ple to the flocke, doing first themselues that thing, whiche they commaund others, and so to teach them no lesse by ex∣amples then by words. Willingly (saith he) and not by cō∣straynt: of charity, & not for gredy gayne. For there be ma∣ny which being inflamed with affection, not of charity, but of couetous gredines and ambition, commaūd others that which they are not able to accomplish,* 7.71 and while they pre∣tend to seeke the gayne of soules, they hunt and seek rather for worldly lucre. Which Baalam the Prophet did well ex∣presse: who conuerted the gift of prophecy, and the grace of blessing which he had receiued of God, not to the profite of others, but to his owne commodity.

And some there be, which whiles they correct others, they pretēd to do it with the zeale of God: and whiles they would seeme to be better then other, this they doe with a certayne presumption & rashnes, and so fall in their owne presumption and temerity.* 7.72 Of whome the Apostle spea∣keth: Which haue a zeale of God, but not according to know∣ledge To haue a zeale of God, according to knowledge, is to do any thing in Gods matters prudently and circum∣spectly. Of whom Oza beareth a type and resemblaunce: Who whiles that he went about with his hand to stay the Arke of the Lord staggering a litle by reason of the kicking of the Oxen which caried it, fell downe therfore dead.* 7.73 The Arke of the Lorde to stagger or miscarye by the kickyng of the Oxen, signifieth the law of the Lord (which the prie∣stes themselues ought to beare and hold vp) to be contra∣ried of them in not obseruing the same,* 7.74 & to be turned out of the right course to the contrary part, which Oza, who is interpreted to be a helper of god, attempteth to hold vp. For there be certayne Prelates, which while they see the order of priesthood by some enormity or excesse, to strayne the law of God neuer so litle out of the right course, and la¦bor to redresse and rectify that misorder, rather by vayne ostentation of theyr owne strength, then for any pure zeale to God, while they thus presume inordinately to do, thin∣king to seme to be the helpers of God, many times do mor¦tally fall, and incurre therby great daunger and perill.

Some other also there be whiche hauing before theyr eies no consideratiō of mans infirmity neither being tou∣ched with any respect of mercy and compassion, nor know¦ing how to say with the Apostle: Who is infirme and I am not infirme? these whiles they compare themselues to suche as be vnder theyr charge, not in condition wherein they are equall, but in authority wherin they are superiours, & couet to be theyr maysters, & more to rule ouer them then to profite them, they oppresse the weakenesse of thē by force and violence of authority, and compell them to theyr obe∣dience: which is rightly figured by the fact, which is reade in y^e Gospell of Symon Cyrenaeus,* 7.75 whom the persecutours

of the Lord constrayned to take vp the Crosse of Christ. Whose name also doth fitly agree w^t y^e same figure. For Si∣mon by interpretation is called obedient. Symon then, that is to say, the obedient man is forced to beare y^e Crosse of the Lord, when as subiectes being constrayned of theyr maysters by the rigour either of Lordship, or authority, or fere of theyr curse, and so compelled to obey them, are dry∣uen to sustain the Crosse of continency agaynst theyr wils: who neither do loue the Crosse which they beare, because they beare it rather to theyr destruction thē to theyr health: neither by bearing the Crosse, do dye vnto sinne, but by the bearing therof are rather quickned vnto sinne. For ther¦of ryse diuers other more greuous sinnes. For by the inhi∣biting of lawfull and naturall mariage with one woman, riseth the vnnaturall and most execrable Sodomitical for∣nication:* 7.76 riseth also the vnlawfull and damnable defiling of other mens wiues: riseth furthermore cursed and who∣rish filthines and pollution: and moreouer riseth most ab∣hominable incest agaynst all nature, with theyr owne kin∣dred, with a heape of manifolde other filthy ahhominatiōs and lecherous pollutions, whereby the frayle infirmity of man is brought (no doubt) into great perill.

Wherefore Loth being deliuered from the burning of Sodome through the guiding of the Lordes Aungell, and beriued of the felowship of his wife, whiles that he cōside∣ring his owne infirmity durst not ascend vnto the moun∣taine as the Angell badde him, did choose rather to dwel in Segor a litle City nere by, the Aungell thus bidding hym and speaking vnto him:* 7.77 Saue thy soule and looke not behinde thee, but saue thy selfe in the mountayne least thou also perish. To whome Loth aunswered: I pray thee Lord, because thy seruant hath found such grace in thy sight that thou wilt saue me, I can not be saued in the mountayne, least perhappes some euill take me and I dye: There is a litle City hereby whereunto I may flye and may be saued in it.

What meaneth this that Loth flying from Sodome by the commaundement of the Aungell to be saued in y^e moū∣tayne, would not ascend vp to the hill fearing there to pe∣rish but did chose rather to dwell in Segor a small Cittye neare vnto the hill,* 7.78 there to be saued, but that euery fayth∣full man coueting to eschue the burning & daunger of So∣domiticall lust, while neither he is able to mount vp to the toppe of virginity, and also is afeard to ascend to the moū∣tayne of the state of widowhood least he perish therein, fly∣eth therfore to the state of matrimony, which is a small cō∣tinēcy in respect of the other two, & also nere vnto thē both. For after those two kindes of continencye,* 7.79 this chastity is also proued to be laudable, & is not depriued of the reward of the kingdome of heauen.

Unto this chastity, he is commaūded to flie which can not otherwise cōteine, & to be saued in it, least peraduēture if he clime vp to the moūt, he fall into inconueniency & pe∣rish therin: that is, least if he shall attempt to obtein by his owne strength the contenencye whyche is not geuen vnto him of God, the euill of incontinency or fornication, or of some of the other euilles afore rehearsed, do fall vpon him, and so he perish in them mortally. For there be many who while they consider not their owne infirmity, & while they striue to atchiue greater thinges thē they are able to reach in this theyr climing do fall headlong into worse inconue∣nience, and while they foolishly seeke for great thinges, doe lose the lesse, which before they seemed to haue. Whych we may well vnderstand by the example of Loth aforesayde: Who what time he left the small Cittye Segor, which he chose before to inhabite, in the which he sought to be sa∣ued: went vp to the mountayne and there abyding fell in∣to the stolne incest of his owne daughters, as the scripture witnesseth, saying: Loth went vp from Segor and remayned in the mountayne, and his daughters gaue to theyr father wine to drinke that night. And the elder of them went and lay with her father. Which thing had not happened vnto him, if he had kept himselfe still in Segor, where be might haue bene sa∣ued at the bidding of the Aungell, as he himselfe required. But because he forsooke that, which was graunted to hym of the Aungell, and presumed to that vpon his owne will; contrary to the precept of the Angel, which was not graū∣ted:: therfore he fell into great daunger of his soule & com∣mitted the greuous sinne of incest.

No otherwise doth it happē to many other, who while either they forsake y^e thing which is graunted thē of God, or ambitiously clime after that which is to thē not graun∣ted,* 7.80 both they lose that which they had graunted vnto thē, and fall into that which to them was not graunted. For diuers there be which while they forsake eyther willyng∣ly or agaynst theyr will, the maryed life which is to them lawfully permitted, and in which they might be saued, and striue with a presūptuous desire to lead a single life, both they lose that health and safety, whych they might haue had in one, and incurre great daunger in the other: so that whereby they suppose most to gayne, by the same they lose & fall into the pit of greater ruine. Which thing S Paule y^e Doctor of the Gentiles well considering, and tenderly pro¦uiding for the infirmity of the weake Corinthiās writing to him for counsell touching this matter, did write to thē agayne in this wise, saying: As concerning the thinges wher∣of ye wrote vnto me, as it is good for a man not to touch a womā.* 7.81 Neuerthelesse to auoyd whoredome, let euery man haue his wife and let euery woman haue her husband. Let the husband geue vnto his wife due beneuolēce: likewise also the wife vnto her hus∣band. And a litle after: withdraw not (sayth he) your selues one from an other, except it be with consent for a time, that you may geue your selues vnto fasting and praier: and afterward come to∣gether agayne le•• to Sathan tempte you for your incontinencye.* 7.82 For as the Poe•• sayth, we can not all do all thinges, and as the Apostle sayth: It is not in him that willeth not in him that runneth, but in God that sheweth mercy. Also an other place: For to euery one of vs is geuen grace according to the measure of the gift of Christ.* 7.83 And that euery one of vs ought to keepe and not to transgresse this measure, he teacheth a∣none after saying: I wish that all men were as I my selfe am but euery man hath his proper gift of God, one after this maner, an other after that.* 7.84

And that we are to be kept within our compasse, and measure, and ought therewith to be content, hee teacheth moreouer as followeth: Let euery man abide in that vocation wherein he is called, And shortly after, for confirmatiō ther∣of, hee repeteth the same agayne and sayth: Let euery man wherein he is called, therein abide with the Lord And because he perceaued that the infirmitie of man was not able to susteine the burning motiōs and heates of nature styrring in a man, but onely by the grace of God, neither to be able to conquere the fleshe fighting agaynst the spirite, accor∣ding to that whiche he sayth of himselfe in an other place: For I see an other Lawe in my members rebelling agaynst the Lawe of my minde, he therefore of mercy and compassion, as condescending vnto their weakenes: and not by rigour of law and force of commaundement, thus sayde. As also in an other place in his Epistles he speaketh in like woordes saying: I speake thus grosly after the maner of men, because of the infirmitie of your flesh. And in this foresaid Epistle,* 7.85 more∣ouer a litle before, vsing the same maner of speach, he saith, Thus I say to you as of fauour and not of commaundement. And adding moreouer, he sheweth: As touching virgines I haue no commaundement of the Lord,* 7.86 but onely do geue coun∣sell, as one that haue found mercy with God, that I shoulde be faythfull. That is, after the same mercy wherwith the Lord hath informed and instructed me when he called me to the fayth, and made me faythfull to hym: so I likewyse doe geue counsell to other and shewe the same mercy to them.

And for asmuch as both are good: to witte to haue a wife or not to haue: to haue a husband or not to haue: nei∣ther is there anye sinne in hauing wife or husband: shortly after he inferreth saying: I suppose therefore this to be good for the present necessitie: I meane, that it is good for a man so to be: What meaneth this, for present necessitie? What is this necessitie present, but present infirmitie? or els instant necessitie, compelling to doe, as y^e order of necessitie requi∣reth. Or els he meaneth by this present necessitie,* 7.87 the di∣stresse of that time which then was instant, and compelled him to write, and so to beare with them which was for the auoyding of the fornicatiō amongst them, and many other kinds of filthines aboue touched which might haue happe¦ned. For the which fornication he tooke occasion to write vnto the Corinthians and to answere to theyr letters: and therfore he vehemently agaynst the sayd Corinthians in y^e former part of the sayd Epistle vttereth these words: What will you shall I come to you with a rod? or in loue and in the spi∣rite of meekenes? There is heard among you to be fornication,* 7.88 & such fornication as is not named among the Gentiles, that one should haue his own fathers wife. &c. And therfore for this ne∣cessity of auoyding such fornication, he saith: It is good for a man so to be: that he which cannot cōteine,* 7.89 should mary & take a wife. which afterward he expoūdeth thus inferring: art thou boūd to a wife? seek not to be losed. And if thou be losed frō a wife seek not a wife. But if thou takest a wife thou sinnest not, and if a virgine mary, she sinneth not. &c. And that he spake not thys by way of commaunding, but of sufferance and compassi∣on, he sheweth plainly in these words folowing: But I spare you: that is to say, I beare with your infirmity: & therefore he leaueth it in the free power and will of euery man, to chuse what he best liketh, Neither doth he inforce any man (he sayth) violently, nor charge them with any strait com∣maundement, and therfore addeth these words folowing: And this I speake for your owne commodity, not to tangle you as in a snare, but for that it is good and honest for you, that you

may serue the Lord without separation.

This he sayth to them whom before he exhorted to cō∣tinency, and whom he woulde not to be let or troubled by matrimoniall coniunction. But to other he sayth thus: If a∣ny man thinke that it is vncomely for his virgin to remayne ouer long vnmaried, and if neede so require, let him doe what he thin∣keth good, he sinneth not: let them mary: And agayne both be good, he saith, but yet the one to be better he concludeth say∣ing: Therefore he that ioyneth in Matrimony, his virgin doth wel, but he that doth not doth better. Which agreeth wel with the text aboue, speaking of both kindes, as well the man as the woman, where he sayth: If thou take a wife thou sinnest not, and if the virgin take a husband she sinneth not.

If therfore it be no sinne for the man to take a wife, nor for the virgine to take a husband, after the apostles mynd, neither doth diminish theyr felicity, but rather encrease it, & for as much as both do well, & so both be blessed: we then which take wiues for our infirmity, what doe we sinne in hauing them? Or if the apostle do suffer & permit to euery man for the auoyding of fornication to haue his wife, we then which come of the same lumpe or masse & taking our sinnefull flesh of the sinnefull flesh of Adam, are not able o∣therwise to conteine, why are we not permitted for y^e same cause & by the same permissiō, to haue likewise our wiues, but are enforced to forsake them being maryed?

Wherfore either do you permit vs, folowing the apo∣stle, to haue our wiues, or els teach vs that we come not of the same masse,* 7.90 either els shew vs that the same sufferaūce & permission is not graūted to vs by the Apostle which is graunted to other. Which cause peraduēture you wil thus pretend: that this sufferance was graunted of the Apostle, not to the clergy or to any of our order, but only to lay mē. Which cannot well be defended neyther by the wordes of the Apostle, nor by any circumstaunce of his Epistle for as much as there is no certayne distinction or denomination either of persōs or degrees, or professions there mētioned, neither doth he make any difference either in names or offi¦ces of men, either of them which wrote vnto him either of those persons of whom he wrote, or els of those to whō he answereth, but onely in general to the whole church of the Corinthians, as he himself in the beginning of his Epistle purporteth in these wordes: Paule called the Apostle of Iesus Christ,* 7.91 by the will of God & Sosthenes his brother to the church which is at Corinth, such as be sanctified in Christ Iesus, called sayntes, with all that inuocate the name of the Lord. &c. [And af∣ter a few other wordes, which here for breuityes sake we omit, as not being greatly to the purpose pertinent: thus he inferreth:] These premisses being then wel considered, we besech you to haue regard & compassiō of our infirmity, most humbly desiring you, not to oppresse vs with this violence. For as we haue sufficiently before proued, no man ought to be cō∣strayned vnto continency agaynst his wil, neither is thys kind•• of vertue commaunded of God to any man, of neces∣sity,* 7.92 but onely of voluntary deuotion to be offred vnto the Lord: as he himselfe speaketh in the Gospell: All men can not receiue this saying, but to whom it is geuen. Whereunto he gently exhorteth them that can take it, saying: He that is a∣ble to receiue this, let him receiue it. &c.

Wherefore for distinctions sake Moyses is not him∣selfe commaūded to cloth Aaron and his sonnes with bree∣ches as in these wordes going before:* 7.93 Thou shalt cloth with these Aaron thy brother, and his sonnes with him. &c. But he thus sayth: Thou shalt make linnen breches that they thēselues may couer the filth of theyr flesh. That they themselues (sayth he) may couer the filth of theyr flesh. Thou (sayth he) shalt make the breches for the bishop and his sonnes: thou shalt teach the rule of chastity: thou shalt exhort them to absteine from the company of theyr wiues, which shall do the prie∣stes office: Yet laying vpon none violently the sayd yoake of continency, but whosoeuer shalbe priests and shal serue the aulter, shall of their owne accord surcease from the vse of matrimony: which when they shall do, & of theyr owne voluntary consent shall take vpon them the purpose of cō∣tinency to serue the aulter, then shall the grace of God be present, which as it did apparell those other priestes afore∣sayd with attyre for thē conuenient: so shall it instruct these aboundantly how they ought to liue and to teach. And this sence well agreeth with the text that foloweth, saying: And when thou shalt wash the father and his sonnes with water,* 7.94 thou shalt take the garmentes, that is, the strayt coat, the tunicle & the brestlappe, and put them vpon Aaron, & gird them to him with a brodered girdle of the Ephod. Then thou shalt put the myter vp∣on his head, and shalt put the holy crowne vpon the miter, and thus shall he be consecrated. Also thou shalt bring his sonnes and put coates vpon them, and shalt gird them with girdles, both Aa∣ron & his sonnes, and shalt put bonettes on them, and the Prie∣stes office shalbe theirs for a perpetuall law.

Thus then you see a commaundement of receiuing the linnen breches of Moyses. Wherby it playnely appeareth,* 7.95 that Aaron and his sonnes, first did apparrell themselues with this kind of apparell, and so entred in to be washed, inducted, annointed & cōsecrated by the hands of Moyses.

By the which we are playnely taught, that the yoke of continency is not to be inforced vpon any man against his will, but is to be receiued of God with a prōpt & a deuout will. Which thing also Dyonisius Areopagita that godly wise man, the Disciple of S. Paule and ordeined of hym B. of Athenes, in a certayne Epistle of his sent to Pymtus B. of the Gnasians, in which he toucheth many things of ma∣riage and chastity (as is in y^e Ecclesiastical history rehear∣sed) doth admonish the sayd Pymtus, and prayth him that he will lay no grieuous burthens vpon the neckes of the Disciples, neither inferre any necessity of compelled chasti∣ty vpon the brethren, whereby the infirmity of some of thē might be in daunger.* 7.96 And Pymtus answering to Dyoni∣sius agayn, sheweth himself willing to embrace the sentēce of his wholesome coūcell. The same also did Paphnutius, the diuine & chaste bishop, who in y^e coūcell of Nice (as the Tripertite history doth shew vs) when the fathers, which there were present went about to restrayne Priestes from mariage: he rising vp amongst thē & moued with the zeale of mans infirmity, desired thē that they would not so doe, but rather to leaue it vnto the voluntary discretiō of euery man, least in so doing they might peraduenture geue occa∣sion of adultery and fornicatiō. For those holy men did thē vse this cautele and moderation in religion, that whē they treated any thing concerning instructiō and edification of the people,* 7.97 and would haue them styrred vp to a better life by godly instructions, they would rather perswade things to be obserued with patience and lenity, then commaund with rigour and authority: neither would they compell a∣ny man to theyr obedience agaynst his will.

Whose examples you also folowing, which succeede in their rowme and name, do you not lay vpō vs infirme per¦sons, such importable burthēs, lest you be partakers with the Pharisyes and lawyers of the Lords curse: Who saith:* 7.98 Woe to you lawyers which lay burthens vpon men, which they can not beare,* 7.99 and you your selues touch not the burdens wyth one finger. And least the cry of the children of Israel ascend vp to the Lord for the cruell dealing of them which are o∣uerseers of the workes:* 7.100 Neither do you make such Eunu∣ches which are so borne from theyr mothers wombe, or such Eunuches which are violently made by men, but ra∣ther those Eunuches which of theyr owne accord haue gel∣ded themselues for the kingdome of heauē.* 7.101 Neither do you bring vpon the holy order of Gods ministers for vs only, such an offence and sclaunder, that for our wicked life you make the ministery to be despised of others, while you wil not suffer them either to heare vs, or to receiue the sacra∣mentes of vs, infaming therby our lend life, & causing the sauor of vs to stinke before Pharao, & his seruants. Wher∣in it semeth to vs that you deale not soundly & vprightly, if a man may so say (I pray you take it in good worth,* 7.102 that I speak) & also to be agaynst y^e authority of Gods word, & the canonicall constitutions which you doe: where as the Lord sayth by Moses the lawgeuer: the shame of thy mo∣ther thou shalr not disclose, & her ignominy thou shalt not dis∣couer. Our mother is y^e church: y^e sonnes of this mother be all the faythfull,* 7.103 which name yet most fitly is appropriate vnto priestes: for they do beget y^e faythfull, both by y^e word of preaching & sacramēt of baptisme. Was not he to be coū∣ted a right mother: who sayd, my litle children of whom I tra∣uell in byrth agayne? The shame & ignominy of our mother, what is it but the reproueable conuersation of the life of priests which shame & ignominy is thē reueiled,* 7.104 whē y^e life of priests is publickly infamed. Which thing you do, y^e dis∣couer & notify vnto men our fragility, lying before as hyd & couered, because before it was not known & for the same you bring y^e holy ministery & misteries of god into cōtēpt & hatred: as though the polluted life of other did any thing p••rtaine thereto to pullute the same, & as though our vn∣cleannes did any thing blemish thē, or diminish the pure∣nes therof, where as the Psalmist sayth:* 7.105 The law of the Lord is pure and immaculate: Or as though they were any whitte polluted by our infection, which do receiue the sayd miste∣ries either by our mouth, or by our ministery. Which if you graunt to be so, then the Lord would neuer haue spokē so to his disciples & the people, touching the Phariseis, say∣ing: Whatsoeuer they bid you obserue, that obserue and do.

And agayne, if it were so, the Lord would not haue sēt forth Iudas, whom he knew should betray him,* 7.106 with the other Disciples to preach, neither would haue committed to him the power of working myracles, & of geuing health nor admitted him to the Communion of the Supper. And if our impurity shuld infect our holy misteries or ministra∣tions, and make them worse that heare and receaue the

same then the Lord would neuer haue touched the Leper whom he had healed, neither woulde he haue kissed hym, neyther would haue eaten with Symon an other Leper, neyther would haue suffered his feet to be kissed, and with the teares to be washed, and with the heare to be dryed, & his head to be annoynted of Mary the sinner.

Therfore the holy Canons haue thus decreed, that no man which rightly receiueth the Lordes Sacramentes of an heretique, shoulde be therefore any thing corrupted by his hereticall pranity, nor the sayd Sacramentes shoulde be any whitte distayned by the infection of him. Whereup∣on the Church of Rome in a certayne Epistle directed vn∣to Anastasius the Emperour, by Anastasius the Pope, did so ordeine and write, that none of all them whom Acatius did baptise, or whom he ordeined Canonically to be prie∣stes or Leuites, shoulde be any thing hurt by the name of the sayd Acatius: so that thereby the Sacramentes which by him were ministred, should seme the lesse firme and ef∣fectuall. For the sacrament of Baptisme also being mini∣stred of an adulterer or a thiefe (which God forefend to be in the Church) doth come vnto the receiuer neuer a whit the worse. What meant that voyce which sounded by the Doue, but that it excluded all euill and impurity of the cor∣ruption of man?* 7.107 in the which it is declared and sayde: This is he which baptiseth. &c. For if the beames of this visible Sunne passing by the filthy places, receiue no spot of fil∣thinesse thereby, much more the grace of him which made this visible Sunne, is not tyed to any worthinesse of our workes. What soeuer therfore any minister of the Church worketh in his functiō to the behoofe of the people, all that taketh his effecte by the operation of God. Thus witnes∣seth Paule by whom Christ speaketh: I haue planted, and A∣pollo hath watered, but it is the Lord that hath geuē the encrease. God regardeth not so much, who or what maner of person doth preach, but that he so preach, that he may confirme thē that be nought, and cause them to preache well of Christ. For such is the operation of Gods mighty grace,* 7.108 that by euill men he winneth good men, and by reprobate and wic¦ked persons he getteth and gathereth together those that be good.

By these and such other reasons and authorities aboue alledged, you ought to be perswaded, neyther to abandon vs that be marryed, from the administration of diuine ser∣uice, nor yet to excommunicate such, to whom the matter nothing perteineth, from the communion thereof. And if we be euill, we are euill to our selues, and hurt our selues more then others. And such as you suppose peraduenture to be vitious, yet may haue some good thing inwardly whi¦che you know not of.

For many there be whom you iudge to be incontinent, which liue more chastly then they whom you so greatly ex∣toll for their continency.* 7.109 We that haue wiues, according to the Apostles minde, so haue them as though we had them not. Which gift of continency for as much as you can not geue vs, pray therfore with vs and for vs, that he wil geue it vnto vs, who only is the giuer therof, & without whom no man is able to liue continently. For otherwise we can not haue it, vules we pray vnto him frō the bottom of our hartes, who is knowne to be the author and geuer therof. And this same (sayth Salomon) is wisedome,* 7.110 to know whose gift it is: neither is there any gift aboue this.

These two Epistles written to Pope Nicolas vnder the title of Uolusianus, geueth vs to vnderstande by the contentes thereof, first that he himselfe was then a marry∣ed Bishop.

Secondly, that the liberty of Priestes marriage ought not to be restrayned by any generall Law, of compulsion: but to be left to euery mans free choyse and voluntary de∣uotion.

Thirdly the sayd Epistles being written to Pope Ni∣colas (if the title be true) declare, that this law prohibiting the lawfull matrimony of Churchmen, began first in thys Popes times generally to be enacted.

And although it be not here expressed, which Pope Nicolas this was, yet by the circumstaunce of time, and especially by the wordes of Pope Alexander 1. Distinct. 32. Praeter,* 7.111 it may probably be esteemed to be Nicolas. 2. and not Nicolas the first, as some do suppose amongst whom is Illyricus in Centur. 9. cap. 10. and also Iohn Bale, De Scriptoribus Cent. 2. with certayne other: from whose iud∣gementes although I am loth to dissent, yet notwithstan∣ding modestly and freely to vtter herein my opinion, thys I suppose, that if the trueth of this matter were throughly tryed, it might peraduenture be found, that they be herein deceiued, and al by mistaking a certayne place of Gracian. For the better explanation wherof, here is to be vnderstā∣ded, that amongest the distinctions of Gracian there is a constitution, Dist. 32. Nullus, the tenour whereof is thi•••• Nullus Missam audiat Praesbiteri, quem scit Concubinam iud••∣bitanter habere, aut subintroductam mulierem. &c. That is: That no man shall heare masse of any Priest, whome he knoweth vndoubtedly to haue a Concubine, or a woman priuily resorting to him. &c.

This Decree for as muche as Gracian doeth alledge vnder the name and title of Pope Nicolas, not namynge what Nicolas he was, therefore Iohn Bale and Illyri∣cus, one folowing the other, and they both folowing Uo∣laterane Lib. 22. doth vouch this constitution vpon Nico∣las the first. The wordes of Uolateran be these, writing of Nicolas the first: Multa hic vtilia constituit, inter quae, nequis Concubinam habenti praesbitero aut sacrificanti interesset, vt te∣statur Gracianus. &c.

In like effect folow also the wordes of Illyricus afore sayd: Decretum fecit,* 7.112 ne quis à Sacerdote Sacramentum su••ci∣piat, quem sciret habere Concubinam, seu vxorem, and al∣ledgeth, as Uolaterane doth, the sayd Distinction of Gratiam Distinct. 32. Nullus. In alleadging whereof both they seme to be deceiued, mistaking belike one Nicolas for an other, as may be proued, & made good by three or foure reasons.

First, by the wordes of Pope Alexander the second, in the next Chapiter folowing,* 7.113 who being the successour of Leo and Nicolas the second, vseth the same wordes in his Sinode of Mantua (which Gracian referreth vnto Nico∣las, and prosecuteth the same more amply and fully alled∣ging moreouer the former constitution of both his prede∣cessours Pope Leo and Nicolas: whiche by all storyes are knowne to be Leo the nynth and Nicolas the second, which both were next before him. The wordes of Alexan∣der. 2. be these: Praeter hoc autem praecipiendo mandamus, vt nullus Missam audiat praesbiteri quem scit Concubinam habere indubitanter, vel subintroductam mulierem, vnde etiam sancta Synodus hoc capitulum sub excommunicatione statuit, dicens▪ Quicunque Sacerdotum, diaconorum, Subdiaconorum, post cō∣stitutum beatae memoriae praedecessoris nostri sancti Leonis Pa∣pae & Nicolai, de castitate Clericorum, Concubinam palam du••∣erit, vel ductam non reliquerit. &c. By the which words spea∣king of Nicolas his predecessor it is euident to vnderstand this to be Pope Nicolas the second, which was his next predecessor and not Pope Nicolas the first, who was a∣bout 200. yeares before him.

The second reason, I take out of the next Chapter of Gracian going before,* 7.114 where he allegeth agayne the same Nicolas writing to Otho Archbishop. Which Otho was then in the time of this Nicolas the second Archbishop of Colen, and was afterward in the Counsell of Mantua, vnder Pope Alexander 2. teste Ioan. Quintio, Iure consulto,* 7.115 Wherby it must needes be graunted, that this was Nico∣las the second, and not the first.

The third coniecture or reason is this, for that Pope Nicolas the first neuer made any such Act or Decree, the Priestes that were entangled with a Concubine, shoulde neither sing Masse, nor that any should resort to heare the Masse of such. &c. but rather the contrary.* 7.116 For so we reade in the history of Antoninus, and in the Decrees 15. q. 8. Sci∣scitantibus. Sciscitantibus vobis si à sacerdote quifuerit compre∣hēsus in adulterio, siue de hoc sola fama resperserit, debeatis Cō∣munionem suscipere, nec ne, respondemus:* 7.117 Non potest aliquis quantumcunque pollutus sit, sacramenta diuina polluere, quae Purgatoria cunctarum contagionum existunt. &c.

And yet more playnely also afterward he sayth: Consu∣lendum decernitis vtrum praesbiterum habentem vxorem debe∣atis sustentare & honorare, an à vobis preijcere? In quo respon∣demus, quoniam licet ipsi valdè sint reprehensibiles,* 7.118 vos tamen conuenit Deum imitari, qui solem suum oriri facit super bonos & malos: deijcere enim à vobis eos non debetis. Distinct. 18. Consulendum. &c. That is:* 7.119 Where ye demaund concerning the Priest that hath a wife, whether ye ought to susteine him, and ho∣nour him, or reiecte him from you, we aunswere, That albeit they be very much blame worthy, yet ye ought to be folowers of God, which maketh his sunne to rise both vpon the good, and vpon the badde. And therefore ye ought not to reiect such away from you. &c.

And this Nicolas, Antoninus confesseth playnely to be Nicolas y^e first. Wherby it is not onely not vnlike,* 7.120 but also most certayne that Nicolas the first was not the fa∣ther of this constitution, either to exterminate marryed priestes from theyr churches, or to excommunicate the peo∣ple from receiuing their Communion, much lesse then frō hearing theyr seruice.

Fourthly, for as muche then as it is vndoubted that Nicolas 2. and Alexander 2. through the intrigation of wicked Hildebrand, were the authors of that constituti∣on, whereof Gracian speaketh, it remaineth playne by the wordes of Uolusianus, in the latter end of his Letter,

(wherin he maketh mention both of discharging the priest from singyng Masse, & the people from hearing) that the saide Epistle was written, not to Pope Nicolas the first but to the secōd, for because both these were decreed against maried priestes vnder Nicolas. 2. and Alexander. 2. as is afore declared.

And further, least my iudgement herein should seeme to stand alone and singular, without some to take my part, I will here produce for me a Parisian Doctour,* 7.121 and a fa∣mous Lawyer, Ioannes Quintius aboue mentioned, who in his booke De Clericorum moribus, plainely accordeth w••th mine opinion, touching this Nicolas authour of the Decree aforesaide, where he writeth in these wordes: Ni∣colaus Papa Othoni Coloniensi Archiepisc. &c. Quinque fue∣runt hoc nomine pontifices Primum, secundumúe oportuit esse, qui haec rescripserit, ille Romanus, anno. 860. hic Burgundus, ann. 1059. Reliquos Ninolaos antecessit Gratianus, qui scripsit haec, anno. 1150 Posteriorem fuisse credo, qui in Panomiae lib. 3. Tit. de lapsis, nominatur Nicholaus iunior, cuius est & aliud De∣cretum sequens.* 7.122 &c. That is to say in English: Pope Nico∣las writing to Otho Archebishop of Colen. Glos. There haue bene in all, fiue Popes called by this name of Nicolas. Of the whiche fiue, this Nicolas the writer hereof muste bee eyther the first, or seconde: the one a Romane, anno. 860. the other a Burgundian, ann. 1059 or. 1060. the other Nicolas liued after Gratian, who wrote in the yeare. 1150. In my iudgement I sup∣pose this to be Nicholas the seconde, which in the thirde booke of the Lawes called Pannomiae. Tit. de lapsis, is named Nico∣las the younger. Which Nicholas also is authour of the next De∣cree that followeth. &c.

Wherfore if any man shal obiecte hereafter, that because Gratian in the Distinction aforesayde, nameth Pope Ni∣colas absolutely without any additiōs,* 7.123 it is therfore to be taken for Nicolas the first: vnto this obiection I set here these two Lawiers to answeare. Unto whose aunsweare this I adde also, that the common manner of Gracian lightly in all his Distinctions is, that when he speaketh of Popes, as of Innocentius, Gregorius, Leo, Lucius, and suche other, verye seldome he expresseth the difference of their names. So in the Dist. 18. Praesbyteris, where he brin∣geth in the Decree of Pope Calixtus in like maner against the Matrimonie of Priestes, Deacons, and Subdeacons, he addeth therto no discrepance of his name: and yet al the world knoweth, that this was Calixtus the second, & not the first, &c. But whether he were or no, the matter forceth not much. The letters (no doubt) by their title appeare to be written by Uolusianus. Most certaine this is, by whō so euer they were written, fruitfull Epistles they are, and effectual to the purpose.

But least wee shall seeme too muche to digresse from our purpose, let vs returne to the story & time of Nicolas y^e second againe, which was about the yeare, as is said. 1060. a litle before Hildebrand was Pope. Which Hildebrande, albeit he was then but a Cardinal, yet was he the whole doer of all thinges,* 7.124 and concluded what him listed in the Church of Rome, and also made Popes, whom he would, as appeared both by this Nicolas, & also Pope Alexander which followed him. pag. 174. So that this dissolution of priests mariage began somwhat to kindle vnder this pope Nicolas,* 7.125 through the pestilent meanes of Hildebrand, and after him increased more vnder Pope Alexāder, as appea∣reth by the Synode holden at Millane, an. 1067. but moste of al it burst out vnder the sayd Hildebrand himselfe being Pope, the yeare (as is sayd) 1076.

Although as touching this prohibition of priestes to be maried, I am not ignoraunt, that certaine of the con∣trary faction, in searching out the reache and antiquitie of this tradition, for priestes to abstaine from wiues, doe re∣ferre the same to the time of the seconde Councell of Car∣thage, which was about y^e time of Pope Syritius, a great enemy to Ministers wyues, as appeareth Distinct. 84. Cum praeterito.* 7.126 Yet notwithstanding to the same may be aun∣sweared, that this was no vniuersall or generall Councel, but some particular Synode, and therfore of no such great forceable authoritie.

2 Secondly, the same Synode being about the time of Pope Syritius, who was a capitall enemy against priests marryage:* 7.127 may seeme to draw some corruption of the time then present.

3 Thyrdly, neither is it vnpossible, but as diuers bastard Epistles haue bene falsely fathered vpon certaine auncient Bishoppes of the Primitiue Churche, and di∣uers Canons also (as of the Councell of Nice) haue bene corrupted by Byshoppes of Rome, so some falsehode like∣wise or forgery might be vsed in this seconde Councell of Carthage.

4 Fourthly, although no false conueyance had ben v∣sed therein, yet for so much as the sayd Canon of this secōd Councell of Carthage doth misreport and falsifye the Ca∣nons of the Apostles, in so doing it dooth iustly diminishe his owne credite.

5 Fiftly, seeing the foresayde Canon of this seconde Councel of Carthage tendeth cleane contrary to the Ca∣nons of the Apostles, to the Councel of Gangra, and other Councels moe, and commaundeth that, whiche they doe accurse, the authoritie thereof ought to haue no great force, but rather may be reiected.

6 Finally, though this constitution of the Councell of Carthage, were perfectly sounde, without all corruption,* 7.128 yet plaine and euident it is by this Uolusianus, Byshop also of Carthage, that the same constitution tooke no great holde in the Churche, for so muche as we see, that both this Uolusianus was married after that in Carthage him selfe, and also besides him many hundreth yeares after, Marriage was a common matter through moste Chur∣ches of Christendome, amongest Bishoppes and priests, as partly before hath beene declared. And more maye be seene in hystories, what great tumultes and busines was long after that in Hildebrandes time, and after him also a∣mongest the Clergy men, both in Italie, Spayne, France, and in al quarters of Christendome, for seperating priestes from their libertie of marrying.

And againe, if this tradition concerning the vnmar∣ryed life of Priestes had stand vpon such an olde foundati∣on from the second Councel of Carthage (as they pretend) what needed then in the time of Pope Nicolas. 2. Pope Alexander. 2. Pope Gregory. 7. and other Popes after them, so much labour to be taken, so many Lawes and decrees to be deuised & enacted, for the abolishing o•• priests marriage, if the same had bene of such a long antiquitie as they would make men beleeue?

By these thinges considered it may appeare, that this distraction of Priests marriage, by publique Lawe com∣pelling them to single life,* 7.129 was nether receiued for a ful law generally to be obserued in the Church of Rome, but only since the beginning of Hildebrand, that is, since these fiue hundred yeares.

Aboute whiche time firste is to be noted, that vnder Pope Leo and this Pope Nicolas, Cranzius, and cer∣tayne Germaine Chronicles doe saye, that Symonie and Priestes Marriage were prohibited. This Pope Leo was. ann. 1051.

After him Pope Nicolas (to whom the foresaid Let∣ter of Uolusianus seemeth to be written) made this ordi∣naunce: Vt nullus missam audiat praesbyteri quem scit concubi nam indubitanter habere aut subintroductam mulierem. Et mox: Quicunque Sacerdotum, Diaconorum, Subdiaconorum, post constitutum beatae memoriae praedecessoris nostris sanctiss. Papae Leonis, de castitate clericorum, concubinam palam dux∣erit, vel ductam non reliqueret,* 7.130 ex parte omnipotentis Dei & authoritate beati Petri & pauli praecipimus, & omninò contra∣dicimus vt Missam non cantet &c. That is, What soeuer priest Deacon, or Subdeacon, according to the constitution of Pope Leo our predecessour, conserning the chastitie of Clerkees, shal openly mary a Concubine, or shal not put her away beyng married in the behalfe of almighty God &c. we vtterly charge and forbid the same, that he sing no Masse, nor read the Gos∣pell or Epistle at Masse, nor execute any diuine seruice. &c. And this was about the yeare of our Lord. 1058.

Although in this constitution of Pope Nicolas, thys word Concubine may be vnderstanded for no wi••e, but so as Gratian vnderstandeth it in the 16. Canon of the Apo∣stles in these wordes: Concubina verò intelligenda est praeter vxorem: That is, for one besides a mans wyfe.* 7.131 Then after this Pope Nicholas, comming pope Alexander, and spe∣cially Pope Hildebrand,* 7.132 do expound this Concubine for∣bidden, for a wife, and such priestes as be marryed, they ex∣pound them for Nicolaitans: for so we read in the Synode of Millane, vnder Pope Alexander the second:* 7.133 Nicholaitae autem dicuntur Clerici, qui contra castitatis Ecclesiasticae re∣gulam foeminis admiscentur. &c.

And further it followeth in the same Synode: Nicolai∣tarum quoque haeresin nihilominus condemnamus,* 7.134 & non modo praesbyteros, sed & Diaconos & Subdiaconos ab vxorū, vel concubinarum foedo consortio nostris studijs, in quantum nobis possibilitas fuerit, arcendos esse promittimus &c.

And after it followeth in this wise: Si haec de Simoniaca & Nicolaitarum haeresi delenda & funditus destruenda fideli∣ter non obseruauero, ab omnipotenti Deo & omnibus Sanctis sim excommunicatus et anathematizatus, & ab omni Christia∣norum consortio inueniar alienus.

And moreouer it followeth vpon the same: Anathema∣tizo quoque omnes haereses extollentes se aduersus sanctam Catholicam et Apostolicam Ecclesiam,* 7.135 specialiter vero et no∣minatim. Simoniacam haeresin: deindé Nicolaitarum aquè abo∣minabilem haeresin, quae impudēter latrat, sacri altaris Ministros

debere vel posse licenter vti coniugibus, quomodo & laicos, &c. As much to say in English, as, I doe accurse all here∣sies extolling thēselues against the holy catholike and Apostolike church,* 7.136 but especially and namely, the heresie of Simonie: and in like maner, the abominable heresie of the Nicolaitanes, whiche impudently barketh, that the Ministers of the holy aultar may & ought to vse wiues lawfully, as well as lay men, &c. And thus much concerning the Synode of Millain, vnder Pope A∣lexander. 2. ann. 1067.

Nexte after this Alexander, rose vppe Pope Hilde∣brand, of all other, the chiefest and most principal enemy a∣gaynste Priestes Marriage. For whereas all other ap∣proued Canons and Councelles were contented, that any Clergie man hauing a wife before his entring into his mi∣nisterie,* 7.137 might enioy the libertie of his marriage, so that he married not a widowe, or a knowen harlot, or kept a Concubine, or were twise married, nowe commeth in Pope Hildebrande, making Priestes Marriage to be he∣resie, and further enacting: That what soeuer Clerke, Deacon, or Minister had a wife, what so euer she was, (mayde or other) ei∣ther before his orders, or after, should vtterly put her from him, or elles forsake his Ministerie. &c.

Although notwithstanding the greatest parte of Ec∣clesiasticall Ministers seeing this straunge doctrine and proceedinges (whiche Saint Paule expressely calleth the doctrine of Deuilles) did what they coulde to withstande the same.* 7.138 * 7.139 Of whom Lambertus Scafnaburgensis thus writeth: Aduersus hoc Decretum protinus vehementer infre∣muit tota factio Clericorum, hominem planè haereticum, & ve∣sani dogmatis esse clamitans, qui oblitus sermonis Domini, quo ait: Non omnes capiunt hoc Verbum: Qui potest capere, capiat, &c. Et Apostoli: Qui se non continet nubat: Melius est nubere, quàm vri, Violenta exactione homines viuere cogeret ritu An∣gelorum. Quod si pergeret, malle se sacerdotium, quàm coniu∣gium deserere, &c. In English thus: Agaynste this Decree, the whole number of the Cleargie did vehemently storme and grudge, crying out vppon him, as a pernicious heretique, & one that maynteyned phantasticall doctrine: who forgetting what the Lorde sayth:* 7.140 All men can not take this worde: Hee that can take it, let him take it. And also what the Apostle sayeth: Who so can not otherwise conteyne let him marrye, better it is to marry then to burne, &c. Yet notwithstanding woulde bynde men to liue like Aungelles. Who if he continued as he beganne, they woulde (they sayd) sooner forsake the order of Priesthode, then their order of Matrimony, &c.

* 7.141Which Hildebrand, all this notwithstanding, yet cea∣sed not still to call vpon them, and to sende to the Bishops euery where to execute his commaundement with all se∣ueritie, threatning to lay the Apostolicall Censure vppon them, if otherwise they shewed not their diligence there in to the vttermost. Ex Lamb. This was, ann. 1074. Of the same Hildebrande, Radulphus de Diceto also writing hath these wordes:

Gregorius Papa septimus Hildebrandus, celebrata Synodo, Symoniacos* 7.142 anathematizauit, vxoratos sacerdotes à Diuino re∣mouit officio, & Laicis Missam eorum audire interdixit, nouo ex∣exemplo, & (vt multis visum est) inconsiderato praeiudicio, con∣tra sanctorum patrum sententiam, &c. The English is this: Pope Gregorie the seuenth called Hildebrand holding a Synode, accursed, such as committed Simonie, and remooued married Priestes from saying seruice, forbidding also the lay men to heare their Masse, after a new and strange example, & as many thought, after an vnconsiderate preiudice, against the sentence of holie fa∣thers.

And thus much for the antiquitie of bringing in the sin∣gle life of Priests, which first springing from the tyme of Pope Nicholas and Alexander 2. began first with a cu∣stome, and afterward was brought into a lawe, chieflie by Pope Hildebrand, and so spread from Italie into other countries, and at length into England also, albeit not with out much adoe, as ye shall heare, the Lord willing.

In the meane while as Pope Nicolas and Hildebrand were busie at Rome, so Lanfranke Archb. of Canterbury likewise was doing here in England about the same mat∣ter, although he began not altogither so roughlie as Pope Hildebrand did, for so it appeared by his Councell holden at Winchester: where though he inhibited such as were Prebendaries of cathedrall churches to haue wiues, yet did he permit in his Decree,* 7.143 that such Priests as dwelt in townes and villages, hauing wiues, should reteine them still, and not to be compelled to be separate from them: and they which had none, should be inhibited to haue: enioy∣ning moreouer the Bishops thus, to foresee hereafter, that they presumed not to admit into order, any priests or Dea∣cons, vnlesse they should first make a solemne profession to haue no wiues.

The words of the Councell be these: Decretumque est, vt nullus Canonicus vxorem habeat, sacerdotum verò in castellis & in vicis habitantium habentes vxores,* 7.144 non cogantur vt 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non habentes, interdicantur vt habeant: & deinceps caueant E∣piscopi, vt Sacerdotes vel Diaconi non praesumant ordinare, nisi profiteantur vt vxores non habeant, &c.

And here to note by the way of the said Lanfranke, for all his glorious gaye shew of his monkish virginitie and single life, yet he escaped not altogither so vnspotted for his part, but that the storie of Mathew Paris, writing of Paulus Cadonensis,* 7.145 whom Lanfranke preferred so gladly to be Abbot of S. Albons, thus reporteth of him: Paulus (inquit) Monachus Cadonensis Archiepiscopi Lanfranci nepos, iure, ali∣quorum relationibus, consanguinitate propinquior, &c. That is, Paule a Monke of Cadune, and nephew of the Archbishop Lanfranke, yea as some say further, more neere in bloud to him, then so, &c.

Then after Lanfranke, came Anselme into the See of Canterbury, who taking to him a stouter stomacke,* 7.146 more fiercelie and egerlie laboured this matter, in abrogating vtterly the mariage of priests, Deacons, Subdeacons, and of the vniuersall clergy, not permitting as Lanfranke did, Priests that had wiues in villages and townes, to keepe them still, but vtterly commanding, and that vnder great paine, not onelie Priests and Deacons, but Subdeacons also (which is against the Councell of Laterane) which were already maried, to be seperated,* 7.147 and that none should be receiued into order hereafter, without profession of per∣petuall chastitie.

And yet notwithstanding, for all this great blustering and thundering of this Romish 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Priests yet still holding their owne, as well as they could, gaue not much place to his vnlawfull Iniunction, but kept stil their wiues almost two hundred yeares after, refusing and resi∣sting of long time, the yoke of that seruile bondage, to kepe still their freedome from such vowing, professing, and pro∣mising, as may well appeare by those Priests of Yorke, of whom Gerardus Archbishop of Yorke speaketh, writing to Anselme in these wordes: Sitio Clericorum meorum inte∣gritatem, sed praeterquam in paucis admodum, ve Aspidis surdita∣tem, vel fabulosi cuiusdam Prothei mutabilitatem inuenio. Varijs linguarum aculeis, minas, modò conuitia infligunt. Sed hoc faci∣lius in his qui remotíores sunt, tolero. Illud omninò graue ge∣nus mali est, quod hi qui quasi in sinu meo sunt, qui Canonicorum nomine gaudent canones aspernant, aduersus concilij nostri sta∣tuta, quasi Sophistici disputatores argumētantur, professiones ve∣rò mihi penitus abnegant Canonici illi, qui sine professione ad sacros ordines inordinabiliter sunt prouecti, & qui in praesby∣teratu vel Diaconatu constituti, vxores siue Concubinas in pub¦lico hactenus habuerunt, ab Altari nulla se reuerentia conti∣nuerunt. Cum verò ad ordines aliquos inuito, dura ceruice nituntur, ne inordinando castitatem profiteantur: In englishe thus: I much desire the puritie of my clergye men. Howbeit except it be in very few, I finde in them the deafenes of the serpent aspis, and the inconstancie of Protheus that the Poets fable spake of. With theyr stinging tongues they cast out some while threates; some while tauntes and rebukes. But this gree∣ueth mee lesse in them that be further off. This greeueth mee most of all, that they whiche be of mine owne Church as in myne owne bosome, and prebendaryes of myne owne See, contemne our Canons, and argue like Sophisticall dispu∣ters, agaynst the statutes of our Councell. The prebendaries which vnordinately haue bene taken into orders heretofore without making vow or profession, refuse vtterly to make pro∣fession to me. And they that be priestes or Deacons, hauing maryed before openly wyues or Concubines, will not be re∣moued for anye reuerence from the Aultare. And when I call vpon any to receaue order, styffely they deny to professe cha∣stitie in theyr ordering &c.

Thus for al their rigorous austeritie by this Anselme in forcing his Decree made at London, agaynst the mar∣riage of Priests, yet the same had no great successe,* 7.148 neither in his life time, nor after his life. For although sondry prie∣stes, during his life tyme, were cōpelled by his extremitie, to renounce theyr wyues, yet many denyed to obey him.

Diuers were contented rather to leaue theyr benefices, then their wiues. A great number were permitted by king Henry, for mony to enioy theyr wiues. Which was so char¦gable vnto them, (sayth Edmer in his 4. booke) that at length two hundreth priestes, in theyr Albes and Priestly vestementes, came barefoote to the kings Pallace, crying to hym for mercy, and especially makyng theyr sute to the Queene, who vsing much compassion towardes them, yet durst not make for them any intercession.

Anselme at this time was ouer the Sea, making his voyage to the pope. Who hearing hereof,* 7.149 writeth to the King, declaring that suche forfaytures appertayned no∣thing to him. But onely vnto Bishops, and in theyr de∣faulte to the Archbishops. Whereof read more, pag. 194. So wilfull was the blinde zeale of this Prelate, agaynst

all reason, against nature it selfe, against the example of his forcelders against publique custome of his owne tyme, a∣gainst the doctrine of the Apostles, the constitution of Councels against all honestie, and all Gods forbode, that he neither at the contemplation of the king, nor at the cry∣ing out and publike dolour of so many priests, nor yet mo∣ued with the letters of Pope Paschalis himself (who put∣tyng him in remembrance of so many priests sonnes,* 7.150 wil∣led him to consider the necessitie of the tyme, pag. 196. would yet nothing relent from his stubborne purpose, vn∣to his latter ende. In whom, as many great crimes may iustly be noted, so of all other, this is most principally in him to be reprehended: for that he seeyng and perceauing what Sodomiticall feditie and abhomination, with other inconueniences, did spring incontinently vpon this his Diabolicall doctrine, yet for all that would not giue ouer his pestilent purpose.

For so the storie recordeth, that when Anselme had e∣stablished his Synodoll constitution,* 7.151 in seperating priests from their wyues (which was, anno. 1103.) not long af∣ter, rumours and complaints were brought to him, of the execrable vice of Sodomitrie, which then beganne spe∣ciallie to raigne in the Clergie, after this inhibition of ma∣trimonie.

Whereupon Anselme was constrained to call an other Councell at Paules within London, to prouide for this mischiefe. In which Councell this Act was made: Sodo∣miticum flagitium facientes, & eos in hac voluntate iuuantes, graui an athemate dānamus, donec poenitentia & confessione ab∣solutionem mereantur, &c. All them that commit the vngraci∣ous sinne of Sodomitrie,* 7.152 and them also which assist them in this their wicked purpose, with greeuous curse we doe condemne, till such tyme as they shall deserue absolution by penaunce and confession, &c.

Thus ye haue heard what abhominable wickednesse ensued after that priests were debarred from mariage, and whatfore punishment was deuised by this maidenly pre∣late, for extirping that sinful wickednes: in the abolishing whereof, more wiselie he should haue remooued away the occasion whereof he was the authour himselfe, then by pe∣naltie to suppresse it, which he could neuer do.

Now let vs heare further, what folowed in that wor∣thy Councell:* 7.153 Qui vero in hoc crimine publicatus fuerit, sta∣tutum est, siquidem fuerit persona religìosi ordinis, vt ad nullum amplius gradum promoueatur, & si quem habet, ab illo depona∣tur. Si autem laicus, vt in toto Regno Angliae legali sua condig∣nitate priuetur. Et ne huius criminis absolutionem, ijs qui se sub regula viuere vouerunt, aliquis nisi Episcopus deinceps facere praesumat Statutum quoque est, vt per totam Angliam in omni∣bus Ecclesijs, & in omnibus diebus Dominicis, excommunica∣tio praefata publicetur ac renouetur, &c. Which is as much to say in English: It is enacted, that whosoeuer shall be publike∣ly knowen to be guiltie hereof,* 7.154 if he be a religious person, he shal from thence forth be promoted to no degree of honour, and that degree which he hath alreadie, shall be taken from him. If he be a lay person, he shall be depriued of all his freedome within the whole realme of England. And that none vnder a bishop shal pre∣sume to assoyle such as haue bene Monkes professed, of that tres∣passe. It is also enacted, that euery sonday in the yeare, and in e∣uery parish church in England, this generall curse aforesayd shall be published and renewed, &c. Ex Rog. Houed. & Epist. An∣selm. 278.

Is not here (trowe you) good diuision of Iustice, that lawfull wedlocke of priests can find no grace nor pardon, yea, is made now heresie: where adulterie & horrible So∣domitrie is washed away with a little confession? And see yet what foloweth more.* 7.155 After that this penall curse shuld now go abroad and be published in churches, the monkes perceiuing this matter to touch them somewhat neare, whispered in Anselmus care, perswading him that y^e pub∣lication of that Acte might growe to great danger and in∣conuenience, in opening the vice which before was not knowen:* 7.156 in such sort, that in short tyme after, that curse was called in againe.

And so cursed Sodomitrie & adulterie passed free with∣out punishment,* 7.157 or word spoken against it, where contra∣ry godly matrimonie could find no mercy.

Now what reasons and arguments this Anselme suc∣ked out of the Court of Rome, to prooue the matrimonie of priests vnlawfull, were it not for combring the Reader with tediousnes, here would be shewed. Briefly, the chiefe grounds of all his long disputation,* 7.158 in his booke entitu∣led, Offendiculum Sacerdotum, betweene the maister and scholer, come to this effect.

Argument.

Priests of the old law, during the tyme of their mini∣stration, absteined from their wyues:

Ergo, Priests in the tyme of the Gospel, which euery day minister at the aulter, must neuer haue any wiues.* 7.159

Another Argument.

Moses, when he should sanctifie the people, goyng vp to the hyll, commaunded them to sequester themselues from their wiues three dayes:

Ergo, Priests that must be sanctified to the Lord always ought to liue chaste alwaies without wiues.

Another Argument.

Dauid before he should eat of the shewbread, was asked whether he and his company had bene without the com∣pany of their wyues three dayes:

Ergo, Priests that be continually attending vpon the ta∣ble and sacraments of the Lord, ought neuer to haue com∣pany with any such.

Another Argument.

Oza, which put his hand to the Arke,* 7.160 was slaine there∣fore, as it is thought, because he lay with his wife the night before:

Ergo, Priests whose hands be alwayes occupied about the Lordes seruice, must be pure from company of wife, or any woman.

Another Argument.

Nadab, and Abiud, which sacrificed with strange fire, were deuoured therefore,* 7.161 because they companied with their wiues the same night:

Ergo, Priests and sacrificers must haue no wyues to company with all.

Another Argument.

The priests of the Gentiles, in old tyme when they sa∣crificed to their idoles, are sayd to lye from their wiues:

Ergo, much more the priests that sacrifice to the liuyng God, ought so to do.

Another Argument.

Christ was borne of a Uirgin, Christ liued euer a vir∣gin, and commaundeth them that will serue him,* 7.162 to folow him. Qui mihi ministrat, me sequatur: id est, Si vis mihi mini∣strare, me castè viuendo imitare.

Ergo, Priests that haue wyues are not meete to serue hym.

1. Cor. 7.

Let euery man haue his owne wyfe for auoydyng of forni∣cation.

The exposition of Anselme.

That is meant and granted of the Apostle,* 7.163 onely to lay men: Hoc solis laicis eum concessisse, nemo ignorat.

1. Cor. 7.

Melius est nubere quàm vri: It is better to marrie then to burne.

The exposition.

Melius, id est, leuius est legitimae vxori nubere, quàm vri, id est, quàm alienarum mulierum concupiscentia consumi. It is a lighter fault to marrie one lawfull wife, then to be consu∣med with concupiscence of straunge women.

1. Timoth. 3.

Oportet esse episcopum irreprehensibilem, vnius vxoris vi∣rum. &c. A Bishop oughte to be vnreprooueable, the husbande of one wife. &c.

The exposition.

Praecipit Apostolus, ne quis ad sacerdotium accedere prae∣sumat, nisi is qui non nisi vnicam vxorem laicus habuisset: Accep∣to autem ordine, nunquam ei carnis commixtione se copularet, tantum vitae necessaria ei subministraret: That is, The Apostle here commaundeth, that none shoulde presume to be Priest, but hee who being a laye manne before, hathe had no more but one wife: And after he be made prieste, not to couple him selfe anye more with her, but onely to minister to her, thinges necessary for her liuing. &c.

And finally after these thynges thus disputed, and al∣leged, the said Anselme concludeth the matter with this fi∣nal censure and determination, as foloweth: Per hoc autem

quod sacras vestes induunt,* 7.164 vel sacra vasa tangunt, Christo vio∣lenter manus inijciunt. Per hoc autem quod impudenter offerre praesumunt▪ Christum quodam modo visibiliter in altari crucifi∣gunt. Legitur ministerium eorum, Christi persecutio, imo cruci∣fixio appellatur: In English thus: In that these men (hee speaketh of maried Priests) do put on the holy vestments, or do touch the holy vessels, they do lay violent hands vpon Christ. And in that they presume impudently to offer, they do in a ma∣ner visibly crucifie Christ vpon the aulter. The ministery of such is read to be a persecution, or rather a crucifieng of Christ, &c.

Loe here the mighty reasons, the strong timbered ar∣guments, and the deepe diuinitie wherewith this Anselm and all other that drawe after his string,* 7.165 goe about to im∣pugne the lawfulnesse of Priestes mariage. Because the Israelites when they should appeare before the Lorde at Mount Sinai, were commanded to keepe frō their wiues three dayes: and bicause the Priests of the old Law in do∣ing their function, as their turne came about, refrained the companie of their wiues for that present tyme: Ergo, priests of the new lawe must at no tyme haue any wiues, but liue alwayes single, &c.

And why might not Anselme as wel argue thus: The people of Israel approching to the Mounte, were com∣maunded in like sorte to washe their garmentes: Ergo, Priestes of the newe Lawe, which are occupied euery day about the Aultar, ought euery day to washe all their gar∣ments.

Moses approching to the presence of the Lorde in the bush, was commanded to put of his shoes: Ergo, Priestes of the new lawe, which are euer approching to the presence of their God, should neuer weare shoes.

Of king Dauid and his company, which but once in all their lyfe did eate of the shewebread, it was demanded by the high Priest, whether they had kept them from theyr wyues three dayes before: Ergo, Kinges and the people of the newe Testament, which euery yeare eate the breade of the Lordes boorde, more precious then euer was that Panis propositionis, should abide all their life wiuelesse and vnspoused.

But here Anselme should haue considered by these Scriptures, howe we are taught not to put awaye oure wyues,* 7.166 but wiselie to distinct tymes, when and howe to haue them. For as Salomon teacheth, to be a tyme for all things: so is there a time to marrie, and a time not to mar∣rie, a time to resort, a tyme to withdraw, a tyme of compa∣ny, a time of abstinence and prayer, which S. Paul calleth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉,* 7.167 and as he speaketh of a tyme of prayer and absti∣nence, so he speaketh also of a tyme of resorting together, and addeth the cause why: Ne tentet vos Satanas propter in∣continentiam vestram, &c. That is, Least Satan (saith he) tempt you for your incontinencie.

And thus should Anselme with Salomon & Paul, haue considered the order and distinction of tymes. Oftentymes in scripture that is commanded to some, and at sometime, which extendeth not to others. And that which for a tyme is conuenient, is not by and by alwayes conue••ient. Nei∣ther that which for a tyme is forbidden in Scripture, is therefore forbidden for euer.* 7.168 Neither ought speciall exam∣ples, to breake generall orders: neither agayne doe ex∣traordinarie prohibitions, make an vniuersall rule.

They were then commaunded to sequester themselues from their wiues at the comming of the Lorde: not that the comming of the Lorde did breake wedlocke,* 7.169 but his commaundement did bynd obedience: and therfore obei∣ed they, because they were commanded. And yet were they not commanded to put away their wyues, but onely to se∣perate themselues for a tyme, and that not for monethes and yeares, but onely for three dayes, which abstinence al∣so was enioined them, not in the presence, nor at the appe∣ring of the Lord, but three dayes before his descendyng to them on the hill. Whereby it appeareth, that the vse of their wedlocke, neither displeased God being present, nor yet did driue his presence away when he was come: for he re∣mained there present amongest them on the hill xl. dayes notwithstanding.

Furthermore, this time of separation from their wiues, as it was expreslie commanded to them by God: so was it not long nor tedious, but such as was neither hard for them, nor vnconuenient for the time: giuing vs thereby to vnderstand, how to vse separation in wedlocke wiselye, that is, neither at no time, nor yet too long.

For as they do not well, which neuer follow the tyme of S. Paule,* 7.170 called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, for abstinence and prayer: so do they worse which fall into that 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, whereof S. Paule againe giueth vs warning, Ne tentet vos Satanas per incontinentiam vestram. But worst of all do they, which so separate their wiues cleane from them, and so abiure all matrimonie, that they fall headlong into the diuels pitfall of fornication, and all filthie abhomination. And therefore the Lord foreseyng the perill thereof, said vnto the people: Estote parati in diem tertium, & ne appropinquetis vxoribus vestris, &c.* 7.171 Appointyng in deede a separation from their wyues, but yet knowyng the infirmitie of man, limiteth the tyme withall, addyng, In diem tertium, and goeth no further.

He saith not, as Anselme said in the Councel of Win∣chester: Iurabunt praesbyteri, diaconi, & Subdiaconi, vxores su∣as omnino abiurare, nec vllam deinceps cum eis conuersatio∣nem habere, sub districtione censurae, &c.

The like order also was taken by the Lorde with the priests of the old Testament, who although they were en∣ioyned to withdraw themselues from their wiues duryng the tyme of their priestly seruice: yet for auoyding fornica∣tion, they were permitted to haue their wyues notwith∣standing. So that both their absenting from their wyues serued to sanctification, and their resorting agayne vnto them, serued to auoid adultery and fornication.

But here our priestly prelates will obiect, that bicause they be continually conuersant about the priestly function therfore a perpetuall sanctification is of them specially re∣quired. Whereunto I answer.* 7.172

1 First, the priestly function of those high priests sacrifi∣sing for the people in the old lawe, representeth onely the function of Christ the high priest sacrifising for the sinnes of the world, which truly and onelie perfourmed that pure chastitie in his sanctified body, which the law then in those priests prefigured.

2 Secondarilie, speaking now of the Priestes of the newe Testament (and speaking properly) the Scripture knoweth nor admitteth no Priest to sacrifice to God for the sinnes of man,* 7.173 but only the high king and priest Christ Iesus.

3 Thirdly, vnto that priest all other be but seruaunts and Ministers: of whome, some be Apostles, some Pro∣phetes, some Euangelistes, some Preachers, hauyng the gyft of vtteraunce, some Interpreters and Doctours, ha∣uyng the gyft of vnderstandyng, some Deacons seruyng the Lordes boorde. The office of all whome chiefly co••si∣steth in ministring the word, next in administring the Sa∣craments.

4 Fourthly, for so much as in these principally aboue all other, purenesse and sanctification of lyfe is required, as much and more too, then was in the Priestes of the olde Law, from whom all fornication, adulterie, incest,* 7.174 and vn∣cleannesse of lyfe ought most to be banished: therefore in these especially aboue the Priestes of the olde Law, matri∣monie and spousage is most requisite and conueniēt, who so euer he be, which otherwise can not conteine, accordyng to the Apostle, saying: Vnusquisque vxorem suā habeat prop∣ter fornicationem.

5 Fiftly, neyther is this matrimonie in these, any hin∣derance to their sanctification before God,* 7.175 but rather fur∣thereth & helpeth their sanctification, forasmuch as where matrimonie is not, there commonly raigneth adulterie, fornication, and all kindes of filthinesse accordyng to the true sayeng of Bernard: Tolle de Ecclesia honorabile con∣nubium & thorum immaculatum, nonne reples eam concubina∣rijs, incestuosis, seminifluis, mollibus, masculorum concubitori∣bus & omni denique genere immundorum? That is,* 7.176 Take frō the Church honourable mariage, and the bed vndefiled, shalt thou not replenish it with Concubinaries, with incestuous per∣sons, Sodomiticall vices, and finally with all kynd of beastly fil∣thinesse?

The truth of which saying, lacketh no kynde of exam∣ples for confirmation, if we listed here to ransack the liues of these glorious despisers of matrimony, euen from Lan∣frank the first ringleader of this daunce here in England, with * 7.177 Paulus Monke of Cadone his Nephew, whome Mathew Paris misdoubted to be his owne sonne, vnto Steuen Gardiner with his gouldelockes, the author and workemaister of these sixe articles. But to the reasons of Anselme hitherto sufficient, which of themselues be so fri∣uolous and grosse, that only to recite them, is enough to confute the same.

Permitting therefore the rest to the discussion of Di∣uines, it shall suffice for our purpose, professing here to write stories, to declare and make manifest by processe of tymes & histories, that this cruell lawe compelling mini∣sters of the church to abiure matrimonie, entred not into this land before Lanfranke and Anselme his successor, as both may appeare by the multitude of priests sonnes law∣fully begotten in matrimonie, and succeeding in the chur∣ches here of England, testified by the epistle of Pope Pas∣chalis to Anselme before, pag. 196. and also may appeare likewise by the Councell of Anselme holden at Winchester which partly was touched before, and now the full act we

haue more largely expressed to be read and seene of all po∣steritie, as vnder followeth.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The resem∣blaunce be∣twene the Sacrament, and the bo∣dy of Christ, consisteth in this: that as the bread & drinke ••••ne nouryshm••t to our out∣ward life so the body & bloud of Christ doe nourishe vn∣to spirituall 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  The Popish 〈…〉〈…〉 stand togeather.
• * 1.2

  The article of transubstantiatiō disagreeth from the scripture.
• * 1.3

  The doctrine of transubstātiatiō, is but a late opi∣nion, and stan∣deth with no antiquity. Lan••rancus was an Italiā & Bish. of Canter∣bury, about the yeare of our Lord 1063.
• * 1.4

  Innocent ••. was Bishop of Rome an. 1215.
• * 1.5

  Phrases of the doctors speaking of the sacram••••.
• * 1.6

  The Papistes falsely pretende antiquity for their transub∣stantiation.
• * 1.7

  Doctors agaynst transubstātiatiō.
• * 1.8

  Tertullian. August.
• * 1.9

  Ambrose. ¶Anno 408.
• * 1.10

  Gelatius lib. contra Eutichē. Anno 500.
• * 1.11

  Theodoretus secund. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. contra Eutichē.
• * 1.12

  Ireneus.
• * 1.13

  Hesichius lib. 20. in Leuit. cap. 8.
• * 1.14

  ¶Anno. 500. Emissenus de cōsecra. Distinct. 2. Quia corpus▪
• * 1.15

  Haymo. ¶Anno. 800.
• * 1.16

  Haymo de Ser∣monum propri∣etate lib. 5. cap. 11.
• * 1.17

  Haymo lib. 7. in ecclesial. cap· 8.
• * 1.18

  Haim. ibid.
• * 1.19

  ¶An. ••10. Bertram 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ de corpore & sang. Do∣mini.
• * 1.20

  Rabanus Maurus Bi∣shop of Mentze. Anno. 800.
• * 1.21

  Rabanus 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.22

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.23

  Ios. 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪
• * 1.24

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.25

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.26

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.27

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 1.28

  A lying mi∣racle to proue tran¦substantiatiō
• * 1.29

  Ex Malmes.
• * 1.30

  Read afore pag. 151.
• * 1.31

  Reasons and prou••es al∣leaged a¦gaynst this myracle.
• * 1.32

  The authors of this fabu∣lous miracle do not agree with in themselues.
• * 1.33

  Lying Le∣••endes.
• * 1.34

  Aelfricus Archb. of Cant. ¶Anno. 996. Capgraue in vi∣ta O••waldi E∣pis••. Wigorn.
• * 1.35

  W. Malmesbe∣riens. in vita A∣delmi.
• * 1.36

  The writinges of Aelfricus au¦thentike.
• * 1.37

  A booke of Ca¦nons in the Sax∣ons tongue.
• * 1.38

  Ex Archiuis Ec¦clesiae Wigo mensis.
• * 1.39

  Ex archiuis ec¦clesiae Exoniēsis.
• * 1.40

  The bookes of Sermons tran¦slated by Aelfri¦cus out of La¦tine, into the Saxons speach.
• * 1.41

  80. Sermons translated by Aelfricus into the English or Saxon tongue.
• * 1.42

  4. Epistles writ∣ten of Aelfricus in the Saxon or English tongue.
• * 2.1

  The wordes of Aelfricus writtē to Wulfstne Bi∣shop of Scyr∣burne, agaynst transubstātiatiō.
• * 2.2

  An epistle of Aelfricke to Wulfsine.
• * 2.3

  The sacrament is the Lords bo∣dye, not bodely, but ghostly.
• * 3.1

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 3.2

  Bodely ••••esence 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.3

  That is, a ••••stery of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 same 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 law.
• * 3.4

  Sermons ••••••nslated 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by ••••fricus.
• * 3.5

  ••o••ie of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speciall 〈…〉〈…〉 out of 〈…〉〈…〉. Ser∣••••ns 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 3.6

  The Latine bookes written agaynst transub∣stantiation, craf∣tely by the Pa∣pistes abolished.
• * 3.7

  Three cōiectures prouing that the Papistes haue made away of purpose the olde Latine bookes against their transubstantia∣tion.
• * 3.8

  The words craf∣tely rased out by the Papistes, & restored agayne by the Saxon booke of Exeter.
• * 3.9

  An Italiā tricke of Polydore Virgill, to burne his bookes, which he had gotten into his handes.
• * 4.1

  d.
• * 4.2

  f.
• * 4.3

  g.
• * 4.4

  r.
• * 4.5

  s.
• * 4.6

  t
• * 4.7

  w.
• * 4.8

  y.
• * 4.9

  z.
• * 4.10

  Ae.
• * 4.11

  Th.
• * 4.12

  Th.
• * 4.13

  S.
• * 4.14

  W.
• * 4.15

  and.
• * 4.16

  th
• * 4.17

  th.
• * 4.18

  A Sermon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Saxon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into tran∣s••••••ed into Englishe.
• ✚ 4.19

  This signe of the crosse is be∣side the text, but here we must beare with the ignorance of that time. Exod. 12.
• * 4.20

  Exod. 14.
• * 4.21

  Exod. 17.
• * 4.22

  This Masse was not thē 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to these 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Popishe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 blasphe∣mous mas••es 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.23

  This He∣brewe letter [Thau] was not marked for the signe of the crosse but for the word (••orat) that 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ the law of God the first letter for the whole world. Ezech. 9.
• * 4.24

  That one∣••y crosse is it wherewith we are mar∣ked, that S. Paule spea∣keth of E∣phe. 2. Christ re∣conciled both to God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one body through 〈◊〉〈◊〉 crosse.
• * 4.25

  ••ohn. 6.
• * 4.26

  ••ath. 26. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 22. ••arkke. 14. Cor. 11.
• * 4.27

  Note how Christes words were taken by signification be∣fore Berēgarius time.
• * 4.28

  A necessary distinction.
• * 4.29

  Why is the hou∣sell called christs body, when it is not so truely?
• * 4.30

  The water in baptisme, and bread & wine in the Lordes sup∣per compared.
• * 4.31

  No transub∣stantiation.
• * 4.32

  Difference betwixt Christs naturall body, and the Sacra∣ment thereof.
• * 4.33

  1. Difference▪
• * 4.34

  Not the body that suffered is in the housell.
• * 4.35

  2. Difference.
• * 4.36

  3. Difference.
• * 4.37

  Math. 15.
• * 4.38

  4. Difference.
• * 4.39

  5. Difference.
• * 4.40

  1. Cor. 10.
• * 4.41

  Note this ex∣position which is now a dayes thought newe. Iohn. 4.
• * 4.42

  Math. 26. Luke. 22. Marke. 14.
• * 4.43

  Now we eate that body which was eaten before he was borne by faith.
• * 4.44

  Here is no transubstantia∣tion.
• * 4.45

  Mantua.
• * 4.46

  Iohn. 6.
• * 4.47

  What body the faithful do now eate.
• * 4.48

  A signification before Christ.
• * 4.49

  A sacrifice in Christes tyme.
• * 4.50

  A remēbraūce of Christ. Math. 26. Hebr. 10.
• * 4.51

  The housell is also the body of al faithfull men.
• * 4.52

  No scripture inforceth the mixture of wa∣ter with the wine.
• * 4.53

  The wine sig∣nifieth Christes bloud.
• * 4.54

  How we should come to the holy com∣munion.
• * 4.55

  Exod. 12.
• * 4.56

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.57

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.58

  They that thinke 〈…〉〈…〉 be otherwise then a new doctrine, are ignorant of hist••••ie•• and antiquity.
• * 4.59

  Transub∣stantiation when it first came in question.
• * 4.60

  Berengarius the first that euer was counted he∣reticke for denying trā∣substantiati∣on.

  Vide Bul∣ling De o∣rigine erro∣ris, & Chro∣nic, Biblian∣dri.

  Acta Con∣cilij Romae habiti con∣tra Beren∣garium.
• * 4.61

  Lancfrancke a persecutor of Berenga∣rius.
• * 4.62

  Paschasius the first be∣ginner of the faction of transub∣stantiation.
• * 4.63

  Ex W. Mal∣mesb.
• * 4.64

  The story & recantation of Berenga∣••ius decla∣••••d by W. Malmesb. De gestis Anglorum. Lib. 3.
• * 4.65

  The order of his recantation declared.

  Ex actis Romani Concilij.
• * 4.66

  The order of the sayd recantation reported out of Henr. Bulling. De origine er∣roris. cap. 10.
• * 4.67

  Concilium Ver∣cellen••e.
• * 4.68

  Concilium Flo∣rentinum.
• * 4.69

  Concilium Turonense.
• * 4.70

  Concilium Ro∣manum ••ub. Nicol. 2.
• * 4.71

  Might beareth downe right.
• * 4.72

  The last recan∣tation of Beren∣garius.

  Humbertus au∣thor of the de∣cree. Ego Be∣rengarius.
• * 4.73

  De consecra. Dist. 2. cap. Ego Berengarius.
• * 4.74

  The effecte of Berengarius re∣cantation.
• * 4.75

  Concilium Romanum. 3.
• * 4.76

  The true opiniō and iudgement of Berengarius of the sacramēt. Ex lib. Lanc∣franci. Archi∣episc. contra Bereng.
• * 4.77

  The doctrine of Berengarius falsely sclaun∣dered.
• * 4.78

  The grosse opi∣nion of Lanc∣francus and the Papistes, con∣cerning the Sa∣crament,
• * 4.79

  The impious & grosse opinion of Guimundus of transubstan∣tiation.
• * 4.80

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 53.
• * 4.81

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.82

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.83

  An 〈…〉〈…〉 proue 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 4.84

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.85

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.86

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 4.87

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.1

  Verses in commenda∣tion of Be∣rengarius.
• * 5.2

  Transub∣stantiation first decreed for a general law by pope Innocent 3. The general Councell of Laterane.
• * 5.3

  Ex Antonin. part. 3. tit. 19. c. 1.
• * 5.4

  Extrau De Sum. trin. cap. 1. sirmit. credimus.
• * 5.5

  The wordes of the Councell whereby tran∣substantiation was first esta∣blished.
• * 5.6

  Eleuation and adoration brought in by Pope Honorius the 3.

  ¶Anno. 1220.
• * 5.7

  Consecration. Transubstantia∣tion. Eleuation. Adoration. Oblation.
• * 5.8

  Persecution first beginning in these latter dayes.
• * 5.9

  Read before pag 271.

  Read before pag 257.

  Ioh. Duns, in Ii. 4. lib. Sentent.
• * 5.10

  Erasm. lib. An∣not. in 1. Cor. cap. 7.
• * 5.11

  Serò.
• * 5.12

  The second arti∣cle of both kindes.
• * 5.13

  Read afore pag. 611.
• * 5.14

  The reasons and obiections of the Papistes a∣gainst both kindes.
• * 5.15

  Luke. 24.
• * 5.16

  1. Cor. 10.
• * 5.17

  Cypria. lib. 1. Epist. 2. De lai∣cis Martyribus Scriberis.
• * 5.18

  Hieronimus in Sophon cap. 3.
• * 5.19

  In Histor tri∣part. lib. 9.
• * 5.20

  De consecrat.
• * 5.21

  The Councell of Constance a sacrilegious Councell.
• * 5.22

  The forbidding of both kindes of the Sacramēt hath no ground of auncient custome.

  No custome may derogate from the Lordes ex∣presse commaū∣dement.

  The Lordes testament ought not to be altered ••or any respecte.
• * 5.23

  In fractione panis.
• * 5.24

  Exod. 12.
• * 5.25

  The natural body of Chryst may not be bro∣ken.

  Accidences no man can breake. No bread is there to be brokē: Ergo, there is no∣thing in the Sacrament broken.
• * 5.26

  An other obiection, a∣gaynst both kindes.
• * 5.27

  Aunswere.
• * 5.28

  1. Order. 2. Example. 3. commaū∣dement.
• * 5.29

  Galat. ••. An other obiection a∣gaynst both kindes. Act. ••.
• * 5.30

  Aunswere.
• * 5.31

  The A∣postles change•••• the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Bapti••••••.
• * 5.32

  Mans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sin in 〈…〉〈…〉 owne 〈…〉〈…〉 God.
• * 5.33

  〈…〉〈…〉. Eccle. 〈…〉〈…〉 Cap. 5.
• * 5.34

  All respects 〈◊〉〈◊〉 geue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the ••••••dience of the worde.
• * 5.35

  The 3. arti∣cle.
• * 5.36

  Definition of the Masse
• * 5.37

  The first rule of Christian doctrine.
• * 5.38

  The 2. rule.
• * 5.39

  The 3. rule.
• * 5.40

  The 4. rule. 2. Cor. 10.
• * 5.41

  The 5. rule.
• * 5.42

  The 6. rule.
• * 5.43

  The 7. rule.
• * 5.44

  The 8. rule.
• * 5.45

  The 9. rule.
• * 5.46

  The Sacrament of the Lordes▪ supper put out of his right vse by priuat mass••s.
• * 5.47

  Christes memo∣ry put out in di∣rige masses.
• * 5.48

  A supplication.
• * 5.49

  Adoration.
• * 5.50

  Oblation.
• * 5.51

  Meriting for o∣ther.
• * 5.52

  Opus operatum.
• * 5.53

  Priuate masses against the free grace of God.
• * 5.54

  Heb. 10.
• * 5.55

  Priuate masses turne our faith from Christes body crucified, to Christ sacri∣ficed in their masses.
• * 5.56

  The 4. and 5. arti∣cles of vowes & priests maryage.
• * 5.57

  Read afore pag. 195.

  Read afore pag. 175.
• * 5.58

  Priests mariage first forbidden by Anselmus in England.

  Ex Henr. Hun∣tingt. lib. 7. De historia Anglo∣rum.
• * 5.59

  The wordes of Huntington.
• * 5.60

  Priests not re∣strayned from wiues before Anselmus time.
• * 5.61

  Read afoae pag. 153.
• * 5.62

  Malmesb. in vita Dunstani.
• * 5.63

  Priestes first re∣strayned from their wiues ge∣nerall in Eng∣land.
• * 5.64

  Read afore pag. 196.
• * 5.65

  Ex actis Synodi Mediolanensis.
• * 5.66

  S. Paule pro∣phesieth of for∣bidding of mari∣age.
• * 5.67

  S. Paules pro∣phesie foūd true for the count of tymes.
• * 5.68

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.69

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.70

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 8.
• * 5.71

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.72

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.73

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.74

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.75

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.76

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.77

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 5.78

  1. Tim. 4.
• * 5.79

  C••••cilium 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 5.80

  Distinct. 28.
• * 5.81

  Concilium Constanti∣nopolitanū. Distinct. ••5. ca. Quo••••••.
• * 5.82

  Ibidem. 6. thinges in this Coun∣cell to be noted.
• * 5.83

  The crafty packing of the Ro∣manes in suppressing and counter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Canon•• of Councels.
• * 5.84

  Dist. 31.
• * 5.85

  Hildebrand and Calixtus first extorters of Priestes lawfull mariage.
• * 5.86

  Auentinus in histor. Bonorum
• * 5.87

  Simoiacke Priestes, Nico∣laitan Priestes.
• * 5.88

  Ex Auentino Annal. Bonor•• lib. 5.
• * 5.89

  Gebuilerus.
• * 5.90

  Isidorus de vita clericorum.
• * 5.91

  Dist. 23. cap. Ius igitur.
• * 5.92

  Calistian priests, that is, of Ca∣lixtus secte, who chiefly forbad priestes mariage.
• * 5.93

  All the Apo∣stles were ma∣ried, except Iohn and Paule. Ex Ambrose. 2. Cor. 11.
• * 5.94

  Ex Epist Hilarij ad Abram filiā.
• * 5.95

  Ex Ruffino. lib. 2. cap. 9.
• * 5.96

  Ex Nazianzeno.
• * 5.97

  Ex Nouel. con∣stit. 3.

  ¶Finali.
• * 5.98

  Ex Hiero. aduer∣sus Iouinian. lib. 1.

  Distinct. 56. Hosius.
• * 5.99

  Ex Vicelio de sacrificio missae.
• * 5.100

  Ex Aenea Silui∣o. Epist. 321.
• * 5.101

  Volusi•••••••• Byshop of Carthage.
• * 5.102

  Hulderi•••••• Byshop of August. a∣bout the yeare of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lord. 9••••▪
• * 6.1

  The Epistle of Volusia∣nus or as some say, of Hulderic•••••• to the Pope in defence Priestes 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.2

  Math. 19.
• * 6.3

  1. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7.
• * 6.4

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.5

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.6

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 6.7

  Apost.
• * 6.8

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 rule 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Austen 〈…〉〈…〉 is for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Papists, 〈…〉〈…〉 mariage of Priestes, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that a∣dultery, So∣domitrye, & other lyke inconueni∣•••••••• should follow, as they do.
• * 6.9

  〈…〉〈…〉 foūd ••regories 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.10

  •• Cor. 7.
• * 6.11

  Math. 7. Rom. 14.
• * 6.12

  Augustinus.
• * 6.13

  1. Cor. 7.
• * 6.14

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 7. H••erony∣••••••.
• * 6.15

  Math· 19.
• * 6.16

  Turpis Papi∣starum vox. Psal. 53.
• * 6.17

  Math. 7.
• * 6.18

  Iohn. 8.
• * 6.19

  Christus legem non soluit, sed competentes exigit.
• * 6.20

  Gregorius.
• * 6.21

  1. Tim. 4.
• * 6.22

  Ex coelibatu Sacerdotum qui fructus oriantur.
• * 6.23

  Psal. 69.
• * 6.24

  Read before pag. 139.
• * 7.1

  Rom. 8. Rom. 11. Rom. 9.
• * 7.2

  1. Liberum arbi∣trium. 2. Gratia. 3. Mandatum.
• * 7.3

  Libe••um arbitri∣um locum Ma∣teriae tenet: Gratia locum Formae.
• * 7.4

  Mandatum loco instrumenti
• * 7.5

  Psal. 19.
• * 7.6

  Liberum arbi∣trium et Man∣datum sine Gra∣tia nihil valent.
• * 7.7

  Gen. ••.
• * 7.8

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.9

  Math. ••▪
• * 7.10

  Donum contine•••• frustra 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mani•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 appe••••∣tur. Num▪ ••5.
• * 7.11

  Psal. 54. 2. Cor. ••▪ Eccle. 35.
• * 7.12

  Ierem. 48.
• * 7.13

  Leuit. 9.
• * 7.14

  Gal. 6. ••piritus le∣••itatis viri•• ••onuenit a∣••ostolicis, Math. 23. ••. Pet. 5.
• * 7.15

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.16

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.17

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.18

  〈…〉〈…〉. 11.
• * 7.19

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.20

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.21

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 19.
• * 7.22

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.23

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.24

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.25

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.26

  〈…〉〈…〉. 7.
• * 7.27

  Rom. 9. Ephes. 4. Quisque intra mensuram suâ se contineat. 1. Cor. 7.
• * 7.28

  Forte legend•• ingeniti.
• * 7.29

  Rom. 6. 1. Cor. 7.
• * 7.30

  Necessitas in∣stans apud Pau∣lum quae sit.
• * 7.31

  1. Cor••. 4.
• * 7.32

  1. Cor. 7.
• * 7.33

  1. Cor ••.
• * 7.34

  1. Cor. 1.
• * 7.35

  Math. 19.
• * 7.36

  Exod. 28.
• * 7.37

  Exod. 29.
• * 7.38

  Luke. 11.
• * 7.39

  Exod. 3.
• * 7.40

  Math. 19▪
• * 7.41

  Exod. 5.
• * 7.42

  Leuit. 18.
• * 7.43

  Gal. 4.
• * 7.44

  Psal. 18,
• * 7.45

  Math. 23.
• * 7.46

  Math. 3.
• * 7.47

  1. Cor. 3.
• * 7.48

  1. Cor. ••.
• * 7.49

  Sap. 8.
• * 7.50

  What he meaneth ••ere by f••ee will he ex∣pound••••h playnely hereafter.
• * 7.51

  The epistle of Volu••ia∣••us Bish. of Carthage for Priestes mariage.
• * 7.52

  Rom. 9.
• * 7.53

  1. Free will▪ 1. The Commau••∣dement, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the law. 3. Grace.
• * 7.54

  Grace 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & Queene ouer the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Free wi••l▪
• * 7.55

  Freewill ••••kened to ••ateria. Grace to Forma.
• * 7.56

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.57

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 19.
• * 7.58

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 will & the law without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 power.
• * 7.59

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 2.
• * 7.60

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.61

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 8.
• * 7.62

  ••••••tinency 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of god.
• * 7.63

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 15.
• * 7.64

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 54. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 9.
• * 7.65

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 35.
• * 7.66

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 48.
• * 7.67

  Leuit. 9.
• * 7.68

  Gal. 6.
• * 7.69

  1. Pet. 5.
• * 7.70

  Lordship ouer the clergy for tendstd.
• * 7.71

  Num. 22.
• * 7.72

  Rom. 10. Zeale without knowledge what it is.
• * 7.73

  2. King. 6.
• * 7.74

  Oza punished for holding vp the Arke.
• * 7.75

  Luke. ••••.
• * 7.76

  What inconue∣nience riseth of coacted matri∣mony.
• * 7.77

  Gen. 19.
• * 7.78

  Lothes refusing to goe vp to the mountaine, what it meaneth.
• * 7.79

  The chastitye of of mariage, as neare to heauen as vi••ginitye.
• * 7.80

  Euery mā ought to be contented with his owne gifte.
• * 7.81

  1. Cor ••.
• * 7.82

  ••om. 9.
• * 7.83

  ••phe. 4.
• * 7.84

  1. Cor. 7.
• * 7.85

  〈◊〉〈◊〉. 6.
• * 7.86

  1. Cor 7.
• * 7.87

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.88

  1. 〈…〉〈…〉▪
• * 7.89

  1. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 7.90

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 is per••••tted to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 infirmi∣ty 〈…〉〈…〉 are 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as o∣ther men be.

  Ergo▪ 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ought to be permitted to Priests also.
• * 7.91

  1. Cor. 1.
• * 7.92

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 con∣tinencye is no vertue.
• * 7.93

  Math. 15.
• * 7.94

  ••••od. 29.
• * 7.95

  The place of Moyses Exod. ••9▪ applyed.
• * 7.96

  Ex histor. Tri¦partita.
• * 7.97

  The spirite of lenitye requyred in Bishops▪
• * 7.98

  Luke. 11.
• * 7.99

  Exod. 3.
• * 7.100

  Read the Canōs of the Apostles. Can. 22.
• * 7.101

  Math. 19.
• * 7.102

  Exod 5.
• * 7.103

  Leuit. 18.
• * 7.104

  Gal. 4.
• * 7.105

  Psal. 18.
• * 7.106

  Math. 23. The wickednes of the Ministers make not the ministery worse
• * 7.107

  Math. 3.
• * 7.108

  Cor. 3.
• * 7.109

  1. Cor. 7.
• * 7.110

  Sap. 8.
• * 7.111

  Dist. 32. Praeter. Flac. Illyric. Cent. 9. cap. 10. Ioan. Bal••us, De scriptoribus Centur. 2.

  A doubt discus∣sed whether this Nicolas, was 1. or 2. to whom Volusianus wrote.

  Dist. 32. Nullus.
• * 7.112

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• * 7.113

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.114

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.115

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.116

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.117

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.118

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.119

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.120

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.121

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 testimo∣ni•• Ioan. Quint•••• De Clericorum moribus.
• * 7.122

  The author of this booke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, was 〈…〉〈…〉 in which booke he 〈…〉〈…〉 of Popes and Bishops.
• * 7.123

  Obiection aunswered.
• * 7.124

  Read afore pag. 174.
• * 7.125

  The time examined of this Volu••i∣anu•• Epistle to Pope Nicholas.
• * 7.126

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 4. cap. 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 7.127

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.128

  Priestes and Byshops maried long after the 2 Councell of Carthage.
• * 7.129

  The generall law forbidding Priests to ma••y, when it first be∣ganne.
• * 7.130

  Ex Romana Sinodo. 4.
• * 7.131

  Concubinae.
• * 7.132

  Dist. 33. quis.
• * 7.133

  Ex Sinod. Med••∣olanens.
• * 7.134

  Maried Priestes called Nicolai∣tās.
• * 7.135

  Ibidem.
• * 7.136

  The Synode of Millane agaynst priests mariage. ¶1067.¶
• * 7.137

  Pope Hilde∣brand the grea∣test enemye to priests mariage.
• * 7.138

  1. Tim. 4.
• * 7.139

  Ex Lamberto Schafnaburgēsi.
• * 7.140

  Math. 19.
• * 7.141

  The Councel of Rome against priestes mariage vnder Pope Hildebrand. ¶1074.¶
• * 7.142

  Ex Radulpho de Diceto.
• * 7.143

  Lanfrancks law for Priestes not to marye.
• * 7.144

  Ex act 〈…〉〈…〉 sub 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.145

  Ex Math, Pari••i••••. Lanfra•••••••• supposed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 virgine▪
• * 7.146

  Anselme Archb. of Canterb••••y a const•••••• doer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priestes mariage.
• * 7.147

  Concil. ••a••teran. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 14. De 〈◊〉〈◊〉 matrimo•••••• copulati••.
• * 7.148

  Hereby ap∣peareth tha•• Priestes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ol•••• time here 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England 〈…〉〈…〉 made ••ow of ••••••••stity at th•• orders; b••∣fore this tyme. Ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 lib. 4·
• * 7.149

  Read 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pag. 19••.
• * 7.150

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 7.151

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••••••ibition ••atrimo∣•••• ••••llowed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••••••omitry.
• * 7.152

  An acte of A••••elme a∣gainst Sodo∣mitrye.
• * 7.153

  The penalty prouided a∣gaynst So∣domitry.
• * 7.154

  E•• epist. Anselm. Rog. Houe∣d••••.
• * 7.155

  The curse a∣gainst cursed Sodomitry 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.156

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ioan 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.157

  〈…〉〈…〉, vice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 free.
• * 7.158

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ostendiculū 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 7.159

  The reasons and argumentes of Anselme against the marriage of Priestes.
• * 7.160

  2. King. 6.
• * 7.161

  Num. 4.
• * 7.162

  Iohn. 12.
• * 7.163

  The grosse ex∣positions of An∣selme, vpon the wordes of S. Paule.
• * 7.164

  The conclusion or censure of Anselm•• vpon mar••ed Priestes.
• * 7.165

  Aunswere to Anselmes rea∣sons.
• * 7.166

  A tyme for all thinges.
• * 7.167

  1. Cor. 7.
• * 7.168

  Speciall exam∣ples breake n•• generall orders.
• * 7.169

  Separatiō of the Isr••lites from their wiues for 3. dayes is no argument that Priestes should neuer marrye▪
• * 7.170

  Separation in wedlocke, how it is to be vsed.
• * 7.171

  Exod 1••.
• * 7.172

  Obiectio•• of the Pa∣piste•• why Priestes should li••e wiues. Answere 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the obie••••••.
• * 7.173

  No sacrif•••••••• for sinne b••t onely Christ.
• * 7.174

  Mariage more con∣uenient for Priestes of the new law, then of the olde. 1. Cor. 1.
• * 7.175

  Matrimony is no hinde∣rance, but a fur∣therance to san••••ficatiō.
• * 7.176

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 sup. Cant. Serm 66.
• * 7.177

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