Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

The kings answere to the rebels.

FIrst, we begin and make answere to the fourth and sixt articles,* 1.1 because vpon them dependeth much of the rest. Concerning choosing of Counsailours, I neuer haue red, heard, nor knowen, that Princes, Counsailours and Pre∣lates, should be appoynted by rude and ignorant common people, nor that they were persons meete, or of habilitie to discerne and choose meete and sufficient Counsailours for a Prince: How presumptuous then are ye the rude cōmons of one shire, and that one the most base of y^e whole realme, and of the least experience, to finde fault with your Prince, for the electing of his Counsailours and Prelates, and to take vpon you, contrary to Gods lawe, and mans lawes, to rule your Prince, whom ye are boūd by al law, to obey and serue with both your liues, landes and goodes, and for no worldly cause, to withstand?

As to the suppression of religious houses & Monaste∣ries, we wil that ye and al our subiects should wel know,* 1.2 that this is graunted vs by all the nobles spirituall & tem∣porall of thys realme, and by al the commons in the same, by Acte of Parlament, and not set foorth by any Counsai∣lour or Counsailours vpon their mere wil and fantasy, as ye full falsely would perswade our realme to beleeue.

And where ye alleage, that the seruice of God is muche diminished, the trueth thereof is contrary: for there bee no houses suppressed where God was well serued, but where most vice, mischiefe, and abomination of liuing was vsed, and that doth well appeare by their owne confessions sub∣scribed wyth their owne handes in the time of their visita∣tions, and yet we suffred a great many of them (more then we needed by the Acte) to stand: wherin,* 1.3 if they amend not their liuing, we feare, we haue more to aunswere for, then for the suppression of all the rest. And as for the hospitalitie for the reliefe of the poore, we wonder ye be not ashamed to affirme, that they haue bene a great reliefe of poore people, when a great many or the most parte hath not past foure or fiue religious persons in them, & diuers but one, which spent the substaunce of the goodes of their houses in nouri∣shing of vice and abhominable liuing. Nowe, what vn∣kindnes and vnnaturalitie may we impute to you and all our subiects that be of that minde, which hadde leuer suche an vnthriftie sorte of vicious persons shoulde enioye suche possessions, profites and emoluments, as grow of the sayd houses, to the maintenance of their vnthriftie life, then we your naturall Prince, soueraigne Lorde and King, whych doth & hath spent more in your defences of our owne, then sixe times they be woorth?

As touching the acte of vses, we maruaile what mad∣nes is in your braine,* 1.4 or vpon what ground ye wold take authority vpon you, to cause vs to breake those lawes and statutes, which by all the noble Knightes and Gentlemen of this Realme (whom the same chiefly touched) hath bene graunted and assented too: seeing in no maner of things, it toucheth you the base commons of our realme.

Also, the groundes of all those vses were false, and ne∣uer admitted by law, but vsurped vpon the prince, contra∣ry to all equitie and iustice, as it hath bene openly both dis∣puted & declared by all the well learned mē in the Realm of Englande, in Westminster Hall: whereby yee may well perceiue, howe madde and vnreasonable your demaundes be, both in that and in the rest, and howe vnmeete it is for vs, & dishonorable, to graunt or assent vnto, and lesse mete and decent for you in such a rebellious sort, to demande the same of your Prince.

As touching the fifteene which yee demaunde of vs to be released, thinke yee that we be so faint hearted,* 1.5 that per∣force ye of one shire (were ye a great many mo) could com∣pell vs with your insurrections & such rebellious demea∣nour, to remitte the same? or thinke yee that any man will or may take you to be true subiects, that first make & shewe a louing graunt, and then perforce would compel your so∣ueraigne Lord and King to release the same? The time of paiment whereof is not yet come: yea and seeing the same will not counteruaile the tenth peny of the charges, whych we haue and daily do susteine for your tuition & safegarde: make you sure by your occasiōs of these your ingratitudes, vnnaturalnes, and vnkindnes to vs now administred, ye geue vs cause (which hath alwayes bene asmuche dedicate to your wealth, as euer was King) not so muche to set our study for y^e setting forward of the same, seing how vnkind∣ly and vntruly ye deale now wyth vs, wythout any cause or occasion. And doubt yee not, though you haue no grace nor naturalnes in you to consider your duetie of allegiāce to your king & soueraigne Lord, the rest of our Realm (we doubt not) hath, & we and they shall so looke on thys cause, y^t we trust it shalbe to your confusion, if according to your former letters you submit not your selues.

As touching the first frutes, we let you to witte, it is a thing graunted vs by Acte of Parlament also,* 1.6 for the sup∣portation of part of the great and excessiue charges, which we support & beare for the maintenaunce of your wealthes and other our subiects: and we haue knowen also that yee our commons haue much complained in times passed, that the most part of our goodes, landes, and possessions of the Realme, were in the spirituall mens handes: and yet bea∣ring

vs in hande, that yee be as louing subiectes to vs as may be, yee can not finde in your hearts, that your Prince and soueraigne Lord should haue any part therof (and yet it is nothing preiudiciall vnto you our commons) but doe rebel and vnlawfully rise against your Prince, contrary to the due••y of allegiaunce & Gods commaundement. Syrs, remember your follies and traiterous demeanours, and shame not your natiue country of England, nor offend no more so greuously your vndoubted king & natural prince, which alwayes hathe shewed him selfe most louinge vnto you, and remember your duetie of allegiance, and that yee are bound to obey vs your king, both by Gods comman∣dement, and lawe of nature.

Wherfore we charge you eftsoones vppon the foresayde bondes and paines, that yee wythdrawe your selues to your owne houses euery manne, and no more to assemble contrary to our lawes and your allegiaunces, and to cause the prouokers of you to thys mischiefe, to ••e deliuered to our Lieutenaunts handes or ours, and you your selues to submitte you to suche condigne punishment, as wee and our nobles shal thinke you worthy: for doubt you not els, that we & our nobles can nor wil suffer this iniury at your hands vnreuēged, if ye geue not place to vs of soueraigne∣tie, & shew your selues as bounden and obedient subiects, and no more to entermeddle your selues from hencefoorth wyth the waightie affaires of the Realme, the direction whereof onely appertaineth to vs your king, and such no∣ble men and counsailours, as we list to electe and choose to haue the ordering of the same.

And thus wee pray vnto almightie God, to geue you graee to doe your dueties, to vse your selues towardes vs like true and faithfull subiectes, so as wee may haue cause to order you therafter: and rather obediently to consent a∣mongest you, to deliuer into the hands of our Lieutenant, a hundreth persons to be ordered according to their deme∣rites, at our will and pleasure, then by your obstinacie and wilfulnes, to put your selues, your wines, children, lands, goodes and cattels, beside the indignation of God, in the vtter aduenture of total destruction, & vtter ruine, by force and violence of the sword.

After the Lyncolneshyre menne had receiued thys the Kynges aunswere aforesayd,* 1.7 made to theyr petitions, eche mistrusting other who shoulde be noted to be the greatest meddler, euen very sodeinly they began to shrinke and out of hand, they were all deuided, and euery man at home in his owne house in peace: but the Captaines of these rebels escaped not all cleare, but were after apprehended, and had as they deserued. Ex Edw. Hallo.

After thys, immediately wythin sixe dayes, vpon the same, followed a newe insurrection in Yorkeshire for the same causes,* 1.8 through the instigation and lying tales of se∣ditious persons, especially Monkes and Priests, making them beleeue, that their siluer chalices, crosses, iewels, and other ornaments shoulde be taken out of their Churches, and that no man should be maried, or eate any good meate in his house, but should geue tribute therfore to the King: but their speciall malice was against Cromwell, and cer∣taine other Counsailours.

The number of these rebelles were neare about 40. M. hauing for their badges the 5. woundes,* 1.9 wyth the signe of the Sacrament, and Iesus wrytten in the middest.

This their deuilish rebellion, they termed by the name of a holy pilgrimage,* 1.10 but they serued a wrong and a naughty Saint. They had also in the field their streamers and ban∣ners, whereuppon was painted Christ hanging vpon the Crosse on the one side, and a chalice with a painted cake in it, on the other side, with other such ensignes of like hypo∣crisie and fayned sanctitie, pretending thereby to fight for the faith, and right of holy Church.

As soone as the king was certified of this newe sediti∣ous insurrection, hee sent with all speede against them, the Duke of Northfolke,* 1.11 Duke of Suffolke, Marques of Ex∣cetor, Earle of Shrewsbury & other, wyth a great armye, forthwith to encounter with the rebels.

These noble Captaines and Counsailours thus well furnished with habilement of warre, approching towarde the rebels, and vnderstāding both their number, and howe they were ful bent to battaile, first with policy went about to assay and practise how to appease all without bloudshe∣ding:* 1.12 but the Northern men stoutly and sturdely standing to their wicked cause and wretched enterprise, wold in no case relent frō their attempts. Which when the nobles per∣ceiued, & saw no other way to pacifie their furious mindes vtterly sette on mischiefe, determined vppon a battel. The place was appoynted, the day assigned, and the houre set, but see y^t wanderous worke of Gods gracious prouidēce.

The night before the day of battaile came (as testifieth Edward Hall) fell a small raine, nothing to speake of:* 1.13 but yet, as it were by a great miracle of God, the water which was but a very small forde, and that men, in maner y^e day before, might haue gone brishod ouer, sodenly rose of suche a height, deepenes, and breadth, that the like no man that there did inhabite, could tell that euer they sawe afore: so y^t the day, euen when the houre of battayle shoulde come, it was impossible for the one army to come at the other.

After this, y^e appoyntment made betweene both y^e ar∣mies being thus disappoynted, as it is to be thought, one∣ly by God (who extended his great mercye, and had com∣passion on the great number of innocent persons, that in that deadly slaughter had like to haue bene murthered) could take no place: then by the great wisedome and pol∣licie of y^e said Captaines, a communication was had, & a pardon of the kings Maiestie obteined, for al the captayns and chiefe doers of this insurrection, and they promised y^t such thinges as they found themselues agreeued with all they shoulde gently be heard, and theyr reasonable petici∣ons graunted, & that their articles shoulde be presented to the king, that by his highnesse authoritie, and wisedome of his Counsayle, all thinges shoulde be brought to good order and conclusion: and with this order euery man qui∣etly departed, and those which before were bent as hote as fire, to fight, being letted therof by God; went now peace∣ably to their houses, and were as cold as water. A Domi∣no factum est istud.

In the time of this ruffle in Yorkeshyre, and the king lying the same time at Windsore there was a Butcher dwelling within 5. miles of the saide towne of Windsore,* 1.14 whiche caused a Priest to preach, that all they that tooke part with the Yorkshire men, whom he called Gods peo∣ple did fight in Gods quarrell: for the whiche both he and the priest were apprehended, and executed.

Diuers other priestes also, with other, about the same tyme committing in like sorte treason agaynst the king, suffered the like execution. Such a busines had the Kyng then to ridde the realme from the seruitude of the Romish yokes.

Tantae molis erat Romanam euertere sedem.

But Gods hād did still worke with all, in vpholding hys Gospell and troden truth, against all seditious sturres, cō∣motions, rebellions, and what soeuer was to the contrary as both by these storyes aforepassed, and by suche also as hereafter follow, may notoriously appeare.

The yere next after this, which was of the Lord. 1537. after that great execution had bene done vpon certayne re∣bellious Priestes and a fewe other lay men,* 1.15 with certayne noble persons also and gentlemen, amongest whome was the Lord Darcy, the Lorde Hussy, Syr Robert Constable Syr Thomas Percy, Syr Frances Bygot, Syr Stephen Hamelton, Syr Iohn Bulmer, and his wife, William Lomeley, Nicholas Tempest, with the Abbottes of Ger∣ney, and of Riuers. &c. in the month of October, the same yeare folowing, was borne Prince Edward. Shortly af∣ter whose birth, Queene Iane his mother, the second daye after, dyed in childbed, & left the king agayne a widower, which so continued the space of two yeres together. Upon the death of whiche Queene Iane,* 1.16 and vppon the birth of prince Edward her sonne, these two verses were made which follow.

Phoenix Iana iacet nato Phoenice,* 1.17 dolendum Secula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas.

Here is by the waye to be vnderstand, that during all this season, since the time that the king of Englande had reiected the pope out of the Realme, both the Emperour,* 1.18 y^e French king, and the king of Scottes, with other forreine potentates (which were yet in subiection vnder the Pope) bare no him do great good fauour inwardly, what soeuer outwardly they pretended. Neither was here lacking pry∣uy setters on, nor secret working among themselues, how to compasse vngracious mischiefes, if God by cōtrary oc∣casions had not stopped their intended deuises. For first y^e Pope had sent Cardinall Poole to the French king, to stir him to warre agaynst the realme of England.

Secondly where as the Frenche king,* 1.19 by treaty of per∣petuall peace, was bound yearly to paye to the king of England at the first dayes of May, and Nouember about xcv. thousand crownes of the summe, and odde mony, and ouer, that 10000. crownes at y^e sayd ij. termes, for recōpēce of salt due, as the treates therof did purporte: that pension remayned now vnpayed iiij. yeares and more.

Furthermore, the Emperour and the Frenche K. both reteined Grancetor a traiterous rebell against the king, & condemned by Act of Parliament, with certayn other trai∣tors moe, and yet would not deliuer him to the king at his earnest suite and request.

The Frenche king also digressing from his promise and treaty, made alliance wyth the Bishop of Rome, Clement in marying the Dolphine to hys Niece, called Katherine de Medicis.

The sayd Frenche kyng moreouer, contrary to his con∣tracte made, married his daughter to the king of Scottes. All which were preiudiciall: and put the kinge (no doubt) in some feare and perplexity (though otherwise a stout and valiant Prince) to see the Pope, the Emperour, the French king, and king of Scottes so bent against him.

And yet all this notwithstanding, the Lord stil defended the iustnes of his cause against them all. For although the French king was so sette on by the Pope, and so linked in mariage with the Scots, and sacked nothing now but on∣ly occasion to inuade the realme of England: yet notwyth∣standing he hearing now of the birth of Prince Edwarde, the kinges sonne by Queene Iane, and vnderstandinge also by the death of the sayde Queene Iane, that the Kyng was a widower, and perceiuing moreouer, talk to be that the king would ioyne in mariage with the Germains, be∣gan to waxe more calme and colde, and to geue much more gentle wordes, and to demeane him selfe more curtuously, labouring to mary the Queene of Nauare hys sister to the king.

The Ambassadors resident then in France for the king, were Ste. Gardiner, with Docto•• Thirleby, &c. Whyche Steuen Gard. what he wrought secreately for the Popes deuotion, I haue not expressely to charge him. Whether he so did, or what he did, the Lord knoweth all. But thys is certaine, that when D. Boner Archedeacon then of Leice∣ster, was sente into Fraunce by the Kinge (throughe the meanes of the Lord Cromwell (to succeede Steuen Gar∣dinar in Ambassie, which was about the yeare of our Lord 1538. he found such dealing in the sayd Bishop of Winche∣ster, as was not greatly to be trusted, beside the vnkynde partes of the sayde Byshop againste the foresayde Boner,* 1.20 comming then from the King and Lorde Cromwell, as was not to be liked.

Long it is to recite from the beginning, & few men per∣uenture woulde beleeue,* 1.21 the brawling matters, the priuie complaints, the contentious quarels, and bitter dissentiōs betwene these two, and especially what despightful contu∣melies D. Boner receiued at the hands of Winchester. For vnderstande (good Reader) that this doctor Boner all this while remained yet (as he seemed) a good man,* 1.22 and was a great furtherer of the kinges proceedings, and a fauourer of Luthers doctrine, and was aduanced only by the Lorde Cromwel. Whose promotions here to reherse: first he was Archdeacon of Leycester, persone of Bledon, of Dereham, Cheswike, and Cheriburton. Then was made Byshop of Hereford, and at last preferred to be Bish. of London. The chiefe of which preferments and dignities were conferred vnto him only by the meanes and fauour of the L. Crom∣wel,* 1.23 who was then his chiefe and only patrone, and setter vp: as the said Boner himselfe in al his letters doth mani∣festly protest and declare. The Copies of which his letters I could heere produce and exhibite, but for prolonging my story with superfluous matter. Yet that the worlde and all posteritie may see, how the comming vp of D. Boner was onely by the Gospell (howsoeuer he was after vnkind vn∣to the Gospell) this one letter of his,* 1.24 which I wil heere in∣ferre, written to the Lorde Cromwel out of Fraunce, may stand for a perpetuall testimonie, the tenour whereof here ensueth.

*A letter of Doctor Boner the kings Ambassa∣dour resident in Fraunce, sent to the Lord Cromwell, declaring the order of his promotions and comming vp.

MY very singular especiall good Lord, as one most bounden, I most humbly commende mee vnto your honourable good Lordship.* 2.1 And wheras in times passed in hath liked the same, with∣out any my desertes or merites, euen only of your singular exce∣ding goodnes, to bestowe a great deale of loue, beneuolence, and good affection vpon me so poore a man, and of so small qualities, expressing in deede, sondry wayes, the good effectes therof to my great preferment, I was very much bounde thereby vnto your ho∣nourable good Lordshippe, and thought it alway my duetie (as in deede it was) both to beare my true hart againe vnto your Lord∣ship,* 2.2 and also, remembring suche kindnes, to doe vnto the same all such seruice & pleasure as might then lie in my smal power to do.

But where of your infinite & inestimable goodnes, it hath fur∣ther liked you of late, first to aduance me vnto the office of Lega∣tion from such a Prince as my soueraigne Lorde is, vnto the Em∣perour and French king, and next after to procure and obtayne mine aduauncement to so honourable a promotion as the Bysho∣prike of Hereford: I must here knowledge the exceeding greatnes of your Lordshippes benefite,* 2.3 with mine owne imbecillitie to re∣compence it, and say (as Virgil writeth) Grates persoluere dignas non opis est nostrae.

Surely my good Lorde, I neither am, neither shall be able to requite thus your Lordships moste speciall kindnesse and bounti∣full goodnes at any time, vnlesse I shoulde vse that ciuile remeady called in law acceptilation, which great detters especially, are ac∣customed to procure at the handes of their creditours:* 2.4 whereby yet neuertheles your goodnes the onely doer thereof, shoulde ra∣ther be encreased, then my duetie towardes the same, thereby di∣minished. And cessio Bonorum (the onely extreeme refuge and helpe of poore detters deuised also in * 2.5 ciuile) myghte somewhat help herein, sauing that it is not possible that I shall come Ad tam pinguem fortunam (Wherupon that remedy is grounded) where∣by I may recompence and requite this dette worthely.

So that in cōclusion there resteth this, that vnlesse your Lord∣ships self do lose me as you haue boūd me, I shal (and that ful glad∣ly) remaine cōtinually your most boundē beadesmen. And Syr I most humbly beseeche your good Lordship, in the honor of God, seeing this thing is begonne, and auaunced onely by your good∣nesse and meanes you will to the entent the acte may be wholely your owne, stretche out your goodnesse, not suffering the rest to be perfited otherwise thē by your own hands: wherin as I must & shall knowledge my selfe to be exceedingly beholden vnto your good Lordshippe: so shal the same more esteeme and set by, during my life, hauing so attained it by your onely goodnes: And verely, if your good Lordship be not better to me heerein then I can,* 2.6 vn∣lesse it be of your owne goodnes, desire you, I knowe not howe I shall be able to ouercome the great charges annexed to this pro∣motion. For though my promotions afore, were right honest and good, yea, and suche as one of farre better qualities then I was or am of, ought therewith to haue beene contented, yet considering that of diuers of them, it is to witte, Leicester, Bledon, Derham, Cheswicke, and Cheryburton, the first fruites, tenthes, and char∣ges borne, I haue not receiued clerely one penie, I am now neuer a whit the more able to beare the great charges of this.

I shall therefore herein and in all things els pertaining heere∣unto, seeing your Lordshippe is so great a patrone, and will nedes binde me for euer to be your owne (as in deede I will) referre all together vnto your goodnesse, beseeching you to take the order and disposition of all into your handes. I cannot tell whether the late Bishop standeth bounden for the first fruits, tenthes, or other dueties, which by stature may be demanded of his successour, but I feare it greatly, and beseeche your Lordship that I may be hol∣pen therein. My charges nowe heere enforceth me the more to speake and trouble your good Lordship, which at the beginninge are not a fewe, and yet not ended. Of my fidelitie to your good I haue of fiue hundreth crownes, remaining fortie, bestowed vpon horses, m••le, mulet, raiment, and other necessaries, standing deb∣ter to M Thirlby neuertheles, and also to M. Doctour Heynes for one hundreth markes or fast vpon, to them both. And besides this (suche is my chaunce nowe at the beginning) diuers of my ser∣uauntes haue fallen sicke, being in great pearill and daunger, put∣ting me to no little charges.

Ouer and besides these displeasures comming vnto me, by not hauing their seruice, and other to keepe them, and also wantinge mine other seruaunts in Englande, which thoughe I haue sent for them, yet neither they, neither my horses or stuff are come, I must and doe take patience, trusting it will mende.

Vpon the closing vp of this letter and depeache of this bearer, God willing I will packe vp my geare, and to morow betime fol∣lowe the French kinge, who yesterday departed from Shambour, and maketh haste towardes Paris. And▪ thus our blessed Lord long and wel preserue your good Lordship in health. At Bloyse the 2. of September in the euening.

Scribled by the weary hand of him that is bounden to be and is in dede, your Lord∣ships beadesman •• at commaundement. Edmund Boner.

Diuers other Letters beside this, of Doct. Boner re∣mayne in writyng vpon the like effect and purport, which here also I might adde for a further demōstration hereof: but this one in stede of many, may suffice.* 2.7 Now to our pur¦pose agayne: which is to declare how this Doct. Boner in the tyme of his first springyng vp, shewed him selfe a good man, & a fast frend to the Gospell of Christ & to the kyngs proceedynges & contrariwise, how Steuen Gardiner did halt then both with God & with the kyng. Also what vn∣kyndnes and contumelies the sayd Boner receaued at his handes: what rancour and hartburnyng was betwene them:* 2.8 and what complayntes the one moueth agaynst the other, remaineth cōsequētly by their writyngs & recordes to be opened. For the more euident demonstration where∣of, they that haue the letters of y^e sayd Doct. Boner written from Fraunce to the kyng, and the Lord Cromwell may right well perceaue. And first to note what a Gospeller

he was, in his letter from Roan, hee speaking of hys tru∣stie companion, and bearer of hys letters (who was belike D▪ Heines) he geueth thys report both of him, and of hym∣selfe, saying:

If this bearer had beene so much desirous to please the Empe∣rour and followe his religion,* 2.9 as he was studious to serue truely your grace: and to aduaunce the truthe: he had not wanted, &c. And againe:

And besides that he hath not wanted the euil report of naugh∣tie fellowes,* 2.10 naming him a Lutherane: wherein for companie I was ioyned, such was their goodnesse, &c.

Againe in an other letter written to the Lord Cromwel these woordes he hath, speaking of his companion Doctor Heines:

Especially for that the saide D. Heines by his vprighte dealing herein,* 2.11 and professing the truth, neither gate thanks nor reward, but was blased abroad by honest folks to be a Lutherane. The les hee pleaseth in Spayne, the better argument it is, that his entent was to serue none but the kings highnesse, and the truth, &c.

And furthermore in an other minute wryting to the L. Cromwel of Steuen Win. and of his churlishnes toward him, thus he sayth:

And there founde I in M. Doct. Thirlby muche kindnesse, and in the Bishop of Winchester as little.* 2.12 &c: And in the same letter it followeth:

And if I had receiued any intertainement of the Bish. of Win∣chester, I would likewise haue sent you worde. I thanke God, I neede not, for I had nothing of him. &c.

Also in an other letter the sayde Boner wryting to the L. Cromwel concerning one Barnabe, and him self, what colde welcome they both had at the handes of Winchester, vseth these wordes folowing.

And my good Lorde I beseech you to continue your good fa∣uour to this honest poore man Barnabe,* 2.13 who is body and soule assuredly your owne, and as well beloued of the B. of Winchester as I am: and of my trouth I suppose and beleue verely, one of the chief grudges the Bishop hath against him, is because your Lord∣ship of your charitable goodnes doth loue and fauour him.

An other letter of Doctor Boner to the Lord Crom∣well, complaining of Winchester, and also declaring how he was promoted by the sayd L. Cromwell, to the Bishopprike of Herforde.

MY very singular especiall good Lorde, according to my most bounden duetie, I recommend me right humbly vnto your good Lordship, aduertising the same, that the 29. of the last, about 4. of the clocke at after noone, there arriued heere Bernabe wyth your Lordshippes letters dated at Ewrige, the 24. of the same, and thinking that at his sayde arriuall, the Bishop of Winchester, M. Thirleby and I had bene all lodged together, wherein very deede we had seuerall lodgings, he went straight to the Bishop of Win∣chesters lodging (M. Thirleby and I beinge then walkinge in the fieldes) and the Bishop incontinently enquired of him,* 3.1 not howe the kings grace did, as was his duetie: but (as Barnabe tolde me) inquired of him where he left the kings grace at his comming a∣way whether hee had brought any letters for him: whether M▪ Brian and M. Wallop were in the Courte at his departing: and fi∣nally what newes wer in England. To the which questions, when Barnabe had made aunswer, saying, that he left the kings grace at Byrling, and that M. Brian, and M. Wallop were in the Courte at his departing, and withall that hee had no letters from them, ne any other to him, and finally, for the newes that the kinges high∣ne•••• had geuen me the Bishoppricke of Herforde: the Bishop (as Barnabe reporteth, and I doubt not but hee sayeth truely) caste downe his head, making a plaice mouth with his lippe, and after∣warde lifting vp his eyes and handes (as cursing the day & houre it chaunced) seemed so euill contented therewith,* 3.2 that he would neither bid Barnabe drinke, or tarie supper, ne yet further com∣mon with him, but turning from him called one M. Medowe, and shewed him of the same tidings, taking it (as it appeared) very he∣uily, semblably as he doeth euery thing, that is or may be for my preferment. And when Barnabe perceiued that I was not there, and that also this comfortable countenaunce and good cheare made vnto him,* 3.3 he went thence and searched mee, who then was walking with M. Thirlby (as is afore) and by chance commoning with him of the Bishop of Winchester, geuing him aduertisement that he should not be abused by the sayde Bishop, whome I sayde made of him not for any harty loue I thought he bare vnto him, but either in despite of me, to whome hee thought it shoulde bee greatly displeasaunt: either els vnder colour thereof, and by fami∣liaritie, for to grope him and to serue his owne craftie purposes by him And sone after the departure of M. Thirlby from me, who then went to the Bishop to supper, I returned towardes my lod∣ging,* 3.4 and by the way mette with Barnabe, whose salutation was after that sorte, that it caused mee to wonder at it, especially I ha∣uing no expectation or hope of suche thing as he rehearsed vnto me. And surely my good Lord, I wold not beleue him in the thing he tolde, till I perceiued the same by the superscription of youre Lordships letter, which he afterwardes deliuered vnto me: decla∣ring withall (to my great comforte) the prosperous estate of the kings highnesse and of your good Lordship. Which known, I be∣sought almighty God to graunt the long continuaunce thereof, and also as was my duetie, did geue moste humble thankes to the kings highnesse and to your saide good Lordship. And hereupon,* 3.5 keeping your Lordships letters still in my hands vnbroken, I went incontinently to the lodging of M Thirleby which was in my way, to communicate these my newes and great good fortune with him, and not finding him there, I redde ouer your Lordships letters, sending the same afterward to M. Thirlby, and perceiuing by Barnabe that he had other letters for me, which he tolde me he must deliuer vnto me secretely, I went to mine own lodging with him, and there receiuing them accordingly, did reade them ouer, both that your Lordships second letter sent to me, and also the o∣ther sent to Master Wyat. &c.

Your Lordships most bounden beadesman, and alwayes at commaundement. Edmund Boner.

When the king, by the aduise of the Lord Cromwel and other of his Counsaile had appoynted D. Edmunde Bo∣ner to returne from the Emperour, and to be resident in Fraunce, in the place of Winchester and of Doct. Thirleby he sent his letters to the sayde B. of Winchester, and to M. Thirleby shewing his pleasure vnto them in that behalf, with this clause in the same letters contained in expresse wordes as followeth.

And where the sayde M Boner wanteth furniture of stuffe and plate meete for that office, our pleasure is,* 3.6 that you M. Thirleby shall deliuer vnto him by indenture, al the plate you haue of ours in your custodie, and that you my Lorde of Winchester shall fur∣nish him with all suche other stuffe, as shall be necessarie for hym. Wherein as you shall doe vnto vs pleasure, so we shall be content at your returne, to satisfie you for the same. &c.

The Bishop of Winchester receiuing these letters from the king, and being lothe to come into England (what so∣euer the matter was) also hearing that Doctoure Boner should succede him, his disdainfull nature did stomack him exceedingly. But because there was no other remedie but the kings commaundement must be done, first hee sendeth the kings letter, with his also to the Emperors courte, vn∣to M. Boner, and to D. Heynes, willing them in all haste to repaire to Lions wythin 2. dayes. Beside these letters of Winchester, D. Thirleby adioyned his letters also wyth like quicknes to the said D. Heyns and to Boner, the con∣tents whereof here followeth.

The letter of Doct. Thirleby to Doct. Heynes and Boner.

WIth my hearty commendations, and the desire of youre company,* 4.1 and nowe so muche rather that I shall thereby haue a great benefite, viz. the deliueraunce from trouble to ease, from a straunge countrey to mine owne, from the waiting vppon * 4.2him that forceth as litle for me, as I am acquainted with him, to the seruice of him whose prosperitie and loue I accompte as my life: these shall be to pray you to make no lesse speede hether, then you would make to a good feast, when that you be hungrie. M. Boner shal know many things, but when you come I shal tel you more, so that you haste you. Come I pray you, I woulde faine be at home. I saw not my * 4.3master these 4. monthes. When as you M. Boner shall come to Lions, it shalbe good to go to Bonuise, he is a good money maker: In faith I can write no more, but bidde you come hartily, hastly I would haue written, and the soner, the bet∣ter welcome to Lions, where this was geuen the last of Iuly.

By hym that hath loued you well, and nowe will loue you better, if you hast you hether. Th. Thirlby.

At the recept of these letters, Doctor Boner and Doctor Heynes did putte themselues in a readinesse to repair in∣continent vnto Lions, thinking there to haue found Win. and Thirleby, according to y^e purport of their letters. But Wint. and Thirlby not abiding their comming, made hast away from Lions to la Barella: where Boner riding in post after him, ouer tooke hym. With whō what entertain∣ment and talke he had, and what accusations he laid to his charge, & what brauling words passed betwene them, and what great misliking Boner had of him for speciall causes heere in thys brabling matter, or brauling dialogue vnder following may appeare, which for thy recreation, and the further vnderstanding of Winchesters qualities, I wishe thee (louing Reader) to peruse and consider.

But first heere is to be noted, that the King and the L.

Cromwell, at what time they had appoynted D. Edmund Boner to be resident ambassadour in Fraunce, required in their letters, that he shuld aduerse them by wryting, what he misliked in the doings and behauior of certaine persons whom they did note then vnto him. Whereupon the sayde D. Boner sendeth this declaration of Steuen Gardiner B. of Wint. as followeth.

A declaration sent by D. Boner to the Lorde Cromwel,* 5.1 describing to him the euill behauiour of Steuen Winchester, with speciall causes therein contained, wherfore and why he misliked of him▪

FIrst I mislike in the B. of Winchester, that when any mā is sent in the kings affaires, and by hys highnesse commaundement, the Bishoppe,* 5.2 vnlesse he be the onely and chiefe inuentour of the matter and setter foorth of the person, he will not onely vse many cauillations, but also vse great strangenesse in countenaunce and chere to the person that is sent: ouer and besides, as small comfort and counsell as may be in the matter, rather disswading & encou∣raging the persone earnestly to set forthwarde his message, then boldning and comforting him, as is his duety, with help & coun∣sel to aduenture and do his best therein.* 5.3 The experience whereof I haue had my selfe with him, as wel at Roan the first time I was sent to Rome, commanded by the kings highnes to come by him, and at Marsels, the time of the intimation of the kinges protestation, prouocation, and appeale, as also lately going to Nice, touchyn•• the generall Counsell,* 5.4 and the authority of the B. of Rome: and ••••∣nally, nowe last of all, at my returne from Spaine, where neyther my diligence in comming to him and vsing him in the beginning with all the reuerence I coulde, neither the kings letters wrytten vnto him in fauour, ne yet other thinge coulde mollifie his hard heart,* 5.5 and cancred malitious stomacke, but that he woulde spite∣fully speake, & vnkindly doe, as in deede he did, to his great shame and my dishonesty, as followeth.

When riding in post I came to La Barclla, a post a this side Ly∣ons, the 7. day of August, he being in bedde there, I taried till hee rising vp and making himselfe ready, came at last out to me, stan∣ding and tarying for him in a seconde chamber, and at hys com∣ming thether, he sayd: what M. Boner, good morow. A Syr yee be welcome,* 5.6 and herewithall he put out his hand, and I kissing mine, tooke him by it, and incontinently after he sayde: Come on, let vs goe and walke a while into the fields, and withall drew towardes the doore, preparing him to walke. To whome I sayde, I woulde waite vpon him. His going to the fields (as appeared afterwards) was not so muche to walke, as to haue a place where hee myghte speake loud, and triumph alone against me, calling in his wordes againe. If hee spake any amisse, or vtterly deny them if that made for his purpose. And by chaunce, rather then by good wisedome, afore I went forth, I asked for M. Thirleby, and desired I might see him, and speake with him. The Bishop that perceiuing, and with all that I stacke vpon it, he commaunded one of his seruauntes to call M. Thirleby, but yet afore his comming, the Byshop could not be idle, but sayd this to me:

M. Boner, your seruaunt was yesterday with me, and as I told him,* 5.7 I will tell you. In good faith, ye can haue nothing of me. No∣thing my Lord (quoth I) merely speaking? Mary God forbid, that is a heauy worde, and much vncomfortable to him that wanteth all things, and trusteth much vppon your goodnesse, that hathe a great deale. In faith (quoth he) ye shall haue nothing of me, marie ye shall haue of M. Thirleby his cariage, mules, his bed, and diuers other things, that he may spare, and which hee hath kept for you. Well my Lord (quoth I) if I shal haue nothing of you, I must make as good shift as I can for my self otherwise, & prouide it where I may get it. And heere the Bishop, because I would not geue hym thankes,* 5.8 for that thing which was not worthy thankes, and that also I woulde not shewe my selfe greatly contented and pleased, though I receiued nothing at his handes, hee began somewhat to kindle, and asked what I wanted. I told him againe, that I wanted all thing sauing money and good will to serue the kings highnes.

Tell me one thing (quoth hee) that ye want. One thing quoth I? Mary, amongest many things that I want, I want naperye. That shall ye not neede (quoth he) heere in this countrey, and heere he began to tell a long tale, that none vsed that, but M. Wallop and he in the beginning: which is not true generally. And from this, hee began to goe, descending by his negatiues: my Mulettes (sayth he) ye can not haue:* 5.9 for if ye should, I must nedes prouide other for them againe: my Mulet clothes ye can not haue, because mine armes are on them, not meete for you to beare: my raiment (I being a Bishoppe) that is not meete for you: and so proceeding forth in the rest, nothing had he for me, and nothing shuld I haue.

* 5.10And here came master Thirlby, who welcōmed me very gent∣ly, and after an honest sorte: to whome the Bishoppe rehearseth a∣gaine his negatiues, and maketh a long discourse, bringing in cō∣clusion for all that hee coulde doe, that nothing I shoulde haue of him, and this rehearsed hee still on ende, I am sure aboue a dosen imes, and that with a Pilates voice, so that all his companie stan∣ding more then three or foure paire of buts length off, heard hym·

When I sawe that he would make no ende, but euer rehear∣sing one thing still, I sayd to him, my Lord, I beseech you, seeing I shall haue nothing of you, but of M. Doctor here, let me geue him thāks that deserueth it, and not trouble you therin no more,* 5.11 but leauing cōmunication therin, let me desire and pray you, that we may common of the kings matters. And that I may haue therein knowledge as well of the state thereof, as also of your counsaile in that behalfe. The Bishop was so hoate and warme in hys owne matters, that he woulde not heare, but needes woulde returne a∣gaine, and shew why that I could haue nothing of him. My Lorde (quoth I) heere is still on ende one tale, which mee thinketh, see∣ing that I vnderstande it, ye neede not so oft to repeat it,* 5.12 especial∣ly seeing that it commeth alwaies to this conclusion, that I shall haue nothing of you. Ye lye (quoth he) I sayde not so. I report me (quoth I) to M. Thirleby heere present, whome I shall desire to beare recorde of your sadde and discrete honest behauiour wyth me. I say you lie (quoth he.) My Lord (quoth I) I thanke you.

I do not say (quoth he) that yee shall haue nothing of me: but I say, ye can haue nothing of me.* 5.13 And though the one heere com∣prehendeth the other, yet there is a great diuersitie betwene these two maners of speakings: I can spare nothing vnto you, and ther∣fore yee shall haue nothing, and though I can spare you, yet you shall haue nothing: for in the one is an honestie in the speaker, which would if he could doe pleasure, and in the other, there lac∣keth that honestie.

My Lord (quoth I) to examine whether I shall haue nothing, because ye can spare nothing: or shall haue nothing, though yee haue plentie, because ye will I shall haue nothing, it shal not much helpe me in my iourney. Wherefore, seeing ye bide vpon this, that I shall haue nothing, I will thancke you for nothing, and prouide otherwise for my selfe. Torde in your teethe (quoth he) and pro∣uide as ye will. Bishoplike spoken,* 5.14 by my faith (quoth I) and well it becommeth you to speake thus to me. Yea mary doth it become me (quoth he) and repeating the wordes againe, sayd with a sharp accent: haue nothing of me? Torde in your teethe. Wel my Lord (quoth I) this needeth not▪ sauing that yee haue a full stomacke, and your witte abroad willingly hereby to ease your stomacke a∣gainst me. Yes marie (quoth he) it needeth for me,* 5.15 though it nee∣deth not for you, for I entende (quoth he) I woulde ye shoulde knowe it, to iustifie my selfe to the king in all things. If yee doe so (quoth I) ye shall doe the better. Nay (quoth hee) I doe it, and will doe it. Well (quoth I) ye are the more to be commended, if ye so can doe. Yes (quoth he) I can doe it.

Nowe by my troth (quod I) seeing the kings highnesse hath wrytten so tenderly for me vnto you, as appeareth by his highnes letters that his grace hath done: me thinketh, ye hauing so greate plentie of all things, and I so great neede thereof, comming poste as I doe: yee goe about as euill to iustifie your selfe to the kinge, as any one that I haue seene: And iwisse my Lorde (quoth I) I wold haue reckened that, comming as I doe come, I shoulde haue bene both better welcome, and better entreated of you then nowe I am, euen and it had bene for no other respecte, then because I am an Englishman.

I shall tell you (quoth he) for the kinges sake,* 5.16 yee may looke to haue: but for your owne sake yee gette nothing. Well (quoth I) then hauing nothing, I will geue no thankes at all, and hauyng any thing, I shall geue thankes to the king, and none to you. I tell you (quoth he) ye gette nothing. And I tell you againe (quoth I) that I will not thanke you for nothing: and heere his flesh of hys cheeke began to swell and tremble, and he looked vpon me, as he woulde haue runne throughe me, and I came and stoode euen by him and sayde: trowe you my Lorde (quoth I) that I feare your great lookes? Nay faith doe I not.* 5.17 Ye had neede to gette another stomacke to whette vppon, then mine, and a better whettestone then any yee haue. For I assure you, yee shall not whet me to your purpose: and if yee knewe howe little I do sette by this vnlouing and indiscrete behauiour of yours, yee woulde not vse it vppon me. And I shall tell you (quoth I) if I were not brideled, and had other respects both to the kings highnes my soueraigne Lord, and also to other that may commaund me, I would haue tolde you ere this time my minde after an other sort. Tell me, quod hee? Toorde in your teethe. Well my Lorde (quoth I) ye woulde, I perceiue by you and by your woordes, prouoke mee to speake as vndiscretely and * 5.18 bedlemly, as yee doe. But surely yee shall not, howe so euer yee shall speake. But this will I tell you, I shall shewe howe I am handled of you. Marie spare not (quoth he,) Well my Lord (quoth I) you haue heere full well plaied the part of a Bishoppe, and it is great ioy of you, that with this your furious anger and choller, ye can make al the companie here about you to be ashamed of you, as I am sure they are. And for my parte, if yee your selfe be not a∣shamed, or comming to your selfe (for nowe your anger is suche that you heare not your selfe) be not displeased, I shall be ashamed and pitie this your doing without wisdome, and the oftner you vse this maner, the more shall it be to your dishonestie.

Lo (quoth he) how fondly he speaketh, as who sayth, I were all in the blame. Will you not heare (quoth hee) this wise man? My Lord (quoth I) I woulde you could heare with indifferent eares,

and see with indifferent eyes your selfe. Ye haue made a brabling heere for nothing,* 5.19 and would that I would geue you thankes for that thing which maister Thirleby hath done for me. I looke for no thankes of you (quoth he) and sayd withall looking spiteful∣ly, that he knew me well enough, and that he was not deceiued in me. Well (quoth I) and me thinke I know you well enough too, wherefore as ye say you are not deceiued in me,* 5.20 so I trust I wyll not be deceyued by you. But I pray you sir (quoth I) because yee say ye know me well enough, and that ye be not deceiued in me, how do you know me? for honest and true, or otherwise? If you do, say it, and I shall make aunswere.

I could not driue him to aunswere heereunto, so that I sup∣pose, eyther of hys owne naughtie nature he hath made me an i∣mage after his owne fantasie, or else beleeued the report of such in conditions, as he is hymselfe, who in malice, I suppose, and dis∣dayne may be compared to the Diuell in hell,* 5.21 not geuing place to him in pride at all. In communication he repeated oft the prouisi∣on of the thousand crownes. I told him they went in my diets, and that it would be a good while, afore they were come out: and further I sayd, that seeing they had bene simpliciter geuen to me, I would neuer thanke him for them, but the Kings highnesse: and I sayd, that if they were twenty thousand, he should breake so ma∣ny sleepes afore he should haue any part thereof, intreating me as he did. Well (quoth he) you haue them. That is truth (quoth I) and nothing thankefull to you.

Why then (quoth he) seeing you haue heere diuers things of M. Thirlbies, and all other things are parabilia pecunia, whiche you haue, yee may make thereby good prouision for your selfe. That is truth (quoth I) and that can I and will do, though yee tell me not,* 5.22 seeing I haue nothing of you, and afore this, had prouided at Lions for all things necessary, if ye without necessitie had not made that great haste to depart thence, enforcing mee thereby to follow you. And yet (quoth I) one thing may I tell you: yee are very desirous I should be prouided well for, as appeareth in that you haue taken away at Lyons one horse that Fraunces had pro∣uided for me, and also your seruaunt Mace hauing a horse to sell and knowing my neede, by your consent hath sold hys horse to a straunger, rather then he woulde sell him to me, so that nothyng suffering mee to haue of you, and taking away that prouision which I make and go about to make, you well declare how harti∣ly you desire I should be prouided for. In fayth (quoth he) choose you, ye may prouide and you will, and seeing your iourney he∣ther from Lions is vayne, you may thether returne againe and make there prouision for your selfe.* 5.23 I thought (quoth he) depar∣ting from Lions, to haue made easie iourneys, and to haue follo∣wed the Court till you had come, and now come you squirting in post, and trouble all. I came foorth in post (quoth I) by the com∣maundement of the King my mayster, and had libertie to returne at pleasure by his graces letters, and seeing that I had no horses for the iourney, me thought better to ride in post then go a foote. Well (quoth he) I will not departe hence this twelue month, ex∣cept ye be otherwise prouided. Prouided (quoth I?) I must tary till I may be prouided for horsses, if yee speake of that prouision: and seeing that this riding in post greeueth you, it causeth mee to thinke you are loth to depart,* 5.24 and angry that I shall succeed you. I haue heere already two gownes, and a veluet iacket, so that you shall not be letted an houre by me.

I tell you (quoth he) yee shall otherwise prouide, or else I will not depart, For I tell you (quoth he) though yee care not for the Kings honour, but wretchedly doo lyue with tenne shillings a day, as ye did in yonder partes, you and your companion, I must and will consider the Kings honor. And I tell you agayne (quoth I) I will and do consider the Kings honour, as much as yee at a∣nie tyme wyll do, and as sory will be that it should be touched by anie negligence or defaulte in mee: yea, and I say more to you (quoth I) though yee may spende farre aboue mee, I shall not sticke if any thyng be to bee spente for the Kynges honour, to spende as liberally as you, so long as eyther I haue it, or can get it to spend. And whosoeuer enformed you of the wretchednesse and spending scarcely of my companion and me in the partes where we haue bene, made a false lye, and ye shew your wisedome full well in so lightly beleeuing and rehearsing such a tale.

I can not tell (quoth he) but this was openly rehearsed by Mayster Brians seruaunts at my table. Yea was (quoth I?) Yea mary was it (quoth he.) Now by my troth (quoth I) then was the fare that was bestowed vpon them, very well cast away. For of my fidelitie, that weeke that Mayster Brian and his seruauntes were wyth vs at Villa Franca, it cost my companion and me fiue and twentie pound in the charges of the house. This they say (quoth he.* 5.25) Yea (quoth I) and therein they lye. And heere I shewed hym, that being well setled at Nice, and hauing made there good and honest prouision to our no little charges, M. Wyat woulde not rest, till he had gotten vs to Villa Franca, where euen vppon the first word of M. Heynes, he was right well contente to take of vs xx. shillings by the day. Which was not during x. dayes: where at his comming to vs to Nice, himselfe and all his seruaunts, & then tarieng with vs two dayes, we tooke not one peny of hym. And moreouer, at the departing of M. Wyat from Villa Franca, in post into Englād, we found our selues, our seruaunts, all M. Wyates seruauntes to the number of 16. all his acquaintaunce, whiche dinner and supper continually came to vs, sometymes twelfe sometymes ten, and when they were least six or eight and for this, had not one peny of M. Wyat, and yet at our commyng from Barcelone where we taried about viii. dayes, we gaue to M. Wyat 28. li. and to his seruauntes v.li. besides xl. shillynges that priuately I gaue to some beyng of gentle fashion out of myne own purse: so that I told him, it was neither M. Wyat, ne Mason that found vs & our seruants, but we payed for the findyng of them, and here it chaunced to vs to haue all the charge and other men to haue all the thankes.

The Byshop when he heard this, was amazed and stoode still, finally saying: By my trouth (quoth hee) I tell you as it was told me, and Maister Doctour here can tell whether it was so or no. Yea and I will tell you more (quoth hee) they sayd that Maister Heynes woulde haue bene more liberall a great deale, if you had not bene. Now by my trouth (quoth I) I shall therein make Maister Heynes himselfe iudge there∣of, who can best tell what communication hath bene betwen him and me therein.

Thinkyng that this communication had driuen the o∣ther matters out of the Byshoppes wilde head,* 5.26 I helde my peace, and by and by was hee in hand agayne with them as euer hee was. My Lord (quoth I) I desired ere while, your Lordshyppe to make an ende of this communication, where∣in the longer ye talke, the more ye make me beleeue that ye woulde, where ye haue spoken vndiscretely, yea, and vn∣kyndely, not regardyng the Kynges Letters, with multitude of wordes and great countenaunce, I should thinke ye had not done amisse: but surely you lose your labour, for ye shall neuer make me thinke that ye are desirous to do me pleasure,* 5.27 neither for myne owne sake, nor for the kynges. For if your wordes bee well wayed, I haue as much of you in deede for myne owne sake, as I haue for the kynges sake, that is nothing at all. Here both of vs were talking together, but I helde on still, and euer enforced him to this: My Lord (quoth I) this is the thyng that I shall onely desire of you: that where the kinges grace hath here in the French Court diuers affaires (as I take it) ye would therein instruct me of the state therof, and geue me your best counsell and aduise: and this I protest vnto you, that if ye this will doe: I will attently heare you, and if ye will not, I shall with payne heare you in your other things, but I will make no aunswere at all.

For all this, the Byshoppe ended not, but in conclusion, when he sawe by no meanes that he could induce me to aun∣swere, he returned homewardes,* 5.28 and I brought him to his lodgyng and chamber. It beyng dinner tyme, and all thynges prouided, and standyng afore him, and he turnyng his backe from me into a windowe. I at his turnyng towardes me a∣gayne, put of my bonet, and sayd: God be with you my Lord. He gaue no aunswere to me at all, nor countenaunce, but suf∣fered me to go. Whereupon, returnyng to my lodgyng, which was in Maister Thirlbyes chamber, I caused my dinner to be prouided, and when it was almost ready, the Byshoppes Ste∣ward called Myrrell came for me, (whether sent from the By∣shoppe or not. I cannot tell) and I told him, my dinner was prouided for, and withall, that my Lord his Maister had ge∣uen me such a breakefast, that I neede no dinner nor supper, and so the Steward drinkyng with me, returned agayne, and I went to dinner in Maister Thirlbyes lodgyng: and after din∣ner I went to the Byshoppes lodgyng, who at my commyng very gētly put of his bonet, & so we walked together quietly a while and shortly after, the Byshop began after this maner: Maister Boner, to day we commoned of prouision for you, and because ye shall lay no blame vpō me, I will tell you what I will doe for you. I will prouide you mules, mulets, horses,* 5.29 seruauntes, money, yea and all thynges that shalbe necessary. My Lord (quoth I) here is a large offer and a great kyndnesse come vppon you. I maruell (quoth I) that I could heare nothyng of this, to day in the mornyng.* 5.30 I tell you (quoth he) this will I doe, for know you that I will consider the kynges honour and pleasure, and doubt not but the kyng will pay me agayne. My Lord (quoth I) I haue sent my seruaunt already to Lyons, to make prouision for me, and I haue sent other a∣broad here in the towne and countrey, to do the same: ye shall neuer neede to trouble your selfe herewith. I will (quoth he) You shall not say an other day, that ye could not be prouided for. My Lord (quoth I) let me haue instructions in the kynges matters, and as for other thynges I shall not aske of you, be∣cause this day ye made me so playne aunswere. After much communication, I departed from him louyngly, tellyng him that I would be at Terrara that night where he intented to be lodged. And so the Byshop biddyng me farewell,* 5.31 tooke soone after, his horse ridyng to Terrara to bed.

And by the way I ouer tooke him, and passing by,* 5.32 doyng my duety to him and to his company, I came to Terrara lod∣gyng at the post house, and euen as the Byshop came into the

towne, stoode at the post house dore: To whome the Byshop sayd, we shall see you soone M. Boner. Yea my Lord (quoth I) thinking that thereby he had desired me to supper, and at supper time I went to his lodging, hauing other to eate my supper at home, and glad he appeared to be, that I was come, making merry commu∣nication all supper while, but nothing at all yet speaking to me, or giuing any thing to me, sauing at the comming of the fruite, he gaue me a peare I trow,* 5.33 because I should remember mine owne countrey. After supper, he walked taking M. Thirlby with hym, and I walked with an Italian, being Embassadour for the Countie Mirandula, and after a good space we returned, and bad the By∣shop good night.

I did not after that night dine nor sup with the Bishop, till hee came to Burges in Berry, where vpon the depeach of Fraunces, and closing vp of our letters sent to the Kings highnes, the sup∣per was so prouided, and set vpon the bourd and the Bishop in washing, standing so betweene me and the dore, that I could not get out:* 5.34 and there would he needes that I should wash with hym and sup: and I suppose all the way from Barella to Bloys, he talked not aboue foure times with me, and at euery time sauing at Mo∣lyns, (where he by mouth told me somewhat of the Kings affaires heere in Fraunce) and at Veronne, (when he aunswering to my requests in writing, deliuered me his booke of his owne hand for mine instructions, the copie whereof is now sent heere withall) there was quicke communication betweene vs. His talking by the way was with M. Thirleby, who I thinke, knoweth a great deale of his doing, and will if he be the man I take him for, tell it plainely to your Lordship. I my selfe was out of* 5.35 credence with the Byshop, not being appliable to his manners and desires.

And surely, as M. Thirleby told me, at his first comming to Ly∣ons, and then speaking with the Bishop, the Bishop seemed to be so well content to returne, and so glad of his comming to suc∣ceede him, that his fleshe in his face began all to tremble, and yet would the Bishop make men beleeue, that he would gladly come home. Which thing beleeue it who will, I will neuer beleeue: for euer he was looking of letters out of England from M. Wallop, and M. Brian, whome he taketh for his great frends: and M. Wyat himselfe reckoned that the Bishop should haue come into Spaine, or else my Lord of Durham,* 5.36 so that the Bishop of Winchester e∣uer coueted to protract the time, desiring yet withall to haue some shadow to excuse and hide himselfe, as tarieng at Barella, he made excuse by my not comming to Lyons, and comming to Va∣rennes, and there hearing by the Embassadors of the Venetians a flieng tale of the going of the Frenche King towardes Bayon to meete the Emperour,* 5.37 by and by he said: lo, where is mayster dili∣gence now? If he were now heere (as then I was that night) wee would to the Court and present him and take our leaue. But whē I in the morning was vp afore him, and ready to horse, hee was nothing hasty. No, comming to Molyns afore him, and there tar∣rieng for him, the Frenche King lieng at Schauenna, three small leagues off, hee made not halfe the speede and haste that hee pre∣tended.

I mislike in the Byshop of Winchester, that he cannot be con∣tent that any ioined in commission with him,* 5.38 should keepe house, but to be at his table. Wherein eyther he searcheth thereby a vaine glory and pride to himselfe, with some dishonour to the King,* 5.39 as who saith, there were among all the Kings Embassadors, but one able to mainteine a table, and that were he: either else he doth the same for an euill entent and purpose, to bring them ther∣by into his daunger, that they shall say and do as liketh him a∣lone, which I suppose verily hath bene his entent.

I mislike in the sayd Bishop, that where he for his owne pompe and glory, hath a great number of seruaunts in their veluets and silkes,* 5.40 with their chaines about their neckes, and keepeth a costly table, with excessiue fare, and exceeding expenses many other waies: he doth say, and is not ashamed to report, that he is so com∣maunded to do by the Kings grace, and that is his aunswere com∣monly, when his frends telleth him of his great charges, and so vnder colour of the Kings commaundement and honour, he hy∣deth his pride which is heere disdained.

* 5.41I mislike in the said Bishop, that he hauing priuate hatred against a man, will rather satisfie his owne stomacke and affection hinde∣ring, and neglecting the Kings affaires, then relenting in any part of his sturdy and stubburne will, geue familiar and harty coun∣saile (whereby the Kings highnes matters and busines may be ad∣uaunced and set foorth) to him that he taketh for his aduersary.

I mislike in the said Bishop, that he euer continually heere in this Court of Fraunce, made incomparably more of the Empe∣rours,* 5.42 King of Portugals, Venetians, and Duke of Ferraries Am∣bassadours, then of any Frenchmen in the Court, which with hys pride caused them to disdaine him, and to thinke that he fauoured not the French King, but was imperiall.

I mislike in the Bishop, that there is so great familiaritie and acquaintance,* 5.43 yea and suche mutuall confidence betweene the said Bishop and M. as naughty a fellow, and as very a Papist as any that I know, where he dare expresse it. The Bishop in his letters to M. Wyat euer sendeth speciall commendations to Mason, and yet refuseth to send any to M. Heynes and me, being with M. Wy∣at, as we perceiued by the sayde letters. And Mason maketh such foundation of the Bishop, that he thinketh there is none suche. And hee telled me at Villa Franca, that the Byshop vpon a time, when he had fallen out wyth Germaine, so trusted him, that wee∣ping and sobbing he came vnto him, desiring and praieng hym that hee woulde speake wyth Germaine, and reconcile him;* 5.44 so that no wordes were spoken of it, and what the matter was, hee would not tell me. That yong fellowe Germaine knoweth all, and Preston which is seruaunt to the Byshop of Winchester, shewed me one night in my chamber at Bloys after supper, that Ger∣maine is euer busie in shewing the Kings letters to straungers, and that he himselfe hath geuen him warning thereof. This thing Preston told me the night before that the Byshop departed hence, and when I woulde haue more of him therein, hee considering how the Bywop and I stoode, kept him more close, and woulde say no further.

In this declaration of D. Edmund Boner sente to the Lord Cromwell aboue prefixed,* 5.45 diuers things we haue to note: First, as touching Steuen Gardiner, Bish. of Wint. heere we haue a plaine demonstration of his vile nature and pestilent pride, ioyned with malice and disdaine intol∣lerable: whereof worthely complaineth D. Boner afore∣sayd, shewing sixe speciall causes, why and wherefore he misliketh that person, according as he was willed before by the Kings commaundement so to do.

Secondly, in the said Steuen Wint. this we haue also to note and vnderstand, that as he heere declareth a secret [ 1] inclination from the truth (which he defended before in his booke De obedientia) to papistry,* 5.46 ioining part and side with suche as were knowne papists: so he seemeth likewyse to beare a like secret grudge against the Lord Cromwell, and all such whomsoeuer he fauoured.

Thirdly, as concerning the forenamed D. Edmund Boner the author of this declaration, heere is to be seene [ 3] and noted, that he all this while appeared a good man and diligent friend to the truth, and that he was fauoured of the Lord Cromwell for the same.

Fourthly, that the said D. Boner was not onely fauou∣red of the Lord Cromwell, but also by him was aduaun∣ced [ 4] first to the office of Legation,* 5.47 then to the Bishoprike of Hereford, and lastly to the Bishoprike of London, whome the said D. Boner in his letters agniseth and confesseth to be his only Patron, and singular Mecaenas.

Which being so, we haue in this said D. Boner, greatly to meruayle, what should be the cause, that he, seing all his [ 5] setting vp, making, and preferring, came only by the Gos∣pell and by thē of the Gospels side, he being then so hated of Steuen Gardiner and such as he was, being also at that time such a furtherer and defender of the Gospell (as ap∣peared both by his Preface before Gardinars booke De o∣bedientia, and by his writings to the Lord Cromwell, also by helping forward the printed Bibles at Paris) could e∣uer be a man so vngratefull & vnkind, afterward to ioyne part with the said Steuen Gardiner against the Gospell (without y^t which Gospel, he had neuer come to be bishop, neither of Hereford nor yet of London) and now to abuse y^e same bishopricke of London to persecute y^t so vehement∣ly, which before so openly he defended. Wherin y^e same may well be said to him in this case, y^t he himselfe was reported once to say to the french King in the cause of Grancetor: to witte, that he had done therein against his honour, a∣gainst iustice, against reason, against honesty,* 5.48 against frēd∣ship, against his own promise and his othe so often made, against his owne doctrine and iudgement, which then he professed, against all truth, against the treates and leagues betwene him and his setters vp, and against all together, and to conclude, against the saluation of his owne soule.

But to referre this to the booke of his accomptes who shall iudge one day all things vprightly, let vs proceede further in y^e cōtinue of this D. Boners legation. Who be∣ing now Ambassadour in the court of Fraunce (as he haue heard) had geuen in commission from the king, to entreate with the French King for sondry pointes, as for the prin∣ting of the new Testament in English,* 5.49 and the Bible at Paris: also for slanderous preachers, and malicious spea∣kers against the King: for goods of merchaunts taken and spoiled: for the kings pension to be paid: for the matters of the Duke of Suffolke: for certaine prisoners in Fraunce. Item, for Grancetor the traitour, and certain other rebels to be sent into England, &c. Touching all which affayres, the sayd D. Boner did employ his diligence & trauaile to the good satisfaction and contentment of the kings minde,* 5.50 and discharge of his duetie, in such sort as no default could be found in him, saue only that the French King one time tooke displeasure with him, for that the said Boner, beyng now made bishop of Hereford, and bearing himself some∣what more seriously and boldly before the king in the cause

of Grancetor the traytour (wherein he was willed by the aduertisement of the Kings pleasure,* 5.51 to wade more deepe∣ly and instantly) vsed these words to the French King, as y^e french king himself did afterward report them) saieng, that he had done in deliuerāce of that foresaid Grancetor being an Englishman,* 5.52 agaynst God, agaynst his honor, agaynst iustice, agaynst reason, agaynst honesty, against friendship, against all law, against the treates & leagues betwene him and his brother the King of England, yea and against all together, &c. These words of Bishop Boner, although he denieth to haue spoken them in that forme and qualitie, yet howsoeuer they were spoken, did stirre vp the stomack of the French King, to conceiue high displeasure agaynst him, in so much that he answering the Lord Ambassadour againe, bad him write these three things vnto his maister.

First, among other thinges that his Embassadour was a greate foole.

Secondarily, that he caused to be done better iustice there in his Realme in one houre, then they did in Englande in a whole yeare.

Thirdly, that if it were not for the loue of his maister, he should haue an hundreth strokes with an Haulbard, &c.

And furthermore, the sayde Frenche King beside thys, sending a speciall messenger with his letters to the king of England, willed him to reuoke and cal this Ambassadour home, and to send him an other. The cause why the french King tooke these wordes of Bishop Boner so to stomacke (as the L. Chauncelour said) was this, for that the Kings of Fraunce standing chiefly and in maner only vpon theyr honour, can suffer that in no case to be touched. Otherwise in those wordes (if they had bene well taken) was not so much blame perchaunce, as boldnes, being spoken som∣what vehemently in his maisters behalfe.* 5.53 But this one thing seemeth to me much blameworthy, both in this By∣shop and many other, that they in earthly matters, and to please terrene Kings, will put forth themselues to such a boldnes and forwardnes: and in Christes cause the King of all kings, whose cause they should onely attend vppon and tender, they are so remisse cold and cowardly.

To these letters of the French King, the King of Eng∣land sent aunswer againe by other letters, in which he re∣uoked and called home againe bishop Boner, geuing vnto him about the same time, the Bishopricke of London, and sente in supply of his place, Sir Iohn Wallop, a greate frend to Steuen Gardiner. Whiche was in February, a∣bout the beginning of the yeare of our Lord 1540. Heere now followeth the othe of Boner to the King, when hee was made Byshop of London.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The kinges aun∣swere to the re∣bels.
• * 1.2

  For sup∣pression of religious houses.
• * 1.3

  In these vi∣sitations of religious houses, horrible it is to read what wic∣kednes and abomination was there founde and regystred by the vysitors.
• * 1.4

  The acte of vses.
• * 1.5

  The acte of fiftene.
• * 1.6

  The acte of first fruites.
• * 1.7

  The commo¦tion of Lyn∣colnshire asswaged.
• * 1.8

  A Popishe insurrection in yorkshire.
• * 1.9

  The badges of the rebels.
• * 1.10

  A holy Pil∣grimage.
• * 1.11

  The kinges power a∣gaynst the ••ebels in the North.
• * 1.12

  The blinde ••••••burnnes ••f superstiti∣••us people, ••ebelling ••here they ••••ue no 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.13

  A great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of God in d••••fēding the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of his Gospel••.
• * 1.14

  Popishe prieste•• rebelling against the king.
• * 1.15

  Anno. 1537.
• * 1.16

  Prince Edward borne.
• * 1.17

  Queene Iane dyed in childe∣bed.
• * 1.18

  These verses were thought to be made by M. Armigyl Wade.
• * 1.19

  The Pope stir∣reth warre a¦gaynst England by Cardinall Poole.

  The Emperour, the French king, and the king of Scottes, set a∣gaynst the king of England.
• * 1.20

  Anno. 1538.
• * 1.21

  Doct. Boner, the kyngs Ambassa∣dour in Fraunce
• * 1.22

  Doct. Boner in the beginning a fauourer of the truth and a Lu∣therane.
• * 1.23

  L. Cromwel the onely setter vp of Doct. Boner.
• * 1.24

  Doct. Boners cōming vp, was by the Gospell.
• * 2.1

  Out of Boners owne hand wri∣ting.
• * 2.2

  D. Boner cōfes∣seth himselfe much bound to the L. Crōwell.
• * 2.3

  Boner pre∣ferred to the Byshopricke of Hereford, by the L. Cromwel.
• * 2.4

  Acceptilati∣on.
• * 2.5

  Here see∣meth to lack some word, but that I would not alter any thing in his owne copie.
• * 2.6

  L. Cromwel onely the aduancer of D. Boner, & therfore in an other let∣ter he cal∣leth him his onely Mece∣nas. The promo∣tions of Bo∣ner.
• * 2.7

  D. Boner all this while shewed himselfe to be a goo•• man, and a good Gos∣peller.
• * 2.8

  Rancor and hartburning betweene•• the Bish. of Winchester and Boner.
• * 2.9

  The wordes of Boner de∣claring him∣selfe to be a Gospeller.
• * 2.10

  Boner re∣compted a Lutherane.
• * 2.11

  Doct. Boner and Doct. Heynes no¦ted for Lu∣theranes.
• * 2.12

  Wynchester agaynst Bo∣ner.
• * 2.13

  Ste. Wint. a∣gainst Bar∣nabe, be¦••ause the Lord Crō∣well fauou∣red him.
• * 3.1

  The Bish. of Wint. inqui∣••ed not how the king did.
• * 3.2

  The playce mouth of Wynchester agaynst Bo∣ner.
• * 3.3

  S••e. Wint. against Bo∣••ers prefer∣••ent.
• * 3.4

  ••. Boner ••ade Bish. Hereford.
• * 3.5

  See how Boner reioyceth at his great good for∣tune, as thou•• he had not e∣nough before hauing 4. liuinges and being meetely wel sped for one man.
• * 3.6

  The kings plea∣sure was not re∣garded of the Bishop of Win∣chester.
• * 4.1

  Doct. Thirlebies quicke letter to D. Heines and Doct· Boner.
• * 4.2

  He meaneth here the French king.
• * 4.3

  The king of England he meaneth.
• * 5.1

  Out of the copy of Boners owne letters by his owne hand wri∣ting which I haue to shewe.
• * 5.2

  Complayntes of Doct· Boner a∣gaynst Steuen Gardiner.
• * 5.3

  The vaine glori∣ous pride & am∣bition of the B. of Winchester.
• * 5.4

  What experiēce Doct. Boner hath of Win∣chesters pride.
• * 5.5

  The cankred malicious sto∣macke of Win∣chester.
• * 5.6

  The dialogue betweene Boner and Gardiner beginneth.
• * 5.7

  Winchester will do nothing f••r Doctor Boner.
• * 5.8

  Doct. Boner wil geue no thankes to winchester for nothing. Winchester be∣ginneth to kin∣dle.
• * 5.9

  Winchesters ne∣gatiues.
• * 5.10

  D. Thirleby present at this parle.

  The Pilates voice of Win∣chester.
• * 5.11

  Steuen Gar∣diner more respectiue to his owne matters, then to the kinges affayres.
• * 5.12

  Ye lie quoth Wynchester.
• * 5.13

  Winchesters olde sophi∣stication
• * 5.14

  Bishop lyke spoken.
• * 5.15

  The melly∣fluous and hony mou∣thed wordes of Win∣chester to Boner.
• * 5.16

  The sto∣macke of Steph. Gardiner a∣gainst Bo∣ner.
• * 5.17

  The lyke trembling and leaping of his vaines & fleshe for anger, did M. Bucer al∣so note in this Gardi∣ner, dispu∣ting with him in Ger∣many. Vid. Bucer. De Coeliba∣tu.
• * 5.18

  Steph. Gardiner Bedlem∣like.

  All the company a∣shamed of Gardiners talke.
• * 5.19

  ••••abling 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nothing.
• * 5.20

  The spiteful 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Winchester.
• * 5.21

  Steph. Gar∣diner for malice and disdaine and ••ride, com∣pared by Boner to the deuill of hell.
• * 5.22

  Wynchester putteth Bo∣ner to his shiftes for prouision.
• * 5.23

  The chur∣lish dealyng of Win∣chester.
• * 5.24

  Wynchester angry that Boner should suc∣ceede him
• * 5.25

  Wynchester reproued to his face of false slaūder.
• * 5.26

  The Byshop of Winchesters wilde head.
• * 5.27

  Winchester re∣garded not the kinges letters.
• * 5.28

  Boner out scoul∣ded by Win∣chester, and dry∣uen to silence. Doct. Boner ta∣keth his leaue of Winchester.
• * 5.29

  Winchesters good will come Vpon him at last.
• * 5.30

  Winchesters offer to Boner refused.
• * 5.31

  Winchester and Boner depart.
• * 5.32

  An other mee∣ting of Win∣chester & Boner.
• * 5.33

  Boner seemeth by this Peate to be a Worcester∣shire man.
• * 5.34

  The straūgenes betweene Win∣chester and Bo∣ner.

  Winchesters bookē of in∣structions to Bo∣ner.

  Thyrlebye and Winchester great togeather.
• * 5.35

  Why Boner was out of cre∣dite with Wyn∣chester,

  Winchesters fleshe trembled at the first com∣ming of Doct· Thirleby to suc∣ceede him.
• * 5.36

  Winchester loth to returne into England.
• * 5.37

  Boner called M. diligence.
• * 5.38

  The second complainte.
• * 5.39

  Winchester would be alone.
• * 5.40

  The thyrd com∣playnte.

  The Pompe and glory of Win∣chester.
• * 5.41

  The fourth com∣playnte.

  Wynchester ge∣uen more to hys owne affections, thē to the kings affayres.
• * 5.42

  The 5. cōplaint. Wynchester sus∣pected to be imperiall.
• * 5.43

  The 6. cōplaint. Boner like a true Gospeller complayneth of Papistes.
• * 5.44

  Winchester suspected of vntrue dea∣ling.
• * 5.45

  Thinges in the foresayd declaration to be noted, The rancour and pride of Steuen Gardiner.
• * 5.46

  Steuen Gardiner reuolteth to Papistry.
• * 5.47

  D. Boners comming vp onely by the Gospell.
• * 5.48

  Boners owne wordes re∣torted a¦gainst him∣selfe.
• * 5.49

  Printing the newe testament in English and the Byble at Paris.
• * 5.50

  The dili∣gēce & trust of D. Boner in legatyon.
• * 5.51

  The wordes of D. Boner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the French king.
• * 5.52

  The French king dis∣••lesed with ••ishop Bo∣ner.

  Bish. Boner 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the king his m••••ster 3. thinges.
• * 5.53

  Bishop▪ cō∣mōly bold∣der in Prin∣ces matters, then in the cause of Christ.