Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

❧Here folovveth the second Volume AND THE VII. BOOKE, BEGINNING WITH THE REIGNE OF KING HENRYE THE EIGHT. (Book 7)

[illustration]

* 1.1AS touching the ciuil state and administration of the Com∣mon wealth, and likewise of the state of the Churche, vnder the raign of king Henry 7. how he en∣tred first in possession of y^e crowne: how the two houses of Yorke and Lancaster were in hym conioyned through marriage with Elizabeth the eldest daughter to King Edwarde 4. by the prudent counsail of Iohn Morton then Bishop of Ely,* 1.2 after Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and Cardinall: howe long the sayd King reigned, and what persecution was in his time for lacke of searche and knowledge of Gods word, both in the diocesse of Lincolne vnder bishop Smith (who was erec∣tor of the house of Brasen nose in Oxforde) as also in the diocesse of Couentrie, and other places moe: and further, what punishment and alteration God commonly sendeth vpon cities and realmes publique for neglecting the safe∣ty of his flocke, sufficiently in the former booke hath bene alredy specified: Wherin many things more amply might haue ben added, incidēt in the raigne of this Prince, which we haue for breuitie pretermitted. For hee that studieth to comprehend in story all things, which the common course & vse of life may offer to the wryter, may sooner finde mat∣ter to occupye himselfe, then to profite other. Otherwise I myght haue inferred mention of the seditions tumult of Perkin Werbecke, wyth his retinue, Anno 1494. also of Blackheath field by the Blacke smith, An. 1496.* 1.3 I myght also haue recited the glorious commendation of Georgius Lilius in his Latine Chronicle testifying of King Henrie 7. howe hee sent three solemne Oratours to Pope Iulius 2. to yeelde his obedience to the sea of Rome. An. 1506. and likewise howe Pope Alexander 9. Pius 3. and Iulius 2. sent to the sayde king Henry 7. three sundrie famous Am∣bassadours

whith tree swordes, and three cappes of main∣tenance,* 1.4 electing and admitting hym to be the chiefe defen∣dor of the faith. The commendation of which facte, howe glorious it is in the eyes of Georgius Lilius, and Fabian, that I leaue to them. This I suppose, that when Kyng Henry sent to Pope Iulius three Orators, wyth obedi∣ence, if he had sent him thre thousand harquebuziers to fur∣nish his fielde against the French king fighting at Rauen∣na, hee had pleased pope Iulius much better. If Georgius Lilius had bene disposed to illustrate his story with notes, this had bene more worthy the noting,* 1.5 howe Ludouike 12. French king calling his Parliament, moued this question against Pope Iulius: whether a Pope might inuade any Prince by warlike force, wythout cause, and whether the prince might withdraw hys obedience from that Pope, or not? And it was concluded in the same Parliament wyth the king, against the Pope. Also it was concluded the same time (which was in the raigne of this king Henry 7). that the * 1.6 Pragmatical sanction should be receiued in ful force and effect, through all the realme of Fraunce.

And for so muche as wee are fallen into the mention of Georgius Lilius, this in hym is to be found not vnwor∣thy noting, howe after the burning of Thomas Norice, a∣boue mentioned, pag. 775. at the citie of Norwich, that the same yeare followed such a fire in Norwich, that the whole Citie, well neare, was therewith consumed. Ex Geor. Lilio. Like as also after the burning of the foresayde good aged father in Smithfield,* 1.7 the same yeare (which was 1500.) we reade in the Chronicle of Fabian a great plague to fall vp∣pon the Citie of London, to the great destruction of the in∣habitantes therof. Wherein agayne is to be noted (as is a∣foresayd) that according to the state of the church, the dispo∣sition of the common wealth commonly is guided, eyther to be wyth aduersitie afflicted, or els in prosperitie to flou∣rish. But after these notes of King Henry 7. nowe to the storie of king Henry 8.

This king Henry 7. finishing his course in the yeare abouesayd, which was 1509. had by Elizabeth hys wife a∣boue named,* 1.8 foure men children, and of women children as many. Of whome 3. onely suruiued: to wit, prince Hen∣ry, Lady Margarete, and Lady Mary. Of whome King Henry the eight after hys father succeded. Lady Margaret was marryed to Iames the fourth king of Scottes.* 1.9 Ladie Mary was affied to Charles king of Castile.

Not long before the death of king Henry, prince Arthur his elder sonne had espoused Lady Katherine daughter to Ferdinandus, being of the age of 15. yeares, and shee about the age of 17. and shortly after hys mariage, wythin 5. mo∣nethes, departed at Ludlowe, and was buried at Worce∣ster. After whose decease the succession of the Crowne fell next to king Henry the 8. being of the age of 18. yeres, who entred hys raigne the yeare of our Lorde 1509. and short∣ly after maried with the foresayde Katherine, his late bro∣ther Prince Arthurs wife, to the end, that her dowry being great, shoulde not be transported out of the lande. In the which his marriage being more politique, then Scripture like, he was dispensed wyth by pope Iulius, at the request of Ferdinandus her father. The raigne of this king conti∣nued with great noblenes and fame,* 1.10 the space of 38. yeres. During whose time and raigne was greate alteration of things, as well to the ciuile state of the Realme, as especi∣ally to the state Ecclesiasticall, and matters of the Church appertaining. For by him was exiled and abolyshed out of the Realme, the vsurped power of the Byshop of Rome, Idolatrye and superstition somewhat repressed, Images and pilgrimages defared, Abbeys and monasteries pulled downe, Sectes of religion rooted out, Scriptures reduced to the knowledge of the vulgarr tongue, and the state of the Church and religion redressed. Concerning all whyche things, in the processe of thys volume heere folowing, wee will endeuour (Christe willing) particularly and in order to discourse: after that first we shall comprehende a fewe matters, which within the beginning of hys raigne are to be noted and collected. Where, leauing of to write of Emp∣son and Dudley, who in the time of king Henry 7. being great doers in executing the penall lawes ouer the people at that time, and purchasing thereby more malyce then lands, with that whych they had gotten, were shortly after the entring of this king beheaded, the one a Knight, the o∣ther an Esquier: leauing also to intermeddle w^t hys wars, triumphes, and other temporal affaires, we meane in this volume principally to bestowe our trauaile in declaration of matters concerning moste chiefly the state of the Church and of religion, as well in this Church of England, as al∣so of the whole Church of Rome.

Wherein first commeth to our handes a turbulent tra∣gedie, and a fierce contention, which long before had trou∣bled the Churche, and nowe thys present yeare 1509. was renewed afresh betweene two certaine orders of begging friers, to wit, the Dominike friers, and the Franciscanes, about the Conception of the virgine Marye, the mother of Christe.

The Franciscanes were they, which did holde of S. Fraunces,* 1.11 & followed the rule of his testament commonly called Gray friers, or Minorites. Their opiniō was this: that the virgine Mary preuented by the grace of the holy Ghost was so sanctified,* 1.12 that shee was neuer subiecte one moment in her conception, to Original sinne. The Domi∣nike Friers were they, which holding of Dominike, were commonly called Blacke friers, or preaching friers. Theyr opinion was, that the virgine Mary was conceiued, as all other children of Adam be: so that thys priuiledge onely belongeth to Christe, to be conceiued wythout Originall sinne: notwithstanding the sayd blessed virgin was sancti∣fied in her mothers wombe, and purged from her Original sinne, so as was Iohn Baptist, Ieremie, or any other pri∣uileged person. This friuolous questiō kindling and gen∣dring betweene these two sectes of friers, brast out in suche a flame of partes and sides taking, that it occupyed the heades and wits, scholes, and vniuersities almost through the whole Church, some holding one parte wyth Scotus,* 1.13 some the other parte with Thom. Aquine. The Minorites holding with Scotus their maister, disputed and conclu∣ded, that she was conceiued without al spot or note of Ori∣ginal sinne, and therupon caused the feast and seruice of the conception of S. Mary the virgine to be celebrate and so∣lemnised in the Church. Contrary, the Dominike Friers taking side wyth Aquinas,* 1.14 preached that it was heresie to affirme that the blessed virgine was conceiued without the guilte of Originall sinne: and that they which did celebrate the feast of her Conception, or sayd any Masses thereof, did sinne greeuously and mortally.

In the meane time as thys fantasie waxed hote in the church, the one side preaching against the other, came pope Sixtus 4. Anno 1476. who ioyning side wyth the Mino∣rites or Franciscanes, first sent forth his decree by authori∣tie Apostolique, willing, ordaining, and commaunding all men to solemnise thys new found feast of the conception in holy Church for euermore: offering to al men and women,* 1.15 which deuoutly frequenting the church, wold heare masse and seruice from the first euensong of the sayde feast, to the Octaues of the same, as many dayes of pardone, as Pope Urbane the 4. and Pope Mactin the 5. did graunt for hea∣ring the seruice of Corpus Christi day. &c. and thys Decree was geuen and dated at Rome. An. 1476.

Moreouer the same Pope, to the entent that the deuo∣tion of the people myght bee the more encouraged to the celebration of thys Conception, hee added a clause more to the Aue Maria,* 1.16 graunting great indulgence and release of sinnes to all such as woulde inuocate the blessed Uirgine, wyth the same addition, saying thus: Aue Maria gratia ple∣na, Dominus tecum, benedicta tu in mulieribus, & benedictus fructus ventris tui Iesus Christus, & benedicta sit Anna mater tua de qua sine macula, tua processit caro virginea. Amen. That is, Haile Marie full of grace, the Lord is with thee, blessed art thou among women, & blessed is the fruite of thy wombe, Iesus Christ:* 1.17 and blessed is Anna thy mother, of whome thy virgines flesh hath proceeded wythout blot of originall sinne. Amen.

Wherin thou maist note (gentle reader) for thy learning three things: First how the Pope turneth that vnproperly into a prayer, whiche properly was sent of God for a mes∣sage or tidinges. Secondly, howe the Pope addeth to the wordes of the Scripture,* 1.18 contrary to the expresse precept of the Lorde. Thirdly, howe the Pope exempteth Marye the blessed virgine, not onely from the seede of Abraham and Adam, but also frō the condition of a mortall creature. For if there be in her no originall sinne, then she beareth not the Image of Adam, neither doth shee descende of that seede, of whose sede euil proceedeth vpon al men and women to cō∣demnation, as S. Paul doth teach. Rom. 5. Wherfore if she descende of that seede,* 1.19 then the infection of Originall euill must necessarily proceede vnto her. If she descend not ther∣of, then commeth she not of the seede of Abraham, nor of the seede of Dauid. &c. Againe, seeing that death is the effect and stipende of sinne, by the doctrine of S. Paule. Roma. 6. then had her flesh iniurye by the lawe (as Christe hym selfe had) to suffer the malediction and punishment of death,* 1.20 and so should neuer haue died, if originall sinne had no place in her. &c. But to returne vnto our storie: Thys constitution of the Pope being set foorth for the conception of the blessed virgin, which was the yeare of our Lorde 1476. it was not long after, but the sayde Pope Sixtus perceiuing that the Dominike friers with their complices wold not conforme

themselues hereunto,* 1.21 directed foorth by the authority Apo∣stolicall, a Bul, in effect as foloweth.

Sane cum sancta Romana ecclesia de intemeratae semperque virginis. &c In English. Whereas the holy Churche of Rome hath ordained a speciall and proper seruice for the publique so∣lemnising of the feast of the conception of the blessed virgin Ma∣ry: certaine orders of the Blacke friers in their publique sermons to the people in diuers places, haue not cesed hitherto to preach and yet daily do, that all they which hold or affirme the sayd glo∣rious virgine to haue bene conceiued without originall sinne, be heretiques: and they which celebrate the seruice of the sayde her conception, or do heare the sermons of them which do so affirme, doe sinne grieuously: also not contented herewith, doe wryte and set foorth bookes moreouer, mainteining their assertions, to the great offence and ruine of godly mindes: We therfore to preuent and wythstand such presumptuous and peruers assertions, which haue risen, and more heereafter may arise by suche opinions and preachings aforesaid, in the mindes of the faithfull: by the autho∣rity Apostolical, do condemne, and reproue the same, and by the motion, knowledge and authority aforesayd, decree and ordeyne, that the preachers of Gods word, and all other persones of what state, degree, order, or condition soeuer they be, which shall pre∣sume to dare affirme or preach to the people these foresayde opi∣nions and assertions to be true, or shall reade, holde, or maintaine any suche bookes for true, hauing before intelligence hereof, shal incurre thereby the sentence of excommunication: from whyche they shall not be absolued otherwise then by the bishop of Rome, except onely in the time of death. Thys Bull being dated the yere of our Lord. 1483. gaue no litle heart and encourage∣ment to the gray Friers Franciscanes, which defended the pure conception of the holy virgin, against the blacke Do∣minicke friers, with theyr confederates, holding the con∣trary side. By the vigour of which Bull, the Gray order had got such a conquest of the Blacke garde of the Domi∣nikes, that the sayd Dominikes were compelled at length for a perpetuall memoriall of the triumph, both to geue to the glorious virgine euery night an Antheme in praise of her Conception, and also to subscribe vnto their doctrine: In which doctrine these, wyth diuers other poyntes bee conteined.

1 That blessed Mary the virgine suffered the griefes and aduersities of this life,* 1.22 not for any necessity inflicted for pu∣nishment of Originall sinne: but onely because she would conforme her selfe to the imitation of Christ.

2 That the sayde virgin, as she was not obliged to anye punishmente due for sinne,* 1.23 as neither was Christe her sonne: so she had no neede of remission of sinnes, but in steed thereof had the diuine preseruation of Gods helpe, keeping her from all sinne: which grace only she needed, and also had it.

3 Item, that where the body of the virgin Mary was subiect to death, and died: this is to be vnderstand to come not for any penaltie due for sinne, but either for imitation and cōformitie vnto Christ,* 1.24 or els for the natural constitu∣tion of her body being elemental, as were y^e bodies of our first parents: who if they had not tasted of the forbidden fruit, should haue bene preserued from death, not by na∣ture, but by grace & strength of other fruits and meates in Paradise. Which meates, because Mary had not, but did eate our cōmon meates, therfore she died, and not for any necessitie of Originall sinne. Clitouaeus lib. ••. cap. 2.

4 The vniuersall proposition of S. Paule, which sayth that the Scripture hath concluded all men vnder sinne, is to be vnderstand thus, as speaking of all them which be not exempted by the speciall priuiledge of God, as is the blessed virgin Mary.

5 If iustification be taken for reconciliation of him that was vnrighteous before, and now is made righteous: thē the blessed virgin is to be taken, not for iustified by Christ, but iust from her beginning by preseruation.

6 If a sauiour be taken for him, which saueth men fal∣len into perdition & condemnation, so is not Christ sauior of Mary, but is her saueour only in this respect, for sustei∣ning her from not falling into condemnation, &c.

7 Neither did the virgine Mary geue thankes to God, nor ought so to doe, for expiation of her sinnes, but for her conseruation from case of sinning.

* 1.258 Neither did she pray to God at any time for remission of her sinnes, but onely for remission of other mens sinnes she praied many times, and counted their sinnes for hers.

9 If the blessed virgine had deceassed before the Passion of her sonne, God would haue reposed her soule not in the place among the Patriarkes, or among the iust, but in the same most pleasaunt place of Paradise, where Adam and Eue was, before they transgressed.

These were the doting dreames and phantasies of the Franciscans & of other papists, commonly then holden in the schooles, wrytten in their bookes, preached in theyr ser∣mons, taught in churches, * 1.26 and set foorth in pictures. So that the people was taught nothing els almost in the pul∣pits all this while, but how the virgine Mary was cōc••i∣ued immaculate, and holy wythout Originall sinne, and how they ought to call to her for helpe, whome they wyth special termes do cal the way of mercy: the mother of grace: the louer of pietie: the comforter of mankind: the continuall interces∣sour for the saluation of the faithfull: and an aduocate to the king her sonne, which neuer ceasseth. &c. Verba Papae Sixti in Decret. And althoughe the greatest number of the scholedoctours were of the contrary faction, as Peter Lombardus, Thom. A∣quine, Bernandus, Bonauentura, and other: yet these new pa∣pists shifted of their obiections with friuolous distinctiōs and blinde euasions, as thus: Petrus Lombardus,* 1.27 they sayd, is not receiued nor holdē in the schooles, as touching thys article, but is reiected: Clitoueus lib. 2. cap. 15.

Bernardus in Epist ad Lugdunens. although hee seemeth to deny the conception of the blessed virgin to be voyd of O∣riginall sinne,* 1.28 saying that she could not be holy when shee was not, and liued not: to this they answere, that all be it she was yet in essence, not yet shee was holy in her concep∣tion, and before her conception in the diuine presence of God, which had chosen & preelected her before the worlds, to be the mother of the Lord.

Againe where Bernard doeth argue, that she was not without original sinne conceiued, because she was not cō∣ceiued by the holy Ghost, to this they aunswere: That the holy Ghost may worke two wayes in conception: eyther without company of man, and so was Christ only concei∣ued: or els with company and help of man, and thus was the blessed virgin conceiued. Clit. lib. 2. cap. 14.

Bonauentura (say they) was an holy father, but hee spake then after the custome and maner of his time, when as the solemnitie and puritie of this conception was not yet de∣creed nor receiued by the publique cōsent and authority of the church,* 1.29 now seing the authority of the church of Rome hath established the same, it oughte not to be contraried, nor can, wythout daungerous disobedience. In all mens actions, diligent respect of time must be had. That whych bindeth not at one time, afterward the same by law being ratified, may binde at an other. Ibid.

Finally for the number and multitude on the contrary side, thus they answer for themselues,* 1.30 as we nowe in these our daies likewise in defence of the truth may wel answere against the Pope and all his popish Friers, turning their owne weapons against them selues: Multitude, say they, ought not to mooue vs. Uictorie consisteth not in number and heapes, but in fortitude and hearts of souldiours: yea rather fortitude and stomacke commeth from heauen, and not of man. Iudas Machabeus wyth a little handfull, ouer∣threwe the great armye of Antiochus. Strong Sampson wyth a poore Asses bone slew a thousand Philistines. Da∣uid had no more but a seely sling, & a few stones, and with these stroke downe terrible Goliath the Gyaunt. &c. Lib. eod. cap. 13.

With these and such other like reasons, the gray Fran∣ciscans voided their aduersaries, defending the cōception of the virgine Mary to be vnblemished, and pure from all contagion of Originall sinne. Contrariwyse the Blacke gard of the Dominike friers, for theyr partes were not all mute, but laide lustily from them agayne, hauyng greate authorities, and also the Scripture on theyr side. But yet the other hauing the sea Apostolicall w^t them, had the bet∣ter hande,* 1.31 and in fine gate the victorye triumphantly ouer the other, to the high exaltation of theyr order. For Pope Sixtus (as I sayd) by the authoritie Apostolicall, after hee had decreed the cōception day of the virgin perpetually to be sanctified, and also with his terrible Bull had condēned for heretiques al them which withstoode the same: the Do∣minicke Friers wyth authoritie oppressed, were dryuen to two incōueniences, the one was, to kepe silence, the other was, to geue place to their aduersaries the Franciscanes. All be it where the mouthe durste not speake, yet the heart would worke: and though the tongue were tied, yet theyr good will was ready by all meanes possible to maintaine their quarel, and their estimation.

Whereupon it happened the same yeare of our Lorde 1509. after this dissention betwene the Dominike Friers,* 1.32 & the Franciscanes, that certaine of the Dominickes thin∣king by subtile sleight to worke in the peoples heades,* 1.33 that which they durst not atchieue with opē preaching, deuised a certaine Image of the Uirgine, so artificially wroughte, that the Friers by priuie gins made it to stirre, & to make gestures, to lament, to complaine, to weepe, to grone, & to geue answers to them that asked: in somuch that the peo∣ple

therwith were brought in a maruelous perswasion, til at length the fraude being espied,* 1.34 the Friers were taken, condemned, and burned at Berne, the yere aboue mentio∣ned. 1509. Ex Peucer. Sebast. Munstero, Carione, & alijs. In the Centuries of Iohn Bale, I finde their names to be Io∣annes Vetter, Franciscus Vliscus, Stephanus Bolizhorst, and Henricus Steinegger.

In the storie of Ioh. Stumfius, this story aforesayde doth partly appeare: but in the Registers and Recordes of the Citie of Berne, the order and circumstance therof is more fully expressed and set foorth both in meter and prose, and is thus declared.

* 1.35In the Citye of Berne there were certaine Dominike friers, to the nūber chiefly of 4. principall doers, and chief∣taines of that Order, who had inueigled a certaine simple poore frier, who had newly planted himselfe in the cloister: whome the foresayd Friers had so infatuated wyth sundry superstitions, & fained apparitions of S. Maria, S. Bar∣bara, and S. Catherina, and w^t their inchauntments, and imprinting moreouer in hym the woundes of S. Fraun∣ces, that he beleeued plainely, that the Uirgine Mary had appeared to hym, and had offered to hym a red hoost conse∣crated, with the bloud also of Christ myraculous: whych blessed virgin also had sent him to the senatours of Berne, with instructions, declaring vnto them, from the mouth of the virgine, y^t she was conceiued in sinne, & that the Fran∣ciscane friers were not to be credited nor suffered in the ci∣ty, which were not yet reformed from that erroneous opi∣nion of her conception. He added moreouer that they shuld resort to a certaine image there of y^e virgine Mary (whych image the Friers by engines had made to sweat) & should do their worship, & make their oblations to the same. &c.

This fained deuise was not so soone forged by the Fri∣ers, but it was assone beleued of the people: so that a great while the red coloured host was takē vndoubtedly for the true body and bloud of Christ, and certain coloured drops therof sent abroad to diuers noble personages and estates for a great relique, and that not wythout great recōpence. Thus the deceiued people in great number came flocking to the image, and to the red host, and coloured bloud, with manifolde giftes and oblations. In briefe, the Dominike friers so had wrought the matter, and had so swept all the fatte to their owne beardes, from the order of the Francis∣canes, that all the almes came to their boxe. The Francis∣canes seeing their estimation to decay, and their kitchen to waxe colde, and their panches to be pinched, not able to a∣bide that contumely, & being not ignorant or vnacquain∣ted with suche counterfaited doings (for as the Prouerbe sayeth. It is il halting before a creeple) eftsoones espied theyr craftye iuggling, and detected theyr fraudulent myracles. Wherupon the 4. chiefe captaines aboue named were ap∣prehended, and put to the fire: of whom the Prouinciall of that order was one.

And thus much touching the beginning & ende of this tumultuous and popish tragedy: wherin euidently it may appeare to the Reader, howe neither these turbulent friers could agree among themselues,* 1.36 and yet in what friuolous trifles they wrangled together. But to let these ridiculous friers passe, w^t their trifling phantasies, most worthy to be derided of all wise men: in the meane time this is to be la∣mented, to beholde the miserable times of the Churche, in which the deuil kept the minds of Christes people so attē∣tiue and occupied in such frierly toyes, that nothing els al∣most was taught or heard in the church, but only the com∣mendation and exaltation of the virgin Mary.* 1.37 But of our iustification by faith, of grace and the promises of God in Christ, of the strength of the law, of the horrour of sinne, of difference betwene the lawe and the Gospel, of the true li∣berty of conscience. &c. no mētion or very litle was heard. Wherefore in this so blinde time of darknes, it was muche needefull and requisite, that the Lord of his mercy shoulde looke vpon his churche, & send downe hys gratious refor∣mation, which also he did. For shortly vpon the same, tho∣rowe the gratious excitation of God, came Martine Lu∣ther, of whome the order of story nowe requireth that we should and will intreat (Christ willingly) after the storie of Richard Hunne, and a fewe other things premised, for the better opening of the storie to folowe.

Mention was made sufficiently before of the doings of Pope Iulius,* 1.38 and of hys warlike affaires, for the whych he was condemned, and not vniustly in the coūcell of Tu∣rone in Fraunce,* 1.39 Anno 1510. and yet all thys coulde not as∣swage the furious affection of this pope, but the same yere he inuaded the Citie of Mutina and Mirandula in Italie,* 1.40 and tooke them by force of warre. Which Pope Iulius not long after,* 1.41 in the yeare of our Lorde 1512. refusing peace offered by Maximilian the Emperour, was encountered by Lewes the French king, about Rauenna, vpon Easter day, where he was vanquished, and had of his army slaine to the number of xvj. thousande. Ex Chron. Carion. And the yere next folowing. Anno 1513. this Apostolical warriour,* 1.42 which had resigned his keyes vnto the riuer of Tybris be∣fore, made an end together both of fighting, and liuing,* 1.43 af∣ter he had raigned and fought x. yeeres. Atter whome suc∣ceded next in the sea of Rome, Pope Leo the 10. About the compasse of which time,* 1.44 great mutatiōs and stirres began to worke, as well in states temporall, as especially in the state of the Church.

Pope Leo 10. in Rome. An. 1513. reig∣ned.

9.* 1.45

Charles 5. Emperour in Germanie. An. 1519. reig∣ned.

39.

Fraunces K. of France. An. 1515. reig∣ned.

32.

Henry 8. K. of England. An. 1509. reig∣ned.

38.

Iames 5. K. of Scotland. An. 1514. reig∣ned.

 

In the time of which Pope, Emperour, and kinges of England, and of France, great alterations, troubles, and turnes of religion were wrought into the Churche, by the mighty operation of Gods hand in Italy, Fraunce, Ger∣manie, Englande, and all Europe, suche as haue not bene seene (although muche groned for) many hundreth yeares before: as in further discourse of this historie (Christe wil∣ling) more manifestly shall appeare.

But before wee come to these alterations, taking the time as it lieth before vs, wee will first speake of Richarde Hunne, and certaine other godly minded persons heere in Englande afflicted for the woorde of Christes Gospell in great multitude, as they be found and taken out of the Re∣gisters of Fitziames Bishop of London, by the faithfull helpe and industry of R. Carket citizen of London.

The historie of diuers good men and women, per∣secuted for religion in the Citie and Dioces of the Bishop of London, briefly extracted out of the Regi∣sters of Richard Fitziames.

AMongest and besides the great number of the faithful martyrs and professours of Christe, that constantly in the strength of the holy Ghost, gaue their liues for the te∣stimonie of his truthe,* 1.46 I finde recorded in the Register of London, betwene the yeares of our Lorde. 1509. and 1527. the names of diuers other persons both men and women: who in the fulnes of that darke and mystie times of igno∣raunce, had also some portion of Gods good spirite whiche induced them to the knowledge of his trueth and Gospel, and were diuersly troubled, persecuted, and imprisoned for the same: notwithstanding by the proud, cruell and bloudy rage of the Catholique seat, and through the weaknes and frailtie of their owne nature (not then fully strengthned in God) it was againe in them, for the time,* 1.47 suppressed and kept vnder, as appeareth by their seueral abiuratiōs made before Richard Fitziames then bishop of London (in hys time a most cruell persecutor of Christes church) or els be∣fore his vicar general deputed for y^e same. And for asmuch as many of the aduersaries of Gods trueth, haue of late dayes disdainefully and braggingly cried out, and made demaunds in their publique assemblies and yet do, asking where this our church and religion was wythin these 50. or 60. yeares: I haue thought it not altogether vaine, somewhat to stop such lying crakers, both by mentioning theyr names, and likewyse opening some of the chiefe and principal matters, for which they wer so vnmercifully af∣flicted and molested, thereby to geue to vnderstand, as wel the continuaunce and consent of the true church of Christe in that age, touching the chiefe poynts of our faith, though not in like perfection of knowledge and cōstancie in all: as also by the way, something to touch what fond and friuo∣lous matters the ignoraunt Prelates shamed not in that time of blindnesse to obiect against the poore & simple peo∣ple, accounting them as heynous and great offences, yea, such as deserued death both of body and soule. But least I shauld seeme too prolixe and tedious heerein, I will nowe briefly proceede wyth the storie, and first begin wyth theyr names, whych are these.

Anno. 1510.

• ...Ioanne Baker.
• ...William Pottyer.
• ...Iohn Forge.
• ...Thomas Goodred.
• ...Thomas Walker, alias Talbot.
• ...Thomas Forge.
• ...Alyce Forge.
• Iohn Forge, theyr son.
• ...William Couper.
• ...Lewes Iohn.
• ...Ioanne Iohn.
• ...Ihon Webbe, alias Ba∣ker.* 1.48
• ...Iohn Houshold.
• ...Robert Rascal▪* 1.49
• ...Elizabeth Stanford.
• ...George Browne.* 1.50
• ...Iohn Wykes.
• ...Richard Butler.

Anno. 1511.

• ...Iohn Caluerton.
• ...* 1.51Iohn Woodrofe.
• ...Richard Woolman.
• ...Roger Hyllyar.
• ...* 1.52Alyce Couper.
• ...* 1.53Thomas Austye.
• ...Ioanne Austye.
• ...Thomas Graunt.
• ...Iohn Garter.
• ...* 1.54Christofer Rauins.
• ...Dionise Rauins.
• ...* 1.55Thomas Vincent.
• ...Richard Butler.
• ...Iohn Samme.
• ...William Kyng.
• ...Robert Durdant.
• ...Henry Woolman.
• ...Edmond Spilman.
• ...Iohn Higges, aliâs Noke, aliâs Iohnsonne.
• ...Henry Chambers.
• ...Iohn Hynggyns.
• ...Thomas Egleston.

Here foloweth the particular examination of all these heere aboue named.

To these were diuers and sundry particular Articles, (besides the common and generall sort accustomably vsed in such cases) priuately obiected, euen such as they were then accused of either by their curate, or other their neigh∣bours. And because I thinke it somewhat superfluous to make any large recitall of all and euery part of their seue∣rall processe: I minde therefore briefly only to touch so ma∣ny of their articles as may be sufficient to induce the Chri∣stian Reader to iudge the sooner of the rest: being (I assure you) of no greater importance, then these that folow: Ex∣cept that sometime they were charged most slanderously with horrible and blasphemous lies, against the maiestie and truth of God, which as they vtterly denied, so doo I now for this present keepe secret in silence,* 1.56 as well for bre∣uities sake, as also somewhat to colour & hide the shame∣les practises of that lieng generation. But to our purpose.

THe chiefest obiection against Ioanne Baker, was, that she would not only her selfe not reuerence y^e Crucifixe:* 1.57 but had also perswaded a frend of hers lieng at the point of death, not to put any trust or cōfidēce in the Crucifixe, but in God which is in heauen, who only worketh all the my∣racles that be done, and not the dead Images, that be but stockes and stones:* 1.58 and therefore she was sory, that euer she had gone so often on Pilgrimage to S. Sauiour and other Idols. Also, that she did hold opinion that the Pope had no power to geue pardons, & that Lady Yong (who was not long before that time burned, died a true martyr of God, and therefore she wished of God, that she her selfe might do no worse then the said Lady Yong had done.

VNto William Pottyer, besides diuers other false and slanderous articles (as that he should denie the bene∣fite and effect of Christes passion) it was also alleged that he should affirme,* 1.59 that there were sixe Gods. The first three was the holy Trinitie, the father, the sonne, and the holy Ghost. The fourth was a priests concubine beeing kept in his chamber. The fift was the Deuill. And the sixt that thing that a man setteth his mind most vpon.

The first part of this Article he vtterly denied, confessing most firmely and truely the blessed Trinitie to be only one God in one vnitie of Deitie:* 1.60 as to the other three he answered, that a Priest delighting in his concubine, made her as his God Likewise a wic∣ked person persisting in his sinne without repentaunce, made the Deuill his God. And lastly he graunted, that hee once hea∣ring of certaine men, whiche by the singing and chattering of birdes, would seeke to knowe what things were to come, eyther to themselues or others, sayd that those men esteemed their birds as Gods: and otherwise he spake not.

AMongst the manifold and seuerall articles obiected a∣gainst Thomas Goodred,* 1.61 Thomas Walker, Thomas Forge, Alyce Forge his wife, Iohn Forge their sonne, Iohn Caluerton, Iohn Woodrofe, Richard Woolman, and Roger Hilliar (As that they should speake against Pil∣grimages, praieng vnto Saints, and such like, this prin∣cipally was propounded, that they all denied the carnall and corporall presence of Christes body and bloud in the Sacrament of the altar:* 1.62 and further, had concealed, and consented vnto their teachers and instructers of that doc∣trine, and had not according vnto y^e lawes of the Church, accused and presented them vnto the Bishop or Ordina∣ry. Also great and heinous displeasure was conceiued a∣gainst Richard Wolman, for that he tearmed the Church of Paules, a house of theeues: affirming that Priests, and other Ecclesiasticall persons there, were not liberall ge∣uers vnto the poore (as they ought) but rather takers a∣way from them, what they could get.

Likewise, as Thomas Austye, Ioanne Austye hys wife,* 1.63 Thomas Graunt, Iohn Garters, Christofer Ra∣uins, Dionise Rauins his sister, Thomas Uincent, Le∣wes Iohn, Ioan Iohn his wife, & Iohn Webbe, were of one felowship and profession of faith, with diuers of y^e last before recited: so were they also almost all apprehended a∣bout one time, & chiefly burdened with one opinion of the Sacrament. Which declareth euidently,* 1.64 that notwithstan∣dyng the darke ignoraunce of those corrupted tymes, yet God did euer in mercy opē the eyes of some, to behold the manifest truth, euen in those thinges, wherof the Papistes make now greatest vaunt and bragge of longest continu∣aunce. Furthermore many of them were charged to haue spoken agaynst Pilgrimages: & to haue read and vse cer∣taine English bookes, repugnyng the fayth of the Romish Church: as the foure Euangelistes, Wickleffes Wicket, a booke of the x. commaundementes of almightie God, the Reuelation of S. Iohn, the Epistles of Paule & Iames, with other like, which those holy ones could neuer abide, & good cause why: for as darkenes could neuer agree with light, no more cā ignoraunce, the mainteiner of that king∣dome, with the true knowledge of Christ and his Gospel.

It was further particularly obiected agaynst Ioanne Iohn, the wife of Lewes Iohn,* 1.65 that (besides the premis∣ses) she learned and mainteined, that God commaunded no holy dayes to bee kept, but onely the Sabboth day, and therefore she would keepe none but it, nor no fastyng dayes affirmyng, that to fast from sinne was the true fast. Moreouer, that she had despised the Pope, his Pardons,* 1.66 and Pilgrimages: In somuch that when any poore body asked his almes of her in the worship of the Lady of Wal∣singham, she would straight aunswere in contempt of the Pilgrimage: the Lady of Walsingham helpe thee. And if she gaue any thyng vnto him, she would then say: Take this in the worshyp of our Lady in heauen, and let the o∣ther goe. Which declareth that for lacke of better instructiō and knowledge, she yet ignorauntly attributed too much honour to the true Saintes of God departed: though o∣therwise she did abhorre the idolatrous worshippyng of the dead Images. By which example, as also by many o∣thers (for shortnesse sake, at this present omitted) I haue iust occasion to cōdemne the wilfull subtiltie of those, that in this bright shinyng light of Gods truth, would yet vn∣der colour of godly remembraunce, still mainteyne the ha∣uyng of Images in the Church, craftely excusing their i∣dolatrous kneelyng and praying vnto them, by affirming that they neuer worshypped the dead Images, but the thynges that the Images did represent. But if that were their onely doctrine and cause of hauyng of them, why thē would their predecessours so cruelly compell these poore simple people thus openly in their recantations to abiure and renoke their speakyng agaynst the grosse adoration of the outward Images onely, and not against the thing re∣presented? which many of them, (as appeareth partly by this exāple) in their ignoraunt implicitie, confessed might be worshipped. Howbeit, God be thanked (who euer in his mercy continue it) their coulourable and hypocriticall excuses can not now take such place in the hartes of the e∣lect of God, as they haue done heretofore, especially seyng the word of God doth so manifestly forbid as wel the wor∣shyppyng of them, as also the makyng or hauing of them, for order of Religion.

IT was alledged against Williā Couper and Alice Cou∣per his wife, that they had spoken against Pilgrimages,* 1.67 & worshyppyng of Images: but chiefly the woman, who hauyng her childe on a tyme hurt by fallyng into a pyt or ditche, and earnestly perswaded by some of her ignoraunt neighbours, to go on Pilgrimage to S. Laurēce for helpe for her child, sayd that neither S. Laurence,* 1.68 nor any other S. could helpe her child, & therfore none ought to goe on Pilgrimage to any Image made with mās hād, but one∣to vnto almightie God: for Pilgrimages were nothyng worth, sauing to make the Priestes rich. Vid. plura inferius.

VNto Iohn Houshold, Robert Rascall,* 1.69 and Elizabeth Stamford, as well the Article against the Sacrament of the altar was obiected, as also that they had spoken a∣gaynst praying to Saintes, & had despised the authoritie of the Byshop of Rome, and others of his Clergy.* 1.70 But es∣pecially Iohn Houshold was charged to haue called thē Antichristes and whooremongers, and the Pope him selfe a strong strumpet, and a common bande vnto the world, who with his Pardōs had drowned in blindnes all Chri∣stian Realmes, and that for money.

ALso among diuers other ordinary Articles propoun∣ded agaynst George Browne,* 1.71 these were coūted very heynous & hereticall: First, that he had sayd, that he knew no cause why the Crosse should be worshipped,* 1.72 seyng that the same was an hurt & payne vnto our Sauiour Christ in the tyme of his Passion, and not any ease or pleasure, al∣ledging for example, that if he had had a frend hanged or drowned, he would euer after haue loued that gallowes, or water, (by the which his frend dyed) rather worse for that, thē better. An other obiection was, that he had erro∣neously,

obstinately, and maliciously said (for so are theyr words) that the Church was too rich.* 1.73 This matter, I may tell you, touched somewhat the quicke, and therefore no maruell though they counted it erroneous and malicious: for take away their gaine, and farewell their religion. They also charged him to haue refused holy water to be cast about his chamber, and likewise to haue spoken a∣gainst priests, with other vaine matters.

* 1.74THe greatest matter wherewith they burdened Iohn Wikes, was that he had often and of long time kept company with diuers persons suspected of heresie (as they termed them) and had receiued them into his house, and there did suffer and heare them sundry times reade erro∣neous and hereticall bookes, cōtrary to the faith of the Ro∣mish Church, and did also himselfe consent vnto their doc∣trine: and had many times secretly conueyed them from the taking of such as were appointed to apprehend them.

* 1.75LIke as the greatest number of those before mentioned: so were also Iohn Southake, Richard Butler, Iohn Samme, William King, Robert Durdant, and Henrye Woolmā, especially charged with speaking words against the real presence of Christes body in the Sacrament of the Altar, and also against Images, and the rest of the seauen Sacraments. Howbeit, they burdened the last v. persons with the reading of certaine English hereticall bookes, ac∣counting most blasphemously the Gospel of Iesus Christ, writtē by the 4. Euangelists, to be of that number, as ap∣peareth euidently by the 8. article obiected by Tho. Benet Doctour of lawe, and Chancelour and vicare general vn∣to Rich. Fitziames then Bish. of London, against the sayd Rich. Butler. The very words of which article (for a more declaration of truth) I haue thought good heere to infert: which are these.* 1.76 Also we obiect to you, that diuers times, and especially vpon a certaine night, about the space of three yeares last past, in Robert Durdantes house of Yuercourt neare vnto Stanes, you erroneously and damnably read in a great booke of heresie of the sayd Robert Durdants, all that same night, certaine chapters of the Euangelists in English, conteining in them diuers erroneous and damnable opinions and conclusions of heresie, in the presence of the sayde Robert Durdant, Iohn Butler, Robert Carder, Ienkin Butler, William King, and diuers other suspect per∣sons of heresie then being present, and hearing your sayd errone∣ous lectours and opinions.* 1.77 To the same effect and purpose tended the tenour of some of the Articles propounded a∣gainst the other foure. Whereby (as also by others like be∣fore specified) we may easily iudge what reuerence they which yet will be counted the true and onely Churche of Christ, did beare to the word and Gospell of Christ: who shamed not to blaspheme the same with most horrible titles of erroneous and damnable opinions, and conclusi∣ons of heresie. But why should we maruel thereat, seeing the holy Ghost in sundry places of the Scripture doth de∣clare, that in the latter daies there should come such proud and cursed speakers, which shal speake lies through hypo∣crisy, and haue their consciences marked with an hot yron? Let vs therefore now thanke our heauenly father for re∣uealing them vnto vs, and let vs also pray him, that of his free mercies in his sonne Christ Iesus, he would (if it be to his glory) eyther turne and mollifie all such harts, or else (for the peace and quietnes of his Church) he woulde in his righteous iudgement take them from vs.

About this time Richard Fitziames ended his life. Af∣ter whose death,* 1.78 Cutbert Tunstall (afterwards Byshop of Durham) succeeded in the Sea and Bishoprike of Lon∣don: who soone vpon his first entrie into the roome, min∣ding to follow rightly the footesteps of his predecessour, caused Edmund Spilman priest, Henry Chambers, Iohn Higgins, and Thomas Eglestone, to be apprehended, and so to be examined vpon sundry like Articles, as before are expressed, and in the end, either for feare of his crueltie, and the rigour of death,* 1.79 or else through hope of his flatte∣ring promises (such was their weakenesse) he compelled them to abiure and renounce their true professed faith tou∣ching the holy Sacrament of Christes body and bloud: which was, that Christes corpall body was not in the sa∣crament, but in heauen, and that the Sacrament was a fi∣gure of his body, and not the body it selfe.

MOreouer, about the same time there were certaine ar∣ticles obiected against Iohn Hig, aliâs Noke, aliâs Iohnson, by the saide Bishops vicar generall. Amongst which were these:* 1.80 First, that he had affirmed, that it was as lawfull for a tēporall mā to haue two wiues at once, as for a priest to haue two benefices. Also that he had in hys custody a booke of the foure Euangelistes in English, and did often reade therein: and that he fauoured the doctrines & opinions of Martin Luther,* 1.81 openly pronouncing that Luther had more learning in his litle finger, then all y^e do∣ctours in England in their whole bodies: and that all the Priestes in the Church were blind, and had led the people the wrong way. Likewise it was alledged agaynst him, that he had denied Purgatory, and had sayd, that while he were alyue he would do as much for him selfe as he could, for after his death he thought that prayer & almes deedes could little helpe him.

These and such like matters were they, wherewith these poore and simple men and women were chiefly char∣ged, and as heynous heretickes excommunicated, empri∣soned, and at last compelled to recant: and some of them in vtter shame and reproch (besides the ordinary bearyng of fagots before the Crosse in processiō,* 1.82 or els at a Sermon) were enioyned for penaunce (as they termed it) as well to appeare once euery yeare before their ordinary, as also to weare the signe of a fagot painted vpon their sleeues or o∣ther part of their outward garment; and that during their liues, or so often and long as it pleased their ordinary to appoint. By which long rigorous and open punishing of them, they ment (as it should seeme) vtterly to terrifie and keepe backe all others from the true knowledge of Iesus Christ and his Gospell. But the Lord be euermore pray∣sed, what effect their wicked purposes therein haue takē,* 1.83 these our most lightsome dayes of Gods glorious Gospel do most ioyfully declare.

THere were also troubled beside these, certaine others more simple and ignoraunt: who hauyng but a very smal smake or tast of the truth, did yet at the first (as it may seeme) gladly consent vnto the same: but beyng apprehen∣ded, they quickly agayne yelded, and therfore had onely as∣signed them for their penaunce, the bearyng of a litle cādle before the Crosse, without any further opē abiuryng or re∣cantyng. Amongest which I finde two especially: the one, a woman called Elene Heyer, to whom it was obiected that she had neither confessed her selfe vnto the Priest, nor yet receiued the Sacrament of the altar by the space of 4. yeares, and notwithstandyng had yearely eaten fleshe at Easter, and after, as well as others that had receiued the same, contrary to the vsuall maner and conuersation of all other Christian people.

The other was a mā named Robert Berkeway who (besides most wicked blasphemies agaynst God, whiche he vtterly denyed) was charged to haue spoken heynous wordes against the Popes holy and blessed Martyr Tho∣mas Becket, callyng him micher and theefe, for that hee wrought by craftes and imaginations.

Thus haue I (as briefly as I could) summarely colle∣cted the principall Articles obiected agaynst these weake, infirme, and earthy vessels. Not minding hereby to excuse or condēne them in these their fearefull falles and daunge∣rous defectiōs: but leauyng them vnto the vnmeasurable rich mercies of the Lord, I thought onely to make mani∣fest the vnsaciable bloudy crueltie of y^e Popes kingdome, agaynst the Gospell and true Church of Christ, nothyng mitigatyng their enuious rage, no not agaynst the very simple idiotes, and that sometyme in most friuolous and irreligious cases. But now leauyng to say any further herein, I will (by Gods grace) go forthward with other somewhat serious matters.

¶The death and Martyrdome of William Swetyng, and Iohn Brewster.

IN searchyng and perusing of the Register,* 1.84 for the collec∣tion of the names & Articles before recited, I finde that within the compasse of the same yeares, there were also some others, who after they had once shewed themselues as frayle & vnconstaūt as the rest (beyng either therewith pricked in conscience, or otherwise zelously ouercome with the manifest truth of Gods most sacred word) became yet agayn as earnest professours of Christ, as euer they were before, and for the same profession were the secōd tyme ap∣prehēded, examined, condemned, and in the end were most cruelly burned. Of the which number were, Williā Swe∣tyng, and Iohn Brewster, who were both burned toge∣ther in Smithfield, the xviij. day of October in the yeare of our Lord. 1511. the chiefest case of religion alledged agaynst them in their Articles, was their fayth cōcernyng the Sa∣crament of Christes body and bloud. Which because it dif∣fered from the absurde, grosse, and Caparniticall opiniō of the new Scholemē, was coūted as most heynous heresie.* 1.85 There were other thyngs besides obiected agaynst them: as the reading of certaine forbidden bookes, and accompa∣nying with such persons as were suspected of heresie. But one great and heynous offence counted amongest the rest, was their putting & leauing of the paintyng fagots, which they were at their first abiuryng, enioyned to weare, as

badges, during theyr lyues, or so long as it should please their Ordinary to appoynt, and not to leaue them off, vpō paine of relaps, vntill they were dispensed withall for the same.* 1.86 The breach of this iniunction was esteemed to be of no small weight, and yet the matter well & throughly con∣sidered, it seemeth by their cōfessions, they were both ther∣unto by necessitie enforced. For the one, named Sweting, being for feare of the Bishops cruelty cōstrained to wan∣der the countreys to get his poore liuing, came at length vnto Colchester, where by the parson of the parish of Ma∣ry Magdalen, he was prouoked to be y^e holy water clarke, and in that consideration had that infamous badge first ta∣ken away from him. The other (which was Brewster) leaft off his, at the commandement of the Controller of the Earle of Oxfordes house: who hiring the poore man to labour in the Earles houshold busines, woulde not suffer him, working there, to weare that counterfait cognisaunce any longer: so that (as I said) necessity of liuing seemeth to compell both of them at the first to breake that iniunction: and therfore if charitie had borne as great sway in y^e harts of the Popes Clergy, as did crueltie, this trifle would not haue bene so heinously taken, as to be brought against thē for an article and cause of condemnation to death. But where tirannie once taketh place, as well all godly loue, as also all humane reason & duties are quite forgotten. Well, to be short, what for y^e causes before recited, as also for that they had once already abiured, and yet (as they terme it) fel againe into relaps, they were both (as you haue hearde) in the ende burned together in Smithfielde: althoughe the same parties (as the Register recordeth) did againe before their death, fearefully forsake their former reuiued cōstan∣cie, and submitting themselues vnto the discipline of the Romish Church, craued absolution from their excommu∣nication. Howbeit, because many of the Registers notes & records in such cases may rightly be doubted of,* 1.87 and so cal∣led into questiō, I refer the certaine knowledge hereof vn∣to the Lord (who is the trier of all truthes) and the exter∣nal iudgemēt vnto the godly and discrete reader: Not for∣getting yet by the way (if that the report shoulde be true) vpon so iust an occasion to charge that catholique clergy & their wicked lawes, with a more shameles tirannie & vn∣charitable cruelty thē before. For if they nothing stay theyr bloudy malice towards such as so willingly submit them∣selues vnto their mercies: what fauour may the faithfull and constant professours of Christ looke for at their hāds? I might here also aske of them how they folow the pitiful and louing admonitiō, (or rather precept) of our Sauiour Christ (whose true and only Church they so stoutly bragge to be) who in the 17. chapt. of S. Luke, sayth: Though thy brother sinne against thee seuen times in a day,* 1.88 and seuen times in a day turne to thee, saieng, It repenteth me: thou shalt forgiue him. But what go I about to allure them vnto the folo∣wing of the rule and counsaile of him, vnto whose worde and Gospell they seeme most open and vtter enemies? Wherefore, not purposing to stay any longer thereupon, I will leaue thē vnto the righteous reuengemēt of the Lord, whereunto let vs now heere adioine the story of one Iohn Browne, a good Martir of the Lord burnt at Ashford, a∣bout this fourth yeare of King Henry the eight, whose story heereunder foloweth.

¶Iohn Browne father to Richard Browne, which Ri∣chard was in prison in Canterbury, and should haue bene bur∣ned with two more besides himselfe, the next day after the death of Queene Mary, but by the proclaiming of Queene E∣lizabeth, they escaped.

* 1.89THe occasion of the first trouble of this Iohn Browne, was by a priest sitting in Grauesend barge. I. Brown being y^e same time in the barge, came & sate hard by hym, wherupon after certain cōmunicatiō, the Priest asked him, doest thou know (said he) who I am, thou sitst too neere me, thou sitst on my clothes. No sir (said he) I know not what you are. I tell thee I am a Priest. What sir, are yee a Person or Uicar, or a Ladies Chaplen. No (quoth he) a∣gaine, I am a soule priest, I sing for a soule, saith he. Do ye so sir quoth the other, that is well done. I pray you sir, (quoth he) where find you y^e soule when you go to Masse. I can not tel thee, said the Priest. I pray you where do you leaue it sir whē the Masse is done. I can not tell thee sayde the Priest. Neither can you tell where you finde it when you go to Masse, nor where you leaue it when the Masse is done, how can you then haue the soule said he. Go thy waies said y^e Priest, thou art an heretike, and I will be e∣uen with thee. So at the landing, the Priest taking w^t hym Water More, and William More, two Gentlemen bree∣thren, rode straightwaies to the Archb. Warham, wherup∣pon the said Iohn Browne within three daies after, his wife being churched the same day,* 1.90 & he bringing in a messe of pottage to the boord to his guests, was sent for, and hys feete bound vnder his own horse, & so brought vp to Cant. neither his wife, nor he, nor any of his, knowing whether he went, nor whether he should. And there continuing frō Lowsonday to y^e friday before Whitsonday, not knowing to his wife all this while where he was. He was set in the stockes ouer night, and on the morrow went to death, and was burned at Ashford, an. 1517. The same night as he was in the stocks at Ashford, where he & his w••••e dwelt, his wife then hearing of him, came & sate by him al y^e night before he should be burned, to whom he declaring y^e whole story how he was handled, shewed & told how y^t he coulde not set his feete to the ground, for they were burned to the bones, and told her how by the two Bishops, Warham, & Fisher, his feet were heat vpon the whote coales, & burnt to the bones, to make me said he to deny my Lord, which I will neuer do, for if I should deny my Lord in this world, he would hereafter denie me. I pray thee, said he, therefore good Elizabeth, continue as thou hast begon, and bring vp thy childrē vertuously & in the feare of God, & so y^e next day on Whitsonday euē, this godly Martir was burned. Stā∣ding at y^e stake this praier he made holding vp his hands,

O Lord I yeeld me to thy grace, Graunt me mercy for my trespasse, Let neuer the feend my soule chase, Lord I will bow, and thou shalt beate, Let neuer my soule come in hell heate. Into thy hands I commend my spirit, thou hast redeemed me O Lord of truth, and so he ended.

Ex testimonio Aliciae Browne eius filiae, cuius mariti nomen dicebatur strat. in pa••∣rochia S. Pulchri.

At the fire, the said Chilten the Bayly Arrant, bade cast in his children also, for they would spring (sayd he) of hys ashes.

This blessed Martyr Iohn Browne had borne a fagot seauen yeares before in the daies of King Henry the 7.

As it is the propertie of Sathā euer to malice the pros∣perous estate of the Saintes of God, & true professours of Christ: so ceasseth he not continually to styrre vp his wic∣ked mēbers to the effectuall accomplishyng of that which his enuious nature so greedily desireth: if not alwayes o∣penly by colour of tyrannicall lawes, yet (at the leastwise) by some subtill practise of secret murther. Which thing doth most playnly appeare not onely in a great number of the blessed Martyrs of Christes Churche, mentioned in this booke, but also, and especially in the discourse of this lamē∣table history that now I haue in hand, concernyng the se∣crete & cruell murderyng of Richard Hunne, whose story here consequently ensueth, decerped and collected partly out of the Registers of London, partly out of a Bill exhi∣bited and denounced in the Parliament house.

¶The story of Richard Hunne.

THere was in the yeare of our Lord.* 1.91 1514. one Richard Hunne marchaūt Taylour, dwelling within the Citie of London, & freeman of the same, who was esteemed du∣ring his lyfe, & worthely reputed and taken, not onely for a man of true dealyng, and good substaunce, but also for a good Catholicke mā. This Richard Hunne had a child at nourse in Middlesex in the Parish of S. Mary Matsilon, which dyed:* 1.92 by the occasion wherof one Thomas Drifield Clerke, beyng Parson of the sayd Parish, sued y^e sayd Ri∣chard Hunne in the spirituall Court for a bearyng sheete, which the sayd Thom. Drifield claymed vniustly to haue of the sayd Hunne for a mortuary for Steuē Hunne, sonne of the sayd Richard Hunne: which Steuē beyng at nourse in the sayd Parish, dyed being of the age of .v. weekes and not aboue. Hunne aūswered him agayne, that for asmuch as the child had no proprietie in the sheete, he therfore nei∣ther would pay it, nor the other ought to haue it. Whereu∣pō the Priest moued with a couetous desire, & loth to lose his pretēded right, ascited him to appeare in the spirituall Court, there to aūswere the matter. Whereupon the sayd Rich. Hunne beyng troubled in the spirituall Court, was forced to seeke coūsell of the learned in the law of this lād, & pursued a writ of Premunire agaynst the sayd Thomas Drifield, and other his ayders, counsellers, proctors, and adherents, as by the proces therof is yet to be sene. Which whē the rest of the Priestly order heard of, greatly disday∣nyng that any lay man should so boldly enterprise such a matter against any of thē, & fearing also, that if they should now suffer this Priest to be cōdēned at the sute of Hunne, there would be therby euer after, a libertie opened vnto all others of the laity to do the like with the rest of the Cler∣gy in such like cases: they straightwayes, both to stop this matter, and also to be reuenged of him, for that he had al∣ready done, sought all meanes they possibly could, how to

entrap and bring him within the danger of their own cru∣ell lawes:* 1.93 and therupon making secret and diligent inqui∣sition, & seeking al corners they could against him, at lēgth they found a means how to accuse him of heresie vnto Ri∣chard Fitziames then Bishop of London, and so did: Who (desirious to satisfie the reuenging and bloudy affection of his chaplaynes) caused thereupon him to be apprehended, and cōmitted vnto prison within the Lolards Tower at Paules,* 1.94 so that none of his freendes might be suffered to come to hym. Thus Richard Hunne being clapt in the Lolards Tower, shortly after, at the earnest instigation of one Doctour Horsey the Bishops Chauncelour (a man more ready to prefer the Clergies cruell tyrannie, then the truth of Christes Gospel) was brought before the Bishop at his manour of Fulham, the second day of December, in the yeare before mentioned: where within his Chappell he examined him vpon these Articles following, collected a∣gainst him by the said Horsey and his complices.

First, that he had read, taught, preached, published, and obsti∣nately defended,* 1.95 against the lawes of almighty God: that tythes, or payeng of tythes was neuer ordeined to be due, sauing onely by the couetousnesse of priestes.

2 Item, that he had read, taught, preached, published, and obsti∣nately defended: that Bishops and Priestes be the Scribes and Pharisees that did crucifie Christ, and damned him to death.

3 Item, that he had read, taught, preached, &c. that Byshops and Priests be teachers and preachers, but no doers, neyther fulfillers of the law of God, but catching, rauening, and all things taking, and nothing ministring, neither geuing.

4 Item, where and when one Ioanne Baker was detected and abiured of many great heresies (as it appeareth by her abiuration) the sayd Richard Hunne sayd, published, taught, preached, and ob∣stinately tooke vpon him, sayeng, that he would defend her and her opinions, if it cost him fyue hundred markes.

5 Item, afterwards (where and when the sayd Ioanne Baker af∣ter her abiuration, was enioyned open penance according to her demerites) the sayd Richard Hunne saide, published, taught, and obstinately did defend her, sayeng: the Byshop of London and his officers haue done open wrong to the sayde Ioanne Baker, in punishing her for heresie: for her sayengs and opinions be accor∣ding to the lawes of God: Wherefore the Byshop and hys of∣ficers are more woorthie to bee punished for heresie, then she is.

6 Item, that the sayd Richard Hunne hath in his keeping di∣uers English bookes, prohibited and damned by the law: as the Apocalyps in English, Epistles and Gospels in English, Wickliffes damnable workes, and other bookes conteining infinite errours, in the which he hath bene long time accustomed to reade, teach, and study dayly.

Particular answeare vnto these seuerall obiections, in the Register I finde none, sauyng that next vnder them, there is written in his name with a contrarye hande, these words folowing: As touching these Articles, I haue not spo∣ken them as they be heere layd: Howbeit;* 1.96 vnaduisedly I haue spoken wordes somewhat sounding to the same: for the which I am sory, and aske God mercy, and submit me vnto my Lords cha∣ritable and fauourable correction. Which they affirme to be written with Hunnes owne hand: but how likely to truth that is, let the discrete wisedome of the reader indifferently iudge by the whole sequele of this proces. And further,* 1.97 if it were his owne act, what occasion then had they so cru∣elly to murther him as they did? seeing he had already so willingly confessed his fault, and submitted himselfe vnto the charitable and fauourable correction of the Bishop (for the which euen by their owne lawe, in cases of most hey∣nous heresie, he ought to be againe receiued and pardo∣ned, (except perhaps they will account horrible murther, to be but the Bishops fauourable correction. Againe it see∣meth they had very few credible witnesses to proue cer∣tainely that this was his answeare and handwriting: for the Register, or some other for him (appointed to record the same) hath certified it, as of hearesay from others, and not of his own proper sight and knowledge, as the words noted in the margent of the booke, adioining to the foresaid answeare, plainely do declare, which are these: Hoc fuit scriptum manu propria Richardi Hunne, vt dicitur. Now if he had had any sure ground to stablish this certificate, I doubt not, but he would (in steede of, vt dicitur) haue regi∣stred the names of the assistants at the time of his exami∣nation, (which he confesseth to be many) as generally they do in all their actes, especially in cases of heresie, as they tearme it. But how scrupulous those good fellowes that spared not so shamelesly to murther him, woulde be to make a lie of him that was already dead, let (as I said) the indifferent iudgement of the godly wise discerne.

This examination ended,* 1.98 the Bishop sent him backe a∣gaine the same day, vnto the Lolardes tower: and then by the appointment of Doctour Horsey his Chauncelour, he was colourably committed from the custody of Charles Ioseph the Sumner, vnto Iohn Spalding the belringer, a man, by whose simplenes in wit (though otherwise wic∣ked) the subtill Chauncelour thought to bring his diuelish pretended homicide the easlier to passe: which most cruelly he did by his ministers suborned, within two nights then next folowing accomplish: as is plainely proued hereafter by the diligent inquirie and finall verdict of y^e Crowner of

[illustration]

¶A description of the Lolards tower, where M. Rich. Hunne was first murthered, then by the sayd parties hanged, afterward condemned of heresie, and at last burned in Smythfield.

London, and his inquest, made by order of the lawes in that behalfe limited.* 1.99 But when this vsuall practise of the Papistes was once accomplished, there wanted then no secret shiftes, nor worldly wyles for the crafty colouring of this mischiefe: and therefore the next morning after they had in the night committed this murther, Iohn Spalding (I doubt not but by the counsaile of his maister Chaun∣celour) gat himselfe out of the way,* 1.100 into the Citie, and lea∣uing the keyes of the prison with one of his felowes, wil∣led him to deliuer them vnto the Sumners boy, which ac∣customably did vse to cary Hunne his meate, and other necessaries that he needed: thinking that the boy, first fin∣ding the prisoner dead,* 1.101 and hanged in such sort as they left him, they might (by his relation) be thought free from any suspition of this matter. Which thing happened in the be∣ginning almost as they wished. For the boy the same mor∣ning (being the fourth day of December) hauing the keies deliuered him, accompanied with two other of the By∣shops Sumners, went about x. of the clocke into the pri∣son, to serue the prisoner, as he was woont to do, and when they came vp, they found him hanged with his face to∣wards the wall. Wherupon they (astonished at this sight) gaue knowledge thereof immediately vnto the Chaunce∣lour,* 1.102 being then in the Church, and watching, I suppose, of purpose, for such newes: who forthwith gat vnto him certaine of his collegues, and went with them into the prison, to see that which his owne wicked cōscience knew full well before, as was afterwards plainely proued, al∣though then he made a faire face to the contrary, blasing abroade among the people, by their officers and seruants, that Hunne had desperately hanged himselfe. Howbeit, the people hauing good experience as well of the honest life and godly conuersation of the man,* 1.103 as also of the diue∣lish malice of his aduersaries the Priestes, iudged rather that by their procurement he was secretly murthered. Wherof arose great contention: for the Bishop of London on the one side, taking his clergies part, affirmed stoutely that Hunne had hanged himselfe. The Citizens againe on the other side, vehemently suspecting some secret murther, caused the Crowner of London (according to law) to choose an inquest,* 1.104 and to take good viewe of the dead body, and so to trie out the truth of the matter. Wherby the Bishop and his chapleines were then driuē to y^e extremitie of shifts: & therfore minding by some subtil shew of iustice, to stop the mouthes of the people, they determined that in the meane while as the inquest was occupied about their charge, the Bishop should for his part, proceede Ex officio, in case of heresie,* 1.105 against the dead person: supposing (most like) that if the partie were once condemned of heresie, the inquest durst not then but finde him giltie of his owne death, and so clearely acquite them from all the former suspition of priuie murther. This determinatiō of theirs they did im∣mediately put in practise in order as foloweth.

First, besides the Articles before mentioned (whyche they affirme were obiected against him in his life tyme) D. Hed did now also after his death,* 1.106 collect certain others out of the prologue of his English Bible, remaining then in the Bishops handes: which he diligently perused, not to learne any good thing therein, but to get thereout suche matter,* 1.107 as he thought might best serue their cursed pur∣pose: as appeareth by the tenure of the Articles, whyche are these.

1 First the said booke damneth all holy Canons, calling them ceremonies and statutes of sinfull men and vncun∣ning,* 1.108 and calleth the Pope Sathanas and Antichrist.

2 Item, it damneth the Popes Pardons, saieng, they be but leasings.

3 Item, the sayd booke of Hunne saith, that Kings and Lords called Christen in name, and heathen in conditions, defoyle the Sanctuarie of God, bringing clarkes full of co∣uetise, heresie, and malice, to stop Gods law that it can not be knowne, kept, and freely preached.

4 Item, the saide booke saith, that Lordes and Prelates pursue full cruelly them that would teach truly and freely the lawe of God: and cherish them that preach sinful mens traditions and statutes, by the which he meaneth the holy Canons of Christes Church.

5 Item, that poore men and idiotes haue the truth of the holy Scriptures, more then a thousand Prelates and reli∣gious men, and clarkes of the schole.

6 Item, that Christen Kings and Lordes set Idols in Gods house, and excite the people to Idolatrie.

7 Item, that Princes, Lords, and Prelates so doyng, be worse then Herode that pursued Christ, and worse then Iewes and heathen men that crucified Christ.

8 Item, that euery man swearing by our Lady, or any other Saint or creature, geueth more honour to the saints, then to the holy Trinitie, and so he sayth they be idolaters.

9. Item, he sayth that Saintes ought not to be honored.

10. Item, he damnethe adoratiō, prayer, kneelyng, & of∣feryng to Images, which he calleth stockes and stones.

11. Item, he sayth, that the very body of the Lord is not conteyned in the Sacramēt of the aultar, but that men re∣ceiuing it, shall thereby keepe in mynde that Christes flesh was wounded and crucified for vs.

12. Item, he dāneth the Uniuersitie of Oxford, with all degrees and faculties in it, as Art, Ciuile, Canō, and Di∣uinitie, saying, that they let the true way to come to the knowledge of the lawes of God, and holy Scripture.

13. Item, he defendeth the translation of the Bible and holy Scripture into the English tongue,* 1.109 which is prohi∣bited by the lawes of our mother holy Church.

These Articles thus collected, as also the others before specified, they caused for a more shew of their pretēded iu∣stice and innocencie, to be opēly read the next Sonday fo∣lowing by the Preacher at Paules Crosse, with this Pro∣testation made before.

☞Maisters and frendes, for certaine causes and con∣siderations, I haue in commaundemēt to rehearse, shew, & publish here vnto you, the Articles of heresie, vpō which Richard Hunne was detected and examined:* 1.110 and also o∣ther great Articles and damnable poyntes and opinions of heresie conteined in some of his bookes be cōmen to light and knowledge, here ready to be shewed.

And therewith he read the Articles openly vnto the people, concludyng with these wordes:

And maisters, if there be any man desirous to see the specialtie of these Articles, or doubt whether they be cōtei∣ned in this booke or not, for satisfying of his minde, let him come to my Lord of London, and he shall see it with good will. Moreouer, here I counsaile and admonishe, that if there be any persons, that of their simplenes haue bene fa∣miliar and acquainted with the sayd Richard Hunne in these Articles, or haue heard him read vpon this booke, or any other soūdyng to heresie, or haue any like bookes their selues, let them come vnto my Lord of London betwixt this and Candlemasse next, and knowledge their fault, & they shalbe charitably intreated and dealt withall, so that both their goodes and honestie shalbe saued: & if they will not come of their owne offer, but abyde the processe of the law, then at their owne perill be it, if the rigour of the law be executed agaynst them.

After which open publication & admonition, the By∣shop at sundry tymes examined diuers of his Priests, and other lay persons vpon the contentes of both these Arti∣cles. Among which examinates, there was a man seruaūt and a mayde of the sayd Hunnes, who although they had of long dwelt with him, were not able to charge him with any great thing worthy reprehēsion: no, not in such points as the Byshop chiefly obiected, agaynst him. But yet the Priestes (through whose procurement this mischief was first begon) spared no whit stoutly and maliciously to ac∣cuse him: some in the contentes of the first Articles, & some in the second. Wherefore hauyng now (as they thought) sufficient matter agaynst him, they purposed speedely to proceede to his condemnation.* 1.111 And because they would seeme to doe all thynges formally, and by prescript order, they first drew out certaine short and summary rules, by the which the Byshop should be directed in this solemne Session: which are these.

1. First, let the Byshop sit in his tribunall seate, in our Ladyes Chappell.

2. Secondly, let him recite the cause of his comming,* 1.112 and take Notaryes to him, to enact that shalbe there done.

3. Thirdly, let him declare, how vppon Sonday last, at Paules Crosse, he caused to be published a generall moni∣tion, or denunciation, that all fautours and mainteyners of Richard Hunne, should come in, as by this day, & sub∣mit themselues: and let him signifie withall, how certaine haue come in, and haue appeared already.

4. Fourthly, let him protest & say, that if there remayne any yet behynd which haue not appeared accordyng to the former monition and denunciation: yet if they will come, and appeare, and submit themselues, they shalbe heard & receiued with grace and fauour.

5. Fiftly, let the Byshop or some other at his appoint∣mēt, recite the Articles obiected agaynst Richard Hunne, in the tyme of his life: and thē the other Articles likewise, which were out of his great booke of the Bible extracted.

6. Sixtly, let the aunsweres and confessions of the sayd Richard Hunne, summarely be recited, with the Attesta∣tiōs made to the same Articles. Also let his bookes be exhi∣bited, and thē Thomas Brooke his seruaunt be called for.

7. Seuently, let it be openly cryed at the Quere doore,

that if there be any which will defend the articles, opini∣ons, bookes, or the memory of the said Richard Hunne, let them come and appeare, and they shall be heard, as the lawe in that behalfe shall require.

8 Eightly, let it be openly cryed, as in maner before, for such as be receiuers, fauourers, defenders, or beleeuers of the sayd Richard Hunne, that all such do appear and sub∣mit themselues to the Bishop, or else he intendeth to pro∣ceede to the excommunication of them in generall, accor∣ding to the exigence of the law in that behalfe.

9 Ninthly, then the Byshop speaking to the standers by, and to them which sate with him vpon the bench, of the Clergie, demaunding of them, what their iudgement and opinion is, touching y^e premisses, and whether they thinke it conuenient and agreeable for him to proceede to the sen∣tence against the sayd Richard Hunne, in this parte to be awarded.

10 Tenthly, after their consent and counsayle geuen, let the Bishop reade out the sentence.

11 Finally, after the sentence read, let the Byshop ap∣point the publication and denuntiation of the foresaid sen∣tence, to be read at Paules Crosse or elsewhere, as to hym shall seeme expedient, with a Citation likewise generally against all them that be receiuers, fauourers, and belee∣uers of the sayde Hunne, to geue to vnderstand why he ought not farther to proceed against them, &c.

Now according to the tenure of these prescriptes and rules, the Bishop of London accompanied with the Bi∣shops of Durham and Lincolne,* 1.113 sate in iudgemēt the xvj. day of December, then next folowing, within the place by the same appointed: adioining also vnto them as witnes∣ses of their procedings, sixe publique Notaries, his owne Register, and about xxv. Doctours, Abbots, Priours and Priests of name, with a great rabble of other common an∣noynted Catholiques. Where after a solemne proclamatiō made, that if there were any that would defend the opini∣on•• and bookes of Rich. Hunne, they should presently ap∣peare, and be heard according to law, he commaunded all the Articles and obiections against Hunne, openly to be read before the assembly: and then perceyuing that none durst appeare in his defence, by the aduise of his assistants, he pronounced the sentence definitiue against the dead car∣kase, cōdemning it of heresie, and therwith committed the same vnto the secular power,* 1.114 to be by them burned accor∣dingly. Which ridiculous decree was as fondly accompli∣shed in Smithfield the xx. day of the same moneth of De∣cember (being full xvj. daies after they had thus horribly murthered him) to the great griefe and disdaine of all the people. And because the Bishop in his sentence definitiue vseth a more formall and ample order of words, then ac∣customably is vsed in others: and also pretendeth full hy∣pocritically in the beginning (as it were by way of induc∣tion) diuers causes that moued him to proceed against the dead carkase: I thought therefore good, heere to insert the same, as a finall conclusion of their craftie coloured trage∣die: the tenure whereof is this.

IN Dei nomine, Amen. Cum nuper (pendente sacra synodo & generali prelatorum & cleri prouinciae Cantuariensis conuo∣catione,* 1.115 in ecclesia nostra Cathedrali sancti Pauli London, per prelatos & clerum prouinciae Cantuariensis actualitèr ibidem exercita) contigisset quod quidam Richardus Hune de parochia sanctae Margaretae in Brigestrete Lond. de & super crimine here∣ticae prauitatis notatus & diffamatus extitisset: Reuerendiss. in Christo pater & dominus dominus Willielmus miseratione diui∣na Cantuariensis Arciepiscopus, totius Angliae primas, & Apo∣stolicae sedis Legatus, ipsius venerabilis caetus & conuocationis caput & praesidens, ex vehemētibus & violentis (quas cōtra eun∣dem Richardum Hune super heretica prauitate tūc habebat) pre∣sumptionibus cōtra eundē Richardum, debitam facere inquisi∣tionem cupiens, vt (si ratione heresis huiusmodi mēbrum fuisset a corpore Christi mistico precisum) ipsum ad caput & corpus (id est Christum, sanctae{que} matris ecclesie vnitatē) per salutaria mo∣nita & condignam poenitentiam reuocaret & reduceret: ne idem Richardus inter simplices & deuotas Christi fidelium & catholi∣corum animas coerrando, & zizania heretica seminando, fidelium mentes macularet & inficeret, & sinistris ac peruersis assertioni∣bus & opinionibus, a veritatis semita & vera fide Christiana aber∣rare faceret: ad effectum citandi eum ad comparendum coram di∣cto reuerendissimo patre & domino Archiepiscopo, suis{que} coepis∣copis & suffraganeis ceteris{que} illius concionis siue sacrae Synodi praelatis super praemissis responsurum perquiri fecit & mandauit. Verum idem Richardus apprehendi non potuit. Vnde dictus re∣uerendissimus pater suum tam pium, tam sanctum & laudabile propositum ad effectum perducere nō potuit. Quod cum nos Ri∣chardus permissione diuina Londinensis Episcopus, dicti Richar∣di ordinarius (cui etiam tanquam de heresi suspectus idē Richar∣dus a multis retroactis temporibus delatus & detectus extiterat) intellexerimus, non volentes nec audentes praedicta facinora si∣lentio & conniuentibus oculis pertransire & pretermittere, ne ob nostram negligentiam & torporem sanguis eius in districto exa∣mine, siue Dei iudicio, de manibus nostris requiratur) volentes cerciorari & informari an ea quae de ipso & cōtra eum nobis de∣lata & dicta fuerant, veritate aliqua fulcitentur, & an in luce vel in tenebris ambularet, ne fortasse ouis morbida existens, innocuas animas gregis dominici pestifera heresi corrumperet & inficeret, ad informandum animum nostrum, ipsum coram nobis vocandū, & super praemissis diligentèr interrogandum & examinandum, omnia{que} faciendū quae secundū canonicas sanctiones erant faci∣enda (eius animā pio & paterno zelantes affectu) descendimus & properauimus: cōtra quem, obiectis iudicialitèr, & propositis pu∣blice in iudicio articulis, de & super quibus nobis (vt praefertur) delatus, detectus & notatus fuerat. Quos per venerabilem virum magistrū Iohannem Downam hic publicè iam lectos, pro hic lec∣tis & insertis habemus & habeti volumus: habitis{que} & receptis ad eosdē articulos responsionibus & cōfessionibus suis. Deinde te∣stes fide dignos de & super eisdem articulis & alijs contra dictum Richardū in debita iuris forma recepimus, admisimus, & diligen∣ter examinari fecimus: proposito{que} nuper per nos verbo Dei ad crucē diui pauli, eius detestabiles hereses & errores, in articulis & libris suis, quibus vsus est, comprehensas, in eius & ipsorū de∣testationē & damnationē publicantes, atque publicè recitantes, populo in magna multitudine ibidē tunc congregato, notificaui∣mus & intimauimus. Quod isto die cōtra eundē Richardum, tan∣quam contra haereticum, ad ipsius{que} condemnationē & excōmu∣nicationē in specie, ad alia{que} in hac parte requisita, necnon ad ex∣cōmunicationem receptato••ū, defensorū, fautorum, & credentiū ipsius in genere, iuxta canonicas sanctiones, sanctorum patrum decreta, & omnem iuris vigorem & dispositionē, deo duce, pro∣cedere intendebamus monitionem{que} siue denuntiationem quan∣dam generalē dedimus & fecimus tunc ibidem, videl. quod si qui fuerint eius receptatores, defensores, fautores, & credentes, quod citra hunc diem ad nos & sanctae matris ecclesiae gremium redi∣rent, & se submitterent: quod si facerent (de misericordia omni∣potentis Dei confisi) polliciti sumus quod ipsos de erroribus & reatibus suis huiusmodi poenitentes cum gratia, benignitate, mi∣sericordia, & fauore, ad animarum suarum solatiū & salutem reci∣perimus, quodque honestatem eorum pro posse seruaremus in hac parte. Alioquin si sic sponte venire non curarent, sed iuris ordina∣rium processum expectarent: scirent nos hoc admissum aduersus eos seuerius executuros, in quantū iura permitterent. Aduenien∣te ita{que} iam die isto, ad premissa & infra scripta facienda (sic vt pre∣fertur) per nos prefixo, nos Richardus episcopus antedictus, in negotio inquisitionis haereticae prauitatis predictae legitimè pro∣cedentes, volentes{que} huiusmodi negotiū sine debito terminare, solenne consiliū tam in sacra theologica facultate, quam iure ca∣nonico & ciuili doctorum, & hunc venerabilem coetum cleri & populi coram nobis fecimus congregari: & visis, auditis, intellec∣tis, rimatis, ac diligētèr & matura deliberatione discussis meritis & circumstantijs negotij memorati, actis{que} & actitatis in eodem productis & deductis praedictorū, digesto & maturo cōsilio (cum nullus appareat contradictor seu defensor, qui dicti Richardi opi∣niones, articulos, & memoriam defendere velit) solū Deū oculis nostris proponentes, ad sententiam nostram contra eum, eius o∣piniones & libros, receptatores{que}, fautores, defensores, & credē∣tes, se nobis iuxta tenorem & formam monitionis & denuntiati∣onis nostrarū praedictarū minime submittentes, nec ad gremium sanctae matris ecclesiae redire curantes, licet quidam saluationis pij filij citra monitionem & denuntiationem nostras predictas ad nos venerunt, & se submiserunt, quos cum gratia & fauore rece∣pimus, in hac parte ferendam, sic duximus procedendū & proce∣dimus in hūc qui sequitur modum. Quia per acta actitata, inqui∣sita, deducta, confes••ata & probata, necnon per vehementes & vr∣gentes praesumptiones, & iudicia perspicua conperimus luculen∣ter, & inuenimus dictū Richardum Hune crimine haereticae pra∣uitatis multipliciter irretitum, at{que} haereticum fuisse & esse, non∣nullas{que} opiniones & assertiones detestabiles & haereses damna∣tas, dum in humanis agebat & vitales caperet auras, affirmasse, proposuisse & recitasse, libris{que} suspectis & de iure damnatis, & nonnullas haereses pestiferas in se continentibus vsum fuisse, re∣ceptis{que}, admissis & examinatis testibus per commissarios ad hoc deputatos de & super impoenitentia finali, partinacia, & obitu di∣cti Richardi Hune: Idcirco nos Richardus Episcopus antedictus, seruatis seruandis (prout in tali negotio postulat ordo iuris) dicti Richardi Hune impoenitentia ac finali * 1.116 obstinatia & pertinacia, per euidentia signa testibus legitimis vehemētissimis & violentis praesumptionibus cōprobatis, prout iam corā nobis legitime ex∣titit facta fides, edicto apud crucem diui Pauli, die dominico vlti∣mo praeterito, ad audiendū & per nos ferendū sentētiam, ad hunc diem per nos publice facto & proposito. paopterea de huius ve∣nerabilis coetus (videlicet reuerendorum patrū, dominorū Tho∣mae Dunelmensis, & Willihelmi Lincolniensis, ac Iohannis Cali∣polensis Episcoporū, necnon in sacra theologia, decretorū, & le∣gum doctorū, & cleri, at{que} proborum & venerabilium virorū do∣domini

Maioris, Aldermanorū, & Vicecomitum ciuitatis London. & populi hic congregato••um, & nobis in hac parte assidentium & assistentium, consensu, assensu, & consilio, eundem Richardum Hunne diuersarum haeresium libris dum vixit vsum fuisse, ac no∣torium & pertinacem impoenitentem haereticum fuisse, ac in hae∣resi decessisse, atque consciencia criminis & metu futurae sētentiae animo pertinaci & impoenitenti, corde indurato obijsse & deces∣sisse, praemissorum{que} praetextu de iure excommunicatum fuisse & esse, at{que} in excommunicatione huiusmodi decessisse, ipsius{que} re∣c••ptatores, fautores, defensores, & credentes etiam in genere de iure excommunicatos, at{que} sententia maioris excommunicatio∣nis innodatos & inuolutos fuisse & esse pronuntiamus decerni∣mus, & declaramus: ipsum Richardum Hunne & libros suos hae∣reticos de iure damnatos, suam{que} ac librorum ipsorum memoriā in detestationem & damnationem sceleris & criminis huiusmodi condemnamus: dictum{que} Richardum Hunne (ob premissa) eccle∣siastica carere debere sepultura sententiamus, etiam pronuncia∣mus, decernimus, & declaramus, & in foro ecclesiastico tanquam membrum putridum proijcimus, corpus{que} suum & ossa brachio & potestati seculari relinquimus & committimus: iuxta & secun∣dum canonicas & legitimas sanctiones, consuetudines{que} laudabi∣les in regno Angliae ab antiquo vsitatas & obseruatas, in oppro∣brium sempiternum & detestationem criminis nephandissimi predicti, ad eternam{que} huius rei memoriam, caeterorum{que} Christi fidelium metum at{que} terrorem, per hanc nostram sententiam siue finale decretum, quam siue quod ferimus & promulgamus in his scriptis.

Notwithstanding, after all this tragical & cruell hand∣ling of the dead body, with their ••aire and colourable shew of iustice, yet the inquest no whit stayed theyr diligent sear∣ching out of the true cause and meanes of his death. In so much that when they had bene diuers times called both be¦fore the kinges priuy counsell (his maiesty himselfe being sometime present) & also before the chiefe Iudges and Iu∣stices of this realm, & that the matter being by thē through∣ly examined & perceiued to much bolstered & borne withall by the clergy, was again wholy remitted vnto theyr deter∣mination and ending: they founde by good proofe and suffi∣cient euidence,* 1.117 that Doctour Horsey the Chauncellour, Charles Ioseph the Sumner, and Iohn Spalding the Belringer had priuily & maliciously committed this mur∣ther, and therefore indicted them all three as wilfull mur∣therers. Howbeit, through the earnest sute of the Byshop of London, vnto Cardinall Woolsey (as appeareth by hys letters hereafter mentioned) meanes was founde, that at the next Sessions of Gayle deliuery, the kinges Attorney pronounced the indicement agaynst D. Horsey to be false & vntrue: and him not to be guilty of the murther. Who be∣ing then thereby deliuered in body, hauing yet in himselfe a guilty conscience, gat him vnto Exeter, and durst neuer after for shame come agayne vnto London. But now that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 trueth of all this matter may seeme more manifest and playn vnto all mens eyes, here shall folow word by word, the whole inquiry and verdict of the inquest, exhibited by them vnto the Crowner of Londō, so geuen vp and signed with his owne hand.

¶The Verdict of the inquest.

* 1.118THe fift and the sixte day of December, in the sixte yeare of the raigne of our soueraigne Lord king Henry the eight, William Barnewel Crowner of London, the day and yeare abouesaid, with in the ward of Castelbaynard of London assembled a quest, whose names afterward do appeare, and hath sworne them truely to in∣quire of the death of one Richard Hunne, which lately was found deade in the Lollardes Tower within Paules Church of London: whereupon all we of the inquest together went vp into the sayde Tower, where we found the body of the sayd Hunne hanging vp∣pon a staple of iron in a gyrdle of silke, with fayre countenaunce, his head fayre kemmed, and his bonet right sitting vpon his head, with his eyne and mouth fayre closed, without any staring, ga∣ping, or frowning, also without any driueling or spurging in any place of his body, whereupon by one assent all we agreed to take downe the deade bodye of the sayd Hunne, and as soone as we beganne to heaue the body, it was loose, whereby by good aduisement we perceiued that the gyrdle had no knot about the staple, but it was double cast, and the linckes of an iron chayne which did hang on the same staple, were layde vpon the same gyr∣dle whereby he did hang: Also the knot of the gyrdle that went a∣bout his necke, stood vnder his left eare, which caused his head to leane towardes his right shoulder. Notwithstanding there came out of his nostrels two small streames of bloud, to the quantitye of foure droppes. Saue onelye these foure droppes of bloud, the face, lippes, chinne, doublet, coller, and shyrt of the sayd Hunne, was cleane from any bloud. Also we fynde that the skinne both of his necke and throate beneath the gyrdle of silke, was frette and faled away, with that thing which the murtherers had broken his necke withall. Also the handes of the sayd Hunne were wrong in the wristes, wherby we perceiued that his handes had bene bo••d. Moreouer we find that within the sayd prison was no mean wher∣by a man might hang himselfe, but onely a stoole, which stoole stoode vpon a bolster of a bed, so tickle, that any manne or beaste might not touch it so litle, but it was ready to fall. Whereby wee perceiued that it was not possible that Hunne might hang him∣selfe, the stoole so standing. Also all the gyrdle from the staple to his necke, as wel as the part which went about his necke, was too litle for his head to come out therat. Also it was not possible that the soft silken gyrdle shoulde breake his necke or skinne beneathe the gyrdle. Also we finde in a corner somewhat beyond the place where he did hange, a great parcell of bloud. Also we finde vpon the left side of Hunnes Iacket frō the brest downeward, two great streames of bloud. Also within the flap of the left side of his Iac∣ket, we finde a great cluster of bloud, and the Iacket folden down thereupon: which thing the sayd Hunne could neuer fold nor doe after he was hanged. Whereby it appeareth playnely to vs all, that the necke of Hunne was broken, and the great plenty of bloud was shed before he was hanged. Wherefore all we finde by God and all our consciences, that Richard Hunne was murdered. Also wee acquite the sayd Richard Hunne of his owne death.

Also there was an end of a waxe candle, whiche as Iohn Bel∣ringer sayth, he lefte in the prison burning with Hunne that same Sunday at night that Hunne was murthered, which waxe candle we founde sucking vpon the stockes fayre put out, about seuen or eight foote from the place where Hunne was hanged, which can∣dle after our opinion was neuer put out by him, for many likely∣hoods which we haue perceiued. Also at the going vp of mayster Chauncellor into the Lollardes tower: we haue good proofe that there lay on the stockes a gowne either of Murrey or Crimosin in grayne furred with shankes. Whose gowne it was we could ne∣uer proue, neither who bare it away. All we finde that Mayster William Horsey Chauncellour to my Lord of London, hath had at his commaundement both the rule and guiding of the sayd priso∣ner. Moreouer, all we finde that the sayde maister Horsey Chaun∣cellor hath put Charles Ioseph out of his office, as the sayd Char∣les hath confessed, because he woulde not deale and vse the sayde prisoner so cruelly, and doe to him as the Chauncellour woulde haue had him to do. Notwithstanding the deliuerance of the keies to the Chauncellour by Charles on the Saturday at night before Hunnes death, and Charles riding out of the towne on that son∣day in the morning ensuing, was but a conuention made betwixt Charles and the Chauncellour for to colour the murther. For the same sonday that Charles rode forth, he came agayne to the town at night, and killed Richard Hunne, as in the depositions of Iulian Littel, Thomas Chicheley, Thomas Simondes, and Peter Turner do appeare.

After colouring of the murther betwixte Charles and the Chauncellour conspired, the Chauncellour called to him one Iohn Spalding Belringer of Paules, and deliuered to the same Bel¦ringer the keyes of the Lollardes tower, geuing to the sayde Bel∣ringer a great charge, saying: I charge thee to keepe Hunne more straitely then he hath bene kept, and let him haue but one meale a day. Moreouer I charge thee, let no body come to him without my licence, neyther to bring him shirt, cappe, kirchiefe, or any o∣ther thing, but that I see it before it come to him. Also before Hunne was caryed to Fulham, the Chauncellour commaunded to be put vpon Hunnes necke a great coller of iron with a greate chayne, which is too heauy for any man or beast to weare, & long to endure.

Moreouer, it is well proued, that before Hunnes death,* 1.119 the sayd Chauncellour came vppe into the sayd Lollardes tower, and kneeled downe before Hunne, holding vp his hands to him, pray∣ing him of forgeuenesse of all that he had done to him, and muste do to him. And on sonday folowing the Chauncellour commaū∣ded the Penitensary of Paules to go vp to him, and say a Gospell, and make for him holy water and holy bread, and geue it to hym, which so did: and also the Chauncellor commaunded that Hunne should haue his dinner. And the same dinner time Charles boye was shut in prison with Hunne, which was neuer so before: and af¦ter dynner when the Belringer fet out the boy, the Belringer sayd to the same boy, come no more hither with meat for him, vntill to¦morow at noone, for my maister Chauncellour hath commaun∣ded that he shall haue but one meale a day: and the same night fo∣lowing Richard Hunne was murdered: which murther could not haue bene done without consent and licence of the Chauncellor, and also by the writing and knowledge of Iohn Spalding Belrin∣ger: for there could no man come into the prison, but by the keies being in Iohn Belringers keeping. Also as by my Lord of Londōs booke doth appeare, Iohn Belringer is a poore innocent manne. Wherefore all we doe perceiue that this murther coulde not bee done, but by the commaundement of the Chauncellour, and by the witting and knowing of Iohn Belringer.

Charles Ioseph within the tower of Lond. of his owne free will & vnconstrayned said, that maister Chauncellor deuised & wrote

with his owne hand, all such heresyes as were layde to Hunnes charge,* 1.120 recorde Iohn God, Iohn True, Iohn Pasmere, Richarde Gibson, with many other. Also Charles Ioseph sayth, that when Richard Hunne was slayne, Iohn Belringer bare vp the steyre in∣to Lollardes tower a waxe candle, hauing the keyes of the doore hanging on his arme, and I Charles went next to him, and maister Chauncellour came vppe last: and when all wee came vppe, wee found Hunne lying on his bed: and then maister Chauncellour sayd, lay handes on the theefe, and so all we murdered Hunne: & then I Charles put the gyrdle about Hunnes neck, and then Iohn Belringer and I Charles did heue vp Hunne, and Mayster Chaun∣cellour pulled the gyrdle ouer the staple and so Hunne was hanged.

¶The Deposition of Iulian Littel late ser∣uaunt to Charles Ioseph by her free will vn∣constrayned, the 6. yere of our soueraigne Lord king Henry the eight, with∣in the Chappel of our Lady of Bethlem, shewed to the Inquest.

* 1.121FFrst Iulian sayth, that the wednesday at night after the death of Richard Hunne, Charles Ioseph her Mayster came home to his supper: then Iulian sayd to him, May∣ster, it was tolde me that ye were in prison. Charles aun∣swered. It is mery to turne the penny: and after supper Charles trussed vp a parcel of his goodes, and with helpe of Iulian bare them into Maister Porters house to keepe: and that done, Charles sayd to Iulian: Iulian, if thou wilt be sworne to keepe my counsell, I wyll shew thee my mind. Iulian aunswered, yea, if it be neyther felony nor treason: Then Charles tooke a booke out of his purse, and Iulian sware to him therupon: then sayd Charles to Iu∣lian, I haue destroyed Richard Hunne. Alas mayster, said Iulian, how? he was called an honest man. Charles aun∣swered, I put a wyer in his nose. Alas sayd Iulian, nowe be ye cast away and vndone. Then sayd Charles, Iulian, I trust in thee that thou wilt keepe my counsell: and Iu∣lian aunswered, yea, but for Gods sake Mayster shyft for your selfe: and then Charles sayde, I had leuer then a hun∣dred pound it were not done: but that is done, can not be vndone. Moreouer, Charles sayd then to Iulian. Upon Sonday when I rode to my cosin Baringtons house, I taryed there and made good cheare all day til it was night, and yet before it was midnight, I was in London, and had killed Hunne, and vpon the next day I rode thyther a∣agayne, and was there at dinner, and sent for neighbors, and made good cheare. Then Iulian asked Charles, where set you your horse that night you came to towne, and wherefore came ye not home? Charles aunswered, I came not home for feare of bewraying: and then Iulian as∣ked Charles, who was with you at the killing of Hunne? Charles aunswered, I will not tell thee: and Iulian saith, that vpon the Thursday folowing, Charles taried all day, in his house with great feare: and vpon Friday folowing early in the morning before day, Charles went forth (as he sayd) to Paules, and at his comming in agayne he was in a great feare saying hastely, get me my horse & with greate feare and haste made him ready to ride, and bade May••••er Porters lad leade hys horse into the field by the backeside: and then Charles put into his sleeue hys Mase or Masor, with other plate borowed of mayster Porter, both golde & siluer, but howe much I am not sure: and Charles went into the field after his horse, and Iulian brought hys bou∣get after hym. Also vpon friday in Christmas weeke folo∣wing, Charles came home late in the night, and brought with him three Bakers and a Smyth of Stratforde, and the same night they carryed out of Charles house all hys goodes by the fieldes side to the Bell in Shordich, and ear∣ly in the morning conueyed it with Cartes to Stratford.

Moreouer Iulian sayth, that the Saterday at night be∣fore the death of Hunne, Charles came home, and brought with him a gurnard, saying, it was for Hunne, & Charles boy called to Iulian, that there was also ordeyned a piece of fresh Salmon, which Iohn Belringer had.

Also Charles said to the said Iulian, were not this vn∣gracious trouble, I could bring my Lord of Londō to the doores of heretiques in London both of men and women, that bene worth a thousand pound: But I am afrayd that the vngracious midwife shall bewray vs all.

Also Charles sayd vnto maistres Porter in likewise & more larger, saying, of the best in London, whereto mai∣stres Porter aunswered, the best in London is my Lorde Maior: then Charles sayde, I will not scuse him quite, for that he taketh this matter hoate.

Whereas Charles Ioseph sayth, he laye at Neckehyll with a harlot a mans wife in Baringtons house the same night, and there abode vntill the morrowe at eleuen of the clock, that Richard Hunne was murthered, wherupon he brought before the kinges Counsell for his purgation the foresayd Baude Baringtons wyfe, and also the foresayde Harlot: which purgation we haue proued all vntrue, as right largely may appeare, aswel by the deposition of Iu∣lian Littel, Thomas Chichesley Taylor, Tho. Symondes Stationer, of Rober Iohnsonne and his wife, of Iohn Spalding Belringer: Also of Peter Turner sonne in lawe of the foresayde Charles Ioseph: who sayde before to an honest woman, a waxe chaundelers Wyfe,* 1.122 that before this day seuenth night Hunne should haue a mischieuous death. &c. Also of Iohn Enderbye Baker, to whome Iohn Spalding himselfe declared these wordes: That there was ordeined for Hunne so grieuous penaunce, that when men heare of it, they shal haue great maruel therof. &c. Be∣sides the deposition moreouer of Alen Creswel wax chaū∣delor,* 1.123 and Richard Horsenayle Bayliffe of the Sanctuary towne called Godsture in Essex. Which testimonyes & de∣positions hereafter folow.

*The Deposition of Alen Creswell waxechaundeler.

THe sayde Alen sayeth, that Iohn Graunger seruaunt with my Lord of London in my L. of Londons kitchin at such time as the said Alen was seruing of Hunnes coffē, that Graūdger told to him, that he was present with Ioh. belringer the same sonday at night that Rich. Hunne was found dead in the morow when the keepers set him in the stocks. in so much the sayd Hunne desired to borow the ke∣pers knife, & the keper asked him, what he would do with his knife, & he answered I had leuer kil my selfe, then to be thus entreated. This deposition the sayd Alen will prooue as far forth as any christian man may, saying that Graūd¦ger shewed to him these wordes of his owne free will and minde without any question or Inquyry to him made by the sayd Alen: Moreouer the sayde Alen sayth, that all that euening Graundger was in great feare.

¶The Deposition of Richard Horsnayle. Bayliffe of the Sanctuary Towne called Goodesture in Essex.

THe sayd Richard sayeth, that friday before Christmas day last past that one Charles Ioseph Somner to my Lord of London, became a Sanctuary man, and the afore∣sayd Friday he registred his name, the sayde Charles say∣ing, it was for the sauegard of his body, for there be certein men in London so extreame agaynste him for the death of Richard Hunne, that he dare not abide in London. How∣beit the sayd Charles sayth he knowledgeth himselfe guilt∣lesse of Hunnes death, for he deliuered the keyes to the Chauncellour by Hunnes life, also the sayd Bayliffe sayth, that Charles payd the duty of the sayd Regestring both to him and syr Iohn Studley Uicar.

¶The Copy of Richard Fitziames Letter then Bishop of London, sent to Car∣dinall Woolsey.

I Beseeche your good Lordshippe to stand so good Lord vnto my poore Chauncellour nowe in Warde, and indighted by an vntrue quest, for the death of Richard Hunne,* 2.1 vpon the onely ac∣cusation of Charles Ioseph, made by payne and duraunce, that by your intercession, it may please the kinges grace to haue the mat∣ter duely and sufficiently examined by indifferent persons of hys discreete counsell, in the presence of the parties, ere there be any more done in the cause: and that vpon the innocency of my sayde Chauncellour, declared, it may further please the kinges grace to award a Plackard vnto his Attorney to confesse the sayde Endite∣ment to be vntrue, when the time shall require it: for assured am I, if my Chauncellour be tryed by any twelue men in London, they be so maliciously set, In fauorem hereticae prauitatis, that they will cast and condemne any Clerke, though he were as innocent as Abel. Quare si potes beate pater adiuua infirmitates nostras & tibi imperpetuum deuincti erimus. Ouer this in most humble wise I beseech you, that I may haue the kinges gracious fauour, whom I neuer offended willingly, and that by your good meanes I might speake with his grace and you, and I with all mine, shall pray for your prosperous estate long to continue.

Your most humble Oratour. R.L.

Lastly nowe remayneth to inferre the sentence of the

questmen, which foloweth in like sort to be seene and expē∣ded, after I haue first declared the wordes of the Byshop spoken in the Parliament house.

¶The wordes that the B. of London spake before the Lordes in the Parliament house.

MEmorandum, that the bishop of London said in the par∣liament house, that there was a bil brought to the par∣liament, to make the Iury that was charged vpon y^e death of Hunne, true men: and sayde, and tooke vpon his consci∣ence, that they were false periured Caytiffes: and sayd fur∣thermore to all the Lordes there then being: For the loue of God, look vpon this matter, for if you do not, I dare not keepe mine owne house for heretiques: And sayde that the sayd Richard Hunne hanged himselfe, and that it was his owne deed, and no mans els. And furthermore sayde, that there came a man to his house (whose wife was appeached of heresy) to speake with him, & he sayd that he had no mind to speake with the same man, which man spake and repor∣ted to the seruauntes of the same Bishoppe, that if his wife would not hold still here opinion, he would cut her throat with his owne handes, with other wordes.

¶The sentence of the Inquest sub∣scribed by the Crowner.

THe inquisition intended and taken at the city of Londō in the Parish of S. Gregory, in the ward of Baynard Castle in London, the sixt day of December, in the 6. yeare of the raigne of K. Henry the 8. before Thomas Barne∣wel Crowner of our souereigne Lord the king, within the city of London aforesayd: Also before Iames Yarford, and Iohn Mundey Sheriffes of the sayde City,* 3.1 vpon the sight of the body of Richard Hunne, late of London Taylour, which was found hanged in the Lollardes tower, and by the oth and proofe of lawfull men of the same warde, and of other three wardes next adioyning, as it ought to be, after the custome of the city aforesayd, to inquire how, & in what maner wise the sayd Richard Hunne came vnto his death, and vpon the oth of Iohn Bernard, Thomas Stert, Wil∣liam Warren, Henry Abraham, Iohn Aborow, Ioh. Tur∣ner, Robert Alen, William Marler, Ioh. Burton, Iames Page, Thomas Pickehill, William Burton, Robert Brigewater, Thomas Busted, Gylbert Howel, Richard Gibson, Christopher Crafton, Iohn Eod, Richard Holt, Iohn Pasmere, Edmunde Hudson, Iohn Arunsel, Ri∣chard Couper, Iohn Tyme: the which saide vpon theyr o∣thes, that where the sayd Richard Hunne by the commaū∣dement of Richard Bishop of London, was emprisoned and brought to holde in a prison of the sayd Bishops called Lollardes Tower, lying in the Cathedrall Church of S, Paule in London, in the parish of S. Gregory in the ward of Baynard Castle aforesayd, William Horsey of London Clerke,* 3.2 otherwise called William Heresye, Chauncellou•• to Richard Bishop of London, and one Charles Ioseph, late of London Sumner, and Iohn Spalding of London otherwise called Iohn Belringer, feloniously as felons to our Lord the king, with force and armes agaynst the peace of our soueraigne Lord the king, & dignity of his crowne, the fourth day of December, the sixt yeare of the raygne of our soueraigne Lord aforesayd, of theyr great malice, at the parish of S. Gregory aforesayde, vpon the sayde Richarde Hunne made a fray, and the same Richard Hunne felo∣nously strangled and smodered, and also the necke they did breake of the sayde Richard Hunne, and there feloniouslye slue him, and murdered him: and also the body of the sayde Richard Hunne afterward the same fourth day, yere, place parish, and ward aforesayd, with the proper gyrdle of the same Richard Hunne of silke, blacke of coulor, of the value of 12. d. after his death, vpon a hooke driuen into a piece of timber in the wall of the prison aforesayd, made fast, and so hanged him agaynst the peace of our Soueraigne Lord the king, and the dignity of his crowne: and so the sayd Iurye hath sworne vpon the holy Euangelistes that the sayd W. Horsey, Clerke, Charles Ioseph, and Iohn Spalding, of theyr set malice then, and there felonously killed and mur∣dered the sayd Richard Hunne, in maner and forme aboue sayd, agaynst the peace of our soueraign Lord the king, his crowne and dignity.

Subscribed in this maner, Thomas Barnewel, Crowner of the City of London.

After that the 24. had geuen vp theyr verdict sealed and signed with the Crowners seale,* 3.3 y^e cause was thē brought into the Parliament house, where the truth was layde so playne before al mens faces, and the fact so notorious, that immediately certaine of the bloudy murderers were com∣mitted to prison, and shoulde no doubte haue suffered that they deserued, had not the Cardinall by his authority pra∣ctised for his Catholique Children,* 3.4 at the suite o•• the By∣shop of London. Wherupon the Chauncellor by the kings pardon, and secret shifting, rather then by Gods pardon, and his deseruing escaped, and went, as is sayd, to Exeter. &c. Neuerthelesse though iustice tooke no place, where fa∣uour did saue, yet because the innocent cause of Hunne should take no wrong, the Parliament became suters vn∣to the kinges maiesty, that whereas the goodes of the sayd Hunne were cōfiscate into the kinges hands that it would please his grace to make restitution of all the sayde goodes vnto the children of the sayd Hunne: vpon which motion the king of his gracious disposition did not onely geue all the foresayde goodes vnto the foresayde children vnder his broade seale yet to be seene, but also did sende out his war∣rantes (which hereafter shall folow) to those that were the cruell murderers, commaunding them vpon his high dis∣pleasure, to redeliuer all the sayd goodes, and make restitu∣tion for the death of the sayde Richard Hunne: all whyche goodes came to the summe of 1500. poundes sterling, beside his plate and other Iewels.

¶The tenour of the kinges letter in the behalfe of Richard Hunne.

TRustye and well beloued we greete you well:* 3.5 whereas by the complaynt to vs made, as well as also in our high court of par∣liament, on the behalfe and partye of Roger Whapplot of our city of London Draper, and Margaret his wife, late the daughter of Richard Hunne. And wheras you were indicted by our lawes, of and for the death of the said Richard Hunne, the sayd murder cru∣elly cōmitted by you, like as by our recordes more at large plain∣ly it doth appeare, about the 5. day of December in the sixt yeare of our raigne, the same we abhorre, neuerthelesse we of our espe∣all grace, certayne science, and mere motion pardoned you vpon certayne considerations vs mouing, for the intent that the goods of the sayd Richard Hunne, the administration of them were com∣mitted to the said Roger Whapplot, we then supposed and inten∣ded your amendement, and restitution to be made by you to the infantes the children of the sayde Richard Hunne, as well for hys death, as for his goodes, embeseled, wasted, and consumed by your tyranny, and cruell acte so committed, the same being of no little value, and as hitherto ye haue made no recompence, accordinge to our lawes, as might stand with equity, iustice, right, and good conscience, and for this cause due satisfaction ought to be made by our lawes: Wherefore we will and exhort, & otherwise charge and commaund you, by the tenoure of this our especiall letters, that ye satisfy and recompence the sayde Roger Whapplot, & the sayd Margaret his wife, according to our lawes in this cause, as it may stand with right and good conscience, els otherwise at your further perill, so that they shall haue no cause to returne vnto vs, for theyr further remedy eftsoones in this behalf, as ye in the same tender to auoyd our high displeasure: otherwise that ye vpon the sight hereof, to set all excuses apart, and to repayre vnto our pre∣sence, at which your hither comming, you shalbe further aduerti∣sed of our minde.

From our Manor.

&c.

Defence of Richard Hunne agaynst Syr Thomas Moore and Alen Cope.

I Doubte not but by these premisses thou hast (Christyan reader) sufficiently to vnderstand the whol discourse and storye of Richard Hunne frō top to toe.* 3.6 First how he came in trouble for denying the bearing sheete of his young in∣fant departed: then how he was forced, for succour of hym∣selfe, to sue a Premunire: And thereupon what conspiracy of the Clergy was wrought agaynst him, what snares were layd, what fetches were practised, and Articles deuised to snarle him in the trap of heresy, & so to imprison him. Fur∣thermore, being in prison, how he was secretly murthered, after his murder, hanged, after his hanging condemned, af¦ter his condemnation, burned: and after his burning, lastly how his death was required by the Crowner, and cleared by acquitall of the Inquest. Moreouer, how the case was brought into the Parliament, and by the Parliament the kings precept obteined for restitutiō of his goods. The de∣bating of whiche tragicall and tumultuous story, with all the braunches, & particular euidences of the same, takē out aswell of the publique actes, as of the Bishops registers, & speciall recordes, remayning in the custodye of Dunstan Whapplot,* 3.7 the sonne of the daughter of the sayde Richarde Hunne, there to be seene, I thought here to vnwrap and discouer so much the more, for three speciall purposes.

First, as is requisite, for testimony & witnesse of truth

falsely slaundered, of innocency wrongfully condemned, & of the party cruelly oppressed.

The second cause moueth me, for sir Thomas Moores Dialogues, wherin he dallieth out the matter, thinking to iest poore simple truth out of countenaunce.

The third cause which constrayneth me, be the Dialo∣gues of Alanus Copus, which two, the one in English, the other in Latin, rayling and barking agaynst Rich. Hunne do doublewise charge him, both to be an herericke, and also a desperate homicide of himselfe: Which as it is false in the one, so is it to be foūd as vntrue in the other, if simple truth, which hath few frendes, and many times commeth in craf∣ty handling, might freely come in indifferent hearing. Wherefore as I haue hitherto described the order and ma∣ner of his handling with the circumstaunces thereof,* 3.8 in plaine and naked narration of story, simply layd out before all mēs faces: so something here to intermit, in the defence as well of his oppressed cause, as also in discharge of my selfe, I will now compendeously aunswere to both these foresayde aduersaries, stopping as it were, with one bush two gappes, and the mouthes also, if I can, of them both together.* 3.9 And first agaynst sir Thomas Moore, albeit in degree worshipfull, in place superiour, in wit and learning singular (if his iudgement in Christes matters had bene corespondent to the same) otherwise being a man with ma∣ny worthy ornamentes beautified, yet being but a man, & one man, I lay and obiect agaynst the person of him, the persons and censures of 24. questmen,* 3.10 the deposition of so many Iurates, the iudgement of the Crowner, the appro∣bation of the Parliamēt, and lastly the kings Bylassigned for restitution of his goodes, with his owne broade Seale confirmed. &c. And thus much to the person and credite of Syr Thomas Moore.

* 3.11Now as touching his reasons, whereas he comming in with a flimme flamme of a horse mylne, or a mylne horse (in his owne termes I speake) thinketh it probation good enough, because he coulde not see him taken by the sleeue, which murdered Hunne: agaynst these reasons vnreason∣able of his, I alledge all the euidences and demonstratiōs of the history aboue prefixed, to be cōsidered, and of al indif∣ferent men to be peased.

First, how he was founde hanging, with his counte∣nance fayre, with his bearde and head fayre kemmed, hys bonet right set on his head, with his eyne and mouth fayre closed, without any driueling or spurging. His body being taken downe,* 3.12 was found loose, (whiche by hanging coulde not be) his necke broken, and the skinne thereof beneath the throate where the gyrdle went, frette and faced away, his gyrdle notwithstanding being of silke, and so double cast about the staple, that the space of the gyrdle betweene the staple and his necke, with the residue also which went about his neck, was not sufficiēt for his head to come out. His handes moreouer wroung in the wristes, his face, lyppes, chinne, doublet, and shyrt coller vnstayned with any bloud: when as notwithstāding in a maner somewhat beyond the place, where he did hang, a great quantitye of bloud was found. Also whereas the staple wheron he han∣ged, was so, that he could not climbe thereto without some meane, there was a stoole set vp vpon the bolster of a bed, so tickle, that with the least touch in the world, it was rea∣dy to fal. And how was it possible that Hunne might hang himselfe vpon that staple, the stoole so standing? Besides the confession moreouer of Charles Iosephs owne mouth to Iulian Littell, of Robert Iohnson, Iohn Spalding the Belringer, Peter Turner, and others. All whiche testimonyes and declarations being so cleare and vndeni∣able, may suffice (I trust) any indifferent man to see where the truth of this case doth stand: vnlesse maister Moore be∣ing a gētleman of Utopia,* 3.13 peraduēture after some straūge guise of that country, vseth to cary his eyes not in his head but in his affection, not seing but where he liketh, nor be∣leuing but what him listeth.

Finally where Sir Thomas Moore speaking of him∣selfe so concludeth, that he hearing the matter, what well might be sayde, yet could not finde contrary, but Hunne to be guilty of his owne death: so in as many wordes to an∣swere him agayne, I perusing and searching in the storye of Richard Hunne, what may wel be searched, cannot but maruell with my selfe, either with what darcknes the eyes of maister Moore be dared, not to see that is so playne, or els with what conscience he would dissemble, that shame can not deny. And thus by the way to the Dialogues of Syr Thomas Moore.

Thirdly touching the Dialogues of Alen Cope, which had rather the Bishops Chauncellor and officers to be re∣counted among theues and murderers,* 3.14 then Hunne to be numbred among the martyrs, I haue herein not much to say, because himselfe sayth but litle: and if he had sayd lesse, vnlesse his groūd were better, it had made as little matter. But forasmuch as he saying not much, sendeth vs to seeke more in Moore: so with like breuity agayne I maye sende him to William Tindall, to shape him an aunswere. Yet notwithstanding, least Cope in saying something, shoulde thinke Hunnes innocent cause to lack some frends, which will not, or dare not aduenture in defence of truth, some∣what I will answere in this behalfe.

And first touching this murder of Hunne, not to be his owne wilfull acte, but the deede of others:* 3.15 besides the de∣monstrations aboue premised to sir Thomas Moore, now to M. Cope, if I had no other euidences, but onely these two, I would require no more: That is, his cap founde so streight standing vpon his head, and the stoole so tottering vnder his feet. For how is it, I will not say, like, but how is it possible, for a man to hang himselfe in a silcken gyrdle double cast about a staple, in suche shortnesse,* 3.16 that neyther the space of the knot coulde well compasse his head about, and yet hauing his cap so streight set vpon his head, as his was?

Again, how is it possible, or can it be imagined, for him to hang himselfe, climing vp by a stoole which had no stay for him to stand vpon, but stood so tickle, that if he had tou∣ched the same neuer so litle, it must needes haue fallen?

But Cope being something more prouidēt in this mat∣ter, seemeth to exceede not altogether so farre as doth M. Moore. For he vnderstanding the case to be ambiguous, & doubtfull, so leaueth it, in suspēse, neither determining that Hunne did hange himselfe, and yet not admitting that hee died a martyr,* 3.17 no more then they which are quelled by the∣ues & murderers in high way sides. Well, be it so as Cope doth argue, that they which dye by the handes of felōs and murderers in theeuish waies, be no martyrs, yet notwith∣standing this his owne similitude, cōparing the Bishops Chauncellour & officers to theeues and murderers, doth graunt at least that Hunne dyed a true man, although no Martyr. Now if the cause be it, and not the paine, that ma∣keth a Mar••yr, in pondering the cause why Hunne was slayne, we shall finde it not altogether like to the cause of them whiche perishe by Theeues and Robbers.* 3.18 For such commonly because of theyr goodes, and for some worldlye gayne to be sought by theyr death, are made away, & beyng true men, may peraduenture haue y^e reward, although not the name of Martyrs: Whereas this mannes death being wrought neyther for money, nor any such temporall lucre to redounde to his oppressors, as it hath an other cause, so may it haue an other name, and deserue to be called by the name of Martyrdome. Like as Abel being slayne by wic∣ked Cain, albeit he had no opinion of religion articulate a∣gaynst him,* 3.19 but of spite onely and of malice was made a∣way, yet notwithstanding is iustly numbred among the Martyres: so what let to the contrary, but that Hunne also with him may be reckoned in the same societye, seeing the cause wherefore they both did suffer, proceedeth toge∣ther out of one fountayne? And what moreouer if a man should cal Naboth (who for holding his right inheritance was slayne) a Martyr, what great iniury should he do ey∣ther to the name or cause of the persō, worthy to be carped? Agaynst Thomas Becket yet know M. Cope no speciall article of fayth was layd, wherefore he dyed. And why thē do you bestow vpon him so deuoutly the title of a martyr, for withholding that from the king, which by law of God, and of the realme did belong vnto him: and cannot suffer Hunne to be titled for a Marty.,* 3.20 dying in his owne right by the handes of spirituall theeues and homicides, as you your selfe do terme them? But what do I strayne my tra∣uell any further, to proue Hunne a martyr, whē as Copes own confessiō doth import no lesse, though I said nothing? For if I should take no more but his owne very wordes & say,* 3.21 that he was knowne to be an heretique as Cope doth affirme? what could I say more, seing he dyed for theyr he∣resy, to proue him to dye a Martyr? For to dye an hereticke with the Papistes, what is it els (to say trueth) but to dye with God a Martyr?

But howsoeuer it pleaseth either Syr Tho. Moore to iest, or Alen Cope to skowlde out the matter, & to stile Ri∣chard Hunne for a knowne and desperate heretique: yet to all true godly disposed mē, Hunne may well be known to be a godly and vertuous person: no heretique, but faythful and sound, saue that onely he semed rather half a papist: at least no full Protestant, for that he resorted dayly to masse, and also had his Beades in prison with him,* 3.22 after the Ca∣tholique maner: albeit he was somwhat inclining (as may appeare) toward the Gospell. And if the name of a martyr be thought to good for him, yet I trust maister Cope wyll stand so good maister to him, to let him at least to be a mar∣tirs

felow. But what now if I goe further with Mayster Cope, & name Richard Hunne not onely ••or a martyr, but also commend him for a double martyr? Certes as I sup∣pose, in so saying I should affirme nothing lesse thē trueth, nor any thing more then truly may be sayd, and iustly pro∣ued. But to geue and graunt this confession vnto the ad∣uersary, which notwithstanding might be easily proued: let vs see now the proofes of maister Cope, how he argueth that Rich. Hunne is no martyr: because saith he, true men being killed in hie wayes by theeues & murderers, are not therfore to be counted martyrs. &c. And was there nothing els in the cause of Hunne, but as is in true men killed by theeues & murderers? They that are killed by theeues and murderers, are killed for some pray, or money about them. And what pray or profit was in the death of Hunne, let vs see, to redound to them whiche oppressed him? If it were the mortuary, or the bearing cloth, that was a small thing, and not worthye his death. If it were the Premunire, the daunger therof perteined to the Priest, and not to them. If they feared least the example thereof once begun, should af∣terward redound to the preiudice of the whole church, thē was the cause of his death not priuate, but publick, tēding to the whole Church and Clergy of Rome: and so is hys death not altogether like to the death of thē, which for pri∣uate respectes are killed of theeues and murderers.

But he was an heretique, sayth Cope. By the same reason that Cope taketh him for an heretique, I take hym the more to be accepted for a martyr. For by that waye, which they call heresy, the liuing God is serued, by no way better. And if he were an heretique, why then did they not proceed agaynst him as an heretique while he was alyue? when they had him at Fulham before them, if they had ben sure to entrappe him in that snare, why did they not take theyr aduauntage,* 3.23 when they might with least ieoperdye? why did they not proceede and condemne hym for an here∣tique? why made they suche haste to preuent his death be∣fore? why did they not tary the sentence of the law, hauing the law in theyr owne handes? But belike they perceiued that he coulde not be prooued an heretique while he liued: and therfore thought it best to make him away priuily, and to stop the Premunire, and afterward to stop the pursuite of his death, by making him an heretique: And therfore were articles deuised by the Chauncellour (as is proued by wit∣nesse of Charles Ioseph and other pag. 785.) agaynst hym, and he condemned for an heretique,* 3.24 and all his fauourers also, who so euer durst styrre to take his part, and so there∣vpon was committed to the secular power, and burned. Wherin they did him double wrong, first in that they bur∣ned him for an heretique, hauing before submitted himselfe to theyr fauourable correction, as it appeareth yet in the Bishops Registers by his owne hand, as it is there pretē∣ded: whiche was agaynst theyr owne lawes. Agayne, if he had not submitted himselfe at that time, yet did they hym wronge to burne him, before they knewe and hearde hym speake (as Tindall sayth) whether he woulde recant or no. And yet admit that he was condemned and burned for an heretique,* 3.25 yet to be killed and burned of them, for an here∣tique, that taketh not from him the name of a martyr, but rather geueth him to be a double martir. But Cope yet pro¦ceding in his hoat coler agaynst Rich. Hunne, after he hath made him first no martyr, and then an heretique, thirdly he now maketh him also a murtherer of himselfe, and sayeth, that no other man was any part of his death,* 3.26 but only his owne handes, and that either for indignation and anger, or for desperation, or for some cause, he knoweth not what. And in his Epilogus to make it probable, he allegeth the ex∣ample of one, but namelesse, who in Queene Maries time in like sort went about to hang himself, had he not bene ta∣ken in the maner, and rescued. Furthermore, as touching the Chauncellour, he argueth that there was no cause why he should attempt any such violence agaynst him, both for his age, and for his dignitye, for his learning, and for the greatnesse of his owne perill, which might ensue thereof. Who if he had maligned the man, and had bene so disposed to worke his destruction, had meanes otherwise without daunger, to bring that about, hauing him within his daū∣ger conuict and fast tyed for heresy. Wherunto I aunswere that to all this matter,* 3.27 sufficient hath bene aunswered by the story it selfe of his death, aboue specified. Whereby the maner of his death, by circumstaunces of his handling, and hanging,* 3.28 by his necke broke, by his bodye loose, by his skinne fretted, by his wristes wroung, by his gyrdle in such shortnesse double cast about the staple, by his cap right vpon his head, by his heare kemmed, by his eyes closed, by the cake of bloud founde in the floore, by his Shyrt coller, Doublet, Iacket, and other outwarde partes of his gar∣mentes without drop of bloud vnspotted, by the stoole so standing vpon the bolster, by the Chauncellours Murrey gowne round the day after vpon the stockes, the waxe can∣dle fayre put out: furthermore by the verdict of the inquest, by the attestatiō of the witnesses sworne, by the Crowners iudgement, by the assent of the Parliament, by the kynges Letters assigned, and broade Seale of restitution of hys goodes: and finally by the confession of the partyes them∣selues whiche murthered him. &c. and yet thinketh Cope to make men such fooles, hauing theyr true wits to weene yet that Hunne did hange himselfe, after so many demon∣strations and euidences to the contrary, as in euery parte of this storye may appeare. And though it were, as it was vnlike, and hard for a man to beleue, that D. Horsey a man of such age, dignity, and learning, woulde so much forgette himselfe, to attempt such a villany, yet so great is the deuil sometimes with man (where GOD permitteth) that he worketh greater thinges then this, and more vncredible. For who would haue thought it like, that Cain woulde e∣uer haue killed Abell his owne naturall Brother? whiche was more then a Byshoppes Chauncellour to kyll a Citi∣zen: yet so he did.* 3.29 And where Cope pretendeth the causes of anger, and desperation whereby Hunne did hang hym∣selfe: how is it like, or who did euer heare,* 3.30 a man beinge in such extremity of desperation, to stand first trimming him∣selfe, and kemming hys head, before he goe to hang him∣selfe? No lesse credite is also to be geuen to that whiche followeth in the same Cope, where he sayth, that Richard Hunne being in prison, was conuict of heresye. By the which word conuict, if he meane that Hunne was proued an heretique, that is false, for that he being at Fulham ex∣amined vpon cert••yne Articles, both denyed the Articles to be true, as they were obiected, and also if they were true, yet he submitted himselfe to theyr fauourable correction, and therefore not standing obstinately in the same, coulde not be proued an heretique. And if by this terme conuict, he meane that he was by sentence cast, so was Hunne neuer cast by any sentence for an heretique, so long as he lyued, but after his death, when hee coulde nothing aunswere for himselfe.* 3.31 And because this vntrueth should not goe wyth∣out his felow, see howe he hudleth vp one false narration in the necke of another: affirming moreouer, that Hunne was cast in prison,* 3.32 before he entred his suite of Premunire agaynst the Priest. Which is vtterly false and vntrue, both disagreeing to other storyes, and also refuted by the words of Syr Thomas Moore his owne authour, who reporteth that Hunne (insuing his Premunire agaynst the Priest) be∣ing set vpon a glory of victorye, made his boasting among his frendes, that he trusted to haue the matter long spoken of, and to be called Hunnes case. Haec Morus. Whereby it appeareth,* 3.33 that Hunne was not then in prison clapt vp for heresy: but was abroad seeking counsell among the Law∣yers, and boasting among his friendes, as writeth More Lib. 3. Dial.

After this heape of vntruthes aboue passed,* 3.34 adde yet further an other copy of Copes false dealing: who seeking all corners, and euery where how to picke matter agaynst my former history, chargeth me with arrogancy, as though I tooke so highly vpon me to vndoe & derogate the kinges acts and iudgements in the acquitall of D. Horsey. If it so pleased the king to acquite D. Horsey, by his gracious par∣don, I am not agaynst it, neither do I deny but the king so did, neyther do I say, nor euer did, but the king of his supe∣reminent prerogatiue may so do: & wherein then do I vn∣rippe or loose the kinges actes here done & concluded?* 3.35 But if the question be this, whether D. Horsey with his coniu∣rates did kill Richard Hunne or no: then do I say, that the pardon of the king doth not take away the veritye of the crime cōmitted, but remoueth away the penalty of the law deserued: and so if the life of them was saued by way of par∣don (as M. Moore himselfe seemeth not to denye) thē was it not through theyr innocency clayming iustice, that they escaped, but through petition standing neede of mercy. For what needeth pardon, where iustice absolueth? yea, who sueth pardon, but in so doing must yeld himselfe guilty? for pardon neuer commeth lightly eyther with God or man, except the crime first be confessed. Wherfore, if they escaped by iustice, as Cope pretendeth,* 3.36 how then doth M. Moore say, they were saued by pardon? And if they escaped by par∣don, how then doth Cope say, they were not guilty? And be it admitted, that the sentence of the kinges Attorney, in the kinges name did absolue them as vnguiltye, according as the king was then informed by the Cardinall and suite of frendes: yet afterwarde the king being better informed by the Parliament, and the truth better knowne, detested and abhorred their fact, and yet continued his pardon vnto thē, as by the kings owne actes and his broad seale appeared, yet remayning in recordes to be seene.

And as touching my former historyes set soth in latine and in English, which speake first of the foremanne of the quest, then of the kinges Attorney to be labored with some giftes or mony: as Cope hath yet proued no vntruth in my saying, so lesse can he finde any repugnaunce or disagree∣ing in the same. For he that speaketh of bribing, first of one person, and then afterward of another, where both might be bribed together, is not contrary (I thinke) to himselfe, but rather doth comprehend that in the one booke, whiche he before leaueth out in the other, and yet no great repug∣nāce either in the one or in the other, seing y^t which is sayd, may be verified in both, as it is no other like but in this matter it was. For how is it otherwise like or possible, but that there must nedes be found some priuy packing in this matter, seeing after such euidence found and brought in by the Crowners inquest and Iury of 24. chosen persons, af∣ter so many marks and tokens of the murder so cleare and demonstrable, and layd forth so playne to the eies of all the world, that no manne coulde deny, or not see the same? yet through the handling of the foresayde Attorney, and of the foreman of the quest, the murderers were borne out, & con∣fessed to be no murderers. If such bolstring out of matters and parciality were then suche a rare case in the Realme of England in the time of Cardinal Wolsey, who then vnder the king, and in the kinges name did what he list: then let it seeme vntrue in my former stories, that I haue writtē. And yet the words of my story which Cope carpeth at so much, be not mine,* 3.37 but the words of Ed. Hall his owne author. Wherfore if his disposition be so set, that he must needs be a censor of other mens writinges, let him expostulate wyth Hall, and not with me.

But I trouble the reader too much in this matter of Ri∣chard Hunne, being of it selfe so cleare, that no indifferent iudge can doubt therof. As for wranglers and quarrellers they will neuer be satisfied. Wherefore to returne agayn to the purpose of our story intermitted, in the table aboue, cō∣teining the names of them whiche about this time of Ri∣chard Hunne,* 3.38 were forced to deny and abiure their profes∣sed opinions, pag. 774. mention was made of Elizabeth Stamford, Iohn Houshold, and other mo, abiuring about the yeare of our Lord. 1517. Whose vexation and weaknesse although it be pitifull to behold, yet to consider the confessi∣on of theyr doctrine in those aūcient dayes, it is not vnpro∣fitable. Wherein we haue to see the same fourme of know∣ledge and doctrine then taught and planted in the harts of our foreelders,* 3.39 which is now publiquely receiued, as well touching the Lordes Sacrament of his body, as also other specialties of sincerity. And although they lacked thē pub∣lique authority to maynteyne the open preaching and tea∣ching of the Gospell, which the Lords merciful grace hath geuē vs now, yet in secret knowledge and vnderstanding they seemed then little or nothing inferiour to these our times of publicke reformation: as may appeare by this cō∣fession of Elizabeth Stamford here vnder written, whiche only may suffice for exāple to vnderstand what ripe know∣ledge of Gods worde was then abroade,* 3.40 although not in churches publickely preached, for daunger of the bishops, yet in secret wise taught and receiued of diuers.

In number of whom was this Elizabeth Stamford, who being brought and examined before Fitziames Bishop of London ann. 1517 confessed that she was taught by one Thomas Beele, some∣time dwelling at Henley, these wordes, 11. yeares before: That Christ feedeth, and fast nourisheth his Church with his owne pre∣cious body, that is, the breade of life comming downe from hea∣uen: this is the worthy worde that is worthely receiued, and ioy∣ned vnto man for to be in one body with him. Soth it is that they be both one, they may not be parted: this is the wisely deeminge of the holy Sacrament Christes owne body: this is not receiued by chewing of teeth, but by hearing of eares and vnderstanding with your soule, and wisely working thereafter. Therefore saith S. Paule, I feare me amongest vs, brethren, that many of vs be feeble and sicke, therefore I counsell vs brethren to rise & watch, that the great day of dome come not sodēly vpon vs, as the theefe doth vpon the Marchaunt. Also the sayd Thomas taught and shewed her, that the Sacrament of the aultar was not the very body of Christ, but very bread: and that the Sacra∣ment was the very bodye of Christ put vppon the Crosse, after a diuine or mistical maner. And moreouer that y^e said Thomas Beele did many times and ofte teache her thys foresayd lesson, that she should confesse her sinnes to God, and that the Popes pardons and indulgence were nought worth and profited not, and that worshipping of Images and pilgrimages are not to be done.

To this Elizabeth Stamford, may also be annexed the doctrine and confession of Ioane Sampson,* 3.41 wife of Iohn Sampson Carpenter of Aldermanbury in London: A∣gainst whom being cited, and examined before the Bishop of London, certaine witnesses were producted: who vpon theyr othe being sworne, did detect and denounce the sayde Ioane Sampson in these articles and opinions folowing.

1. First, that she being in her labour what time Ioane Sampson her predecessor then being aliue, was with her,* 3.42 and after the maner then of women, called much vpon the helpe of the virgin Mary, she spitting thereat, was in such sort agreeued, that the other party was compelled to for∣sake the house.

2. Also, that she spake against pilgrimage, and the wor∣shipping of the blessed virgine, and of all saints, affirming that there is none holy but one.

3. Item, an other time in the hearing of one Marga∣ret Anworth, when shee and other women were inuoca∣ting the blessed Uirgine to helpe in womens labour, shee stoode agaynst them, and contumeliously spake agaynst the inuocators.

4. Item, that shee speaking agaynst the Pilgrimage of our Lady of Wilsedon, (as she was then called) and of S. Sauiour at Barmsey, called the sayd Saynt Sauiour, S. Sawyer.

5. Item, for hauing two certayne bookes in Englishe, one bigger, and an other lesser, whiche shee committed to one Iohn Austed a Cooke, which bookes in the Register be not named.

6 Item, that the sayde Ioane Sampson at a Supper in the hearing of certayne men,* 3.43 and of a certayne widdow named Ioane White, spake openly in contempt of the Sa∣crament of the aultar, saying that the Priestes were Ido∣laters which did lift vp the breade ouer theyr heades, ma∣king the people to worship it & making the people to be∣leue that it was the Lords body, and that it was better to eat the aultar cloth, if it might be eaten and digested as ea∣sily as the other.

Here followeth moreouer the names of diuers other which in the Registers be specified to abiure, as

• William Iacum Carpēter.
• ...Iohn Stradlyng.
• Iohn Newman Sherman.
• ...Robert Boshel.
• Tho. Edward Dyar.
• ...Richard Dewar.
• ...Rich. Appulby.
• ...Iohn Osborne.
• ...Robert Roger.
• ...Iohn Eton.
• ...Iohn Chapman.
• ...William Chakon.
• ...Richard Myldnale.
• ...Iohn Hatchot.
• ...Iacob Sturdey.
• Tho. Puruall Taylor.
• ...Iohn Bytam.
• Rob. Hutton Pynner.
• ...Robert Pope.
• Iohn Geeste of Stratford.* 3.44
• Iohn Bryan of the Parish of S. Steuen.
• ...Iohn Bol.
• ...Richard Wescotte.
• ...William Crosse.
• George Lawnd Prior of S. Sithe.
• ...Henry Colle.
• ...William Manne.
• ...William Sweting.
• ...Iacob Bruster.
• ...Sabine Manne.
• ...Iohn Spencer.
• ...Patricke Dowdal alias Capper.
• ...Robert Aleyn.
• Iohn Finch Cooke.
• ...Iohn Southwyke.

Agaynst this Iohn Southwike last named, was layde & obiected,* 3.45 that whē one Riuelay cōming frō the church of the Gray friers in London, had sayde to his wife (asking where he had bene) that he had heard Masse, & had sene his Lord God in forme of bread & wine ouer y^e priests head. &c. the foresayd Iohn Southwike there present aunswered a∣gayn & sayd: nay, William, thou sawest not thy Lord God: thou sawest but bread, wine, & the Chalice. And when the sayd William answered agayn in y^e same words, as before, saying: I trust verily that I saw my Lord God in forme of bread & wine, & this I doubt not: the other replying again answered & sayd, as before: nay, I tel thee, thou sawest but onely a figure or sacramēt of him, y^t which is in substance, bread and wine &c. This was in the yere of our Lord. 1520 In which he was compelled to abiure.

All these aboue named in one key of doctrine & religion did hold & concord together, agaynst whō were obiected 5. or 6. especiall matters: to witte,* 3.46 for speaking agaynst wor∣shipping of saynts, agaynst pilgrimage, agaynst inuocatiō of the blessed virgin, agaynst the sacramēt of the Lords bo∣dy, & for hauing scripture bookes in English: which bookes especially I finde to be named, as these: the booke of the 4. Euangelistes, a booke of the Epistles of Paule and Peter, the Epistle of S. Iames, a booke of the Apocalips, and of Antichrist, of the 10. Commaundementes, and Wickeliffes wicker, with such other like.

¶Iohn Stilman. Martyr.

IT would aske a long tractation & tedious, to recite in or¦der the greate multitude and number of good men & wo∣men,* 3.47

beside these aboue rehearsed, which in those dayes re∣canted and abiured about the beginning of king Henryes raigne and before:* 3.48 among whō yet notwithstanding, some there were whom the Lord reduced againe, & made strong in the profession of his truth, and constant vnto death: of which number, one was Iohn Stilman by name, who a∣bout the xxiiij. day of Sept, in the yeare of our Lord. 1518. was apprehended and brought before Richard Fitziames then B. of Lond. at his manor of Fulham, and by him was there examined and charged, that notwithstanding his for¦mer recantation, oth, and abiuration made about xi. yeres then past, before Edmund Byshop of Salisbury, as well for speaking against y^e worshipping, praying, and offering vnto Images, as also for denying the carnal and corporal presence in y^e sacrament of Christes memoriall: yet sithens that time he had fallen into the same opinions againe, and so into the daunger of relapse, and further he had highly commended and praysed Iohn Wickliffe, affirming that he was a saint in heauen, and that hys booke called y^e Wic∣ket,* 3.49 was good and holy. Soone after hys examination he was sent from thence vnto the Lollardes tower at Lon∣don, and the xxij. day of October then next ensuing, was brought openly into the consistory at Paules, and was there iudicially examined by Thom. Hed the byshops vi∣care generall, vpon the contentes of these articles follow∣yng.

1. First I obiect vnto you, that you haue confessed before my Lord of London, and me D. Hed his vicar generall, that about xx. yeares past one Steuen Moone of the Dio∣ces of Winchest.* 3.50 (With whom you abode 6. or 7. yeares af∣ter) did teach you to beleeue that the going on pilgrimage and worshipping of images (as the Lady of Walsingham and others) were not to be vsed.* 3.51 And also that afterwards one Richard Smart who was burned at Salisbury about 14. or 15. yeares past, did read vnto you Wickliffes Wicket, and likewise instructed you to beleeue that the sacrament of the altar was not the body of Christ: all whiche thinges you haue erroneously beleued.

2. Item, you haue diuers times read the said book cal∣led Wickleffes Wicket, and one other booke of the x. Com∣maundementes, which the sayd Richard Smart did geue you, and at the tyme of your first apprehensiō, you did hide thē in an old oke, and did not reuele them vnto the bishop of Salisbury, before whom you were abiured of heresie a∣bout xi. yeares since: where you promised by oth vpon the Euangelistes, euer after to beleue and hold as the Christē fayth taught and preached, and neuer to offend agayne in the sayd heresies, or any other, vpon payne of relapse. And further you there promised to performe all such penaunce as the sayd Bishop of Salisbury did enioyne you: who thē enioyned you, vpon the like payne, not to depart his Dio∣ces, without hys speciall licence.

3. Item, it is euident that you be relapsed aswel by your own confession, as also by your deedes in that about two yeares after your abiuration you went into the sayd place where you had hidden your books, and then taking them away with you: you departed the foresayd dioces, without the licence of the Bishop and brought them with you to London, where nowe being tached and taken with them vpon great suspicion of heresie, you are brought vnto the Bishop of London. By reason of whiche your demeanor, you haue shewed by your impenitent and dissembled con∣uersation from your errours, and also your vnfaithful ab∣iuration and disobedience vnto the authoritie of our mo∣ther holy Church, in that you performed not the penance, in whiche behalfe you be voluntarily periured and also relapsed, in that you departed the sayd dioces wythout li∣cence.

4. Item you be not onely (as afore is sayd) impenitent, disobedient, voluntarily periured, & relapsed by this your foresayd hereticall demeanor, but also sithens your last at∣tachment vpon suspicion of heresie, you haue maliciously spoken erroneous and damnable wordes, affirming before my Lord of London your Ordinary and me, iudicially sit∣ting at Fulham, that you were sorye y^t euer you did abiure your said opinions, and had not suffered then manfully for them: for they were and be good and true, and therfore you will now abide by them, to die for it. And furthermore you haue spoken against our holy father the pope and hys au∣thoritie, damnably saying that he is Antichrist, and not the true successor of Peter, or Christes vicar on earth: and that his pardons and indulgences which he graunteth in y^e sa∣crament of penaunce, are nought, and that you will none of thē: And likewise y^t the colledge of Cardinals be limmes of the sayd Antichrist: and that all other inferiour prelates and Priestes are the sinagogue of Sathan.* 3.52 And moreouer you sayd, that the doctors of the Churche haue subuerted the truth of holy Scripture, expounding it after their own mindes, and therfore theyr workes be nought, and they in hell: but that wickleffe is a Sainct in heauen, and that the booke called his Wicket, is good, for therein he sheweth the truth. Also you did wish that there were xx. thousand of your opinion against vs Scribes and Pharisies, to see what you would doe for the defēce of your fayth. Al which heresies you did afterwardes erroneously affirme before y^e Archbishop of Caunterbury, and then said that you would abide by thē to dye for it: notwithstanding his earnest per∣swasions to the contrary: and therefore for these premisses you be euidently relapsed, and ought to be committed vnto the secular power.

All these articles thus propounded, and his constant perseuering in the truth perceiued, Doctour Hed vicar ge∣nerall

[illustration]

¶The burning of Iohn Stilman.

the xxv. day of October by his sentence definitiue, did condemne him as a relapsed hereticke, and so deliuered him the same present day, vnto the Sheriffes of London, to be openly burned in Smithfield.

¶Thomas Man Martyr.

NExt to Iohn Stilman aboue mentioned, followeth in this blessed order of Martyrs, the persecution and cō∣demnation of Thomas Man.* 3.53 Who the 29. day of Marche in the yeare of our Lord. 1518. was burned in Smithfield. This Tho. Man had likewise bene apprehended for y^e pro¦fession of Christes Gospell, about 6. yeares before, the 14. day of August. an. 1511. and being at that time brought be∣fore D. Smith B. of Lincolne, was by him examined vp∣on dyuers and sundry articles: the effect wherof are these.

1. First, that he had spoken against auricular confession, and denyed the corporall presence of Christes body in the sacrament of the altar.

2. Item, that he beleued that al holy men of his sect were onely priestes.

3. Item, that he had affirmed that the father of heauen was the altar, and the second person the sacrament,* 3.54 & that vppon the Ascension day the sacrament ascended vnto the altar, and there abideth still.

4. Item, that he beleued not aright in the sacrament of extreme vnction.

5. Item that he had called certaine priestes meanely ar∣rayed, pyld knaues.

6. Item, that he had sayd that pulpits were priestes ly∣ing stooles.

7. Item, that he had beleued that images ought not to be worshipped: and that he neyther beleeued in the Cruci∣fixe, nor yet would worship it.

8. Item, that he had affirmed that he heard say, the word of God and God to be al one, and that he worthily recei∣ueth the word of God, receiueth God.

9. Item, that he had sayd, that the popish Churche was

not the church of God, but a sinagogue: and that holy men of his sect, where the true church of God.

For these and suche like matters was he a long time, emprisoned, and at last through frailtie and feare of death, was contented to abiure & yeld himselfe vnto the iudge∣ment of the Romish Church, and thereupon was enioy∣ned, not only to make hys open recantation, but also from thencef••rth to remayne as prisoner within the monastery of Osney besides Oxford,* 3.55 and so to beare a fagot before the first crosse at the next generall Procession within the Uniuersitie. Howbeit not long after, the Bishop hauing neede of the poore mans helpe in hys housholde busines, tooke him out of the said Monastery, and placed him with in his owne house, vntill his busines was ended, and then (hys turne once serued) hee appoynted D. Wilcockes his vicar generall, that in hys next iudicial Session within the sayd Priorie of Frideswide at Oxforde,* 3.56 he shoulde assigne him to remayne within the sayd Priorie, and not to depart thence without licence of the Prior for the tyme being, vp∣on payne o•• relapse: and vpon lyke payne he also enioyned him to weare the signe of a Fagot vnder his vppermost garment, vntill he were dispensed withall for the same. Al which notwithstanding, he (beyng belike both sory for hys offence in denying the trueth, and also weary of his seruile and prisonlike bondage) bethought hymself how he might best escape their cruell handes, and therefore after a while, seyng good opportunitie offered him,* 3.57 he fled the dioces and iurisdiction of Lincolne: and secking abroad in other coū∣tryes for worke (thereby to susteine his poore lyfe) he most commonly abode, sometime in Essexe, sometime in Suf∣folke: where also he associated and ioyned himselfe vnto such godly professors of Christes Gospel, as he there could heare of. But within fewe yeares after (such is the cruell rage of Sathan and hys wicked members, whiche neuer suffer the godly long to continue vntroubled) he was a∣gaine accursed of relapse,* 3.58 by the inquest of the inquisition of London, and therupon was apprehended & brought vn¦to Rich. Fitziames then Bish. of Lond. & the 9. day of Fe∣bruary. an. 1518. he was examined by D. Hed the Bishops vicar generall within his pallace at Lond. where the sayde Hed iudicially assisted with diuers of his complices, decla∣red first vnto man, that for as much as he was since hys first abiuring againe detected and accused by certayne cre∣dible and honest persons, of the same heresies which he had once before recanted: and further (contrary to the order of penaunce enioyned hym by the late Byshop of Lincolne) he had departed the Priorie of Sainct Frideswide, and the Dioces of Lincolne without leaue,* 3.59 eyther of the Byshop or Prior: and was now also found within y^e dioces of Lō∣don; and that without hys badge assigned hym by y^e sayde bishops vicar generall: he therefore as Chauncellour and vicar generall vnto the bish. of Lond. deputed for that pur¦pose, did then meane to proceede agaynst hym as a relapse by order of Ecclesiasticall lawes in that behalfe prouided: Wherfore he appoynted hym to appeare agayne in the cō∣sistory of Pauls, the 12. day of February next after, there to answere vnto such articles as then should be propounded agaynst him. At which day and place the Chauncellor (first reciting the causes before mentioned, why he did then pro∣ceede against him) obiected vnto him these articles folow∣ing.

* 3.601. First, that he was of the Dioces of London.

2. Itē, that he was a Christen man & professed Christes Fayth, and the determinatiōs of holy Church concernyng the seuen Sacramentes, and other articles of the Catho∣licke fayth.

3. Item, that it was not lawfull for any man (especially a lay man) erroneously and obstinatly to hold, teach, or de∣fend any opinion contrary vnto the determinations of the sayd church, and that the person so doing is an hereticke.

4. Item, that within one of the 12. monthes of the yeare of our Lord. 1511. he had bene detected before the Bishop of Lincolne that then was,* 3.61 of diuers poyntes of heresie: as that he had affirmed that the very body and bloud of christ was not in the sacrament of the altar, but materiall bread and wine, and that he had receiued it at Easter as holye bread, and likewise had affirmed that the crucifixe & other Images in the Church were not to be worshipped, and al∣so that confession made vnto a priest, was of none effect, with diuers other like opinions and heresies.

5. Item, that for these and such like poyntes of heresie he had bene abiured in S. Mary church at Oxford before D. Wilcockes Chauncellour vnto the sayde Byshop of Lin∣colne, in the month of October, in the yeare last abouesayd and there dyd renounce them and all other, promising no more to fal into the like.

6. Item, that there also he had taken a solemne oth, to do such pennaunce as should be enioyned him by the authori∣tie of the sayd Bishop.

7. Item, that then he was enioyned to abide within the monastery of Osney by Oxforde: and also there to beare a fagot before the first Crosse in the generall Procession.

8. Item, that after a certayn tyme that he had bene with∣in the monastery of Osney the Byshop of Lincolne (for certayne causes) tooke him into his owne house and ser∣uice, respiting his pennaunce for a time.

9. Item, that afterwardes, which was the 9. day of Oc∣tober. anno, 1512. the sayd Bishops Chauncellour iudici∣ally sitting in the Chapter house of the Priorie of S. Fri∣deswide in Oxford, did enioyne him that he should tary w^t∣in the sayd Priory, and not to goe out of the gates thereof without licence of the Prior for the tyme beyng, vntill he had other commaundement from the Byshop, vpon payn of relapse: and further that he should from thenceforth (vp on the lyke payne) weare a signe of a Fagot vnder his vp∣permost garment.

10. Item, y^t after hys abiuration, and sithens the promi∣ses thus done, he was yet agayne detected to the B. of Lō∣don by open fame, and denounced by worshipfull and cre∣dible persons, y^t he had vsed like false errours and heresies & had spoken and taught certaine conclusions of heresie a∣gainst the Christen fayth,* 3.62 and determinations of holye Church: and that he had fallen into the like heresies, as be∣fore his abiuration, both against the sacrament of the altar agaynst pilgrimages and worshipping of Images: and had blasphemed our blessed Lady, calling her Mably.

11. Item that when he wrought with one Iohn Bates in Stratford Langthorne in Rogation weeke, then 3. yeares past, and beyng bidden by the sayd Bates wife to goe and heare the gospell, he aunswered, and sayd vnto her, I wyll not come there, go you if ye list, ye shal haue as much meed for it as to put your finger in the fire, and to burne it.

12. Item, that in times past for feare of abiuration, he had fled from Colchester to Newbery, and after that vnto Ha∣mersham, and had there damnably accompanyed with he∣tiques and had taught heresies among them: & also since y^e tyme of hys abiuration he had sayd, that he and hys wyfe had turned sixe or seuen hundreth people vnto those opini∣ons which he was abiured of, and others also, contrary to Christes fayth, and determinations of holy Church.

Hys aunswere vnto these Articles was, that as tou∣ching the first nine, hee graunted in part to be true, confes∣sing to the seconde, that hee was a true Christian, and did professe the true Christian faith: but the contentes of the last thrée he vtterly denied to be true, affirming for certaine aunswere vnto the 11. article, that at the time mentioned in the same, he did not worke in the towne of Stratford. Up∣on which answere the Chauncelour called foorth two wit∣nesses to be sworne and examined against hym,* 3.63 willyng hym that if he had any iust matter against any of them, hee should refuse them. But to what purpose this his faire of∣fer and trim shewe of vpright iustice serued, I can not see. For notw^tstanding that hee charged the one of the witnes∣ses with theft and adulterie (for that hauing a wife of hys owne, he did yet runne away wyth an other mannes wife and goodes) and also alleged that the other was too young to be a sworne witnesse in case of life and death: yet were they both still retained & allowed by the Chauncelour, and sworn not to depart away or hide themselues,* 3.64 but to be al∣waies ready to iustifye that which they had to say against the sayde Thomas Man: and so for that time as well they, as also all the rest were commanded to depart, and the pri∣soner sent againe to hys prison.

And here in the order of the othe ministred vnto these witnesses, I finde one note (me thinketh) worthy present remembrance, both for that it is mentioned in this proces, and also because it somewhat openeth y^e foolish, ridiculous, and fained figuratiue Ceremonies of the Papists, who do attribute a spirituall signification almost vnto all their do∣inges.* 3.65 The Register discoursing at large the manner of their othe hath these wordes: Ad sancta Dei Euangelia iurari feelt, tribus medris digitis erectis, & super librum positis in sig∣num Trinitatis, & fidei Catholicae: & duobus (videl. police & auriculari) suppositis & suppressis, & sub libro positis, in signum damnationis corporis & animae, si non deposuerint veritatem in hac parte. That is to say, he caused them to sweare vpō the holy Euangelistes, with their three middle fingers stret∣ched out right, and laide vpon the booke in signe of y^e Tri∣nitie and Catholique faith: and the other two (to wyt, the thombe and the litle finger) put downewardes vnder the booke, in token of damnation of body and soule, if they did not depose the truth in the matter. This Ceremoniall or∣der and exposition of theirs as it is of their owne fonde in∣uention, without any ground or example of the scriptures

of God so minde I to leaue it still vnto thēselues, w^t other their apish toies & ridicles, as things worthy to be laught at, and will now further proceed with the rest of this pro∣cesse, which I haue in hand.

The xv. day of February, D. Hed the Chauncellour, againe iudicially sitting in the consistory at Paules,* 3.66 com∣maunded Thomas Man to be brought before him, and there causing the articles obiected against him by the By∣shop of Lincolne with his order of abiuration & penaunce and also his owne articles last propounded to be first read he called forth a third witnes to be sworne and examined vpon the same. But because he would seeme to do all thin∣ges by order of iustice, and nothing against law, he there∣fore appoynted vnto the sayd Thomas Man, certain Do∣ctours and aduocates of the Arches, as his counsellers, to plead in his behalfe: Which was euen like as if the lambe should be committed to the defence and protection of the woolfe,* 3.67 or the hare to the hounde. For what good helpe could he looke for at their handes, whiche were both most wicked haters and abhorrers of his Christian profession, and also stout vpholders and maintainers of that Anti∣christian law, by the which he was for the same cōdemned? And that full well appeared by the good aduice and profi∣table councell which they gaue him against his next exami∣nations. For aswell vppon the 20. and also the 23. dayes of the same month of February, in theyr seuerall Sessions he seing his owne negations to their obiections, to take no place against their sworne witnesses, had no other thinge to allege for himselfe, but that through his xx. weekes of hard imprisonment vnder the byshop of Lincolne, he was forced to recant and abiure: whiche was a poore shifte of counsell, God knoweth: And yet D. Raynes beyng one of his chiefe assigned aduocates (in steede of aduice) coulde by his subtle questioning,* 3.68 then make him to confesse, that cer∣taine talke, whereof one of the witnesses had accused hym, was spoken about fiue yeares before past: which because it was since his recantatiō, was rather an accusation of hym selfe, then an excusing: and therefore it is easie to iudge to how fauourable and vprightfull hartes they tooke vppon them to be his aduocates and defenders. The Chauncel∣lour likewise charged him vpon the same xxiij. daye y^t since his last imprisonment he had said vnto Robert Cluny the Bishops Sumner, and his keeper, that as far foorth as he could see or perceiue for his parte in this his matter, the lawes of the Church were grounded vpon Pilate & Cay∣phas.* 3.69 Which obiection he graunting to be true, the Chaū∣cellour did for that time dismisse the Courte, vntill the first daye of Marche nexte following. Uppon whiche daye (minding to make quicke dispatche) he in fewe wordes as∣ked Man, what matter he had to alledge for himselfe, why he shoulde not then (considering the premisses) bee pro∣nounced a relapsed heretique, and receiue suche punishe∣ment by the seculare power, as to suche was due by order of lawe. But he hauing no other allegations then before whiche might take place with them, was finally condem∣ned as an heretique. And notwithstanding that, as the re∣gister noteth (but howe truely, God onely knoweth) he did agayne forsake his former renewed profession of Chri∣stes Gospell, and yelded himselfe vnto the Bish. of Rome requiring to be absolued from his curse of excommunica∣tion, and contented to doe such penaunce, as they should enioyne him, he was yet the xxix. day of Marche deliuered by Doctour Hed vnto the Sheriffe of London,* 3.70 to be then presently burned, with this protestation made before, that he might not consent to the death of any, and therefore he desired the Sheriffe that he woulde receiue this person as relapsed and condemned, and yet to punishe him other∣wise then by rigorous rigour. The wordes to be marked in their sentence be these Rogamus attentè in visceribus Iesu Christi, vt huiusmodi dignae seueritatis vltio & executio de te & contra te in hac parte fienda taliter moderetur, vt non sit rigor ri∣gidus, ne{que} mansuetudo dissoluta, sed as salutē & sanitatem animae tuae &c. That is, We desire in the bowels of our lord Iesus Christ, that the punishment and execution of due seueritie of thee, & against thee in this part, may so be moderate, that there be no rigorous rigour, nor yet no dissolute mansue∣tude, but to the health and wealth of thy soule. &c. Wherein these Catholique Churchmen doe well declare, accordyng to the wordes of Thomas Man before expressed, that the lawes of their church be grounded vpō Pilate & Caiphas. For like as Caiphas with his court of Phariseis, cried a∣gainst Christ vnto Pilate: It is not lawfull for vs to put anye man to death: But if thou let hym go, thou art not Caesars friend. Euen so they, first condemning the saints of God to death and then deliuering them vnto the secular Magistrate, to be thereupon executed, woulde yet couer their malignant hartes with the cloke of hipocriticall holines, and vnwil∣lingnes to shedde bloude. But God be thanked, whiche bringeth all thinges to light in his due time, & vncouereth her hipocrisie, at last that she may be seene and knowne in right colours.

[illustration]

*The burning of Thomas Man.

Thus Thomas man, the manly martyr of Iesu christ, being condemned by the vniust sentence of Hed the Chaū∣cellour, was deliuered to the Sheriffe of London sitting on horsebacke, in Pater noster rowe, before the Byshops doore, an. 1518. protesting to the sayde Sheriffe, that he had no power to put him to deathe, and therefore desired the Sheriffe to take him as a relapse and cōdemned to see him punished, Et tamen citra Mortem, that is, without death, as the wordes stand in the Register. The Sheriffe receiuing neither articles to be read at his burning, nor any Inden∣tures of that his deliuerye,* 3.71 immediately caryed him to Smithfielde, and there in the same day in the foorenoone caused him to be put into Gods Aungell, according to the wordes of the sayd Thomas Man before, saying that if he were taken againe of the pilled knaue priestes, as he called them, he wist well he should goe to the holy Aungell, and then be an angell in heauen.

In the deposition of one Thomas Risby, weauer of Stratford Langthorn, against y^e forenamed Martyr Tho. Man, it appeareth by the Registers, that he had bene in diuers places and countryes in England, and had instru∣cted very many, as at Amersham, at London at Billerica, Chemsford, at Stratford Langford, at Oxbrige, at Burn∣ham, at Henley vpon Thamis, in Suffolke, and North∣folke, at Newbery, and diuers places moe: where he him∣selfe testifieth, that as he went Westward, he found a great company of well disposed persons, being of the same iudge¦ment touching the sacrament of the Lordes supper, that he was of, and especially at Newbery, where was (as he confessed) a glorious and sweete societie of faythfull fauou∣rers, who had continued the space of xv. yeares together,* 3.72 till at last by a certaine lewd person, whome they trusted and made of their counsell, they were bewrayed, and then many of them, to the number of sixe or seuen score were ab∣iured, and three or foure of them burnt. From thence he came then (as he confessed) to the forest of Windsore, where he hearing of the brethren which were at Hamersham, re∣moued thither, where he found a godly and a great compa¦ny, which had continued in that doctrine and teaching 23. yeares: whiche was from this present time 70. yeares a∣gone.* 3.73 And this congregation of Buckingham shyre men remayned till the time of Iohn Longham Bishop of Lin∣colne, whereof we shal (Christ willing) heare more anone. Against these faythfull Christiās of Amersham, was great troble and persecution in the time of W. Smyth Byshop of Lincolne, about the yeare of our Lord 1057. at whiche time diuers and many were abiured, and it was called

Abiuratio Magna, the great abiuration, and they whiche were noted of that doctrine and profession, were called by the name of knowne men or iust fast men. &c. In this con∣gregatiō of the faithful brethren, were 4. principall readers or instructers. Wherof one was Tilesworth called thē D. Tilesworth, who was burnt at Amersham, mentioned in our history before, by the name of William Tilseley: whō I suppose rather to be called Tilseworth, pag. 774. An o∣ther was Thomas Chase,* 3.74 called amongst them, Doctour Chase, whom we declared before to be murdered and han∣ged in the Bishop of Lincolnes prison at Woborne, called Little ease, pag. 774. The third was this Tho. Man, cal∣led Doctor Man, burned as is here mentioned in Smith∣field, an. 1518. who, as by his owne confession, and no lesse also by his trauaile appeareth, was Gods champion and suffered muche trouble by the priestes, for the cause and lawe of God. Hee confesseth himselfe in the same Regi∣ster, that he had turned seuen hundreth people to his Reli∣gion and doctrine,* 3.75 for the which he thanked God. He con∣ueyed also fiue couples of men and women from Amershā, Oxbrige, Burnham, and Henley vppon Thamis, where they dwelt vnto Suffolke and Northfolke, that they mought be brought (as he then termed it) out of the deuils mouth. The fourth was Robert Cosin, named likewise a∣mong them, Doctor Cosin.

¶Robert Cosin Martyr.

* 3.76THis Robert Cosin seemeth to be the same, which in the former part of our history is forementioned, being cal∣led by the name of father Robert, and was burnt in Buc∣kingham, pag. 749. Of this Robert Cosine, I finde in the Registers of Lincolne: that he with Thomas Man had in¦structed and perswaded one Ioane Norman, about A∣mersham,* 3.77 not to go on pilgrimage, nor to worship any I∣mages of Saints. Also when she had bowed a peece of sil∣uer to a saint for the health of her childe they disswaded her from the same, and that she needed not to confesse her vnto a Priest, but to be sufficient to lift vp her hands to heauen. Moreouer they were charged by the bishop for teaching y^e sayd Ioan that she might aswell drinke vppon the sonday before Masse:* 3.78 as any other day. &c. Ex. Regist. Ioan. Longland. And thus you see the doctrine of these good men, for the which they were in those daies abiured, and condemned to death.

¶William Sweting, alias Clerke martyr.

* 3.79WIlliam Sweeting, otherwise named Clerke, first dwelt with the Ladye Percy at Dalington in the County of Northampton for a certayne space, and from thence went to Boxsted in the County of Essex, where he was the holy water Clerke, the space of seuen yeares: af∣ter that was baliffe and fermer to maystres Margerye Wood,* 3.80 the terme of 13. yeares. From Boxted he departed and came to the towne of saint Osithe, where he serued the Prior of saint Sythes named George Launde, the space of 16. yeares and more.* 3.81 Where he had so turned the Prior by his perswasions, that the sayd Prior of saynt Osithe was afterward compelled to abiure. This William Sweting comming vp to London with the foresayd Prior, for sus∣picion of heresie was committed to the Lollardes Tower, vnder the custody of Charles Ioseph, and there being ab∣iured in the Churche of sainct Paule, was constrayned to beare a fagot at Paules crosse, and at Colchester. And af∣terward to weare a fagot vpon his coat all his life. Which he did two yeares together vpon hys left sleeue, till at len∣gth the person of Colchester required hym to helpe in the seruice of the Churche, and so pluckt the badge from hys sleeue: and there he remayned two yeares, being the holye water Clerke. From thence afterward departed, and tra∣uailing abroad, came to Rederith in the dioces of Winche∣ster, where he was holy water Clerke the space of a yeare: then went to Chelsith, where he was theyr neat heard, and kept the towne beastes. In the which towne vpon Sainct Annes day in the morning, as he went forth with his bea∣stes to the field, the good man was apprehended & brought before the Bishop: and hys chamber searched for bookes. This was anno. 5511.

* 3.82The crimes whereupon he was examined be these.

First, for hauing muche conference with one William Man of Boxsted,* 3.83 in a booke which was called Mathew.

Item, that he had familiaritie, and frequented much the company of Iames Brewster, who had bene before ab∣iured.

Item, that when his wife should go on pilgrimage, he asked of her, what good she should receiue by her going on pilgrimage, adding moreouer, that as he supposed, it was to no purpose, nor profite, but rather it were better for her to keepe at home, and to attend to her busines.

Item, that he had learned:* 3.84 and receiued of William Man, that the Sacrament of the Priestes altar was not the present very body, but bread in substaunce, receiued in memoriall of Christ.

Item, that he propounded, and affirmed the same do∣ctrine to Iames Brewsteer.

Item,* 3.85 because he had reprehended his wife for worship¦ping the Images in the churche, and for setting vp candles before them.

And thus haue you all the causes and crimes layde a∣gainst this William Sweting, wherfore he was condem∣ned. Who then beeing asked what cause he had, why hee should not be iudged for relapse, sayd he had nothing els, but onely that he commited himselfe to the mercye of al∣mighty God.

¶Iames Brewster Martyr.

WIth William Sweting also the same time was exa∣mined and condemed Iames Brewster,* 3.86 of the Pa∣rish of saint Nicholas in Colchester. This Iames Brew∣ster was a Carpenter, dwelling ten yeares in the town of Colchester, who being vnlettered, could neyther reade nor write, and was apprehended vpon the daye of S. Iames, in one Walkers house in S. Clementes parish.

About sixe yeares before, whiche was ann. 1505. he had bene abiured by William Warham Archbishop of Caun∣terbury, the see of London being then vacant. And after o∣ther penaunce done at Colchester, was enioyned to weare a Fagot vpon his vpper garment during his life. Whiche badge he did beare vpon his left shoulder neare the space of two yeares, till the Controller of the Earle of Oxforde pluckt it away, because he was labouring in the workes of the Earle.

The crimes whereupon he was examined,* 3.87 and which he confessed were these: first that he had bene fiue tymes

[illustration]

*The burning of William Sweting and Iames Brewster.

with William Sweting in the fields keeping beastes, hea¦ring hym read many good thinges out of a certayne book. At which reading also were present at one time, Wodroffe or Woodbynde, a Nette maker, with his wife: also a bro∣ther in law of William Sweting: and an other time Tho∣mas Goodred, who heard likewise the sayde Thomas Sweting read.

Item, because he vsed the company and conference of

Henry Hert Carpenter, of Westminster, and wrought with him in his science at Westminster,

Item for hauing a certaine litle booke of Scripture in English, of an old writing, almost worne for age, whose name is not there expressed.

* 3.88Item, because he hearing vppon a time, one mayster Bardfield of Colchester thus say, that he will not worship the Maozim in hart and thought, shall dye in sight, he as∣ked afterwarde of William Man, what that worde Mao∣zim should meane: who told him that it signified as muche as the masing God, to wit the sacrament of the altar.

Itē, that he had much conference, with Henry Hert a¦gainst ablations & Images, & that it was better bestowed money which was geuen to the poore, then that that was offered in pilgrimage.

Item, for that he had communication and conference w^t Roger Heliar and one Walker a Thicker of S. Clements concerning diuers such matters of Pilgrimage, offering to Images, worshipping of Sainctes, and the sacrament of the altar.

* 3.89Item, when Thomas Goodred, William Sweting, and he in the fieldes keeping beastes, were talking toge∣ther of the sacramente of the Lordes bodye, and like mat∣ters, this Iames Brewster shoulde thus say: Nowe the sonne of the liuing God helpe vs. Unto whome William Sweting agayne shoulde aunswere, Nowe almightye God so doe.

And thus haue you the causes likewise and crymes layd against Iames Brewster, vpon which he with Willi∣am Sweting was together examined and condemned. Then being asked, as the Romishe maner is, whether he had any cause why he shuld not be adiudged for relapse, he trusting to finde fauoure and grace in submitting himselfe, sayd, that he submitted him to the mercy of almighty God, and to the fauourable goodnes of him his iudge. And like∣wise did William Swetinge submit himselfe, trusting be∣like that they should finde some fauour and reliefe in thys humble subiecting themselues vnto their goodnes.

But note here the vnmerciful and vnchristian dealing of these Catholique fathers,* 3.90 who vppon their submission were contented to geue out a solemne commission, the te∣nor whereof was to release and pardon them from the sen∣tence of the excommunication, whereinto they had incur∣red: But immediately after vpon the same, the Byshop all this notwithstanding, pronounced vpon them the sentence of death and condemnation. Whereupon they were both deliuered to the secular power,* 3.91 and both together brent in Smithfield at one fire, the 18. day of October. an. 1511.

¶Christopher Shoomaker Martyr.

TO these blessed saintes before past, we will also adioyne Christopher Shoomaker: of whom this I finde briefly in the Register of syr Iohn Longland: and that the sayde Christopher Shoomaker,* 3.92 a parishioner of great Missendē came to the house of one Iohn Say, and after other mat∣ters of talke, read to him out of a little booke, the woordes which Christ spake to his disciples. And thus comming to his house about foure times: at euery time read some∣thing out of the same booke vnto him: teaching him not to be deceiued in the priestes celebration at Masse, and decla∣ring that it was not the same very present body of Christ as the priestes did phantasie: but in substance bread, bea∣ring the remembraunce of Christ. And taught him moreo∣uer, that the Pilgrimage, worshipping and setting vp can¦dles to saintes were all vnprofitable. And thus the sayde Ioh. Say beyng taught by this Christopher, and also con∣firmed by Iohn Okendē, and Robert pope, was brought to the knowledge of the same doctrine. Thus much briefly I find in that Register concerning Christopher Shooma∣ker, declaring further that he was burned at Newbery a∣bout this time, which was an. 1518. And thus much out of Registers of London.

IN turning ouer the Registers and Recordes of Lincoln likewise, and comming to the yere of our Lord. 1520. and 1521. I finde that as the light of the Gospell began more to appeare, and the number of the professors to growe, so the vehemencie of persecution, and stirre of the bishops be∣gan also to encrease. Wherupon ensued great perturbatiō & greeuous affliction in diuers & sondry quarters of thys realm, especially about Buckingham shyre, and Amershā, Uxbrige, Henley, Newbery, in the dioces of London, in Essex, Colchester, Suffolke and Northfolke, and other partes moe. And this was before the name of Luther was heard of in these countryes among the people. Wher∣for for they are much begyled and misse informed, whiche con∣demne this kinde of doctrine now receaued, of noueltie, asking where was this churche and religion xl. yeares a∣goe, before Luthers time?* 3.93 To whome it may be aunswe∣red, that this Religion and forme of doctrine was planted by the Apostles, and taught by true Byshops, afterward decayd, and nowe reformed againe, although it was not receiued nor admitted to the Popes Clergye before Lu∣thers time, neyther yet is, yet it was receiued of other, in whose heartes it pleased the Lorde secretly to worke, and that of a great number, whiche both professed and suffered for the same, as in the former times of this history may ap¦peare. And if they thinke this doctrine be so newe, that it was not heard of before Luthers time how thē came such great persecution before Luthers time here in Englande? If these were of the same profession, whiche they were of, thē was their crueltie vnreasonable, so to persecute theyr

[illustration]

*The burning of Christopher Shoomaker.* 3.94

* 3.95 owne Catholicke fraternitie. And if they were otherwise how then is this doctrine of the Gospell so new, or the pro¦fessors thereof so late start vp, as they pretend them to be?* 3.96 But this commeth onely of ignoraunce, & for not knowing nor considering well the times & antiquities of the church which hath bene before vs. Which if they did, they shold see and say, that the church of England hath not lacked great multitudes, which tasted & folowed the sweetnes of Gods holy worde, almost in as ample maner, for the number of well disposed hartes as now. Although publique authori∣tie then lacked to mayntayne the open preaching of the gospel, yet y^e secret multitude of true professours,* 3.97 was not much vnequall: certes the feruent zeale of those Christian dayes seemed much superior to these our dayes and times: as manifestly may appeare by their sitting vp all night in reading and hearing, also by their expenses and charges in buying of bookes in Englishe: of whome some gaue fiue markes, some more, some lesse for a booke. Some gaue a lode of hay for a few chapters of S. Iames or of S. Paule in English. In whiche raritie of bookes, and want of tea∣chers this one thing I greatly maruel and muse at, to note in the Registers & to consider howe the worde of trueth notwithstanding did multiply so exceedingly as it dyd a∣mongest them. Wherein is to be seene no doubt y^e meruel∣lous working of Gods mighty power. For so I finde and obserue in considering the Registers, howe one neigh∣bour resorting and conferring with an other, eftsoones with a few wordes of the first or second talke, did win and turne their mindes to that wherein they desired to per∣swade them, touching the trueth of Gods worde and hys sacramentes. To see their trauailes,* 3.98 theyr earnest seeking their burning zeales, their readinges, their watchinges, their sweete assemblies, theyr loue and concord, their god∣ly liuing, their faythfull meaning with the faythfull, may make vs now in these our dayes of free profession to blush for shame.

Foure principall pointes they stood in against the Church of Rome, in pilgrimage, adoration of sainctes, in reading scripture bookes in English, and in the carnall presence of Christes body in the sacrament.

* 3.99After the great abiuration aforesayd, which was vnder William Smith Bishop of Lincolne: they were noted and termed among themselues by the name of knowne men, or iust fast men:* 3.100 as nowe they are called by the name of Prote∣stantes.

As they were simple, & yet not vncircumspect in theyr doings, so the crafty serpent being more wily then they, by fraudulent subtletie did so circumuent thē, that they caused the wife to detect the husband:* 3.101 the husband the wife, the fa∣ther the daughter, the daughter the father, the brother to disclose the brother, and neighbour the neighbor. Neither were there any assemblies nor readinges kept, but both y^e persons and also the bookes were knowne:* 3.102 Neither was any word so closely spoken, nor article mentioned, but it was discouered. So subtilly and sleightly these Catholicke prelates did vse their inquisitions and examinations, that nothing was done or sayd among these Knowne men, xv. or xx. yeares before so couertly, but it was brought at length to their intelligence. Such captious interrogatories, so many articles and suspicions they had, suche espyals and priuie scoutes they sent abroad, such authoritie and credite they had with the king, and in the kinges name: such dilli∣gence they shewed in that behalfe, so violently and impu∣dently they abused the booke, of y^e peaceable Euangelistes, wresting mens consciences vppon their othe, swearing them vpon the same to detect thēselues, their fathers & mo∣thers, & other of their kinred, with their friends & neigh∣bours, and that to death. All whiche thinges in the further processe of the table ensuing (Christ willing) whiche we haue collected out of some part of the Registers of Lin∣colne, shall appeare.

For the better declaration wherof, first here is to be pre¦monished by the way, touching the see of Lincoln, that af∣ter William Smith, succeded Iohn Longland. This Wil∣liam Smith,* 3.103 although he was somewhat eger & sharpe a∣gainst the poore simple flocke of Christes seruauntes vn∣der whome some were burned, many abiured, a great nū∣ber molested, as partly hath bene afore declared: yet was he nothing so bloudy or cruell,* 3.104 as was the sayd Longland, which afterward succeeded in that Dioces. For so I fynde of him, that in the time of the great abiuratiō and trouble∣some affliction of Buckinghamshyre men, wherein many were abiured, & certaine burned, yet diuers he sent quietly home without punishment: and pennaunce, bidding them go home, and liue as good Christen men should doe. And many which were enioyned penaunce before, he did release This Smith dyed about the yeare of our Lord. 1515. by whome was builded, as is aforesaid, the Colledge of Bra∣san nose in Oxford.* 3.105

Not long after him folowed Iohn Longland, a fierce & cruell vexer of y^e faythfull poore seruantes of Christ: who to renue again the old sparkles of persecutiō, whiche were not yet vtterly quenched first began w^t one or two of them which had bene abiured, whom he thought to be most no∣torious, causing them by force of their othe, to detect & be∣wray not onely their owne opinions touching poyntes of religiō: but also to discouer al other of their affinitie, which were either suspected or abiured before. And them likewise he put to their othe, most violently constrayning them to vtter and confesse both themselues, and whom els so euer they knew. By reason whereof, an incredible multitude of men, women, and maydens were brought forth to exami∣nation, and straightly handled. And such as were found in relapse, were burned.

The rest were so burdened with superstitious and ido∣latrous penaunce and iniunctions, that eyther through griefe of conscience they shortly dyed:* 3.106 or els with shame they liued. All which tragicall doyngs and proceedings of the byshop against these Knowen and Iuste faste men, in these tables here vnder following (Christ graunting) shall ap∣peare, both with with the accusers, and with the parties them selues accused, and also the crimes obiected.

But before we enter into the table, it shalbe requisite first to heare the order and copy of his captious and crafty interrogatoryes, whereby he constrayned the simple poore men to accuse and appeach one an other: which interroga∣toryes were these in order as followeth.

*Interrogatories ministred commonly by the Bishop of Lincolne agaynst these ex∣aminates here following.

THe interrogatories or articles: which Longland Bish. of Lincolne vsed most commonly to minister to these exa∣minates or known men,* 3.107 in number were 9. and are these as followeth.

1 First, whether they or any of them did know, that cer∣tayne of the parish of Amersham, had bene conuented be∣fore William Smyth late Bishop of Lincolne, for heresie.

2 Item, whether they knew, that they so conuented be∣fore the sayd Bishop, did erre in the sacrament of the altar, or in any other sacrament of the Church. And if they did in what Sacramentes, or in whiche of them: Also whether they knew that the sayd parties so conuented, did confesse their erroures, and receiued penaunce for the same.

3 Item, whether they, or any of them, were of the socie∣ty of them so conuented for heresie: and if they were what fellowship they had with them and with whom?

4 Item, whether they or any of them, were euer con∣uersant with such a one (naming the person whome they knew suspected) as with Thustan Littlepage. And if they were, what conuersation they had with him, how long, & when: And whether they knewe the sayde person to haue bene suspect of heresie?

5 Item, whether they, or any of them were euer conuer∣saunt with him, or him (naming some other person whom they suspected) as Alexand. Mastal. And if they were, how and how long? and whether they knew the sayd person to be suspected of heresie?

6 Item, whether they, or any of them had bene before time detected of heresie to the office of the foresayd William Bishop of Lincolne: And if the were, by what person or persōs they were detected? Or els whether they were one∣ly called by the foresayd William Bishop, for heresie?

7 Item, whether he or they be noted and holden for he∣retickes, or be reputed and diffamed to be of the sect of thē which were conuented for heresie: And whether he or they be named for a Knowen man amongst them?

8 Item, whether he, or they haue bene euer at any rea∣dinges of such as haue bene so conuented for heresie?

9 Item, whether he, or they were euer in any secret cō∣munication or conuenticle with them: Whom, or which of them he knew to be named and reputed for a Knowen man, or holding against the sacrament of the altar, or other Sa∣cramentes and articles of faith? And if they knew any such to declare where, and when, and what they were, and who were present the same time?

These articles and interrogatories thus declared, now followeth to be shewed, a certayne briefe summe compen∣diously collected out of the Registers of Iohn Longland bishop of Lincolne, declaring in order of a table the names first of them which by othe were constrayned against theyr willes to detect and and accuse other. Secondly the persōs that were accused. Thirdly, the crimes to them obiected, as in the proces of this table shall follow to be seene.

And first, for asmuch as the Bishop perceiued that Ro∣ger Bennet, William Chedwell, Edmund Dormer, Tho∣mas Harding, Robert Andrew, with such other were mē especially noted to be of that side, therfore to work his pur∣pose the better, he began with them producing the same as witnesses, to ditect first Robert Bartlet of Amersham, & Richard his brother: vnderstanding that these forenamed witnesses, because they had bene abiured before, durst now doe no other, vppon payne of relapse, but needes confesse what soeuer was put vnto them. And therefore because Rob. Bartlet & Richard hys brother being called before y^e bishop and sworn vpon their othe, would confesse nothing against themselues, the Bishop to conuict them by witnes∣ses, went first to William Chedwell, lying sore sicke in his bed, causing him vpō the Euangelists to sweare, whether he knewe the foresayde Robert and Richard Bartlet to be knowen men. Which being done, the Bishop then called be∣fore him Robert Andrew Roger Bennet, Iohn Hill, Ed∣mund Dormer. Iohn Milsent, Thomas Bernard, Tho∣mas Littlepage, Iohn Dosset, all Amersham men: who being abiured before, as is sayd, durst no otherwise do, but confesse vpon their othe, that Robert and Richard Bart∣let were knowen men. And yet the Bishop not contented w^t this, caused also theyr two wiues to wit, Margaret the wife of Robert Bartlet, & Isabel y^e wife of Richard Bart∣let, to depose & geue witnesse againste their owne naturall husbandes. Albeit Isabel Bartlet being somewhat more temperate of her tongue, refused vtterly to confesse any thing of her husband, & denied her husbands words to be true, til at last she being conuict of periury, was constrai∣ned to vtter the truth, as in the proces of this table folow∣ing more particularly foloweth to be seene.

❧A Table describing the greeuous afflictions of good men and women, in the Diocesse of Lincolne, vnder Iohn Longland there Bishop, with the names both of the Accusers, and of them that were accused: also wyth the crimes to them obiected: out of the Registers of the sayde Diocesse. Anno 1521.

* 3.108Accusers.	Parties accused.	Crimes obiected.
...W. Chedwel sicke in his bedde. ...Robert An∣drewe. ...Rob. Bēnet. ...Iohn Hill. ...Edmūd Dor¦mer. ...Iohn Mil∣sent. ...Thomas Bernard. ...Tho. Litle∣page. ...Iohn Dosset. ...Margarete Bartlet. ...Isabel Bert∣let: these be∣ing before abiured, were nowe compelled by othe to detect	...Rob. Bart∣let. ...Rich. Bart∣let his bro∣ther.	THis Robert Bartlet, and Rich. his brother were Detected by these foresayde accusers, to be knowne men, that is, to be of the same company and affinitie wyth these Iu∣rates, and other that had ben abiured before in the time of William Smith, Byshop of Lincolne, a∣bout the yere of our lord 1508. and that in ye house of Thomas Hardynge, they were so noted by the woordes of Hardinges wife: who speakynge to Roberte Bartlet, sayde, that she was glad that he was conuerted to grace, and chosen to almyghtie God, requiring hym ne∣uer to forsake yt he was called to, for if he did, ther was no Sacrifice left for him. Also the sayde Har∣dinges wife speaking to Richarde Bartlet com∣minge into her House, sayde, Heere commeth a good man, and I hope he wil be a good man, but he hathe so muche minde of buying and selling, and taking of farmes, that it putteth hys minde from all goodnesse. By whych wordes it appeared, sayd they, that hee was a Kno∣wen man. Item, that Ro∣bert Bartlet speaking to Hardings wife, sayd, he had thought to haue cal∣led William Tilseworth false heretique: but now hee was better aduised. Item, that they vsed the lectures and readings of that companie.
¶Thys Ro. Bartlet, & Richarde his brother first being sworne, and yet confessing nothing before the Byshop, at last were conuicted by witnes, (as aboue appeareth) and noted therefore of periurie. Wherfore incurring into greater daunger, they were constrai∣ned at their nexte examination to vtter them selues, and confesse what they had both done and sayde: that is,* 3.109 that the sayde Robert had red vnto Richarde hys brother, a parcel of scripture beginning thus: Iames the seruaunt of God, to the xij. kindes. &c. Item, for that he hard Williā Tilseworth say, that Images of saintes were but stocks and stones and dead things: and that he taught the same to his brother Richarde, and concealed the wordes of William Tilsewoorthe. Item, for that he partly beleeued Thomas Mastall, teaching him that the true presence of Christ was not in the Sacrament: and likewise of Images and Pil∣grimage. Item, for receyuing the Communion at Easter without shrift. &c.
Robert Bart¦let was brought to examinatiō, & caused by his othe to detect	Rich. Bart∣let his bro∣ther.	The crime wherein Ro∣berte Bartlet appeached hys brother Rich. was this, because he said, hys brother Rich. had beene muche conuersant wyth Thurstane Litlepage,* 3.110 & had learned of hym the counsailes and secreates of those men. Also, that hee had learned of hym, some of the Epistle of S. Iames thus beginning: Iames the seruaunte of God, to the twelue kin∣des. &c.
	Isabel Bart∣let, his wife.	The cause wherein Roberte Bartlet did de∣tecte his wife, was thys,* 3.111 that when the Byshops seruaunte was come for her husband, she vttered these wordes, saying: A∣las, he was now an vn∣done man, and she but a dead woman.* 3.112 Furthermore, ye said R. being demanded of ye Bi∣shop, whether he knewe Isabell hys wyfe to bee of the secte of heretiques before hee marryed her, sayde yea. Beeing asked againe, if shee hadde not ben of that sect, whether then he would haue ma∣ried her, he graunted the same likewise.
The foresaid Ro Bartlet was broght to examina∣tion, & cau∣sed by hys othe to de∣tect	Agnes Wel¦lis, his sister.	Furthermore, ye said R. Bart. detected his owne sister, in that hee hadde twise instructed her not to worshyppe Images, and also hadde taughte her in the Epistle of S. Iames.
...Elizabeth Deane, wife of Richarde Deane, of Westwi∣cam. ...Emme Tilseworth, wife of Wil-Tilseworth. ...William Grinder, & his wife. ...Iohn Scri∣uener. ...Alexandera▪ Mastal. ...w. Tilsworth ...Thurstane Litlepage. ...Iohn Bartlet his brother.	The sayde Roberte Bart. detected also these to bee of the number of Knowen men: for that they resorted many times to∣gether, reading and con∣ferringe amonge them∣selues, & talking againste worshippinge of Ima∣ges, & Pilgrimage: And if any came in amongste them, whiche was not of theyr side, thē they wold saye no more, but keepe all silence. &c.

Rich. Bart∣let by hys oth was cō∣strained to detect	Agnes wel∣lys, wife of Iohn Wel∣lys, his si∣ster.	This Agnes was de∣tected of her brother in 3. poyntes.* 3.113 Firste, for learning the Epistle of Saint Iames in English, of Thurstan Litlepage. Secondly, for not be∣leeuing the bodily pre∣sence in the Sacrament. Thirdly, for speakyng against worshippyng of Images, and goyng on Pilgrimages.
	Olde father Bartlet, his father.	This Richarde Bertlet also in hys confessyon, sayde of his Father, that he was a better manne, then hee was taken for. For the other daye there came a manne to him, as hee was threashing, and sayde, God speede father Bertlet, yee worke sore, yea sayde hee,* 3.114 I threshe God almighty out of the strawe.
¶Against thys Agnes Wellys brought and exa∣mined before the Bishop, were ministred these inter∣rogatories, which for certaine causes I thought here to inserte, for our posteritie to note and consider, and they are these, as foloweth.
*Articles ministred to Agnes Wellys. 1 WHether shee knewe that certaine of the Pa∣ryshe of Amersham were conuented before William Smith, late Byshoppe of Lincolne for he∣resie? * 3.1152 Item, whether she knew that certaine of them so conuented before the Bishop for heresie, did erre in the Sacrament of the altar, or in other Sacraments, and what errours they were, and wherein? 3 Item, whether she knewe anye other to be sus∣spect of the same heresie or sect, beside them of Amer∣sham so conuented, who they were, and how many? 4 Item, whether shee had bene of the same com∣pany, or sect, or opinion with them, which were con∣uented before the Bishop for heresie: and if she were, what company she vsed, and whose? 5 Whether she was at any time conuersant with Thurstane Litlepage: and if shee were, how ofte she had bene in his company: howe, what time, in what place, who else were present, for what causes, and whether she knew him to be suspected for heresie? 6 Item, whether shee knewe and had beene con∣uersant wyth Alexander Mastall, and if shee were, howe, when, in what place, who were present, for what causes, and whether shee knewe him suspected for heresie? 7 Item, whether she was euer detected to the of∣fice of Willi. Smith late Bishop of Lincolne: at what time, or since the time that Litlepage and Mastall were conuented before the Byshop for heresie: and whether shee was then called and conuented before the Bishop for heresie, or not? 8. Item, whether she had bene present, or is now noted, had, holden, or reputed, or diffamed to be of the same sect with Thurstan Litlepage, or other conuic∣ted of heresie, and whether she be or hath bene nomi∣nated for a Knowen woman among them? 9 Item, whether she hath ben present at any time at the readings or conferrings betweene Thurstane Litlepage, and other conuicts? 10 Item, whether Thurstane Litlepage did euer teache her the Epistle of Sainte Iames,* 3.116 or the Epi∣stles of Saint Peter or Paule in English, and whe∣ther shee hath repeated oft times the sayde Epistle of saint Iames, vnto the sayde Thurstane, in the pre∣sence of Richard Bartlet her brother? 11 Item, whether Richarde Bartlet her brother dyd teache her at any time the Epistle of S. Iames, and if he did, howe oft, and in what place? 12 Item, whether shee hadde beene instructed by Thurstane Litlepage, or by any other, in the fore∣sayde secte, that in the Sacrament of the aultare was not the true body of Christe, but onely the substaunce of bread? 13 Item, whether shee hadde bene instructed by Thurstane Litlepage, or any other, that Pilgrimage was not to be vsed, nor the Images of Saintes to be adored? 14 Item, whether shee did credite the sayd Thur∣stane Litlepage, or any other, teaching her in the pre∣misses, and whether she did beleue or expresly cōsent with them in the foresayd articles? 15 Item, whether that Roberte Bartlet her bro∣ther did euer teach her the Epistle of S. Iames, and if he did, howe often, and where? 16 Whether the sayd Robert Bartlet had taught her that Pilgrimage was not to be vsed, and that I∣mages were not to be adored? 17 Item,* 3.117 whether she knew suche a lawe and cu∣stome among them, that suche as were of that sorte, did contract matrimonie only with them selues, and not with other Christians? 18 Item, whether she did euer heare Thurstane, or any other say, that they onely whych were of theyr doctrine, were true Christians? 19 Item, when she came to receiue, and was con∣fessed, whether she did vtter and confesse her heresies to the priest?
¶Unto these captions and cruell Interrogato∣rie Articles ministred agaynst Agnes Wellys, shee answered negatiuely, almost to them all, refusing to vtter any person vnto the Byshop: But soone after, being otherwise schooled, I can not tell howe, by the Catholiques, shee was compelled to detect both her selfe, her brother Roberte Bartlet, Thurstane Litle∣page, and also Isabel Morwyn, wife of Iohn Mor∣wyn. &c.
Isabel Bart∣let was then brought, & examined before the Bishoppe: where shee	beinge asked whether shee spake these woordes followyng to her husbande, at the commynge of the Byshoppes manne: Alasse, nowe are you an vn∣done manne, and I but a deade wo∣manne. Firste, shee stoode in long deniall of the same, and althoughe her husbande gaue witnesse againste her, yet stoode shee that her husband sayd not trueth. At last, shee was compelled to graunte those woordes to bee spoken: and then being asked what shee meant by them,* 3.118 thus she excused her selfe, that her hus∣bande hadde beene vnkinde vnto her a long time, and therefore shee desired to depart from him. Whereuppon now for sorrowe she spake those woordes. &c. The whyche woordes her husband did excuse some∣thynge otherwyse, sayinge, that hys wyfe spake those woordes betweene the thresholde and the Hall doore, be∣cause of a vehemente feare for the losse of her goodes.
	... Richarde Hobbes of Hichenden. ... Henry Hobbes of Hichenden. ... Hernes wife. ... Herne widowe of Amersham. ... Thomas Couper of Amersham, husband∣man.
Wil. Ched∣wel, of A∣mersham.	Iohn Stāpe wheeler of Amersham. Alice Hard. wife of Tho. Harding.	The crime layde to Alice Hardynge, was thys, because, when the Prieste was commynge to Rycharde Bennette, to geue hym howsell, shee wente before, and instructed hym what he shoulde doe.

	... W. Rogers ... Tiler. ... W. Harding. ... Roger Har∣ding.	These were detected by Roger Bennet, for that they being admony∣shed to appeare before ye Bishops Chaunceloure at Amersham, neglec∣ted so to do.
Roger Ben∣net, by like compulsion of hys othe,* 3.119 was caused to detecte these per∣sons	... I••. Iennings seruaunt to Iames Mor∣den. ... George, ser∣uant of Tho. Tochel. ... Tho. Gray, seruaunt of Roger Ben∣net.	These were detected for carying about certen bookes in English.
	... Wil. Smith Wheeler. ... The wife of Io. Milsent. ... The wife of W. Rogers. ... Ro Stampe, & his wife. ... The wife of Rob. Bart∣let.	These good womenne here named, were detec∣ted to the Byshoppe by Roger Bennet, for that vppon the holye dayes, when they goe and come from the Churche, they vse to resorte vnto one I. Colingworths house, and there to keepe theyr conuenticle.
	The wife of Dauid Lews & her father▪	Thys womanne was charged for speking these wordes: that the church∣men in the olde time dyd leade the people, as the Henn•• dothe leade her chickens: but our priests now do leade the people to the deuil.
	... Agnes Frāk, wife of Wil. Franke. ... I. Gardiner▪ ... I. Samme. ... I. George. ... Iam. Mordē.	Because shee tourned awaye her face from the Crosse, as it was caryed about on Easter daye in the morning, at the re∣surrection. Fol. 10.
Tho. Row∣land put likewise to his othe, did detect	Iohn Scri∣uener the elder.	For carrying aboute Bookes from one to an other.
	Thomas Rowland.	For these woordes fol∣lowing: If I lie, cursse, storme, sweare, chide, fi∣ght, or threat: then am I woorthye for to be beate, I pray you good maister mine, if I offende in any of these nine, Amend me with a good scouring.
Iames Mor∣den compel¦led in like manner by his oth, did detect	Thomas Chase.	In the like also was charged Thomas Chase because hee hearde hym twise recite the Epystle of Sainte Iames. Be∣gynnynge: Iames the seruaunt of GOD, and of our lord Iesus Christ, to the twelue kindes. &c. Also for these woordes: It was by the dayes of Herode king of Iewes, that there was a Prieste, Zacharie by name, and hee came of the sorte of Abias, and hys wyfe of the Daughter of Aaron: bothe they were iust be∣fore GOD, goynge in al the commandements. &c.
	... W. Norton. ... Agnes Ash∣forde of Ches••ham.	The cause layde to this Agnes, was for teaching this Iames the woordes following:
Wee bee the salt of the earth, if it be putrified and vanished away, it is nothing worth. A citie set vp∣on an hill may not be hyd. Teend ye not a candle and put it vnder a bushell, but sette it on a candle∣sticke, that it may geue a light to all in the house. So shine your light before menne,* 3.120 as they may see your workes, and glorifie the father that is in hea∣uen. No title nor letter of the lawe shal passe ouer, till all things be done· And fiue times went hee to the foresaid Agnes to learn•• this lesson. Item, that the sayde Agnes did teach him to say thys Lesson: Iesus seeing his people, as hee went vp to a hill, was set, and his disciples came to him: hee opened his mouth and taught them, saying: Blessed be the poore men in spirite, for the kingdome of heauen is theirs. Blessed be milde men: for they shall welde the earth: And twise hee came to her to learne thys lesson. Ex Regist. Longl. fol. 11. And these lessons the sayde Agnes was bidde to recite before 6. bishops: who straightly inioyned and commaunded her, that she should teache those lessons no more to any man, and especially to her children. Ex Regist. fol. 11▪
	Rich. Ashford Smith.
	... Agnes Ash∣ford. ... Tho. Chase.	Because these two dyd exhort him thryse, that he should kepe the thynges they spake of, as secreate in his stomack, as a man woulde keepe a theefe in pryson.
	Tho▪ Tredway of Chesham.
	... Rob. Pope. ... Iohn Mor∣den and his wife.	Because they were heard in the presence of thys Iames Mordenne theyr nephew, to recite the ten Commaundementes in theyr house in Englishe, Fol. 15.
The fore∣sayde Iames Morden de∣tected	Alice At∣kins.	Because of him she lear∣ned the Pater noster, A∣ue Maria and Creede in English, and the v. mer∣uailes of Saint Austen. Also an other peece of an Englishe Booke begin∣ning: heere sueth fowre things, by whych a man may knowe whether hee shall be saued. &c.
	Marian Mor¦den his own sister.	Also that shee dyd not worship Images. And after these little thynges he intended to teache her of the Sacrament.
	... W. Afrike, or Littlepage. ... Iohn Afrike, or Litlepage. ... Emme Harding, or Afrike. ... Iohn Fip Phisition.
¶To thys Iames Morden with other moe abiu∣rers, it was enioyned by Bishoppe Smith, for seuen yeares, to visite the church of Lincolne twise a yeare from Amersham. And when diuers had gotte licence of the Bishoppe for length of the iourny, to visite the Image of our Ladie of Missenden, for the space of v. yeares, thys Iames Morden, when hee coulde not obtaine licence so to doe, yet notwithstandyng for the tediousnesse of the way, went with them to the same Image, and thereuppon was charged for violatyng the Bishops iniunction. Also because, to get his liuing, hee wrought halfe a yeare out of the dioces, when he had bene inioyned by the Bishop not to goe out of the diocesse of Buc∣kingham. Fol. 11. This Iam. Morden confessed yt he vsed his Pater noster and Creede so much in English, that he had for∣got many words therof in Latin, and therefore was

inioyned by bishop Smith to say it no more in Eng∣lish, but only in Latine, and because he kept not this iniunction, he fell therefore in relaps.
Roger Be∣net by like compulsion of his othe, was caused to detect these fol∣lowing to be knowne persons.	... W. Rogers Tyler and his wife. ... W. Harding. ... Rog. Harding. ... Ioane Ienynges. ... George, seruaunt to Tho. Tochel. ... Th. Gray seruant of Roger Benet. ... Agnes Franke. ... Ioane Colyngworth. ... W. Smith. ... The wife of Iohn Milsent. ... Rob. Stampe and his wife. ... The wife of Rob. Bartlet. ... The wife of Dauid Lewys of Henley. ... Ioh. Frier, seruant to M. Penne. ... Iohn Tracher.
	... Ioh. Mordens wife. ... Rich. Ashford. ... Wil. Litl••page, prentise sometime of Iohn Scriuener. ... Emme his wife. ... Ioh. Scriuener. Isabel Mor∣wyn. For teaching Coplands wyfe her errors.
Thom Half∣aker sworne vpon his othe, did detect these names here folowing.	... Ioh. Milsent & his wife. ... Rog. Hard∣ing and his wife. ... Th. Bernard. ... Th. Afrike & his wife. ... W. Rogers. ... W. Hard∣ing and his wife. ... Kat. Bartlet, the mother of Rob. and Ric. Barlet. ... Th. Harding & his wife. ... W. Franke, and Agnes his wife. * 3.121	Because these com∣ming to the Church, and especiallye at the eleuatiō time would say no pray∣ers, but did sitte mumme (as hee tearmed it) lyke beastes. Because Kathe∣rine Bartlette beyng of good health, came but sel∣dome to the Church, but fained her selfe sicke: and because William Franke maried Agnes hys wife, shee beyng before abiu∣red.
	Rob. Pope.	Because hee fled away when the great abiura∣tion was at Amersham. Also for hauing certaine English bokes. fol. 16.
	... Emme Affrike alias, Emme Harding. ... I. Affricke, Henry Milner. ... Hernes wife, now the wife of Waiuer. ... William Tilseworth. ... Emme Tilseworth, of London. ... Thomas Tilseworth, and his wife. ... The wife of Robert Tilseworth. ... William Glasbroke. ... Christopher Glasbroke, Milner. ... Thomas Groue, and Ioane his wife. ... Thomas Man, by Bristow.
Tho. Holms detected	Hen. Miller Counted for a great he∣retike, and learned in the Scripture.
	... Iohn Schepard. ... The wife of Iohn Schepard of Dorney. ... The elder daughter of Rog Harding of A∣mersham. ... Nich. Stokely Couper and his wife of Hen∣ley. ... Iohn Clerke. ... Tho. Wilbey of Henley. ... W. Stokeley. ... Hobs with his sonnes of Hychenden. ... The wife of Iohn Scriuener, Smith of Ow∣borne. ... Thomas Clerke the elder. ... Thomas Clerke the younger. ... Wigmer fermer of Hychenden. ... Robert Carder weiuer. ... Iohn-Frier, seruant to M. Pen. ... Iohn Morwen and Isabel his wife. ... Elizabeth Houer, wife of Henry Houer of little Missenden. ... Rich. White, Fuller of Beckinsfield.
	Andr. Ran∣dal and his wife of Ric∣mansworth.	Because they recey∣ued into theyr House, Thomas Manne, flying for persecution, and for reading Wickleffs Wic∣ket.
	... The father of Andrewe Randall. ... Benet Ward Fuller.	Thys Benet Warde was also denounced by Iohn Merstonne, for saying that it booteth no manne to pray to oure Ladie, nor to no Sainte, nor aungell in Heauen, but to God only, for they haue no power of mans soule.
	The wife of Benet Ward, and her d••ugh∣ter.	For saying that Tho∣mas Pope was the de∣uoutest manne that euer came in their house, for he woulde sitte readyng in his booke to midnight many times.
The fore∣sayd Tho. Holmes de∣tected	... Tho. Tailour and his wife of Vxbridge. ... Rob. Quicke. ... Rob. Cosine. ... Tho. Clarke and his wife of Ware. ... One G••ldener about Herford. ... Iohn Bay, and Wil. Say his sonne, of little Missenden. ... The wife of Iohn Wellys of Amersham. ... Ioane Glasbroke, sister to Wil. Glasbroke of Harow on the Hill. ... Tho. Susan, Wheler. ... Iohn•• Lee, Smith. ... Iohn Austy, Sherman. ... Iohn Frier. ... Edmund Harding. ... Ioh. Heron, Carpenter of Hambeldon. ... Henry Miller.
	Iohn Phips. Hee was very ripe in Scriptures.
	Emme wife of Rich. Tilsworth.
	Iohn Phip. He was a reader or re∣hearser to the other.
	Iohn Say of Missenden. William Stokeley.
	Rog. Squire.	For saying to Holmes. Thys is one of them that maketh all this bu∣sinesse in oure Towne wyth the Byshoppe. I pray GOD teare al the bones of him.
	... Roger Herne. ... A certaine Tanner.
	... Ioh. Butler, Carpenter. ... Rich. But∣ler. ... W. King of Vxbridge.	These three sate vp all the night in the house of Durdant of Iuencourte by Stanes,* 3.122 readinge all the nighte of a Booke of Scripture.
	Iohn Mu∣klyf, Wea∣uer.	For speaking againste holy bread and holy wa∣ter.
	Tho. Man.	For saying that Christ was not substantially in the Sacrament.

	Thomas 〈…〉〈…〉 But∣ler.	For receiuing an Eng∣lish booke geuen hym by Carder his father, who after his abiuration don before bishop Smith, fel sieke and died.
	... Rich Vulford of Riselip. ... Hackar. ... Thomas King
	... Ione Cocks. ... The wife of Rob. Wy∣wood, hus∣bandman.	For desiring of Dur∣dant her maister, that he being a knowen a man, woulde teache her some knowledge of gods law and desiring the same al¦so of the Butlers.
Rob. Car∣der of Iuer, weuer, de∣tected these	... Nic. Durdāt of Stanes. ... Dauy Dur∣dant of An∣kerwike. ... The wife of old Durdāt. ... The wife of Nich. Durdant.	These were detected for that olde Durdant of Euyncourte, at dinner sitting with his children & their wiues, bidding a boy there stāding, to de∣parte out of ye house, that he should not heare and tel, did recite certain pla∣ces vnto them, out of the Epistles of S. Paule, & of the Gospels.
	Ric. White, Father in law to Be∣net Ward of Bekinsfield.	He was detected to be a knowen man, because, after the death of bishop Smith, he was heard to say these words: my L. that dead is, was a good man, and diuers known men were called before him, & he sēt them home againe, bidding them yt they should liue among their neighbors as good Christen men should do. And now (saide he) there is a new Byshop which is called a blessed man, and if he bee as he is na∣med, hee wil not trouble the seruants of God, but wil let them be in quiet.
Mariā Mor∣den was forced vpon eer othe to vtter	Iames Morden her owne brother, which taught her ye Pater noster, Aue and Creede in English, and that shee shuld not go on pilgrimage, nor shuld worship saincts or images, whych she had not done by the space of 6. yeares past, folowing & beleuing her brother.
Iames Mor∣den was for¦ced vpon his othe to vtter	... Iohn Littlepage. ... Henry Littlepage. ... William Littlepage. ... Ione Littlepage. ... Ric. Morden his brother of Chesham. ... Emme his wife. ... Alice Browne of Chesham. ... Rad. Morden his brother of Chesham. ... His wife. ... Iohn Phips. ... Elizabeth Hamon.
Tho. Coup∣land forced by his othe, detected	... A Chanon of Missenden. ... Tho. Groue, of London. ... Isabel Morwyn. ... The wife of Norman of Amersham.
... Th. Couper of Wodrow. ... Rog. Har∣ding. ... W. Grinder.	Because these two could not saye their Creede in Latin.
	The wife of Rob. Stampe of Woodrowe.
Th. Roulād. T. Couplād. Ric. Steuēs. Rog. Bene•• forced by their othe to accuse.	... Thom. Har∣ding of A∣mersham. ... Alice Hard∣ing his wife.	Because, after theyr abiuration in Byshop Smithes tyme, diuers known men (as they thē termed them) which wer abiured before, had much resort to their house.
	Agnes Squi••e▪	For speaking these wor∣des: Men do say I was abiured for heresy, it may well be a napkin for my nose, but I wil neuer be ashamed of it.
	... The vicar of little Missenden. ... Tho. Groue & his wife.	He was detected for yt hee did geue to D. Wil∣cocks 20. li. to excuse him yt he might not be brou∣ght to open penance.
Iohn Saw∣cote vpon his othe did appech	Thomas Holmes.	For that he was heard to say these wordes after the greate abiuration, when hee had abiured: that the greatest cobbes were yet behinde.
	Rich Saun∣ders of A∣mersham	Because he euer defen∣ded them whyche were suspected to bee knowen mē. Also because he bou∣ght out his penance, and caryed hys badge in hys purse.
¶Bishop Longland seeking howe to conuicte Iohn Phip of periu••te, who being charged with an oth did not answer affirmatiuely to such suspitions as were laide vnto him by Thom▪ Holmes and other seueral accusers, did examine Sibill Affrike his owne sister, vpon her oth to detect I. Phip her brother of relapse,* 3.123 but she so answered, that the bishop could take by her no great hold of relapse against him. Wherin is to be noted the singular iniquitie and abuse in the Church of Rome, which by vertue of othe, setteth the sister to procure the brothers blud. The like also was sought by Thomas Affrik, his sisters husband, but they had by him no vauntage.
	Iohn Butler hys owne brother.	For reading to hym in a certayne Booke of the Scripture, and perswa∣ding him to harken to the same.
Ienkin But∣ler did ap∣peach	... Robert Carder. ... Richard Butler his brother. ... Henry Vulman of Vxbridge. ... Rich. Ashforde of Walton, otherwise called Rich. Nash, or R▪ Tredway. ... W. King of Vxbridge.
	... Isabel Tra∣cher, wife of Ioh. Tracher ... Thom. Cle∣ment of Chersham.	Because she came not to the Churche ofter on the woorke dayes, being ad∣monished bothe by the church wardens, by the graduates of the church, and by Doctour Cockes commissary, but folowed her busines at home. Al∣so because shee purposed to set her daughter to A∣lice Harding, saying that shee coulde better in∣struct her then many o∣ther. Also because she cur¦sed ye priest after he was gone, which had geuen to her the Eucharist, say∣ing, that he had geuen to her bitter gall.
W. Amery∣den did de∣tect	Alice Hol∣ting.	For yt she being great wt childe, did dine before she wēt to church to take her rites, saying, that Isabel Tracher did so tell her, yt she might dine before she receiued the sacrament.

	W. Trecher of Amer∣sham.	For keping Thomas Broue in hys house on Easter and Christmasse day, because hee woulde not come to the Church.
Ioane Nor∣man did ap∣peach	... Rob. Cosin. ... Tho. Man. ... Alice Har∣ding.	For disswading from pilgrimage, from wor∣shipping of Images, & from bowing her mony to Saintes for health of her childe. Also, for say∣ing, that shee needed not to confesse to a priest: but to be enoughe to lifte vp her handes to Heauen. Also for saying, that shee myghte as well drincke vpon the Sonday before masse, as any other day. &c.
	Henry Mil∣ler Wyer∣drawer, whych from Amersham fledde to Chēpsford.	That hee abiured and did penance in Kent be∣fore, and afterwarde cō∣ming to Amersham, tau∣ght them (as hee sayde) many heresies.
	... Iohn Barret goldsmith of London. ... Ioan Barret his wife. ... Iode his ser∣uaunt.	Because he was heard in his own house before his wife and mayd there present, to recite the E∣pistle of s. Iames: which epistle wyth many other things, hee had perfectly wythout booke.
	Iohn Mery∣wether, his wife & his sonne.	Also because Ioanne his wife had lent to thys Ih. Scriuener, the Gos∣spell of Mathewe and Marke, which booke hee gaue to bishop Smith.
Ioh. Scriue∣ner forced by his othe to accuse	... Durdant by Stanes. ... Olde Dur∣dant. ... Isabel wife of Thomas Harding. ... Hartop of Wyndsore. ... Ione Barret wife of Iohn Barret of London. H. Miller. ... Stilman Tailour.	All these were accused because at the marriage of Durdantes daughter, they assembled together in a Barne, and heard a certain Epistle of Saint Paule read, which rea∣ding they well liked, but especially Durdant, and commended the same.
	Tho. Row∣land of A∣mersham.	It was obiected to Thomas Roulande for speaking these woordes: Ah good Lorde where is all oure good communi∣cation which was wont to bee among vs, when your maister was aliue?
	... Tho. Groue of London butcher. ... W. Glas∣broke of Harowe on the hill. ... Christopher Glasbroke of London.	These were appeached because they vsed to re∣sorte and conferre toge∣ther of matters of Reli∣gion, in the house of Thomas Man of Amer¦sham, before the greate abiuration.
	William Tilsworth of London goldsmith, prentise sometimes to Iohn Barret.
	Iohn New∣man.	He was appeached be∣cause hee was present in the house of I. Barret, at the reading of Scrip∣ture.
	... Iohn Wood of Henley. ... Wil. Wood. ... Lewys of Henley, seruing man.
	Wylie and his sonne.	This wily was ap∣preached because he tau∣ght the gospell of Math. to I. Wood and William Wood after the great ab∣iuration, & father Rob. did teach them s. Paules Epistle,* 3.124 whiche olde fa∣ther was after that bur∣ned at Buckingham.
	Turstan Litlepage. Emme his wife.	This Thurstan had taught him the saying of Salomon: that wrathe raiseth chiding: had tau∣ght him also the Pater no∣ster, and Aue in English. His Crede in english he learned of his grādmo∣ther. The said Thurstan also taught him, Christe not to bee corporallye in the sacrament.
	... Iohn Litle∣page his brother. ... Alice, wife of Thurstan Littlepage.	Because he was sayde to haue learned the ten commaundementes in English. of Alice Thur∣stans wife in his fathers house.
	Iohn Fri∣er.	Because this I. Frier had taught the said W. ye x. commaundements in English.
Wil. Litle∣page forced by his othe did accuse.	... Thomas Groue. ... Hernes wife. ... The wife of Iohn Morwyn. ... Richard Bartlet. ... Robert Bartlet.
Thomas Bernard.
	Iohn Clerke of little Missenden.	For saying shee neuer did beleeue in the sacra∣ment of the aultare, or e∣uer would beleue in it.
Iohn Gar∣diner did appeache.	Iohn Horne of Ambylden.
... His sister Agnes Warde. ... Wardes wife of Marlow. ... Nicholas Stokeley.	Because, that when this Gardiner sayde, God helpe vs and our Ladie, and all the saints of hea∣uen, then she sayd: what neede is it to goe to the feete, when we may goe to the head?
	... William Stokeley. ... The wife of William Deane. ... Will. Ramsey of Newbery. ... Iohn Symon og Marlow. ... Hys wife. of Marlow. ... Iohn Gray of Marlow. ... Dauy Schyrwood, ... William Schyrwood. ... Raynold Schyrwood.
Iohn Say did detect	... Christopher Shomaker. ... Ih. Okinden ... Rob. Pope.	Thys Chrystopher Shomaker hadde beene burned a little before at Newbery.* 3.125
¶Byshop Longland seeking matter against Isa∣bell Morwyn, of whome hee coulde take no greate aduauntage by examination, called and caused Eli∣zabeth Copland her own sister, to testifie against her in maner as followeth.
Elizabeth Coplande witnesseth against	Isabel Morwyn, her owne sister.	Firste because in talke together comming from their father, being at the poynte of death, Isabell sayde to her sister Eliza∣beth, that all whych dye, either passe to hel or hea∣uen. Nay sayde the o∣ther, there is betweene them purgatorie.

Agayne, when Elizabeth came from the roode of rest sayd Isabell, that if she knew so much as shee hath heard, shee would go no more on pilgrimage while she liued: for all Saints, said she, be in heauen. Then asked Elizabeth wherfore pilgrimage was ordeined of Doctours and Priestes. Said the other, for gaine & profit. Who hath taught you this quoth Elizabeth? man or womā? Your Curate, I dare say, neuer lear∣ned you so. My Curate sayd she, will neuer knowe so much: and moreouer sayd to Elizabeth her sister, that if she woulde keepe counsaile, & not tell her hus∣band, she would say more. And when Elizabeth an∣swered, that she would not tell: but sayth the other, I will haue you to sweare: and because she woulde not sweare, the other would not proceed any further.
Alice Browne. forced by her othe too de∣tect.	Iohn Tra∣cher of Ches∣sham.	The cause why this Iohn Tracher was de∣nounced, was thys, for that hee taught her in the Gospell this sayeng of Iesus: Blessed bee they that heare the word of GOD and keepe it. Also, because hee taughte her the eyghte beatitudes in English.
¶Emme Tilseword because she refused to detect o∣ther by vertue of her othe, and denied such matter as by witnes and by the Bishops actes were prooued against her, in paine of relaps the Bishop enioyned her to make certaine fagots of cloth, and to weare the same, both before her vpper garment, and behinde, so long as she liued. Ex Regist. Longland.
	Thomas Afrike.	For asking howe hys cousin Widmore clerke, the elder, and Iohn Fip did at Hichenden: whe∣ther they kepte the lawes of GOD as they were woont.
W. Phippes forced by his othe to detect.	Roger Parker deceased.
Ioh. Phip.	For sayeng that Ima∣ges are not to bee woor∣shipped, because they are made and carued wyth mans hande, and that such ought not to be wor∣shipped.
	Iohn Gardi∣ner.	For that to the sayde Wil. this Gardiner sayd, that all which are burned for thys secte, are true Martyrs.
	Iohn Stilman.
Iohn Butler by his othe was forced to detect.	Thomas Geffray firste of Vxbridge then of Ipswich Taylor.	For reading and tea∣ching him in the acts and preachings of the Apo∣stles. Item, for hauing a Scripture Booke in English: whyche Booke, the sayde Gefferay gaue to the Byshoppe of Lon∣don when hee was accu∣sed. Item, that the sayde Gefferay sayde, that true Pilgrimage was bare∣foote to go and visite the poore, weake, and sicke, for they are the true Images of God.
	Richard Vulford.	This Uulforde, and Thomas Gefferay tolde the sayde Iohn Butler, that the hoste consecra∣ted, was not the verye true bodye of Christe. In proofe whereof, they sayde, that let a Mouse bee put in the pixe wyth the hoste,* 3.126 and the Mouse woulde eate it vp. And for more proofe, they declared vnto the sayde Iohn Butler, that there were two Priests in Essex, which put a mouse in the pixe to a consecrated hoste, and the mouse did eate it. After∣warde the facte of these Priestes beyng knowne and brought to the By∣shop, one of the Priestes was burned for the same.
	Ioh. Clerke of Dēham.	Also the same Uulford and Geffrey told him and Iohn Clerke, that holy bread, and holy water were but a vayne glorye of the world: for God ne∣uer made them, but were mennes inuentions: and that GOD neither made Priestes, for in Christes time there were no priests Moreouer, that Tho∣mas Geffrey caused this Iohn Butler diuers Sō∣dayes to goe to London to heare Doctour Colet.* 3.127
	Andrew Fuller of Vxbridge.	Because this Iohn Butler had an olde booke of Richard Uulford. Also an other greate booke of Andrewe Fuller for whiche hee payde sixe shillyngs and foure pence and an other litle booke of Thomas Man, which he brought to the Byshop.
The fore∣sayd Iohn Butler did detect.	Thomas Man.	Moreouer, this Tho∣mas Man, was appea∣ched, because hee read to this deponent ten yeares agoe: howe Adam and Eue were expelled out of Paradise: and for spea∣kyng agaynste Pilgri∣mage and worshyppyng of Images, and agaynst the singyng seruice vsed then in Churches. This Thomas Man, was burnt and dyed a Martyr, of whō mention is made before. pag. 817.
	William Kyng.	This William Kyng was appeached because he lodged Thomas Man in his house vppon a cer∣taine holy day at diuine seruice: vnto whom resor∣ted Richard Uulford, and Ioh. Clerke, & this Ioh. Butler: to whom the sayd Tho. Man declared, that pilgrimage was naught, & that Images were not to be worshypped.
	Rob. Car∣der. Durdant. Rich. But∣ler his own brother. Wil. Kyng	To these was layd that Thom. Ca••der brought this Ioh. Butler to Dur∣dantes house at Iuēcourt by Stanis, where was Rich. Butler his brother, and William Kyng rea∣dyng in a certaine Eng∣glishe booke: At whiche tyme Durdant desired thē not to tell, that he had any such English booke in his house, least hee should be burned for the same.
	Rich. Nash or Ashford.	Also an other tyme, that Iohn Butler with Richard Butler his bro∣ther, and Robert Carder wēt to the house of Rich. Ashford or Nashe, to heare the same Ashford read in a certaine little booke, but which cōteined many good things.
Agayne, when Elizabeth came from the roode of rest sayd Isabell, that if she knew so much as shee hath heard, shee would go no more on pilgrimage while she liued: for all Saints, said she, be in heauen. Then asked Elizabeth wherfore pilgrimage was ordeined of Doctours and Priestes. Said the other, for gaine & profit. Who hath taught you this quoth Elizabeth? man or womā? Your Curate, I dare say, neuer lear∣ned you so. My Curate sayd she, will neuer knowe so much: and moreouer sayd to Elizabeth her sister, that if she woulde keepe counsaile, & not tell her hus∣band, she would say more. And when Elizabeth an∣swered, that she would not tell: but sayth the other, I will haue you to sweare: and because she woulde not sweare, the other would not proceed any further.
Alice Browne. forced by her othe too de∣tect.	Iohn Tra∣cher of Ches∣sham.	The cause why this Iohn Tracher was de∣nounced, was thys, for that hee taught her in the Gospell this sayeng of Iesus: Blessed bee they that heare the word of GOD and keepe it. Also, because hee taughte her the eyghte beatitudes in English.
¶Emme Tilseword because she refused to detect o∣ther by vertue of her othe, and denied such matter as by witnes and by the Bishops actes were prooued against her, in paine of relaps the Bishop enioyned her to make certaine fagots of cloth, and to weare the same, both before her vpper garment, and behinde, so long as she liued. Ex Regist. Longland.
	Thomas Afrike.	For asking howe hys cousin Widmore clerke, the elder, and Iohn Fip did at Hichenden: whe∣ther they kepte the lawes of GOD as they were woont.
W. Phippes forced by his othe to detect.	Roger Parker deceased.
Ioh. Phip.	For sayeng that Ima∣ges are not to bee woor∣shipped, because they are made and carued wyth mans hande, and that such ought not to be wor∣shipped.
	Iohn Gardi∣ner.	For that to the sayde Wil. this Gardiner sayd, that all which are burned for thys secte, are true Martyrs.
	Iohn Stilman.
Iohn Butler by his othe was forced to detect.	Thomas Geffray firste of Vxbridge then of Ipswich Taylor.	For reading and tea∣ching him in the acts and preachings of the Apo∣stles. Item, for hauing a Scripture Booke in English: whyche Booke, the sayde Gefferay gaue to the Byshoppe of Lon∣don when hee was accu∣sed. Item, that the sayde Gefferay sayde, that true Pilgrimage was bare∣foote to go and visite the poore, weake, and sicke, for they are the true Images of God.
	Richard Vulford.	This Uulforde, and Thomas Gefferay tolde the sayde Iohn Butler, that the hoste consecra∣ted, was not the verye true bodye of Christe. In proofe whereof, they sayde, that let a Mouse bee put in the pixe wyth the hoste,* 3.128 and the Mouse woulde eate it vp. And for more proofe, they declared vnto the sayde Iohn Butler, that there were two Priests in Essex, which put a mouse in the pixe to a consecrated hoste, and the mouse did eate it. After∣warde the facte of these Priestes beyng knowne and brought to the By∣shop, one of the Priestes was burned for the same.
	Ioh. Clerke of Dēham.	Also the same Uulford and Geffrey told him and Iohn Clerke, that holy bread, and holy water were but a vayne glorye of the world: for God ne∣uer made them, but were mennes inuentions: and that GOD neither made Priestes, for in Christes time there were no priests Moreouer, that Tho∣mas Geffrey caused this Iohn Butler diuers Sō∣dayes to goe to London to heare Doctour Colet.* 3.129
	Andrew Fuller of Vxbridge.	Because this Iohn Butler had an olde booke of Richard Uulford. Also an other greate booke of Andrewe Fuller for whiche hee payde sixe shillyngs and foure pence and an other litle booke of Thomas Man, which he brought to the Byshop.
The fore∣sayd Iohn Butler did detect.	Thomas Man.	Moreouer, this Tho∣mas Man, was appea∣ched, because hee read to this deponent ten yeares agoe: howe Adam and Eue were expelled out of Paradise: and for spea∣kyng agaynste Pilgri∣mage and worshyppyng of Images, and agaynst the singyng seruice vsed then in Churches. This Thomas Man, was burnt and dyed a Martyr, of whō mention is made before. pag. 817.
	William Kyng.	This William Kyng was appeached because he lodged Thomas Man in his house vppon a cer∣taine holy day at diuine seruice: vnto whom resor∣ted Richard Uulford, and Ioh. Clerke, & this Ioh. Butler: to whom the sayd Tho. Man declared, that pilgrimage was naught, & that Images were not to be worshypped.
	... Rob. Car∣der. ... Durdant. ... Rich. But∣ler his own brother. ... Wil. Kyng	To these was layd that Thom. Ca••der brought this Ioh. Butler to Dur∣dantes house at Iuēcourt by Stanis, where was Rich. Butler his brother, and William Kyng rea∣dyng in a certaine Eng∣glishe booke: At whiche tyme Durdant desired thē not to tell, that he had any such English booke in his house, least hee should be burned for the same.
	Rich. Nash or Ashford.	Also an other tyme, that Iohn Butler with Richard Butler his bro∣ther, and Robert Carder wēt to the house of Rich. Ashford or Nashe, to heare the same Ashford read in a certaine little booke, but which cōteined many good things.

	Richard Vulman of London.	This Uulman was detected vpon this, for that he would haue red to this Iohn Butler a certaine english booke, and spake against pil∣grimage and images.
	Henr. Vlman & his wife of Uxbridge.
	... Radulph Carpenter of London. ... A daughter of Iohn Phip. ... A daughter of William Phip.	This Rafe Carpen∣ter was detected, for hauing certaine bookes of the Apocal. in Eng∣lish. Also for that thys Carpēter and his wife did bring him and the wife of Henry Uul∣man to a cornerhouse of Fridaystreete, where the goodman of ye house hauing a stumpe foote, had diuers such bookes, to the intēt they should heare them read.
	... R. Butler. ... Ienkin Butler his owne bree∣thren. ... The mo∣ther of Ri∣chard Ash∣ford. ... I. Butler his other bro∣ther.	These were detected partly for holdyng a∣gainst the Sacrament of the alter, partly al∣so, because they were reading two houres together in a certayne booke of the actes of the Apostles in English at Chersham in Ashfords house.
Iohn Phip compelled by his othe to detect.	The wife of Robert Pope.	For hauing certaine bookes in English,* 3.130 one bound in bourds, and three with parchment couerings, with foure other sheetes of paper written in english, con∣teining matter agaynst the Romish Religion. Also another booke of the seruice of the virgin Mary in English.
Thomas Stilman.	Tho. Stilman was therefore detected, for yt he told Wil. Fip how that he being in lolards tower, did climbe vp the steeple where ye bels were, and there cutting ye belropes, did tye two of them together, and so by them slipped downe into Paules Churchyard, & escaped.
Tho. Tred∣way com∣pelled by his othe to detect.	... Iohn Mor∣dē of Ashly greene. ... Rich. Ashe∣ford his brother. ... Agnes Ashford his owne mother.	These were accused & detected, because Iohn Morden had in hys house a booke of ye Gos∣pels, and other chap∣ters in english, & read three or foure times in the same: In whiche booke his brother Ash∣ford also did rede once. Item, because I. Mor∣den spake against I∣mages, and spake these words: our Lorde Ie∣sus Christ saith in hys Gospell: Blessed bee they that heare ye word of God, & kepeth it, &c. Tredway also detected his mother for teaching him yt he shuld not wor∣ship ye images of saints.* 3.131
¶Likewise Ioane Bernard being accused by Ro∣bert Copland, was sworne by her othe to detecte Thomas Bernarde hir owne naturall father, for speaking against pilgrimage, against worshipping of Saints, and against diriges and praieng for the dead, and for warning his daughter not to vtter a∣ny of all this to her Ghostly father.* 3.132 ¶The like othe also was forced to Richard Ber∣nard that he should in like maner detect Thom. Ber∣nard his owne naturall father, for teaching him not to worship images, nor to beleeue in the Sacramente of the aulter, but in God onely which is in heauen: and that he should not vtter the same to the Priest.
The vicar of Iuer, and Ri∣chard Tay∣lor witnes, accused.	Richard Carder.	For defending the cause of Ienkin Butler, and for saieng that the Bishop dyd hym iniurie. Item, for sayeng that if he had knowne the By∣shops man woulde haue set hym so to the Bishop, hee woulde haue giuen hym warning thereof be∣fore. Item, for sayeng, that if hee shoulde call him, hee woulde confesse nothing although he burned him.
Agnes Carder, wife of Ri∣chard Car∣der dete∣cted.	Richard Carder her husband.	For sayeng that hee su∣spected that shee was too much familiare with the Uicar of Iuer. And when shee aunswered againe: howe coulde hee bee euill with her, seeing he sayeth Masse euery day, and doth not confesse hymselfe be∣fore: then her husbande sayde, that hee coulde con∣fesse himselfe to a post or to the alter.
¶Where note that the Bishop then examining her of that offence, whether she was culpable, and whether she was commonly in the voyce of the people diffamed with him or no: she confessed so to be. Whereupon no other penaltie nor penance for that crime of adultery was enioined her of the Bishop, but only this, that she should frequent the Uicares house no more.
Ioh. Clerke of Den∣ham for∣ced by his othe to de∣tecte.	... Richard Vulford of Riselyp. ... Iohn But∣ler.	For speaking agaynste Images, Pilgrimages,* 3.133 oblations, and agaynste the Sacramente of the alter. Item, when this Iohn Clerke had made a weele for fish, Richard Uulford commyng by, asked hym when hee had made hys weele, whether the weele now coulde turne againe and make hym: and hee sayd no. Euen so (quoth hee) God hath made all Priests as thou hast made the weele, and how can they turne againe & make God?
Iohn Ma∣stall dete∣cted.	The daugh¦ter of Iohn Fippe of Hinchen∣den.	For sayeng that she was as well learned, as was the parishe Priest in all things, except only in say∣eng of Masse.
... Rob. Row∣land. ... William Franke. ... Thomas Houre. ... Tho. Row∣land. ... Ioane Franke. ... Ioh. Baker, all these detected.	Alice San∣ders, wife of Richard Saunders of Amer∣sham.	For geuing twelue pence to Thomas Hol∣mes to buy a certayne Booke in Englishe for her daughter. To whome Tomas Holmes answe∣red agayne, that a noble woulde not suffice to buy it. Another tyme, for ge∣uing syxe pence to the buieng of a certaine booke in english, which cost fiue markes. Another time, Tho∣mas Houre commyng from Owburne, shee as∣ked what newes, and hee sayde, that manye were there condemned of heresie: and therefore hee woulde leane to that

waye no more. Then saide she, if he did so, he would gaine nothyng thereby. Whereby hee had no more worke with her husband, and after was put from his holy water Clerkeship in that towne. Another time, for sai∣eng to Thomas Row∣land these wordes: yee may see how Thomas Houre and other which laboured to haue here∣tikes detected before B. Smith▪ are broughte now to beggery: you may take exāple by thē.
... Ioane Franke, William Franke the elder, Wil∣liam Frāke the yonger. ... Alice Tred¦way dete∣cted.	Ioane Co∣lingborne.	For sayeng to one Ioan Timberlake, and to Alice Tredway ten yeares ago▪ that shee could neuer beleeue pil∣grimages to be profi∣table, nor that Saincts were to be worshipped: and desired them not to tell their Curate. Which Alice immediately cau∣sed her to be called be∣fore the Bishop.
William Carder vp∣on his othe was forced to detect.	Isabel Tra∣cher, wife of William Tracher his maistres.	For that shee beeyng not sicke, but in good health, and beeing re∣buked dyuers tymes of her husband for the same, yet woulde not go to the Church, but taried at home and kept her worke as well ho∣lyday as worke daye, the space of three yeares together.
... Isabel Gar∣diner. ... Iohn Gar∣diner for∣ced by their othe to de∣tect the Vi∣care of Wicombe.	Thomas Raue of great Mer∣low.	For speaking against Pilgrimages, in the companie of Iohn and Elizabeth Gardiner, as he was going to our Lady of Lincolne for hys penance enioyned by Byshoppe Smyth. Also the same tyme, as hee met certayne com∣myng from Saincte Iohn Shorne, for say∣eng they were fooles, and calling it Idolatry. Also in the same voy∣age, when he saw a cer∣taine chappell in decay and ruine, he sayde: lo, yonder is a faire milke∣house downe.
Item, when he came to Lincolne, he made water in the Chappell at masse time, excusing afterward that he did it of necessitie. Item, the same time speakyng against the Sacrament of the aulter, he sayde, that Christ sitteth in heauen at the right hand of the fa∣ther almighty, and brought forth this parable, say∣eng, that Christ our Lord sayd these wordes, when he went from his disciples, and ascended to heauen: That once he was in sinners hands, & woulde come there no more. Also when hee came to Wicomb there to do his penaunce, he bound his fagot with a silken lace. Also, being demanded of D. London, whether he had done his penaunce in comming to our Lady of Lincolne, he aunswered, that Bishop Smith had released him, to come to our Lady of Messenden for sixe yeares. And three yeares he came, but whether he came any more, because he did not there register his name, therefore he sayd he could not prooue it.
	The wife of Tho. Potter of Hychenden.
Roger Be∣net for∣ced by hys othe to de∣tect.	The wife of Wil. Tilse∣worth now of Haukewel.	For not thinking ca∣tholikely, that is, after the tradition of Rome, of the Sacrament of the alter.
	... The wife of Robert Stampe. ... Marian Randall.	For not accomplishyng her penaūce inioyned by Byshop Smith.
	Iohn But∣ler.	For hauyng of him a certaine booke in English conteinyng a Iewe and a Christian.
	His owne wife deceassed.
	Iohn Clerke of Denham.	For communing with hym, agaynst Images,* 3.134 Pilgrimage, and the Sa∣crament of the aultar.
	Thom. Gef¦frey, of Vx∣brige, & his wife depar∣ted.	For communyng a∣gaynst the Sacrament of the aultar, worshyppyng of Saintes, Pilgrimage. &c.
Richard Vulford, de¦tected.	Henry Vul¦man of Vx∣brige.	For speakyng and tea∣ching agayng the Sacra∣ment of the aultar eleuen yeares agoe, and saying it was but a trifle.
	... The mother of William Kyng of Vxbrige. ... William Kyng. ... Robert Carder, the elder. ... Iohn Baker of Vxbrige.
Iohn Scri∣uener the elder, dete∣cted.	... Geldener the elder. ... His two daughters.	For beyng present and harkenyng vnto Richard Benet readyng the Epi∣stle of Saint Iames in English.* 3.135
	... Emme, sister of W. Tilseworth mart. ... Iohn Lee Carpenter of Henly.
¶Here is to be noted, that in the towne of Che∣sham were two men: One named Robert Hutton. The other Iohn Sparke. Of whiche two, the one called the other hereticke:* 3.136 The other called hym a∣gayne theefe. Sparke whiche called Hutton theefe, was condemned to pay for his slaūder x. shillynges. But Hutton which called the other hereticke, payed nothyng. It happened that the wife of this Sparke not long after, had certeine money stolne. For the whiche the sayd Sparke her husband sent for the counsaile of two Friers, who gaue him counsaile to make two balles of clay, and to put them in the wa∣ter and in the same balles to inclose the names of thē whom he suspected,* 3.137 and so doyng the sayd Sparke came to his money agayne. And this was detected to Byshop Longland the same tyme by Thomas Clement. But of all this matter there was no in∣quisition made, nor interrogatories ministred, nor witnesse producted, nor any sentence geuen. Ex Re∣gist. Longlang. fol. 50.
Iohn Gro∣sar, beyng put to his oth, dete∣cted.	... Thomas Tykill. ... Thomas Spēser and his wife. ... Iohn Knight.	This Iohn Grosar was examined whether he had a booke of the Gos∣pels in Englishe, who confessed that he receaued such a booke of Thomas Tykill morrowe. Masse Prieste in Milkestreete, and afterwarde Lente the same booke to Thomas Spenser: Whiche Tho∣mas Spenser with hys wife vsed to read vppon the same.* 3.138 After that it was lent to Ioh. Knight who at length deliuered the booke to the Uicare of Rikemansworth.
Iohn Fūge forced by his othe to detect.	... Fraunces Funge and his brother ... Thomas Clerke.	Fraunces Funge was examined for speakyng these wordes to his bro∣ther I. which wordes he had learned of Thomas Clarke: If the Sacramēt

of the alter be very God & man, flesh & bloud, in forme of bred, as priests say that it is: then haue we many Gods, and in heauen there is but one God. And if there were an hūdreth houseled in one parish,* 3.139 and as ma∣nye in another, then there must needes bee more then one God. I will not denie, but it is a holy thing: but it is not the body of the Lord that suffered Passion for vs: for hee was once in mans hands heere, and ill entreated, and therefore he will neuer come in sinfull mens handes againe. Also for speaking these wordes: the Pope hath no authority to geue pardon, and to release any mans soule from sinne, and so from payne: it is nothyng but blinding of the people, to haue their money. Also for these wordes, or suche like: If a man do sowe twentie quarters of corne, as wheate or barley, or other corne, he ought to deduct his seede, and of the residue to tithe, or else he hath wrong, &c.
	Thomas Clerke.	For speaking against the reall presence of Christe in the Sacra∣mente vnto Fraunces Funge, as before, &c.
Fraunces Funge and Alyce his wife were put to their othe to de∣tect.	Robert Raue of Dorney.	For sayeng these wordes: That the Sa∣crament of the aulter is not the body whiche was borne of the blessed virgine Mary. Item, for speakyng such wordes foureteene yeares paste: That folkes were ill occu∣pyed that woorship∣ped any thynges gra∣uen with mans hande: for that is grauen wyth mans hand, is neither God, nor our Lady, but made for a remembrance of Saincts. Nor we ought to worship any thing, but God and our Lady, and not Images of Saincts, whiche are but stockes and stones.
Henry D••yn for∣ced by his othe to de∣tect.	... Edmund Hill of Penne. ... Robert Freeman, parishe priest of Orton by Colobroke	For hauing and rea∣ding vpon a suspected booke: whyche booke when hee perceaued to be seene in his hand, he closed it, and caried it to his chamber.
	... Thomas Groue and his wife, of Amer∣sham. ... Matild Philby, wife of Edward Philby of Chaldwey.
Iohn Hill forced by his othe, did detect.	Ioanne Gunne of Chessham.	Because she instruc∣ted and taught the sayd Hill before his abiura∣tion, in the Epistle of Saint Iames, and o∣ther opinions.
	... William Atkyns of great Missenden. ... Richard Murden, of Chesham. ... Emme Murden, his wife.
William Gudgame forced by his othe to detect.	Ioanne Gudgame his owne wife.	For being in the same opinion of the Sacra∣ment that hee was of: who notwithstanding did swear the same Ma∣tild not to bee true, that her husband sayd.
	Alyce Nashe, or Chapman, of Missen∣den.
Matilde Symoni∣des, and Iohn Sy∣monides her hus∣band, put to their othe dete∣cted.	One Hag∣gar of London.	For speaking in theyr house, an. 1520. these wordes: That there shoulde be a bat∣tayle of Priests,* 3.140 and all the Priests shoulde be slayne, and that the Priests shoulde a while rule: but they shoulde all be destroyed, because they holde agaynste the law of holy Church, and for making of false Gods, and after that they should be ouerthrowne. Item, another time he sayd, that men of the Churche shoulde be put downe, and the false Gods that they make: and after that he sayde they should know more, and then should be a mery world.
Thomas Clerke for∣ced by his othe did detect.	Christo∣pher Tin¦ker of Wi∣combe.	The cause of thys Tinkers trouble was, for that he comming to this mans house, and complaining to him of ye pouerty of the world, hadde these wordes: That there was neuer so misgouerned people, and that they bare thē∣selues so bolde vppon pardons and pilgrima∣ges, that they cared not whatsoeuer they did, and so he departed. And after that seauen dayes, thys Tinker comming againe, asked hym how his communication with hym last did please him, and he said well. Then the Tinker sayd he knewe more, and that hee coulde tell hym more, and bad him that he should be∣leeue in God in heauen: for heere be many Gods in earth, and there is but one God: and that he was once heere, and was ill dealt with, and woulde no more come heere till the daye of doome: and that the Sacra∣ment of the aulter was a holy thing, but not the flesh and bloud of Christ that was borne of the virgine, and charged hym not to tell this to hys wife, and especially to his wiues bro∣ther a Priest. Afterward as the Priest was dry∣eng singing bread being wet, which his sister had bought, the foresayde Thomas Clerke sayde, that if euery one of these were a God, then were there many Gods. To whome the Priest aunswered, that till the holy wordes were spoken ouer it, it was of no power, and then it was very God, flesh and bloud, sayeng moreo∣uer, that it was not meete for anye lay man to speake of such thyngs. These wordes of the Priest bee∣yng after recited to the Tinker, by the sayd Clerke: then sayd he, let eue∣ry man say what they will: but you shall finde it as I shew you: and if you will take labour to come to my house, I will shewe you a farther proofe of it, if you will take heede, &c.
Robert Pope first of Amer∣sham, after of Westādred, caused by his oth, did detect these folowing.	... Thomas A∣frike, aliâs Litle page, and hys wife. ... Thomas Scriuener father to Thomas Holmes wife.	To these was obiec∣ted for that they hadde communicatiō and cō∣ference with thys Ro∣berte Pope in the Gos∣pell of S. Mathew, before the great abiuratiō, in ye towne of Amersham. Thys Scriuener was detected, for that the sayde Pope had of him a booke of the E∣pistles in English.

	Benet Ward of Bekennes∣field, and his father. Edmund Dormer.	To Ward, this was layd, that the foresayde Pope had receaued a Booke of the ten Com∣maundementes. He had also the Gos∣pels of Mathewe and Marke. Of the same Warde he learned hys Christe Crosse rowe: Fyue partes of the eight bea∣titudes.
	Thomas Hardyng, and his wife. Iohn Scriuener, and his wife.
	... Tho Man, and his wife. ... Another Tho. Man and his wife. ... Thomas Bernard.	These were detected for this, because they hadde communed and talked with the sayde Robert Pope ofttimes in Bookes of Scrip∣ture and other matters of Religion, concer∣ning Pilgrimage, ado∣ration of Images, and the Sacramente of the Lords body.
	... Thomas Groue. ... Thomas Holmes. ... Robert Raue. ... William Gudgame, and his wife. ... Nashe the elder, and his wife. ... W. Gray of Easthenred, Milner. ... Edwarde Gray, and hys wyfe, of East∣henred. ... Margery yong, widow, of Easthenred. ... Isabell Moer, sister to the sayde Margery of Easthenred. ... Richard Nobys Fouler, and his wife of Easthenred.
	Richard Colyns of Gynge, and his wife.	Thys Colyns was among them a great reader, and hadde a booke of Wickeleffes Wicket, and a booke of Luke, and one of Paul, and a Glose of the A∣pocalyps.
	William Colyns his brother.
Roberte Pope of Westanred, being be∣fore adiu∣red now a∣gayne put to his othe detected these as fo∣low.	Thom. Co∣lyns the fa∣ther of Ri∣chard and William.	He hadde a booke of Paule, and a booke of small Epistles.
... Iohn Colyns, of Betterton. ... Robert Lyuord, of Steuenton. ... William Lyuord, of Steuenton. ... Father Amershaw, of Steuenton. ... Smarte, of Steuenton, Milner. ... Thomas Halle, of Hungerford. ... Iohn Eden, of Hungerford. ... Iohn Ludlow, of Hungerford. ... Thomas New, of Wantage, thatcher. ... Ioanne Taylor and her mother, of Bis∣sam. ... Humfrey Shomaker, of Newbery. ... Iohn Semande, of Newbery, Fishmon∣ger. ... Robert Geydon, and his wife, of Newbe∣ry, weauer.
	Iohn Ed∣mundes, of Burford.	This Iohn Edmūds was charged for hauing a Booke, named W. Thorpe. Also, for rea∣ding in an Englishe booke after a mariage.
	Robert Burges, and his wife of Bur∣ford. Iohn Colyns, of Burford. Iohn Colyns, and his wife of Asthall.
	Ioh. Clerke of Clau∣field.	This Clerke was hearde saye that all the world was as well hal∣lowed as in ye Churche or Churchyard. And that it was as good to be buried in the field, as in ye Church or Churchyard.
		William Gunne, and his wife of Witney, Tan∣ner. Iohn Baker, of Witney, Weauer. Iohn Brabant the elder, of Stanlake. Iohn Brabant the yonger of Stanlake. Iohn Kember, of Henny∣barkes. Walter Kember, his bro∣ther, of Hēnybarkes. Iohn Rabettes, of Chaw∣ley. Thomas Widmore, of Hy∣chenden.
	Ioh. Fyppe William Fyppe.	For readyng a cer∣taine Treatise vppon the Pater noster in Englishe, whiche this Iohn Fippe did read to hym, and to his father.
¶This foresayd Robert Pope moreouer dete∣cted Edward Pope his owne father of litle Missen∣den,* 3.141 for hearyng the Gospell of Mathew read vnto him, and for communyng vpon the same with this Robert Pope his sonne, hee detected likewise Ed∣ward Pope his brother. ¶Furthermore, he detected his owne wife, who had before abiured vnder Byshop Smith, to conti∣nue still in her opinions.
	Thomas Clerke the elder, of Hychen∣den. Laurence Herne, of Hychenden.
	W. Haly∣day of Easthen∣red.	This Halyday was detected,* 3.142 for hauyng in his custodie a booke of the Actes of the Apostles in English, whiche the sayd Robert Pope brought vnto hym, at the takyng of Roger Dodde.
	William Squire, and hys brother of Schaw. Thomas Steuēton, & Matilde his daugh∣ter, of Cherney.
Rob. Pope before ab∣iured, did detect these here folowyng.	Thomas Philippe, pointer. Laurence Tayler of London.	For that these two be∣yng in the house of Ri∣chard Colyns at Gynge, there did read in an Eng∣lish booke,* 3.143 the Epistle of Saint Paule to the Ro∣maines, and Laurence did read the first Chapter of S. Lukes Gospell.
		Andrew Maysey, of Bur∣ton. The wife of Richard Co∣lynes, of Gynge.
	... Iohn Har∣rys▪ his wife. ... Alyce Co∣lyns, wife of Richard Colyns.	These beyng together at Upton in Iohn Har∣rys house, did talke of the Apocalips, and of the A∣ctes of the Apostles, and therfore were suspected & thus detected. Ex Regist. Longl fol 71.

	Item, because Iohn Harrys spake against Pilgrimage, Images, and was heard to talke of seauen leane, and seauen fat Oxen.
	Roberte Colyns of Hertford Wallis, Mason.
	Tho. Grey, of Westhē∣dred.	For receiuing certeine bookes of this Roberte Pope.
	Margarete House, wife of William House, of Estginge.	For keepyng com∣panye, and receauyng ye doctrine of Alyce Co∣lins.
	Iohn Nashe, of little Missenden. Henry Etkyn, and hys mother, of little Missenden. Richard Dell, of Missenden.
Roberte Colyns beeyng sworne vpon the Euange∣listes, did detecte these per∣sons.	Richarde Colyns of Gynge.	First, for that this Ri∣chard Colyns did reade vnto the sayde Roberte Colyns the ten Com∣maundements:* 3.144 and af∣ter taught him the E∣pistles of Iames, and another small Epistle of Peter: and after that, tooke hym the Gospell of Sainct Iohn in En∣glish, & bade him reade therein hymselfe. Also, for teaching him not to worship Ima∣ges, nor to set vp can∣dels, nor to go on pil∣grimage. Another crime against Richard Colyns: Be∣cause hee taughte this Robert, that in all such things wherein hee of∣fended God, he shoulde onely shrine himselfe to God: & in which things he offēded mā, he should shrine hym to man. * 3.145Also for teaching him that the Sacramente of the Altar is not very God, but a certaine fi∣guratiue thing of Christ in bread: and that the Priest hath no power to consecrate the body of Christ. Also, for that the sayd Richard did teach him in Wickliffes Wicket: howe that a man maye not make the bodye of our Lorde, which made vs: and how can wee then make him againe? The father is vnbegot∣ten, and vnmade: the Sonne is onely begot∣ten and not made: and how then can mā make that which is vnmade, said he. And in the same booke of Wickliffes Wicket, followe the wordes of Christ thus speaking: If my wordes be here∣sie, then am I an here∣ticke: And if my words be leasings, then am I a lyer, &c. Also, another cryme against Richarde Co∣lyns: For hauing cer∣tayne English Bookes, as Wickleffes Wicket, the Gospell of Sainct Iohn, the Epistles of Sainct Paule, Iames, and Peter in English, an exposition of the A∣pocalips, a booke of our Ladies mattens in en∣glish, a booke of Salo∣mon in english, a booke called the pricke of con∣science.
	Iohn Ed∣mundes, of Burford Taylor.	The crime againste Iohn Edmundes, for hauing a certain english book of ye cōmandemēts.
The fore∣sayd Ro∣bert Co∣lyns being sworne vpon the Euange∣lists, did detecte these per∣sons.	Iohn Har∣rys.	The crime againste Iohn Harrys: For communing with hym of the first Chapter of Sainct Iohns Gospel:* 3.146 In the beginning was the word, and the word was wyth God, and God, &c. Also for com∣muning of a Chapter in Mathew of the viij. beatitudes.
	Thomas Hall.	Item, for counsay∣lyng hym not to go on pilgrimage to Saincts, because they were I∣dols.
	... Rob. Ly∣uord. ... William Lyuord. ... Bruges, & Ioanne his wife. ... Harrys, & his wife. ... Rich. Co∣lyns.	All these were dete∣cted, for that they bee∣ing together in Bruges house at Burford, were reading together in the booke of the exposition of the Apocalyps, and communed concerning the matter of opening the booke with seauen claspes, &c.
	... Iohn Ledisdall, or Edon of Hungerford. ... Iohn Colyns of Burford. ... Iohn Colyns, and his wife, of Asthall. ... Iohn Clerke, of Claufield. ... The wife of Richard Colyns, of Ginge.
	Thom. Co∣lyns, and his wife, of Gynge.	This Thomas was charged for hauyng a booke of Paul & Iames in English.
	... William Colyns. ... Robert Pope, of Henred. ... Hakker, of Colmanstreete in London.
	Stacy brickmaker of Colmō∣streete.	For hauing the booke of the Apocalypse.
	Tho Phil∣lip. Laurence Wharfar of London.	For readyng the E∣pistle of Sainct Peter in English in the house of Roberte Colyns at Asthall.
	... Ioanne Colyns his owne sister, of Asthall. ... Thomas Colyns hys cousen, of Ast∣hall. ... Maistres Bristow, of London. ... Iohn Colyns sonne of Richard Colyns, of Gynge. ... Ioanne Colyns daughter of Richard Co∣lyns of Gynge. ... Henry Stacy sonne of Stacy of Colman∣streete. ... Thomas Steuenton of Charney in Barke∣shyre. ... Iohn Brabant in Stanlake. ... Iohn Baker weauer, of Wytney.
	Richard Colyns.	The wordes of Ri∣charde Colyns were these: That the Sa∣cramente was not the true bodye of Christ in flesh and bloud: but yet it ought to be reue∣renced: albeit not so as the true body of christ.

	Thom. Colins of Gynge, hys owne naturall Father.	The crime agaynste Thomas Colins: For that eight yeares past, this Thomas Colins his Father had taught this Iohn his sonne in the presence of hys Mother, the x. Com∣maundementes, and namely, that he should haue but one GOD, and shoulde worshyp nothing but GOD alone:* 3.147 and that to worship Sayntes and to go on pilgri∣mage was Idolatry. Also that he should not worshippe the Sacrament of the aulter as God, for that it was but a token of the Lordes bodye. Which thing so muche discontented this Iohn Colyns, that he sayd he would disclose his Fathers errours, and make him to be burned: but his Mother entreated him not so to doe.
	Rob. Colins of Asthall.	The crime against Rob. Colyns: That this Robert readde to him in a certaine thick booke of Scripture in English.
Iohn Colins of Burford, appeached to the By∣shop these persons her named.	Iohn Ed∣mundes and his wife.	The crime layd to Ioh. Edmundes: For that hee readde to this Iohn the x. Commaū∣dementes, & tolde him that Iohn Baptiste sayd, that one shoulde come after him whose buckle of his shoo, he was not worthye to vndoe.
	Alice, wife of Gunne of Wytney.
	Iohn Hakker, and his sonne of London.	This Iohn Hakker of London, comming to Burford, brought a book speaking of the x. plagues of Pharao, Also after that, an o∣ther booke, entreatyng of the seauen Sacra∣mentes.
	... Laurence Taylor of Shordich. ... Thomas Philip of London. ... Philip, seruaunt of Richard Colins. ... Waunsell fishmonger, of the Vise. ... Ioane Robert. ... Burges wife. ... Iohn Boyes, and his brother, a Monke of Burford. ... Thomas Baker, Father to Gunnes wife of Whatley. ... Agnes, daughter of Iohn Edmundes. ... The Mother of Iohn Boyes, of Sedbery. ... Edward Red Scholemayster of Burford. ... Robert Hichman of Lechelade.
	Elynor Heg∣ges of Bur∣ford.	This Elynor was charged that she shold burne the Sacrament in an Ouen.
	... Iohn Through, of the Priory of Burford. ... The Mother of Robert Burges wife.
Roger Dods of Burford, by his othe was cōpelled to vtter these persons here named.	Syr Iohn Drury Vicare of Windrish in Worceter∣shyre.	The crime against this Syr Iohn Drury was, for that, when Roger Doddes came first to him to bee hys seruaunte, hee sware him vppon a booke to keepe his counsels in all thinges: and after that he shewed hym a certayne woman in his house whome hee sayde to bee hys wife, counselling moreouer the sayd Roger Dods vpon an embring day, to suppe with bread & cheese, sayinge: that whiche goeth into a mannes body defileth not a mans soule, but that whiche goeth out of the body defi∣leth both body and soule. Also that the sayde Uicare taught him the A.B. C. to the intent he shoulde haue vnderstanding in the Apocalips, wherein he sayde that he shoulde per∣ceiue all the falsehood of the world, and all the trueth. He said farthermore vn∣to him, when he had bene at the Ladye of Worcester, at the bloud of hayles, which had cost him xviij. pence, that he had done as an ill husbande, that had ploughed his lande and sowen it, but nothing to the purpose: For he hadde worshipped mans handye worke and cast away his money, which had bene better geuen to the poore: for he should worship but one God, and no handye worke of man. Item, when the people would of∣fer candles, where hee was Uicare to Mary Magdalene, he would take thē away & say they were fooles, yt brought them thether.
	... Elizabeth More, of Easthenred. ... Robert Pope, of Westhenred.
	Henry Miller or Tucke, by Ware.	This Henrye dyd shew to Roger Dods a certain story of a wo∣man in the Apocalips, riding vpō a red beast. The sayd Henry was twise abiured.
	Iohn Fyppe of Hychenden.	For reading vnto the said Roger Dods, a certayne Gospell in English.
	W. Fyppe of Hychenden and Henry his sonne.	This William had exhorted Roger Dods that he should worship no Images, nor com∣mit no Idolatrye, but worship one God: and tolde the same Roger, that it was good for a man to be mery & wise meaning, that he shold keepe close that was tolde him for els strait punishement woulde folow.
	Roger Parker of Hichenhen.	This Parker sayd to Iohn Fyppe for burning of his bookes, that he was fowle to blame, for they were worth a hūdreth mar∣kes. To whom Iohn aunsweared, that hee had rather burne his bookes, then that hys bookes shoulde burne hym.

	The wife of Thomas Wydemore, daugh∣ter of Roger House, of Hychenden, Olde Wydmores wife, sister to Iohn Phip of Hychenden.
	Iohn Ledis∣dall of Hun∣gerford.	* 3.148For reading of the bible, in Robert Bur∣ges ouse at Burforde vpon holy roode day, with Colyns Lyuord, Thomas Hall and o∣ther.
	Rob. Colins & his wife. Iohn Colins, and his wife.	For buying a Bible of Stacy, for 20. s.
	The father of Rob. Colins.	This father Colins had beene of his doc∣trine from the yeare of our Lord. 1480.
The foresaid Roger Dods of Burford, by his othe was com∣pelled to vtter these persons here an∣nexed.	... Tho. Baker of Whatley. ... Robert Ly∣uord. ... Iohn Sym∣son of Ste∣uenton. ... Tho. Ryley, of Burford. ... Iohn Clem∣son, seruaunt to the Prior of Burford. ... Iohn Edmun∣des, of Bur∣ford. ... William Gunne of Wytney,	To these was layd, that they beyng in the house of Iohn Harris of Upton, at the mari∣age of Ioane the wife of Roberte Burges, dyd reade in a Booke called Nicodemus go∣spell, that made the cloth which our Lorde was buryed in (as the Register sayth) and in that Booke is the sto∣ry of the destruction of Hierusalem.
Iohn Baker, Weauer of Wytney, The Bayliffe of Wytney.
... Iohn Hakker. ... Iohn Brabant, and his wife. ...Iohn Brabant his sonne,* 3.149 with his wife. ... Iohn Brabant the younger sonne, with his wife. ... Reginald Bra∣bant, of Stan∣lake.	For reading in a cer∣tayne English book of Scripture, they being together in Ioh. Bra∣bantes house of Stan∣lake.
	Henry Fyppe.	The crime and detec∣tion against this Hēry was, for that he being asked of this D••ddes an. 1515. Whether he would go to Wycomb or not, aunswered a∣gayne, that hee was chosen Rood man, that is, keeper of the Roode loft, saying yt he muste go & tind a candle be∣fore his Blocke almigh∣tye.* 3.150
	Olyuer Smyth of Newlyne, and his Wyfe.
	William Hobbis.	This William Hob∣bis was detected, first by Radulphe Hobbys his brother to Byshop Smyth, but was de∣liuered throughe the suite of the Curate of Westwycame.
Iohn Ed∣mundes,* 3.151 o∣therwise called Iohn Ogins of Burford, did detect	Philp Brabant seruaunt of Rich. Colyns.	For saying, that the sa∣crament of the aultar was made in the remē¦braūce of Christs own body, but it was not ye body of Christ.
	The shep∣heardes kalen∣der was also accused & de∣tected.	Because the same Edmundes sayde that hee was persuaded by this booke, readynge these woordes:* 3.152 that the Sacrament was made in the remem∣brance of Christ.
	The booke of William Thorpe likewise was muche complayned of both by thys Iohn Edmundes, and diuers other.
	Richard Co∣lyns of Gynges.	This Richard Co∣lins, as he was a great doer among these good men: so was he muche complayned vppon by diuers, & also by thys Edmundes, for bring∣ing with him a booke called the king of Be∣eme,* 3.153 into theyr compa∣ny, and did read there∣of a greate parte vnto them, in this Edmun∣des house of Burford.
Iohn Ed∣mundes, o∣therwise called Iohn Ogyns of Burford did de detect	Alice Colins, wife of Rich. Colyns.	This Alice likewise was a famous womā among them, and had a good memory & could recite much of ye scrip∣tures, and other good bookes: And therefore when any conuenticle of these men did meete at Burford, commonly she was sent for, to re∣cite vnto them the de∣claration of the x. com∣maundementes, & the Epistles of Peter, and Iames.
Ioanne Co∣lyns daugh∣ter of Rich. and of Alice Colyns.	This Ioanne also following her fathers and Mothers steppes was noted, for that she had learned with her father and mother, the x. Commaūdementes,* 3.154 the seuē deadly sinnes, the seuen woorkes of mercy, the fiue wittes bodely and ghostly, the eight blessings, and v. chapters of S. Iames Epistle.
	Agnes Ed∣mundes his owne daugh∣ter.	This Agnes Ed∣mundes was also de∣tected by her Father, that he brought her to the house of Richarde Colyns, to seruice,* 3.155 to the intent shee myght bee instructed there in Gods law, where she had learned likewise the x. Commaunde∣mentes, the fiue wits Bodely and Ghostly, and the 7. deadly sins.
	... Alyce Gunne. ... W. Russell. of Colmanstreet. ... One mother Ioanne. ... Father Iohn Hungerford. ... Ioanne Taylor, seruaunt of Iohn Harrys, of Burford. ... Thomas Quicke, Weauer of Redyng. ... Philip Brabant, Weauer. ... Iohn Barbar, Clerke of Amersham. ... Iohn Eding, of Hungerford. ... One Brabant, brother to Philippe Brabant, of Stanlake.

	Robert Butterfield.
Thomas Whyte, and Thomas Clerke did appeach.* 3.156 * 3.157	William Dorset.	The wordes of Wil∣liam Dorsette were these: that pilgrimage was of none effect, and offering candles or o∣ther things to saynts, stoode in no steede, and was but cost lost. Also when his Wyfe was going on pilgri∣mage, and hee asked whether? and she sayd to our Ladye of Wilse∣don: our Lady, sayd he is in heauen.
Iohn Baker being vrged vpon his othe,* 3.158 did disclose.	Iohn Ed∣mundes.	This Iohn Edmū∣des was detected be∣cause that hee, talking with the sayde Baker, of pilgrimage bad hym goe offer his money to the Image of GOD. when the other asked, what that was, he said that the Image of GOD was the poore people, blinde, and lame: and sayde that hee offended almighty God in goinge on pil∣grimage.
William Phyppe ad∣iured by his othe did ac∣cuse. * 3.159	Henry Phippe his owne sonne.	For communing with Roger Dods agaynst pilgrimage and ado∣ration of Images.
* 3.160 Henry Phip being exa∣mined, and abiured by the Bishop was com∣pelled to disclose	his owne wordes spoken to Roger Dods, saying to him, that he must light a can∣dle before his BLOCKE ALMIGHTYE, being then roode man.
Roger Parker. William Phip his owne fa∣ther.	For talking toge∣ther agaynste Pilgri∣mage and Idolatry.
Iohn Bra∣bant, the el∣der sonne of Iohn Bra∣bant, did nominate	... Iohn Hakker. ... Robert Pope.	For reading the ho∣ly Scripture in his fa∣thers house, and for saying these woordes: Christ made his maū∣dy and sayd: take thys breade, eate it, thys is my body: Take this wine, drinke it, thys is my bloude: And Priestes saye by these wordes, that the Sa∣crament of the aulter is the body of Christ.
	Iohn Brabant his Father, & his Mother.	For being present when Hacker was reading the Scripture in theyr house.
	Philip Bra∣bant his Vn∣cle.	The wordes of Phi∣lippe Brabant, were these: that it was dead∣ly sin to goe on pilgri∣mage.
¶Concerning this Iohn Brabant, here is to be noted the forme and effect of the Byshoppes exami∣nation, asking and demaunding thus of the sayde Brabant:* 3.161 An vnquam audiuit Ioannem Hakker legen∣tem sacram Scripturam contra determinationem Ecclesiae. That is, whether he euer heard Iohn Hacker reade the which wordes, if he meane, that it is agaynst the determination of the church, to read the holy Scrip∣ture, it may therby appeare to be a blind church. And if they meane that the holy scripture conteineth anye such thing in it whiche is agaynst the determination of the church, then it appeareth theyr church to be cō∣trary vnto God, seing it determineth one thing, and Gods word an other.
Iohn Baker did detect	... Robert Pope. ... Richard Nobbis. ... Iohn Ed∣mundes.	For speaking againste going on pilgrimage, and Image worship.
Iohn a Lee denounced	Iohn a Weedon.	When this Iohn a Lee had tolde the sayd Weedon, how the B. had said in his sermon these woordes: That all whiche were of the sect of heretickes bele∣ued that God was in heauen, but they bele∣ued not that the bodye of Christ on the aulter was God: to this hee aunswearing agayne, sayd: ye be bold vpon that worde, deryding the B. in so saying.
	W. Dorset of kinges Lang∣ley.	For saying that ima∣ges stoode for nothing: and that Pilgrimage serued to spend folkes mony, & nothing els.
Ioane Ste∣uenton de∣nounced	... Alice Colyns. ... Iohn Harrys	For teaching the sayd Ioane Steuenton. in Lent, yt x. Commaun∣dements, thus begin∣ning: I am thy Lord God that led thee out of the Land of Egypt and brought thee oute of ye house of thraldom. Thou shalt not haue no alyen Gods before me, neither make to thee any image grauē wt mans hādes, that is in heauen aboue, ney∣ther in the earthe be∣neath. &c. Itē, for tea∣ching her ye first chap∣ter of S. Iohns Gos∣pell: In the beginning was the word. &c. For teaching her the 1. chapter of Peter.
Sir Iohn a Priest, and also Rob. Robinson detected	... M. Cotismore of Brightwell: ... Also Maistres Cotismore, o∣therwise cal∣led Maistres Doly.	For speaking these woordes to one Iohn Baynton her seruant: that if shee went to her chamber & prayd there shee shoulde haue as much merit as though she went to Walsing∣ham on pilgrimage, Item, when the sayd Sir Iohn came to her, after the death of M. Cotismore hys May∣ster, requyryng her to sende one Iohn Stay∣ner her seruant to our Lady of Walsingham for Maister Cotismore which in his lyfe time being sicke, promised in his owne person to visite that place, shee would not consēt ther∣to, nor let her seruaunt go. Item for saying yt when women go to offer to I∣mages or saints they did it to shewe theyr newe gay geare, & that images were but carpenters chips:* 3.162 and that folkes go on pilgrimage more for the grene way then for deuotion.

Iohn Hak∣ker did de∣tect.	Tho. Vincent of London.	To Tho. Uincent it was obiected for ge∣uinge this Hakker a book of S. Mathew in English.
Maistres Cotismore, otherwise Doly.
	Rich. Colyns.	For receiuing of the said Hakker a booke of the 10. Commaunde∣mentes in English.
	Goodwife Bristow of Woostreete in Lon∣don.
	William Gunne.	For receiuing of Hakker a booke of the x. plagues sent of God to Pharao.
The fore∣sayd Iohn Hakker did detect	...The Wyfe of Tho. Wydmore of Chychen∣den. ...Elizab. the daughter of this Hakker, and Rob. her husband, other Wise called Fit∣ton, of Newbery. ...William Stokeley of Henley. ...Iohn Symondes and his wife of great Mar∣low. ...Iohn Austy of Henley. ...Thomas Austy of Henley. ...Grinder of Cookham.
	Iohn Heron.	For hauing a booke of the exposition of the Gospels fayre written in English.
Tho. Groue, end also Io. of Reding put to theyr othe, did detect.	Richard Grace.	For speaking these words falowing: that our blessed Lady was the Godmother to S. Katherine:* 3.163 & therefore the Legend is not true in saying, that Christe did mary with S. Ka∣therine, and bad Adri∣an put on his vestmēt, and saye the seruice of Matrimonye: For so Christ should liue in a∣dulterye, for mariyng wyth hys Godsyster: which thing if he shold do, he shold be thought not to do well. Item, for saying by the picture of S. Nicholas being newly paynted, that he was not worthy to stand in ye Roode loft, but that it better beseemed hym to stand in the Belfray. &c.

In this Table aboue prefixed, thou hast gentle reader, to se and vnderstand: First the number and names of these good men and women troubled and molested by the church of Rome, and all in one yeare: of whom few or none were learned, being simple laborers and artificers, but as it plea¦sed the Lord to worke in them knowledge and vnderstan∣ding, by reading a few English bookes, such as they could get in corners. Secōdly what were theyr opiniōs we haue also described. And thirdly herein is to be noted moreouer, the blind ignorance & vncourteous dealing of the bishops agaynst them, not onely in that they, by theyr violent othe, and captious interrogatoryes, constrayned the children to accuse theyr parentes and parents the childrē: the husband the wife, & the wife the husband. &c. but especially in y^e most wrongfully they so afflicted them, without all good reason or cause, onely for the sincere verity of Gods worde, & rea∣ding of holy Scriptures.

Now it remaineth, that as you haue heard the opiniōs (which principally in number were 4.) so also we declare their reasons & scriptures wherupon they grounded,* 3.164 & af∣ter that consequently the order & maner of penance to them inioyned by the Byshop. And first agaynst pilgrimage and agaynst worshipping of Images, they vsed this text of the Apoc. 9. I saw horses in a vision, and the heads of thē, as the heads of Lions: smoke, fire, and brimstone came out of theyr mouthes: with these 3. plages, the third part of men were slayne of the smoke and of the fire, and of the brimstone that came out of the mouthes of them. They that were not slayn of these 3. plagues were such as worshipped not deuils, and images of gold and siluer of brasse, of tree, and of stone. &c. Ex Regist. Longland. Fol. 72. Also they vsed & alledged the first commaundement, that there is but one God, & y^t they ought not to worship mo Gods then one. &c

And as touching the Sacrament and the right doctrine therof,* 3.165 they had theyr instruction partely out of Wickliffes wicket, partly out of the Shepheardes Calender: where they read: That the sacrament was made in remembraūce of Christ, and ought to be receiued in remembraunce of his body. &c. Moreouer they alledged and folowed the wordes of Christ spokē at the supper, at what time he sitting with his Disciples, and making with them his Maundy, tooke bread, and blessed, and brake, and gaue to his disciples: And sayd, eat ye: this (reaching forth his arme,* 3.166 and shewing the bread in his hand, and then noting his owne naturall body and touching the same, and not the bread consecrate) is my body, which shall be betrayed for you: doe this in remem∣braunce of me: And likewise tooke the wine and had them drinke, saying: this is my bloud which is of the newe Te∣stament. &c.

Item,* 3.167 that Christ our Sauior sitteth on the right hand of the father, and there shalbe vnto the day of dome: Wher∣fore they beleued that in the Sacrament of the aultar was not the very body of Christ.

Item (sayd one of them) men speak much of the Sacra∣ment of the aulter, but this will I bide by,* 3.168 that vpō share-thursday Christ brake bread vnto his disciples, and bad thē eate it, saying, it was his flesh and bloud. And then he wēt from them, and suffered passion: and then he rose frō death to life, and ascended into heauen, and there sitteth on the right hande of the father, and there hee is to come vnto the day of dome, when he shal iudge both quick and dead: And therefore how he shoulde be here in the forme of breade, he sayd, they could not see.

Such reasons and allegations as these and other lyke, taken out of the scripture, and out of the Shepheards Ka∣lender, Wickliffes wicket, and out of other bookes they had amongest them. And although there was no learned man with them to ground them in theyr doctrine, yet they con∣ferring and communing together among themselues, dyd conuert one another, the Lordes hand working with them maruellously: So that in short space,* 3.169 the number of these Knowne or Iust fast men (as they were then termed) did exceedinly increase, in such sort, that the Byshop seyng the matter almost past his power, was driuen to make his cō∣playnt to the king, and required his ayde for suppression of these men. Wherupon king Henry being then young, & vn¦expert in the bloudy practises and blind leadings of these a∣postolicall prelats, incensed with his suggestions and cru∣ell complayntes, directed down letters to his Shirifs, bai∣lifs, officers, & subiectes for the ayd of the bishop in this be∣halfe: the tenor of which letters here ensueth.

¶The copy of the kinges letter for the ayde of Iohn Longland B. of Lincolne, agaynst the seruauntes of Christ, falsely then called heretickes.

HEnry the 8. by the grace of God, king of England & of Fraūce Lord of Ireland, defender of the fayth: to all Mayors, Shyriffes, Bayliffes and Constables, and to all other our Officers, Ministers, and Subiectes, these our letters hearing or seeing, and to euery of them greeting. For as muche as the right reuerend father in God our trusty and right welbeloued Counsellour the Bishop of Lyn∣colne, hath now within his Dioces no small number of hereticks, as it is thought to his no little discomfort and heauines: We ther∣fore being in will and minde safely to prouide for the sayde right reuerend father in God and his officers: that they ne none of thē, shall bodily be hurt or damaged hy any of the sayde heretickes or theyr fautours,* 4.1 in the executing and ministring of Iustice vnto the sayd hereticks accordingly to the lawes of holy church: do straitly charge and commaund you and euery of you, as ye tender our hie displeasure, to be ayding, helping and assisting the sayd right reue∣rend Father in God, and his sayde officers in the executing of Iu∣stice in the premisses, as they or any of them shal require you so to do, not fayling to accomplishe our commandement & pleasure in the premisses, as ye entend to please vs, and will aunswere to the contrary, at your vttermost perils. Yeuen vnder our signet at our castle of Wyndsour the 20. day of October the 13. yeare of our raign.

The bishop thus being armed no lesse with the autho∣rity of the kinges letter then incited with his owne fierce∣nes, forslacked no time, but eftsoones to accōplish his moo∣dy violence vpon the poore flock of Christ called before him sitting vpon his tribunall seat, both these aforenamed per∣sons, and all other in his dioces which were neuer so little noted or suspected to incline toward those opiniōs: of whō to such as had but newly bene taken, and had not before ab¦iured,

he inioyned most strayght & rigorous penance. The other in whō he could find any relaps, yea albeit they sub∣mitted themselues neuer so humbly to his fauourable cur∣tesy,* 4.2 and though also at his request, and for hope of pardō, they had shewed thēselues great detecters of their brethrē being moreouer of him feed and flattered therunto, yet not withstanding, contrary to his fayre wordes, & their expec∣tation, he spared not, but read sentēce of relaps against thē comitting them to the secular arme to be burned.

And first as touching them who being brought to ab∣iuration, were put to theyr penaunce, long it were to recite the names of all. Certayne I thought to recite here in a ca∣talogue, first reciting the persons, afterward the rigorous, penaunce to them enioyned.

The names of them which were abiured in the Dioces of Lincolne, the yeare of our Lord. 1521.

• ...William Colyns.
• ...Ioh Colyns.
• ...Ioane Colyns.
• ...Rob Colyns.
• ...Ioh. Hackar.
• ...Ioh. Brabant, the father.
• ...Ioh. Brabant his sonne.
• ...Ioh. Brabāt the yonger sonne
• ...Iohn Edmonds.
• ...Edward Pope.
• ...Henry Phip.
• ...Ioh. Steuenton.
• ...Ioane Steuenton.
• ...Rob Bartlet.
• ...Tho. Clerke.
• ...Ioh. Clerke.
• ...Rich. Bartlet.
• ...William Phip.
• ...Ioh. Phip.
• ...Tho. Couper.
• ...Wil. Littlepage.
• ...Ioh. Litlepage.
• ...Ione. Litlepage.
• ...Ioh. Say.
• ...Ioh. Frier.
• ...Rich. Vulford.
• ...Tho. Tredway.
• ...Wil. Gudgame.
• ...Roger Heron.
• ...Fraunces Funge.
• ...Rob. Pope.
• ...Roger Dods.
• ...Iohn Harris.
• ...Rob. Bruges.
• ...Iohn Stampe.
• ...Ione Stampe.
• ...Rich. White.
• ...Bennet Ward.
• ...Iohn Baker.
• ...Agnes Wellis.
• ...Marian Morden.
• ...Isabell Morwin.
• Io. Butler. Io. Butler y^e yōger
• ...R. Carder.
• ...Rich. Bernard.
• ...Ione Bernerd.
• ...Io. Grace. Io. French.
• ...Ioh. Edings.

The townes and villages and countryes, where these foresayd persons did inhabite, are named chiefely to be these.

• ...Amersham.
• ...* 4.3Chesham.
• ...Hychenden.
• ...Missenden the great.
• ...Missenden the lesse.
• ...Easthendred.
• ...Westhendred.
• ...Asthall.
• ...Bekensfield.
• ...Denham.
• ...Gyng.
• ...Betterton.
• ...Cherney.
• ...Stanlake.
• ...Claufield.
• ...Walton.
• ...Marlow.
• ...Dorney.
• ...Iuer.
• ...Burton.
• ...Vxbridge.
• ...Owburne.
• ...Henley.
• ...Wycame.
• ...Westwycame.
• ...Newbery.
• ...Burford.
• ...Wytney.
• ...Hungerford.
• ...Vpton.
• ...Wynsore.
• ...London.
• ...Colmonstreet in Lō.
• ...Chepeside in Londō.
• ...Shordich by London
• ...S. Gyles in London.
• ...Essex.
• ...Suffolke.
• ...Northfolke.
• ...Norwich.

The bookes & opiniōs, which these were charged with all, & for the which they were abiured, partly are before ex∣pressed, partly here folow in a briefe summary to be seene.

¶A briefe summe of theyr opinions.

* 4.4THe opinions of many of these persons were, that he or she neuer beleued in the Sacrament of the aulter, nor e∣uer would, and that it was not as men did take it.

* 4.5For that he was knowne of his neghbor, to be a good felow, meaning that he was a knowne man.

* 4.6For saying that he would geue 40. pence, in cōditiō that such a one knew so much, as he did know.

* 4.7Some for saying, y^t they of Amershā, which had bene ab∣iured before by Bishop Smyth, were good men, & perfect Christians, & simple folk which could not answere for thē∣selues, & therefore were oppressed by power of the bishop.

Some for hiding other in theyr barnes.

* 4.8Some for reading the Scriptures or treatises of Scrip∣ture in English: some for hearing the same read.

Some for defending: some for marying with thē whiche had bene abiured.

* 4.9Some for saying that matrimony was not a Sacramēt.

Some for saying, that worshippinge of Images was Mawmetrey: some for calling Images carpenters chips: some for calling them stockes and stones: some for calling them dead thinges.

* 4.10Some for saying that money spent vpon pilgrimage, serued but to mainteine theues and harlots.

Some for calling the Image in the Rood loft block al∣mighty.

* 4.11Other for saying that nothing grauen with mans hand was to be worshipped.

* 4.12Some for calling them fooles which came from master Iohn Shorne in pilgrimage.

* 4.13An other for calling his vicar a poll shorne priest.

* 4.14An other for calling a certayne blinde chappell being in ruine, an old fayre milckhouse.

* 4.15An other for saying that he threshed God almighty out of the straw.

* 4.16An other for saying that almes shoulde not be geuen, before it did sweat in a mans hand.

* 4.17Some for saying, that they which dye, passe straight ei∣ther to heauen or hell.

* 4.18Isabell Bartlet was brought before the Byshop, and abiured, for lamēting her husband when the Bishops man came for him, and saying, that he was an vndone man, and she a dead woman.

* 4.19For saying that Christ departing from his disciples into heauen, sayd: that once he was in sinners handes, & would come there no more.

Robert Raue hearing a certayne Bell in an vplandish steple, sayd: lo yonder is a fayre bell, and it were to hang a∣bout any cowes neck in this towne: and therfore, as for o∣ther such like matters moe he was brought coram nobis.

Item for receiuing the Sacrament at Easter, & doub∣ting whether it was the very body, and did not cōfesse their doubt to theyr ghostly father.

Some for saying that the pope had no authority to geue pardon or to release mannes soule from sinne, and so from payn, and that it was nothing but blinding of the people, and to get theyr money.

The penaunce to these partyes enioyned by this Iohn Longland Bishop of Lincolne,* 4.20 was almost vniforme and all after one condition, saue onely that they were seueral∣ly committed and deuided into seuerall and diuers mona∣steryes, there to be kept and found of almes all theyr life, ex¦cept they were otherwise dispensed with by the bishop: as for example I haue here adioyned the Bishoppes letter for one of the sayd number, sent to the Abbey of Ensham, there to be kept in perpetuall penaunce. By whiche one, an esti∣mation may be taken of the rest, which were bestowed like wise sunderly into sundry Abbeyes, as to Osney, to Frides∣wide, to Abingdon, to Tame, to Bessetor, to Dorchester, to Notley, to Ashrige, and diuers moe. The copy of the bi∣shops letter sent to the Abbot of Ensham, here followeth vnder written.

The Bishops letter to the Abbot of Ensham.

MY louing brother, I recommend me hartely vnto you: and where as I haue, according to the lawe,* 5.1 put this bearer R.T. to perpetuall penaunce within your monastery of Ensham, there to liue as a penitent, and not otherwise, I pray you, and neuer∣thelesse, according vnto the law, cōmaund you to receiue him, & see ye order him there accordingly to his iniunctiōs which he wil shewe you, if ye require the same. As for his lodging, he will bring it with him. And his meat and drinke, he may haue such as ye geue of your almes. And if he can so order himselfe by his labour with∣in your house in your busines, whereby he may deserue his meate and drinke, so may you order him, as ye see conuenient to hys de∣sertes, so that he passe not the presynct of your monastery. And thus fare you hartely well from my place &c.

As touching the residue of the penaunce and punish∣ment inflicted to these men, they doe little or nothing disa∣gree, but had one order in them all. The maner and forme whereof in the sayd Bishops Register doth proceed in cō∣dition as foloweth.

Penaunce enioyned vnder paine of relapse by Iohn Longland Bishop of Lincolne, the 19. day of December. an. 1521.

Inprimis, that euery one of them shall vpon a market day, such as shall be limited vnto them in the market time,* 5.2 go thrise about the market at Burford, and then to stande vp

vpon the highest grece of the Crosse there a quarter of an houre with a fagotte of wood euery one of them vpon hys shoulder,* 5.3 and euery one of them once to beare a fagotte of wood vpon theyr shoulders, before their procession vpon a Sonday, which shall be limited vnto them at Burford, frō the quyre doore going out, to the quyre doore going in, and all the high Masse time to holde the same fagot vpon theyr shoulders, kneeling vpon the grece afore the high aultar there, and euery of them likewise to doe likewise in theyr owne parish Church, vpon such a Sonday as shalbe limi∣ted vnto them: and once to beare a fagot at a generall pro∣cession at Oxbridge, when they shalbe assigned therto: and once to beare a fagot at the burning of an hereticke, when they shalbe monished therto.

Also euery one of them to fast bread and ale onely euery Friday during theyr life, and euery euen of Corpus Christi euery one of them to fast bread and water during theyr life vnles sicknes vnfayned let the same.

Also to say euery of them euery Sonday and euery fri∣day during theyr life, once our Ladye Psalter, & if they for∣get it one day, to say as much another day for the same.

Also they nor none of them, shall not hide the marke vp∣on theyr cheeke, neyther with hat, cap, hood kerchiefe, nap∣kin, or none otherwise, nor shall not suffer theyr beardes to grow past 14. dayes, nor neuer to haunt againe together with any suspect person or persons, vnles it be in the open market, fayre, church or common Inne or alehouse, where other people may see theyr conuersation.

And all these iniunctions they and euery of them, to ful∣fill with their penaunce, and euery part of the same, vnder payne of relaps.

And thus haue you the names, with the causes and the penance of them which were at this present time abiured. By the which word * 5.4 abiured, is ment that they were con∣strayned by theyr othe, swearing vpon the Euangelists, & subscribing with theyr hand, and a crosse to the same, that they did vtterly and voluntarily renoūce, detest, & forsake, and neuer should hold hereafter these, or any other like opi∣nions, contrary to the determination of the holy mother church of Rome: and further, that they should detect vnto theyr ordinary, whome so euer they shoulde see, or suspect hereafter to teach, hold, or mayntayne the same.

¶Here folow the names of them, which were condemned for relaps, and commit∣ted vnto the secular power.

AMong these aforenamed persons, which thus submit∣ted themselues, and were put to penance, certeine there were which because they had bene abiured before, as is a∣boue mentioned,* 5.5 pag. 814. vnder bishop Smith, were now condemned for relaps, and had sentence read agaynst them and so were committed to the secular arme, to be burned: Whose names here follow.

Martyrs.

• ...Thomas Bernard.
• ...* 5.6Iames Morden.
• ...Robert Raue.
• ...Iohn Scriuener.

Of these mention is made before, both touching theyr abiuration, and also their martirdome, pag. 814. vnto whō we may adioyne.

• ...Ioane Norman.
• ...Thomas Holmes.

This Thomas Holmes, albeit he had disclosed and de∣tected many of his brethrē,* 5.7 as in the table aboue is expres∣sed, pag. 824. thinking thereby to please the Bishoppe & to saue himselfe, & was thought to be a feed man of the bishop for the same: yet notwithstanding in the sayd bishops regi∣ster appeareth the sentence of relaps, & condemnation writ∣ten & drawne out agaynst him: and most like that he was also adiudged and executed with the other.

¶As touching the burning of Ioh. Scriuener, here is to be noted,* 5.8 that his children were compelled to set fire vn∣to their father, in like maner as Ioane Clerke also daugh∣ter of William Tilseworth, was cōstrayned to geue fire to the burning of her owne natural father, as is aboue speci∣fied, pag. 774. The example of whiche cruelty, as it is con∣trary both to God and nature, so hath it not bene seene nor heard of in the memory of the heathen.

Where moreouer is to be noted, that at the burning of this Iohn Scriuener,* 5.9 one Thomas Dorman, mentioned before, pag. 775. was present and bare a fagot at Amershā: Whose abiuration was afterwarde layde agaynst hym, at what time he should depose for recouery of certeine lands from the schole of Barchamsted.* 5.10 This Thomas Dorman (as I am credibly informed of certeyne about Amersham) was then vncle to this our Dorman, & found him to schole at Barchamsted vnder M. R••ue, which now so vnchari∣tably abused his pen in writing agaynst the contrary doc∣trine, and rayleth so fiercely agaynst the bloud of Christes slayne seruauntes, miscalling them to be a donghill of stin∣kin Martyrs.

Well, how soeuer the sauour of these good Martyrs doe sent in the nose of M. Dorman. I doubt not but they geue a better odour and sweter smel in the presence of the Lord: Preciosa enim in conspectu Domini mors sanctorum eius. Pre∣cious is in the sight of the Lord the death of his Sayntes. And therefore howsoeuer it shall please M. Dorman wyth reprochfull language to misterme the good martirs of chri∣stes, or rather Christ in his Martyrs▪ his vnseemely vsage more cartlike then clerkelike, is not greatly to be weyed. For as the daunger of his blasphemye hurteth not them which are gone: so the contumely an•• reproch thereof, as well comprehendeth his owne kindred, frendes, and coun∣try, as any other els: and especially redoundeth to himselfe and woundeth his own soule and none els, vnto the great prouoking of Gods wrath agaynst him, vnlesse he be bles••sed with better grace by time to repent.

Doctour Colet.

MUch about this time, or not past 2. yeares before,* 5.11 died D. Iohn Colet, of whom mention was made in the ta¦ble about pag. 801. To whose sermons these knowen men about Buckinghamshyre, had a great minde to resort. Af∣ter he came from Italy and Paris, he first beganne to read the Epistles of S. Paule openly in Oxford,* 5.12 in sted of Sco∣tus and Thomas. From thence he was called by the kyng and made Deane of Paules: where he accustomed much to preach, not without great auditory, as well of the kinges court, as of the citizēs and other. His diet was frugall: his life vpright: in discipline he was seuere: In so much that his Canons because of theyr strayter rule, complained that they were made like monkes. The honest and honourable state of matrimony he euer preferred before the vnchast sin¦glenes of priests.* 5.13 At his dinner commonly was read either some chapter of S. Paule, or of Salomons Prouerbs. He neuer vsed to sup. And although the blindnesse of that time caryed him away after the common errour of Popery: yet in ripenes of iudgemēt he seemed something to incline frō y^e vulgar trade of that age. The religious orders of monks and friers he fantised not. As neither he coulde greatly fa∣uour the barbarous diuinity of the schole Doctours, as of Scotus, but least of all, of Thomas Aquine:* 5.14 In so much that when Erasmus speaking in the prayse of Thom. A∣quine, did commēd him that he had red many old authors, and had written many new workes as Catena aurea, & such like, to proue and to know his iudgement: Colet first sup∣posing that Erasmus had spoken in iest, but after sup∣posing that he ment good fayth, brusteth our in great vehe∣mency, saying: what tell you me (quoth he) of the commē∣dation of that man, who except he had bene of an arrogant and presumptuous spirit, would not define and discusse all thinges so boldly & rashly: and also except he had bene ra∣ther wordly minded, then heauenly, would neuer haue so polluted christes whole doctrine with mans prophane do∣ctrine, in such sort as he hath done.

The Bishop of London at that time was Fitziames,* 5.15 of age no lesse then 80. Who bearing long grudge and dis∣pleasure agaynst Colet, with other 2. Bishops taking hys parte, like to himselfe entred action of complaynt agaynst Colet to the Archb. of Cant. being then W. Warham. The matter of his complaint was deuided into 3. Articles. The first was for speaking agaynst worshipping of Images. The second was about hospitalitye, for that he entreating vpō the place of the gospell, pasce, pasce, pasce, feed, feed, feed: when he had expounded the 2. first, for feeding with exam∣ple of life and with doctrine: in the third, which the schole∣men doe expounde for feeding with hospitalitye, hee left out the outwarde feeding of the belly, and applyed it an other way. The third crime wherewith they charged him,* 5.16 was for speaking agaynst suche as vsed to preache onely by bosome Sermons, declaring nothing els to the people, but as they bring in theyr prayers with thē. Which because the Bishop of London vsed then much to do for his age,* 5.17 he tooke it as spoken against him, and therefore bare him this displeasure. The Archbishop more wisely weying the mat∣ter, and being well acquaynted with Colet, so tooke hys part agaynst his accusers, that he at that time was rid out of trouble.

William Tyndall in hys booke aunswering that M. More addeth moreouer, and testifieth that the Byshop of London would haue made the said Colet Deane of Pau∣les, an hereticke for translating the Pater noster in En∣glishe, had not the Byshop of Caunterbury holpen the Deane.

But yet the malice of Fitziames the Byshop so ceased not: who being thus repulsed by the Archbishop, practised by an other trayne how to accuse hym vnto the king. The occasion thus fel. It happened the same time, that the king was in preparation of warre agaynst Fraunce. Whereup∣on the Byshop with his coadiutors taking occasion vpon certaine wordes of Colet, wherein he seemed to preferre peace before any kinde of warre,* 5.18 were it neuer so iust, ac∣cused him therefore in their sermons, and also before the Kyng.

Furthermore it so befell the same time y^t vpon good friday D. Colet preaching before the king, entreated of the victo∣ry of Christ, exhorting all Christians to fight vnder y^e stan∣dard of Christ, against the deuill, adding moreouer what an hard thing it was to fight vnder Christes banner, and that all they which vpon priuate hatred or ambition, tooke weapon against their enemy, one christian to slay an other suche did not fight vnder the banner of Christ, but rather of Satan, & therefore concluding his matter, he exhorted that Christian men in theyr warres would followe Christ their Prince, & captayn, in fighting against their enemies rather then the example of Iulius or Alexander &c. The king hearing Colet thus to speake, and fearing lest by hys words the hartes of his souldiours might be withdrawne from his warres which hee had then in hande,* 5.19 tooke hym aside, and talked with him in secret conference in his gar∣den walking. Bish. Fitziames, Bricot, and Stādish, who were his enemies, thought now none other, but that Col∣let must needs be committed to y^e Tower, & wayted for his comming out. But the king with great gentlenes inter∣tayning D. Colet, and bidding him familiarly to put on his cap, in long curteous talk had with him in the garden much commended him for his learning & integritie of lyfe agreeing with him in all poyntes,* 5.20 but that onely he requi∣red him (for that the rude souldiours shuld not rashly mi∣stake that which he had said) more playnly to explane hys words and minde in that behalfe, which after he dyd: and so after long communication and great promis••s, the king dismissed Colet with these wordes, saying: let euery man haue his Doctour as him liketh: this shall be my Doctour and so departed. Wherby none of his aduersaries durst e∣uer trouble him after that time.

* 5.21Among many other memorable actes left behind him, he erected a worthy foundation of the schoole of Paules (I pray God the fruites of the schoole may answere y^e foun¦dation) for the cherishing vp of youth in good letters, pro∣uiding a sufficient stipende as well for the maister as for the Husher, whome he willed rather to be appoynted out of the number of maryed men, then of single priestes with their suspected chastitie. The first moderator of this schoole was Guliel. Lilius,* 5.22 a man no lesse notable for hys learnyng, then was Colet for his foundation. Ex. Epist. Erasm. ad Io∣doc. Ionam. This Colet died the yeare of our Lord 1519.

Not long before the death of this Colet and Lily, lyued Gulielmus Grocinus, and Gulielmus Latimerus, both Eng∣lish men also, and famously learned. This Grocinus as he began to read in his opē lecture in y^e church of S. Paul the booke of Dyonisius Areopagita, commonly called Hierarchia Ecclesiastica (for the reading of the holy scriptures in Pau∣les was not in vre) in the first entry of his preface, he cryed out with great vehemency agaynst them who soeuer they were, whiche eyther denyed, or stoode in doubt of the au∣thoritie of that booke: in the number of whome hee noted Laurence Valla & diuers other of like approued iudgement and learning. But afterward the same Grocine, when he had continued a few weekes in hys reading thereof, and did consider further in him, he vtterly altered, and recanted his former sentence, protesting openly, that the forenamed booke to his iudgement, was neuer written by that au∣thour whom we reade in the actes of the Apostles to be cal¦led Dyonisius Areopagita. Ex. Eras. ad. Parisiens.

* 5.23The tractation of these two couples aboue rehearsed, doe occasion me to adioyne also the remembraunce of an o¦ther couple of like learned men: The names of whom not vnworthy to be remembred, were Thomas Linacre, and Richard Pace: which two followed much vpon the tyme of Colet,* 5.24 and of Wil. Lily. But of Richard Pace, whiche was Deane next after the foresayd Iohn Colet, more con∣uenient place shall serue vs hereafter to speake, comming to the story of Cardinall Wolsey.

Moreouer to these two I thought it not out of season, to couple also some mention of Geffrey Chaucer, and Iohn Gower.* 5.25 Which although being much discrepant frō these in course of yeres, yet may seeme not vnworthy to be mat¦ched with these forenamed persons in commendation of their study and learning. Albeit concerning the full certain¦ty of the tyme and death of these two, we cannot find: yet it appeareth in the prologe of Gowers work, intituled con∣fessio Amantis, that he finished it in the 16. yeare of K. Rich. the second. And in the end of the viij. booke of hys sayde treatise he declareth, that he was both sicke and old, when he wrote it, wherby it may appeare, that he liued not long after. Notwithstanding, by certayne verses of the sayde maister Gower placed in y^e latter end of Chaucers works both in Latine and Englishe, it may seeme that he was a∣liue at the beginning of the raigne of king Henry the iiij. and also by a booke which he wrote to the same K. Henry By his sepulture within a Chappell of the Churche of S. Mary Oueries,* 5.26 whiche was then a monastery where he & his wife lye buried, it appeareth by hys cheyn & his garlād of Laurell, that he was both a knight, and florishing than in poetry. In the which place of his sepulture were made in hys grauestone 3. books, the first bearing the tytle, Spe∣culum meditantis, The second, Vox Clamantis, The thyrd. Cō¦fessio amantis. Besides these, diuers Chronicles and other workes moe he compiled.

Likewise as touching the tyme of Chaucer, by hys owne works in the end of hys first booke of Troylus and Cr••scide it is manifest, that he and Gower were bothe of one tyme,* 5.27 although it seemeth that Gower was a great deale his ancient: both notably learned, as the barbarous rudenes of that tyme did geue, both great friends together and both in like kinde of study together occupyed, so en∣deuoring themselues, and employing their tyme, that they excelling many other in study and exercise o•• good letters did passe forth their liues here right worshipfully & godly to the worthye fame and commendation of theyr name. Chaucers workes be all printed in one volume, and ther∣fore knowne to all men.

This I meruaile to see the idle lyfe of the priestes and clergye men of that tyme, seeing these lay persons shewed themselues in these kinde of liberall studyes so industrious & fruitfully occupyed: but muche more I maruell to consi∣der thys,* 5.28 how y^t the bishops condemning and abolishing al maner of Englishe bookes and treatises whiche might bring y^e people to anye light of knowledge, did yet autho∣rise the workes of Chaucer to remaine still & to be occupy∣ed:* 5.29 Who (no doubt) saw in Religion as much almost as e∣uen we do now, & vttereth in hys works no lesse, and see∣meth to be a right Wicleuian, or els was neuer any, and that all his workes almost, if they be throughly aduised will testifie (albeit it be done in mirth, & couertly) & especi∣ally y^e latter end of hys thyrd booke of y^e Testament of loue for there purely he toucheth the highest matter, that is the communion: Wherin, except a man be altogether blind, he may espy him at the full. Although in the same book (as in all other he vseth to do) vnder shadows couertly, as vnder a visour, he suborneth trueth, in suche sort,* 5.30 as both priuilye she may profite the godly minded, and yet not be espyed of the crafty aduersary: And therefore the bishops belike, ta∣king his woorkes but for iestes and toyes, in condemning other bookes, yet permitted his bookes to be read.

So it pleased God to blind then the eyes of them, for y^e more commoditie of his people, to the intent that through the reading of his treatises, some fruit might redound ther¦of to his Church, as no doubt it dyd to many: As also I am partly enformed of certayne whiche knew the parties, which to them reported, y^t by reading of Chaucers works,* 5.31 they were brought to the true knowledge of religion. And not vnlike to be true. For to omitte other partes of his vo∣lume, whereof some are more fabulous then other, what tale can be more playnly tolde then the tale of the plough∣man? or what finger can poynt out more directly the Pope with his prelates to be Antichrist, then doth the poore Pel∣lican reasoning agaynst the greedy Griffon? Under which Hypotyposis or Poesie, who is so blind that seeth not by the Pellican, the doctrine of Christ: and of the Lollardes to be defended against the Church of Rome? Or who is so impu¦dent y^t can deny that to be true, which the Pellicā there af∣firmeth in describing the presumptuous pryde of that pre∣tensed Church? Agayne what egge can be more lyke, or fig vnto an other: then the wordes properties, and conditiōs of that rauening griphe resembleth the true Image, that s, the nature and quallities of that which we call y^e church of Rome, in euery poynt & degree? and therefore no great meruaile, if that narratiō was exempted out of the copies of Chaucers workes: whiche notwithstanding now is re∣stored

agayne, and is extant for euery man to reade that is disposed.

This Geffrey Chaucer being borne (as is thought) in Oxfordshyre, and dwelling in Woodstocke, lyeth buryed in the Church of the minster of S. Peter at Westminster, in an Ile on the southside of the sayd Church, not far from the dore leading to the Cloister, and vpon his graue stone first were written these two old verses.

Galfridus Chaucer vates & fama poesis Maternae, hac sacra sum tumulatus humo.

Afterward about the yeare of our Lord. 1556. one M. Brickham bestowing more cost vpon his tombe, did adde thereunto these verses following.

Qui fuit Anglorum vates ter maximus olim, Galfridus Chaucer conditur hoc tumulo. Annum si quaeras Domini, si tempora mortis, Ecee nota subsunt, quae tibi cuncta notent. 25. Octob. Anno. 1400.

*Here beginneth the reformation of the church of Christ, in the tyme of Martine Luther.

ALthough it can not be sufficiently expressed with toūg or pen of man,* 5.32 into what miserable ruine & desolation the church of Christ was brought in those latter dayes: yet partly by the reading of these storyes aforepast, some intel∣ligence may be geuen to them, whiche haue iudgement to marke or eyes to see: in what blindnes and darckenes the world was drowned during the space of these 400. yeares heretofore and more. By the viewing and considering of which times and histories, thou mayst vnderstand (gentle reader) how the religion of Christ, which onely consisteth in spirit and veritie, was wholy turned into outward ob∣seruations, ceremonies, and idolatry. So many Sainctes we had, so many gods, so many monasteries, so many pil∣grimages. As many churches, as many reliques forged & teyned we had. Agayne, so many reliques, so many lyeng miracles wee beleued. In stede of the onely liuing Lorde▪ we worshipped dead stocks and stones. In place of Christ immortall, we adored mortall bread. In stead of his bloud we worshipped the bloud of duckes, How the people wer led, so that the priestes were fed, no care was taken. In stead of Gods word, mans worde was set vp. In stead of Christes testament, the Popes testament, that is the Ca∣non lawe: in stead of Paule, the mayster of sentence tooke place, and almost full possession. The law of God was li∣tle read: the vse and end therof was lesse knowne. And as the ende of the lawe was vnknowne, so the difference be∣tweene the Gospell and the lawe, was not vnderstanded, y^e benefite of Christ not considered, the effect of faith not ex∣pended. Through the ignoraunce wherof, it cannot be told what infinite erroures, sectes and religious crept into the church ouerwhelming the world, as with a floud of igno∣raunce and seduction. And no maruell, for where the foun∣dation is not well layd, what building can stand and pros∣per? The foundation of all our Christianitie is onely this: The promise of God,* 5.33 in the bloud of Christ hys sonne, ge∣uing and promising life vnto all that beleeue in him: Ge∣uing (sayth the Scripture) vnto vs, and not barganing or indenting with vs: And that freely (sayth the Scripture) for Christes sake,* 5.34 and not condicionally for our merites sake.

* 5.35Furthermore freely (sayth the scripture) by grace that the promise might be firme and sure, and not by the wor∣kes that we doe,* 5.36 which are alwaies doubtfull. By grace (sayth the scripture) through promise to all and vpon all y^t beleue, and not by the law vpon them that do deserue. For if it come by deseruing, thē is it not of grace: If it be not of grace,* 5.37 thē is it not of promise. And contrariwise if it be of grace and promise, then is it not of works sayth S. Paul. Upon this foundatiō of Gods free promise and grace first builded the Patriarckes,* 5.38 kinges and prophets. Upon the same foundation also Christ the Lord builded his church. Upon the which foundation the Apostles likewise builded the Church Apostolicall or Catholicall.

This Apostolicall and Catholicke foundation, so long as the Church did retayn, so long it continued sincere and sound: which endured a long seasō after the apostles time. But after, in proces of yeares, through wealth and negli∣gence crept into the Church, so soone as this foundation be¦gan to be lost, came in newe builders, which would build vpon a new foundation, a new Churche more glorious, which we call now the Church of Rome. Who beyng not contented with the olde foundation and the head corner stone, whiche the Lord by his word had layd, in place ther∣of, they layde the ground worke vppon the condition and strength or the lawe and workes. Although it is not to be denyed, but that the doctrine of gods holy law, and of good workes according to the same, is a thing most necessary to be learned and followed of all men: yet is not that y^e foun∣dation, wherupon our saluation consisteth, neither is that foundation able to beare vp the weight of the kingdome of heauen: but is rather the thing, which is builded vppon the foundatiō: which foundatiō is Iesus Christ, according as we are taught of Saint Paul, saying:* 5.39 No man can lay any other foundation, beside that whiche is layde, Christ Iesus. &c.

But this auncient foundation with the olde auncient Church of Christ (as I sayd) hath bene now of long tyme forsaken, & in stead therof a new Church,* 5.40 with a new foun¦dation hath bene erected and framed, not vpon gods pro∣mise & his free grace in Christ Iesus, nor vpon free iustifi∣cation by fayth, but vpon merits & desertes of mens wor∣king. And hereof haue they planted al these their new deui∣ses, so infinite that they cannot wel be numbred as masses, trecenares, diriges, obsequies, mattens and houres sin∣ging seruice, vigiles, midnightrising, barefootgoing, fish∣tasting, lentfast, imberfast, stations, rogations, iubiles, ad∣uocatiō of saints, praying to images, pilgrimage walking, workes of supererogation, application of merites, orders rules, sectes of religion, vowes of chastitie, wilful pouer∣ty, pardons, relations, indulgences, penaunce and satisfac¦tion, with auricular confession, sounding of Abbaies, buil∣ding of Chappels, geuing to Churches, And who is able to recite all their laborious buildinges: falsly framed vpon a wrong ground, and all for ignoraunce of the true founda¦tion, whiche is the free iustification by fayth in Christ Ie∣sus the sonne of God.

Moreouer to note,* 5.41 that as this new founde Church of Rome was thus deformed in doctrine: so no lesse was it corrupted in order of life & deepe hipocrisie, doing al thin∣ges onely vnder pretenses and dissembled titles. So vn∣der y^e pretence of Peters chayre, they exercised a maiestie a¦boue Emperours and kinges. Under the visour of their vowed chastitie, reigned adultery, vnder the cloke of pro∣fessed pouerty, they possessed the goodes of the temporalty.* 5.42 Under the tytle of being dead vnto the world, they not on∣ly reigned in y^e world, but also ruled the world: vnder the colour of y^e keyes of heauē to hang vnder theyr girdle, they brought all the states of the worldes vnder theyr girdle, & crept not onely into the purses of men, but also into theyr consciences: they heard theyr confessions: they knew their secrets: they dispensed as they were disposed, & loosed what them listed: And finally when they had brought the whole world vnder theyr subiection, yet dyd theyr pryde neyther cease to ascend, neyther could their auarice be euer satisfied. And if the example of Cardinall Wolsey and other Cardi∣nalles and popes cannot satisfie thee, I beseech the (gentle Reader) turne ouer the foresayd booke of the ploughmans tale in Chaucer aboue mencioned, wher thou shalt vnder∣derstād much more of theyr demeanour, then I haue here described.

In these so blynd and miserable corrupt dayes of darck¦nes and ignoraunce,* 5.43 thou seest good Reader (I doubt not) howe necessary it was, and high time, that reformation of the Church should come, which now most happily & gra∣ciously began to worke, through the mercifull and no lesse needfull prouidence of almightye God. Who although he suffered hys Church to wander and start aside through the seduction of pride and prosperitie a long time, yet at length it pleased his goodnes to respect hys people, and to reduce hys church into the prestine foundation and frame againe, from whence it was pitiously before decayed. Whereof I haue now consequently to intreat, intending by the grace of Christ: to declare how and by what meanes, first this re¦formation of the church began, and howe it proceeded, in∣creasing by little and little into this perfection which now we see, and more I trust shall see.

And herein we haue first to behold the admirable work of Gods wisedome.* 5.44 For as the first decay and ruine of the church, before began of rude ignoraunce, & lacke of know∣ledge in teachers: so to restore y^e church agayne by doctrine and learning, it pleased God to open to man y^e arte of prin∣ting, the time wherof was shortly after y^e burning of Hus and Hierome. Printing being opened, incontinent mini∣stred to the Churche, the instrumentes and tooles of lear∣ning & knowledge, which were good bookes and authors, which before lay hid and vnknowne.* 5.45 The science of Prin∣ting being found, immediately followed the grace of God: whiche styrred vp good wittes aptly to conceiue the light of knowledge and of iudgement: by which light, darcknes

began to be espied, and ignoraunce to be detected, trueth from errour, religion from superstition to be discerned as is aboue more largely discoursed, where was touched the inuenting of printing. pag. 707.* 5.46

Furthermore, after these wittes styrred vp of God, fo∣lowed other more, increasing dayly more and more in sci∣ence, in tongues, and perfection of knowledge: who now were able, not onely to discerne in matters of iudgement but also were so armed and furnished with y^e helpe of good letters that they did encounter also with the aduersary, su¦stayning the cause & defence of learning against barbaritie of veritie, against errour: of true religion, against super∣stition. In number of whom, amongest many other here vnnamed were, Picus, and Franciscus Mirandula, Laur. Valla, Franc. Perarcha. Doct. Wesalianus, Reuelinus, Grocinus, Coletus Rhenamus, Erasmus. &c. And here began the first pushe and assault to be geuen against the ignoraunt & barbarous fa∣ction of the popes pretensed Churche. Who after that by their learned writinges and laborious trauaile, they had opened a window of light vnto the worlde, and had made (as it were) a way more ready for other to come after: Im¦mediately, according to Gods gracious appointment, fo∣lowed Martine Luther, with other after him, by whose ministery it pleased the Lorde to worke a more full refor∣mation of his churche, as by their actes and proceedinges hereafter shall followe (Christ willing) more amply to be declared.

And now comming to the tyme and storye of Martine Luther, whom the Lord did ordayne and appoint to be the principall organe and minister vnder him, to reforme reli∣gion and to subuert the sea of the pope, first before we enter into the tractation hereof, it shall not be impertinent to y^e purpose, to inferre such prophecies and forewarninges, as were sent before of God, by diuers and sundry good men, long before the time of Luther, which foretold and prophe¦cied of this reformation of the Church to come.

*Prophecies going before Martine Luther.

* 5.47And first, to begin with the prophecie of Iohn Husse, and Hierom, it is both notable, and also before mentioned what the sayd Iohn Husse at the time of his burning, pro∣phecied vnto his enemies, saying: that after an hundreth yeares come and gone, they should geue accounte to God and to to him.

¶Where is to be noted, that counting from the yeare 1415. (in the which yeare Iohn Hus was burned) or from the yeare 2416. when Hierome did suffer) vnto the yeare, 1516, (when Martine Luther began first to write) we shal finde the number of an hundereth yeares expyred.

Likewise, to this may be adioyned the propheticall vi∣sion or dreame,* 5.48 which chaunced to the sayd Iohn Hus ly∣ing in the dungeon of the friers in Constance, a litle before he was burned, His dreame as he himselfe reporteth it in his Epistles writing to M. Iohn Chlum, and as I haue also before recorded the same pag. 630. so will I nowe re∣peate the same agayne in like effect of wordes, as he wrote it himselfe in Latine: the effect of which latine is this.

I pray you expounde to me the dreame whiche I had this night. I sawe y^t in my church at Betheleme (whereof I was person) they desired and laboured to abolish all the images of Christ, and did abolish them. I the next day fol∣lowing, rose vp & saw many other paynters, which pain∣ted both the same and manye more images, and more fay∣rer, which I was glad to behold: wherupon the painters with the great multitude of people said: Now let the By∣shops and priestes come, and put vs out these images if they cā. Which thing done, much people reioyced in Beth∣lem, and I with them: & rising vp I felt my selfe to laugh.

This dreame maister I. of Chlume first expounded.* 5.49 Then he in the next Epistle after expounded it himselfe to this effect. Stante mandato Dei. &c. That is: the Commaun∣demēt of God standing, that we must obserue no dreames yet notwithstanding I trust that the life of Christ was painted in Bethlehem by me through his word in y^e harts of men, the which preaching they went about in Bethlehē to destroy, first in commaunding that no preaching should be neyther in the church of Bethlehem, nor in the chappels therby: Secondly that the Church of Bethlehem shoulde be throwne downe to the ground. The same life of Christ shall be paynted vp agayne by mo preachers muche better then I, and after muche more better sorte, so that a greate number of people shall reioyce thereat: all such as loue the life of Christ: and also I shall reioyce my selfe: at what tyme I shall awake, that is, when I shal ryse agayn from the dead.

Also in hys 48. Epistle,* 5.50 he seemeth to haue a like pro∣pheticall meaning, where he sayth: That he trusted that those thinges which he spake then within the house, should afterward be preached aboue the house top. &c.

And because we are here in hand w^t the prophecies of I. Hus, it is not to be omitted, what he writeth in a certayne treatise,* 5.51 De sacerdotum & monachorum carnalium abominatio∣ne, thus prophesying of the reformation of the church, The Church, he sayth, cannot be reduced to hys former dignitie and reformed, before all thinges first be made new, (the trueth wher∣of appeareth by the temple of Salomon) as well the clergye and Priestes, as also the people and laitye. Or els, except all suche as now be addicted to auarice from the least to the most, be first cō∣uerted and renued, as well the people as the clerkes, and priestes thynges cannot be reformed. Albeit,* 5.52 as my mynde nowe geueth me, I beleue rather the first that is, that then shal ryse a newe peo∣ple, formed after the new man, whiche is created after God. Of the whiche people, new clerkes and priestes shall come forth and be taken, which al shal hate couetousnes, and glory of thys lyfe, labouring to an heauēly conuersation. Notwithstanding al these thynges shal be done and wrought in continuance and order of tyme dispensed of God for the same purpose. And thys God doth and wil doe of hys owne goodnes and mercy, and for the riches of hys pacience and sufferaunce, geuing tyme and space of repen∣taunce to them that haue long layne in their sinnes, to amend & flye from the face of the Lordes fury: vntill at length all shall suf∣fer together, and vntill both the carnall people, and priestes, and Clerkes in processe and order of tyme, shall fall away and be con∣sumed, as is cloth consumed and eaten of the moth. &c.* 5.53

With this prophesie of Iohn Hus aboue mentioned, speaking of the hundreth yeares, accordeth also the testi∣mony of Hierome his fellow Martyr, in these words: And I recite you all (sayd he) to answere before the most high and iust iudge, after an hundreth yeares.

[illustration]

Iohn Hus.

Centum reuolutis annis Deo respondebitis.

[illustration]

Hieronymus.

Post centum annos vos omnes cito.

* 5.54This Hierome was burnt an. 1416. and Luther began to write an. 1516. which was the iust hundreth yeare after, according to the right accompt of Hieromes Prophecy.

Phillip Melancthon in his Apologie, cap. De votis Mo∣nast. testifieth of one Iohn Hilton a Monke in Thuring, who, for speaking against certayne abuses of the place and order where he liued, was cast in prison, At length beyng weake and feable through imprisōment, he sent for y^e War∣den of the Couent, desiring and be••eching him, to haue some respect of his woefull state, & pittifull case. The War∣den rebuking and accusing hym for that he had done & spo∣ken: He aunswered againe and sayde that he had spoken nothyng

whiche might be preiudiciall or hurtfull to their monkery, or a∣gainst their Religion:* 5.55 But there shoulde come one (and assigned the yeare, an. 1516.) Who should vtterly subuert all monkery. and they should neuer be able to resist him &c.

Long it were to induce here all Prophecies that be read in histories. Certeine I minde briefly to touch & passe ouer.* 5.56 And first to omit the reuelations of Brigit (wherun∣to I doe not muche attribute) who prophecying of the de∣struction of Rome in her 4. booke, cap. 17. sayth: That Rome shalbe scoured and purged with three thinges, with sworde, fire, and the plough:* 5.57 resembling moreouer the sayd Church of Rome to a plant remoued out of the old place into a new. Also to a bo∣dy condemned by a iudge, to haue the skinne flayne off the bloud to be drawen from the fleshe, the flesh to be cut out in peeces, and the bones thereof to be broken, and all the marow to be squiesed out from the same, so that no part thereof remayne whole and perfect. &c. But to these speculations of Brigit, I geue no great respect, as neither I doe to the predictions of Kathe∣rine De Senis.

And yet notwithstanding, Antoninus writing of the same Katherine in hys 3. part.* 5.58 Tit. 23. cap. 14. reciteth her wordes thus, prophesying of the reformation of the church to Fryer Reymund her ghostly father: By these tribulations (sayth she) God after a secret maner vnknowne to man, shall purge his holy Church, and after those thinges shall follow such a reformation of the holy Church of God,* 5.59 and such a renouation of the holy pastours, that the onely cogitation and remembrance thereof maketh my spirite to reioyce in the Lord: And, as I haue oftentimes told you heretofore, the spouse which is now all de∣formed and ragged, shalbe adourned and decked with most ritch and precious ouches and brouches: and all the faythfull shalbe glad and reioyse to see themselues so bewtified with so holye pa∣stours. Yea and also the infidels then allured by the sweete sauour of Christ, shall returne to the catholicke folde, and be conuerted to the true byshop and shepheard of theyr soules. Geue thankes therefore to GOD, for after this storme, hee will geue a great calme. &c.

Of the authoritie of this prophetisse, I haue not to af∣firme or iudge, but rather to heare what the Catholique iudge will say of this their owne saint and Prophet. For if they do not credite her spirite of prophesie, why then doe they authorise her, for a pure saint amōg y^e Sisters of deare S. Dominick? If they warrēt her prophesie, let them say then when was this glorious reformation of the Churche, euer true or like to be true, if it be not true now in this maruel∣lous alteration of the Churche, in these our latter dayes? Or when was there any such conuersion of Christian peo¦ple in all countries euer heard of, since the Apostles tyme, as hath bene since the preaching of Martine Luther.

* 5.60Of Hieronimus Sauonarola I wrote before, pag 000 shewing that he prophecied: That one shoulde passe ouer the Alpes like to Cyrus, who shoulde subuert and destroy all Italye. Which may well be applyed to Gods word, and the Go∣spell of Christ, spreading nowe in all places since Luthers time.

* 5.61Theodoricus Bishop of Croacia, liued neare about the time, when Hus and Hierome were martyred. Who in y^e ende of his propheticall verses, which are extant in print, declareth: That the sea of Rome whiche is so horriblie polluted with Simonie and auarice, shall fal, and no more shal oppresse men with tyranny, as it hath done, and that it shalbe subuerted by hys owne subiectes, and that the Church and true pietie shal flo∣rish agayne more then euer it did before.

Nouiomagus testifieth, that he in the yeare of our Lord, 1520. heard Ostendorpius,* 5.62 a Canon of Dauentrie, say: that when he was a young man Doctor Weselus a Phrysian, which was then an old man, told him, That he should liue to see this new schoole diuinitie of Scotus, Aquinas, and Bonauen¦ture to be vtterly forsaken and exployded of all true Christians.

In a booke of Carolus Bouillus, mention is made of a certaine vision, which one Nicholas: an heretique of Helue∣tia, had, in which vision he saw the popes head crowned with 3. swordes proceeding from hys face: and 3. swordes comming to∣ward it. This vision is also imprinted in the bookes of Martine Luther, with hys preface before it.

Nicholas Medlerus, being of late superintendent of Brū∣swyke,* 5.63 affirmed and testified: That he heard and knewe a cer∣tayne Priest in his country, which told the priests there, that they layd aside Paule vnder their deskes and pues: but the time would come, when as Paule should come abroad, and driue them vnder the deskes and darcke stalles, where they shoulde not ap∣peare. &c.

Matthias Flaccius, in the ende of his booke intituled: De testibus veritatis, speaketh of one Michaell Stifelius, which Mi∣chaell being an old man, told him that he heard the Priestes and Monkes say many tymes, by old prophecies, that a violent refor∣mation must needes come amongest them: and also that the sayd Michaell heard Cōradus Stifelius his father, many tymes declare the same: who also for the great hatred he bare agaynst this filthy sect of Monkes and priestes, told to one Peter Pi••er a friend and neighbour of hys, that he should lyue and see the day, and there∣fore desired him, that when the day came, besides those Priestes which he should kill for himselfe, he woulde kill one priest more for hys sake Haec ex Flaccio.

This Stiteleus thought belike, that this reformation shuld be wrought by outward violence,* 5.64 and force of sword but he was thereing deceiued. Although the aduersarye v∣seth all forcible meanes, and violent tyranny, yet the pro∣ceeding of the Gospell alwaies beginneth with peace, and quietnes.

In the table of Amersham men I signified a little be∣fore pag. 000. how one Haggar of Londō, speaking of this reformation to come: declared: That the Priestes should make battaile, and haue the vpper hand a while, but shortly they should be vanquished, and ouerthrowne for euer.

In the tyme of pope Alexander the 6. and about the yeare of our Lord. 1500. as is before specified,* 5.65 pag. 000. the hygh angell which stoode in the top of the popes churche and ca∣stle of S. Angell, was throwne downe with a terrible thunder, in∣to the riuer of Tybris: whereby might seeme to be declared the ruine and tall of the popedome.

To this may be adioyned, whiche in certayne Chroni∣cles, and in Iohn Bale is recorded: which sayth, that in y^e yeare of our Lord. 1516. whiche was the same yeare when Martine Luther began, Pope Leo the x. dyd create 31. Cardi∣nals: In the which yeare and day of theyr creation, there fell a tē∣pest of thūder and lightning in Rome, which so strake the church where the Cardinals were made, that it remoued the little Childe Iesus out of the lappe of hys mother, and the keyes out of Saint Peters hand.* 5.66 Whiche thing many then did interprete to sig∣nifie and foreshow the subuersion and alteration of the sea of Rome.

Hetherto pertayneth also a strange portente and a pro¦digious token from heauen, in the yeare of our Lord. 1505.* 5.67 In the which yeare, vnder the reigne of Maximilian Em∣perour, there appeared in Germany, vpon the vestures of men as well of Priestes, as lay men, vpon womens garmentes also, and vpon theyr rockes as they were spynning, diuerse printes and tokens of the nayles, of the spunge, of the spayre, of the Lordes, coate, and of bloudy Crosses. &c. All which were seene vpon theyr cappes and gownes, as is most certaynly testified and recorded by diuers, which both did see & also did write vpon the same. Of whom first was Maximilian the Em∣perour, who both had and shewed the same to Franciscus Mirandula, which wrote thereupon a booke in Latine meter called Staurostichon: wherin for the more credite, these ver∣ses be conteyned.

Non ignota cano, Caesar monstrauit, & ipsi Vidimus: Innumeros prompsit Germania testes. &c.

Of this also writeth Iohn Carion, Functius,* 5.68 Phil. Melanct. Flaccius, with diuers other moe. These markes and tokēs, as they were very straunge, so were they diuersly expoun∣ded of many, some thinking that they pretended affliction and persecution of the churche to drawe neare: some, that God by that token did admonishe them or foreshewed vn∣to them, the true doctrine of their iustification, which onely is to be sought in the Crosse and passion of Christ, and no other thing. This I maruell, that Christianus Masseus, and other of that profession, doe leaue it out. Belike they sawe some thinge in it, that made not to theyr liking. For whe∣ther it signifieth persecution to come vpon the Germayns they cannot be euill that suffer and beare the Crosse wyth Christ: Or whether it signifieth the true doctrine of Christ comming to the Germaynes it cannot otherwise be, but that the doctrine of the Byshop of Rome must needes be wrong, which is contrary to this which God hath styrred vp in Germany.

By this and such like prophecies it is euident to vn∣derstand, the time not to be farre of, when God of his de∣terminate prouidēce was disposed to reforme & to restore his Churche. And not onely by these prophecies the same might well appeare but also, and much rather by y^e hartes of the people at that tyme, whose mindes were so insenced and inflamed with hatred agaynst the pompe and pryde of Rome, both through all nations, and especially the people of Germany, that it was easie to perceaue the tyme was neare at hand, whē the pride of popish prelacy would haue a fall. Such disdeyne there was, such contempte and deri∣sion began to ryse on euery side then agaynst the pope and the Courte of Rome, that it might soone appeare by the heartes of the people, that God was not disposed to haue

it long to stand. For neither were their detestable doinges of secret that men did not see them: neither did any man be hold them, hauing any sparckle of godlines, that could a∣bide them. And thereupon grewe these prouerbes to their derision, in euery country: As in Germany it hath bene Prouerb amongst them.

* 5.69Was ist nu in der werlt fur ein wesen, Wir moegen fur den pfaffen nicht genesen. What is this, to see the world now round about, That for these shaueling priestes no man that once maye route? Quàm primum clericus suscipit rasuram, statim intrat in eum diabolus.

That is,

So soone as a Clerke is shorne into his order, by and by the deuill enterth into him. In nomine Domini incipit omne malum.

That is:

In the name of God beginneth all euill alluding to the Popes Bulles, which commonly so begin. Item when Bulles come from Rome, bind well your purses. The nearer Rome, the farther from Christ. Item, he that goeth once to Rome, seeth a wicked man. He that goeth twise, learneth to know him. He that goeth thrise, bringeth him home with him. Item, the Courte of Rome neuer regardeth the sheepe without the woll. Once were wodden chalices and golden priestes. * 5.70Now we haue golden chalices, and wodden Priestes. Once Christan men had blinde churches and light hartes, Now they haue blinde hartes and light Churches. Item, many are worshipped for Saintes in heauen, whose soules be burning in hell.

What should I speake of our English prouerbe which so vily esteemeth the filthy Friers, that it compareth them (sauing thy reuerence good Reader) to a fart?

In Fraunce, Gallus Senonensis writeth .400. yeares a∣goe, that amongest them it was an old saying: Romae solui Satanam in perniciem totius Ecclesiae. That is: That Sathan was let lose at Rome to destroy the whole Church.

Thomas Becket himselfe, in his time writing to the Colledge of Cardinals, denieth it not, but to be a common word both through town and city, Quod non sit iustitia Ro∣mae. That is, That there is no right at Rome.

To these may be adioyned also the A. B. C. Whiche we find in the margent of a certayne ould register, to be attri∣buted to William Thorp, whose story we haue comprehen¦ded in the booke before.

¶A wake ye ghostly persons, awake, awake, * 5.71B oth Priest, pope, Byshop and Cardinall. C onsider wisely, what wayes that ye take, D aungerously beyng like to haue a fall, E uery where the mischiefe of you all, F arre and neare, breaketh out very fast: G od will needes be reuenged at the last. ¶H ow long haue ye the world captiued, I n sore bondage: of mens traditions? K inges and Emperours ye haue depriued, L ewdly vsurping, theyr chiefe possessions: M uch misery ye make in all regions. N ow your fraudes be almost at their latter cast, O f God sore to be reuenged at the last. ¶P oore people to oppresse, ye haue no shame, Q uaking for feare of your double tyranny. R ightfull iustice ye haue put out of frame, S eeking the lust of your God, the belly. T herefore I dare you boldly certifie, V ery little though ye be thereof a gast, Y et God will be reuenged at the last.

By these and such like sayinges, whiche may be collec∣ted innumerable, it may soone be seen what harts & iudge¦ments the people had in those dayes of the Romish Cler∣gy. Which thing, no doubt, was of God, as a secret prophe¦cie, that shortly religion shoulde be restored: according as it came to passe, about thys present tyme whē Doct. Mar∣tin Luther first began to write,* 5.72 after that Picus Miran∣dula, and Laurentius Ualla, & last of all, Erasmus Ro∣terodamus, had somewhat broken the way before & hadd shaken the monkes houses, But Luther gaue the stroke, & pluckt downe the foundation, & all by opening one vayne long hid before, wherein lyeth the touchstone of all trueth & doctrine, as the onely principall origine of our saluation which is our free iustifying by faith onely in christ y^e sonne of God. The laborious trauailes, and the whole processe & the constant preachings of this worthy mā, because they be sufficiētly declared in the history of Iohannes Sleidanus, I shall the lesse neede to stand long thereupon, but one¦ly to runne ouer some principall matter of his life & actes as they are briefly collected by Phillip Melanthon.

¶The history of D. Martine Luther with his lyfe and doctrine described.

MArtine Luther, after he was growne in yeares,* 5.73 being borne at Isleben in Saxonie, an. 1483. was set to the Uniuersity, first of Magdeburg, thē of Erford. In this U∣niuersitie of Erforde, there was a certayne aged man, in the Couēt of the Agustines (who is thought to be We∣selus aboue mentioned) wyth whom Luther beyng then of the same order a fryer Augustine, had conference vppon diuers thinges, especially touching the Article of remissi∣on of sinnes, the whiche Article the sayd aged father ope∣ned vnto Luther after this sorte, declaring that wee must not generally beleue onely forgeunes of sinnes to be, or to belong to Peter, to Paule, to Dauid, or suche good men a∣lone: but that Gods expresse commaundements is, that e∣uery man should beleue particularly hys sinnes to be for∣geuen him in Christ: and further sayd, that thys interpre∣tation was confirmed by the testimonies of S. Barnerd, and shewed him the place,* 5.74 in the Sermon of the Annunci∣ation, where it is thus set forth: But adde thou that thou be∣leuest this, that by him thy sinnes are forgiuen thee. This is the te∣stimony that the holy Ghost giueth thee in thy heart, saying: Thy sinnes are forgiuen thee. For this is the opinion of the Apostle, that man is freely iustified by fayth.

By these wordes Luther was not onely strengthened, but was also instructed of the full meaning of S. Paule, who repeateth so many tymes this sentence: We are iustifi∣ed by fayth. And hauing read the expositions of many vp∣pon this place, he then perceiued as well by the purpose of the old man, as by the comfort he receiued in his spirit, the vanitie of those interpretations, which he had read before, of the scholemen: And so reading by litle and litle, with cō∣ferring the sayinges and examples of the Prophetes & A∣postles, and continuall inuocation of God, and excitatiō of fayth by force of prayer, hee perceiued y^e doctrine more eui∣dently. Then began he to read Saint Augustines bookes, where he founde many comfortable sentēces among other in the exposition of the Psalmes and specially in the booke of the Spirite and Letter,* 5.75 which confirmed this doctrine of fayth and consolation in hys hart, not a little. And yet he layd not aside the Sentenciaries, as Gabriell and Came∣racensis. Also he read the bookes of Occam, whose sub∣tilty he preferred aboue Thomas Aquine, & Scotus. He read also and reuolued Gersō: but aboue al the rest, he pe∣rused all ouer S. Augustines workes with attentiue cogi∣tation. And thus continued he his study at Erford, y^e space of 4. yeares in the Couent of the Augustines.

About this tyme one Staupicius a famous mā,* 5.76 who ministring his helpe to further the erection of an Uniuer¦sitie in Wittenberg, and endeuouring to haue schooles of Diuinitie founded in this new Uniuersitie: when he had cōsidered the spirite & towardnes of Luther, he called him from Erford, to place him in Wittenberg, in y^e yeare .1508. and of his age xxvi. There his towardnes appeared in y^e ordinary exercise both of hys disputations in the schooles & preaching in churches, where as manye wise and lear∣ned mē attentiuely heard Luther, namely D. Mellerstad.

This Mellerstad would oftentimes say, that Luther was of suche a marueilous spirit, and so ingenious,* 5.77 that he gaue apparant signifcation, that he would introduce a more compendious, easie, and familier maner of teaching and altar and abolishe the order that then was vsed.

There first he expounded the Logick and Philosophy of Aristotle, & in the meane while,* 5.78 intermitted no whit his study in Theolagy. Three yeares after, he went to Rome, about certayn contentions of the Monkes, and returning the same yeare, he was a graded Doctour:* 5.79 at the expenses of Elector Fredericke, Duke of Saxonie, according to the solemn maner of scholes: for he had heard him preach: well vnderstanded the quickenes of his spirite: dilligently con∣sidered the vehemency of hys wordes, and had in singular admiration those profound matters, whiche in hys Ser∣mons he ripely and exactly explaned. This degree Stan∣picius, against his will enforced vpon him, saying merely vnto him, that God had many thinges to bring to passe in hys Church by him. And though these wordes were spo∣ken merely, yet it came so to passe anone after, as many predictions or presages proue true before a chaunge.* 5.80

After this he began to expound the Epistle to the Ro∣mayns, & consequently the Psalmes: where he shewed the difference betwixt the lawe and the Gospell. He also con∣founded the errour that raigned then in schooles and Ser∣mons, teaching that men may merite remission of sinnes

by their proper works, and that they be iust before God by outward discipline, as the Phariseis taught. Luther dilli∣gently reduced the mindes of men, to the sonne of God. As Iohn Baptist demonstrated the lambe of God that tooke away the sinns of the world: euen so Luther shining in the church of a bright starre after a long cloudy and ob∣scure skye,* 5.81 expresly shewed that sinnes are freely remitted for the loue of the sonne of God, and that we ought fayth∣fully to embrace this bountifull gift.

These happy beginninges of so good matters, got him great authoritie, especially seeing his lyfe also was corres∣pondent to his profession. The consideration whereof al∣lured to him meruailously the hartes of his auditors, and also many notable personages.

All this while Luther yet altered nothing in the cere∣monyes,* 5.82 but precisely obserued his rule amōg his felowes he medled in no doubtfull opinions, but taught this onely doctrine, as most principall of al other to all men, opening & declaring the doctrine of repentance, of remission of sins of fayth, of true comfort in times of aduersitie. Euery man receaued good taste of this sweet doctrine, and the learned conceiued high pleasure to behold Iesus Christ, the Pro∣phets & Apostles, to come forth into light out of darcknes, wherby they began to vnderstand the difference betwixt y^e law and the Gospell: betwixt the promises of the law, and the promise of the Gospell: betwixt spiritual iustice, & ciuil things: which certainly could not haue bene foūd in Tho∣mas Aquine, Scotus, nor such like schoole clerkes.

It happened moreouer about this time, that manye were prouoked by Erasmus learned workes, to study the Greek & Latine tongues, who perceiuing a more gentle & ready order of teaching then before, began to haue in con∣tempt the Monkes barbarous and sophisticall doctrine: & specially such as were of liberall nature and good disposi∣tion. Luther began to study the Greeke and Hebrue tonge to this end, that after he had learned the phrase and propri∣etic of the tongues, and drawne the doctrine of the very fountaynes, he might geue more sound iudgement.

As Luther was thus occupyed in Germany, whiche was the yeare of our Lord 1516.* 5.83 Leo y^e x. of that name suc∣ceeding after Iulius. 2. was Pope of Rome. Who vnder pretence of warre against the Turke, sent a Iubile wyth his pardons, abroad through all Christen Realmes & do∣minions: whereby he gathered together innumerable ri∣ches and treasure. The gatherers and collecters whereof perswaded the people, that whosoeuer would geue x. shil∣lings, shuld at his pleasure, deliuer one soule from y^e payns of Purgatory. For this they held as a generall rule, that God would do,* 5.84 whatsoeuer they woulde haue him, accor∣ding to the saying: Quicquid solueritis super terram, erit solu∣tum in coelis &c. Whatsoeuer you loose vpon earth, the same shal be loosed in heauen. But if it were but one iotte lesse then x. shillinges, they preached that it would profite thē nothing. Ex Christia. Messeo lib. 20. Chro.

This filthy kind of the popes marchandise, as it spread through all quarters of Christian regions,* 5.85 so it came also to Germany, through the meanes of certayne Dominicke Fryers named Tecellius, who most impudently caused y^e Popes indulgences or pardons to be caryed & sold about the country. Whereupon, Luther muche moued with the blasphemous sermōs of this shameles Fryer, and hauing his hart earnestly bent with ardent desire to mayntayne true religion, published certayne propositions concerning indulgences, which are to be read in the first Tome of hys works,* 5.86 and set them openly on the temple that ioyneth to the Castle of Wittenberge, the morrow after the feastes of all Saintes, the yeare .1517.

This beggerly Fryer, hoping to obtaine y^e popes bles∣sing,* 5.87 assembled certayne Monkes & sophisticall diuines of his couent, & fortwith commanded thē to write something against Luther. And whilest he would not himselfe seeme to be dumme, he began not onely to enuey in his sermons but to thunder against Luther, crying: Luther is an here∣ticke,* 5.88 and worthy to be persecuted with fire: and besides this, he burned openly Luthers propositions, and the ser∣mon whiche he wrote of indulgences. This rage and fu∣mish fury of this Frier, enforced Luther to treat more am∣ply of the cause, and to mayntayne his matter.

And thus rose the beginninges of this controuersie, wherein Luther neyther suspecting ne dreaming of anye chaunge that might happen in the ceremonies, did not vt∣terly reiect the indulgences, but required a moderation in them: and therfore they falsely accuse him, which blase that he began w^t plausible matter, wherby he might get prayse. to the end that in processe of time, he might change the state of the common weale, and purchase authoritie, eyther for himselfe or other.

And certes, he was not suborned or styrred vp by them of the courte (as the Duke of Brumwike wrote:* 5.89) in so much that the Duke Frederick was sore offended that such contention and controuersie should arise, hauing regarde to the sequele thereof.

And as this good Duke Frederick was one of al y^e prin∣ces of our time, that loued best quietnes and common tran¦quilitie, neither was auaricious, but willingly bent to re∣ferre al his counsels to the common vtilitie of all the world (as it is easy to be coniectured diuers waies:) so he neither encouraged nor supported Luther, but often represented semblaunce of heauines and sorrow, which he bare in hys hart, fearing greater dissentions: But being a wise prince and following the Counsaile of Gods rule, and well deli∣berating therupon, he thought with himselfe that the glo∣ry of God was to be preferred aboue all thinges. Neyther was he ignoraunt what blasphemy it was, horribly con∣demned of God, obstinately to repugne y^e truth. Wherfore he did as a godly Prince should do: he obeyed God, cōmit∣ting himselfe to his holy grace, and omnipotent protectiō. And although Maximilianus the Emperor, Carolus K. of Spaine, & Pope Iulius had geuen commmaundement to the sayd Duke Fridericke, that he should inhibite Lu∣ther from all place and libertie of preaching: yet the Duke considering with himselfe the preaching and & writing of Luther and weighing dilligently the testimonies and pla∣ces of the Scripture by him alledged, would not withstād the thing, which he iudged sincere. And yet neyther did he this, trusting to his own iudgemēt, but was very anxious & inquisitiue to heare y^e iudgements of other, whiche were both aged, & learned. In the number of whom was Eras∣mus, whō the Duke desired to declare to him his opinion touching y^e matter of Martine Luther, saying & protesting that he would rather the ground shuld open and swallow him, then he would beare w^t any opinions, which he knew to be cōtrary to manifest truth: & therfore he desired him to declare his iudgement in y^e matter, to him freely & frendly.

Erasmus thus being entreated of the Duke, began thus iestingly and merely to answere the Dukes request,* 5.90 saying: that in Luther were two great faultes: first, that he would touch the bellyes of monks: the second, y^t he would touch the popes crown: which two matters in no case are to be dealt withall. Then opening his minde playnly to y^e Duke, thus he sayde,* 5.91 that Luther did well in detecting er∣rours, and that reformation was to be wished, and very necessary in the church: and added moreouer, that the effect of his doctrine was true, but onely that he wished in him, a more temperate moderation and maner of writing and handling. Wherupon Duke Friderick shortly after wrote to Luther seriously,* 5.92 exhorting him to temperate the vehe∣mency of his style. This was at the City of Colen, shortly after the Coronation of the newe Emperour, where also Huttenus, Aloisius, Marlianus, Ludouicus, viues, Halonius, with other learned men, were assembled together wayting vp∣on the Emperour.

Furthermore the same Erasmus, the yeare next folow∣ing that,* 5.93 wrote vp to the Archbishop of Mentz a certayne Epistle touching the cause of Luther. In whiche Epistle thus he signifieth to the Byshop: That many thinges were in the books of Luther condemned of monkes and Diuines, for he∣reticall, whiche in the bookes of Bernarde and Austen are redde for sound and godly.

Also, that the world is burdened with mens institutions, with schole doctrines and opinions,* 5.94 and with the tyrannye of begging Friers: which Fryers when they are but the Popes seruaunts and vnderlinges: yet they haue so growne in power and multitude, that they are nowe terrible both to the pope himselfe, and to all princes. Who so long as the pope maketh with them, so long they make him more thē a God. But if he make any thing agaynst their purpose or commoditie, then they wey his authoritie no more then a dreame or phantasie.

Once (sayd he) it was counted an heresie, when a man re∣pugned agaynst the Gospell, or Articles of the fayth. Now he that dissenteth from Thomas of Aquine, is an hereticke, whatsoeuer doth not like them, whatsoeuer they vnderstand not, that is here∣sie. To speake Greeke, is heresie. Or to speake more finely then they do, that is with them heresie. And thus much by the way, concerning the iudgement of Erasmus.

Now to returne and to entreate something orderly of the actes and conflictes of Luther with hys aduersaryes: after y^e Tecelius the foresayd Fryer, w^t his fellow monkes and Frierly fellowes, had cried out w^t open mouth against Luther, in mayntayning the popes indulgences, and that Luther agayn in defence of hys cause, had set vp propositi∣ons against the open abuses of the same, maruell it was to see how soone these propositions, were sparckled abroad in sundry and farre places, and howe greedely they were cat∣ched

vp in the hands of diuers, both far & near. And thus y^e contentiō of this matter increasing betwene them,* 5.95 Luther was cōpelled to write therof more largely & fully, thē other wise he thought: which was in y^e yeare of our Lorde. 1517.

Yet all this while, Luther neuer thought of anye alte∣ration to come of any ceremony, much lesse such a reforma¦tion of doctrine and ceremonies, as afterward did follow. But onely hearing that he was accused to the Bishop of Rome, he did write humbly vnto him: in the beginning of which writing, he declareth y^e vnordinate outrage of those his pardonmongers, whiche so excessiuely did pill & pole the simple people, to the great slaunder of the Church, and shame to his holines: and so proceeding in the ende of the sayd his writing, thus he submitteth himselfe.

* 5.96Wherefore (sayth he) most holy father. I offer my selfe prostrate vnder the feete of your holines, with all that I am, and that I haue. Saue me, kill me, call me, recall me, approoue me, reproue me, as you shall please. Your voyce, y^e voyce of Christ in you speaking, I wil acknowledge. If I haue deserued death, I shall be contented to dye: For the earth is the Lordes,* 5.97 and all the fulnes therof, who is to be bles∣sed for euer. Amen. This was the yeare of our Lorde. 1518.

After that Martine Luther, prouoked thus by Teceli∣us, had declared hys minde in writing lowly and humbly and had set vp certayn propositions to be disputed: not lōg after,* 5.98 among other monkes and Fryers, steppeth vp one Siluester de Priero a Dominicke Frier who fyrst began to publish abroad a certayne impudent and rayling Dia∣logue against him. Unto whom Luther answered agayn, first alledging the place of the Apostle. 1. Thes. v. That we must proue all thinges. Also the place. Gal. 2. That if an aungell from heauen do bryng an other Gospell, then that we haue recei∣ued, he ought to be accursed.

* 5.99Item, he alledged the place of Austen vnto Hierome, where the sayd Austen sayth: That he is wont to geue thys ho∣nour onely to the book of Canonicall Scripture, that who soeuer were the writers thereof, he beleueth them verily not to haue er∣red. But as touching all other mens writings, were they neuer so holy men or learned, he doth not beleue them therefore, because they so say, but in that respect as they doe agree with the Canoni∣call Scripture, which cannot erre.

* 5.100Item, he alledged the place of the Canon law: Clem. de Poenit. & remis. C. Abusionibus. Wherein he proued, y^t these pardonsellers, in their setting forth of the popes indulgen∣ses, ought to go no further by the lawe, then is enioyned them within the letters of their commission.

And in the latter part of his aunswer, thus Luther wri∣teth to the reader, Let opinions (sayth he) remayne opinions, so they be not yokes to the Christians. Let vs not make mens opi∣nions equall with the articles of fayth, & to the decrees of Christ, and Paule. Moreouer I am ashamed (quod he) to heare the common saying of this Diuine schole doctours, who hol∣ding one thing in the schooles, and thinking otherwise in their own iudgement, thus are wont, secretly among thē∣selues,* 5.101 and with their priuy friendes, talking together to say: Thus we do hold, and thus would I say, being in the schooles, but yet (be it spoken here amongst vs) it cannot be so proued by the holy Scriptures, &c. Ex. Paralip. Abb. Vrsperg.

* 5.102Next after this Siluester, stept forth Eckius, and im∣pugned the conclusions of Luther. Agaynst whom encoun¦tered D. Andraeas Bedenstein. Archdeacō of Wittenberg, ma∣kyng hys Apologie in defence of Luther.

Then was Martin Luther cited, the 7. of August. by one Hieronimus B. of Ascalon, to appeare at Rome. A∣bout which tyme Thomas Caietanus Cardinall, y^e popes Legate, was then lieger at the Cittie of Augusta, who be∣fore had beene sent downe in commission, with certayne mandates from Pope Leo,* 5.103 vnto that Citty: The vniuersi∣tie of Wittenberg vnderstanding of Luthers citation, eft∣soones directed vp their letters, with their publique seale to y^e pope, in Luthers behalfe. Also an other letter they sent to Carolus Miltitius the popes chamberlayne beyng a Germayne borne. Furthermore good Fridericke ceased not for his part, to sollicitate the matter with his letters & earnest suit, with Cardinall Caietanus, that the cause of Luther might be freed from Rome, and remooued to Au∣gusta, in the hearing of the Cardinall. Caietanus at y^e suyt of the Duke, wrote vnto the Pope, from whome he recea∣ued this answer again, the 23. of the foresayd month of Au∣gust,* 5.104 that he had cited Luther, to appeare personally before him at Rome, by Hieronimus Bishop of Ascalon, Audi∣tour of the chamber: whiche byshop dilligently had done, that was commaunded hym, but Luther abusing and contemning the gentlenes offered, did refuse not onely to come, but also became more bold and stubborne, continu∣ing or rather increasing in his former heresie, as by hys writing did appeare: Wherfore he wold that the Cardinal should cite and call vp the sayd Luther to appeare at the ci∣ty of Augusta before him, adioyning withall, the ayd of the princes of Germany & of the Emperour, if neede required so that when the sayd Luther shoulde appeare, he shoulde lay hand vpon him, & commit him to sate custody, and after he should be brought vp to Rome: and if he perceaued him to come to any knowledge or amendment of hys faulte, he should release him, and restore hym to the church again, or els he shuld be interdict, with al other his adherents, abet∣ters, & mayntainers, of what soeuer estate or cōdition they were, whether they were Dukes, Marqueses, Earles Ba¦rons. &c. Against all which persons and degrees, he willed hym to extende the same curse and malediction (onely the person of the Emperour excepted) interdicting by the cen∣sure of the church, all such landes, Lordships, Townes, te∣nementes, villages, as should minister any harbour to the sayd Luther, & were not obedient vnto the sea of Rome. Contrariwise to all such as shewed themselues obedient, he should promise full remission of all theyr sinnes. Like∣wise the pope directeth other letters also the same tyme, to Duke Friderick, complayning with many grieuous wor∣des, agaynst Luther.

The Cardinall thus being charged with iniunctions from Rome; according to his commission, sendeth with all speede, for Luther to appeare at Augusta before hym.* 5.105

About the beginning of October Martin Luther yeal∣ding his obedience to the Church of Rome, came to Augu¦sta, at the Cardinals sending (at the charges, of the noble Prince Electour) and also hys letters of commendation, where he remayned 3. dayes before he came to his speache: for so it was prouided by his frendes, that he shoulde not enter talke with the Cardinall, before a sufficient warrant or safe conduct was obtained of the Emperour Maximili∣an. Which being obteyned, eftsoones he entred,* 5.106 offeringe himselfe to the speach of the Cardinal, and was there recey¦ued of the cardinall very gently: who according to y^e popes commandement, propounded vnto Martin Luther three thinges, or as Sleaden sayth, but 2. to witte.

1. That he should repent and reuoke hys erroures.

2. That he shoulde promise from that tyme forward, to refrayne from the same.

3. That he shoulde refrayne from all thinges that myght by any meanes trouble the Church.

When Martin Luther required to be informed wher∣in he had erred,* 5.107 the Legate brought forth the extrauagants of Clement, which beginneth: Vnigenitus &c. because that he contrary to that Canon had held & taught in his 58. pro∣position, that the merites of Christ are not the treasure of indulgences or pardons. Secondly, the cardinall, contra∣ry to the seuenth proposition of Luther, affirmed that fayth is not necessary to him that receaueth the sacrament.

Furthermore, an other day in the presence of 4. of the Emperours Counsaile, hauing there a Notary and wit∣nesses present, Luther protested for himselfe and personal∣ly in this maner following.

In primis, I Martine Luther, a Fryer Augustine, pro∣test that I do reuerence and followe the Church of Rome in all my sayinges and doings, present, past, and to come:* 5.108 And if any thing haue bene or shalbe said by me to the con∣trary, I count it, and will that it be counted and taken as though it had neuer beene spoken. But because the Car∣dinall hath required at the commaundement of the Pope three thinges of me to be obserued:

1 That I should returne againe to the knowledge of my selfe.

2 That I should beware of falling into the same agayne here after.

3 That I shoulde promise to abstayne from all thinges which might disquiet the church of God:

I protest here this day, that whatsoeuer I haue sayde, seemeth vnto me to be sound, true and Catholicke: Yet for the further profe therof, I doe offer my selfe personally ey∣ther here or elswhere, publikely to geue a reason of my say¦inges. And if this please not the Legate,* 5.109 I am ready also in writing to aunswere hys obiections, if he haue anye a∣gaynst me: And touching these thinges, to heare the sen∣tence and iudgement of the Uniuersities of the Empyre. Basill, Friburge, and Louane. Hereof when they had re∣ceiued an answere in writing, they departed.

After thys Luther by and by prepareth an aunswere to the Legate, teaching that the merites of Christ are not committed vnto men: that the popes voyce is to be heard when he speaketh agreably to the Scriptures: that y^e pope may erre: that he ought to be reprehended, Act. 15. Moreo∣uer he shewed that in the matter of fayth. not onely y^e gene∣rall councell, but also euery faythfull christian is aboue the Pope, if he leaue to better authoritie and reason: that the

Extrauagant containeth vntruthes: that it is an infallible veritie, that none is iust: that it is necessary for hym that commeth to the receiuing of the sacrament, to beleue: that fayth in the absolution and remission of sinnes, is necessa∣ry that he ought not nor might not decline from the veritie of the Scripture: that he sought nothing but the light of the truth.* 5.110 &c.

But the Cardinall would heare no scriptures: he dis∣puted without scriptures, deuised gloses and expositions of his owne head, and by distinctions (wherewith the Di∣uinitie of the Thomistes is full) like a very Proteus, he a∣uoyded al thinges. After this, Luther being commaunded to come no more in the presence of the Legate, excepte he would recant, notwithstanding abode there still & woulde not depart. Then the Cardinall sent for Ioannes Stupitius, vicare of the Augustines, & moued him earnestly to bryng Luther to recant of his own accord. Luther taried the next day also, and nothing was sayd vnto him. The thyrd daye moreouer he taryed and deliuered vp his minde in writing in whiche,* 5.111 first he thanked him for his curtesie and great kyndenes which he perceaued by the words of Stupitius toward him, and therefore was the more ready to gratifie him in whatsoeuer kinde of office he could do him seruice: confessing moreouer, that where he had bene somewhat sharpe and eger agaynst the popes dignitie, that was not so much of his own minde, as it was to be ascribed to the importunitie of certaine which gaue him occasion. Notw^t∣standing, as he acknowledged his excesse therin, so he was ready to shew more moderation in that behalf hereafter, & also promised to make amendes for y^e same vnto the bish. & that in the pulpit, if he pleased. And as touching the matter of pardons, he promised also to proceede no further in any mention therof, so y^t his aduersaries likewise were bound to keep silence. But where as he was prest to retracte hys sentence before defended, forasmuch as he had said nothing but with a good conscience, and whiche was agreable to y^e firme testimonies of the scripture: therefore he humbly de∣sired the determination therof, to be referred to the bishop of Rome, for nothing could be more gratefull to hym, then to heare the voyce of the Church speaking &c.

¶Who doth not see by this so humble and honest sub∣mission of Luther, but that, if the Bishop of Rome woulde haue bene aunswered with any reason, or contented wyth sufficient meane, he had neuer bene touched any further of Luther. But the secret purpose of GOD had a farther worke herein to do: for the tyme nowe was come, when God thought good that pride shoulde haue a fall. Thus while the vnmeasurable desire of that B. sought more then inough,* 5.112 and like to Aesopes dogge, coueting both to haue y^e fleshe, and shadowe, not onely he missed that he gaped for, but also lost that which he had.

But to the purpose of our matter agayne: this writing Luther deliuered to the Cardinall the third daye after he was commanded out of his sight. Which letter or writing the Cardinall did little regard. When Luther sawe that he woulde geue no aunswere nor countenaunce to the letter, yet notw^tstanding he remayned after that, the fourth daye, and nothing was aunswered: the fift day likewise was pas¦sed with like silence, and nothing done. At the length, by the counsell of hys frendes, and specially because the Car∣dinall had sayde before, that he had a commaundement to imprison Luther and Iohn Stupitius the vicare, after y^t he had made and set vp hys appeale where it might be seen and read, he departed, thinking that he had shewed suche daungerous obedience long enough. Luther a beholder & a doer of these things, recordeth the same and sheweth the cause why he submitted himselfe to the church of Rome: de¦claring also, that euen those thinges, which are most true∣ly spoken, yet ought to be mayntayned and defended, with humilitie and feare. Some thinges he suppresseth and con∣ceileth, whiche he supposeth the reader to vnderstand not without griefe and sorrow. At length he protesteth that he reuerenceth and followeth the church of Rome in al thin∣ges,* 5.113 and that he setteth himselfe onely agaynst those, which vnder the name of the churche of Rome, goe about to set forth and commend Babylon vnto vs.

Thus you haue heard how that Luther being reiected from the speache and sight of Caietanus the Cardinall, af∣ter sixe dayes wayting,* 5.114 departed by the aduise of his frien∣des & returned vnto Wittēberg, leauing a letter in writing to be geuen to the Cardinall, wherein hee declared suffici∣ently, first his obedience in hys comming, the reasons of hys doctrine, his submission reasonable to the Sea of Rome, hys long wayting after he was repelled from the Cardinals speache, the charges of the Duke, and finally, the cause of his departing. Besides this letter to the Cardi∣nall, he left also an Appellation to the Byshop of Rome, from the Cardinall,* 5.115 which he caused openly to be affixed be¦fore his departure.

After that Luther was thus departed and returned a∣gayn into hys country, Caietanus writeth to Duke Fride¦ricke, a sharpe and a byting letter, in which first he signifi∣eth to him hys gentle intertaynment & good will shewed to reduce Luther from hys errour. Secondly, he complay∣neth of y^e sodayn departing of him, & of Stupicius. Third∣ly, he declareth y^e pernicious daunger of Luthers doctrine against the Churche of Rome. Fourthly, hee exhorteth the Duke, that as he tendereth hys own honour and safetye, & regardeth the fauour of the hye byshop, he will send him vp to Rome, or expell hym out of hys dominiō, forsomuch as such a pestilence breeding, as that was, coulde not, ney¦ther ought by any meanes long so to be suffered.

To this letter of the Cardinall,* 5.116 the Duke aunswereth agayne at large, purging both Luther, and himselfe: Lu∣ther, in that he following hys conscience grounded vppon y^e word of god, would not reuoke that for an errour, which could be proued no errour: & himselfe he excuseth thus, that where is required of hym to banish hym hys countrey, or to send him vp to Rome, it would be little honesty for him so to do, and lesse conscience, vnles he knew iust cause, why he should so do: Which if the Cardinall would or could de∣clare vnto him, there should lacke nothing in hym, whiche were the part of a Christian Prince to doe, and therfore he desireth hym, to be a meanes vnto the Byshop of Rome, that innocency and truth be not oppressed, before y^e cryme or errour be lawfully conuicted.

This done, the Duke sendeth the letter of the Cardi∣nall, vnto Martin Luther.* 5.117 Who aunswered agayne to the Prince, shewing first how he came obediently vnto Caie∣tanus, with the Emperours warrant: & what talke there was betweene them: how Caietanus pressed hym against his conscience and manifest truth, to reuoke these errours. First that the merites of Christes Passion, were not y^e trea¦sure of the popes pardons. Secondly that fayth was ne∣cessary in receauing the Sacramentes. Albeit in the first he was content to yeeld to the Cardinall. In the second, be∣cause it touched a great part of our saluation, he coulde not with a safe conscience relent, but desired to be taught by the Scripture: at least that the matter might be brought into open disputation in some free place of Germanye, where y^e truth might be discussed and iudged of learned men. The Cardinall not pleased w^t this, in great anger cast out of ma¦ny manacing words, neither would admit hym any more to hys presence or speache: whereas yet notwithstanding persisting in his obedience to the church of Rome, gaue at∣tendaunce, wayting vpon the Cardinals pleasure a suffici∣ent tyme.

At last, when no aunswere woulde come, after hee had wayted y^e space of v. or .vi. dayes, to his great detriment, & greater daunger, by the perswasion of hys friendes, he de∣parted. Whereat if the Cardinall were displeased, he had most cause to blame hymselfe. And now whereas the Car∣dinall threatneth me (sayth he) not to let the action fall, but y^t the proces thereof shalbe pursued at Rome vnlesse I ey∣ther come and present my selfe, or els be banished your do∣minions, I am not somuch greeued for myne owne cause, as y^t you should susteyne for my matter any daunger or pe∣rill. And therefore seeyng there is no place nor countrey,* 5.118 which can keep me frō the malice of mine aduersaryes, I am willing to depart hence and to forsake my coūtry, whe∣ther soeuer it shall please the Lorde to leade me: thanking God which hath counted me worthy to suffer thus muche for the glory of Christes name.

Here (no doubt) was the cause of Luther in great dan¦ger, beyng nowe brought to this strayte,* 5.119 that both Luther was ready to flye the countrey, and the Duke agayne was as much afrayd to keepe hym, had not the maruelous pro∣uidence of God (who had this matter in guiding) here pro¦uided a remedy, where the power of man did fayle,* 5.120 by styr∣ring vp the whole vniuersitie of Wittingberg, who seeyng the cause of truth thus to declyne,* 5.121 with a full and a general consent, addressed theyr letters vnto y^e Prince, in defence of Luther & of his cause, making their hūble suit vnto hym, y^t he of hys princely honour, would not suffer innocency and the simplicity of trueth so cleare as is the Scripture, to be foyled and oppressed by mere violence of certayne malig∣nant flatterers about the Pope: but that the errour first may be shewed and conuicted, before the partye be pro∣nounced gylty.

By the occasion of these letters the Duke began more seriously in hys minde to consider the cause of Luther, and to read hys workes, and also to harken to hys Sermons. Wherby (through Gods holy working) he grew to know¦ledge and strength, perceauing in Luthers quarrell more

then he did before. This was about the beginning of De∣cember. an. 1518.

* 5.122As this past on, Pope Leo playing the Lyon at Rome in the meane time in the month of Nouember, to stablishe his seate against this defection, whiche he ••eared to come, had sent forth new indulgences into Germany, & al quar∣ters abroad,* 5.123 w^t a new Edict, wherein he declared this to be the catholicke doctrine of the holy mother church of Rome Prince of al other churches, that Bishops of Rome which are successours of Peter, and vicares of Christ, haue thys power and authoritie geuen to release, and dispense, also to graunt indulgences auaylable both for the liuing and for the dead, lyeng in the paynes of purgatory. And thys dotrine he charged to be receiued of all faythfull Christen men, vnder payne of the great curse, and vtter separation from all holy Church.

This Popishe decree and indulgence, as a new Mar∣chandise,* 5.124 or Alestake to get money, being ••et vp in al quar∣ters of Christendome for y^e holy fathers aduauntage, came also to be receiued in Germanye about the moneth of De∣cember. Luther in the meane time hearing how they were about in Rome, to proceede and pronounce agaynst him, prouideth a certayne appeallation conceiued in due forme of law,* 5.125 wherein he appealeth from the pope to the general Councell.

When Pope Leo percoaued that neyther his pardons would prosper to his minde, nor that Luther coulde be brought to Rome, to assay how to come to his purpose by crafty allurementes, he sent his Chamberlayne Carolus Miltitius, aboue mentioned, which was a Germaine, in∣to Saxony to Duke Fridericke, with a golden rose, after y^e vsuall ceremony accustomed euery yeare to be presented to him, with secret letters also to certayne Noble men of the Dukes counsaile, to sollicite y^e popes cause, and to remoue the Dukes minde, if it might be from Luther.

But before Miltitius approched into Germany, Ma∣ximilian the Emperour deceased in the month of Ianuary an. 1519. At what tyme two there were which stoode for the election:* 5.126 to wyt Fraunces the Frenche king, and Charles king of Spayne, which was also Duke of Austriche, and Duke of Burgundy. To make this matter short, through the meanes of Fredericke, Prince Elector, (who hauing the offer of the preferment, refused the same) the election fell to Carolus, called Carolus the v. surnamed Prudence: which was about the end of August.

In the month of Iune before, there was a publike dis∣putation ordeined at Lypsia.* 5.127 which is a Cittie in Misnia, vnder the dominion of George Duke of Saxonie, vncle to Duke Fredericke. This disputation first began thorough the occasion of Ioannes Eckius, a Fryer, and Andraeas Caro∣lostadius, Doctour of Wittenberge. This Eckius had im∣pugned certayne propsitions or conclusions of Martine Luther, which he had written the yeare before, touching y^e popes pardons. Agaynst him Carolostadius wrote in de∣fence of Luther.* 5.128 Eckius agayne to aunswere Carolostadi∣us, set forth an Apology. Whiche Apology Carolostadius agayn confuted by writing. Upon this began the disputa∣tion, with safe conduct graunted by Duke George, to al & singular,* 5.129 persons, that would resort to the same. To thys disputation came also Martine Luther, with Philip Me∣lancthō, who not past a yeare before was newly come to Wittenberge, Luther not thinking then to dispute in anye matter, because of his appellation aboue mentioned, but onely to heare what there was sayd and done.

First, before the entry into the disputation, it was a∣greed, that the Actes should be penned by Notaryes, and after to be diuulged abroad. But Eckius afterward went backe from that, pretending that the penning of the No∣taries should be an hinderaunce & a stay vnto them, wher∣by the heate of them in their reasoning shuld the more lan∣guish and theyr vehemency rebayte. But Carolostadi∣us without Notaryes woulde not dispute. The summe of their disputations was reduced to certain conclusions.* 5.130 A∣mong which first came in question to dispute of free wyll, which the Greekes call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. That is, whether a man haue of himselfe, any election or purpose, to do that is good: or (to vse the termes of the schoole) whether a man of congruence, may deserue grace, doing y^t whiche in hym doth lye? Herein when y^e questiō was to be discussed, what y^e will of mā may do of it selfe, without grace: they through heat of contention (as the maner is) fell into other by mat∣ters and ambages, little or nothing appertayning to that which Carolostadius proposed.* 5.131 Eckius affirmed, that the pure strength to do good, is not in mans will, but is geuē of God to man to take interest & increase of man agayne, which first he seemed to deny. Then being asked of Caro∣lostadius whether y^e whole & full good worke that is in mā proceedeth of god: to this he answered; y^e whole good work but not wholy: graunting that the will is moued of God:* 5.132 but to cōsent, to be in mans power. Agaynst this reasones Carolostadius, alledging certain places of Austen, & name¦ly of S. Paule, whiche sayth,* 5.133 that God worketh in vs both to will and to performe. And this sentence of Carolostadius seemed to ouercome. Eckius for his assertion, in erred cer∣tayne escriptes out of Bernard, which seemed little to the purpose. And thus was a whole weeke lost about this cō∣tentious and sophisticall alteration betweene Eckius, and Carolostadius.

Luther (as was sayd) came, not thinking at all to dis∣pute, but hauing free libertie graunted by the Duke, & vn∣der the popes authoritie, was prouoked, & forced agaynst hys will to dispute with Eckius. The matter of their con∣trouersie was about y^e authoritie, of the Bishop of Rome.* 5.134 Here is fyrst to be admonished, that Luther before had set forth in writing this doctrine: y^t they which do attribute y^e preheminence to the church of Rome, haue no foundation for them, but out of the Popes decrees,* 5.135 set forth not muche past 400. yeares heretofore: whiche decrees he affirmed to be contrary to all auncient historyes, aboue a thousande yeares past, contrary also to the holy scriptures, and vnto Nicene Councell.

Agaynst this assertion Eckius set vp a contrarye con∣clusion saying,* 5.136 that they whiche holde that the supremacie and preheminence of the Church of Rome aboue all other Churches, was not before the time o•• Pope Siluester the first, do erre, for as much as they which succeeded in the see and fayth of Peter, were alwayes receiued for the succes∣sours of Peter, and vicars of Christ in earth.

This being the last of all the other Themes of Eckius yet thought he chiefly to begin with this against Luther, to bring him into more displeasure with the B. of Rome, wherein Luther himself much refused to dispute, alledging that matter to be more odious then necessary, for that pre∣sent time, and that also for the B. of Romes sake, he had much rather keepe silence in the same. Wherunto if he must needes be vrged, he would the fault should be vnderstan∣ded of all men to be where it was, namely in his aduersary which prouoked him thereunto, & not in himselfe. Eckius agayn clearing himselfe, translateth all the fault vnto Lu∣ther, which first in his treatise, De indulgentijs Papae, defen∣ded that before pope Siluesters tyme the church of Rome had no place of maioritie, or preheminence aboue other churches, & also before y^e Cardinall Caietanus affirmed y^e Pope Pelagianus wrested many places of the Scripture out of their sense, vnto hys owne affection and purpose. Wherefore the fault hereof (sayd he) to him rather is to be imputed, which ministred the first occasion.

Thus Luther being egged and strayned to dispute, whether he would or no,* 5.137 the question began to be propoū∣ded touching the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome: whi∣che supremacy Eckius did contend to be founded & groun∣ded vpon Gods law. M. Luther on the other side, denyed not the supremacie of the Byshoppe of Rome aboue o∣ther churches, neither denyed the same moreouer to be v∣niuersall ouer all churches: but onely he affirmed it not to be instituted by Gods lawe. Upon this questiō the dispu∣tation did continue the space of 5. dayes. During al which season.* 5.138 Eckius very vnhonestly & vncurteously demeaned himselfe, studying by all meanes how to bring his aduer∣sary into y^e hatred of the auditors, & into danger of the P. The reasons of Eckius were these. For so much as y^e chur∣che beyng a ciuill body, cannot be without an head,* 5.139 there∣fore as it standeth w^t Gods law, that other ciuill regimēts should not be destitute of theyr head▪ so is it by Gods law requisite that the pope should be the head of the vniuersall Church of Christ. To this M. Luther aunswered, that he confesseth & graunteth y^e Church not to be headles, so long as Christ is aliue, who is the onely head of y^e Church, nei∣ther doth the Churche require any other head beside hym, for so much as it is a spirituall kingdome, not earthly: and he alledged for hym the place of Collos. 1.* 5.140 Eckius agayne produced certayne places out of Hierome and Cyprian, whiche made very little to proue the primacie of the P. to hold by gods law.* 5.141 As touchīg y^e testimony of Bernard nei∣ther was y^e authoritie of y^e author of any great force in thys case, neither was the place alledged so greatly to y^e purpose.* 5.142

Then came he to the place of S. Math. 16. Tues Petrus &c. Thou art Peter,* 5.143 and vpon thys rock I will build my Church &c. To this was aunswered, that thys was a confession of faith, and that Peter there representeth the person of the whole vniuersall Church, as Austen doth expound it.* 5.144 Al∣so that Christe in that place meaneth himselfe to be the Rocke, as is manifest to collecte, both by hys wor∣des and order of the sentence, and many other coniec∣tures.

Likewise to the place of S. Iohn. Pasce oues meas: Feede my sheepe.* 5.145 Which wordes Eckius alleged properly and peculiarly to be spoken to Peter alone. Martin aun∣sweared, that after these wordes spoken, equall authoritie was geuen to all the Apostles, where Christ sayeth vnto them, Receiue ye the holy Ghost: whose sinnes soeuer yee re∣mit, they are remitted. &c. By these wordes (sayeth hee) Christ assigning to them their office,* 5.146 doeth teache what is to feede, and what he ought to be that feedeth. After thys Eckius came to the authoritie of the Councell of Con∣stance, alleging this amongst other articles, De necessitate salutis est, credere Rom. pontificem Occumenicum esse, That is, that it standeth vpon necessitie of our saluation to be∣leeue the Bishop of Rome to bee supreme heade of the Churche:* 5.147 alleging moreouer, that in the same Councell was debated and discussed, that the general Councel could not erre. Whereunto Martin Luther againe did answere discreetly, saying that al the articles which Iohn Hus dyd holde in that Councell, were not condemned for hereticall: with much other matter more. Againe, of what authoritie that Councel of Constance is to be estemed, that he leaft to other mens iudgemēts. This is most certain (said he) that no Councell hath such authoritie to make newe articles of faith. Here M. Luther began to be cryed out of by Eckius and his complices, for diminishing y^e authority of generall Councels. Although in deede he meane nothing lesse, but euer labored to confirme the authority of the same: yet was he called hereticke & schismaticke, and one of the Bohemes faction, with many other termes moe of reprochful contu∣mely. Eckius then graunted the authoritie of the Apostles to be equal: & yet not to folow therby, the authoritie of all Byshops therefore to be equall: For betwene Apostleship and ministerie (sayd he) there is great difference.

To conclude, Eckius in no case coulde abide that anye creature shoulde decline from any worde or sentence of the Popes decrees, or the cōstitutions of the forefathers. To this againe Luther answeared, grounding him selfe vpon the place ad Gal. 2. where S. Paule speaking of the princi∣pall Apostles,* 5.148 sayeth: And of them which seemed to be great, what they were before, it maketh no matter to mee, for God ac∣cepteth no mans person: neuerthelesse, they that were of some reputation, dyd auayle nothing at all, &c. Eckius to this said, that as touching the authoritie of the Apostles,* 5.149 they were all chosen of Christ, but were ordeyned Bishops of Saint Peter. And whereas Luther brought in the constitution of the decree, which sayeth, Ne Romanus pontifex vniuersalis E∣piscopus nominetur, &c. Yea let not the Bishop also of Rome bee called vniuersal Bishop, &c. To this Eckius aunsweared on this sort, that the Bishop of Rome ought not to be called vniuersal Bishop: yet he may be called (sayd he) Byshop of the vniuersall church. And thus much touching the que∣stion of the Popes supremacie.

From this matter, they entred nexte to Purgatorie wherein Eckius kept no order.* 5.150 For whē they should haue disputed, what power the Pope hath in Purgatorie, Ec∣kius turneth the scope of the question, and prooueth that there is Purgatorie, & allegeth for him the place of Ma∣chab. Luther leaning vpon the iudgement of Hierom, af∣firmeth the booke of Machabees not to be Canonical.* 5.151 Ec∣kius againe replyeth the booke of Machabees to be of no lesse authoritie then the Gospels. Also he alleged the place 1. Corinth. 3.* 5.152 Hee shall bee saued▪ yet so as it were by fyre. Moreouer he inferred the place of Math. 5. Agree thou with thine aduersary while thou art in the way with him,* 5.153 least he commit thee into prison, from whence thou shalt not escape, tyll thou hast payed the vttermost farthing.* 5.154 &c. To this he added also the place of the Psalmes: We haue passed through the fire and water.* 5.155 &c. Howe these places be wrasted to purgatory, let the reader discerne and iudge.

Then was inferred the question of indulgences, wher∣of Eckius seemed to make but a toy & a matter of nothing, and so passed it ouer.* 5.156

At last they came to the question of penance, touching which matter, the reasons of Eckius digressed much from the purpose, which went about to proue that there be some maner of paynes of satisfaction: whiche thing Luther dyd neuer deny. But that for euery particuler offence, such par∣ticuler penaunce is exacted of Gods iustice vpon the repē∣tant sinner, as is in mans power to remitte or l••lease, as pleaseth him: such penance neither Luther, nor anye other true Christian did admit. And thus haue ye the chiefe effect of this disputation betweene Luther and Eckius at Lyp∣sia.* 5.157 Which was in the month of Iuly. an. 151••.

About the beginning of the same yeare .151••. Uldericke Zuinglius came first to Zuricke, and there began to teach. Who in the 16. article, in his booke of articles, recordeth, that Luther and both at one time, one not knowing nor hearing of an other, began to write against the popes par∣dons and indulgences. Albeit if the time be rightly coun∣ted, I suppose we shall finde that Luther began a yeare or two before Zuinglius.* 5.158 Notwithstanding this doth Sle∣dan testifie, that in this present yeare, when Sampson a Franciscan, came with the popes pardons to Zurick, Ul∣dericke Zuinglius did withstand him, and declared hys chaffer and pardons to be but a vayne seducing of the peo∣ple, to inueagle away their money. Ex Sled Lib. 1.

The next yeare ensuing,* 5.159 which was 1250. the Fryers and Doctours of Louane, and also of Colen, condemned y^e bookes of Luther as hereticall. Agaynst whom Luther a∣gayne effectuously defended himselfe, and charged them with obstinate violence, and malicious impiety. After this within fewe dayes flasheth out from Rome the thunder∣bolt of pope Leo against the said Luther notwithstanding he so humbly and obediently before had reuerenced both the person of the pope, and agnised the authoritie of his see and also had dedicated vnto him,* 5.160 and bookes intituled De Christiana libertate: that is, of Christian libertye: In which booke these two poyntes principally hee discusseth and prooueth.

1 That a Christen man is free and Lorde of all thinges, and subiect to none.

2 That a Christen man is a dilligent vnderling and ser∣uaunt of all men, and to euery man subiect.

Moreouer, in the same yeare he set out a defence of all his articles, which the popes Bull had before condemned.

An other book also he wrote to the nobilitie of Germa∣nie,* 5.161 in the which booke he impugneth and shaketh y^e three principall walles of the papistes: the first whereof is this.

1 Where as y^e papistes say, that no temporal or prophane magistrate hath any power vpon the spiritualtie: but they haue power ouer the other.

2 Where any place of Scripture being in controuersie is to be decided, they say, No man may expound y^e scrip∣ture, or be iudged thereof, but onely the Pope.

3 When any Councell is brought against them, they say, that no man hath authoritie to call a Councell, but onely the Pope.

Moreouer, in the foresayd book diuers other matters he handleth and discourseth:* 5.162 That y^e Pope can stop no free Councell. Also what things ought to be handled in Coū∣cels. That the pryde of the pope is not to be suffered. What money goeth out of Germany yearly to the pope, moun∣ting to the summe of 3000000. Florences. The true mea∣ning of this verse he expoundeth: Tu supplex ora: tu protege, tu{que} labora. Wherein the three estates with their offices and dueties are described: to wyt, the minister the magistrate, & the subiectes. Furthermore in the sayd booke he prooueth and discusseth, that the Emperour is not vnder the Pope but contrariwise: that the donation of Constantine is not true, but forged: that priestes may haue wiues: that y^e voy∣ces of the people ought not to be seperate from the election of ecclesiasticall persons: that interdicting and suspending of matrimony at certayne times, is brought in of auarice: what is the right vse of excommunicatiō: that there ought to be fewer holy daies: that liberty ought not to be restrai∣ned in meates: that wilfull pouerty and begging ought to be abolished, what damage and inconuenience haue gro∣wen by the Councell of Constance: and what misfortunes Sigismund the Emperour susteined, for not keeping faith and promise with Iohn Hus and Hierom: that hereticks should be conuinced, not by fire and fagot, but by euidence of Scripture and Gods word, how schooles and vniuersi∣ties ought to be reformed: what is to be sayd and iudged of the popes Decretals, that y^e first teaching of children ought to begin with the Gospell. Item, he writeth in the same booke agaynst excessiue apparell among the Germaines. Also against their excesse in spyces. &c.

In this yeare moreouer followed not long after,* 5.163 the coronation of the new Emperour Carolus quintus: whiche was in the month of Octob. at Aquisgraue.

After whiche coronation being solemnised about the month of nouemb. Pope Leo sent againe to Duke Fride∣ricke two Cardinals, hys Legates: of whom the one was Hieronymus Aleander, who after a few wordes of high cō∣mendation first premised to the Duke touching his noble progenie, and other his famous vertues, they made two requestes vnto him in the Popes name: First that he would cause all bookes of Luther to be burned. Secondly,

that he woulde eyther see the said Luther there to be execu∣ted, or els would make him sure, and send him vp to Rome vnto the popes presence.

These two requestes seemed very strange vnto y^e duke who answering again to the Cardinals said, that he being long absent from thence,* 5.164 about other publique affayres, could not tell what there was done, neither did hee com∣municate with the doinges of Luther. Notwithstandyng this he heard y^e ••••kius was a great perturber not only of Luther, but of other diuers learned and good men of hys vniuersitie. As for himselfe he was alwayes ready to doe his duety, first in sending Luther to Ch••••etanus the Car∣dinall, at the cittie of Auguste, and afterward at y^e Popes commaundement would haue sent him away out of hys dominion, had not Meltituis the popes owne Chamber∣layne geuen contrary shewed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him still in hys owne country, fearing least y^t in other countryes he might do more harme, where he was lesse knowne: and so nowe also was as ready to doe his duety, where soeuer ryght & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 did so require. But for so much a•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this cause, he seeth muche hatred and violence 〈…〉〈…〉 the one part▪ and no errour yee conuicted on the other 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but that it had rather the approbation of diuers we•• learned & found men of iudgement: and for so much as also the cause of Lu¦ther was not yet heard before the Emperour therefore he desired the sayd Leg••tes to be a meane to the Popes holi∣nes, that certaine learned persons of grauitie and vpright iudgement, might be assigned to haue the hearing and de∣termination of this matter, & that his errrour first might be known, before he were made an heretique, or his books burned. Which being done, when he should see his errour by manifest and sound testimonies of scriptures re••••••ced, Luther should find no fauour at hys handes. Otherwise he trusted that y^e popes holines would exact no such thyng of him, which he might not with equitie and honour of his place and estate, reasonably performe. &c.

Then the cardinals, declaring to the duke agayn, that they could no otherwise do, but accordyng to the forme of theyr prescript commission,* 5.165 they must proceede: tooke the books of Luther, and shortly after set fire vpon them, and openly burnt them. Luther hearing this, in like manner called all the multitude of studentes and learned men in Wittenberge, and there taking the popes decrees, and the Bull lately sent downe agaynst him,* 5.166 openly and solemnly accompanied with a great number of people followyng him, set them likewise on fire, and burnt them, which was the tenth of December.

A little before these thinges thus passed betweene the Pope and M. Luther, the Emperour had commaunded & ordayned a sitting or assemble of the states of al y^e Empyre to be holden at the City of Wormes, agaynst the sixt day of Ianuary next ensuing. In the whiche assemble, through y^e meanes of Duke Fredericke, the Emperor gaue forth that he woulde haue the cause of Luther there brought before him, and so it was. For at what tyme the assemble was commenced in the city of Wormes, the daye and moneth a∣foresayd, which was the 6. of Ianuary, afterward vpon y^e sixt day of marche following, the Emperour through the instigation of Duke Fredericke,* 5.167 directed hys letters vnto Luther, signifying, that for so muche as he had set abrod certayne bookes, he therfore by the aduise of his pieres & princes about him, had ordayned to haue y^e cause brought befor him in hys owne hearing, and therefore he graunted hym licence to come and returne home agayne. And that he might safely and quietly so doe, and be therof assured he promised vnto him by publicke fayth and credite, in the name of the whole Empyre, his Pasport and safeconduite as by the instrument whiche he sent vnto hym, he might more fully be ascertayned. Wherefore without all doubte or distrust, he willed him eftsoones to make hys repayre vnto him, and to be there present the 21. day after the receit thereof: and because he shoulde not misdoubt anye fraude or iniurye herein, he assured to him his warrant and pro∣myse.* 5.168

M. Luther being thus prouided for his safeconduict by the Emperour, after he had bene first accursed at Rome vpon Maundy Thursday, by the popes censure, shortly af¦ter Easter speedeth hys iourny toward the Emperour, at Wormes. Where the sayde Luther appearing before the Emperour and all the states of Germany, how constantly he stoocke to the truth, and defended hymselfe, and aun∣swered his aduersaryes, and what aduersaryes hee had, here followeth in ful history with the actes and doings as there happened, according as in our former edition partly was before described.

¶The actes and doynges of Martin Luther, before the Emperour, at the Citty of Wormes.

IN the yeare of our saluation .1521. about seuentene dayes after Easter,* 5.169 Martin Luther entered into Wor∣mes, being sent for by the Emperour Charles the 5. of y^e name, &c. who the first yeare of hys Empyre, made an as∣semble of princes in the foresayd Cittie. And whereas M. Luther had published three yeares before, certayne propo∣sitions to be disputed in the towne of Wittenberge in Saxonie, against the tyranny of the pope (which notwith¦standing were torne in peeces, condemned and burned by y^e papistes, and yet by no manifest Scriptures, nor proba∣ble reason conuinced) the matter began to grow to a tu∣mult & vprore, & yet Luther mayntayned all this while o∣penly his cause against y^e clergy.* 5.170 Wherupon it seemed good to certain y^t Luther shoulde be called, assigning vnto hym an Heraulde of armes, with a letter of safe conduict, by the Emperour and Princes. Being sent for, he came, and was brought to the Knightes of the Rhodes place, where he was lodged, well entertayned, and visited of many Erles Barons, knightes of the order, Gentlemen Priestes and the comminaltie, who frequented his lodging til night.

To conclude, he came contrary to the expectatiō of ma∣ny, as wel aduersaries, as other. For albeit he was sēt for by the Emperours messenger, and had letters of safecon∣duct: yet for that a few dayes before his accesse, his bookes were cōdemned by publique proclamations, it was much doubted of by many y^t he would not come: and the rather, for that his frendes deliberated together in a village nye hand, called Oppenhime (where Luther was first aduer∣tised of these occurrentes) & many perswaded him not to aduenture him selfe to suche a present danger, considering howe these begynninges answered not to the fayth of pro∣mise made▪ Who whē he had heard their whole perswasiō & aduise, he answered in this wise: As touchyng mee,* 5.171 since I am sent for, I am resolued & certainly determined to en¦ter Wormes, in the name of our Lorde Iesus Christe, yea although I knew there were so many deuils to resist me, as there are tyles to couer the houses in Wormes.

The fourth daye after his repayre, a Gentleman, na∣med Ulricke of Pappenhim, Lieutenaunt generall of the men at armes of the empire, was commanded by the em∣perour before dynner, to repayre to Luther, and inioyne hym at foure of the clocke in the after noone, to appeare be∣fore the Emperial maiestie, the Princes Electors, Dukes, and other estates of the Empire, to vnderstande the cause of his sendyng for: Wherunto he willingly agreed, as hys duetie was.

And after iiij. a clocke Ulricke Pappenhim: and Cas∣per Sturm the Emperors Heraulde (who conducted M. Luther from Wittenberge to Wormes (came for Luther, and accompanied him through the garden of the knightes of the Rhodes place, to the Earle Palatines pallace: and least the people should molest him, that thrōged in, he was led by secrete stayres to the place where he was appointed to haue audience. Yet manye, who perceyued the pre∣tence, violently rushed in, and were resisted, albeit in vaint many ascended the galleries, because they desired to behold Luther.* 5.172

Thus standing before the Emperour, the Electours, Dukes, Earles, and all the estates of the Empire, assem∣bled there, he was first aduertised by Ulricke of Pappen∣him, to keepe silence vntil such time as he was required to speake. Then Iohn Eckius aboue mentioned,* 5.173 who then was the Bishop of Triers general officiall, with a loude and intelligible voyce, first in Latine, then in Dutche, ac∣cording to the Emperours commaundement, saide & pro∣poned this sentence in maner as ensueth, or like in effect.

Martyn Luther, the sacred and inuincible Emperiall maie∣stie hath enioyntd by the consent of all the estates of the holye Empyre, that thou shouldest be appealed before the throne of his maiestie, to the ende I might demaunde of thee these twoo poyntes.

First, whether thou confessest these bookes here (for hee she∣wed a heape of Luthers bookes written in the Latine and Dutch tongues) and which are in all places dispersed, intituled with thy name, be thine, and thou doest affirme them to be thine, or not Secondly, whether thou wylt recant and reuoke them, and al that is contayned in them, or rather meanest to stand to that thou hast written?

Then before Luther, prepared to aunswere, Mayster Ierome Scurffus, a Lawyer of Wittenberge,* 5.174 required that the tytles of the bookes should be read. Forthwith the foresaid Eckius named certayne of the bookes, and those principally whiche were imprinted at Basill, among the

whiche he nominated his Comentaries vpon the Psaltar his booke of good works, his Commentary vpon y^e Lords prayer, and diuers other, which were not contentions.

* 5.175After this Luther answered thus in Latine & in dutch, Two things are proponed vnto me by the Emperial ma∣iestie. First, whether I will auouche for mine, all those books y^t beare my name: Secondly, whether I will main∣tayne or reuoke any thing that hytherto I haue deuised & published. Whereunto I wil answere as breifly as I can,

In the first, I can do none other then recognise those bookes to be mine,* 5.176 which lastly were named, & certaynely I will neuer recant any clause therof. In the second to de∣clare whether I will wholy defend, or call backe any thing cōprised in them: forasmuch as there be questiōs of faith & y^e saluation of the soule (& this concerneth y^e word of God, which is the greatest & most excellent matter that can be in heauen or earth, & the which we ought duely euermore to reuerēce:) this might be accoūted in me a rashnes of iudge∣mēt, & euen a most dangerous attēpt, I•• I wold pronoūce any thing before I wer better aduised, cōsidering I might recite something lesse then the matter importeth, and more then the truth requireth, if I did not premeditate y^e whiche I would speake. The which two thinges well considered doth set before mine eyes this sentence of our Lord Iesus Christ, wherin it is said: Whosoeuer shall deny me before mē, I will deny him before my father. I require then for this cause and humbly beseech the Emperiall maiestie, to graunt me liberty and leysure to deliberate,* 5.177 so that I may satisfie the interrogatiō made vnto me, without preiudice of y^e worde of God, and perill of mine owne soule.

Wherupon the princes began to deliberate. This done Eckius the prolocutor pronounced what was their resolu¦tion, saying: Albeit M. Luther, thou hast sufficiently vn∣derstanded by the Emperoures commaundement, y^e cause of thy appearance here, & therfore doest not deserue to haue any further respite geuen thee to determine: yet the Empe¦rous maiestie of his mere clemencie, graunteth thee one day to meditate for thine answere, so that to morow at this instant houre thou shalt repayre to exhibite thyne opini∣on, not in writing, but to pronounce the same with liuely voyce.

This done, Luther was led to hys lodging by the he∣rauld. But herein I may not be obliuious, that in the way going to the Emperour & when he was in the assemble of princes, he was exhorted of other to be couragious, & mā∣ly to demean himself,* 5.178 and not to feare them that kil the bo∣dy, but not the soule: but rather to dread him that is able to send both body and soule to euerlasting fire.

Furthermore he was encouraged with this sentence: When thou art before kinges, thinke not what thou shalt speake: for it shall be geuen thee in that houre.* 5.179

The next day after foure a clocke, the Herauld came & brought Luther from his lodging to the emperors courte, where he abode till sixe a clocke, for that the princes were occupyed in graue consultations, abiding there and being enuironed with a great number of people, and almost smo¦thered for the prease that was there. Then after when the Princes were set, and Luther entred, Eckius the Officiall began to speake in this maner.

Yesterday at this houre, the Emperours maiestie as∣signed thee to be here M. Luther,* 5.180 for that thou didst affirm those books y^t we named yesterday to be thine. Further, to y^e interrogation by vs made, whether thou wouldest ap∣proue al y^t is contayned in thē, or abolish and make voyde any part therof, y^u didst require time of deliberation, which was graunted, & is now expyred. Albeit thou oughtest not to haue oportunitie graunted to deliberate, considering it was not vnknowne to thee wherefore we cited thee. And as concerning the matter of fayth, euery man ought to be so prepared, that at all times when soeuer he shalbe requi∣red, he may geue certayne & constant reason therof, & thou especiall being counted a man of such learning, and so long tyme exercised in Theologie. Then goe to, aunswere euen now to the Emperours demaund, whose bountye y^u hast proued in geuing thee leisure to deliberate. Wilt thou now maintayn all thy bookes which thou hast acknowledged, or reuoke any part of them, and submit thy selfe. The Of∣ficiall made this interrogation in Latine and in Dutche. Martine Luther answered in Latine and in Dutch in this wise, modestly and lowly, and yet not without some stout¦nes of stomacke and Christian constancie, so as his aduer∣saries woulde gladlye haue had hys courage more hum∣bled and abased, but yet more earnestly desired his recanta∣tion, wherof they were in some good hope, whē they heard him desire respite of time to make his answere.

His aunswere was this.

MOst magnificent Emperor, and you most noble prin∣ces and my most gentle Lordes,* 5.181 I appeare before you here at the houre prescribed vnto me yesterday: yelding the obedience that I owe, humbly beseeching for Gods mercy, your most renowmed maiesty, and your graces & honors, that ye will minister vnto me this curtesy, to attende this cause beningly, which is the cause (as I trust) of Iustice and verity. And if by Ignoraunce I haue not geuen vnto euery one of you your iust titles, or if I haue not obserued the ceremonies and countenaunce of the Court, offending against them: it may please you to pardone me of your be∣nignities, as one that onely hath frequented cloysters, and not courtly ciuylities. And first, as touching my self, I can affirme or promise no other thinge, but onely this, that I haue taught hitherto in symplycytye of minde, that which I haue thought to tende to Gods glory, & to the saluation of mens soules.

Now as concerninge the two articles obiected by your most excellente maiestye,* 5.182 whether I woulde acknowledge those bookes which were named, and be publyshed in my name, or whether I would mainteine & not reuoke thē: I haue geuē resolute answere to the first, in the which I per∣sist & shall perseuer for euermore, y^t these bookes be myne, and publyshed by me in my name, vnlesse it hath syth hap∣pened that by some fraudulent misdealing of myne ene∣mies there be any thyng foysted in them, or corruptly cor∣rected? For I will acknowledge nothing, but that I haue wrytten, and that which I haue wrytten, I will not deny.

Now to answeare to the second article, I beseech your most excellent maiestye, and your graces,* 5.183 to vouchsafe to geue eare. Al my bookes are not of one sort. There be some, in which I haue so simply and soundly declared & opened the religion of Christen faith and of good workes, that my very enemyes are compelled to confesse them to be profita∣ble and worthy to be read of all Chrystyans. And truely the Popes Bull (how cruell and tyrannous so euer it be) iudgeth certayne of my bookes inculpable, albeyt the same with seuere sentence, thundreth against me, and with monstruous cruelty condēneth my bookes, which books if I shuld reuoke. I might worthely be thought to neglect and transgresse the office of a true Christian, and to be one alone, that repugneth the publicke confession of all people There is an other sort of my books, which containe inuec∣tiues agaynst the Papacie, and other of the popes retinue, as haue with theyr pestiferous doctrine, and pernicious examples, corrupted the whole state of our Christianitie. Neyther can any deny or dissemble this, whereunto vni∣uersall experience, and common complaynt of all beare witnesses that the consciences of all faythfull men be most miserably entrapped, vexed, and cruelly tormented by the Popes lawes and doctrines of men. Also that the goodes and substaunce of Christen people are deuoured, especially in this noble and famous countrey of Germanye, and yet without order, and in most detestable maner, are suffered still to be deuoured, without all measure, by incredible ty∣ranny: notwithstanding that they themselues haue orday∣ned to the contrary in theyr owne proper lawes,* 5.184 as in the Distinct. 9. & .25. q. i. & .2. where they themselues haue decreed that all such lawes of popes which be repugnant to y^e do∣ctrine of the Gospell, and the opinions of the auncient Fa∣thers, are to be iudged erroneous, and reproued.

If then I shall reuoke these, I can do none other, but adde more force to theyr tyranny, and open not onely wyn¦dowes, but wide gates to theyr impiety, whiche is like to extend more wide, and more licenciously then euer it durst heretofore: And by the testimonie of this my retractation, their insolent kingdome shalbe made more licencious, and lesse subiect to punishment, intollerable to the cōmon peo∣ple, and also more confirmed and established, especially if this be bruited, that I. Luther haue done this by the au∣thoritie of your most excellent maiestie, and the sacred Ro∣maine empyre. Oh Lord, what a couer or shadow shall I be then to cloke theyr naughtines and tyranny?

The rest, or thyrd sort of my bookes are such as I haue written against certaine priuate and singular persons, to wyt, against such as with tooth and nayle labour to main∣taine the Romish tyranny, and to deface the true doctrine and religion, which I haue taught and professed. As tou∣ching these, I playnly confesse I haue bene more vehemēt, then my religion and professeion required. For I make my selfe no Sainct, and I dispute not of my life, but of the do∣ctrine of Christ.

And these I cannot without preiudice cal back. For by this recantacion it will come to passe, that tyrannie and impietie shall raigne, supported by my meanes, and so shal they exercise crueltie against people, more violently and ragyngly then before.

Neuertheles, for that I am a man, and not God, I can none otherwise enterprise to defend my bookes,* 5.185 then did my verye Lorde Iesus Christ defende his doctrine. Who being examined of his learning before Annas, and hauing receiued a buffet of the minister, sayd, If I haue spoken euill, beare witnesse of the euill.

If the Lord (who was perfect, and could not erre) re∣fused not to haue testimony geuē agaynst his doctrine,* 5.186 yea of a most vile seruaunt: howe much the more then I, that am but vile corruptiō, and can of my selfe doe nothing, but erre, ought earnestlye to see and require, if any will beare witnesse agaynst my doctrine?

Therfore I require, for Gods mercy, your most excel∣lent maiesty, your graces and right honorable Lordshyps, or what so euer he bee of high or lowe degree, here to lay in his testimony, conuict my errours, and confute me by the Scriptures, either out of the Prophetes or the Apostles, and I will be most ready (if I be so instructed) to reuoke any maner of errour: yea and will be the first that shall cō∣sume mine owne bookes and burne them.

I suppose hereby it may appeare, that I haue perpen∣ded,* 5.187 and well weyed before, the perils and daungers, the diuisions and dissentions which haue risē throughout the whole world, by reason of my doctrine, wherof I was ve∣hemently and sharply yesterday admonished. Concerning which diuisions of mens minds, what other mē do iudge, I know not, as touching my selfe, I conceiue no greater delectation in any thing, then when I behold discords and dissensions styrred vp for the word of God, For such is the course and proceeding of the Gospell. Iesus Christ sayth: I came not to send peace but a sworde.* 5.188 I came to set a man at vary∣ance with his father.

And further, we must thinke, that our God is maruel∣lous and terrible in his Coūcels, least perhaps that which we endeuour with earnest study to atchieue and brynge to passe (if we begynne first with condemning of hys worde) the same rebound agayne to an huge sea of euill: and least the newe raigne of this younge and bounteous Prince Charles (in whome next after GOD, we all conceaue singular hope) be lamentable, vnfortunate, and miserably begunne.

I could examplify this with authorityes of the Scrip∣tures more effectually,* 5.189 as by Pharao, the King of Baby∣lon, and the Kinges of Israel, who then most obscured the bright sunne of theyr glory, and procured theyr own ruine, when by sage councels they attempted to pacify and esta∣blish theyr Gouernementes and Realmes, and not by Gods Counselles: for it is he that intrappeth the wilye in theyr wylynesse, and subuerteth mountaynes before they be ware. Wherefore it is good, and Gods worke, to dreade the Lord.

I speake not this, supposing that so politique and pru∣dent heades haue need of my doctrine or admonition, but because I would not omit to profite my countrey, and of∣fer my duty or seruice that may tend to the aduancement of the same. And thus I humbly commend me to your most excellēt maiesty, and your honorable Lordships, beseching you that I may not incurre your displeasures, neyther be contemned of you,* 5.190 through the pursute of my aduersaryes. I haue spoken.

These wordes pronounced, then Eckius the Empe∣rors Prolocutor, with a sterne countenance beganne, and sayd, that Luther had not aunswered to any purpose, ney∣ther it behoued him to call in question, thinges in time past concluded and defined by generall Councels: and therefore they required of him a playne and direct aunswere, whe∣ther he would reuoke or no.

Then Luther: considering (sayde he) your soueraigne maiesty,* 5.191 and your honors require a playne aunswere: thys I say and professe as resolutely as I may, without doub∣ling or sophistication, that if I be not conuinced by testimo∣nies of the Scriptures, & by probale reasons (for I beleeue not the Pope, neither his generall Councels, which haue erred many times, and haue bene contrary to themselues) my conscience is so bound and captiued in these scriptures and word of God which I haue alledged, that I will not, nor may not reuoke any maner of thing, considering it is not godly or lawfull to do any thing against cōsciēce. Here∣vpon I stand and rest. I haue not what els to say. GOD haue mercy vpon me.

The princes consulted together vpon this answere ge∣uen by Luther: and whē they had diligently examined the same, the prolocutor began to repell him thus.

Martin (sayd he) thou hast more immodestly aunswe∣red,* 5.192 then beseemed thy person, and also litle to the purpose. Thou deuidest thy bookes into three sorts, in such order as all that thou hast sayd, maketh nothing to the interrogati∣on proponed: and therefore if thou haddest reuoked those, wherein the greatest parte of thine errours is contayned, the Emperours Maiesty, and the noble clemency of other would haue suffered the rest that be sound, to susteyn no in∣iury. But thou doest reuiue and bringest to light againe, all that the generall Councell of Constance hath condemned▪ the which was assembled of all the nation of Germany, & now doest require to be conuinced with scriptures, wher∣in thou errest greatly. For what auayleth it to renue dispu∣tation of thinges so long time past condemned by y^e church and Councels, vnlesse it should be necessary to geue a rea∣son to euery man of euery thing that is concluded? Nowe were it so, that this should be permitted to euery one that gaynestandeth the determination of the Church and coun∣cels, that he may once get his aduauntage,* 5.193 to be conuinced by the Scriptures, we shall haue nothing certayne and e∣stablished in Christendome.

And this is the cause wherefore the Emperours maie∣sty requireth of thee a simple aunswere, either negatiue or affirmitiue, whether thou mindest to defend all thy works as Christian or no?

Then Luther turning to the Emperour, and the no∣bles, besought them, not to compell him to yeelde agaynst his conscience confirmed with the holy Scriptures, wyth∣out manifest argumentes alledged to the contrary by hys aduersaryes. I haue declared and rendred (sayd he) myne aunswere simply and directly: neyther haue I any more to saye, vnlesse mine aduersaryes with true and sufficient probations grounded vpon the Scripture, can reduce and resolue my minde, and refelle mine errours, which they lay to my charge. I am tyed (as I sayde) by the Scriptures, neither may I, or canne with a safe conscience assent vnto them. For as touching general Councels,* 5.194 with whose au∣thority onely they presse me, I am able to proue, that they haue both erred, and haue defined many times things con∣trary to themselues: and therefore the authority of them, he sayd not to be sufficient, for the which he should call back those thinges, the verity wherof standeth so firme and ma∣nifest in the holy Scripture: that neyther of him it ought to be required, neither could he so do without impiety.

Wherunto the Official agayne answered, denying that any man could proue the Coūcels to haue erred. But Lu∣ther alledged that he coulde, and promised to proue it, and now night approching, the Lordes rose and departed. And after Luther had taken his leaue of the Emperour, diuers Spaniardes scorned and scoffed the good man in the way going toward his lodging, halowing and whoping after him a long while.

Upon the friday folowing, when the Princes electors, Dukes, and other estates were assembled, the Emperour sent to the whole body of the councell, a certaine letter con∣teining in effect as foloweth.

¶ The Emperours letter.

OVr predecessours, who truely were Christian princes,* 6.1 were obedient to the Romish Churche, which Martin Luther pre∣sently impugneth. And therfore in as much as he is not determi∣ned to call backe his errors in any one poynt, we cannot without great infamy and stayn of honor, degenerate from the examples of our elders, but will mayntayne the auncient fayth, and geue ayde to the see of Rome. And further, we be resolued to pursue Martin Luther and his adherentes, by excommunications and by other meanes that may be deuised, to extinguish his doctrine. Neuerthe¦lesse we will not violate our fayth, which we haue promised him, but meane to geue order for safe returne to the place whence he came.

THe Princes electors, Dukes,* 6.2 and other estates of the Empire, sate and consulted vpon this sentence, on fry∣day al the after noone, and saterday the whole daye, so that Luther yet had no aunswere of the Emperour.

During this time, diuers Princes, Earles, Barons, Knightes of the Order, Gentlemen, Priestes, Monkes, with other the laitie and common sort, visited him. Al these were present at al houres in the Emperours Courte, and could not be satisfied with the sight of him. Also there were bylles set vp, some against Luther, and some, as it seemed, with him. Notwithstanding many supposed, and especial∣ly such as wel conceiued the matter, that this was subtilly done by his enemies, that therby occasion might be offered to infringe the safe conduct giuen him, the which the Ro∣mane Ambassadours with all diligence endeuoured to bring to passe.

The Monday following, before supper, the Archeby∣shoppe of Triers aduertised Luther,* 6.3 that on Wednesdaye nexte hee shoulde appeare before hym, at nine of the clocke

before dynner, and assigned hym the place▪ On Sainte Georges daye a certaine Chapleine of the Archebishop of Triers, about supper tyme came to Luther, by the com∣maundement of the Byshop, signifying that at that houre and place prescribed, he must the morowe after haue accesse to his maister.

The morow after saynt Georges day, Luther obeying the Archbishops commaundement,* 6.4 entred his palace, be∣ing accompanyed thither with his sayd chaplayne and one of the Emperours Heraldes, and such as came in his com∣pany out of Saxony to Wormes, with other his chiefe frendes: where as Doctour Voeus, the Marques of Ba∣des chaplein began to declare and protest in the presence of the Archbishop of Triors,* 6.5 Ioachime Marques of Bran∣deburge, George Duke of Saxonye, the bishops of Aus∣burge and Brandeburge, the Earle George, Iohn Bo••ke of Strasburge, Uerdcheymer and Peutinger Doctours, that Luther was not called to be conferred with, or to dis∣putation, but onely that the princes had procured licence of the Emperors maiesty, through Christian charity, to haue liberty graunted vnto them, to exhort Luther beningly & brotherly.

He sayd further, that albeit the Councels had ordeyned diuers thinges,* 6.6 yet they had not determined contrary mat∣ters. And albeit they had greatly erred, yet theyr authority was not therefore abased or at the least, not so erred, that it was lawful for euery man to impugne theyr opinions: in∣ferring moreouer many thinges of Zacheus and the Cen∣turion: Also of the constitutions and traditions and, of Ce∣remonies ordeyned of men, affirming that all these were e∣stablished to represse vices, according to the qualitye of ty∣mes: and that the Church could not be destitute of human constitutions. It is true (sayde he) that by the fruites the tree may be known, yet of these lawes and decrees of men, many good fruites haue proceeded:* 6.7 and sainct Martin, saint Nicholas, and many other Sayntes haue bene pre∣sent at the Councels.

Moreouer, that Luthers bookes would breede a great tumult and incredible troubles, and that he abused the cō∣mon sort wich his booke of Christian liberty, encouraging them to shake of theyr yoke, and to confirme in them a dis∣obedience: that the world nowe was at another stay, then when the beleuers were all of one hart and soule, and ther∣fore it was requisite and behouefull to haue lawes. It was to be considered (sayde he) albeit he had writtē many good thinges, and (no doubt) of a good mind, as De Triplice iusti∣tia, and other matters, yet howe the deuill now by craftye meanes goeth about to bring to passe, that all his workes for euer should be condemned: for by these bookes which he wrote last, men (sayd he) would iudge and esteeme him, as the tree is knowen, not by the blosome, but by the fruit.

Here he added something of the noone deuil, and of the spirite comming in the darcke,* 6.8 and of the flying arrow. All his oration was exhortatory, full of Rhetoricall places of honesty, of vtility, of lawes, of the daungers of conscience, and of the common particular wealth, repeating ofre this sentence in the proheme, midle, and epilogue of his oratiō: that this admonition was geuen him of a singulare good will, and great clemency. In the shutting vp of his orati∣on, he added manacinges, saying: that if he would abide in his purposed intent, the Emperour woulde proceede fur∣ther, and banish him from the Empyre, perswading hym deliberately to ponder, and to aduise these and other thin∣ges.

Martin Luther answered, Most noble Princes, and my most gracious Lordes,* 6.9 I render most humble thankes for your benignityes and singuler good wils, whence procee∣deth this admonition: For I knowe my selfe to be so base, as by no meanes I canne deserue to bee admonished of so mighty estates.

* 6.10Then he franckely pronounced, that he had not reproo∣ued all Councels, but onely the councel of Constance, and for this principall cause, for that the same had condemned the word of GOD, which appeared in the condemnation of this article proponed by Iohn Hus: The Church of Christ is the Communion of the predestinate. It is euident (sayde he) that the Councell of Constance abolished this Article, and consequently the Article of our fayth: I beleue the holy chur∣che vniuersall: and sayd that he was ready to spend life and bloud,* 6.11 so he were not cōpelled to reuoke the manifest word of God, for in defence therof we ought rather to obey God then men: And that in this he could not auoid the scandall, or offence of fayth, for there bee two maner of offences, to wit, of charity, and of fayth. The slaunder of charity consi∣steth in maners and in life. The offences of fayth or doc∣trine rest in the word of God: and as touching this last, he could escape it no maner of wayes, for it lay not in his po∣wer to make Christ not to be a stone of offence. If Christes sheepe were fedde with pure pasture of the gospell, if the fayth of Christ were sincerely preached, and if there were good Ecclesiasticall magistrates who duely would execute theyr office: we shoulde not neede (sayth he) to charge the Church with mens traditions. Further, that he knew wel wee ought to obey the Magistrates and higher powers, how vniustly and peruersly so euer they liued. We oughte also to be obedient to theyr lawes and iudgementes: all which he had taught (sayd he) in all his works, adding fur∣ther that he was ready to obey them in all poyntes, so that they enforced him not to deny the word of God.

These wordes finished, Luther was bid stand aside, & the Princes consulted what answere they might geue him.* 6.12 This done, they called him into a parlor, whereas the fore∣said Doctour Voeus repeated his former matters, admoni∣shing Luther to submit his writinges to the Emperour, & to the Princes iudgement.

Luther answered humbly and modestly, that he coulde not, neither would permit that men shoulde say he woulde shunne the iudgement of the Emperour, Princes, and su∣periour powers of the Empyre. So farre was it off, that he woulde refuse to stand to theyr tryall, that he was con∣tented to suffer his writings to be discussed, considered and iudged of the simplest, so that it were done with y^e authority of the worde of God, and the holy Scripture: and that the word of God made so muche for him,* 6.13 and was so manifest vnto him, that he could not geue place, vnlesse they coulde confounde his doctrine by the worde of God. This lesson (sayd he) he learned of S. Austē, who writeth, that he gaue his honour onely to those bookes which are called Canoni∣call, that he beleued the same onely to be true. As touching other Doctors, albeit in holynesse and excellēcy of learning the passed, yet he would not credit them further then they agreed with the touchstone of Gods word. Further (sayde he) S. Paule geueth vs a lesson, writing to the Thessalo∣nians: Proue all thinges, folow that is good. And to the Gala∣thians: Though an Aungell should descende from heauen,* 6.14 if hee preach any other doctrine, let him be accursed, and therefore not to be beleued.

Finally he meekely besought them, not to vrge his cō∣science captiued in the bands of the word of God and holy scripture, to denye the same excellent worde. And thus hee commended his cause and himselfe to them, and specially to y^e Emperours maiesty, requyring they fauour, y^t he might not be compelled to doe anye thing, in this matter against his conscience: in all other causes he would submit himself with all kinde of obedience and due subiection.

As Luther had thus ended his talke, Ioachimus Ele∣ctor, Marques of Brandeburge, demaūded if his meaning was thus, that he woulde not yelde, vnlesse he were con∣uinced by the Scripture? Yea truely right Noble Lorde (quoth Luther) or els by auncient and euident reasons. And so the assemble brake, and the Princes repayred to the Emperours Court.

After theyr departure, the Archbishoppe of Triers, ac∣companyed with a fewe his familiars, namely Iohn Ec∣kius his Officiall, and Cochleus, commaunded Luther to repayre into his parlour. With Luther was Hieronimus Scurffius, and Nicholas Ambsdorff, for his assistaunce. Then the Officiall beganne to frame an argument like a a Sophist and Canonist, defending the Popes cause: that for the most part at all times holy Scriptures haue engen∣dred errors, as the error of Heluidius the heretique,* 6.15 out of that place in the Gospell, where is expressed: Iosephe knewe not his wyfe tyll she was deliuered of her first childe. Further, he went about to ouerthrow this proposition, that the Catho¦lique Church is the Communion of Sayntes.

Martin Luther and Hierome Scurffe reprooued (but modestly) these follies, and other vain and ridiculous mat∣ters, which Eckius brought forth as thinges not seruinge to the purpose. Sometime Cochleus would come in with his fiue egges, and laboured to perswade Luther to desiste from his purpose, & vtterly to refraine thenceforth to write or teach, and so they departed.

About euening the Archbishopp of Triers aduertised Luther by Ambsdorff, that the Emperours promise made vnto him, was prolonged two daies, and in the mean sea∣son he would conferre with him the nexte day, and for that cause he would send Peutinger, and the Doctour of Bade which was Voeus, the morow after to him, and he himselfe would also talke with him.

The friday after, whiche was S. Markes day, Peu∣tinger, and the Doctour of Bade trauelled in the forenoone to perswade Luther simply and absolutely to submitte the iudgement of his writinges to the Emperor and Empire.* 6.16 He aunswered he would doe it, and submit any thing they

would haue hym, so they grounded with authority of holy Scripture: otherwise he woulde not consent to doe any thing. For God sayd by his Prophet (sayth he) Trust ye not in Princes, nor in the childrē of men, in whom there is no health. Also, Cursed be he that trusteth in man. And seeing that they did vrge him more vehemently, he answered: We ought to yeld no more to y^e iudgement of men, thē the word of God doth suffer. So they departed, and prayed him to aduise for better answere, and sayd, they would returne after dinner.

After dinner they returned, exhorting him as before, but in vayne.* 6.17 They prayed him, that at the least he woulde submit his writing to the iudgement of the nexte generall Councell. Luther agreed therunto, but with this conditiō, that they themselues shoulde present the Articles collected out of his bookes to be submitted to the Councell in suche sort, as notwithstanding the sentence awarded by the coū∣cell, should be authorised by the Scripture, and confirmed with the testimonyes of the same.

They then leauing Luther, departed, and reported to the Archbishop of Triers,* 6.18 that he had promised to submit his writinges in certayne articles to the next Councell, & in the meane space he woulde keepe silence, which Luther neuer thought: who neither with admonitions, ne yet ma∣naces could be induced to deny or submit his bookes to the iudgementes of menne (he had so fortified hys cause wyth cleare and manifest authorityes of the Scripture) vnlesse they could proue by sacred scripture, and apparant reasōs to the contrary.

* 6.19It chaunced then by the speciall grace of God, that the Archbishop of Triers sent for Luther, thinking presently to heare him. And when he perceiued otherwise then Peu∣tinger, and the Doctour of Bade had tolde him, he sayde, that he would for no good, but that he had heard himselfe speake: for els he was euen now going to the Emperor, to declare what the Doctors had reported.

Then the Archbishop entreated Luther, and conferred with him very gently,* 6.20 first remouing such as were presēt, as well of the one side as of the other. In this conference Luther concealed nothing from the Archbishop, affirming that it was daūgerous to submit a matter of so great im∣portaunce to them, who after they had called hym vnder safeconduct, attempting him with new commaundemen∣tes, had condemned his opinion, and approued the Popes Bull.

Moreouer, the Archbishop bidding a frend of his draw nigh required Luther to declare what remedy might bee ministred to helpe this.* 6.21 Luther answered: there was no better remedy then suche as Gamaliel alledged in the fyfte chapter of the Apostles, as witnesseth S. Luke, saying: If this Councell or this woorke proceede of men,* 6.22 it shall come to nought, but if it be of God, ye can not destroy it. And so he de∣sired that the Emperour might be aduertised to write the same to the Pope, that he knewe certaynely if this his en∣terprise proceeded not of God, it would be abolished with∣in three, yea within two yeares.

The Archbishop enquired of him what he would do, if certayne articles were taken out of his bookes, to be sub∣mitted to the generall councell.* 6.23 Luther aunswered, so that they be not those, which the counsell of Constance condem∣ned. The Archbyshoppe sayd, I feare they will be the very same: but what then? Luther replyed, I will not, nor I cannot holde my peace of such, for I am sure by theyr de∣crees the word of God was condemned: therefore I wyll rather loose head and life, then abandon the manifest word of my Lord God.

Then the Archbishop seing Luther would in no wise geue ouer the word of God, to the iudgement of men, gēt∣ly bade Luther farewell, who at that instaunt prayed the Archbishop to entreat the Emperours maiesty to graunt him gracious leaue to depart. He aunswered, he woulde take order for him, and speedely aduertise hym of the Em∣perours pleasure.

Within a small while after, Iohn Eckius the Archby∣shops officiall, in the presence of the Emperours Secreta∣ry, who had bene Maximilians Chauncellour, sayde vnto Luther in his lodging,* 6.24 by the commaundement of the Emperour: that since he had bene admonished diuersly of the Emperiall maiesty, the Electors, Princes and estates of the Empyre, and that notwithstanding he woulde not returne to vnity and concord, there remained that the Em∣perour as aduocate of the Catholique fayth should proceed further: and that it was the Emperours ordinaunce that he should within 21. dayes, returne boldly vnder safe con∣duct, and be safely garded to the place whence he came, so that in the meane while he styrred no commotion amonge the people in his iourney, either in conference, or by prea∣ching·

Luther hearing this, aunswered very modestly, & chri∣stianly: euen as it hath pleased God, so is it come to passe, the name of the Lord be blessed. He sayde further, he than∣ked most humbly the Emperors maiesty, and all the Prin∣ces and estates of the Empyre, that they had geuen to hym benigne and gracious audience, and graunted safe conduct to come and returne. Finally he sayd, he desired none other of them, then a reformation, according to the sacred word of God, and consonancy of holy Scriptures, which effec∣tually in his hart he desired: Otherwise he was prest to suf∣fer all chaūces for the Emperiall maiesty, as life and death, goodes, fame, and reproch, reseruing nothing to himselfe, but the onely word of God, which he would constantly confesse, to the latter end, humbly recommending hym to the Emperours maiesty, and to all the Princes and other estates of the sacred Empyre.

The morow after, which was the 26. day of Aprill,* 6.25 af∣ter he had taken his leaue of such as supported him, and other his beneuolent frends, that often times visited hym, and had broken hys fast, at tenne of the clocke he departed from Wormes, accompanyed with such as repayred thy∣ther with him, hauing space of time limited vnto him, (as is sayd) for 21. dayes, and no more. The Emperours He∣ralde Casper Sturine, folowed and ouertooke him at Op∣penhime, being commaunded by the Emperour to cōduct him safely home.

¶The vsuall prayer of Martin Luther.

COnfirme (O God) in vs that thou hast wrought, and perfect the worke that thou hast begunne in vs, to thy glory. So be it. Ex histor. Phil. Melancth. Ex Sledano. Ex Parali. Abb. Vrsperge. & ex Casp. Peucero.

MArtin Luther thus being dismissed of the Emperour, according to the promise of his safeconduct made (as you haue heard) departed from Wormes toward his coun∣trey the 26: of Aprill,* 6.26 acompanied with the Emperours Heraulde, and the rest of his company, hauing onely xxi. dayes to him graunted for his returne, and no more. In the which meane space of his returne, hee writeth to the Emperour, and to other nobles of the Empyre repeating briefely to them the whole action and order of things there done, desiring of them, theyr lawfull good will and fauour, which as he hath alwayes stand neede of, so now he moste earnestly craueth, especially in this, that hys cause whiche is not his but the cause of the whole church vniuersall, may be hearde with indifferency and equitye, and may be de∣cised by the rule and authority of holy Scripture: signi∣fying moreouer, that when so euer they shall please to send for him, he shall bee ready at theyr commaundement, at any time or place, vppon theyr promise of safety, to ap∣peare. &c.

During the time of these doinges, the Doctours and Schoolmen of Paris, were not behinde with theyr partes,* 6.27 but to shewe theyr cunning, condemned the bookes of Lu∣ther, extracting out of the same, especially out of hys booke De Captiuitate Babilonica, certayne Articles as touching the Sacramentes, lawes and decrees of the Church equa∣litye of workes, vowes, contrition, absolution, satisfacti∣on, Purgatory, free will, priuiledges of holy Church, coū∣celles, punishment of heretiques, Philosophye, Schole di∣uinity, with other more.* 6.28 Unto whom Philip Melancton maketh aunsweare, and also Luther himselfe, albeit plea∣santly and iestingly.

It was not long after this, but Charles the new Em∣perour,* 6.29 to purchase fauor with the Pope (because hee was not yet confirmed in his Empyre) prouideth and directeth out a solemne writ of outlawry agaynst Luther, & all them that take his part, commaunding the said Luther, where so euer he might be gotten, to be apprehended, and his bookes burned. By which decree proclaymed agaynst Luther, the Emperour procured no small thanke with the Pope: in so much that the Pope ceasing to take part with the French king, ioyned himselfe whollye to the Emperour. In the meane time Duke Fridericke, to geue some place for the time to the Emperors Proclamation,* 6.30 conueyed Luther a litle out of sight secretly, by the helpe of certain noble men, whom he well know to be faythfull and trusty vnto him in that behalfe. There Luther being close and out of compa∣ny, wrote diuers Epistles, and certayne bookes also vnto his frendes among which he dedicated one to his compa∣nye of Augustine Fryers, entituled, De abroganda Missa, Which Friers the same time being encouraged by him,* 6.31 be∣ganne first to lay downe theyr priuate Masses. Duke Fri∣dericke fearing least that would breede some great styrre or tumult, caused the censure and iudgementes of the whole

Uniuersity of Wittenberge, to be asked in the matter, com∣mitting the doing thereof to foure, Iustus, Ionas, Philip Me∣lancthō. Nic. Ambsdorssius, Ioh. Dulcius.

The mindes of the whole Uniuersity being searched it was shewed to the Duke, that he shoulde doe well and Godly,* 6.32 by the whole aduise of the learned there, to com∣maund the vse of Masse to be abrogate through his domi∣nion: and though it could not be done without tumult, yet that was no let, why the course of true doctrine should be stayed,* 6.33 for the multitude, which commonly ouercommeth the better part. Neyther ought such disturbaunce to be im∣puted to the doctrine taught, but to the aduersaryes, which willingly and wickedly kicke agaynst the trueth: wherof Christ also geueth vs forewarning before. For feare of such tumults therefore we ought not to surcease frō that which we know is to be done, but constantly must go forward in defence of Gods truth, how so euer the world doth esteeme vs, or rage against it. Thus shewed they their iudgemēt to Duke Fridericke.

* 6.34It happened moreouer about the same yeare and time, that king Henry also pretending an occasion to impugne the booke De Captiuitate Babylonica, wrote agaynst Luther. In which booke:

1. He reproueth Luthers opinion about the Popes par∣dons.

2. He defendeth the supremacy of the Byshop of Rome.

3. He laboreth to refell all his doctrine of the Sacramēts of the Church.

This booke, albeit it carryed the kinges name in the title,* 6.35 yet it was an other that ministred the motion, an o∣ther that framed the stile. But who so euer had the labor of this booke, the king had the thanke, and also the rewarde. For consequently vpon the same, the bishop of Rome gaue to the sayd king Henry for the style agaynst Luther,* 6.36 y^e style and title of Defender of the Christen fayth, and to his succes∣sors for euer.

Shortly after this, within the compasse of the same yere, Pope Leo after he had warred agaynst the Frenche men, and had gotten from them, through the Emperors ayd, the Citties of Parma, Placentia, and Millen. &c. he sitting at supper, & reioycing at three great giftes that God had be∣stowed vpō him. 1. That he being banished out of his coū∣try, was restored to Florence agayn with glory. 2. That he had deserued to be called Apostolique.* 6.37 3. That he had driuē the Frenchmen out of Italy: after he had spokē these wor∣des, he was stroken with a sodayne feuer, and dyed short∣ly after, being of the age of 47. yeares: albeit some suspect that he dyed of poyson. Successour to whom was Pope A∣drian the vi. scholemayster sometime to Charles the Em∣perour:* 6.38 who liued not much aboue one yeare and a halfe, in his Papacy. During whose small time, these three espe∣ciall thinges were incident: A great pestilence in Rome, wherein aboue an hundreth thousande people were consu∣med.* 6.39 The losse of Rhodes by the Turke. And thyrdly the capitall warre, which the sayd Pope Adrian, with the em∣perour, and the Uenetians, and the king of Englande, dyd hold agaynst Fraunces the French king.

This pope Adrian was a Germane borne, brought vp at Louane,* 6.40 and as in learning he exceded the common sort of Popes: so in moderatiō of life and maners he semed not all together so intēperate as some other Popes haue bene, and yet like a right Pope, nothing degenerating from hys Sea,* 6.41 he was a mortall enemy against Martin Luther and his partakers. In his time, shortly after the Councell of Wormes was broken vppe, an other meeting or assemble was appoynted by the Emperor at Norenberge of y^e prin∣ces, nobles and states of Germany. an. 1522.

Unto this assemble the sayde Adrian sent his letters in maner of a briefe,* 6.42 with an instruction also vnto his Legate Cheregatus, to informe him how to procceede, and what causes to alledge agaynst Luther, before the Princes there assembled. His letter with the instruction sent, because they are so hypocritically shadowed ouer with a fayre shew and colour of paynted zeale and Religion,* 6.43 and beareth resem∣blaunce of great trueth and care of the Church, able to de∣ceaue the outward eares of them, which are not inwardly in true Religion instructed: I thought therefore to geue to the Reader a sight therof to the intent that by the experiēce of them, he may learne hereafter in cases like, to be prudent & circumspect in not beleuing ouer rashly the smoth talke, or pretensed persuasions of men, especially in Church mat∣ters, vnlesse they carry with them the simplicity of playne truth, goyng not vpon termes, but groūded vpon y^e word and reueled wil of God, with particular demonstrations, prouing that by the Scripture, which they pretend to per∣swade. First the letter of this Pope conceiued & directed a∣gaynst Luther, proceedeth in this effect.

*Adrian Pope vi. to the renowmed Princes of Germanye, and to the Piers of the Romayne Empyre, greeting, and Apostolique benediction.

RIght honourable brethren, and deare children,* 7.1 greeting and Apostolique benediction. After that we were first promoted (through Gods diuine prouidence) to the office of the see Apo∣stolick, he which hath so aduanced vs, is our witness, how we both daye and night reuoluing in our mindes, did cogitate nothinge more, then how to satisfye the partes of a good Pastour, in atten∣ding the health and cure of the flock, both vniuersally & singular∣lye committed vnto vs:* 7.2 so that there is no one particular sheepe through the whole vniuersall flock, so infected, so sicke, or so farre gone astray, whome our desire is not to recouer, to seeke out, and to reduce into the Lordes folde agayne. And chiefely, from the first beginning of our pastorall function, our care hath alwayes bene, as well by our messengers, as our dayly letters, howe to re∣clayme the mindes of Christian Princes from the intestine wars and dissensions among themselues, to peace and concorde, or at least, if they woulde needes fight, that they woulde conuert theyr strēgth and armour agaynst the cōmō enemyes of our fayth. And to declare this not onely in worde, but rather in deede, God doth knowe with what charges and expences wee haue burdened our selues, to extend our subsidy and reliefe, to the souldiers of Rhodes for defence of themselues and of the Christian fayth, agaynst the Turkish tyranny, by whom they were besieged.

And now to bend our care from these forreyne matters, and to consider our inwarde troubles at home, we heare, to the great griefe of our hart,* 7.3 that M. Luther a newe rayser vppe of olde and damnable heresyes: first after the fatherly aduertisemētes of the See Apostolique, then after the sentence also of condemnation a∣warded agaynst him, and that by the assent and consent of the best learned, and of sundy Vniuersityes also: and lastly after the Empe∣riall decree of our well beloued sonne Charles, elect Emperour of the Romaynes, and Catholique king of Spayne, beyng diuul∣ged through the whole nation of Germanye, yet hath neyther bene by order restrayned,* 7.4 nor of himselfe hath refrayned from hys madnesse begunne, but daily more and more forgetting and con∣temning all Christian Charity and Godlynesse, ceaseth not to di∣sturbe and replenish the worlde with new bookes, fraught full of errours, heresyes, contumelyes, and sedition (whether vppon hys owne head, or by the healpe of other) and to infect the country of Germany, and other Regions about, with this pestilence,* 7.5 and en∣deuoureth still to corrupt simple soules, and maners of men, with the poyson of his pestiferous tongue: and (which is worst of all) hath for his fautours and supporters, not of the vulgare sort one∣ly, but also diuers personages of the Nobility: in so much that they haue begunne also to inuade the goodes of priestes (whiche per∣happes is the chiefe ground of this styrre begunne) contrarye to theyr obedience which they owe to ecclesiasticall and temporall persons, and nowe also at last haue growen vnto ciuill warre and dissention among themselues, which thing how vnfortunately it falleth out now, at this present season, especially amongest vs Christians, you may soone repute with your selues and consider. For although the Apostle hath tolde vs before,* 7.6 that heresyes must needes be, that they which be tried, may be made ma∣nifest. &c. yet was there neuer time, either so vnconuenient to rayse vp heresyes, or so necessary for the repressing thereof, when any such are raysed, as now. For whereas the Deuill, the perpetu∣all enemy of mankinde, roaring in the shape of a Lyon, by the po∣wer of the Turkes, doth continually inuade the flocke of Christ, how can we then resist the violent inuations of him, oppressing vs without, so long as we nourish at home the same Deuill,* 7.7 vnder the coulour of a wyly Dragon, sowing such heresyes, discordes, and seditions among our selues: And albeit it were in our power easily to vanquish these forreigne aduersaryes, yet were that but labor lost, seruing to no profite, to subdue our enemyes without, and at home with heresyes and schismes to be deuided.

We remember, before the time of our Papacy, when we were in Spayne, many thinges we heard then of Luther, and of his per∣uerse doctrine. Which rumours and tydinges, although of thē selues they were grieuous to be hearde, yet more gireuous they were for this, because they proceeded out of that countrey, where we our selfe, after the flesh, tooke our first beginning: but yet thys comfort we had, supposing that either for the iniquity, or els for the foolishnesse thereof being so manifest, this doctrine woulde not long holde: reputing thus with our selfe, that such pestife∣rous * 7.8 plantes translated from other countryes into Germanye, would neuer grow vppe to any proofe in that ground, which was euer woont to be a weeder out of all heresyes and infidelity. But now, since this euill tree (whether by Gods iudgement corre∣cting the sinnes of the people, or by the negligence of suche as first should haue resisted such beginninges) hath so enlarged and spread his braunches so farre: you therefore, both Princes, and people of Germanye, must this consider and prouide, leaste you, which at the first springing vp of this euill, might peraduenture

be excused as no doers therof, now through this your ouermuch sufferaunce, might be found vnexcusable, and seeme to consent to that which you do not resist.

Here we omitte and passe ouer, what enormity, and more the enormity, that is, that such a great, and so deuoute a nation, should by one fryer (who relinquishing the Catholique fayth and Chri∣stian religion, which he before professed playeth the Apostata, & hath lyed to God) be nowe seduced from that way, whiche first * 7.9 Christ our redemer & his blessed apostles haue opened vnto vs, which so many Mar∣tyrs, so many holy Fathers, so many greate learned men, & also your owne foreelders and old auncitours haue alwayes hitherto walked in, as though onely Luther had all wit and cunning, as though he onely nowe first had receiued the holy ghost (as the he∣retick Montanus vsed to boast of himselfe) or as though the Church (frō which Christ our sauiour promised himselfe neuer to de∣part) hath erred hitherto alwayes in darcke shadowes of ignorance and perdition, tyll now it should be illuminate with newe r••∣splendent beames of Luther. Al which thin∣ges, there is no doubt, but to such as haue iudgement, will seeme ridiculous, but yet may be pernitious to simple and ignoraunt mindes: and to the other which being we∣ry of all good order, do gape stil for new changes, may breed mat∣ter and occasion of such mischiefes, as partly your selues haue experienced already. And therfore do you not consider (O prin∣ces and people of Germany) that these be but prefaces & pream∣bles to those euils and mischiefes, which Luther with the secte of his Lutherianes, do intend & purpose here after?* 7.10 Do you not see playnly & perceiue with your eyes, that this defending of the verity of the Gospell first begun by the Lu∣therians to be pretended, is now manifest to be but an inuentiō to spoile your goods which they haue long intēded? Or do you thinke that these sonnes of iniquity do tend to any other thing, then vnder the name of liberty, to supplant obedience, and so to o∣pen a generall * 7.11 licence to euery man, to do what him listeth? And suppose you, that they will any thing regard your commaū∣dementes, or esteeme * 7.12 your lawes, whiche so contemptuously vilipend the holy Ca∣nons, and decrees of the fathers, yea and the most holy Councels also (to whose autho∣rite the Emperors lawes haue alwayes ge∣uen roome and place) & not onely vilipēd them, but also with a diabolicall audacitye haue not feared to rent them in pieces, and set them on a light fire? They which refuse to render due obedience to priestes, to by∣shops, yea to the high bishop of al, & which dayly before your owne faces make theyr bootyes of Church goodes, and of thinges consecrated to God: thinke ye that they will refrayne theyr sacrilegious handes frō the spoyle of lay mens goods? yea that they wil not plucke from you whatsoeuer they can rap or reaue?* 7.13 Finally to conclude, how can you hope that they will more spare you, or hold theyr murthering handes from your throates, which haue bene so bold to vexe, to kill, to slay the Lordes annoynted, which are not to be toucbed? Nay thinke you not contrary, but this miserable calamity will at length redound vpon you, your goodes, your houses, wiues, children, dominio••s, possessions, & these your temples, which you hallow & reuerēce, except you prouide some speedy remedy agaynst the same.

Wherefore we exhort your fraternities, nobilities, & deuoti∣ons of all and singuler in the Lord, and beseech you for Christian charity & religion (for which religion your forefathers oft times haue geuen their bloud, to vpholde and encrease the same) and notwithstanding require you also in vertue of that obedience, which all Christians owe to God & blessed S, Peter,* 7.14 and to his Vicar here in earth, that setting aside all other quarrels and dissenti∣ons among our selues, you conferre your helping handes euery man to quench this publique fire, and endeuour and study the best way ye can, howe to reduce the sayd M. Luther and all other fautours of these tu∣multes and errours, to better conformitye and trade both of lyfe and fayth. And if they which be infected, shal refuse to heare your admonitiōs, yet proued that the other part, which yet remayneth sound, by the same contagion be not corrupted. He to whom all secretes of men are open, doth know how we both for our nature, and also for our pastorall office, whereto we are called, are much more prone to remit, then to reuenge. But when this pestiferous canker can not with supple and gentle medecines be cured, more sharper salues must be proued, and fiery searinges: the putrified members must be cut of from the body, least the sound partes also be infected. So God did cast downe into hell the schismaticall bre∣thren * 7.15 Dathan and Abiron. And him that would not obey the authority of the priest, God commaunded to bee punished with death. So Peter prince of the Apostles, de∣nounced sodeine death to Ananias, and Saphira, which lyed vnto God. So the olde and godly Emperours commaunded * 7.16 Io∣uinianus and Priscillianus, as heretiques, to be beheaded. So S▪ Ierome wisheth Vi∣gilantius as an heretick, to be geuen to the destructiō of the flesh, that the spirit might be saued in the day of the Lord. So also did our predecessours in the Councell of * 7.17 Cō∣stance condemne to death Iohn Hus & his felow Hierome, which now appeareth to reuiue agayne in Luther. The worthy* 7.18 acts and examples of which forefathers, if you in this doinges (seeing otherwise ye can not) shall imitate: wee doe not doubt, but Gods mercifull clemency shall eftsoones releue his Church, which being now sore vexed of infidels, hath her eies chiefely and principally directed vpō you, as being the most puisaunt and most populous nation that wee haue in Chri∣stendome.

Wherefore vpon the blessing of almighty God and of blessed S. Peter, which here we send vnto you, take courage vnto you,* 7.19 as well agaynst the false Dragon, as the strong Lion, that both these: that is, as well the inward heresyes, as the forreigne enemyes by you being ouercome, you may purchase to your honours an im∣mortal victory, both here and in the world to come. This we geue you to vnderstand, that whatsoeuer the Lord hath geuen vs to aid you withall, either in money or authoritye, wee will not fayle to support you herein,* 7.20 yea and to bestowe our life also in this holye quarrell, and for the health of our sheepe to vs committed. Other thinges as touching the matter of Luther, we haue committed to this Cheregatus our Legate, whom wee haue directed purposelye for the same, vnto your assemble, whom we wish you to Credite, as being our trusty Legate.

Datum Rom. apud S. Petrum sub anulo piscatoris die .25. Nouemb. ann. 1522.

pontificatus nostri anno primo.

¶By this letter aboue prefixed, thou hast (gentle rea∣der) to note and vnderstand, what eyther wyly perswasi∣ons, or strength of authoritie could deuise against Luther, here not to haue lacked. If plausible termes or glosyng sentences, or outward facyng and bracyng could haue ser∣ued, where no ground of scripture is brought, this might seeme apparantly a pithie Epistle. But if a man should re∣quire the particulars or y^e specialties of this doctrine which he here reprehendeth, to bee examined and tryed by Gods word, there is no substaunce in it, but onely wordes of of∣fice, whiche may seeme well to serue for waste paper. And yet I thought to exhibite the saide letter vnto thee, to the entent, that the more thou seest mans strength with all his policie bent against Luther, the more thou mayst consider the almightie power of God, in defending the cause of this poore man, against so mightie enemies.

Nowe heare further what instructions the sayde Pope Adrian sent to his Legate Cheregatus, how and by what reasons to moue and inflame the princes of Germany to the destruction of Luther, and his cause, and yet was not able to bring it to passe.

Instructions geuen by Pope Adrian to Cheregatus his Legate, touching his proceedings in the diete of Noren∣berg, how and by what persuasions to incense the Princes agaynst Luther.

IN primis,* 7.21 you shall declare to them the great griefe of our hart for the prospering of Luthers secte, to see the innu∣merable soules redemed with Christs bloud, and commit∣ted to our pastorall gouernement, to be turned away from the true fayth and religion, into perdition by this occasion: & that especially in the nation of Germany, being our na∣tiue country, which hath bene euer heretofore, til these few yeares past, most faythfull and deuour in religion: & there∣fore our desire to be the greater, that this pestilence should

be stopped by time, least the same happen to that countrey of Germany, which happened of late to Bohemia. And as for our part,* 7.22 there shalbe no lacke to helpe forward what we may: As likewise we desire them, to ••ndeuoure them selues to the vttermost of theyr power, whom these causes ought to moue, which here we direct vnto you, to be decla∣red vnto them.

* 7.23First the honor of God, which be∣fore all other thinges ought to be pre∣ferred: whose honor by these heresyes is greatly defaced and his worship not onely diminished, but rather whollye corrupted. Also the charity toward our neighbor, by which charity euery man is bound to reduce his neighbor out of errour: otherwise God will requyre at theyr handes all such as by theyr neg∣ligence do perish.

The second cause to moue them a∣gaynst Luther,* 7.24 is the infamy of theyr nation, whiche being counted before time alwayes most Christian, now by these sectaries of Luther, is euill spoken of in all other quartes.

The third cause is the respecte of theyr owne honour, which notoriously will be disteined,* 7.25 if they which most ex∣cell in nobility and authority among the Germaines, shall not bend all theyr power to expell these heresyes: First for that they shall appeare to degenerate from theyr progeni∣tors, who being present at the condemnatiō of Iohn Hus, & of other heretickes, are sayd some of thē with theyr owne hands to haue led Iohn Hus to the fire: Secondly, for that they or the greater part of thē approuing with theyr autho¦rity * 7.26 the emperiall edict set forth of late in cōdemnatiō of M. Luther, now ex∣cept they shall folow the execution of y^e same, shall be noted inconstant, or may be thought to fauor the same, seing it is manifest that they may easily extermi∣nate him, if they were disposed.

The fourth cause is the iniury wrought by Luther to them their parentes,* 7.27 and progenitors, for as much as their fathers, progenitors, and themselues also haue alwayes holden the same fayth, which the catholick church of Rome hath appoynted: contrary to which fayth, Luther with his sectaryes now doeth holde, saying that many thinges are not to be beleued, which theyr foresaid aunceters haue hol∣den to be of fayth: it is manifest therfore that they be condē∣ned of Luther for infidels and hereticks, and so consequēt∣ly by Luthers doctrine, all theyr foreelders & progenitors which haue deceased in this our fayth be in hell: for errour in fayth importeth damnation.

The fift cause to moue them is, that they should wel ad∣uise & consider the end,* 7.28 whereunto all these Lutherians do tēd: * 7.29 which is, that vnder the shadow of Euangelicall liberty, they may abo∣lish all superiority and power▪ For al∣though at the first beginning they pre∣tended onely to adnul and represse our power ecclesiasticall, as being falsely & tyrannously vsurped agaynst the Gos∣pell: yet for as much as liberty is all theyr foundation and pretence, by the which liberty the seculer power and magi∣strates can not binde men by any commaundementes (be they neuer so iust, or so reasonable) * 7.30 to obey thē vnder paine of mortall sinne: it is manifest that theyr scope is to en∣feeble and infringe as much or more, the seculer state also, although couert∣ly they pretend to salue it: to the end, that when the seculer Princes shall beleue this theyr wor∣king not to be directed against them, but onely agaynst the vsurped domination of the church and churchmē, then the laity (which commonly hath bene alwayes agaynst men of the Church) holding with them, shall suffer the Church∣men to be deuoured: Which done, no doubt, but * 7.31 they will afterward practise the like vpon the se∣cular Princes and potestates, which now they attempt agaynst our ecclesi∣asticall iurisdiction.

The sixte cause to mooue and per∣swade them agaynst Luther is this, for them to consider the fruites which folow of that sect:* 7.32 as slaunders, offences, disturbaunce, robberyes, murders, * 7.33 seditions, dissentions, which this sect hath and dayly doth styrre vp through whole Germany: Also blasphemyes. * 7.34 slaunderous wordes, scoffing iestes and bitter tauntes whiche are euer in theyr mouthes. Agaynst which, vnles that they shall finde a present remedy, it is to be feared, least the desolation of Gods wrath will fall vpon Germa∣ny, being so diuided: or rather vpō the Princes of Germany, who hauing the sword geuen of God into theyr hands for the suppression of malefactors, suf∣fer such enormities amongst theyr sub∣iectes.* 7.35 Cursed is he (sayth the Prophet) which doth the worke of the Lorde negligently: and holdeth backe his sworde from the bloud of wicked doers.

The seuenth reason is,* 7.36 that the princes should consider how Luther vseth the same way of seducing the people of Christ, as hath the venimous vyper * 7.37 Mahumet practised in deceiuing so ma¦ny thousands of soules, in permitting to them the libertye of those thinges which flesh desireth, and afterward in exempting them from such thinges as be more sharp in the law, but that Lu∣ther a litle more temperately handleth the matter, whereby he may deceiue more effectually: For Mahumet geueth licence to haue many wiues, and to di∣uorce and mary other at their pleasure. This Luther, to drawe vnto him the fauor of nunnes, monks, and priests, such as be lasciuious in flesh, preacheth that vowes of perpetuall continencye be vnlawfull, much lesse to be obliga∣tory: and therfore permitteth vnto thē that they may mary, forgetting by the way what the Apostle writeth of yoūg widowes, saying:* 7.38 That when they waxe wanton agaynst Christ then will they marrye, hauing condemnation, because they haue made voyd theyr first fayth.

These & other such like reasons, being opened & layd be∣fore thē, you shal thē in our name exhort y^e foresaid princes, prelats, & people to awake, and employ their diligēce how to gainestand: First the iniury of these Lutherians toward God, & toward his holy religiō: Secōdly theyr villany to∣ward the whole nation of the Germanes & their princes, & especially the shamefull contumely toward theyr fathers & elders, whō in effect they condemne to hel. In consideratiō wherof you shal cal vpō thē to remēber thēselues, & to pro∣ceed effectually to the executiō of y^e apostolicall sentēce, & of the Emperors edict, geuing pardon to thē that wil amend & acknowledge their fault: the other which obstinatly per∣sist in their error, punishing with the rod of district seuerity according to the decrees of the Canons and lawes of the Church, that by theyr example, such as stand, may remaine in fayth, and they which are fallen may be reduced.

And if any shall obiect again, y^e Luther was condēned by the apostolicke see before he was heard, & y^t his cause ought first to haue bene heard & iudged, before he was cōuinced: you shall aunswere, that those * 7.39 thinges which perteine to faith, are to be beleued for theyr owne authority, & not to be proued. Take away (sayth Ambrose) argumentes, where fayth is sought, there the fishers, not the Philosophers must bee trusted. Truth it is, & we graunt no lesse, but the lawfull defence & hearing ought not to bee denyed in such cases, where the question is of the fact, whether it were done or not, as whe∣ther he spake, preached, writ, or not? But where the matter is of Gods law, or in cause of the sacramentes, there must we alwayes stand to the authority of holy fathers & of the Church. Now all thinges almost wherein Luther dissen∣teth from other, are reproued before by diuers Councels. Neither ought those things to be called into questiō, which haue bene defined before by general coūcels, & y^e vniuersal-Church, but ought to be receiued by fayth: For els he doth iniury to the Synode of the church, who so bringeth again into controuersy things once rightly discussed & setled. O∣therwise what certaynty can there be amongst mē, or what end shal there be of contēding & disputing, if it shalbe law∣full for euery lewd & presumtuous person, to decline from the things which haue bene receiued and ratified by the cō∣sent, not of one, nor of fewe, but of so many ages, so many wise heades, & of the Catholicke church, which God neuer permitteth to erre in matters vnto fayth apperteyning? And how can it otherwise be chosen, but that all muste bee ful of disturbance, offences, and confusion, vnlesse the thin∣ges which haue bene once, yea many times by ripe iudge∣ment cōstituted, be obserued of al mē as inuiolable? Wher∣fore, seing Luther and his felowes do cōdemne the Coun∣cels

of holy fathers, do burne the holy canons, do cōfound al things at their pleasure, & do disquiet the whole world, what remaineth, but that they are to be reiected & explo∣ded, as enemies and perturbers of publike peace?

Further this you shal say vnto them, y^t we confesse our selues, & deny not, but that God suffreth this persecutiō to be inflicted vpon his churche,* 7.40 for the sinnes of men, especi∣ally of priests and prelates of the clergie. For certain it is, that the hand of the Lord is not shortned, that he cannot saue: but our sinnes haue diuided betwene God and vs: and therfore he hi∣deth his face from vs, that he wil not heare vs. The scripture te∣stifieth, that the sinnes of the people doe issue out from the sinnes of the priests. And therfore saith Chrysostom,) Christ going a∣bout to cure the sicke citie of Hierusalē, first entred into the tem∣ple, to correct the sinnes of the priestes, like a good phisitiō, which first beginneth to cure the disease from the very rote. We know that in this * 7.41 holy see there haue bene many abhominable things of long time wrought & prac∣tised: as abuses in matters spirituall, and also excesses in life and maners, and all things turned cleane cōtrary. And no maruell if the * 7.42 sicknesse first beginning at the heade, that is, at the high Bishops, haue descended after∣ward to inferior prelates. Al we (that is, prelates of the church) haue decli∣ned euery one after his owne waye. Neither hath there ben one that hath don good, no not one. Wherfore nede it is y^t al we geue glory to God, and that we humble our soules to him, considering euery one of vs, from whence hee hath fallen,* 7.43 and that euery one doe iudge himself, before he be iudged of God in the rod of his furie. For the redresse wherof you shal insinuate vnto them, and promise in our behalfe, that in vs shall be lacking no dili∣gence of a better reformation, first beginning w^t our owne court, that like as this contagion first from thence descen∣ded into all the inferior partes:* 7.44 so reformation & amende∣ment of all that is amisse from the same place againe, shall take his beginning. Wherunto they shall finde vs so much the more ready, for that we see y^e whole worlde so desirous of the same. Wee our selues (as you knowe) neuer sought this dignity, but rather coueted, if we otherwise might, to lead a priuate life, and in a quiete state to serue God. And also would vtterly haue refused the same, had not the feare of God, and the maner of our election, and misdoubting of some schisme to follow after, haue vrged vs to take it. And thus tooke we the burden vpon vs, not for any ambition of dignity, or to enrich our frends, and kinsfolks, but only to be obediēt to the will of God, and for reformation of the catholique church, and for reliefe of the pore, and especially for the aduancement of learning & learned men, with such other things moe, as apperteineth to the charge of a good Bishop & lawful heire of S. Peter. And though all errors, corruptions, and abuses, be not straight wayes amended by vs, men ought not therat to maruell. The sore is great and farre growen,* 7.45 and is not single, but of manifolde ma∣ladies together compacted, & therefore to the curing therof we must proceede by litle and litle, first beginning to cure the greater and the most dangerous, least while we intend to amend all, we destroy all. All sodaine mutations (sayth A∣ristotle) in a common wealth, are perilous. And he that wringeth too hard, straineth out bloud. Prou. 30

And whereas in your last letters you wryte, that the Princes complaine, howe this See hath bene and is pre∣iudiciall to their ordinaunces and agreements: heereunto you shall thus aunswere: That suche excesses which haue bene done before our time, ought not to be imputed to vs, who alwayes haue misliked these derogations, and there∣fore bidde them so assure them selues, that though they had required no such matter, we of our owne accorde, woulde haue refrained the same, partly for that it is good, right, & reason, that euery one haue that which is due vnto hym: and partly also that the sayd noble natiō of Germany shal haue by vs no hinderance, but furtherance rather, so much as in vs shall lie to do for them.

And as touching the processes, whyche they desire to haue remoued away a Rota, and to be referred down to the parties,* 7.46 you shall signifie vnto them that we will gratifie them herein asmuch as honestly we may. But because our auditors are now presently absent from the citie by reason of the Plague, wee can not be infourmed as yet, touching the qualitie of those processes. Assoone as they shall returne (which we hope will be shortly) we shal do in the Princes fauour, what reasonably we may.

Further, wheras we vnderstande, that there be many fresh florishing wits in Germanie, and many well learned men, which are not seene vnto, but be reiected and vnloo∣ked to, while in the meane time, throughe the Apostolicall prouisions, dignities,* 7.47 and promotions are bestowed vpon tapsters, and daunsers, and vnfitte persons: we wil there∣fore that you inquire out what those learned men are, and what be their names, to the intent that when any such va∣cation of benefices in Germany do fal, we of our volunta∣ry motiō, may prouide for them accordingly. For why, we consider howe much it is against Gods glory,* 7.48 and against the health and the edification of soules, that benefices and dignities of the church, haue now so long time bene besto∣wed vpon vnworthy and vnable persons.

As touching the subsidie for the Hungarians, we send no other information to you, but that which we gaue you at your departure, saue onely that we will you to extende your diligence therein, as we also will do the like, in solici∣ting the matter with the princes and cities of Italie, that euery one may helpe after his abilitie. Ex Orth. Gratio.

These popish suggestions and instructions of the Pope himselfe against Luther, I thought (Christen reader) to set before thine eyes, to the intent thou maiest see here (as in a paterne, and go no further) all the crimes, obiectiōs, excla∣mations, suspitions, accusations, slāders, offensions, con∣tumelies, rebukes, vntruths, cauillations, railings,* 7.49 what soeuer they haue deuised, or can deuise, inuent, articulate, denounce, infer, or surmise against Luth. and his teaching. They crie, heresy, heresy: but they prooue no heresy. They cry, Councels, Councels: and yet none trāsgresseth Coun∣cels more then themselues. If Councels go alwaies with Scripture, then Luther. goethe with them. If Councells doe iarre sometime from the Scripture, what heresie is in Luth. in standing with Scripture against those councels? And yet neither hath he hitherto spoken against any coun∣cels, saue onely the Councell of Constance. They inflame kings and princes against Luth▪ and yet they haue no iust cause wherefore. They accuse him for teaching libertie.* 7.50 If they meane the libertye of fleshe, they accuse him falsely: if they meane the liberty of spirit, they teach wickedly, which teach contrary: and yet when they haue all sayde, none liue so licentiously as themselues. They pretēde the zeale of the Churche, but vnder that churche lieth their owne priuate welfare, and belly cheare. They charge Luth. with disobe∣dience, and none are so disobedient to Magistrates and ci∣uile lawes, as they. They lay to his charge, oppression and spoiling of lay mens goods: and who spoileth the lay mēs liuings, so much as the Pope? For probation whereof, let the Popes accountes be cast,* 7.51 what hee raketh out of euery Christian realme. Briefly, turne only the names of the per∣sons, and in steede of Luthers name, place the name of the Pope, and the effect of this letter aboue prefixed, shal agree vpon none more aptly, then vpon the Pope him selfe, and his owne sectaries. Now to proceede further in the proces of this foresaide matter, let vs see what the Princes againe for their partes answere to these foresaide suggestions and instructions of Pope Adrian, sent vnto them in their diete of Norenberg, in the cause of Luther: the answer of whom here foloweth vnder wrytten.

The answere of the noble and reuerend prin∣ces and states of the sacred Romane Empire, exhibited to the Popes ambassador.

THe noble & renowmed Prince Lord Ferdinandus,* 7.52 Lieutenant to the Emperors maiesty, with other reuerend pieres in Christ, and mighty princes Electors, and other states and orders of this present assemble of the Romane Empire in Norenberge conuen∣ted, haue gratefully receiued, and diligently perused the letters sent in forme of a Brief, with the instructions also of that most ho∣ly father in Christ, and L.L. Adrian, the hie Bishop of the holy and vniuersall Church of Rome, presented vnto them in the cause of Luthers faction.

By the which foresaid letters and wrytings, first where as they vnderstande his holinesse to haue bene borne, and to haue had his natiue origine and parentage out of this noble nation of Germa∣nie, they doe not a little reioyce.* 7.53 Of whose egregious vertues and ornaments both of minde and body, they haue heard great fame and commendation, euen from his tender yeares: by reason wher∣of they are so muche the more ioyous of his aduauncement and preferment, by such consent of election, to the hie tippe of the A∣postolicall dignitie, and yeelde to God most hartie thankes for the same: praying also from the bottome of their hearts, for his excel∣lent clemencie, and perpetuall glory of his name, and for healthe of soules, and incolumitie of the vniuersall Churche, that GOD wil geue his holines long continuance of felicity. Hauing no mis∣dout, but that by such a ful & consenting election of such a pastor of the vniuersall catholike church, great profite and commoditie will ensue. Which thing to hope and looke for, his holinesse ope∣neth to them an euident declaration in his owne letters, testify∣ing

and protesting what a care it is to him both day & night, how to discharge his pastorall function, in studying for the health of the flocke to him committed: and especially in conuertinge the minds of Christian princes, from warre to peace: declaring more∣ouer what subsidie and reliefe his holinesse hath sent to the soul∣diers of Rhodes. &c. All which things they perpēding with them selues, conceiue exceeding hope and comfort in their mindes, thus reputing and trusting that this cōcord of Christian princes, wil be a g••eat helpe and stay to the better quieting of things now out of frame: without which neither the state of the cōmon welth, nor of Christian religion can be rightly redressed, and much lesse the tyrannie of the barbarous Turke repressed.

Wherfore, the excellent prince, Lord Lieutenant to the Empe∣rors maiestie, with the other princes Electors, and orders of this present assemble, most hartily doe pray that his holines wil persist in this his purpose & diligence, as he hath vertuously begun, lea∣uing no stone vnremoued, how the disagreeing hearts of Christē princes may be reduced to quiet and peace:* 7.54 or if that will not be, yet at least some truce and intermission of domestical dissentions may be obtained for the necessity of the time now present, wher∣by all Christians may ioyne their power together, with the helpe of God, to go against the Turke, & to deliuer the people of Christ from his barbarous tyrannie and bondage: Whereunto both the noble prince Lord Lieutenant, and other princes of Germany, wil put to their helping hands, to the best of their abilitie.

And wheras by the letters of his holines, with his instruction also exhibited vnto them by his Legate, they vnderstand, that hys holines is aflicted with great sorow, for the prospering of Luthers sect,* 7.55 wherby innumerable soules committed to his charge, are in danger of perdition, & therefore his holines vehemently desireth some speedy remedy against the same to be prouided, with an ex∣plication of certaine necessary reasons & causes, wherby to moue the Germane princes therunto, and that they will tender the ex∣ecution of the Apostolique sentence, and also of the Emperours edict, set forth touching the suppression of Luther: to these the L. Lieutenant and other princes and states doe answere, that it is to them no lesse griefe and sorow, then to his holines, and also do la∣ment as much for these impieties and perils of soules, and incon∣ueniences which grow in the religion of Christ, either by the sect of Luther, or any otherwise. Further, what help or counsel shall lie in them, for the extirping of errors, & decay of soules health, what their moderation can do, they are willing and ready to performe, considering how they stand bound & subiect, as wel to the Popes holines, as also to the Emperours maiestie.

But why the sentence of the Apostolike see, & the Emperours edict against Luther, hath not ben put in execution hetherto, ther haue bene (said they) causes great and vrgent, which haue led thē therto:* 7.56 as first in weying and considering with them selues, that great euils & inconuenience wold therupon ensue. For the grea∣test part of the people of Germany haue alwaies had thys per∣suasion, & now by reading of Luthers bokes, are more therin cō∣firmed, that great greeuances and inconueniences haue come to this nation of Germanie, by the courte of Rome: and therefore if they shuld haue proceded with any rigor in executing the Popes sentence,* 7.57 & the emperors edict, the multitude would conceiue & suspect in their minds, this to be done for subuerting the verity of the gospell, & for supporting & confirming the former abuses & greuances, wherupon great warres & tumults (no doubt) would haue ensued: which thing vnto the princes & states ther, hath ben wel perceiued by many arguments. For the auoiding wherof, they thought to vse more gentle remedies, seruing more oportunely for the time.

Againe, wheras the reuerend L. Legate (said they) in the name of the Popes holines hath ben instructed, to declare vnto thē, that God suffreth this persecution to rise in the Church for the sins of men,* 7.58 & that his holines doth promise, therefore to begin the re∣formation with his owne court, that as the corruption first sprāg from thence to the inferior parts, so the redres of al againe should first begin with the same: Also, wheras his holines, of a good & fa∣therly heart, doth testify in his letters, that he himselfe did alwaies mislike that the Court of Rome should intermeddle so muche, and derogate from the cōcordates of the princes, and that his holines doeth fully purpose in that behalfe, during his papacie, neuer to practise the like, but so to endeuor, that euery one, and especially the nation of the Germanes may haue their proper due and right, graunting especially to the sayde nation, his peculiar fauour: who setteth not by these premisses, but that this moste holy B. omitteth nothing, which a good father or a deuout pastor may or ought to do to his sheepe? Or who wil not be moued hereby to a louing re∣uerence, and to amendement of his defaultes, namely seeing hys holinesse so intendeth to accomplish the same in deede, which in word he promiseth, according as he hath begon.

And thus vndoubtedly both the noble L. Lieutenant, & all o∣ther princes & states of the empire, wel hope that he wil, and pray most hartily that he may doe, to the glory of our eternall God, to the health of soules, & to the tranquilitie of the publike state. For vnles such abuses and greuances, with certain other articles also, which the seculare princes (assigned purposely for the same) shall draw out in wryting, shall be faithfully reformed,* 7.59 there is no true peace & cōcord betwene the ecclesiasticall & seculer estates, nor any true extirpation of this tumult, & errors in Germanie that cā be hoped. For partly by lōg warres, partly by reason of other gre∣uances & hinderances this nation of Germanie hath bene so wa∣sted and consumed in money, that vnneth it is able to sustaine it selfe in priuate affaires, and necessary vpholding of iustice wythin it selfe: much lesse then to minister aid and succor to the kingdom of Hungary, & to the Croatians, against the Turke. And wheras al the states of the sacred Romane Empire doe not doubte, but the Popes holines doth right well vnderstād how the Germane prin∣ces did graunt & condescend for the money of Annates to be lea∣ued to the see of Rome for terme of certen yeres,* 7.60 vpon condition that the said mony shuld be conuerted to maintain warre against the turkish infidels, and for defence of the catholike faith: & wher∣as the terme of these yeres is now expired long since, when as the said Annates should be gathered, and yet that mony hath not ben so bestowed to that vse, whereto it was first graunted: therefore if any such necessitie should nowe come, that any publike helpes or contributions against the Turke, should be demanded of the Ger∣mane people, they would aunswer againe, why is not that money of Annates reserued many yeares before to that vse, nowe to bee bestowed and applied, and so woulde they refuse to receiue anye more such burdens for that cause to be laid vpon them.

Wherefore the said Lord Lieutenant, and other Princes & de∣grees of the Empire make earnest petition, that the Popes holi∣nes wil with a fatherly consideration expend the premisses, and surcease hereafter to require such Annates,* 7.61 which are accusto∣med after the death of bishops and other prelats, or ecclesiasti∣call persons, to be payd to the court of Rome, and suffer them to remaine to the chamber of the Empire, whereby iustice & peace may be more cōmodiously administred, the tranquilitie of the publike state of Germanie mainteined, and also by the same, due helpes may be ordeined and disposed to other Christen poten∣tates in Germanie, agaynst the Turke, which otherwise without the same, is not to be hoped for.

Item, wheras the Popes holines desireth to be informed what way were best to take, in resisting these errors of the Lutherians: to this the Lord Lieutenant, with other Princes add nobles do answere, that whatsoeuer helpe or counsell they can deuise, with willing harts they will be ready therevnto. Seeing therefore the state, aswell ecclesiasticall, as temporall, is farre out of frame, and haue so much corrupted their wayes, and seeing not onely of Lu∣thers part, and of his sect, but also by diuers other occasions be∣sides, so many errors, abuses, & corruptions, haue crept in: much requisite and necessary it is, that some effectuall remedie be pro∣uided, as well for redresse of the church, as also for repressing of the Turks tyrannie. Now what more present or effectuall remedy can be had, the Lord Lieutenant, with other estates and princes do not see, then this, that the Popes holines,* 7.62 by the consent of the Emperors maiestie, do summon a free Christen Councell in some conuenient place of Germanie, as at Strausburgh, or at Mentz, or at Colen, or at Metz, and that with as much speede as conueniently may be, so that the congregating of the said Coun∣cel be not deferred aboue one yere:* 7.63 in the which Councel it may be lawfull for euery person that there shall haue interest, either temporal or ecclesiastical, freely to speake & consult, to the glory of God, and health of soules, and the publike wealth of Christen∣dome, without impeachment or restraynt, whatsoeuer oth, or o∣ther bond to the contrary notwithstanding: yea and it shalbe eue∣ry good mans part there to speake, not onely freely, but to speake that which is true, to the purpose, and to edifying, & not to plea∣sing or flattering, but simply and vprightly to declare his iudge∣msnt, without all fraud or guile.

And as touching by what waies these errors & tumultes of the Germane people may best be staid and pacified in the meane time, vntil the councell be set: the foresaid L. Lieutenant,* 7.64 with the other princes, therupon haue cōsulted & deliberated, that for as much as Luth. and certaine of his fellowes be within the territorye and dominion of the noble duke Friderike, the saide L. Lieutenant and other states of the Empire shall so labour the matter wyth the a∣forenamed Prince duke of Saxonie,* 7.65 that Luther and his followers shall not wryte, sette foorth, or print any thing during the sayde meane space, neither doe they doubte but that the sayde noble prince of Saxonie, for his Christian pietie, and obedience to the Romane Empire, as becōmeth a Prince of such excellent ver∣tue, will effectually condescend to the same.

Item, the said L. Lieutenant and princes shal labour so with the preachers of Germany, that they shall not in their sermōs teach or blow into the peoples eares, such matters, whereby the multitude may be moued to rebelliō or vpror, or be induced into error: and that they shall preach & teach nothing, but the true, pure, sincere,* 7.66 & holy gospell, & aproued scripture, godly, mildly, & christianly, according to the doctrine and exposition of the Scripture, being approued and receiued of Christes Churche, abstaining from all suche thynges, whych are better vnknowen, then learned of the

people, and which to be subtilly searched, or deepely discussed, it is not expedient. Also that they shall mooue no contention of di∣sputation among the vulgare sorte, but what so euer hangeth in controuersie, the same they shall reserue to the determination of the Councell to come.

Item, the Archbishops, Bishops, and other prelates wythin their diocesse shall assigne godly and learned men, hauing good iudgement in the scripture, which shall diligently and faithfully attende vppon such preachers:* 7.67 and if they shall perceiue the sayde preachers either to haue erred, or to haue vttered any thing vn∣conueniently, they shall godly, mildely, and modestly aduertise, and informe them thereof, in such sort as no man shall iustly com∣plaine the trueth of the Gospell to be impeached. But if the prea∣chers continuing still in their stubbernesse shall refuse to be ad∣monished, and will not desist from their lewdnesse, then shall they be restrained and punished by the Ordinaries of the place, wyth punishment for the same conuenient.

Furthermore, the sayde Princes and nobles shall prouide and vndertake, so much as shall be possible, that from hencefoorth du∣ring the foresaide time,* 7.68 no new booke shalbe imprinted, especially none of these famous libels, neither shall they priuily or apertly be sold. Also order shalbe taken amongst al potestates, that if any shall set out, sell, or imprint any newe worke, it shall first be seene and perused of certaine godly learned, and discrete men appoyn∣ted for the same:* 7.69 so that if it be not admitted and approoued by them, it shal not be permitted to be published in print, or to come abrode. Thus by these meanes, they hope wel, that the tumults, er∣rours, and offensions among the people, shal cease, especially if the Popes holinesse himselfe shall begin with an orderly & due refor∣mation, in the foresaid greuances aboue mentioned, and wil pro∣cure such a free and Christian Councel as hath bene sayde, and so shall the people be well contented and satisfied. Or if the tumult shall not so fully be calmed, as they desire, yet the greater parte thus will be quieted, for all such as be honest and good menne, no doubt, will be in great expectation of that generall Councell, so shortly and now ready at hand to come.

* 7.70Finally, as concerning priests which contract matrimonie, & religious men leauing their cloisters, wherof intimation was also made by the Apostolicall Legate, the foresaid princes do consider, that forsomuch as in the ciuile lawe there is no penaltie for them ordeined, they shalbe referred to the Canonicall constitutions, to be punished therafter accordingly: that is, by the losse of their be∣nefices, and priuiledges, or other condigne censures: and that the said Ordinaries shall in no case be stopped or inhibited by the se∣culer powers, from the correction of such: but that they shal adde their helpe and fauour to the maintenance of ecclesiasticall iuris∣diction, and shal direct out their publike edicts and precepts, that none shal impeach or prohibite the said ordinaries in their eccle∣siastical castigation, vpon such transgressors to be administred.

To conclude, the redoubted prince L. Lieutenaunt and other princes, estates, & orders of the publike Empire, vehemently and most heartily do pray and beseech, that the Popes holinesse, & the reuerend Lord his legate will accept and take all the premisses to be no otherwise spoken and meant, then of a good, free, sincere, & a Christian minde. Neither is there any thing, that al the aforesaid princes, estates, and nobles do more wish and desire, then the fur∣therance and prosperous estate of the holy Catholique church of Rome, and of his holinesse. To whose wishes, desires, & obedience they offer and commend themselues most ready, and obsequious, as faithfull children. Ex Orth. Grat.

Thus hast thou (louing reader) the full discourse both of the popes letter, and of his Legates instructions, with the aunswere also of the states of Germanie to the sayde letter and instructions, to them exhibited in the diete of Noren∣berge. In the which diet, what was concluded, and what order and consultation was taken, first touching the gree∣uances of Germanie, whych they exhibited to the Pope, then concerning a general councell to be called in Germa∣nie, also for printing and preaching, & for priests mariage, hath bene likewise declared.* 7.71 &c.

The occasion of this matter mooued against priests ma∣riage, came first by the ministers of Strausburgh, which about this time began to take wiues, and therfore were ci∣ted by the bishop of Strausburgh to appeare before him at a certaine day,* 7.72 as violaters of the lawes of holy Churche, the holy fathers, the Bishops of Rome, and of the Empe∣rours maiestie, to the preiudice both of their owne order of priesthood, and maiestie of almighty God: But they refer∣red theyr cause to the hearing of the magistrats of the same citie, who being suiters for them vnto the Bishops, labo∣red to haue the matter either released, or at least to be delai∣ed for a time.* 7.73

Long it were to recite all the circumstances following vpon this diete or assemble of Norenberge, howe their de∣cree was receiued of some, of some neglected, of diuers di∣uersly wrasted and expounded. Luther wryting his letters vpon the same decree, to the Princes, thus made his expo∣sition of the meaning thereof, that where as the preachers were commanded to preach the pure Gospel, after the doc∣trine of the church receiued, he expoūded the meaning ther∣of to be, not after the doctrine of Tho. Aquine, or Scotus or suche other late schoole wryters, but after the doctrine of Hilarie, Cyprian, & Austen, and other ancient doctors, and yet the doctrine of the said aunciters no farther to be recei∣ued, but as they should agree with the Scripture.

Secondly, as concerning new bokes not to be sold nor prin••ed, he expounded the meaning therof to extend no far∣ther, but y^e text of the Bible and bookes of the holy Scrip∣ture might be Printed notwithstanding, and published to all men.

And as for the prohibition of Priestes mariage, he wry∣teth to the Princes, and desireth them to beare wyth the weakenes of men, declaring that braunch of their decree to be very hard, which though it stand with the Popes law, yet it accordeth not with the Gospell, neither conduceth to good maners, nor to honestie of life. &c.

Furthermore, where as in the same session of Noren∣berge, mētion was made before of certaine greuances col∣lected to the number of an hundreth,* 7.74 and exhibited to the Bishop of Rome, it were tedious likewise to inserte them all: yet to geue some tas•• of a few, I iudge it not vnprofita∣ble: to the entēt, that the world may see and iudge, not only what abuses and corruptions moste monstruous and in∣credible, lay hid vnder the glorious title of the holy church of Rome: but also may vnderstand, with what hipocrisie & impudēcie the pope taketh vpon him so greuously to com∣plaine vpon M. Luther, and other: when in all the vniuer∣sall Church of Christe, there is none so muche to be blamed all manner of wayes, as he himselfe, according as by these hainous complaints of the Germain princes, here folow∣ing against the popes intolerable oppressions & greuances may right well appeare. Which greuances▪ being collected by the Princes of Germanie at Norenberge, to the num∣ber of an hundreth, I wish might be fully and at large set∣foorth to the studious Reader, whereby might appeare the subtile sleightes and intolerable fraudes of that pretensed Church. But for somuch as it were to long to comprehend the whole, I haue thought good to exhibite some part ther∣of for example, as geuing only a certain tast, wherby thou mayest more easely conceiue, what to thinke and esteeme of all the residue, which both to me wold be tedious to write, and perhaps more greeuous to thee, to heare.

*Certaine greuances or oppressions of Germanie, a∣gainst the courte of Rome, collected and exhibited by the Princes, at the councel of Norenberge, to the number of an C. wherof certaine specialties here folow.

AMongest other burthens & greuances, this is not least to be regarded: y^t many things are prohibited by mens constitutions, & many things exacted, whiche are not pro∣hibited or commāded by any precept of God: as the innu∣merable obstacles of matrimonie inuēted and brought in,* 7.75 wherby mē were forbid to mary in cases of kindred, which stande vpon diuers degrees: as vpon affinitie, publike ho∣nesty, spiritual kindred, kindred by law, & kindred in blud. &c. and likewise in forbidding y^e vse of meates, which God hath created for mans necessitye, and taught by the Apostle indifferently to be receiued with thanks geuing.* 7.76 By these and many other such humane cōstitutions, men are yoked in bondage, vntil by mony they obteined some dispēsation of those lawes, at theyr handes which made them: so y^t mo∣ney shall make that lawfull for rich men, which is clearely prohibited vnto the poore. By these snares of mens lawes & constitutions, not onely great summes of money are ga∣thered out of Germanie, & caried ouer the Alpes, but also great iniquitie is sprong vp amongst christians: many of∣fences and priuie hatreds do rise, by reason that poore men do see themselues intangled with these snares, for no other cause, but for that they doe not possesse the thornes of the Gospel, for so Christ doth often call riches.

Times forbidden.

THe like practise also is to be sene in the times restrained from Mariage, by the heades of the Churche of Rome,* 7.77 from the Septuagesima Sonday, somewhat before Lent: when as notwithstanding bothe the Clergye and the secu∣lars in the meane time wil liue licentiously, and that open∣ly in the face of all the world. But this interdict proceedeth to this effect: if a man shal presume so to do vpon his owne liberty, without compounding. But otherwise if there be any hope of money, then that which was before vnlawful, is now made lawful for euery man to do frely. And this is

also an other drawing net, wherby great summes of mo∣ny are dragged out of the Germanes purses. Wherupon also hangeth an other greeuance as great as thys, that in¦suing out a dispēsation, the state of the poore and of the rich is not indifferently weyed: For where the rich escapeth many times for little or naught, & goeth cleare away, the poore man shalbe sure to pay for the shot.

A complaint for selling remission of sinnes for money.

BUt especially the burden and greuaunce of the Popes Indulgences and Pardons be most importable: when as the Bishops of Rome, vnder pretēse of building some church in Rome, or to warre against the Turke, do make out their indulgences with their bulles: perswading and promising to the simple people, straunge & wonderfull be∣••i••es of remission a Poena & culpa, that is, from all theyr sinnes, and punishment due for the same, and that not in this life onely, but also after this life, to them that be deade burning in the fire of purgatorie. Through the hope and occasion whereof, true pietie is almost extinct in all Ger∣manie, while euery euill disposed person promiseth to him self for a litle money, licence and impunitie to do what him lusteth: Wherupon foloweth fornication, incest, adulterie, periurie, homicide, robbing and spoyling, rapine, vsurye, with a whole floud of all mischiefes. &c.

A complaint against the Immunities of Clergie men.

ITem, whosoeuer hee be that hath receiued any Ecclesia∣stical orders, great or small, thereby he doth contende to be freed from al punishmēt of the secular magistrate, how great offēce soeuer he do: neither doth he vnaduisedly pre∣sume therupon, but is mainteined in that liberty to sinne, by the principal estates of the clergy. For it hath often ben seene, that whereas by the canonicall lawes, priestes are forbidden to marry, afterward they diligently labour and go about day and night to attempt and try the chastitie of matrones, virgines, and of the wiues, daughters and si∣sters of the lay men: and through their continual instance and labour, partly with gifts and rewards, and flattering wordes, partly by their secrete confessions (as they cal thē) as it hath bene founde by experience, they brynge to passe that many virgins and matrones, which otherwise wold be honest, haue beene ouercome and mooued to sinne and wickednesse: and it happeneth oftentimes, that they do de∣taine and keepe away the wiues, and daughters frō theyr husbands and fathers, threatning them wyth fire & sword that do require them againe. Thus through theyr raging lust, they heap & gather together innumerable mischieues and offences. It is to be maruailed at, howe licentiously wythout punishmente they dailye offende in robberyes,* 7.78 murther, accusing of innocents, burning, rapine, theft, and counterfaiting of fals coyne, beside a thousand other kinds of mischieues, contrary and against al lawes both of God and manne, not wythout great offence of others, trusting onely vppon the fredome and liberty of sinne, whych they vsurpe vnto themselues by the priuiledge of their canons. For when as they once perceiue that it is lawfull for them to doe what they lust without controlment, then they doe not onely contemne the ciuill Magistrates, but also theyr Bishops and superiors, whatsoeuer they either cōmaund or forbid them to do.

And moreouer, to y^e intent they may be the more mayn∣teined in their mischiefe & wickednes, contrary to all rea∣son and equitie, it is partly forbiddē the Archbyshops and Byshops, to condemne these malefactours openly, except they be first disgraded, which must be done with sumptu∣ousnes and pompe: wherby it hapneth very seldome, that those annoynted naughty packes, do receiue condigne pu∣nishment. Besides that, the bishops are so bound by theyr chapters, that they dare not punish any person which hath taken orders by the Canonicall lawes, be the punishment neuer so light or smal. By reason wherof the matter so fal∣leth out, that through this vnequall partiality betwene the laitie and the Clergie, great hatred, discord, and dissention is sprong and risen. It is also not a litle to be feared, that if the Clergie which are the cause of this greuance, and of o∣ther mischiefes, (whych daily they doe proceede to perpe∣trate) haue not like lawes, equall iudges, and like punish∣ment, their offensiue life will mooue & stirre vp some great tumults and sedition amongst the cōmon people, not on∣ly against the Clergy themselues, but also against the su∣periours and magistrates, for that they leaue so notorious offences vnpunished.

Wherfore necessity & iustice doth require, that the sayde preiudiciall priuiledges of the Clergie shoulde be abrogate and taken away, and in their place bee prouided, ordained and decreed, that the Clergy, of what order or degre soeuer they be, shal haue like lawes, like iudgement, and punish∣ment as the laitie haue:* 7.79 so that they shal pretend no prero∣gatiue or fredome in like offence, more then the lay mā, but that euery one of the Cleargie offending vnder the iudge, where the offence is committed, shall be punished for hys fact, according to the measure and equalitie of his offence, in such like maner as other malefactours are, with the pu∣nishment apoynted by the common lawes of the Empire: which thing (without doubt) wil please the true ministers of the church, such as are honest and learned, that they will not thincke their power and authoritie thereby in any case diminished. By this meanes it shall be brought to passe, that suche as are of the Clergie onely by name, and other∣wise, naughty wicked men, through the obedience due vn∣to their magistrates, shalbe compelled to liue more honest∣ly: and al sedition and priuie hatred betwene them and the laitie shall be put away, and finally thereby the laitie shall be the more mooued and stirred to loue and reuerence such of the Clergie as be of a sounde life.

¶Complaint of excommunication abused.

ITem, at Rome and in other places many Christiās are excōmunicate by the Archbyshops, Byshops, or by their Ecclesiastical iudges, for prophane causes, through the de∣sire and couetousnes of money, & lucre.* 7.80 The cōsciences of men which are weake in fayth, thereby are burthened and brought vnto desperation: and finally, for money & luker, a matter of no importaūce is made to tend to the destruc∣tion both of body & soule, contrary both to the law of God and mā, for somuch as no mā ought to be excommunicate but onely for heresie, or for some haynous fact perpetrate, nor to be counted as separate frō the Christian Catholicke Church, as the Scriptures do witnes: Therfore the prin∣ces, nobles, states, & layty of the Sacred Empire, desire & require the Popes holynes, that as a faythful Christian & louyng father, he will remoue the sayd burthen of excom∣munication vsed both in the sea of Rome, & also in the seas of all other Archbyshops and Ecclesiasticall Iudges: and finally, decree that no man shall hereafter be excommuni∣cate, but onely for a manifest conuict crime of heresie. For it is to wicked a thyng, that faythfull Christians for euery light offence, touchyng any temporall goodes or gayne, or for any other worldly matter, but onely for obstinacie of heresie or some great enormitie, should be excluded from almighty God, and the Catholicke congregation.

¶The Churche burdened with num∣ber of holy dayes.

MOreouer, the common people are not a litle oppressed with the great nūber of holy dayes, for that there are now so many holy dayes, that the husbādmē haue scarcely tyme to gather y^e frutes of y^e earth which they haue brought forth with so great labour & trauayle,* 7.81 beyng often in daū∣ger of hayle, rayne, and other stormes: which fruites not∣withstandyng, if they were not letted with so many holy daies, they would gather & bring home without any losse. Besides that, vpon those holy daies, innumerable offences are committed & done, rather then God honoured or wor∣shipped. Which thing is so manifest, that it nedeth no wit∣nes. For that cause the estates of the sacred Empire thinke it best & most profitable for the Christian common wealth, that this great nūber of holy dayes, should be diminished, whych ought rather to be celebrate in spirite & veritie, then wyth the externall worship, and be better kept with absti∣nence from sinne.

Suspending and halowing of Church∣yardes gainfull to the Pope, and chargea∣ble to the people.

FUrthermore, if it happē that 2. or more do fight without any weapon in a Churchyard, onely with their fists,* 7.82 or by the heare, that there be neuer so litle bloud shed, by & by y^e clergy haue recourse to enterdiment, & doe not suffer any more Christen burials there to be done, before that all the citizens with great pomp & expenses do cause it to be con∣secrated & halowed againe with no lesse charge, then when at the first, of a prophane place, it was halowed for burial: all which things do redound to the charges & costes of the laity. And though the churches or chapels be neuer so litle

which are so hallowed: yet the suffraganes do burden and oppresse the simple poore housholdes, be they neuer so bare or nedy, with superfluous expenses, and require moreouer gifts of the people, which is not for theyr ease to geue.

Also the suffragans haue inuēted that no other, but on∣ly themselues may baptise belles for the lay people.* 7.83 Wher∣by the simple people, vpō the affirmation of the suffragans do beleue, that such belles so baptised, wil driue away euill spirits and tempests: wherupon a great number of godfa∣thers are appoynted, especially such as are riche: which at the time of the baptising, holding the rope wherwithal the bel is tied, the suffragan speaking before them, as is accu∣stomed in the baptising of young children, they altogether do answere,* 7.84 & geue the name to the bell. The bell hauing a new garment put vpon it, as is accustomed to be don vn∣to the Christians, after this they go vnto sumptuous bā∣kets, wherunto also the gossips are biddē, that therby they might geue the * 7.85 greater reward, and the suffraganes with their chaplaines and other ministers, are sumptuously fed. Yet doth not this suffise, but that the suffragane also muste haue a rewarde which they doe call a small gifte or present: whereby it happeneth oftentimes, that euen in small vil∣lages, a 100. florens are consumed and spent in such christ∣nings: which is not onely superstitious, but also contrary vnto Christian religiō, a seducing of the simple people, and mere extortion. Notwithstanding the Bishops, for to en∣riche their Suffraganes, doe suffer these things and other farre worse: wherefore such wicked and vnlawfull things ought to be abolished.

Complaint against Officials and other Ecclesiasticall iudges.

THe Officials also of Archbishops for the most part, are vnlearned & vnable men,* 7.86 besides that, men of euil con∣ditions, taking thought for nothing but onely for money. Also, howe corruptly they liue and continue in notorious crimes & transgressions, it is daily sene. Wherby the laity, whom they ought to correct and punish for their offences, & instruct in Christian godlinesse, are not in any poynt, by them amēded, but rather by them encouraged and confir∣med in their offences. Besides this, the laitie are miserably robbed & spoiled of their goodes, by these light & vile offici∣als. In whose conscience there is no sparke of christian pi∣ty and godlines, but only a wicked desire, & couetousnesse. Which thing the archbishops and bishops, if they were in dede such as they are called, that is to say, the pastours and shepheards of Christ, without doubt, they would no lōger suffer, or commit Christes flocke, to such wicked and offen∣siue pastors to be fed and nourished.

Howe the Ecclesiasticall iudges do annexe certaine special causes, being lay matters vnto their owne iurisdiction, and will by no meanes, release the same.

WHensoeuer any causes are pleaded in iudgement be∣fore an Ecclesiasticall iudge,* 7.87 either for rauishyng of virgins, or for children vnlawfully borne out of wedlocke, or for seruants wages, or any other matters touching wi∣dowes, the Ecclesiasticall iudges being called vpon by the superiors of the laitie which do contend, they will neyther deferre that iudgement, or by any meanes wil be intreated to remit them to theyr ordinarie iurisdiction.

The gaine that riseth to the Clergie, by false sclaunders and rumours.

* 7.88IT happeneth oftentimes, that men and women, through sinister and false reports & sclanders, are brought before the Official or Ecclesiasticall iudge, as men gilty, and shall not be declared innocēt, before they haue cleared thēselues by an othe. Whych purgation so made, they are restored a∣gain to their former estimation. And albeit that the dama∣ges & costes ought to be repaide againe, vnto such as be so falsly accused, yet notwithstāding the innocents thēselues, are forced to pay two gildernes and a quarter, for their let∣ters of absolution. And this is the cause, why that the Of∣ficials & other Ecclesiastical iudges, do so greedely folowe the action of such vnlawful, false, & slanderous accusatiōs, chalenging the hearinge thereof onelye vnto them selues: which thyng (no doubt) redoundeth to the great and most singular hurt and detriment of all men: For oftentimes it happeneth that women falling together in cōtention tho∣rowe anger, hatred, or some other affection, do speake euill or slaunder one an other, and outrage somuch, that the one oftentimes accuseth the other, either of adoultry or witche∣ry. Which thinge being brought before the Officiall, shee which throughe her anger had so slaundered the other, is forced by an othe to excuse and purge her selfe, that what∣soeuer iniurious or slanderous word she had spoken, came not of any deliberate purpose or intent, but through wrath and displeasure. In like maner the other whiche is accused either of adoultrie or sorcerie, is commaunded by an othe to declare her innocencie, that shee is not guiltie of those factes, so that it is euident vnto all men, that in such cases, whether they be guiltie or not guiltie, they must sweare, if they will keepe theyr good name and fame. Whereby not onely the vnlawfull luker of gaine and money is soughte, but also wilful periurie forced, and the seculare power and iudges letted from the punishment therof, so that contrary to all reason, offences do remaine vnpunished.

Complaint against spirituall iudges, taking Seculare causes from the Ciuile Magistrate.

ALl be it there be many causes so indifferent to both iu∣risdictions,* 7.89 that they may be pleaded and punished as wel by the ciuill Magistrate, as ecclesiasticall iudge: notw^t∣standing it happeneth oftentimes, that when as the ciuill Magistrates would exercise their office and iurisdiction in this behalfe, they are forbidden and letted by the Ecclesia∣stical iudges vnder paine of excōmunication. Which thing if it should long continue, and be suffred, the Ecclesiasticall iudges would shortly take away all maner of causes from the ciuil Magistrate & his iurisdiction, which is vntolera∣ble and derogatorie both vnto the Emperors maiesty, and other states of the Empire. And albeit that by the common lawes, manifest periuries, adulteries, withcrafts and such other like, may indifferently be punished by Ecclesiastical, or ciuil iudges for the time being, so that preuention in this behalfe taketh place: notw^tstanding the Ecclesiasticall iud∣ges goe about to vsurpe vnto themselues and theyr iuris∣diction, all suche maner of causes: which burthen and gre∣uance the ciuill iurisdiction and power ought not to suffer.

A complaint against Ecclesiastical iudges, inter∣medling with cases of the secular Court: but will not suffer their cases once to be tou∣ched of the other.

MOreouer, the Ecclesiasticall iudges saye,* 7.90 that in suche case it is lawful for them to take prophane matters in to their hands, if the ciuil magistrate be found negligent in executing of iustice: but contrariwise they will not suffer y^t the like order shoulde be kept with them, neither will they permit that in Ecclesiasticall matters, any man may com∣plaine vnto the ciuil Magistrate, for lack of iustice, and re∣quire the administration of iustice at his hand. Albeit, they do define all lawes generally common, & determine howe the Canon lawes may help and assist the ciuil, and contra∣riwise the ciuil lawes, the Canon.

Complaint against certaine misorders of the Cathedral Churches, for vsing double punishment for one offence, a∣gainst the lawe.

FOrsomuch as it is forbidden both by gods law & mans,* 7.91 y^t no man shuld be beaten with 2. rods, that is to say, be punished with 2. kinds of torments: worthely therefore do all wise men detest & abhorre the odious statutes of diuers cathedral churches, wherby murtherers, both men & wo∣men, & other, as wel light as greuous offenders, haue ben hetherto vexed & tormented: for hetherto it hath bene accu∣stomed y^t such as wer gilty of murther & such other crimes (which they cal cases reserued vnto the bishops) after they had made their auricular confession, were cōpelled (to their great ignominy & shame) to do penaunce in the sight of all the people: which penāce were not so much to be disalow∣ed, hearing some semblance of the institution of the prima∣tiue churche, if so be it these busie officials, being contente therew^t, wold not extort more, and greater summes of mo∣ney, then were right and lawful, and so punish those offen∣ders with double punishment: wherew^tall it is to be mar∣ueiled, how many be offended and greeued. Howe wicked a thynge thys is, and howe farre it differeth from Christes instititution, we will referre it to euery good conscience to iudge.

Complaint of Officials for maintei∣ning vnlawfull vsuries.* 7.92

FUrthermore, the Officials being allured thoroughe the greedy and vnsatiable desire of money, do not only not

forbid vnlawful vsuries and gaines of mony, but also suf∣fer and maintaine the same. Moreouer, they taking a yere∣ly stipend and pension, do suffer the Clergy and other reli∣gious persons vnlawfully to dwel with their concubines and harlots, and to beget children by them. Bothe whych things, howe great pearil, offence and detriment they doe bring bothe vnto body and soule, euery man may plainely see (so that it neede not to be rehearsed) except he wil make himselfe as blinde as a mole.

Complaint of Officials permitting vnlaw∣full cohabitation with other, when the husband or wife are long absent.

FUurthermore, where it so happeneth (as it doeth often∣tymes) that either the good manne or the good wife, by meanes of warre or some other vowe, hath taken in hande some long iourney, and so tarieth longer then serueth the appetite of the other, the Officiall taking a rewarde of the other, geueth licence to the party to dwell wyth any other person, not hauing first regard or making inquisitiō whe∣ther the husbād or wife being absent, be in health or dead: and because these their doings shoulde not be euill spoken of, they name it a tolleration or sufferaunce, not without greate offence vnto all men, and to the great contempte of holy matrimonie.

Complaint of Canons in Cathedrall Churches, which haue their B. sworne vnto them, before he be chosen.

* 7.93THis is also vnlawfull and plainly wicked, that tho Ca∣nons of Cathedrall Churches, in whose hand the prin∣cipal part of Ecclesiastical iudgements, Sinodes, and cen∣sures do consist, and the Canons of other collegiate chur∣ches, which haue power and authoritie to chuse theyr Su∣periour and Bishop, will chuse none to their Bishop, ex∣cept he binde himself first with an oth, and plainly sweare, yet and oftentimes is bound by bond and instrumēts sea∣led wyth their seales to them and their Ecclesiasticall iud∣ges, y^t in no matter, be it neuer so greuous, intollerable, or dishonest, he shall not be against them: and if it happen at any time that they doe offend, they may do it also wythout punishment for him.

*Complaint against incorporations or improperations and other pilling of the people, by Churchmen.

MAny parish churches are subiect vnto monasteries, & to the persons of other churches, by meanes of incor∣porations (as they call them) or otherwise,* 7.94 whych they are bound also, according to the canon lawes, to foresee & looke vnto, by themselues, when as they do put them foorth vnto others to be gouerned, reseruing for the moste parte vnto themselues, the whole stipende of the benefices and tithes: and moreouer, aggrauate & charge the same wyth so great pensions, that the hireling priestes and other ministers of the Church, can not haue thereupon a decent or competent liuing: whereby it commeth to passe, that these hirelynge priestes (for that they must needes haue wherupon to liue) doe with vnlawfull exactions, miserably spoil and deuour the poore sheepe committed vnto them, & consume all theyr substaunce. For when as the Sacramentes of the aultare and of Baptisme are to be administred, or when the firste, the seuenth, the thirtie, and yeare day must be kept, when auricular confession cōmeth to be heard,* 7.95 the dead to be bu∣ried, or any other ceremony whatsoeuer, about the funerall is to be done: they will not do it freely, but extort and exact so much mony, as the miserable communalty is scarse able to disbourse, and daily they do encrease and augment these their exactions, driuing the simple pouerty to the payment therof, by threatning them with excommunication, or by other waies, cōpelling them to be at charge: which other∣wise through pouerty, are not able to maintein obsequies, yere mindes, and suche other like ceremonies, as to the fu∣nerals of the dead be appertaining.

*Bying and selling of burials complained of.

IT is ordained by the Popes Canons, that buriall in the Church should be denied onely vnto them,* 7.96 whych being known to be manifest & notorious offenders, haue depar∣ted this life w^tout receiuing of the sacrament. But the cler∣gie not regarding those decrees, will not suffer suche as by chaunce are drowned, killed, slaine with falles, or fire, or o∣therwise by chance haue ended their liues, (albeit it be not euident, that they were in deadly sinne) to be buryed in the churches, vntill such time, as the wiues, children or frends of those men so dead, do with great summes of money pur∣chase and buy the burial of them in the Churchyard.

*Chaste and continent priestes compelled to pay tribute for concubines.

ALso in many places, the bishops & their Officials do not only suffer Priestes to haue concubines,* 7.97 so that they paye certayne summes of money, but also compell continent and chast Priestes, which liue without concubines, to paye tribute for concubines, affirming that the B. hath neede of money, which being payde, it shalbe lawfull for them, either to liue chast or keepe concubines. Howe wicked a thing this is, euery man doeth well vnderstande and knowe.

These with many other burthens and greuances mo to the number of an hundreth, the secular states of Germanie deliuered to the Popes legate, hauing (as they sayd) many mo, and more greuous greuances besides these, which had likewise much nede of redresse: but because they would not exceede the limites of reasonable breuity, they wold cōtent themselues (said they) with these aforesaid hundreth, reser∣uing the rest to a more apt and more conuenient oportuni∣tye, stedfastly trusting & hoping, that when those hundreth greuances, already by them declared, should be abolished, the other would also decay, & fall with them. Of the which foresaid greuances and complaints here is moreouer to be noted, that a great part was offered vp before, to y^e Empe∣ror, at the coūcel of wormes: but because no redresse ther∣of did folowe, therefore the seculare states of Germanie thought good to exhibiie the same now againe, with diuers moe annexed therunto, to Cheregatus the Popes Legate, in this present assēble of Norenberge,* 7.98 desiring him to pre∣sent the same to Pope Adrian. This was about the yere of our Lord 1523. Which being done, the assemble of Noren∣berge brake vp for a time, and was proroged to the nexte yeare following.

In this meane time Pope Adrian died. After him suc∣ceded pope Clemēt 7. Who the next yere folowing, whych was An. 1524. sent downe his Legate Cardinall Campe∣ius, vnto the Councel of the Germane Princes assembled againe at Norenberge, about the moneth of March, with letters also to duke Friderick, full of many faire petitions, and sharp complaints. &c.* 7.99 But as touching the greuances aboue mentioned, no word nor message at al was sent, nei∣ther by Campeius, nor by any other. Thus, where anye thing was to be complained of againste Luther, eyther for suppression of the liberty of the Gospel, or for vpholding of the Popes dignity, the Pope was euer ready with al dili∣gence, to cal vpō the Princes: but where any redresse was to be required, for the publicke wealth of Christen people, or touching the necessary reformation of the church, herein the Pope neither geueth eare, nor answere.

And thus hauing discoursed such matters occurrēt be∣twene the Pope & Princes of Germany, at the Synode of Norenberge, let vs now proceede, returning againe to the story of Luther: of whō ye heard before, howe he was kept secret & solitarie for a time, by the aduise and conueiance of certain nobles in Saxonie, because of the Emperours E∣dict, aboue mentioned. In the meane time, while Luther had thus absented hymselfe out of Wyttenberge,* 7.100 Andraeas Carolostadius proceding more roughly and egerly in causes of Religion, had stirred vp the people, to throw downe I∣mages in the temples, beside other thinges moe. For the which cause, Luther returning again into the city, greatly misliked the order of their doings, and reprooued the rash∣nesse of Carolostadius, declaring,* 7.101 that theyr proceedynges herein were not orderly: but that pictures & images ought first to be throwen out of the harts and consciences of men & that the people ought first to be taught: that we are saued before God, and please him onely by faith, and that Ima∣ges serue to no purpose: this done, and the people well in∣structed, there was no danger in Images, but they would fall of their owne accord. Not that he repugned to the con∣trary (he saide) as though he would mainteine Images to stand or to be suffered: but that this ought to be done by the magistrate, and not by force, vppon euery priuate mannes head, without order and authority. Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 3.

Furthermore, Luther wryting of Carolostadius,* 7.102 af∣firmeth that he also ioyned with the sentēce of them, which began then to spread about certaine parts of Saxony, say∣ing that they were taught of God, that al wickednes being vtterlye suppressed, and all the wicked doers slaine, a newe full perfection of all thyngs must be sette vp, and the inno∣cent onely to enioy all things. &c.

The cause why Luther so stoode against that violente throwing downe of Images, and against Carolostadius, seemeth partly to rise of this, by reason that Pope Adrian in his letters sent to the Princes and states of Germany, doth greeuously complaine, and charge the sect of Luther, for sedition and tumultes, and rebellion against Magi∣strates, as subuerters and destroyers of all order and obe∣dience, as appeareth by the words of the Popes letter be∣fore expressed, pag. 854. therefore M. Luther, to stoppe the mouth of such slanderers, and to preuent such sinister sus∣pitions, was enforced to take this way, as he did: that is, to proceede, as much as he might, by order and authoritie.

¶Wherein are to be noted by y^e way two speciall points, touching the doctrine and doings of M. Luther especially for all such who in these our dayes, now abusing the name & authoritie of Luther, thinke themselues to be good Lu∣therians,* 7.103 if they suffer Images stil to remaine in temples, and admit such things in the Church▪ which themselues do wish to be away. The first is the maner how and after what sort Luther did suffer such Images to stand. For al∣though he assented not that the vulgare and priuate multi∣tude tumultuously by violēce should rap them downe: yet that is no argument now for the Magistrate, to let them stand. And though he allowed not the Ministers to stirre vp the people, by forceable meanes to promote Religion: yet that argueth not, those magistrates to be good Luthe∣rians, which may and should remoue them, and will not.

The second point to be noted is, to consider the cause why that Luther did so stand with standing of Images, which cause was time, and not his owne iudgement. For albeit in iudgement he wished them away, yet time so ser∣ued not therunto then, as it serueth now. For then the do∣ctrine of Luther first beginning to spring, and being but in the blade, was not yet knowne whereto it tended, nor to what it would grow: but rather was suspected to tend to disobedience & sedition: and therefore the Pope hearing of the doings of Carolostadius in Wittenberge, and of other like, tooke his ground thereby to charge the sect of Luther with sedition, vprores, and dissolute libertie of life. And this was the cause, why Luther cōpelled then by necessi∣tie of time, to saue hys doctrine from sclaunder of sedition and tumulte, beyng layd to hym by the Pope (as ye haue heard) was so much offended with Carolostadius and o∣ther, for their violence vsed against Images. For other∣wise, had it not bene for the Popes accusations, there is no doubt, but Luther would haue bin as well cōtented with abolishing of Images and other monuments of Popery, as he was at the same time,* 7.104 contented to write to the Fri∣ers Augustines for abrogating of priuate Masses. And therefore as Luther in this doing is to be excused,* 7.105 the cir∣cumstances considered: so the like excuse perhaps will not serue the ouermuch curious imitation of certeine Luthe∣rians in this present age now: which considering only the fact of Luther, do not marke the purpose of Luther, ney∣ther do expend the circumstances and time of his doings: being not much vnlike to the ridiculous imitatours of King Alexander the great, which thought it not sufficient to follow him in his vertues, but they woulde also coun∣terfeite him in his stouping and all other gestures besides:* 7.106 but to these liuing now in the Church, in another age then Luther did, it may seeme (after my minde) sufficient to fol∣low the same way after Luther, or to walke with Luther, to the kingdome of Christ, though they iumpe not also in euery foote steppe of his, and keepe euen the same pase, and turnings in all points, as he did.

And contrarywise of the other sorte, much lesse are they to be commended,* 7.107 which running as much on the contra∣ry string, are so precise, that because of one small blemish, or for a little stouping of Luther in the Sacrament, there∣fore they giue cleane ouer the reading of Luther, and fall almost in vtter contempt of his bookes. Whereby is decla∣red not so much the nicenes and curiousnes of these our daies,* 7.108 as y^e hinderance that cōmeth thereby to the Church, is greatly to be lamented. For albeit the Church of Christ (praised be the Lord) is not vnprouided of sufficient plen∣ty of worthy and learned writers, able to instruct in mat∣ters of doctrine: yet in the chiefe points of our cōsolation, where the glory of Christ, and the power of his passion & strength of faith is to be opened to our conscience, & where the soule wrasteling for death and life, standeth in neede of serious consolation, the same may be sayd of Martin Lu∣ther, amongst all this other varietie of writers, that S. Cyprian was wont to say of Tertulian Da magistrum, geue me my maister. And albeit that Luther went a little awry, and dissented frō Zuinglius in this one matter of the Sa∣crament: yet in all other states of doctrine they did accord, as appeared in the Synode holdē at Marpurge, by prince Philip Lautgraue of Hesse, which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1529. where both Luther, and Zuinglius were pre∣sent, and conferryng together, agreed in these Articles:

1. On the vnitie, and Trinitie of God.* 7.109 2. In the Incarnation of the word. 3. In the passiō and resurrection of Christ. 4. In the Ar∣ticle of Originall sinne. 5. In the Article of Fayth in Christ Iesu. 6 That this fayth commeth not of merites, but by the gift of Cod 7. That this fayth is our righteousnesse. 8. Touchyng the extreme word. 9. Likewise they agreed in the Arricles of Baptisme. 10. Of good workes. 11. Of cōfession. 12 Of Magistrates. 13. Of mens tra∣ditiōs. 14. Of Baptisme of infantes▪ 15. Lastly concernyng the do∣ctrine of the Lordes Supper, this they did beleue and hold, first that both the kyndes therof are to be ministred to the people ac∣cordyng to Christes institution and that the Masse is no such worke for the which a mā may obteine grace both for the quick, and the dead. Item, that the Sacrament (which they call of the al∣tar) is a true Sacrament of the body and bloud of the Lord. Item, that the spirituall manducation of his body and bloud is necessa∣ry for euery Christen man. And furthermore, that the vse of the Sacrament tendeth to the same effect, as doth the word, geuē and ordeyned of the almightie God, that thereby infirme consciences may be stirred to belefe, by the holy Ghost. &c. Ex Paral. Abbat. Vrsp.

In all these summes of doctrine aboue recited. Luther and Zuinglius did consent and agree. Neither were their opinions so differēt in the matter of the Lordes Supper, but that in the principall pointes they accorded. For if the question be asked of them both, what is the materiall sub∣staunce of the Sacrament, which our outward senses doe behold and feele: they will both confesse bread, and not the accidents onely of bread. Further if the question be asked whether Christ be there present:* 7.110 they will both confesse his true presence to be there, onely in the manner of presence they differre. Agayn, aske whether the materiall substaūce layd before our eyes in the Sacrament, is to be worshyp∣ped: they will both deny it, and iudge it Idolatry. And likewise for transubstantiation, and for the sacrifice of the Masse, they both do abhorre, and do deny the same: As al∣so the Communiō to be in both kyndes administred, they do both assent and graunt.

Onely their difference is in this, concernyng the sense and meanyng of the wordes of Christ:* 7.111 Hoc est corpus me∣um: This is my body: &c. Which wordes Luther expoun∣deth to be taken nakedly and simply, as the letter stādeth, without trope or figure, and therfore holdeth the body and bloud of Christ truely to be in the bread, and wine, and so also to be receaued with the mouth. Uldricus Zuinglius, with Ioannes Oecolampadius and other moe, do interprete these wordes otherwise, as to be taken not litterally, but to haue a spirituall meanyng, & to be expounded by a trope or figure, so that the sense of these wordes: This is my body, is thus to be expoūded: this signifieth my body and bloud. Ex Ioan. Sled. Lib. 5. With Luther cōsented the Saxōs.* 7.112 With the other side of Zuinglius, went the Heluetians. And as tyme did grow, so the diuision of these opinions increased in sides, & spread in farther Realmes and countreys: the one part beyng called of Luther Lutheriās:* 7.113 the other ha∣uyng y^e name of Sacramentaries. Notwithstādyng in this one vnitie of opinion, both the Lutherians, & Sacramen∣taries do accorde & agree,* 7.114 that the bread & wine there pre∣sent is not trāsubstantiate into the body & bloud of Christ (as is sayd) but is a true Sacrament of the body & bloud.

But hereof sufficient, touchyng this diuision betwene the Lutherans and Zuinglians. In which diuisiō, if there haue bene any defect in Martin Luther: yet is that no cause why either the Papistes may greatly triūph, or why the Protestantes should despise Luther. For neither is the doctrine of Luther touchyng the Sacramēt, so grosse that it maketh much with the Papistes: nor yet so discrepaunt frō vs, that therfore he ought to be exploded. And though a full reconciliation of this difference cā not well be made (as some haue gone about to do) yet let vs geue to Luther a moderate interpretation, & if we will not make thinges better, yet let vs not make them worse thē they be,* 7.115 & let vs beare, if not with the maner, yet at least with the tyme of his teachyng: and finally let it not be noted in vs, that we should seeme to differre in Charitie more (as Bucer sayd) then we do in doctrine. But of this hereafter more (Christ willyng) when we come to the history of Iohn Frith.

They which write the lyfe of Saintes, vse to describe and to extoll their holy lyfe & godly vertues, and also to set forth such miracles as be wrought in them by God: Wher∣of there lacketh no plenty in Martin Luther, but rather time lacketh to vs and oportunitie to tary vpon them, ha∣uyng such hast to other things. Otherwise what a miracle might this seeme to be, for one man, & a poore Frier, cree∣pyng out of a blynd cloyster, to be set vp agaynst the Pope,

the vniuersall Bishop and Gods mighty Uicare in earth: to withstand all his Cardinals: yea and to susteine the ma∣lice and hatred almost of the whole worlde, being set a∣gainst him: and to worke that against the said Pope, Car∣dinals and Church of Rome,* 7.116 which no King nor Empe∣rour could euer do, yea durst neuer attempt, nor all the learned men before him, could euer compasse. Which mi∣raculous worke of God, I recount nothing inferiour to the miracle of Dauid ouerthrowing great Goliath. Wher∣fore if miracles do make a Sainct (after the Popes defini∣tion) what lacketh in Martin Luther but age and tyme only to make him a Sainct? who standing openly against the Pope, Cardinals, and prelates of the Church, in num∣ber so many, in power so terrible, in practise so craftie, ha∣uing Emperours, and all the Kings of the earth against him, who teaching and preaching Christ the space of nine and twenty yeares, could without touch of all his enemies so quietly in his owne countrey, where he was borne, die and sleepe in peace.* 7.117 In the which Martin Luther, first to stand against the Pope, was a great miracle: to preuaile against the Pope, a greater: so to die vntouched, may seme greatest of all, especially hauing so many enemies as he had. Againe, neither is it any thing lesse miraculous, to consider what manifold dangers he escaped besides, as when a certeine Iewe was appointed to come to destroy him by poison, yet was it so the will of God, that Luther had warning thereof before, and the face of the Iewe sent to him by picture, whereby he knew him, and auoided the perill.

Another time as he was sitting in a certaine place vpon his stoole,* 7.118 a great stone there was in the vault, ouer hys head where he did sit, which being stayd miraculously, so long as he was sitting, as soone as he was vp, immediat∣ly fell vpon the place where he sate, able to haue crushed him all in peeces if it had light vpon him.

And what should I speake of his praiers, which were so ardent vnto Christ, that (as Melancthon writeth) they which stoode vnder his windowe, where he stood prayeng, might see his teares falling and dropping downe. Againe, with such power he prayed, that he (as himselfe confesseth) had obteined of the Lord, that so long as he liued, the Pope should not preuaile in his countrey: after his death (sayd he) let them pray who could.

* 7.119And as touching the maruelous workes of the Lorde, wrought heere by men, if it be true which is credibly re∣ported by the learned, what miracle can be more miracu∣lous, then that whiche is declared of a yong man aboute Wittenberge, who being kept bare and needy by his fa∣ther, was tempted by way of sorcery, to bargaine with the Diuell, or a familiare (as they call him) to yeeld hymselfe body and soule into the Diuels power,* 7.120 vpon condition to haue his wish satisfied with money: So that vpon the same, an obligation was made by the yong man, written with his owne bloud, and geuen to the Diuell. This case you see, how horrible it was, and how damnable: now heare what followed. Upon the sodeine wealth and alte∣ration of this yong man, the matter first being noted, be∣gan afterward more & more, to be suspected, and at length, after long and great admiration, was brought vnto Mar∣tin Luther, to be examined. The yong man, whether for shame or feare, long denied to confesse, and woulde bee knowne of nothing. Yet God so wrought, being stronger then the Diuell, that he vttered vnto Luther the whole substance of the case, as well touching the money, as the obligation. Luther vnderstanding the matter, and piti∣ing the lamentable state of the man, willed the whole con∣gregation to pray: and he himselfe ceased not with hys praiers to labour, so that the Diuell was compelled at the last to throw in his obligation at the window, and bade him take it againe vnto him. Which narration, if it be so true as certeinely it is of him reported, I see not the con∣trary, but that this may well seeme comparable wyth the greatest miracle in Christes Church, that was since the A∣postles time.

Furthermore, as he was mighty in his prayers: so in his Sermons God gaue him such a grace, that when hee preached, they which heard him, thought euery one hys owne temptations seuerally to be noted and touched. Whereof, when signification was geuen vnto him by hys frends, and he demaunded how that could be: mine owne manifold temptations (said he) and experiences are the cause thereof.* 7.121 For this thou must vnderstand (good reader) that Luther, from his tender yeares, was much beaten and exercised with spirituall conflicts, as Melancthon in describing of his life, doth testifie. Also Hieronymus Wel∣lerus, scholer and disciple of the sayd Martin Luther, re∣cordeth, that he oftentimes heard Luther his maister thus reporte of himselfe: that he had bene assaulted and vexed with all kindes of temptations, sauing onely one,* 7.122 which was, with couetousnes. With this vice he was neuer (said he) in all his life troubled, nor once tempted. And hetherto concerning the life of Martin Luther: who liued to the yeare of his age 63. He continued writing and preachyng, about 29. yeares. As touching the order of his death, the words of Melancthon be these.

In the yeare of our Lord 1546. and the 17. of February, Doctour Martin Luther sickened a little before supper, of his accustomed maladie, to wyt, of the oppression of hu∣mours in the orifice or opening of his stomacke, whereof I remember I haue seene him oft diseasid in this place.* 7.123 This sickenes tooke him after supper, with the which he vehemently contending, required secesse into a bye cham∣ber, and there he rested on his bed two houres, all whych time his paynes encreased. And as Doctor Ionas was lieng in his chamber, Luther awaked, and praied him to rise, and to call vp Ambrose his childrens scholemaister, to make fire in another chamber. Into the which, when he was newly entred, Albert Earle of Mansfield,* 7.124 with hys wife and diuers other (whose names in these letters for haste, were not expressed) at that instant came into hys chamber. Finally, feeling his fatall houre to approche, before nine of the clocke in y^e morning, the xviij. of Februa∣ry, he cōmended himselfe to God, with this deuour praier.

¶The Prayer of Luther at his death.

MY heauenly father, eternall and mercifull God, thou hast ma∣nifested vnto me thy deare sonne, our Lorde Iesus Christ.* 7.125 I haue taught him, I haue knowne him, I loue him as my life, my health, and my redemption▪ whome the wicked haue persecu∣ted, maligned, and with iniurie afflicted. Draw my soule to thee. After this, he sayd as ensueth, thryse.

I commend my spirit into thy hands, thou hast redeemed me, O God of truth. GOD so loued the world, that he gaue his only sonne, that all those that beleeue in him, shoulde haue life euerla∣sting. Iohn. iij▪

Hauing repeated oftentimes his prayers, he was called to God, vnto whome so faithfully he commended his spi∣rit, to enioy, no doubt, the blessed societie of the Patriarks, Prophets, and Apostles in the kingdome of God the Fa∣ther, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost. Let vs now loue the memory of this man, and the doctrine that he hath taught. Let vs learne to be modest and meeke. Let vs consider the wretched calamities, and marueilous chaunges that shall follow this mishap and dolefull chance. I beseech thee, O sonne of God, crucified for vs, and resuscitated Emanuell, gouerne, cōserue and defend thy Church. Haec Melancthon.

Fridericus Prince Electour died long before Luther, in the yeare of our Lord 1525. leauing no issue behind him,* 7.126 for that he liued a single life, and was neuer maried: wher∣fore after him succeeded Iohn Fridericke, D. of Saxony.

Mention was made a little before, page 859. of the Mi∣nisters of Strausburgh, which because of their Mariage,* 7.127 were in trouble and cited by the Bishop, to appeare before him, and thereto be iudged without the precinct of the Ci∣tie of Strausburgh: wheras there had bene a contrary or∣der taken before betweene the Bishop, and the Citie, that the Bishop should execute no iudgement vpon any, but vnder some of the Magistrates of the said City of Straus∣burgh. Whereupon the Senate and Citizens taking into their hands the cause of these maried Ministers, in defence of their owne right and liberties, wrote (as is sayd) to their Byshop of Strausburgh, and caused the iudgement there∣of a while to be stayed. By reason whereof the matter was brought at lēgth, before Cardinall Campeius Legate, sent by Pope Clemēt to the assemble of Norenberge, an. 1524.

The chiefe doer in this matter was one Thomas Mur∣nerus, a Franciscane Frier, who had commenced a gree∣uous complaint against the Senate and Citie of Straus∣burgh, before the foresayde Cardinall Campeius.* 7.128 Where∣fore the Senate, to purge themselues, sent their Ambassa∣dours, thus clearing their cause, and aunswering to theyr accusation: That they neither had bene, nor would be any let to the Byshop, but had signified to him before by theyr letters, that whatsoeuer he could lay against those maried Priests, consonant to the lawe of God, they woulde be no stay, but rather a furtherance vnto him, to proceede in hys action. But the Senate heerein was not a little greeued, that the Bishop, contrary to the order and compact, which was taken betweene him and them, did call the sayde Mi∣nisters out of the liberties of their Citie: For so it was be∣tweene them agreed, that no Ecclesiasticall person should

be adiudged, but vnder some iudge of their owne Citie. But now contrary to the said agreement, the Bishop cal∣led those Ministers out of their liberties,* 7.129 and so the Mini∣sters claiming the right and priuiledge of the Citie, were condemned, their cause being neither heard nor knowne. And now if the Senate should shew themselues any thing more sharpe or rigorous vnto those Ministers, in clai∣ming the right of the Citie, the people; no doubt, woulde not take it well, but happely woulde rise vp in some com∣motion against them, in the quarell and defence of their fraunchises and liberties.

And where it is obiected, that they receaue Priests and men of the Clergy, into the fredome and protection of their Citie, to this they answered, that they did nothing herein, but which was correspondent to the auncient vsage and maner of the Citie before: and moreouer, that it was the Byshops owne request & desire, made vnto them so to do.

To this the Cardinall againe aduising well the letters of the Bishop,* 7.130 & the whole order of the matter, which was sent vnto him, declared that he right wel vnderstood by the letters sent, that the Ministers in deede (as the Ambassa∣dours sayd) were called out from the freedome, & liberties of the Citie, and yet no order of law was broken therein: for as much as the Bishop (said he) had there no lesse po∣wer and authoritie, then if he were his owne Uicare dele∣gate, and therefore he desired them, that they woulde assist the Bishop in punishing the foresayd Ministers, &c.

After much other talke and reasoning on both partes, wherein the Ambassadours argued in defence of their free∣dome, that the iudgement should not be transferred out of the Citie: among other cōmunication, they inferred more∣ouer and declared, how in the Citie of Strausburgh were many, yea the most part of the Cleargy, which liued vici∣ously and wickedly with their strumpets & harlots, whom they kept in their houses,* 7.131 to the great offence of the people, shame to Christes Church, and pernitious example of o∣ther: and yet the Bishop would neuer once stirre to see a∣ny punishing or correction thereof. Wherefore if the Se∣nate (said the Ambassadours) should permit the Bishop to extend his crueltie and extremitie against these married Ministers, for not obseruing the Bishop of Roomes law, and leaue the other notorious whoremaisters, whiche brake the law of God, to escape vnpunished, doubtles it would redound to their great danger and perill, not onely before God, but also among the commons of their Citie, readie to rise vpon them.

To this Campeius aunswered, what composition or bargaine was betwixt the Bishop and thē,* 7.132 he knew not: but surely the Acte of the one was manifest, and needed no great triall in law of prouing and confessing, and therefore they were sequestred and abandoned from the communi∣on of the Church, ipso facto. As for the other sorte of them, which keepe harlots and concubines although (said he) it be not well done:* 7.133 yet doth it not excuse the enormitie of their Mariage. Neither was he ignorant, but that it was the maner of the Bishops of Germany, for money to winke at Priests lemans, and the same also was euil done in deede: and farther, that the time should come, when they shall be called to an accompt for the same: but yet neuer∣thelesse it is not sufferable that Priestes therefore shoulde haue wiues. And if comparison should be made (sayd he) much greater offence it were, a Priest to haue a wife, then to haue and keepe at home many harlots. His reason was this: For they that keepe harlots (sayd he) as it is naught that they do,* 7.134 so do they acknowledge their sinne: the other perswade themselues to do well, and so continue stil with∣out repentance, or conscience of their fact. All men (said he) can not be chaste, as Iohn Baptist was: yet can it not be proued by any example, to be lawfull for Priests professing chastitie, to leaue their single life, and to marrie: no not the Greekes themselues, which in rites be differing from vs, do geue this libertie to their owne Priestes to marry: wherefore he prayed them to geue their ayde to the Bishop in this behalfe.

Whereunto the Ambassadours replyed againe, sayeng, that if he would first punish the whoremasters, then might the Senate assist him the better in correcting the other. But the Cardinall was still instaunt vpon them, that first they shoulde assist their Bishop, and then if the Bishop woulde not punish whoredome, he woulde come thyther himselfe, and see them punished accordingly.

This Cardinall Campeius, how he was sent by Pope Clement the sixt, to the second assemble or diet of Noren∣berge,* 7.135 ann. 1524. and what was there done by the sayde Cardinall, is before signified, page 862. After this Coun∣cell of Norenberge, immediately followed another sittyng at Ratisbone, where were present Ferdinandus, Campeius, the Cardinall of Salisburge, the two Dukes of Bauaria, the Byshops of Trēt and Ratisbone: also the Legates of the Byshops, Bamberge, Spires, Straus∣burgh, Ausburgh, Constance, Basill, Frising, Passame, and Brixine. By whom in the sayd assemble was conclu∣ded: That for somuch as the Emperour, at the request of Pope Leo, had condemned by his publicke Edict set forth at Wormes, the doctrine of Luther, for erroneous and wicked, and also it was agreed vpon in both the assembles of Noremberge, that the sayd Edict should be obeyed of all men: they likewise at the request of Cardinall Campeius, do will, and commaund the foresayd E∣dict to be obserued through all their fines and precinctes: That the Gospell, and all other holy Scriptures in Churches should be taught accordyng to the interpretation of the auncient forefa∣thers: That all they which reuiue any old heresies before condē∣ned, or teach any new thyng contumelious, either against Christ, his blessed mother, and holy Saintes, or which may breede any occasion of sedition, the same to be punished accordyng to the tenour of the Edict aboue sayd:* 7.136 That none be admitted to preach without the licence of his ordinary: That they which be already admitted, shall be examined how, and what they preach: that the lawes which Campeius is about to set forth for reformation of maners, shalbe obserued: That in the Sacraments, in the Masse, and all other thynges, there shalbe no innouation, but all thynges to stand, as in foretyme they did: That all they which approch to the Lordes Supper without cōfession and absolution, or do eate flesh on dayes forbidden, or which do runne out of their order: al∣so Priestes, Deacons, and Subdeacons, that be maried, shal be pu∣nished: That nothyng shall be Printed without cōsent of the Ma∣gistrate: That no booke of Luther, or any Lutherian shall be Prin∣ted or sold: That they of their iurisdictiō which study in the Vni∣uersitie of Wittēberge, shall euery one repayre home within three monethes after the publishyng hereof, or els turne to some other place free frō the infectiō of Luther, vnder payne of cōfiscating all their goodes, and loosing their inheritaunce: That no benefice, nor other office of teachyng, be geuē to any student of that Vni∣uersitie. Item, that certaine Inquisitours fit for the same, be ap∣pointed to inquire and examine the premisses: Item, least it may be sayd that this faction of Luther taketh his origine of the cor∣rupt lyfe of Priestes, the sayd Campeius, with other his assisters in the sayd conuocation of Ratisbone, chargeth and commaun∣deth, that Priestes liue honestly, goe in decent apparell, play not the marchauntes, haunt not the tauernes, be not couetous, nor take money for their ministration: Such as keepe concubines to be remoued: The nūber also of holy dayes to be diminished. &c.

These thynges would Campeius haue had enacted in a full Councell & with the cōsentes of all the Empire: but when he could not bryng that to passe,* 7.137 by reason that the myndes of diuers were gone frō the Pope, he was fayne therfore to get the same ratified in this particular conuen∣ticle, with the assentes of these Byshops aboue rehearsed.

These thynges thus hetherto discoursed, whiche fully may be sene in the Cōmentaries of Ioh. Sledan, it remai∣neth next after the story of Martin Luther, somewhat to adioyne likewise touchyng the history of Zuinglius & of the Heluetiās. But before I come to the explicatiō of this story it shal not be incōueniēt, first to geue some litle touch of the townes called pages, of these Heluetians, & of their league and confederation first begon amongest them.

¶The history of the Heluetians or Suitzers, how first they recouered their libertie, and after were ioyned in league together.

THe Heluetiās, whom otherwise we call Suitzers,* 7.138 are deuided principally into xiij. pages. The names of whō are, Tigurini, Bernates, Lucernates, Urani, Sui∣censes, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Glareanti, Basiliēses, So∣lodurij, Friburgij, Scafusiani, Apecellēses. Furthermore, to these be added vij. other Pages, albeit not with such a full bond, as the other, be together conioyned: whiche be these, Rheti, Lepontij, Seduni, Ueragri, Sangalli, Mul∣lusiani, Rotulenses. Of these xiij. confederate Pages a∣boue recited, these three were the first, to witte, Urania, Suicenses, and Siluanij (or as some call them Unterual∣dij) which ioyned themselues together.

If credite should be geuen to old narrations, these iij. pages * 7.139 or valleyes first suffered great seruitude & thral∣dome vnder cruell rulers or gouernours: In so much that the gouernour of Siluania * 7.140 required of one of the inhabi∣taūtes, a yoke of his Oxen: which when the townes man denyed to geue him, the ruler sent his seruaunt by force to take his Oxen frō him. This whē the seruaūt was about to do, cōmeth the poore mans sonne, & cutteth of one of his fingers, & vpō the same auoyded. The gouernour hearing this, taketh the poore man, and putteth out his eyes.

Another time in the sayd Syluania, as the good man of the house was absent abroade,* 7.141 the gouernour which had then the rule of the towne, entring into the house, cōman∣deth the wife to prepare for him a bath, and to let him haue his pleasure of her. Wherunto she being vnwilling, differ∣red the bathe as long as she might, till the returne of her husband.* 7.142 To whome then she making her complaynt, so moued his mind, that he with his axe or hatchet which he had in his hand, flew vpō the adulterous ruler & slue him.

Another example of like violence is reported of the ru∣ler of Suicia,* 7.143 and Siluania, who surprised with like pride and disdaine against the poore vnderlings, caused his cap to be hanged vp vpon a pole, charging and commanding by his seruant, all that passed by, to do obeysance to the cap. Which,* 7.144 when one, named William Tell, refused to do, the tiraunt caused his sonne to be tied, with an apple set vpon his head, and the father with a crossebow, or a like instrument, to shoote at the apple. After long refusing, whē the wofull father could not otherwise choose, by force con∣streined, but must leauill at the apple, as God would, he mist the child, and stroke the marke. This Tell, being thus compelled by the tirant to shoote at his sonne, had brought with him two shaftes, thinking that if he had stroke the child with the one, the other he would haue let driue at the tyraunt. Which being vnderstand, he was apprehended, and led to the rulers house: but by the way escaping out of the boate, betweene Urania and Brun, and passing tho∣rough the mountaines with as much speede as he might,* 7.145 he lay in the way secretly as the ruler should passe, where he discharged his arow at the tyraunt, and slue him.

And thus were these cruell gouernours vtterly expel∣led out of these three valleyes or pages aforesayd, and after that, such order was taken by the Emperour Henricus 7. and also by the Emperours Ludouicus duke of Bauaria, that henceforth no iudge should be set ouer them, but only of their owne companie,* 7.146 and towne dwellers. Ex Seb. Munst. Cosmog. lib. 3.

It folowed after this, in the yeare of our Lord 1315. that great contention and war fell betweene Fridericke Duke of Austria, and Ludouicke Duke of Bauaria, striuing and fighting the space of eight yeares together about the Em∣pire. With Ludouicus held the three pages aforesayd: who had diuers conflicts with Lupoldus, brother to the fore∣named Fridericke Duke of Austria, fighting in his bro∣thers quarell. As Lupoldus had reared a mighty army of twenty thousand footemen and horsemen, and was come to Egree, so to passe ouer the mountaines to subdue the pages: he began to take aduise of his counsaile, by what way or passage best he might direct his iourney toward the Suitzers. Whereupon, as they were busy in consulting, there stoode a foole by (named Kune de Stocken) which hea∣ring their aduise,* 7.147 thought also to shoote his bolt withall, and told them that their counsaile did not like him. For all you (quoth he) consult how we should enter into yonder countrey: but none of you geueth any counsaile how to come out againe, after we be entred. And in conclusion, as the foole said, so they found it true. For when Lupoldus, with his hoste had entred into the straites and valleys be∣tweene the rockes and mountaines, the Suitzers wyth their neighbours of Urania, and Siluania, lieng in priuie waite, had thē at such aduantage, & with tumbling downe stones from the rockes, and sodeine comming vpon theyr backes in blinde lanes, did so encomber them, that neither they had conuenient standing to fight, nor roome almost to flie away. By reason whereof, a great part of Lupoldus army there being enclosed about y^e place called Morgartē, lost their liues, & many in the flight were slaine. Lupoldus with thē that remained, retired and escaped to Thurgoia. This battaile was fought, anno. 1315. Nouember 16.

After this, the burgers of these three villages, being con∣tinually vexed by Fridericke Duke of Austria,* 7.148 for that they would not knowledge him for Emperour, assembled them selues in the towne of Urania, an. 1316. and there entred a mutuall league and bond of perpetuall societie and con∣iunction, ioining and swearing themselues, as in one bo∣die of a common wealth, and publike administration, to∣gether. After that came to them Lucernates, then Tugia∣ni, after them the Tigurines, next to them folowed Ber∣nates, the last almost of all, were the Basilians, then follo∣wed after, the other seauen pages aboue recited.

And thus haue ye the names, the freedome, and confede∣ratiō of these Suitz••rs, or Cantons or pages of Heluetia, with the occasions & circumstāces therof briefly expressed. Now to the purpose of our story intended, which is to de∣clare the successe of Christes Gospel and true Religion re∣ceaued amōg these Heluetians: also touching the life & do∣ctrine of Zuinglius, & order of his death, as heere insueth.

¶The actes and life of Zuinglius, and of re∣ceauing the Gospell in Zuitzerland.

IN the tractation of Luthers story, mention was made before of Uldricus Zuinglius,* 7.149 who first abiding at Gla∣rona, in a place called then our Lords Ermitage, from thence remoued to Zuricke, about the yeare of our Lorde 1519. and there began to teach, dwelling in the Minster a∣mong the Canons or Priestes of that close, vsing with them, the same rites and ceremonies during the space of ij. or iij. yeares, where he continued reading and explaining the Scriptures vnto the people with great trauaile,* 7.150 and no lesse dexteritie. And because Pope Leo, the same yeare, had renued his pardons againe through all countreys (as is aboue declared) Zuinglius zelously withstood the same, detecting the abuses thereof by the Scriptures, and of o∣ther corruptions reigning then in the Church, and so con∣tinued by the space of two yeares and more, till at length Hugo Bishop of Constance (to whose iurisdiction Zu∣ricke then also did belong) hearing thereof,* 7.151 wrote his let∣ters to the Senate of the said Citie of Zuricke,* 7.152 complay∣ning greeuously of Zuinglius, who also wrote another letter to the colledge of Canons, where Zuinglius was the same time dwelling, complaining likewise of such new teachers, which troubled the Churche, and exhorted them earnestly, to beware and to take diligent heede to them∣selues. And forsomuch as both the Pope and the Empe∣rours Maiestie had condemned all such new doctrine by their decrees and Edicts, he willed them therefore to ad∣mit no such new innouations of doctrine, without the cō∣mon consent of them, to whome the same did appertayne. Zuinglius hearing therof, referreth his cause to the iudge∣mēt and hearing of the Senate, not refusing to render vn∣to them accompt of his faith. And forsomuch as the By∣shops letter was read openly in the colledge, Zuinglius directeth another letter to the Bishop againe, declaring that the sayd letter proceeded not frō the Bishop, nor that he was ignoraunt who were the authors thereof, desiring him not to follow their sinister counsailes, for that truth (said he) is a thing inuincible, and can not be resisted. After the same tenour, certaine other of the Citie likewise wrote vnto the Bishop, desiring him that he would attempt no∣thing, that should be preiudiciall to the libertie and free course of the Gospell: requiring moreouer, that he would forbeare no longer the filthie and infamous life of priests, but that he woulde permit them to haue theyr lawfull wiues, &c. This was in the yeare of our Lord 1522.

Besides this,* 7.153 Zuinglius wrote also another letter to the whose nation of the Heluetians, monishing them, in no case to hinder the passage of sincere doctrine, nor to inferre any molestation to Priests that were maried. For as for the vowe and coaction of their single life, it came (sayd he) of the diuell, and a diuelish thing it is. And therefore,* 7.154 whereas the said Heluetians had such a rite and custome in their townes and pages, that when they receiued anie new Priest into their Churches,* 7.155 they vsed to premonish him before to take his concubine, least he should attempt any misuse with their wiues and daughters: he exhorted them that they would no lesse graunt vnto them to take their wiues in honest matrimonie, then to take concu∣bines and harlots, against the precept of God.

Thus as Zuinglius continued certaine yeares,* 7.156 labou∣ring in the word of the Lord, offence began to rise at thys new doctrine, and diuers stept vp, namely the Dominicke Friers on the contrary side, to preach & inuey against him. But he keping himselfe euer within the Scriptures, pro∣tested that he would make good by the word of God, that which he had taught. Upon this the Magistrates and Se∣nate of Zuricke, sent forth their cōmandemēt to all priests and ministers within their dominion, to repaire to the ci∣tie of Zuricke,* 7.157 against the xxix. day of Ianuary next ensu∣ing (this was anno. 1523.) there euery one to speake freely, and to be heard quietly, touching these controuersies of re∣ligion, what could be said, directing also their letters to the Bishop of Cōstance, that he would either make his repaire thether himselfe, or else to send his deputie. When the day appointed came, and the Bishops vicegerent, which was Ioannes Faber, was also present:* 7.158 the Consull first decla∣ring the cause of this their frequencie and assemble (which was for the dissention newly risen about matters of Reli∣gion) required, that if any there had to obiect, or inferre a∣gainst the doctrine of Zuinglius, he should freely and qui∣etly vtter and declare his minde.

Zuinglius had disposed his matter before,* 7.159 and cōtriued al his doctrine in a certaine order of places, to y^e number of lxvij. Articles: which articles he had published also abroad before, to the ende that they which were disposed, might

resort thether better prepared to the disputation. Whē the Consull had finished that which he would say, and had ex∣horted other to begin: then Faber first entring the matter, begā to declare the cause of his sending thether, and after∣ward wold perswade, that this was no place conuenient, nor time fit for discussing of such matter by disputation,* 7.160 but rather that the cognition and tractation thereof belonged to a generall Councell, which he saide, was already ap∣pointed, and now neere at hand. Notwithstāding, Zuing∣lius still continued vrging and requiring him, that if he had there any thing to say, or to dispute, he would openly and freely vtter his minde. To this he aunswered againe, that he would cōfute his doctrine by writing. This done, with a few other words on both sides had to and fro, whē no man would appeare,* 7.161 there to offer any disputation, the assemble brake and was discharged. Whereupon the Se∣nate of Zuricke incōtinēt caused to be proclaimed through all their dominion and territorie, that the traditions of men should be displaced and abandoned, and the Gospell of Christ purely taught out of the old and new Testament an. 1523. Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 3.

When the Gospell thus began to take place, and to flo∣rish in Zuricke and certaine other places of Heluetia, the yeare next following, ann. 1524. another assemble of the Heluetians was conuented at Lucerna, where this decree was made on the contrary part: That no man should deride or contemne the word of God, which had bene taught now a∣boue a thousand & four hūdreth yeares heretofore: nor the Masse to be scorned, wherein the body of Christ is consecrated, to the honour of God, and to the cōfort both of the quicke, & the dead.

That they which are able to receiue the Lords body at Easter, shall confesse their sinnes in Lent to the Priest, and do all other things, as the vse and maner of the Church requireth.

That the rites and customes of holy Church be kept.

That euery one obey his owne proper pastor and curate, and to receaue the Sacramēts of him, after the maner of holy Church, and to pay him his yearely duties.

That honour be geuen to Priests.

* 7.162Item, to absteine from flesheating on fasting dayes, and in Lent to absteine from egges and cheese.

That no opinion of Luther be taught priuely or apertly, con∣trary to the receaued determination of holy Church, and that in tauernes and at table, no mention be made of Luther, or any new doctrine.

That Images and pictures of Sainctes in euery place be kepte inuiolate.

That Priests and Ministers of the Church be not compelled to render accompt of their doctrine, but only to the Magistrate.

That due ayde and supportation be prouided for them, if anie commotion do happen.

That no person deride the reliques of the holy spirit, or of our Lady, or of Saint Anthony.

Finally, that all the lawes and decrees set foorth by the Byshop of Constance, be obserued.

These constitutions whosoeuer shall transgresse, let them be presented to the Magistrate, and ouerseers be set ouer them that shall so transgresse.

After these things concluded thus at Lucerna, the Can∣tons of Heluetia together direct their publicke letter to the Tygurines or men of Zuricke,* 7.163 wherein they do much la∣ment and complaine of this new broched doctrine whych hath set all men together by the eares, through the occasi∣on of certaine rash and newfangled heads, which haue greatly disturbed both the state of the Church, and of the common wealth, and haue scattered the seedes of discorde: whereas before time, all things were well in quiet. And although this sore (sayd they) ought to haue bene looked to by time, so that they should not haue suffered the glory of Almighty God, and of the blessed Uirgine and other Saints so be dishonored, but rather should haue bestowed their goodes and liues to mainteine the same: yet notwith∣standing they required them now to looke vpon the mat∣ter: which otherwise would bring to them destruction both of body and soule: as for example, they might see the doc∣trine of Luther, what fruit it brought. The rude and vul∣gare people now (sayde they) coulde not be holden in, but woulde burst foorth to all licence and rebellion, as hath appeared by sufficient proofes alate: and like is to be fea∣red also among themselues, and all by the occasion of Zuinglius, and of Leo Iuda, which so take vpon them to expound the word of God,* 7.164 after their owne interpretati∣on, opening thereby whole dores and windowes to dis∣cord and dissention. Albeit of their doctrine they were not certaine what they did teach: yet what inconuenience folo∣wed vpon their doctrine, they had to much experiēced. For now all fasting was layd downe, and all daies were alike to eate both flesh & egges, as well one as an other: Priests & religious persons both mē & women brake their vowes ranne out of their order, and fell to marying: Gods seruice was decayed, singing in the church left, and prayer ceased: Priests grewe in contēpt: Religious men were thrust out of their cloisters: Confession, and penance was neglected: so that men woulde not sticke to presume to receaue at the holy aultar, without any confession made to the Priest be∣fore. The holy masse was dirided and scorned: Our bles∣sed Lady, and other saintes blasphemed: Images pluckte downe & broken in peeces, neither was there any honour geuen to the Sacraments. To make short, men now were growen vnto such a licence and liberty that vnneth the ho∣ly host could be safe within the Priests hands. &c.

The disorder of all which thinges, as it is of no small importaunce, so it was (sayd they) to them so greuous and lamētable, that they thought it their part to suffer the same no lōger. Neither was this the first time (they said) of thys their complaining, when in their former assemble they sent vnto them before, the like admonition wryting to them by certaine of the Clergye, and crauing their aide in the same. Which seing it is so, they did now againe earnestly cal vpō them touching the premisses, desiring them to surcease frō such doings, and to take a better way, cōtinuing in the re∣ligion of their old aunceters, which were before them. And if there were any such thing, wherein they were greeued & offended against the Bishop of Rome, the Cardinals, Bi∣shops, or other Prelates, either for their ambition, in hea∣ping, exchanging, and selling the dignities of the Church, or for their oppressiō in pilling mens purses with their in∣dulgences, or els for their vsurped iurisdiction, and power which they extend too farre, & corruptly apply it to matters externe & politicall, which onely ought to serue in such ca∣ses as be spirituall: if these and such other abuses were the causes, wherewith they were so greeuously offended, they promised that for the correction & reformation therof, they would also themselues ioyne their diligence and good will thereto, for somuch as themselues also did not a litle mis∣like therewith, & therfore would conferre their counsailes together with them, how & by which way, such greuaun∣ces might best be remoued.

To this effect were the letters of the Heluetiās writ∣ten to the Senate & Citizens of Zuricke. Whereunto the Tigurines made their aunswere agayne, the xxi. day of March, the same yeare, in maner as here foloweth.

¶An answere agayne of the Tygurines to the Letter aforesayd.

FIrst, * 7.165 declaring how their Ministers had laboured and trauailed amongest them, teachyng and preachyng the word of God vnto thē the space now of v. yeares. Whose doctrine at the first, seemed to them very straunge and no∣uelle, because they neuer heard the same before. But after that they vnderstoode and perceiued, the * 7.166 scope of that do∣ctrine onely to tende to this, to set forth Christ Iesus vnto vs to be the pillar and refuge of all our saluation, whiche gaue his life and bloud for our redemption and which one∣ly deliuered vs also sinnefull misers from eternall death, and is the onely Aduocate of mankynde before God: they could no otherwise do, but with ardent affection receaue so wholesome and ioyfull message.

The holy Apostles, and faythfull Christiās, after they had receaued the Gospell of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate and variunce, but louyngly agreed and con∣sented together: and so they trusted (sayd they) that they should doe, if they would likewise receaue the worde of God, settyng aside mens doctrines and traditions disso∣nant from the same.

Whatsoeuer Luther, or any other mā doth teach, whe∣ther it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the per∣sons, why the doctrine whiche they teach should be either euill or well iudged vpon, but onely for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the rule of Gods word: for that were but to goe by affection, and were preiudiciall to the authoritie of the word of God: which ought to rule man, and not to be measured by man.

And if Christ onely be worshipped, and mē taught, so∣ly to repose their confidence in him, yet neither doth the blessed Uirgine, nor any Saint elles receaue any iniurie thereby, who beyng here in earth receiued their saluation onely by the name of hym.

And where as they charge their Ministers with wra∣styng the Scripture after their owne interpretation, God had styrred vp such light now in the hartes of mē, that the most part of their Citie, haue the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same: so that their Preachers cā not

so winde the Scriptures awry, but they shall quickly be perceaued.* 7.167 Wherefore there is no danger, why they should feare any sectes, or factions in them: but rather such sectes are to be obiected to those, who for their gaine and digni∣tie, wrast the word of God after their owne affections and appetites.

And where as they and other haue accused them of er∣rour,* 7.168 yet was there neuer man, that could proue any er∣rour in them: Although diuers Byshops of Constance, of Basill, of Curiake, with diuers Uniuersities besides: also they themselues, haue bene sundry times desired so to do, yet to this present day, neither they, nor euer any other so did, neither were they, nor any of all the foresayd Bishops, at their last assemble, being requested to come, so gentle to repaire vnto them, saue only the Schashusians, and San∣gallians. In the which foresayd assemble of theirs, all such as were then present, considering throughly the whole case of the matter, condescended together with them.

And if the Byshops happely will obiect againe and say: that the worde of God ought not so to be handled of the vulgare people: they aunswered the same not to stand with equitie and reason. For albeit it did belong to the Bishops office, to prouide that the sheepe should not go astray, and most conuenient it were, that by them they should be re∣duced into the way againe:* 7.169 yet because they will not see to theyr charge, but leaue it vndone, referring all things to the fathers, and to Councels, therefore right and reason it is, that they themselues should heare and learne, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himselfe doth com∣maund in his Scripture. Neither haue their Ministers geuen any occasion of this diuision, but rather it is to be imputed to such, which for their owne priuate lucre and preferments, contrary to the word of the Lord, do seduce the people into errour, and greeuously offending God, do prouoke him to plague them with manifolde calamities. Who, if they would renounce the greedines of their owne gaine, and would folow the pure doctrine of his word, see∣king not the will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should soone fall to agreement.

* 7.170 As for the eating of flesh and egges, although it bee free to all men, and forbidden to none by Christe: yet they haue set forth a lawe, to restreine rash intemperance, and vncharitable offension of other.

And as touching matrimonie, God is himselfe the au∣thor thereof, who hath left it free for all men. Also Paule willeth a Minister of the Church to be the husband of one wife.

And seeing that Byshops for money permitte theyr Priestes to haue concubines, which is contrary both to Gods law, and to good example: why then might not they as well obey God in permitting lawfull matrimony, which he hath ordeined, as they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said also of women vowing chastitie: of whome this they iudge and suppose, that such kind of vowes and coacted chastitie, are not auaylable nor alowed before God: and seeing that chastitie is not all mens gift, better it were to marrie (after their iudgemēts) then filthely to liue in single life.

As for Monasteries, and other houses of Canons, they were first geuen for reliefe onely of the poore and needie,* 7.171 where as now they which inhabite them, are wealthy and able to liue of their owne patrimonie, in such sort, as ma∣nie times some one of them hath so much, as well might suffice a great number: Wherefore it seemeth to them, not vnconuenient that those goodes should be conuerted a∣gayne to the vse of the poore: Yet neuerthelesse they haue vsed heerein such moderation,* 7.172 that they haue permitted the inhabitants of those monasteries to enioy the possessions of their goodes, during the tearme of their naturall life, least any should haue cause of iust complaint.

Ornamentes of Churches serue nothing to Gods ser∣uice: but this is well agreeing to the will and seruice of God,* 7.173 that the poore should be succoured. So Christ com∣maunded the yong man in the Gospell, that was rich, not to hang vp his riches in the temple, but to sell them, and distribute them to the needy.

The order of priesthode they do not contemne. Suche priests as will truly discharge their dutie,* 7.174 & teach soundly, they do magnifie. As for the other rable, which serue to no publike cōmoditie, but rather damnifie the cōmon wealth, if the number of them were diminished by little and little, & their liuings put to better vse, they doubted not, but it wer a seruice well done to God. Now whether the singing and praiers of such Priests be auaylable before God, it may be doubted, for as much as many of thē vnderstād not what they say or sing, but onely for hyre of wages do the same.

As for secrete confession, wherein men doo detect theyr sinnes in the Priests eare,* 7.175 of what vertue this confession is to be esteemed, they leaue it in suspense. But that confes∣sion, whereby repenting sinners do flie to Christ our only intercessour, they recount not only to be profitable, but al∣so necessary to all troubled consciences. As for satisfaction, which Priests do vse, they recken it but a practise to get money, and the same to be not onely erroneous, but also full of impietie. True penance and satisfaction is for a man to amend his life.

The orders of Monkery come only by the inuention of man, and not by the institution of God.* 7.176

And as touching the Sacramentes, such as be of the Lords institution,* 7.177 thē they do not despise but receaue with all reuerence, neither do suffer the same to be despised of a∣ny person, nor to be abused otherwise then becommeth: but to be vsed rightly according to the prescript rule of Gods word. And so with the like reuerence, they vse the Sacrament of the Lords supper, according as the word prescribeth, not as many do abuse it, to make of it an obla∣tion and a sacrifice.

And if the messengers sent to them of the Clergy in their letters mentioned,* 7.178 can iustly charge them with any hin∣derance, or any errour, they will be readie either to purge themselues, or to satisfie the offence. And if they can not, then reason would, that those messengers of the Cleargie should heereafter looke better to their owne doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such vntrue sclaunders and contumelies.

Finally, where as they vnderstand by their letters how desirous they are to haue the Popes oppressions,* 7.179 and ex∣actions, and vsurped power abolished, they are right glad thereof and ioyfull, supposing that the same can by no meanes be brought to passe, except the word of God only and simply be receaued. For otherwise, so long as mens lawes and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor hope of reformation. For by the preaching of Gods word their estimation and dignitie must needes de∣cay: and that they well perceaue,* 7.180 and therefore by all meanes do prouide, how to stop the course of the word: and because they see themselues too weake to bring theyr purpose about, they flie to the ayde of Kings and Princes. For the necessary remedie whereof, if they shall thinke good to ioyne their consent, there shall nothing be lacking in their behalfe, what they are able eyther in counsayle or goodes, to do in the matter, declaring moreouer that this should haue bene seene too long before. Which being so, they praied and desired them to accept in good parte, and diligently to expend this that they did write. As for theyr owne parte, they required nothing else more then peace both betweene them, and all men. Neither was it euer their intent to stirre any thing that should be preiudiciall against their league and bande agreed vpon betweene them. But in this cause, which concerneth their eternall saluation, they can do no otherwise, but as they haue done, vnlesse their errour by learning might be proued and de∣clared vnto them.

Wherefore as they did before, so now they desire againe, that if they thinke this their doctrine to be repugnant to the holy Scripture,* 7.181 they will gently shew and teach them their errour, and that before the end of the moneth of May next ensuing: for so long they will abide wayting for an aunswere, as wel from them, as from the Bishop of Con∣stance, and also from the Uniuersitie of Basill. And thus much conteineth the aunswere of the Tigurines, vnto the letter of their other colleagues of Heluetia.

In the meane time, as this passed on, and the moneth of May aboue mentioned was now come,* 7.182 the Byshop of Constance, with the aduise of his Councell about him, did aunswere the Tigurines as he was requested of them to do, in a certaine booke, first written, and afterward prin∣ted: wherin he declareth what Images and pictures those were, which the prophane Iewes and Gentiles in the old time did adore, and what Images be these which the Churche hath from time to time receaued and admitted, and what difference there is betweene those Idols of the Iewes & Gentiles, and these Images of the Christians.* 7.183 The conclusion hereof was this, that where as the Scrip∣ture speaketh against Images, and willeth them not to be suffered, that is to be vnderstand of such Images and I∣dols, as the Iewes and Idolatrous Gentiles did vse: yet neuerthelesse such Images & pictures, which the Church hath receaued, are to be vsed and reteined.

From this, he entreth next into the discourse of the Masse, where he proueth by diuers and sondry testimo∣nies, both of the Popes Canons and Councels, the Masse to be a sacrifice and oblation.

This booke being thus compiled and wrytten, hee sent it vnto the senate of Zuricke, about the beginning of Iune, willing and exhorting them by no manner of meanes,* 7.184 to suffer their images, or the masse to be abrogated, and short¦ly after, he published the said booke in Print, & sent it to the Priests and Canons of the Minster of Zuricke, requiring them to folow the custome of the Church receaued, and not to suffer themselues otherwise to be persuaded by any mā.

The Senate againe answering to the Bishops booke, about the middle of August did write vnto him: first decla∣ring that they had read ouer & ouer againe his booke, with all diligence: The which booke for somuch as the Byshop had diuulged abroad in printe, they were therof right glad because the whole world thereby might iudge betwene thē the better. After thys they explaned vnto hym the iudge∣ment and doctrine of their ministers and preachers: and fi∣nally by the authoritie & testimonies of the Scripture con∣uinced his opinion, and prooued the doctrine of his booke to be false. But before they sent their answer to him, about the 13. day of Iune, they commanded al the images as wel within the Citie, as throughe their dominion, to be taken downe and burned quietly and without any tumult.* 7.185 A few monethes after, an order was taken in the sayde Citie of Zuricke, betweene the Canons of the churche, and citie, for disposing the landes and possessions of the Colledge.

It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by order of circumstance,* 7.186 that happened amōg the Heluetians vpō this new alteration of religion: but brief∣ly to contract, and to runne ouer the chief specialties of the matter, heere is first to be noted, that of the Heluetians, which were confederate together in 13. Pages, chiefly sixe there were, which most disdained and maligned thys reli∣gion of the Tigurines: to witte, Lucernates, Urani, Sui∣tenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Friburgenses: These in no case could be recōciled.* 7.187 The rest shewed thēselues more fa∣uourable. But the other, which were their ennemies, con∣ceiued great grudge, & raised many sclaunderous reportes and false rumours against them, and laide diuers thinges to their charge, as first for refusing to ioyn theyr consent to the publique league of the other Pages, with Frances the french king: then for dissenting from them in religion: and thirdly for refusing to stand to the Popish decree made the yeare before at Ratisborne, by Ferdinandus and other bi∣shops aboue mentioned, pag. 838. They layd moreouer to their accusation, for aiding the Uualsutenses theyr neygh∣bors, against Ferdinandus their Prince, which was false. Also for ioyning league secretly, with other Cities, wyth∣out their knowledge, which was likewise false. Item, that they should intende some secrete conspiracie against them, and inuade them with warre, which was as vntrue as the rest.* 7.188 Many other quarels besides, they pretended againste the Tigurines, which were all false and cauilling sclaun∣ders: as that they should teach and preache that Mary the mother of Christ had mo sonnes, & that Iames the youn∣ger, the Apostle, did die for vs, and not Christe hymselfe. Against these and such other vntruthes, being meere mat∣ters of cauillation and sclaunder,* 7.189 the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquite themselues by wryting, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not onely for these false and wrongfull suspitions of theyr partes vndeserued, but also for other manifolde iniuries receiued and borne at theyr handes: among which other wrongs and iniuries, thys was one, that the Burghmaster of Turegia had ap∣prehended a certaine preacher,* 7.190 named Ioannes Oxlinus, and led him home as prisoner vnto his house, beyng taken wythin the precinct and limites of the Citie of Zuricke, cō∣trary to lawe and order.

Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter declared their diligence and fidelitie at all times, in keeping their league, and maintaining the libertie and di∣gnitie of their country, as touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their offence, they offered them∣selues willing to heare, and more glad to amende, if anye could prooue any errour in them by the Scripture. Other∣wise, if none so could or would proue, wherin they did erre by the worde of God: they coulde not (they sayd) alter any thing in the state of that Religion wherein their conscien∣ces were already staide by the woorde of God, and setled what soeuer pearill or daunger should happen to them for the same,

Although here was no cause, why these Pages or Can∣tons, which were so confederate together in the league of peace,* 7.191 should disagree among themselues: yet heerein may we see the course and trade of the worlde, that when diffe∣rence of religiō beginneth a litle to breake the knot of ami∣tie, by and by how friends be turned to foes, what suspiti∣ons do rise, what quarels and grudge do folow, howe no∣thing there liketh men, but euery thing is taken to y^e worst part, smal ••otes are made mountaines, vertues made vi∣ces, and one vice made a thousand, and all for lacke only of a litle good wil betwixt party & party. For as loue & chari∣ty commonly among men either couereth or seeth not the faultes of their frendes: so hatred and disdaine taking all things to blame, can finde nothyng in their foes that they can like. And thus did it happen betweene these good men of Zuricke, and these other Suitzers aboue named.

These letters of the Tigurines to the other Cantons, were written vpon the occasion of theyr apprehending the preacher Ioan. Oxlinus aboue named the 4. day of Ianuary Anno 1525. and in the moneth of Aprill next following,* 7.192 the maiestrates and Senate of the sayd Citie of Zuricke com∣manded the Masse, with all his ceremonies and appurte∣naunce therto belonging, to be put downe, as wel wythin the City, as without throughout all their iurisdiction: and in steade thereof was placed the Lordes Supper, the rea∣ding of the Prophets, prayer, and preaching.* 7.193 Also a lawe was made against whoredome, and adulterie, and iudges ordained to heare the causes of matrimony. Anno. 1525. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 4.

All this while the Gospel was not as yet receiued in a∣ny other Page of Heluetia, but only in Zuricke.* 7.194 Wherfore y^e other 12. pages or townes appoynted among themselues concerning a meting or a disputation to be had at Baden: Where were present amōg other diuines, Ioannes Faber Eckius, & Murnerus aboue mentioned. The bishops also of Lucerna, Basill, Curiake, & Lausanna sent thither theyr legates. The conclusions there propounded were these.

That the true body and bloud of Christ,* 7.195 is in the Sacra∣ment.

That the masse is a sacrifice for the quicke and deade.

That the blessed virgine and other saintes are to be in∣uocated, as mediatours and intercessours.

That Images ought not to be abolished.

That there is a purgatorie.

Which conclusions or assertions, Eckius tooke vppon him stoutly to defend.* 7.196 Against him reasoned Oecolampa∣dius (who was then chiefe preacher at Basill) wyth cer∣taine other moe. Zuinglius at that time was not there present, but by wrytinge confuted the doctrine of Eckius,* 7.197 declaring withall, the causes of hys absence: whych were, for that he durst not for feare of his lyfe, committe himselfe to the handes of the Lucernates, Urani, Suitij, Unter∣ualdij, and Tugiani, his enemies, and that hee refused not to dispute, but the place onely of the disputation,* 7.198 excusing moreouer y^t he was not permitted of the Senate to come, neuertheles: if they would assigne the place of disputation, either at Zuricke, or at Berna, or at Sangallum, thether he woulde not refuse to come. Briefly the conclusion of the disputation was this: that all should remaine in that Reli∣gion, which hetherto they had kept, and should follow the authoritie of the Councell, neither should admit any other newe doctrine within theyr dominions. &c, Thys was in the moneth of Iune, the sayd yeare aboue mentioned.

As the time proceded, and dissention about religion en∣creased, it folowed the next yere after,* 7.199 An. 1527. in the mōth of December, that the Senate & people of Berne, (whose power amongst al the Suitzers chieflye excelleth) conside∣ring how neither they could haue the Actes of the disputa∣tion of Baden communicated vnto them, and that the va∣riance about religion still more & more encreased:* 7.200 assigned an other disputation within their owne Citie, and sending forth wrytings therof, called vnto the same, al the bishops bordering nere about them, as the Bishops of Constance, Basill, Sedune, Lausanna warning them bothe to come themselues, and to bring their diuines wyth them, or else to lose all such possessions, which they had lying within the boundes of theyr precinct. After this, they appoynted oute certeine Ecclesiasticall persons of their iurisdiction, to dis∣pute, prescribing and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the authority of the old and new Te∣stamēt.* 7.201 To all that would come thether they graūted safe∣conduict. Also they appoynted that all things there should be done modestly, without iniurie and brauling woordes, and that euery one shoulde haue leaue to speake his minde freely, and with such deliberation, that euery mans saying might be receiued by the notarye & penned, with this pro∣uiso made before, that what soeuer there shoulde be agreed vpon, the same should be ratified, and obserued through al their dominions: and to the intent mē might come thether better prepared before, they propounded in publike wry∣ting 10. conclusions, in the sayde disputation to be defended of their ministers, by the scriptures, which ministers, wer Franciscus Colbus, and Bertholdus Hallerus. The theames or conclusions were these.

1. That the true Church, whereof Christ is the head, ri∣seth out of gods word,* 7.202 and persisteth in the same, and hea∣reth the voice of no other.

2. That the same Church maketh no lawes without the worde of God.

3. That traditions ordeined in the name of the Church, doe not binde, but so farre foorth as they be consonante to Gods worde.

4. That Christ only hath made satisfactiō for the sinnes of the world: and therefore if any man say that there is any other way of saluation, or meane to putte away sinne, the same denieth Christ.

5. That the body & bloude of Christe can not be receaued really and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.

6. That the vse of the masse, wherein Christ is presented and offered vp to hys heauenly Father for the quicke and the dead, is against the Scripture, and cōtumelious to the sacrifice which Christ made for vs.

7. That Christ onely is to be inuocated, as the mediator and aduocate of mankinde, to God the father.

8. That there is no place to be found by the holy Scrip∣ture, wherin soules are purged after thys life: and therfore all those praiers & ceremonies, Yerely Diriges & Obites, which are bestowed vpon the dead: also Lampes, Tapers and such other things, profite nothing at all.

9. That to sette vp any picture or Image to be worship∣ped, is repugnant to the holy scripture, and therfore if any such be erected in Churches for that entent, the same ought to be taken downe.

10. That Matrimonies prohibited to no state or order of men, but for eschewing of fornication, generally is cōman∣ded and permitted to all men by the word of God. And for as much as all fornicatours are excluded by the testimonie of Scripture, from the Communion of the Church, there∣fore this vnchaste and filthye single life of Priests, is most of all vnconuenient for the order of priesthode.

When the Senate and people of Bern, had sent abrode their letters with these theames and conclusions, to al the Heluetians, exhorting thē both to send their learned men, and to suffer al other to passe safely through their coūtries: the Lucernates, Uranites, Suitzians, Unternaldians, Tugians,* 7.203 Glareans, Soloturnians, and they of Friburg aunswered againe by contrary letters, exhorting and re∣quiring them in any case to desist from their purposed en∣terprise: putting them in remembrance of theyr league and composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden a∣boue mencioned, of the which disputation they were them selues (they sayd) the first beginners and authors: saying moreouer, y^t it was not lawfull for any nation or prouince to alter the state of religion, but the same to belong to a ge∣neral Councel: wherfore they desired them, that they wold not attempt any such wicked acte, but continue in the Re∣ligion, which theyr parents and elders had obserued: and in fine,* 7.204 thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they wold neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet graunt safeconducte to any others to passe through their countrey. To this and such like effect tended the letters of these Suitzers aboue named.

All which notwithstanding, the Lordes of Berne pro∣ceding in their intended purpose, vppon the day prescribed (which was the 7. of Ianuarie) began their disputation. Of all the bishops before signified (which were assigned to come) there was not one present. Neuertheles the Citie of Basil, Zurike, and Schafuse, and Abbecelle, Sangallium, Mullusia, w^t the neighbors of Rhetia, also they of Straus∣burgh, Ulmes, Ausburge, Lindaue, Constance, and Isne, sent thether theyr Ambassadors.

The Doctours, aboue mētioned, of the City of Berne, began the disputation.* 7.205 Where at the same time, were pre∣sent Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, Bucerus, Capito, Blaurerus, with other moe, all which defended the affir∣matiue of the conclusions propoūded.* 7.206 On the contrary side of them whych were the opponentes, the Chieftayne was Conradus Tregerus a frier Augustin, who to prooue hys assertion, when he was driuen to shift out of the scripture, to seeke helpe of other Doctors, and the moderatours of the disputation would not permit the same (being contra∣ry to the order before appoynted) hee departed out of the place, and would dispute no more.

The disputation endured 19. daies, in the ende whereof it was agreed,* 7.207 by the assent of the most parte, that the con∣clusions there disputed, were consonant to y^e truth of gods word, & should be ratified not onely in the Citie of Berne, but also proclaimed by the Magistrates in sundrie other Cities nere adioyning:* 7.208 furthermore that masses, aultares, and Images in all places should be abolished.

At the Citie of Constance certaine things began to be altered a little before. Where also, among other things,* 7.209 la∣wes were made against fornication and adultery, and all suspect or vnhonest company, wherat the canons, (as they are called) of the Church, taking great griefe and displea∣sure, departed the Citie. In the sayde Citie was then tea∣cher Ambrosius Blaurerus, a learned man, and borne of a noble stocke, who had bene a Monke a litle before, profes∣sed in the monastery of Alperspacke, in the Duchie of Wit∣tenberge, belonging to the dominion of Ferdinandus. Which Blaurerus by reading of Luthers workes, & ha∣uing a good wit, had chaunged a little before, his Religion and also his coat, returning againe home vnto his frends, and when his Abbot would haue had him againe, & wrote earnestly to the Senate of Constance for him: he declared the whole case of the matter in wryting, propounding w^t∣all, certaine conditions, wherupon he was content (as he sayde) to returne. But the conditions were suche that the Abbot was rather willing and contented, that hee shoulde remaine still at Constance, and so he did.

After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath bene sayde) the Images and aultares,* 7.210 wyth ceremo∣nies, and Masses were abolished at Constance.

They of Geneua also for their parts, were not behind, folowing likewise the example of the Citie of Berne in ex∣tirping Images and ceremonies. By reason whereof the Bishop and Clergie there left and departed the Citie in no small anger.

The Bernates after they had redressed wyth them the state of Religion,* 7.211 they renounced the league made before with the French king, refusing and forsaking hys warlye stipend, whereby they were bounde at his call to feede hys warres, following therin the example of the Tygurines, which before had done the like, and were contented onely with theyr yearely pension that the King payeth to euery page of the Heluetians, to keepe peace.

* 7.212The day and yere when thys reformation with them began, from Poperie to true Christianitie, they caused in a pillar to be engrauen wyth golden letters, for a perpetual memorie to all posteritie to come. This was An. 1528.

After that the rumour of this disputation,* 7.213 and altera∣tion of Berne, was noised in other cities & places abroad, firste the Ministers of Strausburgh encouraged by thys occasion, began likewise to affirm and teach that the masse was wicked, and a great blasphemie againste Gods holy name, and therfore was to be abrogated, and in stead ther∣of, the right vse of the Lords supper to be restored agayne. Which vnlesse they could prooue by y^e manifest testimonies of the Scripture to be true, they would refuse no maner of punishment. On the contrary part, the Bishop of Romes clergie, did holde and maintaine that the Masse was good and holy, whereuppon kindled a great contention on both sides: which when the Senate and Magistrates of the city woulde haue brought to a disputation, and coulde not, be∣cause the Priests would not condescend to any reasoning, therfore seeing they so accused the other, & yet would come to no triall of their cause, the sayde Magistrates cōmanded them to silence.* 7.214 The byshop in the meane while ceased not with his letters & messengers, daily to call vpō the senate, desiring the senate to perseuere in the auncient religion of their elders, & to geue no care to those newe teachers, de∣claring what daunger & pearil it would bring vpon them.

The Senate againe desired him,* 7.215 as they had done of∣tentimes before, that such things, which appertained to the true honor and worship of God, might be set forward, and all other things which tended to the cōtrary, might be re∣moued and taken away: for that properly belonged to hys office to see to. But the Bishop still driuing them off with delaies, pretended to call an assemble for the same, appoyn∣ting also day and place for the hearing & discussing of those controuersies: where, in deede, nothing was performed at all:* 7.216 but with his letters he did often sollicitate them to sur∣cease their enterprise, sometimes by waye of entreating, sometimes with manacing words terrifying them: and at last, seeing he could nothing by that way preuaile, he tur∣ned his sute to the assemble of the Empire, which was thē at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foote, and to helpe what they could, with their authoritie.* 7.217

They ready to satisfie the Byshops request, sent a so∣lemne Ambassie to the Senate and Citizens of Straus∣burgh, about Decemb. the yere about said, requiring them not to put downe the Masse: for neither it was (sayd they) in y^e power of the Emperor, nor of any other estate to alter the auncient Religion receiued from their forefathers, but eyther by a generall, or by a prouinciall Councell, whyche Councell if they supposed to be farre of, at leaste that they would take a pause till the next sitting of y^e Empire, whych

should be with speede, where their requests being propoū∣ded and heard, they should haue such reasonable aunswer, as should not miscontent them: for it was (sayde they) a∣gainst all lawe and reason, for a priuate Magistrate to in∣fringe and dissolue those thyngs, which by general consent of the whole world, haue bene agreed vpon: and therefore good reason required, that they shoulde obteine so much at theyr handes: For els if they should obstinately procede in this theyr attempt, so with force and violence to worke, as they began, it might fortune, the Emperour their supreme Magistrate vnder God, and also Ferdinandus, his depu∣tie would not take it well, and so shoulde be compelled to seeke suche remedie therein, as they would be sorie to vse. Wherfore their request was, & aduise also, that they shuld wey the matter diligently with themselues, & folowe good counsaile: who in so doing, should not only glad the Em∣peror, but also worke that which should redound chiefly to theyr owne commendation and safetie.

* 7.218Besides the messengers thus sent from the Councell of Spires, the Byshop also of Hildesseme had bene wyth them a little before, exhorting them in the Emperours name, after like maner. Neither did the bishop of Straus∣burgh also cease wyth his messengers and letters, daily to labour his frendes there, and especially such of the Sena∣tours as he had to him bound by any feaulty, or otherwise by any gifts or friendship, that so much as in them did lye, they should vphold the Masse, and gainstand the contrary proceedings of the other.

The Senate of Strausburgh in the meane time, seing the matter did so long hang in controuersie, the space now of 2. yeares, and the preachers daily and instantly calling vpon them for a reformation, and sute also being made to them or the Citizens, assembled their great & ful councel to the number of 300 (as in great matters of importance they are accustomed to doe) and there with themselues debated the case, declaring on the one side, if they abolished y^e masse what danger they should incurre by the Emperor:* 7.219 On the other side, if they did not, how much they shuld offend god and therefore geuing them respite to consulte, at the nexte meting required them to declare their aduise and sentence, in the matter. When the day came, that euery man shoulde say his mind, so it fell out, that the voices and iudgements of them, which went against the Masse preuailed. Where∣upon immediatly a decree was made the 20. of Februarie. Anno. 1529. that the Masse should be suspended and layde downe, til the time that the aduersary part could prooue by good Scripture,* 7.220 the Masse to be a seruice auailable & ac∣ceptable before God.

This decree being established by the cōsent of y^e whole Citie, the Senate eftsoones commaunded the same to be proclaimed and to take full place and effect as well within the Citie, as also without, so farre as their limites and do∣minion did extend, and afterward by letters certified their Byshop touching the doing thereof. Who hearing these newes, as heauy to his heart as leade, did signifie to them again, how he receiued their letters, & how he vnderstode by them,* 7.221 the effect and summe of their doings: all which he was enforced to digest with suche patience as hee coulde, thoughe they wente sore againste his stomacke, seeing for the present time, he could no otherwise chu••e: heereafter would serue, he sayde he would see therunto, according as his charge and office should require.

* 7.222Thus howe the Masse was ouerthrowne in Zurike, in Berne, in Geneua, & in Strausburgh you haue hearde. Now what folowed in Basil, remaineth likewise to vnder¦stand. In this citye of Basill, was Oecolampadius preacher (as is aboue signified) by whose diligent labor & trauaile,* 7.223 the Gospel began there to take such fruit, that great dissen∣tion there also arose among the citizēs about religion, and especially about the Masse: Wherupon the Senate of Ba∣sill appoynted, that after an open disputation, it shoulde be determined by voices, what were to be done therin. This notwithstanding the Papists still continuing in their for∣mer purpose: began more stoutly to inuey against the other parte, and because they were so suffered by the Magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the cō∣mons, that they had some priuie maintainers amonge the Senators. Whereupon certaine of the Citizens were ap∣poynted, in the name of the whole commons to sue to the Senators, and to put them in remembrance of theyr pro∣mise: Whose suite and request was thys, that those Sena∣tors, which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might be displaced, for that it did as well tende to the con∣tempt of the former decree made, as also to the publicke di∣sturbance of the Citie. But when this coulde not be obtai∣ned of the Senate, the commons, vppon the 8. day of Fe∣bruary, the yeare aboue sayde, assembled themselues in the gray Friers Churthe, and there considering wyth them∣selues vppon the matter,* 7.224 repaired againe with theyr suite vnto the Senate, but not in suche humble wise as before: and therewithall gathered themselues in the publicke pla∣ces of the Citie, to fortifie the same, all be it as yet wythout armor. The same euening the Senate sent them woorde, that at theyr request they graunted, that those Senatours, although remaining still in office, yet shoulde not sitte in counsaile, what time any matter of Religion shoulde come in talke.

By thys aunswere the Commons gathering that the whole state was ruled by a few,* 7.225 tooke thereat grief and di∣spleasure, protesting openly that they would take counsell by them selues heereafter what they had to doe, not onely in cases of Religion, but also in other matters of ciuile go∣uernment, and foorthwith tooke them to armour, keeping the towers and gates and other conuenient places of the Citie with watche and warde, in as forcible wise, as if the enemie had bene at hand.

The next day the Senate requiring respite to delibe∣rate, was contented to commit the matter to them, whome the commons before had sent as suters vnto them. Which offer the Citizens did not refuse, but wyth this condition that those Senatours, whych were guiltie, shoulde in the meane season followe their pleey as priuate persones, vp∣on theyr owne priuate costes and charges: the other which defended the publicke cause for the behoofe of the posterity, should be mainteined by the publicke charges of the Citie. This the Senate was glad to graunt vnto, w^t some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease theyr rage.

It happened the very same day, that certaine of the ci∣tizens,* 7.226 such as were appoynted to goe about the Citie for the vewing of things, came into the highe Churche where one of them thrusting at a certaine image wyth his staffe, eftsoones it fell downe and brake. By the occasion where∣of, other Images also in like sorte were serued after the same deuotion. But when the Priestes came runnynge to them, which seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they because they would not passe their Commission, staid their handes and departed.

It folowed vppon this, that when word heereof was brought to the Citizens which stoode in the market place, and the matter being made worse to them then it was, they incontinent discharged out CCC. armed men, to rescue their felowes in the church, supposing them to be in daun∣ger. Who comming to the Church,* 7.227 and not fineding theyr felowes there, and all things quiet, saue onely a few Ima∣ges broken downe, they likewise least they shuld haue lost all theyr labour, threwe downe all the other Idols and I∣mages whyche they founde there standing, and so passing thorowe all other Churches in the citie, did there also the like: and when certaine of the Senate came foorth to ap∣pease the tumult, the Citizens sayde, that whiche you haue stande aboute these three yeares, consulting and aduising whether it were best to be done, or not, that shall wee dis∣patche in one houre, that from henceforth neuer more con∣tention shall growe betweene vs for Images: and so the Senate permitted them free leaue, wythout any more re∣sistaunce:* 7.228 and 12. Senatours were displaced from theyr or∣der, all be it wythout note of reproche or dishonestie. Also a decree the same time was made, that as well wythin the Citie of Basill, as wythout, through all theyr iurisdiction, the Masse with all Idols shoulde be abandoned:* 7.229 and fur∣ther, that in all suche matters and cases as concerned the glory of God, and the affaires of the publique wealth, be∣sides the number of the other Senators two hundreth and three score of the Burgers or Citizens shoulde be appoyn∣ted out of euery warde in the Citie, to sit with them in coū∣sell. These decrees being established, after they had kepte watch and warde about the Citie 3. daies and 3. nightes, e∣uery one retourned againe to his house, quiet and ioyfull, without any bloud or stroke geuen, or anger wrcked, but onely vpon the Images.

On the thirde day, which was Ash wednesday (as the Popes ceremoniall Church doth call it) all the wooden I∣mages were distributed among the poore of the Citie,* 7.230 to serue them for fire woode. But when they coulde not well agre in diuiding the pray, but ••el to brawling among them selues, it was agreed that the saide images should be brent all together: so that in nine great heapes all the stocks and Idolles there, the same day were brent to ashes before the great Church doore. And thus by Gods ordinance it came to passe, that the same day, wherein the Popes priestes are wont to shew forth all their mourning, & do marke mens foreheades wyth ashes, in remembraunce that they be but ashes, was to the whole citie festiuall & ioyfull, for turning theyr Images to ashes, and to is obserued and celebrate

euery yere stil vnto this present day, with al mirth, playes and pastimes,* 7.231 in remembraunce of the same ashes, whych day may there be called a ryghte Ash wednesday of Gods owne making. The men of Zurike, of Berne, and of So∣lodure hearing what busines was at Basill, sent their am∣bassadors to be a meane betwene them, but before the am∣bassadors came, all was ceased and at quiet.

All this meane space, the Emperor & the French king were together occupied in warres and strife. Whych as it turned to the great dammage and detriment of the French king,* 7.232 who in the sayde warres was taken prisoner by the Emperor, so it hapned commodious and oportune for the successe of the Gospell: for els it is to be thought that these Heluetians and other Germanes shuld not haue had that leisure & rest to reforme religion, and to linke them selues in league together, as they did. But thus almightie God of his secret wisdome disposeth times & occasions, to serue his wil & purpose in al things. All be it Ferdinandus the Emperours brother, & deputie in Germanie, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in resisting the pro∣cedings of the protestants, as appeared, both by the decree set foorth at Ratis••one, and also at Spires. In the whych Councel of Spires, Ferdinandus at the same time, whych was the yeare of our Lorde 1529. had decreed agaynste the protestants, in effect as followeth.

* 7.233First, that the edict of the Emperour made at Wormes, should stand in force through all Germanie, till the time of the general councel, which should shortly folow. Also, that they whiche alredy had altered their religion, & now could not reuoke the same again, for feare of sedition, should stay themselues and attempt no more innouations heereafter, till time of the generall Councell.

Item, that the doctrine of them which hold the Lordes Supper otherwise then the Church doth teach, should not be receiued, nor the masse shuld be altered: and there where as the doctrine of religion was altered, shuld be no impe∣diment to the contrary, but that they which were disposed to come to Masse, might safely therein vse their deuotion: against Anabaptists likewise: and that all ministers of the Church should be enioyned to vse no other interpretation of holy Scripture, but accordyng to the exposition of the Church doctors: other matters that were disputable, not to be touched. Moreouer, that all persons and states shuld keepe peace, so that for Religion neither the one part shuld inferre molestation to the other, nor receiue anye confede∣rates vnder theyr protection and safegarde: All whych de∣crees, they which shoulde transgresse, to be outlawed and exiled.

Unto this sitting at Spires first the Ambassadours of Strausburgh, were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdi∣nandus, because they had reiected the masse: and therefore the sayd citie of Strausburgh denied to pay any contribu∣tion against the Turk, except they wyth other Germanes, might be likewise admitted into their counsels. The other princes which were receiued and not repelled,* 7.234 as the duke of Saxonie, George of Brandeburgh, Ernestus, & Fran∣ciscus Earles of Luneburgh, Lantgraue, Anhaldius, did vtterly gainstand the decre, & shewed their cause in a large protestation written, why they so did: which done, all such cities which subscribed and consented to the sayd protesta∣tion of the princes, eftsones conioyned them selues in a cō∣mon league with them, whereuppon they had their name, called thereof Protestants. The names of the Cities were these.* 7.235 Argentina, or Strausburgh, Noriberge, Vlmes, Constance, Rutelinge, Winssemium, Meminge, Lindauia, Campodunum, Ha∣ilbrunum, Isna, Wisseburgum, Norlinge, Sangallum.

Furthermore, as touching the Heluetians (from whēce we haue somewhat digressed) howe the Citie of Berne and Zurick had consented and ioyned together in reformation of true religion, ye hard before. Wherfore the other Pages in Heluetia,* 7.236 which were of contrary profession, in like ma∣ner confederated them selues in league with Ferdinādus: the number and names of which Pages, especially were 5. to witte, Lucernates, Vraui, Suitenses, Vnterualdij, and Tugiani, whych was in the yeare aboue sayd: to the intent, that they conioyning their power together, might ouerrunne the religion of Christ, and the professours of the same. Who al∣so for hatred & despite, hanged vp the Armes of the fore∣saide cities of Zuricke and of Berne, vppon the gallowes, beside many other iniuries and greeuaunces, whych they wrought against them. For the which cause the said Cities of Berne and Zuricke raised their power, intending to set vpon the foresaid Suitzers, as vpō their capital enemies. But as they were in the field ready to encoūter, one army against y^e other, through the meanes of the citie of Straus∣burgh, and other intercessours, they were parted for that time, and so returned.

As touching the Councell of Auspurge,* 7.237 which followed the next yeare after the assemble of Spires, An. 1530. howe the Princes and Protestantes of Germanie, in the same Councell exhibited their confession, and what labour was sought to confute it, and how constantly Duke Fridericke persisted in defence of his conscience against the threatning woordes, and replications of the Emperour: also in what danger the said princes had ben in, had not the Lantgraue priuily by night slipt out of the citie, parteineth not to thys place presently to discourse.

To returne therefore vnto Zuinglius and the Helue∣tians, of whome we haue heere presently to intreate, you heard before howe the tumulte and commotion betweene the two Cities of Zuricke and Berne, and the other v. Ci∣ties of the Cantons, was pacified by the meanes of inter∣cession, which peace so continued the space of two yeares. After that the olde wound waxing rawe againe, began to burst out, & gather to an head: which was by reason of cer∣taine iniuries, and opprobrious words and contumelies, which the reformed cities had receiued of the other: wher∣fore the Tigurines and the Bernates stopping al passages and streits, would permit no corne nor victual to passe vn∣to them. This was in the yeare of our Lord. 1531,

And when great trouble was like to kindle therby, the Frenche king with certaine other towneships of Suitzer∣land, as the Glarians, Friburgians, Soloturnians,* 7.238 and other comming betweene them, laboured to set them at a∣grement, drawing out certain cōditions of peace betwene them. Whyche conditions were these, that all contumelies & iniuries past should be forgotten. That hereafter neither parte shoulde molest the other. That they which were ba∣nished for religion, should againe be restored. That the v. Pages might remaine without disturbaunce in their reli∣gion, so that none should be restrained amongst them from the reading of the olde and new Testament.* 7.239 That no kind of disquietnesse should be procured against them of Berne and Zuricke: and that either part should conferre mutuall helpes together, one to succour the other, as in times past. But the fiue Pagemen wold not obserue those couenants made,* 7.240 neither would their malicious hearts be brought to any conformitie. Wherfore the Bernates and Tigurines, shewing & declaring first theyr cause in publicke wryting, to purge and excuse the necessity of their warre, being pres∣sed wyth so many wrongs, and in manner constrained to take the sword in hande, did as before, beset the hye wayes and passages, that no furniture of victuall or other forage could come to the other Pages. By reason whereof when they of the fiue towns began to be pinched with want and penurie. they armed themselues secretly, and set forewarde in warlike aray toward the borders of Zuricke, where as then was lying a garrison of the Zuricke menne, to the number of a thousande and more. Whereupon worde was sent incontinent to the Citie of Zuricke, to succoure theyr men with speede, but their enemies approched so fast, that they coulde hardly come to rescue them. For when they were come to the toppe of the hille, whereby they muste needes passe, they sawe their fellowes being in greate di∣stresse in the valley vnder them: whereupon they encoura∣ging themselues, made downe the hil with more hast then order, who might goe fastest:* 7.241 but the nature of the hill was such, that there could but one go down at once. By reason wherof, for as much as they could not keepe their rankes, to ioyne all together, it folowed that they being but few in number, were discomfited and ouermatched of the multi∣tude, which was the 11. day of October, the yeare aboue∣sayde. Among the number of them that were slayne, was also Uldricus Zuinglius the blessed seruaunt & S. of God.* 7.242 Also the Abbotte of Capella, and Commendator Kunacensis, wyth 13. other learned and worthy men were slaine, being as is thought, falsly betraied, and brought into the handes of theyr enemies.

As touching the cause which moued Zuinglius to goe out with his citizens to the warre, as is sufficiently decla∣red and excused both by Iohn Sleidan,* 7.243 and especially by Oecolampadius, in his Epistle (ad Mart. Frechtum, and So∣mium. Epist. Lib. 4. where first is to be vnderstande, that it is an old receiued maner among the Zuricke men,* 7.244 that when they go foorth in warfare, the chief minister of theyr church goeth with them. Zuinglius also of him selfe beyng a man (saith Sledanus) of a stoute and bolde courage, considering if he should remaine at home when warre should be attēp∣ted against his citizens, and if he which in his sermons did so encourage other, should now faint so cowardly, and ta∣rye behinde at home, when time of daunger came, what shame and disdaine might worthily rise to hym thereby, thoughte not to refuse to take suche parte as his brethren did.

Oecolampadius moreouer addeth, that hee went not out as a captaine of the field, but as a good citizen with his citi∣zens,* 7.245 and as a good shepheard ready to die with his flocke. And which of them all (sayeth he) that most cry out against Zuinglius, can shew any such noble heart in him, to do the like? Againe, neither did he go out of his owne accorde, but rather desired not to goe, foreseeing belike, what daunger thereof woulde ensue. But the Senate being importune vpon him, would haue no nay, vrging and enforcing hym most instantly to goe: among whom were thought to haue bene some false betraiers, saying and obiecting to him that he was a dastarde, if he refused to accompany his brethren, as well in time of daunger, as in peace. Moreouer the said Zuinglius among other seculare artes, had also some skill in such matters of warfare. Haec Oecolampad. Whē he was slaine,* 7.246 great crueltie was shewed vppon his deade corpes▪ such was their hatred toward him, that their malice could not be satisfied, vnlesse also they shoulde burne hys bodie being dead. Ex comment. Ioan. Sled Lib. 8.

The report goeth, that after his body was cut first in 4. peeces,* 7.247 and then consumed with fire, three daies after hys death, his frēds came to see whether any part of him was remaining, where they found his hart in the ashes, whole and vnburned: in much like maner as was also the hart of Cranmer Archbishop of Canterburie, which in the ashes also was founde and taken vp vnconsumed, as by credible information is testified.

Furthermore, suche was then the rage of these 5. pages against the foresaid Abbot Capellensis, that they tooke him being slain, and putting out both his eies, they clothed him in a monkes coule, and so set him in the pulpite to preache, railing and iesting vpon him in most despiteful maner. Ez Epist. Oecolamp. ad Wolfgangum Capitonem. lib. 4. Uldericke Zuinglius was when he died, of the age of 44. yeres, yon∣ger then M. Luther by 4. yeares.

The Bernates, who were purposed the same time to atchieue warre against the Unterualdians bordering near vnto them, when they heard of this discōfiture of the Ti∣gurines, to comfort them againe, desired thē to be of good cheare and courage, promising that they woulde not faile but come and reuenge their quarrell. Againe, when the Tigurines had assembled theyr power together, whyche was the 8. day after the battell, and had receiued aide from the Schaffusians, Mullusians, Sangalles, and frō Basil, (the Bernates at this time were nothing hastie) out of the whole number they chose out certaine ensignes, whyche setting foorth in the night, lay in the hil beside Mecinge, in∣tending when the moone was vp, to take the town of Tu∣gie lying neare at hand,* 7.248 vpon the sodain. Which whē their ennemies had perceiued, which were encamped not farre from them, with all speede and moste secrete manner came vpō them being at rest, the 24. day of October, and putting them in more feare, made a wonderful clamorous outcrie: so it fell out in conclusion, that many on both parties were slaine. And all be it the 5. pagemen had the vpper hand, yet would they of Zuricke nothing relent in theyr religion. At the laste throughe mediation, a peace was concluded, and thus the matter agreed, that the Tigurines, Bernates, and Basilians,* 7.249 shoulde forsake the league which they had lately made wyth the Citie of Strausburgh, and the Lant∣graue: likewise shoulde the 5. Page men geue ouer theyr league and composition made wyth Ferdinandus: and hereof obligations were made and sealed in the latter ende of Nouember.

Oecolampadius the preacher of the citie of Strausburgh aboue recorded,* 7.250 hearing of y^e death of Zuinglius his deare frend, tooke thereat inward griefe and sorrowe, in so much that it is thought to haue encreased his disease, and so hee also departed this life, the same yeare and moneth of No∣uember aboue mentioned, being of the age of 49. yeres, el∣der then M. Luther by one yeare.* 7.251 Although this Oecolam∣padius then died, yet his learned & famous Commentaries vpon the Prophets, with other worthy workes, which he left behinde him, liue still, and shall neuer die.

The next yere folowing, which was, anno. 1532. in the moneth of August, died also the woorthy and memorable prince Iohn Fridericke Duke of Saxonie, who for testi∣monie of Christe and of his Gospel, susteined such trials, so many bruntes,* 7.252 and so vehement conflicts with the Empe∣rour, and that especially at the Councell assembled at Aus∣purge, that vnlesse the almighty hand of the Lorde had su∣steined him, it had not bene possible for him or any prince to haue endured so constāt and vnremoueable, against so ma∣ny perswasions, and assaults, as hee did to the ende. After him succeeded Iohn Fridericke his sonne. &c.

And thus haue ye the historie of Zuinglius, and of the church of Suitzerlande, with their proceedings and trou∣bles, from the first beginning of their reformation of reli∣gion, set forth and described. Whereunto we will adde one certaine Epistle of y^e said Zuinglius, taken out of his other Epistles, and so therewith close vp hys storie. Which Epi∣stle I thought here to record, especially for that in the same among other maters, profitably is expounded y^e true mea∣ning of the Apostle, wryting to the Corrinthians, concer∣ning how to iudge the Lordes body, to the entent that the simple thereby may the better be informed. The words of his letter be these, as folowe.

Huldricus Zuinglius N. fratri in Domino.

GRatiam & pacem in Domino.

Accipe igitur chariss. frater. &c.

In English thus.

Vnto your questions propounded to me in your former let∣ters (well be loued brother.* 9.1) I haue sent you heere mine aun∣swere. First I am also in the same minde with you, that the Lordes supper is a verye thankes geuing: for so the Apostle him selfe meaneth, saying: Yee shall shewe foorth the Lordes death.* 9.2 Where the woorde of shewing foorth, signifieth as much as praising, or thankes geeuynge. Wherefore, seeinge it is an Euchariste, or a thankes geuing, in my iudgement no other thing ought to bee obtruded to mens consciences, but onely with due reuerence to geue thankes. Neuerthelesse, yet this is not t•• be neglected, that euery man doe prooue and examine him selfe, for so wee oughte to search and aske our owne consciences, what faith wee haue in Christ Iesus, which if it be sounde and sincere, we may approche without stay, to this thankes geuing. For he that hath no faith, & yet faineth or pretendeth to haue, eateth his owne iudgement: for he lieth to the holy Ghost. And whereas you suppose, that Paul in this place doth not reprooue them which sit at the table eating of meates offered to Idols, I dissent from you therein. For Paule a li∣tle before wryteth vehemently against those arrogante persones which bragging vpon their knowledge, thought they might law∣fully eate of such meates offered to Idols, sitting and eating at the Lordes table: You can not (sayeth he) be partakers bothe of the Lordes table, and the table of deuils. &c. Wherefore Saint Paules meaning is, that euery one should trie and examine hym∣selfe what faith he hath. Whereuppon it foloweth, that he which hath a right faith, must haue no parte nor fellowship wyth those things, which be geuen to Idols, for he is nowe a member of ano∣ther body, that is, of Christe:* 9.3 so that hee can not ioyne him selfe nowe to be one body with Idolaters. And therefore those be they which doe not iudge or discerne the Lordes body, that make no difference betwene the Church of Christ, and the Church of Ido∣laters. For they which sit at the Lordes table eating of Idolmeates, do make no difference at all betweene the Lordes supper,* 9.4 and the supper of the deuill, which be they whom Paul sayth, not to iudge the bodye of the Lorde, that is, which make no discrepance, nor geue any more regard to Christes Church, then to the church of deuils. Whereas if we would iudge our selues, that is, if we would thorowly search and examine our own consciences as we shuld, in comming to the table of the Lorde, we finding any faith in vs, would neuer goe to the table, or make therof the feast of deuilles. Wherefore your iudgement heerein is not amisse in expounding the word of iudging in S. Paule, to signifie as much, as, cōsidering,* 9.5 perpending, and inquiring.

To your seconde question I aunswere, that Iesus tooke bread, and brake, &c. Also, he tooke the cuppe, &c. Ista verba sunt pecu∣liariter agentis, non hospitaliter inuitantis: that is, these woordes declare the action of one which properly doeth a thing, and not the hospitalitie of one which inuiteth another to eate. Touching your third question out of the 6. chap. of Iohn:* 9.6 Doeth this offende you? herein I doe full agree with you.

As for this word Ostren, which is your fourth question, I vn∣derstād therby, the time of the great feast or solemnitie, which we kepe in remembrance of the great deliueraunce of Gods people, from the thraldome nowe of Satan, before from the thraldome of Pharao. Neither is it greatly materiall with what woorde we ex∣presse the thing, so the thing it selfe be one, and the analogie and consonancie of the Scripture be kept: For the Scripture calleth Christ bothe the Lambe, and S. Paule calleth him our Easter or Passeouer. Now your worde wanderfest well pleaseth me,* 9.7 for the Passeouer, or Paesah.

To your fifth interrogation, of Christ descending into Hell, I suppose this particle was inserted into the Creede, by the sen∣tence of the Fathers, to declare how the fathers were redemed by the death of Christ, which died in the faith. For Christ ledde away captiuitie wherewith they were holden, with him vp into heauen:* 9.8 so that hys going downe into Hell, non sic intelligatur, quasi cir∣cumscriptiuè, sed potentionaliter: that is, be not so vnderstanded, as circumscriptiuely, which is, when a thynge is present by cir∣cumscription of any one place: but by power, which is, by the o∣peration of his spirit, which is not cōprehēded in any certenty of place, but without prescription of certain place, is diffused euery

so that the article of Christes descending into hell, importeth as much, as that his death redemed them, which were in hell. Wher∣unto S. Peter also seemeth to haue respect, where he sayeth: * 9.9 The Gospell also was preached to them which were deade: that is, that they also did feele the good tidings of the Gospell, their redemp∣tion by the sonne of God: and that they which rose againe wyth Christ in spirite, be nowe with him in heauen, who neuerthelesse in flesh shalbe iudged, what time the sonne of God and of man shal come to iudge both the quicke & dead. Returne to the places of Peter, the one in his first Epistle, the other in the latter: and so be you contented with this present answer rashed vp in haste. Fare ye hartily wel. And comfort my William, the good aged father, by the grace of God which is in you. Commende me to Iohn Eggen∣berge. From Zuricke the 1. day of September. An. 1527.

FRom the first beginning of this whole booke and histo∣rie hitherto (good reader) thou hast hearde of many and sundry troubles, & much businesse in the church of Christe, concerning the reformation of diuers abuses and great er∣rors crept into the same, namely in the Churche of Rome, as appeareth by the doings of them, in diuers and sundry places, wherof mention hath bene made heretofore in this said historie. For what godly man hath there bene wythin the space of these 500. yeares,* 9.10 either vertuously disposed, or excellently learned, which hath not disprooued the misor∣dred doings and corrupt examples of the See and Bishop of Rome, from time to time, vnto the cōming of this Lu∣ther? Wherin this appeareth to me, & may also appeare no lesse to al godly disposed mē, to be noted, not without great admiration, that seeing this foresaid Romish Bishop hath had great ennemies and gainsaiers continually from time to time, both speaking & working, preaching and wryting against him, yet notwithstanding neuer any could preuail before the comming of this man. The cause whereof, al∣though it be secretely knowen vnto God, and vnknowen vnto men: yet so farre as men by cōiectures may suppose, it may thus not vnlikely be thought: That whereas other men before him, speaking against the pomp, pride, whore∣dom, and auarice of the Bishop of Rome, charged him on∣ly or most specially with examples and maners of life: Lu∣ther went further with hym, charging him not wyth life, but with his learning: not with doings, but with his doc∣trine: not picking at the rine, but plucking vp the roote: not seeking the man, but shaking his seate, yea & charging him with plaine heresie,* 9.11 as preiudicial and resisting plain∣ly against the bloud of Christ, cōtrary to the true sense and direct vnderstanding of the sacred testament of Gods holy woord. For whereas the foundation of our faith grounded vpon the holy scripture, teacheth & leadeth vs to be iustifi∣ed onely by the worthines of Christ, & the onely price of his bloud:* 9.12 the Pope proceeding with a contrary doctrine, tea∣cheth vs otherwyse to seeke our saluation, not by Christ a∣lone, but by the way of mennes meriting and deseruing by works: Wherupon rose diuers sorts of orders & religious sects amongst men, some professing one thing, and some an other, & euery man seeking his owne vnrighteousnes, but few seking the righteousnes of him which is set vp of God to be our righteousnes, redemption, and iustification.

Martin Luther therefore vrging & reducing things to the foundation and touchstone of the Scripture,* 9.13 opened the eyes of many, which before were drowned in darknes. Whereupon it can not be expressed what ioy, comforte, and consolation came to the hearts of men, some lying in dark∣nes and ignoraunce, some wallowing in sinne, some being in despaire, some macerating them selues by woorkes, and some presuming vppon their owne righteousnesse, to be∣holde that glorious benefite of the greate libertie and free iustification set vp in Christ Iesus. And briefly to speake, the more glorious the benefite of this doctrine appeared to the world after long ignoraunce, the greater persecuti∣on followed vppon the same. And where the elect of God tooke most occasion of comfort and of saluation, thereof the aduersaries tooke moste matter of vexation & disturbance: As commonly we see the true woord of God to bring with it euer dissention and perturbation, and therefore truely it was sayde of Christ, That he came not to send peace on earth, but the swoorde.* 9.14 And this was the cause, why that after the doctrine and preaching of Luther, so great troubles and persecutions followed in all quarters of the world:* 9.15 wher∣by rose great disquietnesse among the Prelates, and many lawes and decrees were made, to ouerthrowe the same by cruell handling of many good and Christian men. Thus while authoritie armed wyth lawes and rigour, did striue againste simple veritie, lamentable it was to heare, howe many poore men were troubled and went to wracke, some tost from place to place, some exiled out of the land for fear, some caused to abiure, some driuen to caues in woodes, some racked wyth torment, and some pursued to deathe wyth fagot and fire. Of whom we haue nowe (Christ wil∣ling) in this hystorie following to entreat, first begynning with certaine that suffered in Germanie, & then to returne to our owne stories, and Martyrs here in England.

Henry Voes and Iohn Esch, Friers Augustines.

IN the yeare of our Lorde. 1523. two young menne were burnt at Bruxelles, the one named Henry Uoes,* 9.16 being of the age of 24. yeares, and the other Iohn Esch, whych before had bene of the order of the Augustine Friers. They were disgraded the first day of Iulie, and spoiled of theyr friers weede, at the suite of Egmondanus the Popes In∣quisitour, and the diuines of Louaine,* 9.17 for that they would not retracte and deny their doctrine of the Gospell, which the Papistes call Lutheranisme. Theyr examiners were Hochestratus and other, who demaunded of them, what they did beleeue? They sayde, the bookes of the olde Testa∣ment, and the newe, wherein were contained the Articles of the Creede. Then were they asked whether they beleued the decrees of the Councels and of the Fathers? They sayde, such as were agreeing to the Scripture,* 9.18 they belee∣ued. After thys they proceeded further, asking whether they thought it any deadly sinne, to transgresse the decrees of the fathers, and of the bishop of Rome? That (said they) is to be attributed onely to the precepts of God, to binde the conscience of man, or to loose it. Wherein when they cō∣stantly persisted, and would not turne, they were condem∣ned and iudged to be burned. Then they beganne to geue thanks to God their heauenly father, which had deliuered them through his great goodnes, from the false and abho∣minable priesthoode, & had made of them priests of his holy order, receiuing thē vnto him as a sacrifice of sweete odor. Then there was a bill written, which was deliuered vnto them to read opēly before the people, to declare what faith and doctrine they helde.* 9.19 The greatest error that they were accused of, was that men ought to trust only in God, for so much as men are liers and deceitful in all their words and deedes, and therefore there ought no trust or affiance to be put in them.

As they were ledde vnto the place of execution, which was the first day of Iulie, they went ioyfully and merily, making continual protestation that they died for the glory of God, and the doctrine of the gospell, as true Christians, beleuing & following the holy church of the sonne of God, saying also that it was y^e day which they had long desired. After they were come to the place where they shoulde bee burned, and were dispoyled of their garments, they taried a great space in their shirtes, & ioyfully embraced the stake that they should be bound to, paciently and ioyfully endu∣ring what so euer was done vnto thē, praising God wyth Te Deum laudamus, and singing Psalmes, and rehearsing

[illustration]

The burning of Henry Voes and Iohn Esch, Friers Augustines.

the Creede, in testimonie of their faith. A certaine Doctour beholding their iolitie & mirth, said vnto Henry, y^t he shuld take heede so foolishly to glorifie himselfe. To whome he answered, God forbid that I shoulde glory in any thyng, but onely in the crosse of my Lord Iesus Christ. Another coūselled him to haue God before his eies: vnto whom he answered, I trust that I cary him truly in my hart. One of them seeing that fire was kindled at his feete, said: Me thinkes ye do straw roses vnder my feet.* 9.20 Finally, y^e smoke and the flame mounting vp to their face, choked them.

Henry being demaunded amongst other things, whe∣ther Luther had seduced him or no: yea (said he) euen as Christ seduced his Apostles. He said also, that it was con∣trary to Gods law, that y^e Clergy should be exempted frō the power & iurisdictiō of the magistrate ordeined of God, for such as were ordeined in office by the bishops, haue no power but onely to preach the worde of God, and to feede their flocke therewithall. After their death, their monaste∣rie was dissolued at Antwarpe. The President wherof, by the Papistes called Iacobus Lutherianus, after diuers and many troubles & afflictions, was forced to recant at Brux∣els, but afterward his mind being renued by y^e holy ghost, embracing that againe which before he had renounced, he fled vnto Luther. Ex 6. tomo M. Lutheri. fol. 397.

Henry Sutphen Monke put to death in Diethmar.

THe next yeare after the burning of those two Christian martyrs at Bruxels aboue mentioned,* 9.21 with like tyran∣nie also was martired & burned without all order of iudg∣ment or iust condemnation, about the Citie of Diethmar, in y^e borders of Germany, one Henry of Sutphen monke, an. 1524. of whom mention is partly touched in the Com∣mentaries of Ioh. Sledan. Lib. 4. but his historie is more amply described of Luther,* 9.22 of Paulus Eberus in his Ca∣lēdar, of Ludou. Rabus Crispinus, and other. This Sut∣phen had bene before with M. Luther, and afterward cō∣ming to Antwarpe, was frō thence excluded for the Gos∣pell, and so came to Breme, not to y^e intent there to preach, but for that he was minded to go to Wittenberge, beeing driuen from Antwarpe, as is abouesaide. Who beeing at Breme, was there required by certaine godly Citizens of Breme, to make one or two briefe exhortations vpon the Gospel. Wherunto, through the earnest loue and zeale that was in him, he was easily allured & perswaded. He made his first Sermon vnto the people, the sonday before Saint Martins daye.* 9.23 When the people heard him preache the word of God so sincerely, they desired him againe the se∣cond tyme, and were so in loue with his doctrine, that the whole parish required him to tary amōgst them to preach the Gospell: which thing, for feare of daunger, for a time he refused. When the religious rout had vnderstanding here∣of, specially the Canons, Monkes, and priests, they went about with al endeuour, to oppresse him, & thrust both him out of the citie, and also the Gospel of Christ (for that was their chiefe seeking:* 9.24) whereupon they went vnto the Se∣nate, desiring that such an heretique might be banished the towne, which in his doctrine preached against y^e catholike Church. Upon the complaint of the Canons, the Senate sent for the wardens, and head men of the parish where Henry had preached, who being come together, the Senat declared vnto them the cōplaint of the Canons, and al the other religious men. Wherunto the citizens of Breme ta∣king their preachers part,* 9.25 answered, that they knew none other, but that they had hired a learned and honest man, to preach vnto thē, which should teach them sincerely & truly the word of God. Notwithstanding, if the Chapterhouse or any other man could bring testimoniall or witnes, that the Preacher had taught any thing, which either sauored of heresie, or were repugnant to the word of God, they were ready (they said) with the Chapterhouse to persecute him: for God forbid that they shoulde mainteine an here∣tique. But if contrarywise the Canons of the Chapter∣house, and the other Religious men will not declare and shew that the preacher whome they had hyred, had taught any errour or heresie, but were set only of malice, by vio∣lence to driue him away, they might not (said they) by any meanes suffer the same. Whereupon they desired the Se∣nate with all humble obedience, that they woulde not re∣quire it of them, but graunt them equitie and iustice, say∣eng,* 9.26 that they were minded to assist their preacher always, and to pleade his cause.

This answere the Senate commanded to be declared to the Chapterhouse. When as the religious sort vnderstoode that they coulde preuaile little or nothyng wyth theyr words, bursting out in a furie, they began to threaten, and there withall went straight vnto the Archbyshop, to certi∣fie him how y^e Citizens of Breme were become heretikes, & would no lōger obey their religious sort, with many o∣ther lyke thynges in their complaynt, so that it was to be feared, least the whole Citie shortly should be seduced.

When the Byshop heard tell of these thyngs,* 9.27 straight∣wayes he sent ij. which were of his counsell, vnto Breme, requiryng that Hēry should be sent vnto him without de∣lay. Whē they were demaūded why they would haue him sent, they aunswered, because he preached agaynst the holy Church. Being agayne demaūded, in what pointes or ar∣ticles, they had nothyng to say. One of these counsellers was the Byshops Suffragan,* 9.28 a naughty pernitious hy∣pocrite, which sought all meanes possible to cary away the sayd Henry captiue. Finally they receiued this aunswere of the Senators, that for somuch as the preacher being hy∣red by the Church wardens,* 9.29 had not hetherto bene cōuict for an hereticke, & that no mā had declared any erroneous or heretical article that he had taught, they sayd, they could by no meanes obteine of the Citizēs that he should be ca∣ryed away: Wherefore they earnestly desired the Byshop that he would speedely send his learned mē vnto Breme,* 9.30 to dispute with him, & if he were cōuinced, they promised, without any delay that he should be iustly punished, and sent away: if not, they would in no wise let him departe. Whereunto the Suffragan aunswered with a great prote∣station, requiryng that he might bee deliuered into his handes, for the quietnesse of the whole countrey, takyng God to his witnesse, that in this behalfe, he sought for no∣thyng els, but onely the commoditie of his countrey. But for all this, they could preuayle nothyng, for the Senate continued still in their former mynde.* 9.31 Wherupō the Suf∣fragan beyng moued with anger, departed from Breme, and would not confirme their children.

When he came vnto the Byshop he declared the aun∣swere of the Senate, and what he had heard and learned of the Priestes and Monkes there. Afterward whē dayly newes came,* 9.32 that the preacher did still more & more preach & teach more heynous matter agaynst the religious rout, they attempted an other way, suborning great men to ad∣monish the Citizens of Breme into what ieopardie their common wealth might fall by meanes of their Preacher, preachyng contrary to the decree of the Pope and Empe∣rour. Besides that, they sayd, that he was the prisoner of the Lady Margaret, for which cause they had gotten Let∣ters of the Lady Margaret, requiring to haue her prisoner sent vnto her agayne.

All these craftes and subtilties did nothyng at all pre∣uayle, for the Senate of Breme aunswered all thynges without blame. When as the Byshop saw this his enter∣prise also frustrate, he attempted an other way, whereby he had certaine hope, that both he, & also the word of God with him should be wholy oppressed. Whereupō they de∣creed a Prouinciall counsaile, not to be holden at Breme,* 9.33 as it was accustomed, but at Bucstade, whiche place they thought most meete for their purpose.

To this Councell were called all the Prelates & lear∣ned men of the Dioces, to determine what was to be be∣leeued, and whereto to trust.

Also to the sayd Councell was Henry called, notwith∣stādyng that they had already decreed to proceede agaynst him, as agaynst a manifest hereticke,* 9.34 albeit he was not yet conuict, nor had pleaded his cause before. Wherfore the ru∣lers of the Citie, together with the commonaltie, deteyned him at home, foreseyng and suspectyng the malice of the Councell.* 9.35 Then the sayd Henry gathered a summe of his doctrine into a fewe Articles, and sent it with his letters, vnto the Archbyshop, excusing his innocēcie, offering him selfe to be ready, if he were conuict of any errour by the te∣stimony of y^e holy Scripture, he would be ready to recāt y^e same: notw^tstanding earnestly requiryng, that his errours might be cōuicted by y^e holy Scriptures, by the testimony wherof he had hetherto approued his doctrine & doubted not hereafter to cōfirme the same: but this tooke no place amongest those annoynted prelates. What y^e determinatiō of their iudgemēt was, it may hereupon wel be gathered, in that shortly after they set vp vpō the Church porche the Bull of Pope Leo the x. & decree of the Emperour made at Wormes. Wherupon Henry contēnyng their madnes,* 9.36 proceeded dayly in preaching the Gospel, adding alwayes this protestatiō, y^t he was ready willingly to geue account touchyng his fayth & doctrine, to euery mā that would re∣quire the same. In the meane tyme the holy Catholickes could not be idle, but sent their chapleines vnto euery ser∣mon, to trappe him in his wordes. But God,* 9.37 whose foote pathes are in y^e middest of y^e floudes, would haue his mar∣ueilous power to be sene in thē, for he cōuerted many of

them: in so much that the greater part of those that were sent to hearken, did opēly witnes his doctrine to be Gods truth, against which no man could contend, and such as in all their liues before they had not heard, perswading them likewise, that they forsaking all impietie, should folow the word of God, and beleeue the same, if they would be saued. But the chiefe priests, canons and monkes, were so indu∣rate and blinded with Pharao, that they became the worse for these admonitions. When as God saw the time conue∣nient that Henry should confirme the veritie that he had preached, he sente him among the cruell murtherers ap∣pointed for that slaughter, by this occasion as followeth.

It happened in the yeare of our Lord 1524. that thys Henry was sent for by letters,* 9.38 by Nicholas Boye parish priest, and other faithfull Christians of the parish of Mel∣dorph, which is a towne in Diethmar, to preach the Gos∣pel vnto them, and deliuer them out of the bondage of An∣tichrist, which in that place had full dominion.

These letters being receiued vpon S. Catherines euen, calling together sixe breethren, honest Citizens, he opened the matter vnto thē, how y^t he was sent for by them of Di∣ethmar, to preach y^e Gospel: adding moreouer that he was not only a debtour vnto thē, but to all other which requi∣red his ayde. Wherfore he thought good to go vnto Dieth∣mar, to see what God would worke by him, requiring also that they woulde helpe him with their aduice, by what meanes he might best take his iourney, that no mā should know of it, that thereby he might not be letted or stopped: which thing without doubt had come to passe, if his pur∣pose had bene knowne to the people. Unto whom the citi∣zens answered,* 9.39 desiring him that he would not depart for a time, for so much as y^e Gospell had not yet taken so deepe roote in y^e people, but was as yet weake, & specially in the villages therabout, & that the persecution was very great, willing him also to haue respect vnto this, that he was by them called to the office of preaching, and if they of Dieth∣mar desired a preacher, he shoulde send some other in hys place, for they had before perceiued the disposition and vn∣trustines of them of Diethmar: besides that, it was not in their power to geue him free liberty to depart, without the consente of the whole communaltie. Whereunto Henry made answere in this manner,* 9.40 that albeit he could not de∣nie but that he was sent for by them: yet now there were many godly & learned men at Breme, whose labour they might vse in his absence, in preaching of the Gospell. Be∣sides that, the Papistes were for the most parte vanqui∣shed and ouerthrowne, and their follie knowne, euen vnto women and children, adding thereunto, that he had nowe preached the Gospell by the space of two yeares at Breme, and that they of Diethmar liued without a pastour euen in the middest of the woolues, wherefore he could not with safe conscience denie theyr request. And whereas they al∣leged that they could not licence him without the consente of the whole congregation, that (said he) was but of small effect, for so much as he would not vtterly forsake them, but determined only to remaine with them of Diethmar, for a moneth or two, to lay a foundation, and then to re∣turne againe, desiring them, that after his departure, they would declare vnto the cōgregation, how he was sent for by them of Diethmar, to whom he could not say nay: wil∣ling them also to excuse his sodeine departure, for that he was forced to departe secretly, because of his aduersaries priuily lyeng in waite in euery place for him, thinking that he should scarsely auoyde them, which had alwayes gone about to bring him to his death.* 9.41 Finally, they should pro∣mise to the congregation in his name, that when he had perfourmed his enterprise, he woulde straight returne a∣gaine. They being perswaded with these words, cōsented vnto him, stedfastly hoping that they of Diethmar should be conuerted vnto the true faith: which people aboue all other, haue alwaies bene most geuen to Idolatrie.

Hauing prepared all things toward his setting foorth, the xxij. day of October, he tooke his iourney, and came to Meldorphe, whither he was sent for: wheras he was ioy∣fully receiued of the parish priest and other, as soone as he was come thither. Albeit he had not yet preached, the Di∣uell with his members by and by began to freat and fume for anger. Aboue all other, one Augustine Torneborch, Prior of the Blacke friers, began to fume, who went out of hand vnto maister Iohn Swicken his companion, and Commissary to the Officiall of Hamburge, to take coun∣sell what was to be done, least they should loose their king∣dome.* 9.42 Finally it was decreed by them, aboue all things to withstand the beginnings, that he should not haue licence to preach: for if by any meanes it happened that he prea∣ched, and the people should heare him, it was to be feared that the wickednes and craft of the Priestes and Monkes should be opened, which being made manifest, they knew plainely that it would be but a folly to resist, remembring what had happened lately before in Breme. This deter∣mination had, the Prior the next day early in the morning, (for he had not slept well all night for cares) wente wyth great speede vnto Heyda to speake with the 48. Presidēts of the countrey: vnto whome with great complaintes he shewed, how that a seditious felow a Monke, was come from Breme, which would seduce all the people of Dieth∣mar, as he had done the Bremers.* 9.43 There was moreouer that did assist this Prior, maister Gunterus, Chauncelour of that countrey, and Petrus Hannus, both enemies vn∣to the Gospell. These two stoutly assisted the Prior, per∣swading the other 46. being simple and vnlearned men, that they should obteine great fauour and good will of the Bishop of Breme, if they would put this hereticke monke to death. When these poore vnlearned men heard these words, they decreed that this Monke shoulde be put to death, neither heard, nor seene, much lesse conuict.

Furthermore, this Prior obteined letters from the 48. Presidents vnto the parish priest, commanding him vn∣der great penaltie, that he shoulde put the Monke out of his house, and commaunde him to depart without prea∣ching. With these letters he came speedily vnto Mel∣dorphe,* 9.44 and deliuered the letters ouernight vnto the pa∣rish Priest, trusting that by their threatnings and com∣mandement, the sayd Henry should be feared from prea∣ching, diligently watching whether he did preach or not.

When as the parish priest had read ouer the letters, he marueyled not a little at that proud commaundement, for that it had not bene heard of before, that the xlviij. Presi∣dents should meddle with Ecclesiasticall matters, and that it had bene of long time vsed, that the ruling therof should be in the hands of the parish priest: and long time before it was decreed by the whole prouince, and customably vsed, that in euery church y^e parish priest should haue free liber∣tie to receiue or put out the preacher. These letters the pa∣rish priest deliuered vnto Henry: which when he had dili∣gently looked ouer, he answeared, that for so muche as he was come, being sent for by y^e whole cōgregatiō to preach the Gospell of Christ, he would satisfie that vocation, be∣cause he saw it would be acceptable vnto the whole cōgre∣gation, and that he ought rather to obey the word of God, then mā: Also y^t if it pleased God that he should lose his life in Diethmar, there was as neare a way to heauen,* 9.45 as in any other place, for that he doubted nothing at all, y^t once he must suffer for y^e Gospels sake. Upon this courage and boldnes, the next day Henry went vp into the Pulpit, and made a Sermon, expounding the place of Paul, which is, Rom. 1. Testis est mihi Deus, &c. That is, God is my witnes: and the Gospell of the day. After the Sermon was done, the whole congregation being called together, the Prior deli∣uered the letters that were sent by the 48. Presidents, the tenor whereof was this: that they of Meldorph should be fined with a fine of a thousand gildrens, if they suffered the Monke to preach: and commaunded moreouer, that they should send ambassadours vnto Heida, with full power and authoritie. When they heard these letters read, they were much moued, because they were so charged contrary to the custome of the countrey, for so much as euery parish priest hath alwaies had authority, according to his discre∣tion, to choose or put away the preacher. Briefly they all determined with one voice, to keepe Henry for their prea∣cher, and to defend him: for when they had heard the Ser∣mon, they were greatly offended with the Prior.

After dinner Henry preached againe,* 9.46 expoūding y^e place of S. Paule Rom. 15. Debemus nos qui potentes sumus, &c. We ought which are strong, &c. The next day the Citizens of Meldorphe sent their messengers vnto Heyda, offering to aunsweare in all causes before all men, for their preacher, whome they had receiued. Besides that, the messengers declared what christian & godly Sermons they heard him preach. The parish priest also wrote letters by the said Le∣gates vnto the 48. rulers, wherin he excused himselfe, that it was neuer his mind, nor the intent of the said Henry to moue sedition, but only sincerely to preach y^e word of God, and offred himselfe ready to answer for the said Henry to al mē, whensoeuer he should be called, most earnestly desi∣ring them not to geue credite vnto y^e Monks, which being blinded with hatred & auarice, had fully determined to op∣presse y^e truth: saieng moreouer, that it was against all rea∣son, that a man should be condemned, before the truth be tried out, and his cause declared, and if after due inquisitiō had, he should be cōuict, then he should suffer cōdigne pu∣nishment. This submission with y^e publique testimoniall, was nothing esteemed or regarded, neither was there any answeare geuen therunto, but euery man repined & mur∣mured

thereat. Last of all, one Peter Dethleues, one of the Seniors answered:* 9.47 that albeit there were diuers dissensi∣ons in euery place about the Christian faith; and that they as men ignorant, could not redresse the same, yet this their sentence should be holden and ratified: which was, that the iudgement of determining this dissension, should be reserued to the next Councell, which by the report of mai∣ster Chauncelour, was now in hand to be called and ga∣thered. Also vntill all discord and dissension should be ap∣peased, whatsoeuer was receiued and beleeued by theyr neighbours, he promised in the name of the rest, that they would willingly receiue and beleeue the same: So that if the word of God hath not hitherto bene clearely and sin∣cerely preached (as they said) vnto y^e people, and that there be now some which can teache and preach the same more sincerely, it is not their mind or intent to withstand or re∣sist their good doings, but that the presidents would wish this one thing diligently to be taken heede of, that there be no occasion geuen by any man to moue sedition, and in the meane time he commaunded all men quietly to geue ouer all matters vntill Easter nexte, and by that time it shoulde be made euident what shoulde be receiued, and what left vndone. With this answere they were all very well con∣tented, and the messengers returned againe to Meldorphe with great ioy and gladnes, declaring to the whole con∣gregation what answere was made, cōceiuing a sure hope that the matter would shortly come to passe.

Upon S. Nicholas daye, thys Henry preached twise, first vpon the Gospell Homo quidam nobilis, &c. A certaine noble man,* 9.48 &c. Secondly vpon this text, Plures facti sunt sa∣cerdotes, &c. There are many made Priestes, &c. with suche a spirit and grace,* 9.49 that all men had him in admiration, prai∣eng God most earnestly that they might long haue such a preacher. Upon the day of the conception of our Lady, he also made two Sermons vpon the first chapter of Ma∣thew, expounding the booke of the generation, wherein he rehearsed the promises made by God vnto oure forefa∣thers, and vnder what faith our fathers that then were, had liued, adding also that all respect of works being set a∣part, we must be iustified by the same faith. All these things were spoken with such boldnes of spirit, that al mē great∣ly maruelled at him, geuing thankes to God for his great mercy, that had sente them such a Preacher, desiring hym moreouer that he would tarrie with them al Christmas to preach, for they feared least he should be sent for to some o∣ther place.

In the meane space, the Priour and maister Iohn Schinke were not idle,* 9.50 for when the Prior perceiued that his malitious enterprise tooke no good successe, he adioy∣ned vnto him a companion, William, a Doctour of the Iacobines, and so went vp to Laudanum, to the Monks, Franciscanes, and Minors, for helpe and counsaile. For those kindes of Friers aboue all other, are best instruct by their hypocrisie, to deceiue the poore and simple people. These Friers streightwaies sent for certaine of the rulers, which had all the rule and authoritie, and specially Peter Hannus, Peter Swine, and Nicholas Roden, vnto whome they declared, after their accustomed maner, with great complaintes, what an heretique Monke had prea∣ched, and how he had obteined the fauour almost of all the simple people, which if they did not spedily prouide for and withstand the beginnings, and put the heretique to death, it would come to passe, that shortly the honour of our La∣dy and all Saints, together with the two Abbeys, shoulde vtterly come to ruine and decay.

When these simple & ignorant men heard these wordes, they were greatly moued. Whereunto Peter Swine aun∣swered thus, that they had before written vnto the parish priest & to Henry, what was best to be done, notwithstan∣ding if they thought good, they would write againe. No, said y^e Prior, this matter must be attempted another way, for if you write vnto the heretike, he wil by and by answer you againe. And it is to be feared, least the contagion of his heresie do also infect you, being vnlearned men: for if you geue him leaue to speake, and to answere, there is no hope that you shall ouercome him.* 9.51 Wherefore they finally deter∣mined to take this Henry by night, and burne him, before the people should know it, or he come to his defence to an∣swere. This deuise pleased all mē, but specially the Fran∣ciscane Friers. Petrus Hannus the Priors chiefe frend, wil∣ling to get the chiefe praise and thankes of this matter, by the help of maister Gunter, did associate vnto him certaine other rulers of the townes neere adioining, whose names are heere not to be hidden, because they so much affected praise and glorye.* 9.52 The names of the Presidentes were these, Petrus Hannus, Peter Swines sonne, Hennicke Lū∣dane, Iohn Holneus, Laurence Hannemanus, Nicholas Weslingbourgus, Ambrose & Iohn Brenthusius, Mar∣quardus Kremmerus, Henstedanus Ludekus, Iohānes Weslingus, and Petrus Grossus, President of Himmig∣state. All these Presidentes & all other that were of Coun∣cell to this pretēce, assembled together in the Parish of the new Church, in the house of maister Gunter, where also the Chauncelour was consultyng together with thē, how they might burne the sayd Henry, secretly comming vpon him without any iudgement or sentence. They concluded the next day after the conception of our Lady, to meete at Hennyng, which is v. myle frō Meldorphe, with a great band of husbādmen. This determination this made, they layd scoutes in euery place, that there should no newes of their pretēsed mischiefes come vnto Meldorphe, cōmaun∣dyng that as soone as it began to waxe darke, they should all gather together. There assembled aboue v. C. mē of the countrey, vnto whom was declared the cause of their as∣semble, & also they were instructed what was to be done, for before no mā knew the cause of the assemble, but onely the Presidentes. When the husbandmē vnderstood it, they would haue returned backe agayne, refusing to do such a detestable and horrible deede. The Presidentes with most bitter threates, kept them in obedience,* 9.53 & to the intent they should be the more couragious, they gaue them three bar∣rels of Hamborow beere to drinke.

About midnight they came in armour to Meldorphe. The Iacobines and Monkes prepared torches for them, that Henry should not slip away sodēly in the darke. They had also with them a false betrayer, named Hennegus,* 9.54 by whose treason they had perfect knowledge of all thynges. With great violēce they burst into the house of the Parish Priest, breakyng & spoylyng all thynges, as the maner of that dronken people is. If they found either gold or siluer, they tooke it away. When they had spoyled all things, they violently fell vpon the Parish Priest, & with great noyse cried out, kill the theefe, kill the theefe.* 9.55 Some of them tooke him by the heare of the head and pulled him out into the durt, forcyng him to go with them as prisoner: other some cried out, saying that y^e Parish Priest was not to be med∣led withall, for they had no commission to take him. After they had satisfied their lust vpon the Parishe Priest, with great rage and furie they ranne vpō Henry, and drawyng him naked out of his bed,* 9.56 bound his handes hard behinde him: whō beyng so bounde, they drewe to and fro so long, that Peter Hannus, which otherwise was vnmercyfull & a cruell persecuter of the word of God, willed thē that they should let him alone, for y^t without doubt, he would folow of his owne mynde. Then they committed the guidyng of him to Iohn Balco, who rather drew him by violence, thē led him. When he was brought to Hemmingsted, they as∣ked of him how and for what intent he came to Diethmar. Unto whom he gently declared the whole cause of his cō∣myng: but they all in a rage cryed out. Away with him,* 9.57 a∣way with him, for if we heare him talke any longer, it is to be feared, that he will make vs also heretickes. Then he beyng marueilous weary and faynt, required to bee set a horsebacke, for his feete were all cut and hurt with the yse, because he was led all night barefoote. When they heard him say so, they mocked & laughed at him, say••ng, must we hyre a horse for an hereticke? He shall go a foote whether he will or no. Because it was night,* 9.58 they caried him naked vnto Heyda. Afterward they brought him to a certaine mās house named Calden, & bound him there with chay∣nes in the stockes. The maister of the house seyng the cru∣ell deede, takyng compassion vpon Henry, would not suf∣fer it to bee done. Wherefore hee was caried away to the Priestes house, the Officials seruaūt of Hamburge, & shut vp in a cupbord, & was kept by the rude people, which all the night mocked & scorned him. Amongest all other there came vnto him, Symon in Altenuord, & Christian Parish Priest of the new Church, both alike ignoraunt & wicked persecutors of the word of God, demaundyng of him why he had forsaken his holy habite. Unto whom he frendly aunswered by the Scriptures, but those ignoraūt persons vnderstood nothyng what he sayd. Maister Gunterus also came vnto him, enquiring whether hee had rather to bee sent to the Byshop of Breme, or receiue his punishmēt in Diethmar. Unto whom Henry aūswered, if I haue prea∣ched any thyng contrary to Gods word, or done any wic∣ked act, it is in their handes to punish me therfore. Gun∣terus aunswered. Harke I pray you frendes, barke, he de∣sireth to suffer in Diethmar. The common people all the night continued drinkyng and swillyng.

In the mornyng about viij. of the clocke, they gathered together in y^e market place to cōsult what they should do.* 9.59 There the rusticall people boyling with drinke, cryed out, burne him, burne him, to the fire with the hereticke. With∣out

doubt, if we do it, we shall this day obtaine great glo∣rie and praise both of God and man, for the longer he li∣ueth, the more he will seduce with his heresie. What neede many words? Sure he was to die, for they had condemned this good Henry without any iudgement, (his cause not being heard) to be burned. At last they commaunded the Crier to proclaime, that euerye man that was at the ta∣king of him, should be readie in armour to bring him forth to the fire.* 9.60 Amongest all other, the Frier Franciscanes were present, encouraging the dronken rude people, say∣eng, now ye go the right way to worke. Then they bound the saide Henry, hands, feete, and necke, and with great noyse brought him forth to the fire.* 9.61 As he passed by, a cer∣taine woman standing in her dore, beholding that pitifull sight, wept aboundantly. Unto whome Henry turnyng himselfe, saide, I pray you weepe not for me. When he came to the fire, for very weakenes he sate downe vpon the ground. By and by there was present one of the Presi∣dents named Maye, which was euidently knowne to be corrupted and bribed with money, to this purpose: he con∣demned the said Henry to be burned, pronouncing thys sentence vpon him.

* 9.62For so much as this theefe hath wickedly preached a∣gainst the worship of our blessed Lady, by the commaun∣dement and sufferance of our reuerend father in Christ, the Bishop of Breme, and my Lord, I condemne him heere to be burned and consumed with fire. Unto whome Henry answered, I haue done no such thing: and lifting vp hys eies towards the heauen, he said, O Lord forgeue them, for they offend ignorantly, not knowing what they do. Thy name, O almighty God, is holy.

* 9.63In the meane time, a certaine woman, the wife of one Iunger, sister of Peter Hannus, offered hir selfe to suffer a thousand stripes, and to geue them much money, so that they would pacifie the matter, and keepe him in prison, vntill that he might pleade his matter before the whole cō∣uocation of the countrey. When they heard these wordes, they waxed more mad,* 9.64 and threw the woman downe vn∣der feete, and trode vpō her, and beate the said Henry vn∣mercifully. One of the rusticall sort, strake him behinde on the head with a sharpe daggar. Iohn Holmes of the new Church strake him with a Mace. Othersome thrust hym in the backe, and in the armes. And this was not done once or twice, but as often as he began to speake. Maister Gunter cried out, encouraging them, sayeng: Go to bold∣ly good felowes, truely God is with vs present.

* 9.65After this he brought a Franciscane Frier vnto Henry, y^t he should be confessed. Whom Henry demaunded in this maner: Brother, when haue I done you iniurie, either by word or deed, or when did I euer prouoke you to anger? Neuer, saide the frier. What should I then confesse vnto you, said he, that you thinke you might forgeue me? The Frier being moued at these words, departed. The fire as often as it was kindled, would not burne. Notwithstan∣ding they satisfied their minds vpon him,* 9.66 striking & prick∣ing him with all kind of weapons. The saide Henry stan∣ding in the meane time in his shyrt before all this rude people, at the last they hauing gotten a great ladder, bound him hard thereunto, and cast him into the fire. And whē he began to pray, & to repeate his Creede, one strake him vpō the face with his fist, saieng, thou shalt first be burnt, and afterward pray & prate as much as thou wilt.* 9.67 Then ano∣ther treading vpon his brest, bounde his necke hard to a step of the ladder, that the bloud gushed out of his mouth and nose. This was done to strangle him withall, for they saw, that for all his sore woundes, he would not die.

After he was bound to the ladder, he was set vpright. Then one running vnto him, set his halbard for the lad∣der to leane against (for those countreymen vse no commō hangman, but euery mā exerciseth the office without diffe∣rence) but the ladder slipping awaye from the point of the halbard, caused that the halbard strake him through the body. Then they cast this good man with ladder and all vpon the wood, which tumbling downe, light vpon the one side. Then Iohn Holmeus ranne vnto him, & strake him with a mace vpon the brest, till he was dead, and stir∣red no more. Afterward they rosted him vpon the coles, for the wood as aftē as it was set on fire, would not burne out. And thus this godly preacher finished his martyr∣dome,* 9.68 which was, ann. 1524. Ex Epist. Mart. Luth.

About the same time, many other godly persons, & such as feared God, for the testimonie of the Gospell, were throwne into the riuer of Rhene, and into other riuers, where their bodies afterward were found,* 9.69 and taken vp. Also in the saide Towne of Diethmar, another faithfull Saint of God, named Iohn, suffered the like martirdome. Thus these two blessed and constant Martyrs, as two shining lights set vp of God, in testimonie of his truth, offered vp the sacrifice of their confession, sealed with their bloud, in a sweete odor vnto God.

At the Towne of Hala, likewise another preacher, na∣med M. George, for ministring in both kindes,* 9.70 was mar∣tired and slaine of a like sort of cutchrotes, set vp by monks and friers to murther him, neere to the towne called Has∣chemburge. Ex Crisp. & Pantal.

At Prage also in Bohemia, another for changing hys Monkerie into Matrimonie, did suffer in like maner. Ex Lud. Rab.

Furthermore, in the same yeare of our Lord aboue men∣tioned 1524. and 22. of Octob. the Towne of Miltenberge in Germany was taken and ransackt,* 9.71 and diuers of the inhabitants there slaine, and many imprisoned for main∣teining and keeping with them Carolostadius, to be theyr preacher. Ex Raba. & Pantal.

In the same catalogue of holy Martirs, likewise is to be placed Gaspar Tamber. Also another called Georgius,* 9.72 a Scriuener, which both wer burned at Uienna in Austria.

¶The lamentable martyrdome of Iohn Clerke of Melden in Fraunce.

MElden is a citie in Fraunce x. miles distant from Pa∣ris, where Iohn Clerke first was apprehēded & takē,* 9.73 ann. 1523. for setting vp vpon the Church dore, a certayne Bill against the Popes pardons lately sent thyther from Rome, in which Bill he named the Pope to be Antichrist. For the which his punishment was this,* 9.74 that three seueral days he should be whipped, & afterward haue a marke im∣printed in his forehed, as a note of infamy. His mother be∣ing a christiā womā, although her husband was an aduer∣sary, when she beheld her sonne thus pitiously scourged, and ignominiously deformed in the face,* 9.75 cōstantly & boldly did encourage her sonne, crieng with a loude voice. Bles∣sed be Christ, and welcome be his printes and markes.

After this execution and punishment susteined, the sayd Iohn departed that towne, and went to Roisie in Bry, & from thence remoued to Metz in Lotharing, where he re∣mained a certaine space, applyeng his vocation, beyng a Wollecarder by his occupation. Wheras he, the day before that the people of that city should go out to the suburbs to worship certaine blind idols neere by (after an old vse and custome amongst them receiued) being inflamed with the zeale of God, went out of the Citie to the place where the Images were, and brast them all downe in peeces. The next morow after, when y^e Canons, Priestes, & Monkes, keping their old custome, had brought with them the peo∣ple out of the Citie, to the place of Idolatry, to worship as they were wont, they found all their blocks and stocks al∣mighty, lye broken vpon the ground. At the sight whereof they being mightely offended in theyr mindes, set all the Citie on a gog to search out the author thereof. Who was not hard to be found: for so much as this foresayde Clerke, besides that he was noted of them to be a man much addi∣cted that way, he was also seene somewhat late in the eue∣ning before, to come from the same place into the Citie. Wherfore he being suspected, and examined vpō the same, at first confessed the fact, rendring also the cause,* 9.76 which mo∣ued him so to do. The people hearing this, and being not yet acquainted with that kinde of doctrine, were moued marueilously against him, crieng out vpon him in a great rage. Thus his cause being infourmed to the Iudges, wherin he defended the pure doctrine of the sonne of God, he was condemned, and led to the place of executiō, where he susteined extreme tormēts:* 9.77 For first his hand was cut off from his right arme: then his nose with sharp pinsons was violently pluckt from his face: after that both his armes, and his pappes were lykewise pluckt and drawne with the same instrument. To all them that stoode looking vpon, it was an horrour to behold the greeuous and dole∣full sight of his paines: againe to behold his pacience, or rather the grace of God geuing him the gift so to suffer,* 9.78 it was a wonder. Thus quietly and constantly he endured in his torments, pronouncing, or in a manner singing the verses of the 115. Psal. Simulacra eorum sunt argentum & au∣rum, &c. Their Images be syluer and golde, the woorke only of mans hand, &c. The residue of his life that remayned in his rent body, was committed to the fire, and therewith con∣sumed: which was about the yeare of our Lord 1524. Ex Plant. & Crisp.

Iohn Castellane.

THe yeare next ensuing,* 9.79 which was 1525. mayster Iohn Castellane borne at Tourney, a Doctour of Di∣uinitie,

after that he was called vnto y^e knowledge of God, and became a true preacher of his word, and had preached in Fraunce, in a place called Barleduc, also at Uittery in Partoise, at Chalon in Champaine, and in the towne of Uike, which is the Chamber and Episcopall Seate of the Bishop of Metz in Loraine, after he had laide some foun∣dation of the doctrine of the Gospell in the towne of Metz, in returning from thence he was taken prisoner by the Cardinall of Loraines seruants, by whome he was cary∣ed from Gorze to the Castell of Nommeny:* 9.80 wherupon the citizens of Merz tooke no little displeasure and greeuance, who being greeuously offended to haue their preacher so to be apprehended and imprisoned, within short space after tooke certaine of the Cardinalles subiectes, and kept them prisoners so long, vntill the Abbot of S. Antonies in Ui∣ennois, called Theodore de Chaumont, vicar generall, as wel in causes spirituall, as tēporall, through the iurisdicti∣on both of the Cardinall, and Bishopricke of Metz, Tol∣louse and Uerdune, being furnished with a letter & com∣mission from the See of Rome, came to the saide towne of Metz, and after diuers declarations made to the Prouost, and the other Iustices and Counsellers of the Citie, he so wrought and brought to passe, that immediately the sayde subiectes of the Cardinall were set at libertie. But Iohn Castellane was kept still prisoner in the Castell of Nom∣meny,* 9.81 and was most cruelly handled, from the time of the fourth day of May, vntill the twelfth day of Ianuary: du∣ring all which time he perseuered constant in y^e doctrine of the sonne of God. Wherupon he was carried from Nom∣meny,* 9.82 to the towne and Castell of Uike, alwaies perseue∣ring constantly in the profession of the same doctrine, so that they did proceed vnto the sentence of his degradation, that he might be deliuered ouer vnto the secular power, according to the custome and manner. And for so much as the fourme and manner of the sentence and processe of dis∣grading is notable, and hath bene reported vnto vs word for word, we haue thought good heere to annexe the same, to declare the horrible blasphemies ioined with grosse and brutish subtiltie, in those high misteries which the enemies of the truth do vse in their processe against the children of God, whereby euery man, euen the most ignoraunt, may euidently perceaue the horrible blindnes, that these vn∣shamefast Catholiques are blinded withall.

The sentence of the degradation.

* 9.83COncerning the processe inquisitorie, fourmed and geuen in fourme of accusation against thee Iohn Castellane, priest and religious man of the fryer Eremites of the order of S. Austine: vn∣derstanding likewise thy confession which thou hast made of thine owne good will, mainteining false and erroneous doctrine: and marking also besides this, the godly admonitions, and chari∣table exhortations which we made vnto thee in the towne of Metz, which thou like vnto the serpent Aspis, hast refused, and geuen no eare vnto: also considering thine answeares made and reiterate vnto our interrogatories, by meanes of thine othe, in the which diuelishly thou hast hydden and kept backe, not onely the truth, but also following the example of Caine, hast denyed to confesse thy sinnes and mischeuous offence: and finally hearyng the great number of witnesses, sworne and examined agaynste thee, theyr persons and depositions diligently considered, and all other things woorthy of consideration, beeing iustly examined: the reuerende mayster Nicholas Sauin, doctour of diuinitie, and inquisitour of the fayth, assistaunt vnto vs, hath entred processe agaynst thee, and geuen full information thereof: this our pur∣pose and intent being also communicate vnto diuers Maysters and Doctours both of the Ciuile and Canon lawes heere pre∣sent, which haue subscribed and signed heereunto, whereby it ap∣peareth that thou Iohn Castellane hast oftentimes and in diuers places openly and manifestly spread abroade and taught manye erroneous propositions, full of the heresie of Luther, contrary and against the Catholique faith, and the veritie of the Gospell, and the holy Apostolique see, and so accursedly looked backe, & tur∣ned thy face, that thou art founde to be a lyer before Almighty God. It is ordeyned by the sacred rules of the Canon lawe, that such as through the sharpe dartes of their venemous tongue, doo peruert the Scriptures, and go about with all their power to cor∣rupt and infect the soules of the faithfull, should be punished and corrected with most sharpe correction, to the ende that others should be afrayde to attempt the like, and apply themselues the better to the study of Christian concorde, through the examples set before their eyes, as well of seuerity▪ as of clemency. For these causes and others rising vpon the saide processe, by the Aposto∣lique authoritie, and also the authoritie of our sayde reuerende Lorde the Cardinall, whych we doo vse in this our sentence defi∣nitiue, whiche wee sitting in our iudgement seate, declare in these writinges, hauing God onely before our eyes, and surely considering, that what measure we do meat vnto other, the same shalbe measured to vs againe:* 9.84 we pronoūce and declare sentētial∣ly and diffinitiuely, thee Iohn Castellane, beyng here present be∣fore vs, and iudge thee because of thy desertes, to be excōmuni∣cate with the most great excōmunication, and therewithall to be culpable of treason against the diuine maiesty, and a mortall ene∣my of the Catholicke fayth, and veritie of the Gospell: also to be a manifest hereticke, & a folower & partaker of the execrable * 9.85 cru∣eltie of Martin Luther, a stirrer vp of old heresies already cōdem∣ned, and therfore, as thou oughtest to be deposed and depriued of all Priestly honor and dignitie, of all thy orders, of thy shauing, & religious habite: also of thy Ecclesiasticall benefices, if thou hast any, and from all priuilege of the Clergy: so we here presently do depose, depriue, and seperate thee as a rotten member, from the communion and companie of all the faythfull, and beyng so de∣priued, we iudge that thou oughtest to be actually disgraded: that done, we leaue thee vnto the secular powers, committyng the de∣gradation and actuall execution of this our sentence, vnto the reuerend Lord and Byshop here present, with the authoritie and commaundement aforesayd.

This sentēce beyng thus ended, with their Catholicke Sermon also, the sayd Byshop of Nicopolis sittyng in his pontificalibus, in the iudgement seate, beyng Suffragan of Metz, with the clergy, nobles and people about him, pro∣ceeded to the disgradyng (as they call it) of the sayd maister Iohn Castellane. Thus the sayd maister Iohn Castellane being made ready to his degradation by the officers of the sayd Byshop, was apparelled in his Priestly attyre, and afterward brought forth of the Chappell by the Priestes, which were therunto appointed, with al his priestly orna∣mentes vpon him, and holdyng his handes together, he kneeled downe before the Bishop.* 9.86 Then the officers gaue him the chalice in his handes with wyne & water, the pa∣tine, & the host: all which thinges the sayd bysh. which dis∣graded him, tooke frō him, saying, we take away frō thee, or cōmaund to be takē frō thee, all power to offer sacrifice vnto God, & to say Masse aswell for y^e quicke, as the dead.

Moreouer,* 9.87 y^e Bysh. scraped y^e nayles of both his hands with a peece of glasse, saying: By this scrapyng we take a∣way frō thee all power to sacrifice, to cōsecrate, & to blesse, which thou hast receiued by the annoyntyng of thy hāds. Then he tooke from him the Chesille, saying: by good right we do dispoyle thee of this priestly ornamēt,* 9.88 which signi∣fieth charitie: for certainly y^u hast forsakē the same, & all in∣nocencie. Then taking away the stole, he sayd:* 9.89 Thou hast vilanously reiected & despised the signe of our Lord, which is represented by this stole: wherefore we take it away frō thee, and make thee vnable to exercise and vse the office of Priesthood, & all other things apperteinyng to Priesthood. The degradation of y^e order of Priesthood beyng thus en∣ded, they proceeded to the order of Deacon.* 9.90 Thē the mini∣sters gaue him the booke of the Gospels, which the Bysh. tooke away, saying: we take away from thee all power to read y^e Gospels in the Church of God, for it apperteineth onely to such as are worthy. After this he spoyled him of the Dalmatike, which is the vesture that the Deacōs vse,* 9.91 saying: we depriue thee of this Leuiticall order: for somuch as thou hast not fulfilled thy ministerie & office.* 9.92 After this the bysh. tooke away the stole frō behind his backe, saying: we iustly take away from thee the white stole which thou haddest receiued vndefiledly,* 9.93 which also thou oughtest to haue borne in the presence of our Lord: and to the end that the people dedicate vnto the name of Christ, may take by thee example, we prohibite thee any more to exercise or vse the office of Deaconshyp.* 9.94 Then they proceeded to the dis∣gradyng of Subdeaconshyp, & taking away from him the booke of the Epistles, & his Subdeacons vesture, deposed him from reading of the Epistles in the Church of God:* 9.95 & so orderly proceedyng vnto all the other orders, disgraded him from the order of Benet and Collet, from the order of Exorcist, from the Lectorshyp, and last of all, frō the office of Doorekeeper, taking frō him the keyes,* 9.96 & cōmaundyng him hereafter not to opē or shut the Reuestry, nor to ring any more belles in the Church. That done,* 9.97 the bysh. went forward to disgrade him from his first shauing, & takyng away his Surplice, sayd vnto him, by y^e authoritie of God almighty, the father, the sonne, & the holy ghost, & by our authoritie, we take from thee all Clerkely habite,* 9.98 and dis∣poyle thee of all ornament of religion: Also we depose and disgrade thee of all order, benefite, & priuilege of the Cler∣gy, & as one vnworthy of that profession, we commit thee to the seruitude & ignominie of the secular estate.* 9.99 Thē the Byshop tooke the sheeres, and began to clyp his head, say∣ing in this maner, we cast thee out as an vnthākfull child of the Lordes heritage, whereunto thou wast called, and take away from thy head, the crowne, which is the royall signe of Priesthood, through thine owne wickednesse and

malice. The Bishop also added these wordes, that whiche thou hast song with thy mouth, thou hast not beleeued with thy hart, nor accomplished in worke, wherefore we take from thee the office of singing in the Churche of God.

The disgrading thus ended, the procurator fiscall of the Court and citie of Metz,* 9.100 required of the Notary an instru∣ment or copie of the disgrading. Then the ministers of the Bishop turned him out of his clerkely habite, and put vp∣on him the apparell of a seculer man. That done, for so much as he which is disgraded,* 9.101 according to the instituti∣on of Pope Innocent the third, ought to be deliuered vn∣to the seculer court, the Bishop that disgraded him, pro∣ceeded no further, but said in this manner, we pronounce that the seculer court shall receiue thee into their charge, being thus disgraded of all clerkly honour and priuilege.

This done, the Bishop, after a certaine maner, intrea∣ted the seculer Iudge for him,* 9.102 sayeng: My Lord Iudge, we pray you as hartily as we can, for the loue of God, and the contemplatiō of tender pitie & mercie, and for y^e respect of our praiers, that you will not in any point do any thing that shal be hurtful vnto this miserable man, or tending to his death, or maiming of his body. These thinges thus done, the seculer Iudge of the towne of Uike, confirming the foresaid sentence, cōdemned the said maister Iohn Ca∣stellane, to be burned quicke: which death he suffred the xij. day of Ianuary 1525. with such a constancie, that not onely a great company of ignorant people were thereby drawne to the knowledge of the veritie, but also a great number which had already some taste thereof, were greatly confir∣med by that his constant and valiant death.

[illustration]

*The burning of Iohn Castellane.

* 9.103

It would fill another volume to comprehend the actes & stories of all them, which in other countreys at the rising of the Gospell, suffered for the same. But praised be y^e Lord, euery Region almost hath his owne history writer, which sufficiently hath discharged that part of duty, as euery one in matters of his owne countrey is best acquainted: wher∣fore I shall the lesse neede to ouerstraine my trauaile, or to ouercharge this volume therwith. Only it shall suffice me to collect iij. or iiij histories, recorded by Oecolampadius and the rest to bring into a briefe table, & so returning, to occupy my self w^t our own domestical matters, here done at home.

¶The history of a good pastour, murthered for the preaching of the Gospell: written by I. Oecolampadius.

IN the yeare of our Lord 1525. there was a certaine good and godly minister,* 9.104 who had cōmitted something in the Commotion there rased by the rusticall clownes of the countrey, which they said that knew him, was but of small importance. He, because he had offended his prince before, not with any fact or crime, but with some word something sharply spoken, was therefore condemned to be hanged.

After sentence was geuen, there was a Gentleman of a cruell hart, sent with a certaine troupe of men, to appre∣hend the said priest, and to hang him. Who comming into his house, saluted him frendly, pretending as though their comming had bene to make good cheare: for he was a good housekeeper, and the Gentlemen of the Countrey there∣aboutes vsed oftentimes to resort vnto his house famili∣arly. This priest made ready for them in short space, a very sumptuous banket, whereof they did eate and drinke very cheerefully. After dinner was ended, and that the Priest was yet at the table thinking no hurt,* 9.105 the Gentleman said to his seruants, take ye this priest our host, and hang him, and that without delay, for he hath wel deserued to be han∣ged for the great offence he hath committed agaynste hys Prince, the seruaunts were marueylously astonied wyth his words, and abhorring to do the deede, sayd vnto theyr maister, God forbid that we should cōmit any such crime, to hang a man that hath intreated vs so gently: for y^e meate which he hath geuen vs, is yet in our stomackes vndisge∣sted. It wer•• a wicked acte for a noble man to render so great an euill, for a good turne: but especially to murder an innocent. Briefly, the seruaunts sought no other occa∣sion, but only to geue him way to flee, that they might al∣so auoide the execution of that wicked purpose.

As the Gentleman and his seruants were thus con∣tending, the priest said vnto them, I beseech you shewe no such crueltie vpon me, rather leade me away captiue vnto my prince, where I may purge my selfe. I am falsely accu∣sed, and I trust to pacifie his anger which he hath concei∣ued against me. At least remember the hospitalitie which I haue euer shewed to you, and all Noble mē at al times, resorting to my house. But principally speaking to the Gentleman, he aduertised him of y^e perpetuall sting which would follow vpon an euill conscience: protesting that he had faithfully and truely taught them the doctrine of the Gospell, and that it was the principall cause why he had such euill will: whiche long time before he had foreseene would come to passe, for so much as he had oftentimes in the pulpit reproued sharply and openly the horrible vices of the Gentlemen,* 9.106 which mainteined their people in their vicious liuing, and they themselues were geuen vnto blasphemie and drunkennes, whereas they should shewe example of faith, true religion, and sobernes, but they had oftentimes resisted him, sayeng that it was not his part to reprooue them, for so much as they were his Lordes, and might put him to death if they woulde: that all things which they did was allowable, and that no man ought to gaynesay it: also that he went about some things in hys Sermons, that would come to an ill ende.

This good man, whatsoeuer he coulde saye, coulde not make his matter seeme good, for the Gentleman continu∣ed in his wicked enterprise, and pricked forth his seruants still to accomplish their purpose, for it was resolued by the Prince, that he shoulde be put to death, and turning hym∣selfe vnto the Priest, he said, that he could gaine nothing by preaching in such sorte,* 9.107 but that he shoulde fully deter∣mine himselfe to die, for the prince had geuen expresse com∣maundement to hang him, whose fauour he woulde not loose, for to saue his life.

At the last the seruants, after great sorrow and lamenta∣tion, bound their hoste, & hanged him vpon a beame in his owne house, the Gentleman standing by, & looking vpon.

This good man seeing no remedy, spake none other wordes, but onely, Iesus haue mercy vpon me. Iesus saue me. This is the truth of this most cruell acte, which a Turke would scarsely haue committed against his mortall enemie. Now let euery man iudge with himselfe, which of them haue the greatest aduantage, either they which com∣mit the crueltie against the good, or the good men which do suffer the same vniustly. The first sorte haue a continuall gnawing in their conscience, and the other obtaine an im∣mortall crowne.

¶The like historie of the death of a certaine Mi∣nister, named M. Peter Spengler, which was drow∣ned in the yeare of our Lord 1525. collected by Oecolampadius.

IN a certaine village named Schlat, in the countrey of Brisgois, there was a vigilant minister, a man very wel learned in the Scriptures, of a good name, for that he liued a godly & a blamelesse life, hauing lōg time faithfully done his office and dutie, being also courteous and gentle,* 9.108 and wel beloued of mē, but specially of the Bysh. of Constāce, with whom he was in great authority, peaceable and qui∣ete with all men that he had to doo withall. He quieted dis∣cordes and contentions with a marueilous prudencie, ex∣horting

all men to mutuall charity & loue. In al assembles wheresoeuer he came, he greatly commended honest lyfe & amendment of maners. When the purity of the gospell be∣gan to shine abroad, he began to read with great affection the holy Scriptures, which long tyme before he had read, but without any vnderstanding. When he had recouered a litle iudgement, and came to more vnderstanding by cōti∣nuall reading, being also further grown in age, he begā to consider with himselfe, in how great darckenes and errors the whole order of priests had bene a long time drowned. O good God (sayd he) who would haue thought it, that so many learned and holy men haue wandred out of the right way, and could haue so lōg time bene wrapped in so greate errors, or that the holy Scripture coulde haue bene so de∣formed with such horrible abuses, for he neuer wel vnder∣stood before (he sayde) that the Gospell was the verity of God, in that order wherein it is written, seeing it contey∣ned so much touching the Crosse, persecution, and igno∣minious death,* 9.109 and yet the Priestes liued in great prospe∣rity, and no man durste mayntayne any quarrell agaynst them, without great daunger? He also saw that the howre was come that the Gospell should be displayd, that perse∣cution was at hand, that the enemies of the truth beganne now to rage, that the wicked and proud lyfted vppe theyr heades on high,* 9.110 and feared not to enterprise and take in hand all kynde of mischiefe and wickednesse agaynst the faythfull, that the Byshops which ought by theyr vertue and power to defend the word, were more barbarous and cruell then any tyrauntes had bene before. He thus consi∣dering the present estate of the world,* 9.111 put all doubte from his hart, and sawe presently before hys eyes, that Iesus Christ had taught the trueth, seeing so many bodyes of the faythful were dayly so tormented, beaten, exiled, and bani∣shed, drowned, and burned. For who can report the great tormentes which the innocent haue endured these yeares passed, euen by those which cal themselues Christians, and for no other cause, but onely for the true confession of Iesus Christ? This good Pastour considering with him selfe the lawes and doctrine of the church of Rome to swarue from the truth of Christ, especially in restraining mariage: to the end that he would not defile himselfe wyth fornication, he maryed a mayd of his, such a one as feared God, by whom afterward he had many fayre children.

About this time the people of the countrey had raysed a great commotion,* 9.112 who in theyr rage went vnto monaste¦ries and priestes houses, as if they had taken in hand some pilgrimage, and spared nothing that they could find to eat. That which they could not eat, they eyther cast vnderfeet, or caryed it away with them. One company of this rustical sort, lodged themselues in the house of this good Priest, for they made no difference betwene the good & the bad. These roysters tooke from him all that they could finde, leauyng nothing behinde them, in so much as they tooke away the very hose from his legges, for all that he could doe: albeit that he gently entreated them, shewing that it was theft, & a hanging matter that they did, yet they continued styll in theyr madnes like beastes.

As they were departing out of the house, the good priest could not refrain himselfe from weeping, saying vnto thē, I tell you before, these your vnordinate dooynges will re∣dound to some great mischiefe to your selfe. For what mad¦nes is this, what meaneth this rage and tumult, wherein you keepe no order or equity, neither haue any respect be∣twene frend and foe? Who thus styrreth you vp? what coū∣sell do you folow, or to what end do you this? Like theues you spoyle what so euer you can lay handes vpon. And thinke you not but these thinges which you now rob, ra∣uen, and steale, you shalbe compelled hereafter to restore a∣gayn, to your great detrimēt? What sedition did euer come to good end?* 9.113 You pretend the Gospell, and haue no peace of the Gospell either in your mouthes, or in your hartes. These excesses (sayd he) ye neuer learned of me, which euer haue taught you the true word of God. This your Gospel (sayth he) is rather the Gospell of the deuill, then of God, which vexeth al the world with violence and wrong, spoy∣ling and robbing without regard.* 9.114 The true Gospel of Ie∣sus Christ, teacheth you to do good vnto all men, to auoyde dissentiōs and periury. This I say vnto you, that in these your doinges you offend God, and prouoke his iust ven∣geance to plague you, which will neuer suffer these euilles to escape vnpunished. You finde written in the Gospell: That which thou wouldest not shoulde be done to thee, do not to other. You offend also all the nobilitye, and your lawfull magistrates, whom you are sworne and bound vnto. It is no small matter I tel you, to rayse vp sedition, to styrre vp other, and to disturbe the state of the common wealth: and when this tumult shall be ceased, what then shall your no∣ble men do? shal they not rifle you as fast, & of your goodes make themselues rich? and then shall one of you betray an other. These with such other words he stood preaching vn∣to them, almost naked, but al this would not preuayle with those men, who after all these gentle admonitions and fayre wordes, departed out of his house geuing him foule language, and calling him olde Dotarde. Amongest all o∣ther, one more wicked then the residue, sayde vnto hym in this maner: O mayster Curate, we haue bene long decey∣ued by your selling of masses, by fearing vs with Purga∣tory, by your Diriges and Trentals, and so haue we bene spoyled: wherfore we do nothing now, but requyre agayn the mony which you robbed vs of, and so mocking & scor∣ning him they departed.

After that this sedition of the Pesantes was partly ap∣peased (theyr armour being layd away) and they taken vn∣to grace: after that also diuers of the principals of that con∣spiracy were taken here and there in the villagyes, and ex∣ecuted: this good pastor fearing no such thing, for the true and sincere preaching of the Gospell, whereat many tooke great indignation, was taken in the night by certayn soul∣diers, which bound him hand and foote, with a great rope before his wife and children, and so set him vpon a horse,* 9.115 and ledde him away to Friburge. What grieuous sighes, teares, sorrowe, and lamentation was there? It would haue mooued any hart (were it as hard as a Flynt) to a dolefull compassion, especially to see the barbarous and despightfull rebukes, tauntes, and extreme cruelty she∣wed by these proude Popishe Souldiours agaynst the innocent Priest. Such beastly Tyrauntes the world is neuer without. Such Godly ministers we haue had but a few.

The people hearing this pitifull noyse and lamentatiō in the night, came runing out, not the men, but onely the women, whom the souldiers willed to go home again, and that theyr men should come forth and keepe the towne, but theyr men durst not appear. Then from Friburge, shortly after they conueyed him to Ensissheim.

After they had long kept this man in prison, and that he had endured most terrible tormēts, as well by the priuy members, as in other partes, they iudged him to death. If you will know y^e cause what they had to lay to his charge, it was onely this, y^t he had maryed a wife secretely in hys owne house, with a few witnesses.* 9.116 Other crimes they had none to obiect agaynst him, neither that he was a seditious and wicked man, or that he had cōmitted any other offence albeit they had gathered diuers wicked persons out of sū∣dry places, to picke out of hys Sermons, the order and maner of his behauiour. When he was led vnto the place of execution, he aunswered gentlye and quietly vnto all them that came to comfort hym. But there were diuers Monkes and Priestes which troubled hym very sore with theyr foolish babling, as he was striuing in hys spirite a∣gaynst the horrour of death, and making hys prayer vn∣to almightye GOD, seeking nothing els but to turne him away from his harty and earnest contemplation. But he desired them that they woulde holde theyr peace, saying that he had already confessed his sinnes vnto the Lord Ie∣sus, nothing at all doubting but that he had receiued abso∣lution and forgeuenesse of them all. And I (sayd he) shall this day be an acceptable sacrifice vnto my Sauiour Ie∣sus Christ, for I haue done no suche thing wherefore I am now condemned, whiche might displease my Lorde God, who in this behalfe hath geuen me a good and quiet conscience. Nowe therefore let them which thyrst for in∣nocent bloud, and shed the same, diligently aduise them∣selues what they do, and that they offend euen hym, vnto whom it perteineth truely to iudge the hartes of men: for it is sayd: Vengeance is myne, and I will punish.* 9.117 And for so much as he was a very leane man, he added thys moreouer, say∣ing: It is all one, for shortly I must haue forsaken thys skin which already scarsely hangeth to my bones, I know well that I am a mortall, and a corruptible worme, and haue nothing in me but corruption. I haue long time de∣sired my latter day, & haue made my request that I might be deliuered out of this mortall body, to be ioyned with my Sauiour Christ.

I haue deserued through my manifold sinnes commit∣ted agaynst my Sauior Christ, my crosse: and my Sauiour Christ hath borne the crosse, and hath died vpon the crosse: and for my part, I will not glory in any other thing, but onely in the crosse of Iesus Christ.

There were present by,* 9.118 certayne naughtye persons which tould not endure to heare this godly exhortatiō, but made a signe vnto the hangman, to cast him down into the riuer. After he was throwne downe, he moued by a cer∣tayne space in the water, in such sort, that the riuer where∣into

he was cast, was redde with bloud. This was a cer∣tayne signe and token, that innocent bloud was that daye shed. They which were there present, beholding that whi∣che had happened,* 9.119 were greatly amazed and astonyed, cōsi∣dering with themselues what the stayning of the water with the bloud should signify. Euery man returned home pēsiue and sad, maruelling at the cruel deed that was done that day: notwithstanding no man durst open his mouth to speake one word, because that all thinges were exercised with such cruelty. This was done in the towne of Ensis∣sheim. an. 1525.

These thinges I did vnderstand by one which did be∣hold them with his eyes. The Lord of his great grace be mercifull vnto vs, and forgeue vs our sinnes. Ex Oecolam.

Such was the wickednes then of those dayes, and yet is still, that who so euer was perceiued to fauour the Gos∣pel, or any thing to dislike the doctrine of the popes church, he was hated and despited of the Rulers, Lawiers, and al other Papistes through the whole countrey about, but es∣pecially of priestes, monks and friers. And though the life of the Gospellers were neuer so sound & vpright, yet such was the hatred and malice of the Popes frendes agaynste them, that they neuer ceased to seek all occasiōs, and deuise matters how to bring them to death.

It so happened a litle before this present time, that there was a commotion of the rude and rusticall people of the country, rising in armour inordinately, agaynst theyr Ru∣lers, to the great disturbance of the whole country of Ger∣many, & no lesse to theyr owne destruction: of whom were slayn aboue 20000. At length when this rebellion was ap∣peased, and all things quiet, such as were the popes frēds, to worke theyr malice agaynst the Gospell, tooke occasion thereby not long after, to accuse and entangle such as they knew to be Gospellers & Protestantes. And although the sayd Gospellers were neuer so inculpable & cleare from al rebellion, yet that sufficed not, for causes were made, false witnesses brought, corrupt Iudges suborned to condemne the innocent, & many were put to death, theyr cause neither being heard nor knowne. By reason whereof, a great nū∣ber of good & innocent Christians were miserably brought to theyr end and martyrdome. In the number of whome was this poore man also, whose story by Oecolampadius is thus described.

¶ An other history of a certayne man of the country wrongfully put to death, colle∣cted by the sayd Iohn Oecolam∣padius.

* 9.120THere was (sayth he) a certayne manne of the countrey, which in my iudgement was a good man, and louer of iustice, and a mortall enemye of all the cruell exactions of the Gentlemen, which oppressed the poore people. Thys man, after the tumult and commotion of the countrey was appeased, was grieuously vexed and tormented, because he had cryed Alarme. when as a great number of horsemen raunged about the countrey to seeke out those which had bene the authours of that sedition. This poore man was taken by pollicy, & so vpholden with fayre promises, that they made him cōfesse whatsoeuer they requyred. He thin∣king that they would not haue put him to death, was cast in prison, wheras he was long time deteined, & well cheri∣shed, to take away all suspition from him: but after he had taried a long time in prison, they put him to the Pinbank, laying diuers and many grieuous offences to his charge, where they kept him hanging in the trusse of the corde,* 9.121 the space of sixe houres, hanging a great stone fastened at hys feete.

The sweat that dropped from his body for very payne and anguish, was almost bloud. In this distresse he cryed out pitifully, but all that could not once moue the tormen∣ters hartes. When as all the power & strength in his body beganne to fayle him, with great violence they let him fall downe. There this poore man lay euen as a stocke, not mo∣uing any part or member of his body, but a little drawing his breath, which was a token that there was some life in him. Here the tormenters were in great doubt what to do with the man, whom they sought by al meanes to destroy, in what place they might put him, that he should not die of that torment.

Amongest them there was one which brought vineger and rose water, and rubbing him therewithall, they dyd somewhat recouer him. After that they had caused hym to eate and drinke such as they had prouided for him, they let him downe into a deepe dungeon, where he could see ney∣ther Sunne nor Moone. All this was done to the intent to put him to more torment, when he had somewhat reco∣uered his strength agayne. There they let him continue xviij. dayes: after which time they brought him agayne to examination, propoūding certaine articles vnto him, whi∣che he constantly denyed. They deuised diuers and sundry kindes of tormentes, to the intent they might euen of force extorte something of this poore man, which might seeme woorthy of death: yet for all that they were fayne to depart without theyr purpose. The xx. day after, these tyrauntes hyred a hangman (a man sure worthy of his office) whiche lefte no kinde of cruelty vnpractised.* 9.122 Yet did he misse of his purpose also, and was constrained to leaue his cruelty, and to pronounce euē with his own mouth, that the man was innocēt, in that he had so constantly endured so many hor∣rible and grieuous tormentes. Yet these tyrauntes came a∣gayne the fourth time,* 9.123 & suborned two witnesses agaynst him, thus cōcluding that he was worthy of death, because he had cried Alarme, after the truice was taken, & woulde haue moued a new sedition. The day was appointed whē he should suffer, and they brought vnto him the hangman, and a Frier into the prison.

In the meane time this poore man thought with hym∣selfe that they would haue shewed him the like crueltye as they had done the night before. They called him out of the dungeō where they had let him downe, certifying him that they had thinges to tell him for his profite. This they dyd because he should not dye in prison.

Then they let downe a cord and a staffe,* 9.124 but they could not perswade him to sit thereupon, saying that he woulde rather chuse to dye there, then he woulde endure any more such cruell tormentes: Notwithstanding, if they woulde promise him, not to put him any more to the trusse of the Corde, nor to put him to death, but to bring him before iust Iudges: on that condition he would come out, although he had fully determined neuer to haue remooued from thence, but to haue ended his life in that dungeon. There were present certayne counsellors which promised to per∣forme his request.* 9.125 And thereupon he was taken out of the dungeon. As soone as he sawe the Fryer, he cryed out with a loud voyce, saying: O miserable and wretched man that I am: now am I betrayed and deceiued, for my lat∣ter houre is at hand. I see well the dreame whiche I haue dreamed this night will come to effect,* 9.126 for they doe handle me tyrannously & condemn me, not being heard. The frier brake him of from his purpose and pulling a woodē crosse out of his sleeue, presented it vnto hym, declaring that he must be quiet, because they had already geuen sentence a∣gainst him, & that he should gain nothing by so much talk. Poore man (sayd the Frier) thou hast had good and gentle Iudges, at the least thou shalt go to God, therfore confesse thy sinnes in my care, and after thou hast receiued absolu∣tion at my handes, doubt not but this day thou shalt goe straight to the kingdome of heauē. The poore man answe∣red: Thou wicked frier, get thee away from me, for I haue long since bewayled my sinnes and offences, & that before the face of my Lord Iesus, who hath already forgeuen me all that which I haue cōmitted against his maiesty, wher∣fore I haue no need of thy absolution, which thou thy selfe doest not vnderstand. This is most certeine, that lōg time since, thou shouldest haue amēded thine own wicked & hi∣pocriticall life. I know well enough what thou art, thou plaiest the Ape with me, but thou hast a subtle and craftye hart, whiche hath deceiued much simple people. If thou hast any comfort or consolation out of the Gospell to com∣fort me withall, let me haue it, if not, get thee away frō me, with thy Portesse. The frier was so confused and amazed with these woordes, that he knewe not what to doe or say. The hangman being wiser then the fryer,* 9.127 bade him reade vnto the poore man something of the Passion, wherein the poore mā would take great pleasure. This foolish frier had no other consolatiō to comfort him withall, but to hold the Crucifixe of wood before him, saying: Beholde thy sauiour which dyed for thee, looke vpon him, & thou shalt be com∣forted. Then sayd the poore man, I haue an other Sauiour this is none of my Sauiour, get thee away from me thou naughty person: with thy marmoset of wood. My Sauior dwelleth in heauē in whom I trust that he wil not deliuer my soule to eternall death. The frier crossed himselfe, she∣wing the semblance of a man that were very sory & agree∣ued, thinking with himselfe, that this poore man was fal∣len into desperation. Then he was led forth into the mar∣ket place, wheras according to the custome,* 9.128 opēly before al the people, his confession was read with a loud voice whi∣che conteined no other thing, but onely that y^e mā had bene a seditious person, and that in the time of truce he had cry∣ed Alarme, euen in the night, when all men were at rest.

When he was come to the place where he shoulde suf∣fer, being compassed in with Gleues & Halbardes, hyred

for the purpose: after he had said the Lords prayer, y^e hang∣man bad him kneele downe, but he refused so to do, decla∣ring that he had yet some thing more to say before the peo∣ple, thinking that he should not be denyed to speake in that place, as he was before the wicked Iudges. Those (sayde he) which know me, shalbe sufficient good witnesses on my behalfe, that from my youth vpward: I haue alwayes ly∣ued in good name, fame, and honesty, being neuer before ac¦cused for any offence, sedition, or periury.

In an euil time haue I happened into these cursed daies, when as all waies both God and manne are turned topsy turuy. I was adherent to the tumult & sedition of the m••n of the countrey, as many other were which dwell there a∣bout, but what then? are there not also many Gentlemen which folowed the pesants army, and many strōg townes which went also with them? I was not the authour of a∣ny sedition,* 9.129 which alwayes I haue mortally hated. I ne∣uer gaue counsell vnto any man to moue any broile or tu∣mult in any place. We asked counsell of our Gentlemenne what we should doe, when the bandes of the pesants were assēbled in the fields: but they gaue vs neither counsell nor comfort. And to speake of my selfe, I did neuer vnderstand or know what the articles were that were published, ney∣ther was there euer any man that told me wherefore they wer published, neither did I know wherfore the bands of the countrymen were risen, neither wherefore euery man moued his neighbor to put on armour. Wherfore thē haue ye taken me as a seditious man, and made me to endure so great torments. He continued a long time in declaring his innocency, but notwithstanding al his excuses & defences, the hangman drue his sword, & at the commaundement of the iudge, strake of his head, as he had made an end of hys prayers.* 9.130 His tongue moued a long time afterward in hys head, by meanes of the force of the words which he had be∣fore spoken.

Thus this good man of the countrey ended his dayes. Against whom the false Iudges could find no crime or of∣fēce to obiect, albeit they had diligētly sought by witnesses to haue information of al his life & liuing. The Lord graūt his spirit to all those which suffer for his name. Ex Ioan. Oe∣colampad.

*Wolfgangus Schuch a Germane, in Lotharing, martyr.

* 9.131WOfgangus Schuchus comming to a certayne towne in Lotharing, bearing the name of s. Hippolitus, & be∣ing receiued in the said towne to be theyr Pastor, labored by all meanes how to extirp out of the harts of the people Idolatry and Superstition. Whiche through the grace of Christ working with him, he in short time had brought prosperously to passe, according to his desire: In so muche that the obseruation of Lent, Images, and all Idols, with the abhominatiō also of the Masse, in the same towne was vtterly abolished: So reformable God made the hartes of the people there, & such affection had they to theyr minister. It was not long but the rumour thereof came to the hea∣ring of Duke Antony, prince of Loraine (vnder whose do∣minion they were) through the swift report of the aduersa∣ries,* 9.132 falsly belying these Hippolitans to y^e duke, as though they in relinquishing the doctrine and faction of the Pope, went about to reiect and shake of all authority & power of princes, & all superior gouernors. By the meanes of which sinister report, they incensed the Prince to such displeasure and indignation,* 9.133 that he threatned to subuert and vtterly to destroy the Towne with swoord and fire. Wolfgangus hauing word of this, wrote vnto the Duke his Epistle, in most humble & obedient wise, in defence both of his mini∣stery, of his doctrine which he taught, & of the whole cause of the Gospell.

In which Epistle first he excused the people to be in∣nocent & blamelesse,* 9.134 & rather those slaunderous reporters to be both worthy to be blamed, and also punished for theyr false rumors & forged sclaunders raysed vp agaynst them. After that he opened and explaned the cause and state of the Gospell, and of our saluation, cōsisting only in the free grace of God, through fayth in Christ his sonne, cōparing also the same doctrine of the Gospell, with the confused do∣ctrine of the Church of Rome.

That done, thirdly he proceeded to our obedience, ho∣nor and worship which first we owe to God & to Christ: next vnder him, to Princes here and Potestates, whom God hath placed in his roome, and endued with authoritye here in earth, vnto whom they offered themselues nowe & at all times, prest and most ready to obey with all seruice & duety. &c.

But with this Epistle Wolfgangus did nothing pre∣uayle, eyther for that it was intercepted by the way, or els for that the false accusations & wicked tongues of the ad∣uersarye parte tooke more effect to winne credite wyth the Duke, then could the simple defence of verity. Whereupon Wolfgangus, when he saw no other remedy, rather then the towne should come in any daūger for his cause, y^e good man of his owne accord came to the city of Nancey (which is the head towne of Loraine) there to render a confessi∣on of his doctrine, and also to deliuer the towne of S. Hip∣polite out of perill, deriuyng all the daunger vppon hym∣selfe.

As soone as he was come thyther,* 9.135 incontinent handes were layd vpon him, and he laid fast in a straight and stin∣king prison, where he was sharpely and bitterly handled, vnder the custody of the churlish and cruell kepers. All this notwithstanding, Wolfgangus cōtinuing in that prisō the space of a whole yeare, yet would not be moued from hys cōstancy neither with the straitnes of the prison, nor wyth the hardnesse of his kepers, nor yet with the compassion of his wife & children, which he had about sixe or seuen.* 9.136 Then was he had to the house of the Gray fryers to professe there his fayth: where he both wittyly and learnedly confuted all them that stood agaynst him.

There was a fryer (named Bonauenture) prouinciall of that order, of face, body, and belly monstrous,* 9.137 but muche more grosse in blinde ignoraunce, and a man vtterly rude, a contemner of all ciuility and honesty, who beyng long confessour to the Duke, and of great authority in Loraine, as he was an enemy to vertue and learning,* 9.138 so was he e∣uer persuading the Duke to banish out of the Courte and Country of Loraine all learned men, neyther coulde he a∣bide any person which seemed to know more then hys el∣ders knewe before. The summe of all his Diuinitye was this, to be sufficient to saluation onely to know the Pater noster, and Aue Maria. And thus was the Duke brought vp and trayned, and in nothing els, as the Duke hymselfe oft times in talke with hys familiars, woulde confesse. Thys Bonauenture beyng chiefe Iudge and Moderator where Wolfgangus disputed, or was examined,* 9.139 had nothyng els in his mouth, but thou hereticke, Iudas, Belzebub. &c. Wolfgangus bearing patientlye those priuate iniuryes, whiche perteyned to himselfe, proceeded mightely in hys disputation by the Scriptures confuting or rather cōfoun∣ding his aduersaryes. Who being not otherwyse able to make theyr party good, yet for very shame, because they would not seeme to do nothing, tooke his Bible with hys notes in the margēt, into theyr monastery and burned it. At the last disputation Duke Anthony himself was said to be there, altering his apparrell, because he woulde not be knowne, who albeit he vnderstood not the speach of Wolf∣gangus, speaking in Latine, yet perceiuing him to be bold and constant in his doctrine, departing from the disputa∣tion, gaue sentence, that he should be burned, because he de∣nyed

[illustration]

¶ The Martyrdome of Wolfgangus.

the Church, and Sacrament of the Masse. Wherupō it folowed shortly after that Wolfgangus was cōdemned to be burned,* 9.140 who hearing the sentence of his condēnation began to sing the Psal. 122. Laetatus sum in his quae dicta sunt mihi, in domum Domini ibimus. &c.

As he was led to the place of execution, passing by the house of the Gray Friers, Bonauenture the greate Cy∣clops sitting at the doore, cryed out to him: thou heretique do thy reuerence here to God, and to our Lady, and to his holy Sayntes, shewing to him the Idols standing at the Friers gate. To whom Wolfgangus aunswered agayne: thou hypocrite, thou paynted Wall, the Lord shall destroy thee, and bring all thy false dissimulation vnto light. When they were come to the place of his Martyrdome, fyrst hys bookes before him were throwne in the fire. Then they as∣ked him whether he woulde haue his payne mynished or shortned: to whom he sayd no, bidding thē to do theyr will: for (sayd he) as God hath bene with me hitherto, so I trust now he will not leaue me, when I shall haue most need of him, concluding his wordes thus: that they should put the sentence in execution,* 9.141 & so beginning to sing the 51. Psalme he entred into the place heaped vp with fagots and wood, continuing in his Psalme and singing till the smoke & the flame tooke from hym both voyce and life.

The singuler vertue, constancye, and learning of thys blessed man, as it refreshed and greatly edified the harts of many good men:* 9.142 so it astonyed as much the mindes of hys aduersaryes, and wrought to theyr confusion: For shortlye after his death the Commēdator of S. Antony of Uienna, who sate as spirituall iudge ouer him, and gaue sentence of his condemnation, fell sodenly down and dyed. Also his felow, which was Abbot of Clarilocus, and suffragan to to the Bishop of Metz, sodenly at the comming of the Du∣ches of Denmarke into the city of Nancy, strokē with so∣den feare, at the cracke of gunnes, fell downe and dyed, as they which were presēt and saw it, haue made faythfull re∣lation of the same. an. 1525. Ex Ludou. Rabo, & Pantal.

¶Iohn Huglein Martyr.

OF Iohn Huglein Priest, mention is made in the Com¦mentaryes of Iohn Sled. in Lib. 6. who the next yeare fo∣lowing.* 9.143 an. 1526. was burned at Merspurge by the bishop of Constance, for that he did not holde with the Byshop of Romes doctrine in all poyntes.

Moreouer, besides other matters in this yeare occur∣rent,* 9.144 here is also a Memorandum to be made to all posterity, that in this present yeare .1526. vnto Iohn Friderick sonne and heyre to the Prince and Electour of Saxony, was pro¦mised the Lady Katherine the Emperours younger sister in Mariage, and writinges made of the same. But when the alteration of religion was sent by Gods prouidence in to Saxonye,* 9.145 they swarued from theyr couenauntes, and Hawnart, which was then the Emperours Ambassadour in Germany, sayde playnely, that there was no promise to be kept with heretickes: wherin they seemed to folow well the footsteppes of the Councell of Constance, as before you haue partly heard in the story of Iohn Hus, & of the Em∣perour Sigismund, pag. 593.587.

¶George Carpenter of Emeryng Martyr, burned in the towne of Munchen in Bauaria.

THe viij. day of February in the yeare of our saluation .1527. there happened a rare and maruellous example & spectacle in the town of Munchen in Barauia. which was this.* 9.146 A certayne man named George Carpenter of Eme∣ryng was there burnt. When he was fette out of the pryson called Falken Tower, and led before the Councell, diuers Friers and Monkes followed him, to instructe and teach him. Whom he willed to tary at home, & not to folow him. When he came before the Councel, his offences were read, conteyned in foure Articles.

First that he did not beleue that a Priest could forgeue a mans sinnes.* 9.147

Secondly that he did not beleue, that a man could call God out of heauen.

Thyrdly that he did not beleue, that God was in the bread, which the Priest hangeth ouer the aultar, but that it was the bread of the Lord.

Fourthly, that he did not beleue, that the very element of the water it selfe in Baptisme, doth geue grace.

Which foure Articles, he vtterly refused to recant. Thē came vnto him a certayne Scholemaister of S. Peters in y^e towne of Munchen,* 9.148 saying: my frend George, doest thou not feare the death and punishmēt which thou must suffer? If thou were let go, wouldest thou return to thy wife and children? Wherunto he aunswered: If I were set at liber∣ty, whither should I rather go, then to my Wyfe and well beloued children? Then sayde the Schoolemayster, reuoke your former sentence and opinion,* 9.149 and you shal be set at li∣berty. Wherunto George answered: my wife and my chil∣dren are so dearely beloued vnto me, that they can not bee bought from me, for all the riches and possessions of the Duke of Bauaria: but for the loue of my Lord God I will willingly forsake them. When he was led vnto the place of execution, the scholemayster spake vnto him agayne, in the middest of the market place, saying: good George, beleue in the Sacrament of the aultar:* 9.150 do not affirme it to be onely a signe. Wherunto he aunswered: I beleue this Sacrament to be a signe of the body of Iesus Christ, offered vpon the Crosse for vs. Then sayde the Schoolemayster moreouer, what doest thou meane,* 9.151 that thou doest so litle esteme Bap¦tisme, knowing that Christ suffered himselfe to be Bapti∣sed in Iordane? Wherunto he answered, and shewed what was the true vse of Baptisme, and what was the end why Christ was Baptised in Iordane, & howe necessary it was that Christ should dye and suffer vpon the Crosse, wherin onely standeth our saluation. The same Christ (sayde he) will I confesse this daye before the whole world: for he is my Sauiour, and in him do I beleue.

After this came vnto him one Mayster Conrade Scheitter, the Uicare of the cathedrall Church of our La∣dy in Munchen a preacher, saying: George, if thou wilt not beleue the Sacrament, yet put al thy trust in God, and say: I trust my cause to be good and true: * 9.152 but if I should erre, truely I woulde be sory and repent. Whereunto George Carpenter aunswered: God suffer me not to erre I besech hym. Then sayd the Scholemayster vnto him, doe not put the matter in that hasarde, but chuse vnto you some good Christian brother, Mayster Conrade, or some other, vnto whom thou mayst reuele thy hart: not to confesse thy selfe, but to take some godly counsell of him. Wherunto he aun∣swered: Nay, not so, for it would be to long. Then maister Conrade began the Lordes Prayer, Our Father which art in heauen. Whereunto Carpenter aunswered, truely thou art our Father and no other: this day I trust to be with thee. Then Mayster Conrade went forwarde with the prayer, saying: Halowed be thy name. Carpenter aunswered: O my God, how little is thy name halowed in this world? Then sayde Mayster Conrade. Thy Kingdome come. Carpenter aunswered: let thy kingdome come this day vnto mee, that I also may come vnto thy kingdome. Then sayd Cō∣rade: Thy will be done in earth as it is heauen. Carpenter aun∣swered: For this cause O Father, am I now here, that thy will might be fulfilled and not mine. Then sayd Mayster Conrade: Geue vs this day our dayly bread. Carpenter aun∣sweared: the onely liuing breade Iesu Christ shall be my food. Then sayd Conrade: And forgeue vs our trespasses, as we forgeue them that trespasse agaynst vs. Carpenter aunswered: with a willing mind do I forgeue all men, both my frends and aduersaryes. Then sayd Mayster Conrade: And leade vs not into temptation, but deliuer vs from all euill: Wherunto Carpenter aunswered: O my Lord, without doubt thou shalt deliuer me, for vppon thee onely haue I layde all my hope. Then he began to rehearse the beliefe, saying: I beleue in God the Father almightye. Carpenter aunswered: O my God, in thee alone doe I trust: in thee onely is all my con∣fidence, and vpon no other creature, albeit they haue gone about to force me otherwise. In this maner he aunswered to euery word: which his aunsweres, if they shoulde be de∣scribed at length, would be to long. This prayer ended, the Scholemayster sayd vnto him: doest thou beleue so truely and cōstantly in thy Lord and God with thy hart, as thou doest chearefullye seeme to confesse him with thy mouth? Hereunto he aunswered:* 9.153 It were a very hard matter for me, if that I which am here ready to suffer death shoulde not beleue that with my hart, whiche I openlye professe with my mouth: For I knewe before, that I muste suffer persecutiō, if I would cleaue vnto Christ: who saith, where as thy hart is, there also is thy treasure, and whatsoeuer thing a man doth fixe in his hart to loue aboue God, that he ma∣keth his Idoll. Thē sayd mayster Conrade vnto him, Ge∣orge doest thou thinke it necessary after thy death, that any man should pray for thee, or say Masse for thee? He aun∣swered: so lōg as the soule is ioyned to the body, pray God for me, that he wil geue me grace and pacience, with al hu∣mility, to suffer the paynes of death with a true Christian fayth: but when the soule is separate from the body, then haue I no more need of your prayers. When as the hang∣man should bind him to the ladder, he preached much vnto the people. Then he was desired by certaine Christian bre∣thren,

that as soone as he was cast into the fire, he should geue some signe or token, what his faith or beliefe was. To whom he answered:* 9.154 this shall be my signe and token: that so long as I can opē my mouth, I wil not cease to call vp∣on the name of Iesus.

Behold (good reader) what an incredible cōstancy was in this godly man, such as lightly hath not bene sene in a∣ny man before. His face & countenaunce neuer chaūged co∣lour, but chearefully he went vnto the fire. In the middest (sayth he) of the towne, this day will I cōfesse my God be∣fore the whole world. When he was layd vpon the ladder, and that hangman put a bagge of gunnepouder about his necke, he sayd, let it so be, in the name of the Father, and of the Sonne,* 9.155 and of the holy Ghost. And when as the two hangmen lifted him vp vpon the ladder, smiling he bad a certayne Christian farewell, requiring forgeuenes of him. That done, the hangman thrust him into the fire. He wyth a loud voyce cryed out Iesus, Iesus. Then the hangman turned him ouer: and he agayne for a certayne space, cryed Iesus, Iesus, and so ioyfully yelded vp his spirite.

¶Leonard Keyser.

HEre also is not to be passed ouer the maruellous cōstā∣cy of M. Leonard Keyser of the countrey of Bauaria,* 9.156 who was burned for the Gospel. This Keyser was of the towne of Rawbe .4. miles frō Passaw, of a famous house. This man being at his study in Wyttēberge, was sent for by his brethren which certified him, that if euer he woulde see his father aliue, he should come with speed: which thing he did. He was scarsly come thither, when as by the com∣maundement of the Bishop of Passawe, he was taken by his mother & his brethren. The Articles which he was ac∣cused of, for y^e which also he was most cruelly put to death, & shed his bloud for the testimony of the truth were these.

That fayth onely iustifieth.

That workes are the fruites of fayth.

That the Masse is no sacrifice or oblation.

Item, for confession, satisfaction, the vow of chastitye, Purgatory, differēce of daies, for affirming only two Sa∣cramentes, and inuocation of Sayntes.

He also mayntayneth 3. kindes of confession.

The first to be of fayth, which is alwayes necessary.

* 9.157The second of charity, which serueth when any man hath of∣fended his neighbour, to whom he ought to reconcile himselfe a∣gayne, as a man may see by that which is written in Math. 18.

The third which is not to be despised, is to aske counsel of the auncient Ministers of the Church.

And for so much as all this was contrary to the bull of Pope Leo,* 9.158 and the Emperours decree made at Wormes, sentence was geuen agaynst him, that he should be disgra∣ded and put into the hands of the secular power. The per∣secuters that sate in iudgement vppon him,* 9.159 were the By∣shop of Passaw: the Suffragans of Ratisbone, & of Pas∣saw: also Doctour Eckius, being garded about with ar∣med men. His brethren and kinsfolkes made great inter∣cession to haue his iudgement deferred and put of, that the matter might be more exactly knowne. Also Iohn Fride∣ricke Duke of Saxony, and the Earles of Schauuēburge, and of Schunartzen, wrote to the Byshoppe for him, but could not preuayle. After the sentence was geuen, he was caryed by a company of harnessed men, out of the Citty a∣gayne, to Schardingham .13. of August. Where Christo∣pher Frenkinger the ciuile Iudge receiuing him,* 9.160 had let∣ters sent him from Duke William of Bauaria, that forth∣with tarying for no other iudgement, he should be burned aliue. Whereupon the good and blessed Martyr early in the morning, being rounded and shauen and clothed in a short gowne, and a blacke cappe set vpon his head all cutte and iagged, so was deliuered to the officer. As he was led out of the town, to the place where as he should suffer, he bold¦ly and hardily spake in the Almayne tongue, turning his head, first on the one side, and then on the other, saying: O Lord Iesu remayne with me, sustayne and helpe me, and geue me force and power.

* 9.161Then the woode was made ready to be set on fire, and he began to cry with a loud voyce: O Iesus, I am thine, haue mercy vpon me, and saue me, and therwithall he felt the fire begin sharply vnder his feet his hands, and about his head: and because the fire was not great enough, the hangman plucked the body halfe burnt, with a long hooke, from vnderneath the wood. Then he made a great hoale in the body, through the which he thrust a stake, and cast him agayne into the fire, and so made an end of burning, This was the blessed end of that good man, which suffered for the testimony of the truth, the 16. day of August, in the yeare of our Lord. 1526. Ex 6. Tomo operum Lutheri.

Wendelmuta widow and Martyr.

IN Holland also the same yeare .1527. was Martyred and burned a good and vertuous widow,* 9.162 named Wen∣delmuta, a daughter of Nicholas of Munchendam, Thys widow receiuing to her hart the brightnes of Gods grace, by the appearing of the Gospell, was therfore apprehēded and committed to custody in the Castle of Werden, & short∣ly after, from thence was brought to Hage the 15. day of Nouember there to appeare at the general sessions of that country: Where was present Hochstratus, Lord Presidēt of the sayd countye, who also sat vpon her the 17. day of the foresayd moneth. Diuers Monkes were appoynted there to talke with her, to the end they might conuince her, and wyn her to recant, but she constantly persisting in y^e truth, wherin she was planted, would not be remoued. Many al¦so of her kindred & other honest womē were suffred to per∣suade w^t her. Amōg whō there was a certein noble matrō, who loued and fauored dearely the sayd wydow beyng in prison. This matron comming, and commoning with her in her talke sayde: My Wendelmuta, why doest thou not keepe silence, & thinke secretly in thine hart,* 9.163 these thynges which thou beleuest, that thou mayest prolonge here thy dayes and life? To whom she aunswered agayne: Ah (sayd she) you know not what ye say. It is written: With the hart we beleue to righteousnesse, with toung we confesse, to saluati∣on. &c. And thus she remayning firme & stedfast in her be∣liefe and confession, the 20. day of Nouember was condem¦ned by sentence geuen, as agaynst an heretick, to be burned to ashes and her goodes to be confiscate, she taking the sen∣tence of her condemnation mildely and quietly.

After she came to the place wher she should be executed,* 9.164 and a Monke there had brought out a blinde Crosse, wil∣ling her many times to kisse and worship her God: I wor¦ship (sayd she) no woodden God, but onely that God whi∣che is in heauen: and so with a merry and ioyfull counte∣nance, she went to the stake, desiring the executioner, to see the stake to be fast, that it fall not: then taking the powder and laying it to her brest, she gaue her neck willingly to be bound, with an ardent prayer commending her selfe to the hands of God. Whē the time came that she should be strā∣gled, modestly she closed her eyes, & bowed down her head as one that would take a sleepe: which done the fire then was put to the wood, and she being strangled, was burned afterward to ashes, in stead of this life to get the immortall crowne in heauen. an. 1527. Ex Pantal.

*Petrus Flistedius, and Adolphus Clare∣bachus put to death at Colen.

IN the number of these Germane Martyrs,* 9.165 are also to be comprehended Peter Flisteden and Adolphe Clarebach, two mē of singuler learning, & hauing rype knowledge of Gods holy word. Which two, in the yere of our Lord. 1529. for that they did dissent frō the papistes in diuers poyntes, & specially touching the supper of the Lord, and other the popes traditions & ceremonies, after they had endured im∣prisonment a yeare and a halfe, by the commaundement of the Archb. and Senate, were put to death and burned in Colen, not without the great griefe & lamentatiō of many good Christians,* 9.166 all the fault being put vpon certayne Di∣uines, which at that time preached that the punishment & death of certayne wicked persons, should pacify the wrath of God, which then plagued Germany grieuously with a new and straunge kinde of disease: For at that season, the sweating sicknes did mortally rage and reign throughout all Germany. Ex Commenta. Ioan. Sled Lib. 6.

¶A Preface to the Table folowing.

IF thou well remember in reading this booke of storyes (louing reader) it was before mentioned & declared, pag. 842. how in the yeare of grace 1501. certayne prodigious markes and printes of the Lordes passion, as the crowne, crosse, nayles, scourges, & speare were sene in Germanye, vpon the garmēts of men & womē. Which miraculous o∣stent passing y^e ordinary course of natural causes, as it was sent of God, no doubt, to foreshew the great & terrible per∣secution, which afterward fell in the countrey of Germany and other regions besides, for the testimony of Christ: so if the number & names of all those good men & womē, which suffered in the same persecution, with theyr actes & doings should be gathered & cōpiled together, it would aske a long time, & a large volume. Notwithstanding, partly to satisfy the history which we haue in hand, partly also to auoyd te∣dious prolixity, I thought briefely to cōtract the discourse therof, drawing, as in a compendious Table, the names of

the persecutors, & of the Martyrs which suffered, and the causes wherfore, in as much shortnes as I may, referring the full tractation of their liues & doyngs to those writers of theyr owne countrey, where they are to be read more at large. And to keep an order in the same Table, as much as in such a cōfused heape of matters I may, according to the order and distinctiō of the countryes, in which these blessed Saintes of Christ did suffer: I haue so diuided the order of the Table in such sort, as first to begin with them that suf∣fered in Germany, then in Fraunce, also in Spayne, with other forrein countries mo,* 9.167 shewing only the names with the principall matters of them, referring the rest to the fur∣ther explication of their owne Storywriters, from whence they be collected. The which Table being finished, my pur¦pose is (Christ willing) to returne to the full history of our owne matters, & Martirs which suffred here in England.

¶A Table of the names and causes of such Martyrs, which gaue theyr liues for the testimony of the Gospell in Germany, Fraunce, Spayne, Italy, and other forreigne Countryes, since Luthers tyme: In which Table first is contayned within the first space betweene the lines, the Persecutours, next the Martyrs, and thyrdly the causes.

¶The Martyrs of Germany. ¶Of diuers which suffered in Germany for the witnesse of the Gospell, partly some rehearsall is made before, as of Voes, and Esch, of Sutphen, Iohn Castellanne, Pet, Spengler, with a certayne Godly Minister, and an other simple man of the countrey mentioned in Oecolampadius: Also of them in Diethmar and Prage, of M. George of Hala, Gaspar, Tambert, Georgius of Vienna, Wolfgangus Schuch, Iohn Huglius, George Carpenter, Leonard Keyser, Wendelmuta, P. Flistede, Adol. Clarebach, and other moe. The residue folow in order of this Table here to be shewed.

Persecutors.	Martyrs.	The causes.
...Charles the Emperour.* 9.168 ...Two ser∣uauntes of a Butcher did appre¦hend.	One Nicholas of Antwerpe. At Antwarpe. An. 1254.	The Curate of Melza by Antwarpe, had vsed to preach to a great number of peo∣ple without the towne. The Emperour hea∣rynge thereof, gaue leaue to take the vp∣permost garment of all thē that came to heare, and offered 30. gilders who so would take the Prieste. Afterwarde, when the people were gathered, and the Cu∣rate not there, thys Nicholas stepped vp in place and preached. Wherefore hee beinge apprehended by these two seruauntes of a Butcher, was put in a sacke and drowned by the Crane at Antwerpe. 1524.
...Margarete daughter of Maximiliā,* 9.169 Princes of Holland. ...M. Montane ...M. Rose∣mund. ...M. Anchu∣sanus Inqui¦sitours. ...M. Iodocus Loueryng, Vicare of Mechlin.	Ioan. Pistori∣us, a learned man of Hol∣land, and part∣ly of kynne to Erasm Rote∣rod. An. 1524.	The storye of Pi∣storius, is largely sette foorth by Gnapheus. First he was a Priest, then he maryed: after that he preached, com∣myng from Wytten∣berge. Hee spake a∣gaynst the Masse and pardons, and agaynst the subtile abuses of Priests. He was com∣mitted vnto prisō with 10. malefactors, whom he did cōfort, & to one being halfe naked and in daunger of colde, he gaue his gowne. Hys father visiting him in prison, did not dissuade him, but bad him bee cōstant. At last he was cōdemned, and disgra∣ded, hauing a fooles coate put vppon him. His fellow prisoners at his death song Te Deum. Commyng to the stake he gaue hys necke willingly to the band wherwith he was first strangled, and then burned, saying at his death: O death,* 9.170 where is thy victory?
Sabastian Braitestein, Abbot.	Mathias Wei∣bell, Schole∣maister. In Sueuia. An. 1525.	For sayinge some∣what agaynst the Ab∣bots first Masse, and agaynst carying about the reliques,* 9.171 through the procurement of the Abbotte, he was han∣ged by Campidonium in Sueuia.
Certayne noble men, after the cō∣motion of the coun∣trymen in Germany.	A certayne godly Priest. An. 1525.	This Priest beyng commaunded to come and geue good counsell to 16. countrymen that shoulde be beheaded,* 9.172 afterwarde was byd, hym selfe to kneele down to haue his head cut off, no cause nor cō∣demnation further be∣yng layd agaynst him, but onely of meere ha∣tred agaynst the Gos∣pell. Ex Ioan. Gastia.
The name of the Per∣secutor ap∣peareth not in the story.	George Scherrer. At Rastat by Saltzeburge. An. 1528.	Ater that this Ge∣orge had instructed the people in knowledge of the Gospell in Ra∣stat .x. miles distant frō Saltzeburge,* 9.173 he was accused of his aduersa∣ries and put in prison, where he wrote a con∣fession of his faith whi∣che Mathias Illiri∣cus hath set out wyth his whole storye.* 9.174 Hee was condemned to be burned a liue: but mea¦nes was made, that first his head shoulde be cut of, and his body afterward be cast into the fire. Going toward his death he sayd, cry∣ing aloude: That you may knowe (sayde he) that I die a true Chri∣stian,* 9.175 I will geue you a manifest signe, and so he did by the power of the Lord: For when his head was taken of frō his shoulders, the body falling vpon his belly, so cōtinued the space while one might well eat an egge. After that, softly it turned it selfe vpon the backe, and crossed the righte foote ouer the lefte, and the right hand ouer the left. At the sight wherof they which sawe it were in a great maruell. The Magi∣strates which before had appoynted to haue burned the body after his beheading, seeing this myracle, would not burne it, but buryed it with other Chri∣stian mens bodyes, and many by the same examplr

[illustration] were moued to beleue the Gospell. Thus God is a∣ble to manifest the truth of his Gospell, in the midst of persecution, who is to be blessed for euer. Amen.
Balthasar, Officiall.	Henry Flem∣myng. At Dornick. 1225.	This Henry a Fryer sometyme of Flaun∣ders, forsooke hys ha∣bite & maryed a wyfe. Who beyng offered lyfe of Balthasar, if he woulde confesse hys wyfe to be an harlot, denyed so to do, and so was burnt at Dornic.
A Popishe priest and a wicked mur¦derer.	A good priest dwelling not farre from Ba∣sill. 1539.	* 9.176There was a certaine wicked Priest, a noto∣rious adulterer, a dy∣cer, and a vile dron∣kard geuen to all wic∣kednes and vngrati∣ousnesse, without all feare, regarding no∣thing what mischiefe he did: moreouer a mā fit and readye to serue the affection of the pa∣pistes at all turnes. It chaunced yt this Priest was receiued and lod∣ged in the house of an other Priest dwellyng not farre from Basill, whiche was a good man and a sincere fauourer of the Gospell. This dronken priest sitting at sup¦per, was so dronke that he coulde not tell what he did, or els feyned himselfe so dronke of purpose, the better to ac∣complishe hys intended mischiefe. So it followed that this wretch, after hys first sleep, rose out of his bed and brake all the glasse windowes in his cham∣ber, threwe downe the stone, and rent all his hostes bookes that he founde. The host awaking wyth ye noyse ther∣of, came to hym, asking howe he dyd: whether there were any theeues or ene¦mies that he was in feare of, desiring him to shew what he ayled. But assoon as the good host had opened his cham∣ber doore, the wicked cutthroate, ranne at him with his sworde and slew hym. The host after the wounde receaued, fell downe and dyed. Upon this a cla∣mour was made through all the street, and the neigh¦bours came in, the murderer was taken and bound: and yet all the frendes and kinsfolkes that the good priest had, could not make that miserable caitiffe that was the murderer, to be executed: the superiour pow¦er did so take hys part, saying that he shoulde be sent to hys byshop. The townes men did grieuously cry out and complayne, at the boulstering out of so mani¦fest vilany. So did also the noble man that was the Lord of the Page, saying that so many good men and maried priests were drowned and beheaded for such small trifles, without any regard had to the Byshop but a murtherer might escape vnpunished. It was aunswered to them agayne, that what the superiour powers wold do, thei had nothing to do withal. The tyme was otherwise now, then it was in the commo¦tion of the rusticall people. The superiour power had authoritie to gouerne as they would, sayd they: it was their parts onely to obey:* 9.177 And so was he sent bound to the byshop, and shortly after dismissed, ha∣uing also a greater benefice geuen him for hys wor∣thy acre: for he so auaunted him selfe, that he had slain a Lutheran Priest. Ex tom. 2. Conuiualium Sermonum Ioan. Gastij. & ex. Pantal.
...Charles the Emperours Procurator. ...Doctour Anchusa∣nus, Inquisi¦tour. ...Latomus. At Louane. An. 1543.	...XXviij. Christē men and weo∣men of Lo∣uane Paule a preist. ...Two aged wo∣men. ...Antonia. ...Two men. At Louane. 1543.	When certayne of the Cittie of Louane were suspected of Lu∣theranisme, the Empe¦rors Procurator came from Bruselles the∣ther to make Inquisi∣tion. After which In∣quisition made, cer∣taine bandes of armed men came & beset their houses in the nighte where many were ta∣ken in theyr beddes, pluckt frō their wiues and children, and deui¦ded into dyuers pry∣sons. Through the ter¦rour wherof, many ci∣tizens reuolted from ye doctrine of the gospel, and returned agayne to Idolatrye. But 28. there were whiche re∣mayned constant in ye persecutiō. Unto whō the Doctors of Louan Anchusanus especially the Inquisitour, & La∣tomus sometymes, wt other, came and dispu∣ted, thinking no lesse but either to confound them or to conuert thē. But so strongly ye spi∣rite of ye Lord wrought with hys Saints, that the other went rather confounded awaye thē selues. When no disputa∣tion coulde serue that whiche lacked in cun∣ning, they supplyed wt tormentes, by enfor∣cing and afflicting thē seuerally, euery one by him selfe. Among the rest, there was one Paulus a Priest, vp∣on the age of 60. yeres, whom the Rectors of the Uniuersitie, wyth theyr Collegues, ac∣companyed with a great number of billes and gle∣ues, brought out of prison to ye Austen Friers, where after many foule wordes of the Rector, he was de∣graded. But at length for feare of death he began to stagger in some poynts of his confession, and so was had out of Louane, and condemned to perpetuall

prison whiche was a darke and stincking dongeon, where he was suffered neither to read nor write,* 9.178 or anye man to come at him, commaunded onely to be fed with bread and water. After that, other two there were, whiche because they had reuoked before, were put to the fire and burnt,* 9.179 constantly taking their martyrdome.
Then was there an old man, and 2. aged women brought forth:* 9.180 of whom the one was called Antonia, borne of an auncient stocke in that Citie. These also were condēned, the man to be headed, the 2. women to be buryed quicke,* 9.181 which death they receiued lyke∣wise very chearfully. Certain of the other prisoners, which were not codemned to death, were depriued of theyr goodes, commaunded in a white sheete to come to the church,* 9.182 and there kneling with a Taper in their hand, to aske forgeuenes: and they which re∣fused so to doe, and to abiure the doctrine of Luther, were put to the fire, Ex Francis. Encenate.
The name of the per∣secutor ap∣peareth not in the story. * 9.183	M. Perseuall. At Louane. An. 1544.	Not long after this, was one M. Perseual in the same Uniuersi∣tie of Louane, singu∣larly well learned. Who for reprehending certayne popishe su∣perstitions, and some thing speaking in com¦mendation of the Go∣spell, was throwne in∣to prison. Then beyng accused of Luthera∣nisme, because he stood to ye same, and woulde not condesende to the popes erroneous fac∣tion, he was adiudged to perpetuall pryson, there to be fedde onely with bread and water, which punishment he tooke pacyentlye for Christes sake. Neuer∣thelesse certayne Citti∣zens taking compassiō of him sent him wyne and beare. But hys keepers beeing charged vnder a great penaltie, durst let nothing come vnto hym. At last what became of him, no man coulde learne nor vnderstand. Some iudge that hee was eyther famished for hun∣ger, or els that he was secretly drow∣ned. Et Franc. Encenate.
Dorsardus•• a Potestate in that coū∣trey,* 9.184 and a great perse∣cutor.	Iustice Imbs∣berger. At Brusels. An. 1544.	* 9.185Iustus: a skinner of Louane, being suspec∣ted of Lutheranisme, was foūd in his house to haue the new testa∣ment and certayne ser∣mons of Luther: For the which he was com¦mitted, and hys Iay∣lour commanded, that he should speake wyth none. There were the same tyme, in the low∣er prison vnder them, Egidius, and Francis¦cus Encenas a Span∣yard, who secretly ha∣uing the doores left o∣pen, came to him and confirmed hym in the cause of righteousnes. Thus is the prouidēce of the Lord neuer lack¦ing to hys Saintes, in time of necessity. Short¦ly after came the Doc∣tours and maysters of Louane, to examine hym of certayne Arti∣cles touching religion as of ye popes suprema¦cy, Sacrifice of ye masse Purgatory, and of the sacrament.* 9.186 Whereun∣to when hee had aun∣swered playnely and boldly, after the Scrip¦tures, and woulde in no wise be remooued, he was condemned to the fire: but through ye intercessiō made to the Queene, his burnyng was pardoned, and he onely beheaded. Ex Franc. Encenate.
The person of Brusels.	Giles of Bru∣sels. An. 1544.	This Gyles was borne in Brusels,* 9.187 of honest parentes. By hys occupatiō he was brought vpp from hys youth to be a Cutler: In the which occupa∣tion he was so expert and cunning, that hee waxed thereby riche & wealthy. Comming to the yeares of 30. he be∣ganne to receaue the light of the Gospell, thorough the readyng of the holy Scripture, and encreased therein exceedingly. And as in zeale he was feruent, so was he of nature hu¦mane, milde, and pitty¦full, passing al other in those partes. Whatso∣euer he had, that neces∣sitie coulde spare, he gaue it awaye to the poore, and onely liued by hys science. Some he refreshed with hys meate,* 9.188 some with clo∣thing to some he gaue hys shoes: some he hel¦ped wyth housholde stuffe: to other some he ministred holesome exhortatiō of good do∣ctrine. One poore wo∣man there was brou∣ght to bed, and had no bed to lye in, to whom he brought hys owne bed, hymselfe contented to lye in the straw.
The sayd Egidius being detected by a Priest or person of Brusels, was taken at Louane for that re∣ligion, whiche the Pope doth call heresie. Where hys aduersaryes extended great care and dilligence to re∣duce hym to theyr doctrine; and to make hym abiure. But as he was a man well reasoned: and singularly witted, they went away many tymes wyth shame. Thus beyng deteyned 8. monthes in prison, he was sent to Brusels to be iudged:* 9.189 where he comforted dy∣uers whych were there in prison (amōg whom was also Fraunciscus Encenas) exhorting them to con∣stancie of the truth vnto the crowne which was pre∣pared for them. At the table he ministred to them al, beyng contented hymselfe wyth the fewe scrappes which they left.* 9.190 In thys hys prayers he was so ar∣dent, kneelyng by hymselfe, in some secret place, that he seemed to forget hym selfe. Beyng called many ty∣mes to meate, he neyther heard: nor sawe them that stood by hym, till he was lift vp by the armes, & then gently he woulde speake vnto them, as one waked out of a sweet sleep. Certayne of the Gray Friers sometymes were sent vnto hym by two and two, to reduce hym, but he would alwaies desire them to depart frō him,* 9.191 for

he was at a poynt, & when the Fryers at anye tyme did miscall hym, he euer helde his peace, at such pry∣uate iniuries: in somuche that those blasphemers would say abroad, that he had a dum deuill in hym. But when they talked of any religion, there he spa∣red not, but answered them fully by euidences of the Scripture in such sort, that diuers times they would depart maruelyng. At sundry times he might haue escaped, the doores being let open, but he woulde not for bringing his keeper in perill. At length about the moneth of Ianuary, he was brought to an other prison, to be constrayned with tormentes to confesse Purgatory, and to vtter mo of hys fellowes. But no forcement would serue. Wher∣fore vppon the 22. of Ianuary he was condemned to the fire, but priuily, contrary to the vse of ye Country, for openly they durst not condemne hym for feare of the people: so wel was he beloued. When tidinges of the sentence came vnto him, he gaue harty thankes to GOD, that the houre was come, when he might glorifie the Lord. * 9.192 [illustration] As he was brought to the place of burning, where he saw a great heape of wood pyled, hee required the greater part therof to be taken awaye, and geuen to ye poore: a litle (sayd he) wold suffice him. Also seyng a poore man comming by, as he wēt, that lacked shoes he gaue hys shoes vnto him. Better sayd he: so to do then to haue his shoes burnt, and the poore to perish for cold. Standing at the stake the hangman was ready to strangle hym before, but he woulde not say∣ing, that there was no such need that hys payn shuld be mittigated, for I feare not (sayd he) the fire, doe therfore as thou art commanded. And thus the bles∣sed Martyr, lifting vp his eyes to heauen, in the mid¦dle of the flame, was extincted, to the great lamenta∣tion of all that stood by.* 9.193 After that tyme, when the fri∣ers of that Cittie would goe about for theyr almes the people would say, it was not meet for them to re¦ceaue almes with bloudy handes. This history you shall finde more copiously described, in Franc. Ence∣nas. Ex Franc. Encen.
Friers and priestes of Flaunders.	Great persecu∣tion in Gaunt & other partes of Flaunders. At Gaunt. An. 1543. 1544.	As Charles the Em¦perour did ly in Gaūt the Fryers and Doc∣tours there obtayned that the Edicte made agaynst the Lutherās might be read openlye twise a yeare. Whiche being obtayned, great persecution followed,* 9.194 so that there was no Citty nor towne in all Flaunders, wherein some eyther were not expulsed, or headed, or condemned to perpetu¦all prison,* 9.195 or had not theyr goodes confiscate neither was there any respect of age or sexe. At Gaunt especially, many there wer of the head men, which for re¦ligion sake were bur∣ned. Afterward the Em¦perour comming to Brusels, there was terrible slaughter, and persecuti∣on of Gods people, namely in Brabant, Hennegow and Artoys, the horror and cruelty wherof is almost incredible: In so much that at one time as good as ij. hundreth men and women together, were brought out of the countrey about, into the Citty, of whome some were drowned, some buryed quicke, some pry∣uely made awaye, others sent to perpetuall prison: wherby all prisons and towers there about were replenished with prisoners and captiues, and the handes of the hangmen tyred with slaying and kil∣ling, to the great sorrowe of all them, which knew the Gospel, being now compelled eyther to deny the same, or to confirme it with theyr bloud. The storye hereof is at large set forth by Francis. Encenas, a no¦table learned man, who also himselfe was prisoner ye same time at Bruzels: whose booke written in La∣tine, I my selfe haue seene and read, remayning in the handes of Iohn Oporine at Basill.
Franciscan Fryers of Gaunt.	Martynus Hoeurbloc, Fishmōger. At Gaunt. An. 1545.	This Martine e∣uer almost to his lat∣ter age,* 9.196 was a man much geuen to al wic∣kednes and fleshly lyfe so long as he continu∣ed a follower of the popes superstitiō and Idolatry. Afterwarde (as God hath alwaies his calling) thorough the occasion of a Ser∣mō of his parish priest beginning to tast some working of grace, and repentance of his for∣mer lyfe, went out of Gaunt for the space of iij. monethes, seeking the company of godly Christians, such as he heard to vse the rea∣dyng of the scriptures: by whome he beyng more groundly instruc¦ted, returned agayn to the Cittye of Gaunt, where all his neigh∣bours first beganne to maruell at the sodayne chaunge of this man. The Franciscanes, which knewe hym be∣fore so beneficiall vnto them, nowe seing hym so alterrd from theyr wayes and superstiti∣on, and seeing hym to visite the captiues in prison, to comforte thē in persecution, and to confirme them in the worde of God whiche went to the fire, con∣spired agaynst hym: whereby he was detected and layd in bandes. After that, with sharp and grieuous tormentes they would haue constrayned hym to vt∣ter other of the same Religion. To whome thus he aunswered, that if they could proue by the scripture, that hys detecting and accusing of hys brethren, whō

they would afflict with the like tormentes, were not agaynst ye second Table of Gods law, then he would not refuse to preferre the honor of God before ye safe∣gard of his brethren. Then the friers examined hym in the sacrament, asking him why he was so earnest, to haue it in both kyndes, seing (sayd they) it is but a naked sacrament as you say, to whom he aunswe∣red that the elementes thereof were naked, but the Sacrament was not naked, for somuch as the sayd elementes of bread and wine, beeing receaued after the institution of Christ, do now make a Sacrament and a mistical representation of the Lordes body, cō∣municating him selfe with our soules. And as tou∣ching the receauyng in both kindes, because it is the institution of the Lorde, who is he (sayd Martyne) that dare alter the same? Then was he brought be∣fore the counsayle of Flanders. The causes layd a∣gainst him, were the Sacrament, Purgatory, and praying for the dead: for the which he was condem∣ned and burned at Gaunt, in Uerle place, all hys goodes being confiscate. As he stoode at the stake, a Franciscan Frier sayd to him (Martine vnlesse thou doest turne, thou shalt goe from this fire, to euerla∣sting fire. It is not in you, sayd Martine againe, to iudge. For this the Friers after were so hated, yt ma∣ny billes and rimes were set forth in diuers places a¦gaynst them. Ex Pantal.
The coun∣sayle of Flaunders.	...Nicholas Vanpole.* 9.197 ...Iohn de Brucke & hys wyfe. At Gaunt. An. 1545.	The next day after the burning of Mar∣tin aforesayd, whiche was the 9. of Maye, these three also were burned for the same causes likewise, for the which ye other was cō∣demned & burned the day before, but onely yt the woman was bur∣ned aliue. All whiche tooke theyr Martyr∣dome ioyfully & wyth much cheerefulnes.
	...Vrsula. Maria,* 9.198 Uirgines of noble stocke. At Delden. An 1545.	Delden is a towne in lower Germany, 3. myles from Dauen∣try, where these two virgines of noble pa∣rentage were burned. Who after dilligent frequenting of Chur∣ches and Sermons be¦ing instructed in the worde of the Lord, de∣fended, that seeyng the benefite of our salua∣tion commeth only by our fayth in Christ, all the other marchaun∣dise of the pope, which he vseth to sel to ye peo∣le for mony, was need¦les. First Mary beyng the yonger, was put to the fire, where she pray¦ed ardently for her enemies, commēding her soule to God. At whose constancie the Iudges did greatly maruell.
Then they exhorted Ursula to turne, or if shee would not, at least that she should require to be hea∣ded. To whom she sayd, that she was guiltie of no er¦rour, nor defended any thing, but which was conso∣nant to the scripture, in which she trusted to perseuer vnto the end. And as touching the kinde of punishe∣ment, she sayde, she feared not ye fire, but rather wold follow the example of her deare sister, that went be∣fore.* 9.199 This was maruellous, that the executioners could in no wise consume their bodyes with fire, but left them whole lying vpō the ground whyte: which certayn good Christians priuily tooke vp in ye night and buryed. Thus God many times, sheweth hys power in the middest of tribulations. Ex. Lud. Rab. Pantal. &c.
... The person of S. Cathe∣rines. ... Doctour Tapertus. ... William Clericken ruler of Mechlin.	...Andreas Thiessen. ...Catherina, hys wife. ...Nicholas Thiessen. Fraunces Thiessen. brethren. At Mechlin. An. 1545.	Andrew Thiessen Citizen of Mechlin,* 9.200 of his wyfe Catherine, had three sonnes and a daughter, whom he in¦structed dilligently in the doctrine of the gos∣pell, and despised the doynges of Poperye. Wherfore, being hated and persecuted of the Fryers and Priestes there, he wēt into En∣gland and there dyed. Fraunces and Nicho∣las hys two sonnes went to Germany to study. Returning a∣gayne to theyr mother and sister and younger brother, by dilligent instruction, brought thē to the right know¦ledge of Gods Gospel whiche being not vn∣known to the Person there of S. Catherine he called to him Doc∣tour Rupert, Tapert, & other Maisters and Fryers, who takyng counsaile together, with William Clericken the head Magistrate of the towne of Mechlen, agreed that the mother with her foure Children shoulde be sent to prison, separated one from an other: where great labour was employed to reclayme them home vnto theyr Church, that is, from light to darcknes agayn. The ij. yonger, to wit, the daughter with the yonger brother, beyng yet not setled, neyther in yeares nor doctrine, something inclined to them, and were dely∣uered. The mother which woulde not consent, was condemned to perpetuall prison. The other 2. Fran∣ces and Nicholas,* 9.201 standing firmely to theyr confessi∣on, defended that the Catholicke Church was not ye Church of Rome: that the Sacrament was to be my¦nistred in both kynds: that auricular confession was to no purpose: that Inuocation of Sayntes was to be left: that there was no Purgatory. The Fryers they called hypocrites, and contemned theyr threat∣ninges. The Magistrates after disputations, fell to torments, to know of them who was theyr mayster and what fellowes they had. Theyr mayster (they sayd) was Christ, which bare hys crosse before. Fe∣lowes (they sayd) they had innumerable, dispersed in all places. At last they were brought to the Iudges: their Articles were read, and they condemned to be burned. Comming to the place of execution, as they began to exhort the people, gagges or balles of wood were thrust in their mouthes, whiche they through vehemencye of speaking thrust out agayne, desiring for ye Lord sake, that they might haue leaue to speake. And so singing with a loud voyce, Credo in vnum De∣um. &c. they went, and were fastened to the stake, praying for theyr persecutors, and exhorting the one the other, they did abide the fire paciently. The one feeling the flame to come to hys beard: Ah (sayd he) what a small payn is this, to be compared to the glo¦ry to come? Thus the pacient martyrs committyng theyr spirite to the hands of God, to the great admi∣ration of the lookers on, through constancy, atchie∣ued the crowne of martyrdome. Ex. Phil Melanct.
The names of their ac∣cusers ap∣peare not in the Au∣thours.	Marion wyfe of Adrian Taylor. At Dornic. An. 1545.	In the same perse∣cution agaynst Bruli∣us and his companye in Dornic,* 9.202 was appre∣hended also one Adri∣an and Marion hys wyfe. The cause of theyr trouble, as also of the others, was the Emperoures decree made in the Councell of Wormes agaynst ye

Lutherians, mentioned before, pag. 841. Adrian not so strong as a man, for feare gaue backe from ye truth and was but onely beheaded. The wife stronger thē a woman did withstand their threates, and abide the vttermost, and beyng inclosed in an yron grate for∣med in shape of a pastie,* 9.203 was layd in the earth and buryed quicke, after the vsuall punishment of that countrey, for women. When the aduersaryes fyrst tolde her, that her husband had relented, she beleeued them not: and therefore as shee went to her death, passing by the Tower where he was, shee called to hym to take her leaue, but he was gone before. Et Pant. lib. 4.
The Magi∣strates of Dornic. or Tornay.	M. Peter Bruly Preacher. At Dornic. An. 1545.	M. Peter Bruly was preacher in the Frenche Churche at Strausburgh.* 9.204 Who at the earnest request of faythful brethren came downe to visite the lower countryes a∣bout Artoys and Dor¦nic in Flanders, wher he most dilligētly prea¦ched the word of God vnto the people in hou¦ses, the dores standing open. Wherupon, whē ye magistrates of Dor∣nic had shut the gates of the towne, and had made searche for hym three dayes, he was priuelye let downe the wall in the night by a basket: and as he was let downe to the ditch ready to take his way one of them whiche let him downe leaning ouer the wall, to byd hym fare well, caused (vnawares) a stone to slip out of ye wall, which falling vpon hym, brake hys legge, by reason whereof he was heard of the watchmen complayning of hys wounde, and so was taken, geuing thankes to God by whose pro∣uidence he was there stayed, to serue the Lord in that place.* 9.205 So long as he remayned in prison, hee ceased not to supply the part of a diligent preacher, teaching and confirming all them that came to hym in ye word of grace. Beyng in prison he wrote hys owne confes∣sion and examination, & sent it to the brethren. He wrote also an other Epistle to them that were in per¦secution: an other also to all the faithfull: also an other letter to hys wife, the same day that he was burned. He remayned in prison 4. monethes. His sentence was geuen by the Emperours Commissioners at Bruxels, that he should be burneh to ashes, and hys ashes to be throwne into the riuer. Although the fry¦ers and priestes made the fire but small,* 9.206 to multiply hys payne, yet he the more cheerefully and constant∣ly tooke hys martyrdome and suffered it. The letters of Duke Fredericke, and of the Lantgraue came to entreat for hym, but hee was burned a little before the letters came. Ex Lud. Rab. Lib. 6.
... The Senate of Dornic. ... Doctour Hasardus, a Gray Fry∣er.	...Peter Mioci∣us. ...Bergiban. At Dornic. An. 1545.	The comming of M. Peter Bruly into the countrey of Flaun¦ders,* 9.207 did exceeding much good among the brethren, as appeared by diuers other good men, and namely by thys Peter Mioce, which was by hys oc∣cupation a silke wea∣uer. This Peter, be∣fore he was called to ye Gospell, led a wicked lyfe, geuen to much vn¦graciousnes, & almost to all kyndes of vyce. But after the taste of the Gospell began to worke in hym, so cleane it altered hym from that for∣mer man, that he excelled all other in godly zeale and vertue. In his first examination he was asked whe∣ther he was one of the scholers of Peter Bruly. He sayd he was, and that hee had receiued muche fruite by his doctrine. Wilt thou then defend hys doctrine, sayd they? Yea sayd he,* 9.208 for that it is consonant bothe to the old Testament and to the new, and for thys he was let downe vnto a deepe dongeon vnder ye castle ditch, ful of toades and filthy vermine. Shortly after the Senate with certayne Friers, came agayne to ex¦amine him, to see whether they coulde conuert hym. To whome he answered and sayd that when he be∣fore had liued such an vngodly lyfe, they neuer spake word agaynst hym: but now for sauouring and fauo¦ring the worde of God, they were so infeste agaynst hym that they sought hys bloud. Among whō was one Doctour Hasardus, whiche asked hym if he did not seeme to hymselfe more wicked nowe, then euer he was before: but he setting the Fryer at light, bad him auaunt Fryer, saying: that he had to talke wyth the Senate, and not with him. The Senate then be∣gan to examine him of certain Articles of Religion. To whom as be was about to aunswere boldly and expresly to euery poynte, they interrupting him bad hym say in two wordes, eyther, yea or nay. Then sayde he, if ye will not suffer me to aunswere for my selfe in matters of such importaunce, then send me to my prison agayne among my todes and frogs, whi∣che will not interrupt mee, while I talke with my Lord my God. The boldnes of whose spirit and cou¦rage, as it made some to gnash theyr teeth, so some it made to wonder, and ministred to some great confir¦mation.
There was also one Bergiban the same tyme in prison, who had bene a foreward man, & a great doer in the Gospell, before the comming downe of Bruli∣us. Who being also sought for at the takyng of Bru∣lius, and beyng then not found at home, eyther by chaunce, not knowing, or els because hee conueyed himselfe out of the way for feare, conceaued thereof such sorrowe in hys minde, ye afterward neyther hys wife nor children, nor any frend els, could staye hym but he woulde needes offer hymselfe to the Iudges, saying to the ruler, being asked why he came? The Magistrates came to seeke mee (sayd he) and now I am come to know, what they would. Wherupon the ruler beyng sory of hys comming, yet notwithstan∣ding committed hym to prison, where he remayned constant a certayne while. But after the Commissi∣oners had threatned hym with cruell tormentes and horror of death, he began by little and little to wauer & shrinke from the truth. At the fayre wordes of the false Friers and Priestes, to haue hys punishment changed, and to be beheaded, he was fayne to graunt vnto theyr biddinges and requestes. Whereupon the aduersaries taking theyr aduauntage, came to Mio∣cius, and told hym of Bergibans retractation, wyl∣ling him to doe the like. But he stoutly persisting in the truth, endured to the fire, where he hauing pou∣der put to hys brest was so put to death, and dispat∣ched. The Fryers hearing the cracke of ye pouder vp∣on hys brest, told the people, that the deuill came out of him and caried away hys soule. Ex Rabo. & alijs.
A certayne Prince in Germany, about Hun∣gary or the partes of Pannonia.	A priest of Germany.	Iohannes. Gastius Conuiual. Serm. lib. 2. writeth of a certayne Prince,* 9.209 but doth not name hym, which put out ye eyes of a certayn Priest in Germanye, for no other cause, but for that he sayd ye masse to be no sacrifice, in yt sence, as many priestes do take it. Neither did the cruell prince imme¦diatly put him to death but first kept hym in prison a long time, af∣flicting him with diuers tormentes. Then he was brought forth to be degraded, after a barbarous and tyrannous maner. First they shaued the crowne of hys head, then rubbed it hard with salt, that ye bloud came running downe hys shoulders. After that they rased and pared the toppes of hys fingers wyth cru∣ell payne, that no sauour of the holy oyle myght re∣mayn. At last the patient and godly martyr, foure dayes after, yealded vp hys lyfe and spirite. Ex. Ioan. Gastio. lib. 2.

... Alphonsus Diazius, a Spanyard. ... Petrus de Maluenda the popes prolocutor at Ratisbone a Spanyard. ... The Empe∣rours con∣fessor, a blacke Fry∣er a Span∣yard. ... Marquina.	Ioannes Dia∣zius, a Span∣yard martyr, killed of his own brother at Neoberg in Germany. An. 1546.	* 9.210Of this Iohn Dia∣zius the full proces and historye is set foorth in Latine wherein the whole circustaunce is debated at large, wher of briefe sūme is this. Iohn Diazius a Spa∣nyarde borne, first be∣ing at Paris 13. yeares, from thēce remoued to Geneua: then to Ba∣sill, & after to Straus∣burgh: from whence he was sent Ambassa∣dour with Bucer and other, to the Councell of Ratisbone: where he talking with Peter Meluenda hys coun∣treyman, the Popes factour, so declared his Relygyon vnto hym that Maluenda wrote to the Fryer, whiche was the Emperours confessour touching the sayd Iohn Di∣azius:* 9.211 at the opening and reading of whiche letters, one Marquina an other Spanyarde was present. Upon this it followed,* 9.212 whether by this confessor, or by Marquina, that Alphonsus Diasius, brother to Iohn Diazius: which was one of the Popes Law∣yers in Rome, had knowledge geuen hym, of hys brother Iohn.
When the communication of Ratisbone was dis¦solued & broken vp. Iohn Diazius, from Ratisbone went to the City of Neoberg, within the Dominion of Otto Henry Pallatine, about the expedition of Bucers booke there to be printed. As Iohn Diazius was there occupyed, it was not long, but Alphonsus hys brother was come frō Rome to Ratisbōe, where Maluenda was: bringing with him a pestilent cut∣throate, a notorious ruffian or homicide belonging to ye City of Rome, Maluenda & Alphonsus consul¦ting together about ye dispatch of theyr deuilish pur∣pose, first laboured to hūt out by ye frends of Diazius wher Diazius was, Wherof Alphon. & the homicide hauing knowledge by certayne of hys secret friends, pretending great matters of importaunce, came to Neoberg, where Diazius was printing of Bucers booke: where after long debating of matters of reli∣gion betwene the two brethren. Alphonsus seing the hart of his brother Iohn to be so constantly planted on the sure rocke of Gods truth, that by no wyse he could eyther be remooued from his opinion, or per∣swaded to ride in his company (being otherwise coū¦sailed by Bucer and hys friendes) feyned him selfe frendly to take his leaue of his brother and to depart but shortly after, secretly with his ruffenly murderer he returned agayne, and by the waye they bought a certein hatchet of a carpenter. This done, Alphonsus sendeth his man beyng disguised, with letters vnto his brother, he himselfe following after. As Iohn Diazius in the mornyng was risen out of his bed,* 9.213 to read the letters, ye wret∣ched hangman, wyth the hatchet cloue his head vn∣to the braynes, leauing the hatchet in his head, and so hee with Alphonsus tooke them to theyr horse, which stoode without the Cittie gate, with as much speede as they might. They of Neoberge, hearing of the horrible acte, sent out certaine horsemen, making great iournyes after them. Who comming to Augu∣sta, and hearing ye murderers to be past before, were out of hope to ouertake them, and so returned. One in the cōpany more zelous then the rest,* 9.214 woulde not returne, but pursued them still, and in the Cittie of Oeniponte, caused them to be stayed, and put in pri∣son. Otto Palatine hearing of their taking writeth to the Magistrates of Oeniponte for iudgement. Which Magistrates at first semed very willing ther to: but in conclusion, through the practise of papists, and crafty lawyers, the sentence iudiciall was so de¦layed from day to day, thē from houre to houre, that the Emperours letters came in posthaste requiring the matter to be stayed, and reserued to his hearing. And thus the terrible murder of Cain and his felow was bolstered out by the Papistes. The like wherof from the memorye of men was neuer hearde of, since the first example of Cain,* 9.215 which for religion slue hys own brother Abell. But although true iudge∣mēt in this world be peruerted, yet such bloudy Ca¦ins wt their wilfull murther, shall not escape ye hands of him, who shall iudge truely both the committers, and the bolsterers also of all mischieuous wicked∣nes. Ex Claudio Senarcleo. ¶An. 1546, Charles the Emperour helde an ar∣med Councell at Augusta after his victory gotten in Germany. Where Iulius Pflug, Michael Sidonius and Iohn Islebius going about to concorde together the Gospell of Christ, with the traditions of the Pope, that is, to make a hodgebotch of them both, drewe and framed out a new forme of Religion called Inte∣rim.* 9.216 Whereupon began a new matter of persecution in Germanie. For the Emperour proceeded straight¦ly agaynst all them, which woulde not receaue hys Interim, intending thereby to haue wrought some great mastry against the Gospellers, but the Lorde disapoynted his purpose. Among them whiche withstoode this Spanishe Interim, besides other, were also the Cittizens of Cō∣stantia. For the which three thousande Spanyardes priuilye by night came agaynst the Towne of Con∣stance,* 9.217 where they killed three of the watchmen of the Town, which watching in the suburbes, went forth to view the noyse whiche they heard in the woodes. The deuise of the spanyardes was in the mornyng when the cittizens were at the Sermon, sodeinly to set vppon the Citty and take it, so (no doubt) inten∣tēding to haue gone further. But as the Lord would something began to be suspected in the night by the watchmē in the suburbes, on the other side the wa∣ter, whereby the Consul and Cittizens had intelli∣gence to be in readines. When the morning came, ye Spanyardes were ready at ye gate to breake into the City. But beyng driuen from thence and theyr Cap∣taine Alphonsus slayne, they went to the bridge which goeth ouer the Rhene. But being beaten also from thence, with shotte and great peeces from the walles, and a great number of them drowned in the riuer, the Spanyardes breaking downe the hynder part of the bridge, because the Cittizens shoulde not pursue them, they recoyled backe into the suburbes, and burned thē with the dead bodyes also that were slayne, so that the number of the Spanyardes that there were killed, could not be knowne: Onely a hū∣dreth of honest Cittizens of Constance were missing Ex. Ioan. Sled. lib. 21. At the same tyme, many godly Ministers of the Churches in Germany were in great daunger, espe¦cially such as refused to receaue the Interim: of whom some were cast into prison. In which number of pri∣soners was Mart. Frectius Superintendēt of Ulmes, with foure other preachers moe: also hys brother George, for cōming but to his house to comfort him. For the which cause Musculus the same tyme, wyth o¦ther preachers moe, went from Ausburge, Brentius from Hala, Blaurerus from Constance, Bucer from Strausburgh.
A Bishop in Hungary	A godly priest in Hungary.	In Hungary a cer∣tayn godly priest prea∣ched,* 9.218 that the eating of flesh is not prohibited in the Scripture: for the which the cruel bi∣shop, after he had im∣prisoned him certayne weekes, caused hym to be brought out, & hys body to be tyed ouer with Hares, Geese, and Hennes, hanging round about hym: and so ye beastly Bish. made dogges to be set vppō hym, which cruelly rent and tore whatsoeuer they could catche. And thus the good minister of Christ, beyng driuen about the Cittie with the barking of dogges dyed, and was martyred. The sighte whereof, as it was lamentable to the godly, so it seemed ridiculous to the wicked. But within few dayes after, the impi∣ous bishop by the stroke of Gods iust hand, fell sicke and became horne madde, and so rauing without sence or witte, miserably dyed.* 9.219 Ex tomo. 2. Conuiualium Sermo. Ioan Gastij.

	Iohn Fride∣ricke of Saxo∣ny Elector.* 9.220 An. 1547.	Among these godly and constant Sayntes of Christ, may well be recounted Iohn Fri∣dericke Duke of Sax∣ony. Who whē he had recouered agayne all his dominions (which Duke Maurice hadde taken from him before, being in Sueuia with his armye) and at last was taken prisoner of the Emperour at Al∣bis, 24. of Aprill. ann. 1547. yet could neuer be induced to yelde to the Emperour in reuoking his fayth and doctrine of the Gospell wherin he stoode: For the which he was deteined from his wife and children, and bereaued of all his goods, and caryed about with the Emperour, the space of fiue yeares. This admirable constancye of that duke was a wonder to all his aduersaries. At last, in the yeare of our Lord. 1552. through the bene∣fite of almighty God, he was set agayne at libertye & returning home to his wife & childrē cōtinued in his religion till the houre of his death. Ex Sled lib. 19.
Much like was the case also of Philip Lantgraue of Hesse,* 9.221 who likewise being taken and spoyled of the Emperour, cōtinued the space of 5. yeares in the cruel custodye of the Spanyardes, and albeit he had fined vnto the Emperour, and was promised to be set free out of prison, the Emperour and his Counsell daly∣ing with theyr promise, expounded his prisonment not to be perpetuall. And though great labour & in∣tercession was made for him: yet al would not helpe. For when the Emperour sent him away, then Ma∣ry the Emperours sister tooke him by the way, find∣ing cauillations agaynst him: whereby hee was a∣gayne committed to the hands of Spanyardes, till at lēgth, through the disposing of Gods mercy first the Duke of Saxony, and then 6. dayes after the Lant∣graue also, were both freed out of long captiuitye, & sent home. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 19.24.
Charles. Emperour.	Hermannus Archbishop of Colen.* 9.222 An. 1547.	Wyth these holy Martyrs aboue recy∣ted, may also be num∣bred Hermannus arch¦bysh. of Colen. Who a litle before the Empe∣rour had war agaynst the Protestantes, had reformed his Churche from certain papistical superstitions, vsyng therin the ayd and ad∣uise of Martine Bu∣cer. Wherefore Char∣les the Emperour sent word to Colen, that he should be deposed, whiche he paciētly did suffer. In his roome was set Adolphus Earle of Schaunenburge. Ex Sled. lib. 18.
The Presi∣dent or Maior of Dornic.	...M. Nicholas Frenchman.* 9.223 ...Marion wife of Augustinus An. 1549.	M. Nicholas and Barbara hys Wyfe: also Augustinus a Barber, and Marion hys Wyfe borne about Hennegow, after they had bene at Geneua a space, came into Ger∣manye, thinkyng that way to passe ouer in∣to England. By the way comming to Hē∣negow, Augustine de∣sired M, Nicholas (be¦cause he was learned) to come to Bergis to visite and comfort certeyne brethren there, which he willingly did. From thence passing by Dornic (or Tornay) they held on theyr iourney toward Eng∣land. But in the way Austen and his wife being kno∣wen, were detected to the Lieuetenaunt of Dornic, who in all speedy hast folowing after them, ouertooke them 4. myles beyond Donic, Augustine (how I can not tell) escaped that time out of theyr handes, and could not be found. The souldiours then laying han∣des vpon Nicholas and the 2. women, brought them backe agayne to Dornic. In returninge by the waye, when M. Nicholas at the table gaue thankes (as the maner is of the faythfull) the wicked Ruler scorning them, and swearing like a tyraunt, sayd: Now let vs see, thou lewd heretick, whether thy God can deliuer thee out of my hand. To whome Nicholas aunswe∣ring againe modestly, asked what had Christ euer of∣fended him, that he with his blasphemous swearing did so teare him in pieces, desiring him,* 9.224 that if he had any thing against Christ, rather he would wreke his anger vpon his poore body, and let the Lord alone. Thus they being bound, hands & feet, were brought to Bergis, and there laid in the doungeon. Thē duke Ariscote, accompanyed with a great number of prie∣stes, and Franciscan Friers, and with a Doctor whi∣che was theyr warden, came to talke with them. Ni∣cholas s••anding in the middest of them, being asked what he was, and whither he would: aunswered thē perfectly to all theyr questions, and moreouer so con∣founded the Friers, that they went away ashamed, saying that be had a deuil, and crying:* 9.225 to the fire with him Lutherane.
As they continued looking still for the day of their execution, it came to the Riuers myndes to aske of Nicolas in what house he was lodged, whē he came to Bergis. Nicolas sayd he had neuer bene there be∣fore, and therefore being a straunger he could not tell the name of the house. When Nicolas would confesse nothing, Duke Ariscotus came to Barbara Nicho∣las hys Wyfe, to know where they were lodged at Bergis, promising many fayre woordes of deliuery, if she would tell.* 9.226 She being a weake and a timorous woman, vttered all. By the occasion whereof great persecution folowed, and many were apprehended. Where this is to be noted, that shortlye,* 9.227 euen vpon the same, the sonne of the sayd Duke Ariscotus, was slayne and buryed the same day, when Augustinus was burned. To be short, Nicolas shortly after was brought before the Iudges and there condemned to be burned to ashes. At which sentence geuing,* 9.228 Nico∣las blessed the Lord, which had counted him worthy to be a witnesse in the cause of hys deare and welbe∣loued sonne. Going to the place of execution, he was commaunded to speake nothing to the people, or els he should haue a balle of wood thrust in his mouth. Being at the stake and seeyng a great multitude a∣boute him, forgetting his silence promised, he cryed with a loud voyce: O Charles, Charles, how long shall thy hart be hardened? And with yt, one of ye soul∣diours gaue him a blow. Then saide Nicholas again: Ah miserable people, thou art not woorthy to whom the word of God should be preached. And thus hee spake as they were binding him to the stake. The ••ri∣ers came out with theyr olde song, crying that he had a deuill. To whom Nicholas spake the Uerse of the Psalme: Depart from me all ye wicked, for the Lord hath heard the voyce of my weepyng. And thus this holye Martyr paciently taking his death, commended vp his spirit vnto God in the middest of the fire. Ex Lud. Rab. Pantal. et alijs.
	Marion Wife of Austen, a∣boue menti∣oned. At Bergis in Hennegow. An. 1549.	After the Martyr∣dome of this M. Ni∣colas, Mariō the wife of Austen was called for.* 9.229 With whome they had much talke about the maner and state of Geneua, asking her how the Sacraments wer administred ther, and whether shee had celebrated there the Lordes Supper. To whom she aunswered that the Sacramentes there were celebrated after the Lordes insti∣tution, of the which she was no Celebrator but a Partaker. The sentence of her condemnation was this, that she should be interred quicke. When she was let downe to the graue,* 9.230 kneeling vpon her

knees, she desired the Lord to help her, and before she should be throwne downe, she desired her face might be couered with a napkin or some linnen cloth, who being so couered, and the earth thrown vpon her face and her body, the hangman stamped vpon her with hys feet, till her breath was past. Ibidem.
The watch∣mē or soul∣diours of Bellimont.	Augustine the husband of Marion. At Bellimont in Hennegow. An. 1549.	Ye heard before how Austen escaped before at the taking of Ni∣cholas and the 2. wo∣men. After this he gaue himselfe to sell spices & other pedlary ware from place to place. Who at length cōming to the Towne of Bel∣limont in Hennegow, there was knowne & detected to the Magi∣strate. Whereof he ha∣uing some intelligence before, left his ware & ran away. And seeing moreouer the house beset about with harnised men, where he was hosted, he began to be more afeard and hid himself in a bush: for he was very timorous, and a weake spirited man. But the houre beyng come, which the Lord hath appoynted for him, it happened that certayne standing vpon the towne walle which might well see him go into the thicket or bushe, gaue knowledge therof to the souldiours,* 9.231 which folowed hym to the bushe and tooke him. Beyng taken, he was had to Bergis, the head towne of Hennegow, where being examined, valiauntly standyng to the defence of his doctrine, aunswered his aduersaryes with great boldnes.
Wherein here is to be noted and maruelled to see the worke of the Lord,* 9.232 how this man being before of nature so timorous, now was so strengthened wyth Gods grace, that he nothing feared the force of al his enemies. Among other, came to him the Warden of the Gray Friers, with a long Oration, perswadyng him to relent or els he shoulde be damned in hell fyre perpetually. To whom Austen aunsweryng agayn, sayd: proue that which you say, by the authority of Gods woord, that a man may beleue you, you saye much, but you proue nothing, rather lyke a Doctor of lyes, then of truth. &c. At last he being there con∣demned to be burnt at Bellimont, was brought to the Inne where he shoulde take horse: where was a certayne Gentleman a straunger, who drinkyng to him in a cup of wine, desired hym to haue pity vpon him selfe, and if he would not fauour his life, yet that he would fauour his owne soule. To whome sayd Austen, after he had thanked hym for his good will, what care I haue (sayd he) of my soule, you may see by this, that I had rather geue my body to be bur∣ned, then to do that thing, that were agaynst my con∣science. Whē he was come to the towne of Bellimont where he should be burned, the same day there was a great buriall of the Duke Ariscotus his sonne, which was slayne a litle before (as is before touched) by the occasion whereof many nobles and gentlemen were there present,* 9.233 which hearing of this Austen, came to him and talked with him. When the day came of hys martyrdome, the people being offended at his cōstan∣cy, cryed out to haue him drawne at an horse tayle, to the place of burning: but the Lord would not suffer that. In fine, being tyed to the stake and fire set vnto him, hartely he prayed to the Lord & so in the fire pa∣ciently departed. Ex Crisp. & alijs.
The names of the perse¦cutours be not expres∣sed in the story. * 9.234	A certayne woman of Auspurge. At Auspurge. An. 1550.	At Auspurge, a certayne woman there dwelling, seeing a priest to cary the hoste to a sicke person wyth Taper lyght (as the maner is) asked hym what he meant so to goe with candle lyght at noone daye? For thys shee was appre∣hended, and in great daunger, had it not bene for the earnest sute and prayer of the women of that City, and at the intercession of Mary the Em∣perours sister. Ex Ioan Sled. lib. 22.
	Two Virgins. In the Dioces of Bamberge. An. 1551.	In the Dyoces of Bamberge 2. maydes were ledde out to slaughter,* 9.235 whych they susteyned wyth pati∣ent hartes, and cheere∣ful coūtenaūces. They had garlands of straw putte on theyr heades. Whereupon one com∣forting the other going to theyr martyrdome: seing Christ (sayd she) for vs bare a Crowne of thorne, why shoulde wee sticke to beare a Crowne of straw? No doubt but the lorde wil render to vs agayne better then Crownes of golde, some sayd, that they were Anabaptistes. And it might be (sayd Melanct) that they had some fond opinion admixed withal? yet they did hold (sayth he) the foundation of the Articles of our fayth, and they dyed blessedly, in a good consci∣ence and knowledge of the sonne of God: Fewe doe liue without errors. Flatter not your selues, think∣ing your selues so cleere that you can not erre. Haec Philip. Melancth.
The names of the per∣secutors appeare not in the story.	The Christian City of Mag∣deburge. An. 1551.	When Charles the emperour had almost gotte all his purpose in Germany,* 9.236 in obtru∣ding hys Religion of Interim into all pla∣ces, which was recei∣ued of the most part of all the chiefe Princes and Cittyes, onely the Citty of Magdeburge continuing in the con∣stancy of their doctrine reformed, refused to ad∣mit the same. Where∣fore warre was raysed agaynst them, theyr City be∣sieged, and great violence vsed: so that many honest and religious Citizens for the Gospels cause sustey∣ned great perils and daunger of death. At last when they had manfully and constantly endured such great distresse and calamity, the space of a whole yere, tho∣row the blessed prouidēce of almighty God (who a∣bout the same time sent warre betwene the French king and the Emperour) honest reconciliation was made betwene them and the Emperor, whereby they were receiued into fauor, and suffered to enioy theyr former religion quietly. Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 23.
Iames Hes∣selius Chā∣berlayne of Gaunt, and the Friers there.	Hostius other wise called George. At Gaunt. An. 1555.	This Hostius borne at Gaunt,* 9.237 was cun∣ning in grauing in ar∣mour, and in steele. He first was in the French Church here in Eng∣land, during the reigne of King Edward. Af∣ter the comminge of Queene Mary he wēt to Norden in Frise∣land, wyth hys Wyfe and Children. From thence, hauing busi∣nesse, hee came to Gaunt: where (after a certayne space that hee hadde there continued, instructing diuers of hys friendes) he heard that there was a blacke Fryer, which vsed to preach good doctrine to the people. Wherefore he being desirous to heare, came to hys Sermon, where the Frier contrarye to his expectation prea∣ched in defence of transubstantiation. At the hearing whereof, his hart was so full, that he had muche a doe to refrayne, while the Sermon was finished.

As soone as the Frier was come downe, he braste out, and charged him with false doctrine persuadyng the people, as well as he could be heard, by the scrip∣tures, that the bread was but a Sacrament onelye of the Lordes body. The Fryer not willing to heare him, made signes vnto him to depart. Also the thrōg of the people was such, that it caryed hym out of the dores. He had not gone far, but Hesselius the Cham∣berlaine ouertooke him & caried him to prison. Then were Doctours and other Friers, as Pistorius and Bunderius, brought to reason with him, of the Sa∣crament, of Inuocation of Saintes, and Purgatory. He euer stood to the triall onely of the scripture: whi∣che they refused. Then was it agreed that he shoulde declare his mind in writing: which he did. He wrote also to his wyfe at Emden: comforting her, and re∣quiring her to take care, for Samuel, and Sara hys children. When he was condemned, he was cōmaū∣ded not to speake to the people. Hesselius the Officer made great hast to haue him dispatched. Wherfore he myldely like a lambe, praying for his enemyes, gaue him selfe to bee bounde, paciently taking that they would doe agaynst him: whom first they strangled, & then consumed his body being dead, wyth fire. And this was the Martyrdome of Hostius. Ex Lud. Rabo. lib. 6.
	* 9.238Ioan. Frisius Abbot. In Bauaria. An. 1554.	Ioanne. Sled. Lib. 25. maketh recorde of one Ioan. Frisius Abbotte of Newstat within the Dioces of the B. Her∣bipolensis in Bauari∣a: who being suspec∣ted of Lutheranisme was called to accompt of his fayth: and strōg∣ly persisting in his as∣sertions, and defēding the same by the scrip∣tures, he was there∣fore displaced and re∣mooued from all hys iurisdictions .25. of Iune. an. 1554. Ex Sled.
...The Bayliffe of Henne∣gow,* 9.239 gouer∣nour of the towne and Castle of Dornic. ... Peter De uentiere, Lieuetenaūt to the sayd Bayliffe. ... Philip de Cordis, chiefe coū∣sellour in criminall causes. ... Nic. Cham∣bree. ... Pet. Rache∣lier. ... Iames de Clerke. ... Nicholas of Fernague. ... M. Hermes of Wingles, one of the counsell for the sayd Baliwicke.	Bertrand le Blas. At Dornic. An. 1555.	The Story of Ber∣trand is lamentable, his tormentes vncre∣dible, the tyrannye shewed vnto him hor∣rible, the constancye of the Martyr admy∣rable. This Ber∣trand beyng a Sylke∣weauer, went to We∣sell for the cause of re∣ligion. Who being de∣sirous to drawe hys Wyfe and Chyldren from Dornic to We∣sell, came thryse from thence to perswade with her to goe with hym thither. When shee in no wise coulde be entreated, hee re∣maynyng a few dayes at home, set hys house in order, and desyred his Wife and his Bro∣ther to pray that God woulde stablishe him in hys enterprise, that he went aboute. That done, he went vpon Christenmas daye to the hygh Churche of Dornic, where hee tooke the cake out of the Priestes handes, as he would haue lyft it ouer hys heade at Masse, and stampt it vnder his feet, saying that he did it to shew the glory of that God, and what litle power he hath: with o∣ther wordes moe to the people, to perswade them that the cake or fragment of breade was not Iesus theyr Sauiour.
At the sight hereof the people beyng stroken with a maruelous damp stood all amazed. At length such a styrre therupon folowed, that Bertrand could harde∣ly escape with life. It was not long but the noyse of this was caryed to the Baylife of Henegow, and go∣uernour of the Castle of Dornic, which lay sicke the same time, of the gowte, at Biesy. Who like a madde man cried out, that euer God would or could be so pa¦cient, to suffer that contumely, so to be troden vnder the foote of such a myser: adding moreouer, that he would reuenge his cause in such sorte, as it shoulde be an example for euer to all posterity, and forthwith the furyous tyraunt commaunded himselfe to be ca∣ried to ye Castle of Dornic. Bertrand being brought before him, was asked whether hee repented of hys fact, or whether he would so doe, if it were to be done agayne. Who aunswered, that if he were an hundreth tymes to be done, he woulde doe it: and if he had an hundreth liues, he would geue them in that quarrell. Then was he thrise put to the pynebanke,* 9.240 tormented most miserably, to vtter his setters on, whiche he would neuer do. Then proceded they to the sentence, more like tyrauntes then Christen men. By the te∣nour of which sentence, this was his punishment: First he was drawne from the Castle of Dornic, to the market place,* 9.241 hauing a balle of yron put in hys mouth. Then he was sette vpon a stage, where hys right hand, wherwith he tooke the hoste, was crush∣ed and pressed betwene two hoate yrons, with sharp yron edges fyry redde, till the forme & fashion of hys hand was misshaped.* 9.242 In like manner they brought other like yrons for hys righte foote, made fyre hoat whereunto of his owne accorde, he put hys foot, to suffer as his hand had done before, with maruellous constancy and firmenesse of minde. That done, they tooke the balle of yron out of his mouth, and cutte of hys toung, who notwithstanding, with continuall crying, ceased not to call vpon GOD: whereby the hartes of the people were greatly moued: Wherupō the tormentours thrust in the yron balle into hys mouth agayne. From thence they brought him down to ye lower stage, he goyng to the same no lesse chear∣fully and quietly,* 9.243 then if no part of his body had bene hurt. There his legges and hys handes were bound behinde hym with an yron cheyne goyng aboute his body and so he was ledde downe flat vpon the fyre: whom the foresayd gouernour there standing by and looking vpon, caused to be let vp agayne, & so downe and vp agayne, till at last the whole body was spent to ashes, which he commaunded to be cast into the ri∣uer, when this was done, the Chappell where thys Massegod was so entreated, was lockt vppe, and the bord whereupon the Priest stood, was burnt: ye mar∣ble stone whereupon the hoste did light, was broken in peeces. And finally for so much as the sayde Ber∣trand had receiued his doctrine at wessell, commaun∣dement was geuen, that no person, out of that coun∣trey should go to Wesel, or there occupy vnder incur∣ring the daunger of the Emperours Placard. Ex Crisp. Pantal. et Adriano.
	Two hun∣dreth Mini∣sters of Bo∣hemia. An. 1555.	The same yeare 2. hundreth Ministers and Preachers of the Gospell,* 9.244 were bani∣shed out of Bohe∣mia, for preaching a∣gaynst the superstiti∣on of the Bishoppe of Rome, and extolling the glorye of Christ. Ex Cōment. Ioā Sled. lib. 25.
	The preachers of Locrane.	Locarne is a place beyonde the Alpes,* 9.245 yet subiecte to the Helue∣tians. When these al∣so had receiued the gos∣pell, and the fiue Pa∣ges of the Helueti∣ans aboue mentioned,

were not well pleased therewith, but woulde haue them punished, and great contention was among the Hel∣uetians about ye same, it was concluded at length, that the Mini∣sters should be exiled: Whom the Tygurines did receiue. Ex. Pantal.
	...* 9.246Fraunces Warlut. ...Alexander Dayken. At Dornic. An. 1562.	After these two good mē being borne in the lower partes of Ger∣many, had bene cōuer∣saunt in diuers refor∣med churches in other countryes, at last for cōscience sake, they re∣turned home agayn to do good in theyr owne countrey of Dornic, & there about. So vpon a time, as the people there resor∣ted to a backe fielde or wood without the city, with a certayne prea∣cher to heare the word of God and to pray, the aduersaryes ha∣uing thereof some in∣telligence, so pursued them, that they tooke of them aboue 30. of whom these 2. among the rest, were appre∣hended, and thinking no lesse but that they should be burned, they began to sing psalmes. At lēgth being broght forth, first one, then the other, they were both beheaded. And where the iudges had intēded to quarter their bo∣dies, and to set thē vp by the high wayes, yet was it so prouided, GOD working in the hartes of the peo∣ple, that they were both committed to se∣pulture. Ex Lud. Rab.
Earle of Lalain.	...* 9.247Gillotus Viuer. ...Iames Faber, his father in law. ...Michaell Fa∣ber, sonne of Iames. ...Anna wife of Gillotus, and daughter of Iames Faber.	These in the cause of the Gospell suffered at Ualence. Iames Faber be∣ing an olde man, sayd: that although he could not aunswere or satis∣fye them in reasoning, yet he would constant∣ly abide in the truth of the Gospell. Anna hys daugh∣ter being with childe, was respited, after she was deliuered, she fo∣lowed her husbād and father in the like Mar∣tyrdome.
	* 9.248Michella Caignoucle At Vallence. An. 1550.	Michella, wyfe of Iames Clerke which was before burned, when she was offered to be maryed, and to bee caryed out of the country to some refor∣med church,* 9.249 refused so to doe, but woulde a∣bide the aduenture of her vocation,* 9.250 and so was condemned wyth Gillotus to be burned. Ex Crisp.
	Godfridus Hamelle. At Dornic. An. 1252.	Thys Godfryde a Taylor, was taken & condemned at Dornic or Tournay. When they had condemned him by the name of an hereticke. Nay (sayd he) not an hereticke, but a seruaunt of Ie∣sus Christ vnprofita∣ble. When the hangmā went about to strangle him to diminish his pu¦nishment, he refused it, saying that he woulde abide the sentence that the Iudges had geuē. Ex eod.
☞Besides these Germaynes aboue specified, a great number there was both in the higher & lower countryes of Germanye, which were secretly drow∣ned, or buryed, or otherwise in prison made away, whose names although they be not knowne to vs, yet they are registred in the booke of life. Further∣more, in the Dutch booke of Adrian, diuers other be numbred in the Catalogue of these Germane Mar∣tyrs, which likewise suffered in diuers places of the lower country: the names of certayn wherof be these. At Bergis or Berghen in Hennegow, were burnt ...Iohn Malo. ...Damian Witroke. ...Weldrewe Calier. ...Iohn Porceau. ...Iulian, van den Swerde. ...Adrian Lopphen. ...Bawdwyne. in the yeare of our Lord. 1555. Iohn Malo,* 9.251 Damian Wit∣rocke, Weldrew Calier buried quicke, Iohn Porceau. At Aste suffered also one Iulian. an. 1541. and Adrian Lopphē. an. 1555.* 9.252 At Bruxels. an. 1559. one Bawdwyne beheaded. An other called Gilleken Tiel∣man buxnt. an. 1541. Adde moreouer to the same Ca∣talogue of Duch Martyrs burnt and consumed, in the lower countryes vnder the Emperours domini∣on: the names of these folowing. W. Swolle, burnt at Mechlin. an. 1529. Nico. Paul. at Gaunt beheaded. Robert Orguier, and Ioanne his wife, with Bau∣dicon and Martin Orguier their children, which suf∣fered at Lisle. an. 1556. M. Nicholas burnt at Mons. Iames Fosseau at Mons. Corniels Uolcart, at Brugis, an. 1553. Hubert the Printer, and Philippe Iopner, at Brugis. an. 1553. A woman buryed wyth thornes vnder her. Peter le Roux. at Brugis. an. 1552 At Mechlin suffered Frances, and Nicholas Thijs, ij. brethren. an. 1555. At Antwerpe were burnt Adri∣an a Painter and Henry a Taylor. an. 155. Also Cor∣nelys Halewyne Locksmith, & Herman Ianson the same yeare. M. Iohn Champ. Scholemayster. an. 1557. with a number of other besides, whiche in the sayd booke are to be seene and read. ¶An. 1525. we read also in the French history of a certayne Monk, who because he forsooke his abhomi∣nable order and was maryed, was burnt at Prage.
The Priestes of Erford.	A Preacher poysoned at Erford.	In the Collections of Henry Pantalion, we reade also of a cer∣taine godly preacher to be poysoned, for prea∣ching the woorde of trueth, by the Priestes of Erford. Ex Elegia cuiusdam viri Docti. in Pantal.
And here ceasing with these persecutions in Ger∣many,* 9.253 we will now (Christ willing) proceed further to the Frenche Martyrs, comprehending in a lyke Table, the names and causes of such as in that king∣dome suffered for the word of God, and cause of righ∣teousnes, as in this briefe Summary consequentlye hereunder ensueth.

¶An other Table of them which suffered in Fraunce for the like witnesse of the Gospell.

*The French Martyr••.

Persecuters.	Martyrs.	The Causes.
Doctour Martiall of Paris.	Iames Pauane scholemaister. At Paris. An. 1524.	THis Iames fyrste being taken by the Byshop of Melden,* 9.254 or Meaux, was compel∣led to recant by Doctor Martiall. Afterwarde returning agayne to his confession, he was burnt at Paris. 1525. Ex. Ioan. Crisp.
	Dionisius de Rieux. At Melda, or Meaux. An. 1528.	* 9.255This Denys was one of thē which were first burne at Melda, for sayinge, that the Masse is a playne de∣nyall of the death and Passion of Christ. He was alwayes wont to haue in his mouth the woordes of Christ:* 9.256 He that denyeth mee before men, hym wyll I denye before my Father, and to muse vpon the same earnestly••. He was burnt with a slow fire, and dyd abyde muche torment. Ex Crisp. & alijs.
	* 9.257Ioannes de Cadurco, Bacheler of the Ciuill law. An. 1533.	This Iohn, first for makyng a Sermon or exhortation to his coū∣treymen of Lunosin in Fraunce vpon Al∣hallow daye: and af∣ter, sitting at a feast where it was propoū∣ded, that euerye one shoulde bryng foorth some sentence, for that he brought forth thys: Christe reygne in our hartes, and dyd prose∣cute the same by the Scryptures in muche length of words, was thereupon accused, ta∣ken, and disgraded and after burned. At this degradation one of the black Friers of Paris preached, taking for his theame the wordes of S. Paule. 1. Tim. 4. The spirite speaketh, that in the latter dayes menne shall departe from fayth, geuing heed to lying spi∣rites, and doctrine of er∣ror. &c. And in hand∣ling that place, either be could not or woulde not proceed further in the text. Cadurcus cryed out to him to proceede, and read further. The Frier stood dombe, and coulde not speake a word.
Then Cadurcus taking the text, did prosecute the same, as foloweth: Teaching false doctrine in hypocri∣sy, hauing theyr conscience marked with a hoate yron, for∣bidding to mary, and to eat meates created of God, to bee eaten with thankesgeuing &c. Ex Ioan. Crispi.
Promo•••••••• of Paris.	* 9.258Batthelmew Mylē, a lame creple. Iohn Burges, Marchaunt. The receiuer of Names. Henry Poille of Co••beron. Cantella, a Scholemistres. Stephen de la Forge, Marchaunt. An. 1533.	These fine here specified, for certayne Billes cast abroad and set vppe, soundyng a∣gaynst the abhomina∣tion of the Masse, and other superstitious ab∣surdityes of the Pope, were condemned and burned in the City of Paris. Henry of Cou∣beron had hys tongue bored through, and wyth an yron wyer, tyed fast to one of hys cheekes: Who lyke∣wise with the other, was burned, as is a∣foresayde. Ex Ioanne Crisp.
	Alexander Canus priest, otherwise cal∣led Laurenti∣us Crucens. At Paris. An. 1534.	For the sincere do∣ctrine and confession of Christes true reli∣gion,* 9.259 hee was burned in Paris, hauing but small fire, and abydde muche torment. Ex Henr. Pantal.
...The Gray Friers in Paris. ...Doctour Clerke, a Sorbonist.	Iohn Poyn∣ter, a Surge∣on. At Paris. An. 1533.	Thys Surgeon be∣yng detected and accu∣sed by the Fryers,* 9.260 and suche as he had cured before of the Frenche pockes,* 9.261 was first con∣demned to be strāgled, and then burned: but afterwarde, because he would not do homage to a certayne Idole at the commaundemente of a Fryer that came to confesse hym, his sentence was turned to haue hys toung cutte of, and so to bee burned. Ex Crisp.
A certayne Knight of Rhodes, Vncle to this Peter.	Peter Gaudet, Knight some∣times of Rho∣des. An. 1533.	This Peter being at Geneua with hys wyfe, was trayned out from thence by his vn∣cle,* 9.262 and put in prison for defence of the Gos∣pel, and after long tor∣mentes then sustained, was burned. vide Crisp.
	Quoquillard. An. 1534.	At Bezanson, in the countye of Burgun∣dy,* 9.263 this Quoquillard was burned for the confession and testimo∣ny of Christes gospell. Ex Ioan Crisp.
	...Nicolas a Scriuener. ...Iohn de Phoix. ...Stephen Burlet. An. 1534.	These three were executed and burned for the like cause of the Gospell,* 9.264 in the Citty of Arras: namely, Ni∣cholas a Scriuener, Iohn de Poix, Ste∣phen Burlet. Ex Ionne Crisp.
A Gray Frier in the City of Rochell.	Mary Becan∣della. At Foun∣taynes· An. 1534.	This Mary beyng vertuouslye instructed of her maister where she liued,* 9.265 and being af∣terward at a Sermon, where a Frier prea∣ched, after the Sermō, found faulte with hys

doctrine, and refined the same by Scryp∣tures. Whereat he dis∣dayning, procured her to be burned at Foun∣taynes. Ibidem.
	Iohn Cornon. An. 1535.	* 9.266Iohn Cornon a hus∣band man of Mas••ō, and vnlottered, but to whom God gaue such wisedome, that hys iudges were amazed, when he was condē∣ned by theyr sentence, and burned. Ex Crisp.
... George Borell. ... Iaylor. ... The Procu∣rator of the Citty of Grenoble in Fraunce. ... The Inqui∣sitour.	Martin Gonyn. In Dolphyne. An. 1236.	* 9.267This Martin being taken for a spye in the borders of Fraunce, towarde the Alpes, was committed to pri∣son. In his going out, hys Iaylour espyed a∣bout hym, letters of Farellus and of Peter Uiret. Wherefore be∣ing examined of the kinges Procuratour, and of the Inquisitor, touching his fayth, af∣ter he had rendered a sufficient reason there∣of, he was cast into the riuer and drowned. Ex Ioan Crisp.
... The kins∣folkes and frendes of this Clau∣dius. ... Mosinus, an Officer.	Cladius Payn∣ter a Gold∣smith. At Paris. An. 1540.	* 9.268Claudius going a∣boute to conuert hys frendes and kinsfolks to hys doctrine was by them committed to Morinus a chiefe cap∣tayn, who condemned him to be burned: but the hygh Parliament of Paris, correctyng that sentence, added moreouer yt he shoulde haue hys tongue cut out before: and so to be burned. Ex Ioan Crisp.
... Gasper Augerius the Bishops Renter. ... Domicel∣lus, a Fran∣ciscane and Inquisitour.	Stephen Brune, a hus∣bandman. At Rutiers. An. 1540.	Stephen Brune was persecuted of Augeri∣us,* 9.269 who after his con∣fession geuen of hys fayth, was iudged to be burned. Which pu∣nishment, he tooke so constantly, that it was to them a wōder. Hys aduersaryes commaū∣ded after his death, to bee cryed that none should make any more mention of him, vnder payne of heresy. Pantalion addeth moreouer, that at the place of hys burnyng called Planuol, the wynde rose and blewe the fyre so from hym, as he stoode exhortyng the people, that hee there continued about the space of an houre, in maner, not harmed or scarce touched with any flame: so that all ye woode being wasted away, they were compelled to begin the fire agayne with new fagottes,* 9.270 & vessels of oyle, and such other matter: and yet neither could he wyth all this, be turned, but stood safe. Then the hangman tooke a staffe, and let driue at his head. To whome the holy Martyr being yet aliue, sayde: When I am iudged to the fire, doe ye beate me with staues like a dogge: With that the hangman with his pike, thrust him through the belly and the guttes, and so threw him downe into the fire & burned his body to ashes, throwing away his ashes afterward with the wind. Ex Ioan Crisp.
	Constantinus, a Citizen of Rhone wyth three other. An. 1542.	These foure for de∣fence of the Gospell,* 9.271 being cōdemned to be burned, were put in a doungcart. Who there∣at reioysing, sayd that they were reputed here as excrements of this worlde, but yet theyr death was a swet odour vnto God. Ex Ioan Crisp.
	Iohn du Beck, Priest. An. 1543.	For the doctrine of the Gospell he was disgraded,* 9.272 and cōstant∣ly abode the torment of fire in the chiefe Cit∣ty of Champaigne. Ex Ioan Crisp.
... The Parish Priest of the towne of S. Fayth in Angeow. ... Also other Priestes of the same country. ... Riueracus and his ser∣uaunt.	Aymond de Lauoy. Bordeaux. An. 1543.	This Aymonde preached the Gospell at S. Faythes in An∣geow,* 9.273 where he was accused by the Parishe Priest there, and by o∣ther Priestes moe, to haue taught false doc∣trine, to the great de∣caye of theyr gaynes. Whereupon, when the Magistrates of Bor∣deaux had geuen com∣maundement, and had sent out theyr Appa∣ritour to apprehende hym, he hauing intel∣ligence thereof, was willed by his frendes, to flye and shyfte for himselfe: but he would not, saying that he had rather neuer to haue bene borne, then so to doe.* 9.274 It was the office of a good Shephearde (he sayd) not to flye in tyme of perill, but ra∣ther to abide the daun∣ger, least the flocke be scattered: or els least peraduenture, in so doing, he should leaue some scru∣ple in theyr mindes, thus to thinke, that he had fedde them with dreames and fables, contrary to the word of GOD. Wherefore beseeching them to moue him no more therein, he tolde them,* 9.275 that he feared not to yelde vp both body and soule in the quarrell of that trueth, which he had taught: saying with S. Paule, that he was ready not onely to be bound for the testimo∣ny of Christ, in the Citty of Bordeaux, but also to dye. To contract the long storye hereof to a briefe narration, the Sumner came, and was in the City three daies: during which tyme Aymondus preached three Ser∣mons. The people in defence of theyr Preacher, s••ew vppon the Sumner, to delyuer hym out of hys handes. But Aymond desired them not to stoppe hys Martyrdome: seyng it was the will of God that he should suffer for him, he would not (sayd he) resist. Then the Consuls suffered the Sumner, and so Ai∣mond was caryed to Bordeaux. Where many wit∣nesses, the most part being Priestes, came in agaynst him, with M. Riuerack also, and his seruaunt: Whi∣che Riueracke had sayde oftentimes before, that it should cost him a thousand crownes, but he woulde burne him. Many exceptions he made agaynst hys false witnesses, but that would not be taken. Al their accusation was onely for denying Purgatory.

About ix. monethes he remayned in prison wyth great misery, bewayling exceedingly his former life albeit there was no man that could charge him out∣wardly with any crime. Then came downe letters, wherupon the iudges began to proceede to his con∣dēnation, and he had greater fetters put vpon him, which he tooke for a token of his death shortly to fol∣low. After yt, he was examined with tormēts. One of ye head presidents came to him, & shaking hym by the beard, bad him tell what fellowes he had of his Re∣ligion. To whō he answered, saying: that he had no other fellowes, but suche as knew, and did the will of God his father, whether they were nobles, mar∣chantes, husbandmen, or of what degree so euer they were. In these torments he endured ii. or iij. houres beyng but of a weake body, with these wordes com∣forting himselfe: This body (sayd hee) once must dye but the spirit shal liue: the kingdom of God abideth for euer.* 9.276 In the time of his tormenting he swoūded. Afterward comming to himselfe agayne, he sayd, O Lord Lord, why hast thou forsaken me? To whome the president: Nay wicked Lutheran (said he) Thou hast forsaken God. Then sayd Aymondus: Alas good maysters, why do you thus miserably torment me▪ O Lord I beseech thee forgeue them, they know not what they do. See (sayd the President) this Cay¦tife, how he prayeth for vs, neuertheles so constant washe in his paynes, yt they could not force hym to vtter one mans name: saying vnto thē, yt he thought to haue founde more mercy with men: Wherefore he praied God that that he might find mercy with him. On the next Saterday following, sentence of con¦demnation was geuen agaynst hym. Then certayne Fryers were appoynted to heare his confession. Whō he refused, chusing to him one of his owne or∣der, the parish priest of S. Christophers, bidding the Friers depart from hym, for he would confesse hys sinnes to ye Lord. Do you not see (sayd he) how I am troubled enough with men? will ye yet trouble me more? Other haue had my body, will you also take from me my soule? Away from me I pray you. At last when he could not be suffered to haue the parish priest, he then tooke a certayne Carmelite, bidding ye rest to depart, with whom he hauing long talke, at last did conuert him, vnto the truth. Shortly after yt came vnto him the Iudges, Cassagnes, and Longa with other counsailers moe, vnto whome the saide Aymondus began to preach and declare his minde, touching the Lordes supper: But Longa interrup∣ting him: demaunded of him thus. The Iudge. * 9.277First declare vnto vs your minde what you thinke of Purgatory. The Martyr, In Scripture all these are one, to purge, to clense, & to wash. Whereof wee reade in Esay, in the Epistle of S. Paule,* 9.278 and of S. Peter. He hath washed you in hys bloud. Ye are redeemed not with golde, but with the bloud of Christ. &c. And how often doe we read in the Epistles of S. Paule, That we are clensed by the bloud of Christ from our sinnes. &c. The Iudge. Those Epistles are knowne to euery child. The Martyr. To euery child? Nay, I feare you haue scarse read them your selfe. A Fryer. M. Aymond, with one word you may satisfie them, if you will say, that there is place where the soules be purged after this life. The Martyr. That I leaue for you to saye, if you please. What? would you haue me damne mine owne soule, and to say that which I know not? The Iudge. Doest not thou think, that when thou art dead, thou shalt go to purgatory? And he that dyeth in veniall sinne, that he shall passe streight into Paradise. The Martyr. Such trust I haue in my God, that the same daye, when I shall dye, I shall enter into Paradise? An other Iudge. Where is Paradise? The Martyr. There, where the maiestie and glory of God is. The Iudge. The Canons doe make mention of Purgatory, and you in your sermons haue vsed alwayes muche to pray for the poore.* 9.279 The Martyr. I haue preached the word of God, & not the Canōs. The Iudge. Doest thou beleue in the Churche? The Martyr. I beleue as the Church regenerated by the bloud of Christ, and founded in hys word, hath appoynted.* 9.280 The Iudge. What Church is that? The Martyr. The Church is a Greeke word signifiyng as muche as a congregation or assemble: and so I say, yt when so euer the faythfull doe congregate together, to the honour of God, and the amplifying of Christian re∣ligion, the holy ghost is verily with them. The Iudge. By this it should follow, that there be many Chur∣ches. And where as any rusticall clownes do assem∣ble together, there must be a Church. The Martyr. It is no absurde thinge to say that there be manye Churches or congregations among the Christians: And so speaketh S. Paule:* 9.281 To all the Churches whiche are in Gallatia. &c. And yet all these congregations make but one Churche. The Iudge. The Church wherein thou beleeuest, is it not the same Churche, whiche our Creede doth call the holy Church? The Martyr. I beleue the same. The Iudge. And who should be the head of that Churche* 9.282 The Martyr. Iesus Christ. The Iudge. And not the Pope? The Martyr. No. The Iudge. And what is he then? The Martyr. A Minister if he be a good man, as other Byshops be: of whom S. Paule thus writeth: 1. Cor. 4. Let a man so esteeme of vs, as Ministers, and dispensers of the se∣crets of God. &c. The Iudge. What then, doest not thou beleue the Pope? The Martyr. I know not what he is,* 9.283 The Iudge. Doest thou not beleue that he is the successour of Pe∣ter? The Martyr. If he be like to Peter, and be grounded with Peter, vpon the true rocke Christ Iesus, so I beleue his workes, and ordinaunces to be good, Then the Iudges leauing hym with ye Friers, de∣parted frō hym, coūting as a daned creature. Notwt∣standing, Aymundus putting his trust in God, was full of comfort, saying with Saint Paule: Who shall separate me from the loue of God? Shall the sword, hunger, or nakednes? No, nothing shall pluck me from hym. But rather I haue pittie of you (sayd he) and so they departed. Not lōg after, he was brought to the place of execution, singing by the waye, the Psalme. In exitu Israell de Aegipto. &c.* 9.284 And as he pas∣sed by the place, where he before had bene impriso∣ned, he called to hys prison fellowes, exhorting them to put theyr confidence in the Lorde, and tolde them that he had spoken for them, and declared theyr mi∣seryes vnto the President. He thanked moreouer the keeper,* 9.285 and desired hym to be good to hys pore pry∣soners. And so taking his leaue of them, and desiring them to praye for hym, also geuyng thankes to the maistresse keeper, for her gentlenes shewed to hym, he proceeded forward toward hys execution. As he came agaynst the Churche of Sainct Andrew, they willed hym to aske mercy of God, and of blessed S. Mary, and of Sainct Iustice. I aske mercye, (sayth he) of God and hys Iustice, but the Uirgine, blessed S. Mary, I neuer offended, nor did that thinge, for the whiche I should aske her mercy. From thence he passed forward to the Churche of S. Legia, prea∣ching

still as he went. Then spake one of the souldi∣ours to the driuer or carter,* 9.286 willyng him to driue a pase, for here is preaching, sayd he, enough. To whō sayd Aymond, He that is of God, heareth the wordes of God &c. In passing by a certain Image of our Lady great offence was taken agaynst him, because he al∣wayes called vpon Christ Iesus onely, and made no mention of her. Whereupon hee lifted his voyce to God, praying that he woulde neuer suffer him to in∣uocate any other, sauing him alone. Comming to the place where he should suffer, he was tumbled out of the cart, vpon ye groūd, testifying to the Magistrates & to the people standing by, yt he dyed for the Gospell of Iesus Christ & for his word. More he would haue spoken, but he coulde not be suffered, by ye tumultu∣ous vexing of the officers, crying, dispatch, dispatche him, let him not speake. Thē he speaking a few wor∣des softly in ye eare of the litle Carmelite, whō he had conuerted: was bid to stepp vp to ye stage. Where the people beginning to geue a litle audiēce, thus he said O Lord make hast to helpe me, tary not, do not des∣pise the woorke of thy handes.* 9.287 And you my bre∣thren, ye be students, & scholers, I exhort you to study and learne the Gospell, for the word of God abideth for euer: labour to knowe the will of God, and feare not them that kill the body, but haue no power vp∣on your soules. And after that, my fleshe (sayde hee) repugneth merueilously against the spirit, but short∣ly I shall cast it away. My good maysters, I beseech you pray for me. O Lord my God, into thy hands I commend my soule.* 9.288 As he was oft repeting the same the hangman tooke and haled him vpon the steppes in such sort, that he strangled hym. And thus ye bles∣sed Sainct gaue vp his life. Whose body afterwarde was with fire consumed.
	Fraunces Bribard. An. 1144.	Fraunces Bribard was sayde to be the se∣cretarye of the Cardi∣nal of Bellay.* 9.289 Who be¦ing also for the Gospel condemned, after hys tongue was cutte off, did with like constācie susteyne the sharpenes of burning. Ibidem.
The high Court of Roan. A widowe keeping a vitailing house, in the suburbes of Roan.	William Hus∣son, an Apo∣thecary. At Roan. An. 1544.	William Hussan Apo¦thecary,* 9.290 comming frō Bloys to Roan, was lodged with a certaine widow in the suburbs of the Cittye. Who as∣king of her, at what tyme the Counsayle or Parliament did ryse, she sayd at x. of ye clock About whiche tyme & houre hee went to the Pallace, and there scat¦tered certayne bookes concernyng Christian doctrine, and the abuse of mens traditions. Whereat the counsayle was so mooued, that they commaunded all the gates of the Cittye to be locked, and dilli∣gent search to be made in all Innes and host∣les, to finde out the au¦thour. Then the wi∣dow told of the partye which was there, and asked of the rising of the Counsayle & short¦ly vpon the same took hys horse and rode a∣way. Thē were postes set out thorough all quarters, so that the sayd Willi∣am was taken by the waye riding to Diepe, and brought agayne to Roan. Who there being exami∣ned, declared hys fayth boldly, and howe became of purpose to disperse those bookes in Roan, and went to do the like at Diepe.* 9.291
The weeke ensuing, hee was condemned to be burned aliue. After the sentence geuen, he was brou∣ght in a cart, accompanyed with a Doctor a Carme∣lite Frier, before the great churche, who puttynge a torche in hys hand, required hym to doe homage to the Image of our Lady:* 9.292 which because he refused to do, his tongue was cut out. The Fryer then ma∣king a Sermon, when he spake any thing of the mer¦cies of God, the sayd William harkened to hym: but when he spake of the merites of Sayntes, and other dreames he turned awaye his head. The Fryer loo∣king vppon the countenaunce of Husson, lifte vpp his hand to heauen: saying with great exclamation, that he way damned, and was possessed with a deuil When the Fryer had ceased hys Sermon, this god∣ly Husson had his handes and feete bound behynde his backe, & with a pully was lifted vp into the ayre and when the fire was kindled,* 9.293 he was let down in∣to the flame, where the blessed Martyr, with a smy∣ling and cheerefull countenaunce looked vp to hea∣uen, neuer mouing nor styrryng, till he let down his head, and gaue vp hys spirite. All the people there present were not a little astonyed thereat, and were in diuers opinions, some saying, that he had a deuill other mayntayned the contrary, saying, if hee had a deuill, he should haue fallen into dispayre. This Carmelite Fryer abouesayde,* 9.294 was called Delanda, which after was conuerted, and preached the Gospell. Ex. Gallie. hist. Ioan. Crisp. Lib. 2.
... Three po∣pish priests. ... The Duke of Loraine·	Iames Cobard a Scholema∣ster, and many other taken the same time. An. 1545.	This Iames, schole∣maister in the Citty of Sainct Michael in the Dukedom of Barens in Loraine,* 9.295 disputed with three priests that the sacrament of Bap∣tisme, and of the Sup∣per dyd not auayle, vn¦lesse they were recea∣ued with fayth: which was as muche to saye, as that the Masse dyd profite neither ye quick nor the dead. For the which and also for hys confession, which he be¦ing in prison, sent of hys owne accorde, by hys mother vnto the Iudge, hee was bur∣ned, and most quiet∣ly suffered. Ex. Ioan. Crisp.
... The Francis¦can Friers. ... The Do∣ctours of Sorbone and others.	...Peter Clerke brother to Iohn Clerke, burnt before. ...Stephanus Manginus. ...Iames Bouch∣beck. ...Iohn Brisebar. ...Henr. Huti∣note. ...Tho. Hono∣rate. ...Iohn Baudo∣uinus. ...Iohn Flesch. ...Iohn Picquere ...Peter Piquere. ...Io. Matheston. ...Philippe Little. ...Michaell Caillow. ...Fraunces Clerke. ...Couberon, a Weauer. At Meaux. An. 1546.	These xiiij. dwelt at Melda,* 9.296 a Cittye in France x. myles from Paris. Where Willi∣am Briconetus beyng there Bysh. did muche good,* 9.297 brought to them the light of the Gos∣pell, and reformed the Church. Who straight¦ly beyng examined for the same, relented: but yet these with many o¦ther remained constāt. Who after the burning of Iames Pauane be∣fore mentioned, and seeing superstition to grow more and more,* 9.298 began to congregate in Mangins house, & to set vp a churche to themselues, after the example of the French Churche in Straus∣burgh.* 9.299 For theyr mini¦ster, they chose Peter

Clerke. First they be∣ginning with 20. or 30 did grow in short time to 3. or 4. hundreth. Wherupon the matter being knowne to the Senate of Paris, the chamber was besette, where they were, and they taken. Of whom 62. men and weomen were boūd & brought to Paris, singing psal∣mes, especially ye psal. 79. To these it was chiefly obiected, that they beeing laye men, would minister the sa∣crament of the body & bloud of the Lord. Of these 62.14. chief¦ly did stand fast, which were condemned, and rackt, to confesse moe of theyr fellowes, but they vttered none: the rest wer scourged and banished the country. These 14. were sent to sondrye Monasteries to be conuerted: but yt woulde not be. Then they beyng sent in a cart to Melda, or Me∣aux, to be burned, by the waye, three myles from Paris, a certayne Weauer, called Couberon, by chaunce meeting them, cryed to them a loud, bid∣ding them be of good cheare and to cleane fast to the Lord: Who also was taken, and bounde with them in the cart. Cōming to the place of execution, which was before Mangins house, it was told them, that they which would be confessed, shuld not haue their tongues cut out,* 9.300 the other shuld. Of whom vii. there were, whiche to saue theyr tongues, confessed: other vii. would not. Of the first was Stephen Mangin, who hauing his tongue first cut, notwithstanding spake so that he might be vnderstande, saying thrise The Lordes name be blessed. As they were in bur∣ning,* 9.301 the people sunge psalmes. The priests seing that, would also sing their songes: * 9.302 O Salutaris hostia and Salue regina, while the sacrifice of these holy mar¦tyrs were finished. Their wiues being compelled to see their husbandes in tormentes, were after put in prison, from whence they being promised to be let go if they would say that theyr husbands were damned refused so to say.
... Iohn Andre bookseller, promotour. ... Doctours Sorbonists M. Nicolas Clerici, Doctour of Diuinitie. ... Doctour Iohn Picard ... Doctour Nicolas Maillaird.	Peter Chapot. At Paris. An. 1546.	Peter Chapot first was a correcter to a Printer in Paris. Af∣ter he had bene at Ge∣neua, to do good to the Church of Christ, lyke a good man, he came with bookes of holye scripture into France and dispersed them a∣broad, vnto the fayth∣full. Which great zeale of his, caused hym to be apprehended of I. Andre, which was the common Promotor to Liset the President, & to the Sorbonistes. This good Chapot be¦ing taken and brought before the Commissa∣ries, rendered prompt¦ly accompt of hys faith vnto whom he exhibi∣ted a supplication, or writing wherein hee learnedly informed ye Iudges, to do their office vprightly. Then were iii. Doctours of Sorbone assigned, Nicholas Clerici. Iohn Picard, and Nicholas Maillard, to dispute wt hym. Who when they could finde no aduantage, but rather shame at hys hands, they waxed angry with the Iudges, for letting them dispute with hereticks.
This done the Iudges consulting together vp∣on hys condemnation, could not agree: so that Cha∣pot (as it seemed) might haue escaped, had not a wic¦ked person, the reporter of the proces, sought & wrou¦ght his condemnation, whiche condemnation was at length concluded thus: that he shoulde be burned quicke, onely the cuttynng of hys tongue was par∣doned. The Doctour appoynted to be at his execu∣tion, was Mallaird, wyth whome he was great∣ly encombred. For this Fryer called vppon hym still, not to speake to the people, but hee desired hym that he might pray. Then he bad hym praye to oure Lady, & confesse her to be his Aduocate. He confes∣sed, yt she was a blessed Uirgine, & recited the Lords prayer and the Creed, and was about to speake of ye Masse, but Maillard woulde not let hym making hast to hys execution, & said vnles he would say Aue Maria, he should be burnt quicke. Then Chapot pray¦ed: O Iesu, sonne of Dauid, haue mercy vppon me. Maillard then bad hym say Iesus, Maria, and so hee should be strangled. Chapot agayn excused that he was so weake, he could not speake. Say, sayd Mail∣lard, Iesus Maria, or els thou shalt be burned quicke. As Chapot was thus striuing with the Fryer, so∣deinly as it happened, Iesus Maria,* 9.303 escaped out of hys mouth. But he by and by repressing hymselfe, O god sayde he, what haue I done? Pardon mee O Lorde, to thee onely haue I sinned. Then Maillard com∣maunded the corde to be pluckt about hys necke to strangle hym: notwithstanding yet he felt somthing the fire. After all thynges done, Maillard all full of anger went to the counsayle house,* 9.304 called La chamber Ardante, declaring what an vprore had there almost happened amongst the people, saying that he would complayne vpon the Iudges, for suffering those he∣retickes to haue theyr tongues. Whereupon imme∣diately a decree was made that all which were to be burned, vnles they recanted at the fire: shoulde haue theyr tongues cut of. Whiche lawe dilligently after¦warde was obserued. Ex Ioan. Crisp. Lib. 6.
M. Peter Li∣set, Presidēt of the coun∣sayle of Pa∣ris.	Saintinus Niuet. At Paris. An. 1546.	After the burning of those 14. whose na∣mes bee described be∣fore, this Saintinus (which was a lame cri¦ple) with hys wife re∣moued out of Meaux, to Moutbeliard, wher when he had continu∣ed a while in safe liber¦ty of religion, and saw hymselfe there to doe no good, but to bee a burden to the Church cast in his mind to re∣turne home to Meaux agayn, & so did. Where at last, as hee was sel∣ling certayn small wa∣res in ye fayre, hee was there knowne and ap∣prehended. Whereof whē information was geuen, hee being exa∣mined, at the first con∣fessed all, and more thē they were willing to heare. In the tyme of this Inquisition, as they were examining hym of certayn points of Religion, and asked him whither he would stand to that he sayd or not: he gaue this aun∣swere agayne, worthye to be registred in all mens hartes, saying: And I aske you agayne Lorde Iud∣ges, dare you be so bold to deny that is so playn and manifest by the open wordes of the Scripture? So

little regard had he to saue hys owne lyfe, that he de¦sired the Iudges, both at Meaux, and at Paris for Gods sake, that they would rather take care of their owne liues and soules, and to consider howe muche innocēt bloud they spilled dayly in fighting against Christ Iesus, and his Gospell.
At last, being brought to Paris, through the mea¦nes of M. Peter Liset, a great persecutour, for that they of Meaux, thoulde take by hym no incourage∣ment, there he was deteyned, and suffered hys mar∣tyrdome: where no kinde of crueltie was sacking, which the innocent Martyrs of Christ Iesus were wont to be put vnto. Ex Henr. Pantal. &. hist Gallic.
The names of his persecu∣tours in the story be not expressed. * 9.305	Stephen Polliot. At Paris. An. 1546.	Stephen Polliot comming out of Nor∣mandy (where he was borne) vnto Meaux, taryed not there long, but was compelled to flye, & went to a town called Fera: where hee was apprehēded, and brought to Paris, and there cast into a foule and darcke prison. In whiche prison he was kept in bands and fet∣ters a lōg space, where he saw almost nolight. At length being called for before the Senate, and his sentence geuen to haue his tongue cut out, and to be burned aliue, his satchell of bookes hang∣yng about his necke, O Lord (sayd he) is the world in blindnes and darckenes still? For he thought be∣ing in prison so long, that the world had ben altered from his olde darckenes, to better knowledge. At laste, the worthye Martyr of Iesus Christ hauyng his bookes about his necke, was put into the fire, where he with much pacience, ended this transitory lyfe. Ex Henr. Pantal.
The high Senate of Paris.	Iohn Englishe. An. 1547.	He was executed & burned at Sens in Burgundy,* 9.306 being con¦demned by the hygh Courte of Paris, for confessing ye true word of God. Ex Crisp. & A∣drian.
	Michaell Michelote, a Taylour. An. 1547.	This Taylour be¦yng apprehended for ye gospels sake,* 9.307 was iud¦ged first if hee woulde turne, to be beheaded: and if hee woulde not turne, then to be bur∣ned aliue. Who beyng asked whether of these two he woulde chuse, aunswered, that hee trusted that hee which hath geuen him grace not to denye the truth woulde also geue him pacience to abide the fire. He was burned at Werden by Tur∣ney.
Two false brethren.	Leonardus de Prato. An. 1547.	This Leonard go∣yng from Dyion, to Bar,* 9.308 a towne in Bur∣gundy, with two false brethren, and talkyng with them about reli∣gion, was bewrayed of thē, and afterward burned.
	...Iohn Taffin¦gnon.* 9.309 Ioan his wife. ...Symon Mares∣chall. ...Ioan his wife. ...W. Michant. ...Iames Boule∣rau. Iames Bretany. An. 1547.	Al these 7. beyng of the Cittie of Langres, for the word and truth of Christ Iesus, were committed to the fire wherein they dyed wt much strength & com∣fort. But especially Io¦anne, which was Si∣mons wife, being re∣serued to the last place because she was ye yon¦gest, confirmed her hus¦band and al the other, with words of singu∣lar consolation, decla∣ring to her husband, that they shoulde the same daye, be maryed to the Lorde Iesus, to liue with him for euer. Ex. Pantal. Crisp. & alijs.
The Senate of paris.	...Mischaell. ...Ma••eschall. ...Ioh. Cam. ...Great Iohn Camus. ...Iohn Serar∣phin. An. 1547.	These also, the same yeare and about the same tyme, for the lyke confession of Christes Gospell, wer condem∣ned by the Senate of Paris, & in the same Cittye also with the like cruelty, were bur∣ned. Ex Pantal. Crisp.
... The host of Octouien, at Lyons. ... Gabriell of Saconnex Presenteur.	Octonien Blondell, a Marchaunt of precious stones. At paris. An. 1548.	This Octouien, as he was a great occupy¦er in al fayres & coun∣tryes of Fraunce,* 9.310 and well knowne, both in Court, & els where: so was he a singular ho∣nest man, of great in∣tegritie, and also a fa∣uourer of Gods word Who beyng at his ho∣stes house in Lyons, rebuked the filthy talk and superstitious be∣hauiour, whiche there he heard & saw. Wher∣fore the host bearing to him a grudge, chan∣ced to haue certayne talke with Gabriell of Sacconex Presenteur concerning the riches, and a sumptuous col∣ler set with riche iew∣els, of this Octouien. Thus these two cō∣sulting together, dyd suborne a certayn per∣son to borowe of hym a certayne summe of crownes Which because Octouien refused to lend, the other caused hym to be apprehended for heresie, thinking thereby to make atachment of hys goodes. But such order as was taken by Blondels friendes, that they were frustrate of their purpose. Then Blondell be∣ing examined of hys fayth, gaue a playne and ful con∣fession of that doctrine, which he had learned, for the whiche he was committed to prison: where he dyd much good to the prisoners there. For some yt were in debt, he payd theyr creditors and loosed them out. To some he gaue meate, to other rayment.* 9.311 At length thorough the importune perswasions of his parents and frendes, he gaue ouer and chaunged hys confes∣sion. Notwithstanding the Presenteur not leauyng so, appealed hym vp to ye high court of Paris. There Otouien beyng asked agayne, touching hys fayth, which of hys two confessions he woulde stick to, he being before admonished of his fal, and of the offence geuen thereby to the faithfull, said he would liue & dye in his first confession, which he defēded to be consonāt to the verity of Gods word. Which done, he was cō∣demned to be burned, and so hast was made to his ex∣ecution, least his frendes in the court, might come be∣tweene and saue his life. Ex Ioan. Crisp. Lib. 6.

	* 9.312Hubert Cheriet, alias Burre, a yong man a Taylour. At Dyion. An. 1549.	Hubert beyng a young man of the age of xix. yeares, was bur¦ned for the Gospell at Dyiō, who neyther by any terroures of death nor allurementes of hys parentes, coulde be otherwyse perswa∣ded, but constantly to remayne in the truth, vnto death. Ibid.
peter Lise∣tus, presi∣dent of the Counsaile of paris, and other Sorbo¦nistes.	M. Florent Venote,* 9.313 priest. At paris. An. 1549.	This Florent re∣mayned in prison in Paris, 4. yeares and 9 hours. During which tyme, there was no torment, which he did not abide and ouer∣come. Among al other kindes of torments, he was put in a narrowe prisō or brake, so strait that he coulde neyther stand nor lye, whiche they call the hoase or boote, ad Nectar Hippo∣cratis, because it is strait beneath, and wyder a∣boue, like to the instru¦ment where with A∣pocatheries are wont to make their hipocras. In this he remayneth 7. weekes, where the tormentors affirme, that no thiefe nor murderer coulde euer en∣dure xv. dayes, but was in daunger of lyfe, or mad∣nes.
At last, when there was a great shew in Paris at the kings comming into the Citty, and diuers other Martyrs in sondry places of the Cittye were put to death, he hauing hys tongue cut off, was brought to see the execution of them all: and last of all, in ye place of Maulbert, was put in the fire and burned the ix. of Iuly at after noone. Ex Ioan Crisp.
	Anne Aude∣bert, an Apo∣thecaryes wife and wydow. At Orleance. An. 1549.	She going to Geneua was taken & brought to Paris,* 9.314 and by the Counsayle there, iud∣ged to bee burned at Orleance. Whē ye rope was put about her, shee called it her wed∣ding girdle, wherwith she shoulde be maryed to Christ. And as shee shuld be burned vpō a saterday, vpō Micha∣elmas euen: vpon a sa∣terday, sayde shee, I was first maryed, and vpon a Saterday I shall be maryed agayn. And se∣ing the dongcart brought wherein she should be ca∣ryed, she reioyced thereat, shewing suche constancye in her martyrdome, as made all the beholders to maruell. Ex. Ioan. Crisp.
... Henry. 2. Frēch king. ... An Officer of the kings house. ... petrus Ca∣stellanus, Byshop Ma∣chonensis.	A poore Tay∣lour of paris, dwellynge in the streete of S. Antony. At Paris. An. 1549.	Among many o∣other godly martyrs yt suffered in France,* 9.315 the story of this poore Tai¦lor is not the least nor worst to be remēbred. His name is not yet sought out in yt french storyes for lack of dilli∣gence in those writers, more is the pittie. The story is this. Not long after the coronation of Henry ii. the Frenche king, at whose cōming into Parris dyuers good Martyrs were there brought out, and burned for a spectacle: as is aboue said: a cer∣tayne poore Taylour, who then dwelt not farre from the kynges Pallace, in the streete bearing the name of S. An∣tony, was apprehended of a certayne officer in the kinges house, for that, vpon a certayne holy daye, he followed hys occupation, and did worke for his ly∣uing. Before he was had to prison, the officer asked hym, why he dyd labour and worke, geuing no ob∣seruation of the holy day.
To whom he aunswered, that he was a poore man liuing onely vpon hys labour: and as for the day, he knew no other, but onely the Sonday, wherein hee might not lawfully worke, for the necessitie of his li∣uing.* 9.316 Then the Officer began to aske of hym manye questions, whereunto the poore Taylour dyd so aunswere, ye eftsoones hee was clapt in prison. After that, the Officer comming into the Court, to shewe what good seruice he had done for the holy Churche declared to certayne estates, how he had taken a Lu∣therane, workyng vpon the holy day, shewing that he had suche answeres of hym, that he commaunded hym to prison. When the rumour hereof was noysed in ye kings chamber, through the motiō of thē which were about the king, the poore man was sent for to appeare, that the king might haue ye hearing of him. Whereupon the kinges chamber being voyded, saue onely a fewe of the chiefe Pieres remayning a∣bout the king, the simple Taylour was brought. The king sitting in hys chayre,* 9.317 commaunded petrus Castellanus Byshop of Mascon (a man very fitte for such Inquisitions) to question wyth hym. The Tay¦lour being entred, and nothyng appaulled at the kynges maiestie, after hys reuerence done vnto the prince, gaue thankes to God, that he had so greatly dignified hym being such a wretch, as to bring him, where he might testifie his truth before such a migh∣ty prince. Then Castellanus entring talke, began to to reason with hym touching the greatest and chiefest matter of Religion. Whereunto the Taylour with∣out feare or anye haltyng in hys speache,* 9.318 with pre∣sent audacitie, witte and memory, so aunswered for the sincere doctrine and simple truth of Gods Gos∣pel, as was both conuenient to the purpose, and also to his questions aptly and fitly correspondent. Notwithstandyng, the nobles there present, with cruell tauntes and rebukes, did what they coulde to dashe him out of countenance. Yet all this terrefied not hym, but with boldnes of hart, and free libertie of speach, he defended his cause, or rather the cause of Christ the Lorde, neither flattering with their per∣sons not fearing their threates: which was to them all, a singular admiration to behold that simple poore artificer to stand so firme and bold, aunsweryng be∣fore a kyng, to those questions propounded agaynst him. Whereat, when the kyng seemed to muse with him selfe, as one somwhat amased, and which might soone haue bene induced at that present, to further knowledge: the egregious Bishop,* 9.319 & other courte∣ours, seeyng the king in such a muse, sayd he was an obstinate & a stubburne person, obfirmed in his own opiniō, and therfore was not to be maruelled at, but to be sent to the iudges, & to be punished: and there∣fore lest he should trouble the eares of the sayd Hen∣ry the kynge, hee was commaunded agayne to the handes of the officer, that his cause myght be infor∣med, and so within few daies after, he was condem∣ned by the hye Stuard of the kyngs house, to be bur∣ned aliue. And lest any deepe cōsideration of that ex∣cellent fortitude of the poore man might further per∣aduenture pears•• the kinges mynde,* 9.320 the Cardinals and Byshops were euer in the kynges eare, tellyng hym that these Lutheranes were nothyng els, but such as caryed vaine smoke in their mouthes, which being put to ye fire, would soone vanish.* 9.321 Wherfore the king was appointed, himself to be present at his exe∣cutiō, which was sharpe & cruell, before the Church of Mary the Uirgin, where it pleased God to geue such strength and courage to his seruaunte, in suffe∣ring his martyrdome, that the beholding thereof, did more astonish the kyng, then all the other did before. Ex Ioan. Crisp. Ex Henr. Pantall. Lib. 7.

	Claudius Thierry. At Orleance. An. 1549.	The same yeare, & for the same doctrine of the Gospell, one Claudius also was burned at the sayde Towne of Orleance,* 9.322 being apprehended by the waye, commyng from Geneua to hys Countrey, Ex Ioan. Crisp.
	Leonard Galimard. At Paris- An· 1549.	This Leonard, for the confession lykwise of Christ and his Gospel was takē and brought to Paris,* 9.323 and there by the sentence of the coū¦sayle, was iudged to be burnt the same time as Florent Uenote, a∣boue mentioned, did suffer at Paris. Ex Ioā. Crisp.
	Macaeus Moreou. At Troyes. An. 1549.	He was burned in Troyes in Campaine (a Towne in France) remaining constant to the end in the Gospell,* 9.324 for the whiche he was apprehended. Ex eodē.
	...Ioan Godeau. ...Gabriell Be∣randinus. An. 1550.	These two were of the Churche of Geneua. Afterwarde for theyr freindly admonishing a certayn priest, which in his sermon had abu¦sed the name of God,* 9.325 they were takē at Chā¦beriace. Godeau stan∣dyng to his confession was burned. Gabriell thoughe he beganne a litle to shrynk for feare of the tormentes, yet beyng confirmed by ye constant death of Go∣deau, recouered agayne, and standing likewise to his conclusion, first had his tongue cut out. Who notwt∣standing, through Gods might did speake so as hee might be vnderstand: whereupon the hangman be∣ing accused for not cutting of his tongue rightly, said that he could not stoppe him of hys speach. And so these two, after they had confirmed manye in Gods truth, gaue their lyfe for Christes Gospell. Ibidem.
... Ioan. An∣dreas Pro∣moter. * 9.326 ... Peter Liset, President of the Counsel of Paris. ... Mailardus, Doctor Sor¦bonius. ... Aubertus, Consiliari∣us.	Thomas San∣paulinus. At Paris. An. 1551.	This Thomas a yong man of the age of 18. yeares, commyng from Geneua to Pa∣ris, rebuked there a mā for swearing. For the which cause he be∣ing suspected for a Lu∣theran, was followed and watched whether he went, and was ta∣ken and broughte be∣fore the Counsaile of Paris, and put in pri∣sō, where he was rac∣ked and miserably tor¦mented to the intēt he should eyther chaunge his opinion, or confes other of hys profession Hys tormentes and rackinges were so sore through the setting on of Maillard and other Sor∣bonistes, that the sight therof made Aubertus one of the counsayle, a cruell and vehement enemy against ye Gospel, to turne hys back and weepe. The yoūg man when he had made the tormenters weary with racking, and yet woulde vtter none, at last was had to Maulbert place in Paris, to be burned. Where he being in the fire, was pluckt vp agayn vpon ye gyb∣bet, and asked whether he would turne. To whome he sayd, that he was in hys way toward God, and therfore desired them to let him go. Thus this glo∣rious martir remayning inexpugnable. glorified the Lord with constant confession of his truth. Ibid.
	Mauricius Secenat. In Prouince. An. 1551.	He first hauing in∣terrogations put to hym by the Lieuete∣naunt of that place,* 9.327 made hys aunsweres thereunto, so as no great aduantage could be taken thereof. But he being greatly com∣puncted and troubled in hys conscience for dissembling with the truth, and called after∣ward before the Lorde chiefe Iudge, aunswe∣red so directly, that he was condemned for ye same, and burned in Prouince. Ex eodē.
A Cittizen of Vzez.	Ioannes Putte, or de Puteo, surna∣med Medicus. At Vzez in Prouince. An. 1551.	This Medicus beyng a Carpenter and vn∣lettered,* 9.328 had a contro∣uersie about a certaine pitte withe a Citizene of the towne of Uzez, where he dwelled. He to cast thys Medicus in the lawe, from the pitte, accused him of he¦resie, bringing for his witnesses, those labou¦rers whome Meddi∣cus had hyred to work in his vineyard: wher¦fore he being examined of the Sacrament of ye Lords Supper, was condemned and burned. At Uzez in Prouince, Ex eodem.
The gouer∣nour of Ly∣ons. The Official of the Arch¦deacon of Lyons.	Claudius Monerius. At Lyons. An. 1551.	This man being well instructed in ye know∣ledge of Gods worde, for the whiche he was also driuen from Auer¦nia, came to Lyons,* 9.329 and there taught chil∣dren. He hearing of ye Lord Presidents com∣ming to the citie, went to geue warning to a certain familiar friend of hys, and so conduc∣ted him out of yt town. In returning agayne to comforte the mans wife and children, he was taken in hys house: and so he confessing that, which he knew to be true, and standing to that whiche he confessed, after muche af∣fliction in prison and doungeons, was condemned and burned at Lyons. He was noted to be so gentle and milde of conditions, and constant withall, and also learned, that certayne of the Iudges coulde not forbeare weeping at his death.
The sayd Monerius being in Prison, wrote cer¦teine letters, but one specially very comfortable, to all the faythful, which the Lorde willing, in ye ende of these histories shalbe inserted. He wrote also ye questi∣ōs & interrogatories of ye Official, wt his aunsweres likewise to the same, which summarily, we haue here contracted as followeth. Officiall. What beleue you of the Sacrament?* 9.330 is the bodye of Christ in the bread or no? The Martyr. I worship Iesus Christ in heauen sitting at the right hand of God the Father. Officiall. What say you by purgatory? The Martyr.

Forsomuch as there is no place of mercy after thys life therefore no neede there is of any purgation, but necessary it is, that wee be purged before wee passe hence. Officiall. * 9.331Of the Pope what thinke you? The Martyr. I say, he is a Bishop, as other Bishops are, if he be a true folower of S. Peter. Officiall. * 9.332What say you of vowes? The Martyr. No man can vow to God so much, but the lawe requireth much more then he can vow. Officiall. * 9.333Are not Sayntes to be inuocated? The Martyr. They can not pray without fayth, and therfore it is in vayne to call vnto them. And againe, God hath appoynted his Aungels about vs, to minister in our necessities. Officiall. Is it not good to salute the blessed virgine wyth Aue Maria? The Martyr. When she was on this earth, she had then need of the Aungels greeting, for then she had need of salua∣tion, as well as other: but now she is so blessed, that no more blessing can be wished vnto her. Officiall. * 9.334Are not Images to be had? The Martyr. For that the nature of man is so prone to Idola∣try, euer occupyed and fixed in those thinges, whych lye before his eies, rather then vpon those which are not seene, Images therefore are not to be sette before Christians. You know, nothing is to be adored, but that which is not seene with eies, that is God alone, which is a spirit, and him we must worship onely in spirit and truth. Officiall. What say you by the canonicall or ordinary hou∣res for prayer? The Martyr. To houres and times, prayer ought not to be ti∣ed. But when so euer Gods spirit doth mooue vs, or when any necessity driueth vs, thē ought we to pray. Then the Officiall asked what he thought of holy oyle, salt, with such other like. To whome the Mar∣tyr aunswered, that all these thinges were a meere * 9.335 Maranismus, that is, sauoured of the law of Maranorū and of the superstition of the Iewes.
	Renate Poyet. At Salmure in Fraunce. An. 1552.	Renate Poyet, the sonne of William Poi∣et, which was Chaun∣cellour of Fraunce, for the true and syncere profession of the word of GOD, constantly suffered Martyrdome, and was burned in the Citty of Salmure. an. 1552. Ex Crisp.
	Iohn Ioyer, and his ser¦uant a young man.* 9.336 At Tholouse. An. 1552.	These twoe com∣ming from Geneua to theyr Countrey, with certayne bookes were apprehēded by ye way, and at length hadde to Thoulouse. Where the mayster was first con∣demned. The seruaunt beyng young, was not so prompt to aunswere them, but sent them to his mayster saying, that he should answer them. When they were brought to the stake, the yong man first go∣ing vp, began to weep. The mayster fearyng least he would geue o∣uer, ranne to him, and he was comforted, and they beganne to sing. As they were in the fi∣re, the maister stādyng vprighte to the stake, shifted the fire frō him to his seruaunt, being more carefull for hym then for himselfe: and when he saw him dead he bowed downe into the flame, & so expired. Ex Crisp. & alijs.
	Hugonius Grauier, a Scholemay∣ster and mini∣ster after of Cortillon, in the County of Newcastle. At Burge. An. 1552.	At Burge in Bresse, a dayes iourney from Lyons,* 9.337 this Grauier was burned. He com∣ming from Geneua to Newcastle, there was elected to be Minister. But first hee going to see hys wyues frends at Mascon, there as he was commyng a∣way out of the towne, was taken vppon the Brydge, wyth all hys company: and in the ende, hee willing the women and rest of the companye to laye the fault in him for bring∣ing them out, was sen∣tēced to be burnt, not∣withstanding ye Lords of Berne sent theyr He¦raldes to saue his life, & also that the Officiall declared him to bee an honest man, & to holde nothing, but agreeing to the scriptures. Ex Io∣an Crisp. lib. 3.
... Tignacius the gouer∣nour or de∣puty of Ly∣ons. ... Buatherius, Officiall to the Archb. of Lyons. ... Clepierius Chamber∣layne. ... Thre orders of Friers. ... Iudge Me∣lierus, ... Doct. Cu∣nubanus, a gray frier. ... Iudge Vi∣lard. ... Primatius, Officiall. ... Cortrerius Iudge,	...Martiall Alba. ...Petrus Scriba. ...Bernard Se∣guine. ...Charles Faber ...Peter Naui∣here. At Lyons. An. 1553.	These 5. Students,* 9.338 after they head remay∣ned in the Uniuersitye of Lausanna a certayn time,* 9.339 consulted among themselues, being all French men to return home euery one to hys countrey, to the intent they mighte instructe theyr parentes & other theyr friendes in suche knowledge as ye Lord had geuen them. So ta¦king theyr iourney frō Lausanna,* 9.340 firste they came to Geneua, wher thei remained a while. Frō thence they wēt to Lyons. Where they sit¦ting at the table of one that mette them by the way, and desired them home to his house, were apprehended and led to prison: where they continued a whol yeare, that is, from the first day of May, to the 16. of the sayd moneth agayne. As they were learned and well exercised in the scriptures: so euery one of thē exhibited seuerally a learned confession of his fayth, and with great dex∣terity, through the power of the Lordes spirite, they confounded the Friers, with whō they disputed: e∣specially Peter Scribe or Scriuener, and Seguine.
They were examined sonderly of the Sacrament of the Lordes body, of Purgatory, of confession, and Inuocation, of freewill, and of the supremacy. &c. Al∣though they approued their cause by good scripture, and refuted theyr aduersaryes in reasoning, yet right being ouercome by might, sentence was geuen, and they burned in ye said towne of Lions. Being set vp∣on

the cart, they began to sing psalmes. As they pas∣sed by the market place, one of thē with a loud voyce, saluted the people with the words of the last chap. to the Heb. The God of peace which brought again frō death the great pastor of the sheep, in the bloud of the eternall Testament. &c. Comming to the place, first the 2. youngest one after an other, went vp vpon the heap of wood to the stake, & there were fastened, and so after them the rest. Martiall Alba being the eldest, was the last, who likewise being stripped of his clo∣thes, and brought to the stake, desired this petitiō of the gouernor, which was that he might go about his felowes tied at the stake and kisse them. Which being graunted, he went and kissed euery one, saying: fare∣wel my brother. Likewise the other foure following the same example, bad each one farewel my brother. With that fire was commaunded to be put vnto thē. The hangman had tyed a rope about al theyr necks, thinking first to strangle them, but theyr faces being smered with fat and brimstone, the rope was burnt before they were strangled. So the blessed Martyrs in the midst of the fire, spake one to an other to be of good cheare, and so departed. Ex Crisp Pantal. &c. ¶Theyr examinations briefely touched. The Frier. Thou sayst frend in thy confession that the Pope is not supreme head of the Church,* 9.341 I will proue the contrary. The Pope is the successor of S. Peter. Ergo, he is supreame head of the Church. The Martyr. I deny first your antecedent. The Frier. The Pope sitteth in the place of S. Peter. Ergo, he is the successor of S. Peter The Martyr. I will graunt neither of both: First because that he which succeedeth in the roome of Peter, ought to preach and teach, as Peter did: Which thing the pope doth not.* 9.342 Secondly, although he did so preach as Pe¦ter did, he might wel folow the example of Peter, yet should he not therefore be the head of the Church, but a member onely of the same. The head of menne and Aungels, whom God hath appoynted, is Christ a∣lone,* 9.343 sayth S. Paule. The Frier. Although Christ be the head of the whole church militant and tryumphant, yet his vicar here in earth is left to supply his roome. The Martyr. Not so, for the power of his Diuinitye being so great to fill all things he needeth no Uicar or deputy to supply his absence. The Frier. I wil proue that although Christ be king both of heauen and earth: yet he hath here in earth, many vi∣cars vnder him,* 9.344 to gouerne his people. The Martyr. It is one thing to rule in the ciuill state, another thing to rule spiritually. For in ciuill regiment, we haue kinges & princes ordeined of God by the scrip∣tures, for the obseruation of publicke society: In the spirituall regiment and kingdome of the Church it is not so. Then another Frier. Thou sayest that S. Peter is not the head of the church: I will proue he is. Our Lord sayd to Peter: Thou shalt be called Ce∣phas: Which Cephas is as much to say in latine as head.* 9.345 Ergo, Peter is head of the Church. The Martyr. Where finde you that interpretation? S. Iohn in his first chap. doth expoūd it otherwise. Thou shalt be called Cephas, yt is as much (saith he) as Petrus or stone Then the iudge Uilardus calling for a new testa∣ment, turned to the place, and found it to be so. Wher upon the Frier was vtterly dashed and stood mute. The Frier. Thou sayst in thy confession, that a man hath no free will. I wil proue it. It is written in the Gospel, how a man going from Hierusalem to Iericho,* 9.346 fell among theeues, & was spoyled, maymed, & left halfe dead. &c. Thomas of Aquine expoundeth this para∣ble to meane free wil, which he sayth is maymed: yet not so, but ye some power remayneth in mā to work. The Martyr. This interpretation I do refuse and denye. The Frier. What? thinkest thou thy selfe better learned then S. Thomas. The Martyr. I do arrogate no such learning vnto my self. But this I say: this parable is not so to be expoūded, but is set forth for example, of the Lord, to cōmend to vs charity toward our neighbour, how one should help an other. The Frier. Thou sayst in thy cōfessiō, yt we are iustified one∣ly by faith. I wil proue. yt we are iustified by works. By our workes we do merite.* 9.347 Ergo, by workes we are iustified. The Martyr. I deny the antecedent. The Frier. S. Paule. Heb. the last, sayth: Forget not to doe good and to distribute vnto others: Talibus enim victimis promeretur Deus. 1. For by such oblatiōs God is merited. We merite God by our workes: Ergo, we are iustified by our workes. The Martyr. The wordes of S. Paule in that place, be other∣wise and are thus to be translated: Talibus enim victi∣mis delectatur Deus. &c. 1. With such sacrifices God is de¦lighted or is well pleased. The Iudge Vilard. Vilard the Iudge turned the booke, and found the place euen to be so, as the prisoner sayd. Here the fri∣ers were maruellously appalled & troubled in theyr mindes: of whom, one asked then what he thought of confession. The Martyr. To whom the martyr answered, that confession onely is to be made to God, & that those places whi∣che they alledge for auricular confession,* 9.348 out of S. Iames and other, are to be expounded of brotherlye reconciliation betwene one another, and not of con∣fession in the Priestes eare. And here agayne the fri∣ers stood, hauing nothing to say agaynst it. A blacke Frier. Doest thou not beleue ye body of Christ to be lo∣cally and corporally in the sacrament? I will prooue the same. Iesus Christ taking bread sayd:* 9.349 this is my body. Ergo, it is truely his body. The Martyr. The verbe (est) is not to be takē here substantiue∣ly in his owne proper signification, as shewing the nature of a thing in substance, as in Philosophy it is wont to be takē: but as noting ye property of a thing signifiyng, after the maner & phrase of the Scripture: Where one thing is wont to be called by the name of an other, so as the signe is called by the name of the thing signified. &c. So is Circumcision called by the name of the Couenaunt, and yet is not the Coue∣naunt. So the Lambe hath the name of the Passeo∣uer, yet is not the same. In which 2. Sacraments of the olde law, ye see the verbe (est) to be taken, not as shewing the substaunce of being, but the property of being, in the thing that is spoken of: And so likewise in the Sacrament of the new law. The Frier. The Sacraments of the old law, & of the new do differ greatly: for these geue grace, so did not ye other. The Martyr. Neither the sacramentes of the olde,* 9.350 nor of ye new law, do geue grace, but sheweth him vnto vs which geueth grace in deed. The minister geueth the sacra∣mēts, but Iesus Christ geueth grace, by the opera∣tion of the holy Ghost: of whom it is sayd, This is hee which baptiseth with the holy Ghost. &c. The Frier. The fathers of the old Testament,* 9.351 were they not partakers of the same grace and promises with vs? The Martyr. Yes, for S. Paule sayth, that the fathers of ye old Testament did eat the same spirituall meat, and dyd drinke of the same spirituall drinke, with vs. The Frier. Iesus Christ sayth, Iohn. 6. Your Fathers did eate Manna in the desert, and are dead. Ergo, they were not partakers of the same grace with vs, in the new Testament. The Martyr. Christ here speaketh of them, which did not eate

that Manna with fayth, which was a type and figure of that bread of life,* 9.352 that came from heauen: and not of them, which did eate the same with fayth, as Mo∣ses and Aaron, Iosua Caleb, and suche other, who vnder the shadowes of the olde Testament, did look for Christ to come. For so it is written of Abraham, that hee sawe the day of Christ, and reioysed, not seeing it with his bodely eyes, but with the eyes of his fayth. Here the doltish Doctor was at a stay, hauing no thing to say, but heare frend, be not so hoat nor so ha∣sty, tary a while, tary a while. At length after his ta∣rying, this came out. The Frier. I will proue, that they of the olde Testamēt were not partakers of the same grace with vs.* 9.353 The lawe (sayth S. Paule) worketh anger: And they that are vn∣der the law, are vnder malediction. Ergo, they of the olde law and Testament, were not partakers of the same grace with vs. The Martyr. S. Paule here proueth that no man by the lawe, can be iustified, but that all men are vnder the anger and curse of God therby, for so much as no man per∣formeth that which in the law is comprehended, and therfore we haue need euery man to runne to Christ, to be saued by faith, seing no man can be saued by the law. For who so euer trusteth to the lawe, hoping to finde iustification therby, and not by Christ onely, the same remayneth still vnder malediction: not because the law is cursed, or the times therof vnder curse: but because of the weakenes of our nature, which are not able to performe the law. The Frier. S. Paule. Rom. 7. declareth in the olde Testamēt to be nothing but anger, and threatnings: and in the new Testament, to be grace and mercy, in these wor∣des where he sayth: Wretched man that I am, who shall deliuer me from the body of this death▪ The grace of god by Iesus Christ. The Martyr. S. Paule in this place, neither meaneth nor spea∣keth of the difference of times betwene the olde and the new Testament: but of the conflicte betweene the flesh and the spirite, so that, whereas the flesh is euer rebelling agaynst the spirit: yet the spirituall manne notwithstanding through the faith of Christ, hath the victory. Furthermore the true translation of ye place, hath not, Gratia Dei: but Gratias ago Deo, per Iesū Chri∣stum. &c. Primacius the Officiall. The Officiall seeing the Frier almoste here at a poynt,* 9.354 set in, & sayd: Thou lewd hereticke, doest thou deny the blessed Sacrament? The Martyr. No Syr, but I embrace and reuerēce the Sacra∣ment, so as it was instituted of the Lord, and left by his Apostles. The Officiall. Thou denyest the body of Christ to be in the Sa∣crament: and thou callest the Sacrament bread. The Martyr. The Scripture teacheth vs to seeke the bodye of Christ in heauen, and not in earth: where we reade Colos. 3. If ye be risen with Christ, seeke not for the thin∣ges which are vpon the earth: but for the thinges which are in heauen, where Christ is sitting at the right hand of God. &c. And where as I affirme the Sacrament, not to be the body, but bread, speaking of bread remayning in his owne substaunce, herein I do no other, but as S. Paule doth, which Cor. 11. doth call it bread likewise. 4. or 5. times together. The Frier. Iesus Christ sayd, that he was the bread of life. The Officiall. Thou noughty hereticke, Iesus Christ sayd, that he was a vyne, & a dore. &c. Where he is to be expoū∣ded to speak figuratiuely. But the wordes of the Sa∣crament are not so to be expounded· The Martyr. Those testimonyes which you alledge, make more for me, then for you. The Officiall. What sayst thou leud hereticke? is the bread of the Lordes Supper, and the bread that we eate at home, all one, and is there no difference betwene them? The Martyr. In nature and substance there is no difference: in quality and in vse there is much difference. For the bread of the Lordes table though it be of the same na∣ture & substance, with the bread that we eat at home, yet when it is applyed to be a sacrament, it taketh an other quality, and is set before vs to seale the promise of our spiritual and eternal life. And this was the ef∣fect of their examinations. Ex Crisp.
The name of his per∣secutour appeareth not in his story.	Petrus Ber∣gerius. At Lyons. An. 1553.	About the same time,* 9.355 when these 5. students aboue specified, were apprehended, this Ber¦gerius also was taken at Lions, & with them examined, and made also the like confession with them together, & shortly after them, suf∣fered the same martyr∣dome. He had bene be∣fore an occupier or mar¦chant of wines. He had wife and children at Geneua, to whom he wrote sweet and comfortable letters. In the doungeon with him was a certayne Theefe and Malefactor, which had lyen there the space of seauen or eyght monethes. This Theefe for payne and tor∣ment, cried out of God, and cursed his parentes, that begat him, being almost eaten vp with lice, miserably handled, and fed with such bread, as dogs, and horses had refused to eat.* 9.356 So it pleased ye goodnes of almigh∣ty God, that through the teaching and praiers of this Bergerius, he was brought to repentaunce of hym∣selfe, and knowledge of God, learning much comfort and patience by the word of the Gospel preached vn∣to him. Touching his conuersion he wrote a sweete letter to those 5. studentes aboue mentioned, wherein he praiseth God for them, and especially for this Ber∣gerius, declaring also in the same letter, that the next day after, that he had taken holde of the Gospell, and framed himself to pacience according to the same, his life (whith he could plucke out before no lesse then 12· at once betwixte his fingers) nowe were so gone from him, that he had not one. Furthermore, so the almes of good men was extended towardes him, that he was fed with white bread, and that which was ve¦ry good. Such is the goodnes of the Lord toward thē that loue and seeke his trueth. The name of this con∣uert was Iohn Chambone. Ex Epist. Ioan. Cambon. Ex Crisp. Pantal. &c.
	...Stephanus Peloquinus. ...Dionysius Peloquinus. At Ville Franche about Lyons. An. 1553.	Steuen Peloquine, Brother to this Dio∣nysius,* 9.357 was taken a∣bout 2. or 3. yeares be∣fore, with Anne Au∣debert aboue mentio∣ned, and also marty∣red for the testimonye of the Gospell, at the same time, with a smal fire. After whome fol∣lowed Dyonise Pe∣loquine, in the same steppes of Martyre∣dome, which was his Brother. Thys Dio∣nise had bene sometime a Monke, and chaungyng hys weede, tooke a Wyfe, with whom he liued a cer∣tayne space at Geneua, in Godly order and modesty of life. Comming afterward to Uille Franche sixe myles from Lyons, from thence he was had to Ly∣ons, where he remayned in prison 10. monethes. Frō thence he was reuersed to Uille Franche, where he was condemned, degraded, and burned. The Ar∣ticles wherupon he was condemned, were for the Masse, the Sacrament, auricular confession, Pur∣gatory, the Uirgine Mary, and the Popes supre∣macy. He suffered in the yeare of our Lord. 1553. Sep∣temb. 11. In his martyrdome such pacience and forti∣tude God gaue, that whē he was halfe burned yet he neuer ceased holding vp his handes to heauen, and calling vpon the Lord, to the great admiration of thē that looked on. Ex Ioan Crisp.

... The kinges Lieuete∣nant at Ly∣ons. ... The Offi∣ciall. ... The Fryers.	...Lodouicus Marsacus. ...Michael Ge∣rard his cosin. ...Steuen Gra∣not, Carpen∣ter. At Lyons. An. 1553.	At Lyons the same yere these 3. also were apprehēded, and sacri∣ficed.* 9.358 Ludouicus hadde bene of the order of the Dimilances▪ whiche serued the king in hys warres. Afterwarde comming to Geneua, he was trayned vppe in the knowledge and doctrine of the Lorde. Upon diuers Articles he was examined as inuocation to Saynts, and of the Uyrgyne Mary, free wyll, me∣rites, and good woor∣kes, auricular confessi∣on, fasting, the Lords supper. In his second examinatiō they inqui∣red of him, and also of the other 2. touching vowes, the Sacramentes, the Masse, and the Uicar of Christ. In all which articles, because his and their iudgement dissented from the doctrine of the Popes Church, they were condemned. The aunsweres of Marsac to the articles, are to be seene at large in the booke of the French martyrs, set out by Ioan. Crisp.
* 9.359The Lieuetenant among other blasphemies, had these woordes: Of the iiij. Euangelistes, but ij. were pure, Mathew and Iohn. The other two, Marke & Luke were but gatherers out of the other. The Epi∣stles of S. Paule, but that the Doctors of the church had authorised them, he would otherwise esteme thē no better then the fables of Aesope. Item, the sayde Lieuetenant sayd to M. Copes mayd,* 9.360 speaking somewhat of the law: Cursed be the God of that law. When the sentence of condemnation was geuen agaynst these three, they were so glad thereof, that they went out praysing God, and singing Psalmes. Which troubled the iudges sore, to see them so litle to esteme their death: in so much that the Lieuetenaunt caused thē to be made to hold theyr peace, saying: shal these vile abiectes so vaunt themselues, agaynst the whole state of the realme: Thē as Marsac, was go∣ing to a corner by, to pray, one of ye souldiors woulde not suffer him. To whō he sayd, that litle time which we haue, wil you not geue vs to pray? With that the souldiour being astonished, went his way. As they should be brought out of prison to ye stake, the hangman tyed a rope about the neckes of the o∣ther two. Marsac seing himself to be spared because of his order and degree, called by the way to the Lieue∣tenaunt, that he might also haue one of the precious cheynes about his necke, in honor of his Lord. The which being graūted, so were these three blessed mar¦tirs committed to the fire, where they with meek pa∣cience yelded vp theyr liues to the hands of the lord, in testimony of his Gospell, Ex Crisp. Pantal.
... * 9.361 The Lieute∣nant of Ly∣ons. ... Primacius Officiall. ... Buatherius, Officiall. ... Orus, In∣quisitor.	Matthaeus Dymonetus. marchaunt. At Lyons. An. 1553.	This Marchaunt first liued a vicious & detestable life, full of muche corruption and fylthynesse. He was also a secret enemy and a Searcher out of good men, when and where they conuented togea∣ther. Who being called notwithstanding by ye grace of God, to the knowledge and sauor of his word, shortly af∣ter was taken by the Lieutenant and Bua∣therius the Official, in his owne house at Li∣ons, and so after a litle examination was sent to prison. Being examined by the Inquisitor and the Officials, he refused to yeelde any aunswere to them, knowing no authority they had vpon him, but onely to the Lieutenant,
His aunsweres were, that he beleued all that the holy vniuersall Church of Christ did truely beleue & all the articles of the Creed. To the article of the ho∣ly Catholicke Churche, being bid to adde also Roma∣nam, that is the Church of Rome: that he refused. Ad∣uocates he knew none, but Christ alone. Purgatory he knew none, but the crosse and passion of the lamb, which purgeth the sinnes of all the world. The true confession he sayd, ought to be made, not to the priest once a yeare, but euery day to God, and to such whō we haue offended. The eating of the flesh & bloud of Christ, he tooke to be spirituall: and the Sacrament of the flesh and bloud of Christ, to be eaten with the mouth, and that sacrament to be bread and wine vn∣der the name and signification of the body and bloud of Christ, the masse not to be instituted of Christ, be∣ing a thing contrary to his word and will. For the head of the Church he knew none, but onely Christ. Being in prison he had great conflictes with the in∣firmity of his owne flesh, but especially with the tēp∣tation of his parentes, brethren and kinsfolkes, and the sorow of his mother: neuerthelesse the Lord so as∣sisted him, that he endured to the end. At his burning he spake much to the people, & was heard with great attention. He suffered the 15. of Iuly. an. 1553. Ex Cris.
... Legoux the Deane, Ilie∣rensis. ... M. Simon Vigor, the Penetentia∣ry of Eu∣reux.	William Neel, an Austen Fryer. At Eureaux, in Fraunce. An. 1553.	Hen. Pantal. lib. 9. & Crisp. & Adrian, maketh mention also of one William Neel a Fryer Augustine, who suffe∣red in muche like sorte the same yeare, & was burned at Eureux in Fraunce. The occasion of his trouble rose first,* 9.362 for the rebuking of the vitious demeanour of the Priestes there, and of the Deane named Legoux, for the which the Deane caused hym to be sent to Eureux to the prison of the By∣shoppe. The storye of thys William Neel, with his aunsweres to theyr Articles obie∣cted, is to be read more at large in the 9. booke of Pantalion, and o∣thers.
The Bailiffe or steward of the Citye Dyion.	Symon Laloe. At Dyion. An. 1553.	Symon Laloe a spectacle maker, com∣ming from Geneua in to Fraunce for certayn busines, was laid hand of by the Bayliffe of Dyion. Three thinges were demaunded of him. 1 Where he dwelt. 2. What was his faith. 3. What fellowes hee knew of his Religion. His▪ dwelling he sayd, was at Geneua. Hys Religion was such, as was then vsed at Ge∣neua. As for his fello∣wes, he sayd, he knew none, but onely them of the same City of Ge∣neua, where his dwel∣ling was. When they could gette of him no other aunsweare but thys, with all theyr racking and tormēts, they proceeded to hys sentence, and pursued the exe∣cution of the same, which was the 21. of Nouember. an. 1553.
The executioner who was named Iames Siluester,* 9.363 seeing the great fayth and constancye of that heuen∣lye Martyr, was so compuncted with repentaunce, & fell in such despayre of himselfe, that they had much

adoe with all the promises of the Gospell, to recouer any cōfort in him.* 9.364 At last through the mercy of christ, he was comforted, and conuerted, and so he with all his family, remoued to the Church of Geneua. Ex Io∣an Crisp.
	Nicholas Nayle. * 9.365At Paris. An. 1553.	This Nicolas, shoo∣maker commynge to Paris with certayne ferdles of bookes,* 9.366 was there apprehēded. Who stoutly in persisting in confessing the trueth, was tried with sundry tormentes, to vtter what fellowes he had besides of his professi∣on, so cruelly, that his body was dissolued al∣most one ioint from an other: but so constant he was in his silence, that he would expresse none. As they brought him to the stake, fyrste they put a gag or peece of wood in his mouth, which they boūd with cords to the hinder part of his head, so hard, yt his mouth on both sides gushed out wyth bloud, and disfigured his face monstrously. By the way they passed by an Hospitall, where they willed him to worship the picture of S. Mary standing at the gate. But he turned his back as well as he could, and would not. For the which the blind people were so grieued, that they would haue fallē vpon him. Af∣ter he was brought to the fire, they so smered his bo∣dy with fatte and brimstone, that at the first taking of the fire, all his skin was parched, & the inward parts not touched. With that the cords brast which were a∣bout his mouth, wherby his voyce was heard in the middest of the flame, praysing the Lord, and so ye bles∣sed Martyr departed. Ex Ioan Chrisp.
... A woman of Tolouse. ... The Offici∣all of the Bishop of Tolouse. ... The Inqui∣sitour and Chaunce∣lour of the Bishop of Cozeran.	Peter Serre. About To∣louse. An. 1553.	* 9.367Peter Serre fyrst was a Prieste, then chaunging his religiō, he went to Geneua, & learned the shomakers craft, and so liued. Af∣terward vpon a singu∣ler loue he came to hys brother at Tolouse, to the intent to doe hym good. His brother had a wife, which was not well pleased with hys religiō, and comming. She in secret Counsell tolde an other woman one of her neighbors, of this. What doth she, but goeth to the Offi∣ciall, and maketh hym priuy of all. The Offi∣ciall thinking to fore∣slacke no time, taking counsell with his fel∣lowes, laid hands vp∣pon this Peter, and brought him before the Inquisitor. To whom he made such declara∣tion of his fayth, that he seemed to reduce the Inquisitor to some fe∣ling of conscience, and began to instruct him in ye principals of true religion. Notwithstā∣ding, all this helped not, but that he was condemned by the said Chauncellor, to be de∣graded, & cōmitted to the seculer iudge. The Iudge inquiringe of what occupation hee was, he sayde, that of late he was a shoomaker. Wherby the Iudge vnder∣standing that he had bene of some other faculty be∣fore, required what it was. He sayd,* 9.368 that he had bene of another faculty before, but he was ashamed to vt∣ter it, or to remember it, being the worst & most vilest science of all other in the whole world besides. The iudge and the people supposing that he had ben some thief or cutpurse, inquired to know what it was, but he for shame and sorow stopped his mouth, & would not declare it. At last through theyr importunate cla∣mor, he was constrayned to declare the truth, & sayd, that he had bene a priest. The iudge therupon was so moued, yt he cōdemned him, first enioyning him in his cōdemnation, to aske the king forgeuenes, then iud∣ged him to haue his tongue cut out, and so to be bur∣ned. Frō this sentence he appealed to the parliament of Tolouse: not for that he thought therby to saue his life, but because he was enioined to aske the king for∣geuenes, whom he had neuer offended. Also because he was iudged to haue his toung cut of, wherewith he would prayse his God. Notwithstanding by the sentence of that parliament, he was likewise condē∣ned to be burnt, onely he was pardoned for asking forgeuenes of the king, and the cutting of his tongue, so that he would say nothing agaynst theyr religion.
As he went to burning, he passed by the college of S. Martial, where he was bid to honor the picture of the virgine standing at the gate. Which because he refused, the Iudge commaunded his toung to be cut of, & so being put to the fire, he stood so quiet, looking vp to heauen all the time of his burning, as though he had felt nothing, bringing such admiration to the people, that one of the Parliament said,* 9.369 that way not to be best, to bring the Lutherans to the fire, for that would do more hurt then good. Ex Ioan. Crisp.
The gouer∣nor of Mar∣ches.	...Steuen king. ...Petrus Deno∣cheus. At Chartres. An. 1553.	Steuen king, after he had bene at Straus∣burgh a while, retur∣ned again into his coū∣try,* 9.370 dwelling in atown bearyng the name of S. George,* 9.371 not far frō Chaustors, where hee serued in the place of a notary, and had vnder him, a Clearke named Peter Denoche, who also had bene at Gene∣ua, & was there zelous in instructing the igno¦rant & rebuking blas∣phemous swearers, and other offenders. These two were not long together, but they were suspected both of Lutheranisme: and so were apprehended by the go¦uernor of the Marches, or Marshall, and so were ca∣ried to Chartres: where after the constant confession vpon theyr examination made, they were enclosed in prison, and there susteined long & tedious endurance. During the which meane time, Steuen king made many worthy songes and sonets in the prayse of the Lord, whereby to recreate his spirite in that dolefull captiuity. At length, when after long perswasions & fayre promises of the Bishop and of other, they could not be reuoked from the doctrine of theyr confession, they were condemned. From that condēnation, they appealed to the Court of Paris. But the Councell there confirming theyr former sentence, returned thē agayne to Chartres, from whence they came, where they were both executed with cruell punishment of fire. Ex hist. Gallic. per Ioan Crisp.
Priestes of Burges.	Antonius Magnus, or Magnaeus. At Paris. An. 1554.	Antonius Magne, was sent by the fiue which were in prison, at Lyons, aboue men∣tioned, and by other also that were in ca∣ptiuity at Paris, vn∣to Geneua to com∣mende them to theyr prayers vnto GOD, for them. Who after certayne busines there

dispatched, returned a∣gayne into Fraunce, & there within 3. houres of his comming was betrayed and taken by certayne Priestes at Burges and there de∣liuered by the said prie¦stes vnto the Officiall. After a fewe dayes the kinges Iustices tooke him from the Official, and sent him to Paris, where after greate re∣bukes and tormentes, he suffered in the prisō, and firmely persisting in the profession of the trueth, by theyr capital sentence was adiudged to haue his tongue cut out, & so was burned at Mulbert place in Paris. Ex Ioan. Crisp.
False bre∣thren.	William Alē∣con booke∣seller.* 9.372 * 9.373A certayne sherman. At Mont∣pelliers. An. 1554.	This Alencon did much good in the pro∣uinces of Fraunce, by carying bookes. Com∣ming to Montpelliers he was there circum∣uented by false brethrē detected, and layde in prison. In his fayth he was firme and constāt to the end of his Mar∣tirdome, being burned the 7. of Ianuary. 1554. There was the same time at Montpelliers a certayne sherman or clothworker, who had bene long in duraunce for religion, but at length for feare, and infirmity, he reuolted. To whom it was enioyned by the Iudges to make publicke recantation, and to be present also at the burning of Alencō aforesayd. At the beholding of whose death and cōstancy, it pleased God to strike into this man suche boldenesse, that he desired the Iudges, that either he might burne with this Alen∣con, or els be brought againe into prison, saying that he would make no other recantation, but so. Where∣fore within three dayes after he was likewise condē∣ned to the fire, and burned, in the towne aforesayde. Ex Ioan Crisp.
	* 9.374Paris Panier, a Lawyer. At Dola. An. 1554.	At Dola was be∣headed a good & godlye Lawyer named Paris Panier, for constant standing to the gospell of Christ. an. 1554. Ex Pantal.
	* 9.375Peter du Val, shoomaker. At Nismes. An. 1554.	At Newmans in Delphinate, Peter du Val susteined sore and grieuous rackinges & tormentes: where∣wyth hys body being broken, dissolued, and maymed, yet he not∣withstanding manful∣ly abiding all theyr ex∣tremity, would name and vtter none. Then was he had to the fire, & there consumed. ann. 1554. Ex Ioan. Crisp.
...Gilles le Pers, Lieue∣tenaunt for the marshall of S. An∣drew,* 9.376 and Inquisitour for the pro∣uince of Borbon. ... Ioh. Berge∣ronius, an other Inqui¦sitor or counseller.	...Ioannes, Fili∣eul, or Filiolus Carpenter. ...Iulianus Le∣uille, poynt∣maker. At Sanserre. An. 1554.	These two blessed and constant martyrs, as they were goyng toward Geneua, wyth one of their sonnes and a daughter were ap∣prehended by Gilles le Pers, who in the way ouertaking them and most wickedly & Iudaslye pretendinge great fauour to them, and to theyr religion, which he (as he sayde) supposed them to be of, with these and manye other faire wordes cir∣cumuented and allu∣red them to confesse what was theyr fayth, whither they wēt with theyr children, and also that theyr wiues were at Geneua. When they had declared this, the wretched Traytour gaue a signe to hys horsemen, and so were these simple sayntes of Christ intrapped, and brought to the Castle of Niuerne. Beyng in Prison, they were examined of many thin¦ges: whereunto they aunswered vprightly, accordinge to theyr fayth. First touching the sacrament,* 9.377 they affir∣med the transubstanti∣ation of the Bishop of Rome, to be against ye Article of the Creede, which saith, that Christ is gone vp to heauen, & there sitteth at the hand of God: and therfore the bread and wine must nedes remayne in theyr propertyes, bea∣ring notwithstanding a Sacrament,* 9.378 or a holy signe of the body & bloud of the Lord. For like as by bread and wine the hart of man is comforted, so the bodye of Christ crucified, & his bloud shed, spirituallye hath the like operation in the soules of the beleuers.
For the Masse, they sayd it was a thing most su∣perstitious, and meere Idolatry.* 9.379 And if we put any part of saluation therein, they sayd, it was vtterly a robbing of the Passion of Christ the sonne of God, & that it was not once to be named out of a Christen mouth. Also that they whiche say that Peter either was Pope, or Author of the sayd Masse, are farre de∣ceiued. And as for turning breade into the bodye of Christ by the woordes of consecration, it was an er∣ror (they sayd) more of mad men, then any sad men: forasmuch as God is neither subiect to men, nor to ye tongues or exorcismes of men. Purgatory they deni∣ed to be any, saue onely the bloud of Christ Iesu. Furthermore as they would not bereft the saints of God of theyr due honor,* 9.380 so neither the Saynts thē selues (sayd they) will be contented to robbe God of his honor onely due to him. As touching confession, theyr opinion was, that the woundes and causes of conscience, belong to no man, but onely to God. After these aunsweres geuen and written, they were sent to the Monastery of Sanpeter, there to be disputed with. That done, the matter came to be de∣bated amog the Iudges, what was to be done with them. Some would theyr goodes to be taken by In∣uentory, and them to be banished. But Bergeronius at last caused to be determined, that they shoulde be burned, and first to heare Masse. From that Courte, they apppealed to the Courte of Paris: but the mat∣ter there was nothing amended. Where beholde the iudgement of God: In the meane time, whyle they were at Paris,* 9.381 the wretched Persecutour Gilles le Pers, was sodenly stroken mad, and dyed in a fren∣sy: which made many men to wonder, and especially the martyrs to be more constant. At last the decree of the sentence was read against them. First for speaking against the Sacramēt: whi∣che they denyed. Secondly for speaking agaynst Baptisme: whi∣che also they denyed. Thirdly, for speaking contumely agaynste the Sayntes: which they in like maner denyed.

After this, the officer to cause thē to recant threat∣ned them with tormentes,* 9.382 whiche they susteyned very extreme, the space from after dinner, til three of the clocke. When all that would not turne them, hee sent to them a Fryer Dominicke, a man captious & sophisticall, to presse them in disputation. But as he could do no hurt vnto them, so could they do no good vpon him. When the tyme of theyr execution did ap∣proch, the officer aforesayd put into their hands be∣ing tyed, a wooden crosse, which they took with their teeth, & flong it away: for the which the officer com∣maunded both their tongues to be cut of. Wherein appeared an other maruellous worke of the ye Lord For neuertheles that their tongues were taken frō them, to the intent they shoulde not speake, yet God gaue them vtteraūce, their tongues beyng cut out, to speake at their death: saying, we bid sinne, ye fleshe the worlde, and the deuill fare well for euer, wyth whome neuer we shall haue to do hereafter. Diuers other wordes they spake besides, whiche the people did heare and note. At last when the tormenter came to smiere them with brimstone and gunpouder: Go to, sayd Filiolus, salt on, salt on the rotten and stin∣king flesh. Finally as the flame came bursting vp to their faces, they persisting constant in the fire, gaue vp their liues, and finished their martyrdome. Ex Io. Crisp. & Henr. Pantal. & alijs.
... Will. Lang∣loys, vnder Sheriffe. * 9.383 ... Ioh. Lang∣loys, the kinges pro∣curator.	Dionysius Vayre. At Rhoan. ann. 1554.	In the same yeare suffered at Rhoan, De¦nis Uayre, who first leauing hys Popishe priesthode, went to Ge¦neua, where hee lear∣ned the art of bookbyn¦ding, & brought many tymes bookes into Fraunce. After that in the reigne of K. Ed. 6. hee came to Gerzey, & there was minister, & preached. After ye death of K. Ed. the time not seruing hym to tarry, thinking to returne a∣gayne to Geneua, hee came into Normandy with his bookes, into a towne, called Fu∣eillie: Where as he going out to hyre a cart. William Langloys, with Iohn Langloys his brother came in and stayd his bookes, and hym also which had the custody of thē. Denis, albeit hee might haue escaped, yet hearing ye keeper of his bookes to be in trouble, came, & presēting himself, was cōmitted, ye other was deliuered. First after two monethes and a halfe im∣prisonment, he was charged to be a spye, because hee came out of England. Then from that prisō he was remoued to the Byshops prison, and then to Rhoan where sentence was geuen, that he should be burned aliue, and thrise lifted vp, and let downe agayne into the fire. After the sentence geuen, they threatned him with many terrible tormentes, vnles he would dis∣close such as he knew of that side. To whom he aun∣swered that the sounder part of all Fraunce, and of the Senate, was of that Religion: notwithstandyng he would vtter no mans name vnto them. And as for theyr torments, he said he passed not, for if he wer killed with racking, then he should not feele the bur∣ning of the fire. When they sawe him so little to passe for theyr tormentes, they left that, and proceeded to hys burning: and first they put a crosse in his hands which he would not hold. Thē because he comming by the Image of the virgine mary, would not adore the same, they cryed, cut out hys tōgue: & so they cast hym into the fire, where he should be thrise taken vp but the flame went so hye, that the hangman beyng not able to come neare hym, cried to the people stan∣ding by, to help, and so did the officers with their sta¦ues, lay vpon the people, to helpe theyr tormenters, but neuer a man would styrre. And this was the end and martyrdome of that blessed Denys. Ex Henr. Pan∣tal. lib. 10.
¶There was a riche marchaunt of Paris, who sayd in iest to the Friers of S. Frances. You weare a rope about your bodyes, because S. Frances once should haue bene hanged, & the pope redeemed him vpon this condition,* 9.384 that all hys life after he should were a rope. Uppon this the Franciscan Fryers of Paris caused him to be apprehēded & layd in prison, and so iudgement passed vpon hym, that he shoulde be hanged: but he to saue hys lyfe, was contented to recant, and so did. The Fryers hearing of his recan∣tation, commended him, saying if he continued so, he should be saued, and so calling vpon the officers, cau¦sed them to make haste to the gallowes, to hang hym vp, while he was yet in a good way (said they) least he fall again. And so was this marchaunt,* 9.385 notwith∣standing, hys recantation, hanged for iesting against the Fryers. Ex. Pantal. lib. 7. To this marchaunt may also be adioyned ye bro∣ther of Tamer, who when hee had before professed the truth of the gospell, and afterward by the counsel and instruction of hys brother, was remooued from the same, fell in desperation, and such sorrow of mind that he hanged himselfe. Ex Ioan. Manlio in dictis Phil. Melanct.
	Tho. Gal∣bergne, a Co∣uerlet maker. At Tourney. Ann. 1554.	This Tho. had copi∣ed out certayn spiritu∣al songes out of a book in Geneua whiche he brought wyth hym to Tourna & lent ye same to one of hys felowes This booke beyng es∣pied,* 9.386 he was called for of the Iustice, & examy¦ned of the book, which he sayd, contayned no∣thyng, but yt was agre¦ing to the scripture, & that he would stand by Then he was had to ye Castle, and after xix. dayes was brought to the towne house, and there adiudged to the fire. Whereūto he went chearfully singing psa∣lmes. As hee was in ye flame, the Warden of the fryers stood crying: Turne Thomas, Thomas, yet it is tyme: remember hym yt came at the last houre. To whom he cryed out of the flame with a loud voyce, and I trust to be one of that sort, and so calling vpon the name of the Lord, gaue vp hys spirite. Ex Crisp. lib. 4.* 9.387
Adde also to this, one Nicholas Paul beheaded at Gaunt. These two should haue bene placed amōg the Dutch Martyrs in the table before.
... Latruncu∣lator, or vn∣der Marshal, or examiner of Dolphe∣nie. ... The Lieute∣nant. ... His Attour∣ney. ... His Scribe.	Rich. Feurus a goldsmith. At Lyons. An. 1554.	Feurus a Golde∣smith borne at Rhoan first being in Englād,* 9.388 and in London there receiued the taste and knowledge of Gods word, as in hys owne Epistle hee recordeth. Then he went to Ge∣neua, where he remay¦ned 9. or 10. yeares. From thēce returning to Lions, there was apprehended, and con∣demned. Then he ap∣pealed to the hye court of Paris, through the motion of his friends. Where in the waye as hee was led to Paris, he was met by certain whome he knew not, and by them taken frō hys keepers, and so set at libertie, which was ann. 1551,
After the continuing at Geneua, about ye space of iii. yeares, he came vppon busines to the prouince of Dolphenie, and there as he found faulte wyth the grace sayd in Latine, he wak detected and taken in hys Inne in the night, by the vndermarshall, or him which had the examination of malefactours. The

next day he was sent to the Iustice, from him to the bishop, Who ridding their handes of him, then was he brought to the Lieuetenaunt, who sent his aduo∣cate wt a notary to him in the prison,* 9.389 to examine hym of his fayth. The whole processe of his examinatiōs, wt his aduersaryes and the fryers, in his story descri∣bed, is long, ye principal contents come to this effect. Inquisitour. * 9.390Doest thou beleue the Church of Rome? The Martyr. No, I do beleue the Catholicke and vniuersall Church. Inquisitour. What Catholicke church is that? The Martyr. The congregation, or communion of Christans Inquisitour. * 9.391What congregation is that, or of whom doth it consist? The Martyr. It consisteth in the number of Gods elect, whō God hath chosen to be the members of his sonne Ie¦sus Christ, of whome he is also the head. Inquisitour. Where is the congregation, or how is it knowē? The Martyr. It is dispersed through the vniuersall world, in diuers regions, and is knowne by the spirituall di∣rection, wherwith it is gouerned that is to say, both by thy word of God, and by the right institution of Christes Sacramentes. Inquisitor. Do ye thinke the Church that is at Geneua, Lau¦sanna, Berne, and suche other places, to be a more true Church then the holy church of Rome? The Martyr. Yea verily, for these haue the notes of the true Church. Inquisitour. * 9.392What difference then make you betweene those Churches and the Church of Rome? The Marytr. Muche, for the Churche of Rome is gouerned onely with traditions of men, but those are ruled on¦ly by the word of God. Inquisitor. Where learned you this doctrine first? The Martyr. In England, at London. Inquisitour. How long haue ye bene at Geneua? The Martyr. About 9. or 10. yeares. Inquisitor. Doest thou not beleue the virgine Mary to be a mediatrix and aduocate to God for sinners?* 9.393 The Martyr. I beleue as in the worde of God is testified, Ie∣sus Christ to be onely mediator and aduocate for all sinners. Albeit the virgine Mary be a blessed womā yet the office of an aduocate belongeth not vnto her. Inquisitor. The Sayntes that be in Paradice, haue they no power to pray for vs?* 9.394 The Martyr. * 9.395No, but I iudge thē to be blessed, & to be contēted with ye grace & glory whiche they haue, that is, that they be counted the members of the sonne of God. Inquisitor. And what then iudge you of them which follow the religion of the Church of Rome, think you them to be Christians? The Martyr. No, for that churche is not gouerned with ye spi∣rite of God, but rather fighteth agaynst the same. Inquisitor. Do you then esteme all them which seperate them selues from the Churche of Rome to be Christians? The Martyr. * 9.396I haue not to aunswere for others, but onely for my selfe, Euery man (sayth S. Paule) shall beare hys owne burden, And thus the aduocate, when he had asked hym whether he would put his hand to that he had sayd, and had obtayned the same, departed to dinner. At the next examination was brought vnto him a Franciscan fryer, who first entring with hym tou∣thing the wordes yt he spake in hys Inne, asked him why that grace might not be said in Latine? Because (sayd he) by the worde of God, Christians are com∣maunded to pray with hart and with spirite, and with that tongue which is most vnderstanded, and serueth best to the edification of the hearers. Then the Fryer bringing forth his Benedicite, Agimus tibi gratias, &c. Laus Deo, pax viuis, requies defunctis, &c. be∣gan thus to reason. The Fryer. God vnderstandeth al tongues: and the church of Rome hath prescribed this forme of praying,* 9.397 recei¦uing the same from the auncient churche and the fa∣thers, which vsed then to pray in Latine. And if anye tongue be to be obserued in prayer, one more then an other, why is it not as good to pray in the Latyn tongue, as to pray in the Frencch? The Martyr. My meaning is not to exclude any kynd of lan∣guage from prayer, whether it be in ye Latine Greek Hebrue, or any other, so that the same be vnderstan∣ded, and may edifie the hearers. The Fryer. When Christ entred the Citty of Hierusalem, the people cryed, lauding hym with Osanna filio Dauid, and yet vnderstood they not what they sayd, as Hie∣rome writeth. The Martyr. It may be, that Hierome so writeth, howe they vnderstoode not the propheticall meaning, or the ac∣complishment of these wordes vpon Christes com∣ming: but that they vnderstood not the phrase of that speache or language whiche they spake, speaking in theyr owne language. Hierome doth not deny. Then the Fryer declaring that he was no fit par¦son to expound the Scriptures, being in the Latine tongue, inferred the authorities of Counsels and doctors, & testimonies of men, which semed to moue the officer not a little: who then charging hym with many thinges,* 9.398 as with wordes spoken in contempt of the virgin Mary, and of the Sayntes: also wyth rebellion agaynst princes and kinges, came at laste to the matter of the Sacrament, and demaunded thus. Inquisitour. Doest thou beleue the holy host whiche the priest doth consecrate at the masse, or no? The Martyr. I beleue neyther the host nor any such consecrati∣on. Inquisitour. Why? doest thou not beleue the holy Sacrament of the aultar, ordayned of Christ Iesus hymselfe? The Martyr. Touching the sacrament of the Lordes supper, I beleue, that when soeuer we vse the same, accordyng to the presentation of S. Paule, we are refreshed spi¦ritually with the body and bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ, who is the true spirituall meate and drinke of our soules. The Fryer. The Fryer then inferred the wordes of S. Ioh. Gospell, saying: My flesh is meate in deede. &c. and sayd that the Doctors of the church had decided that mat∣ter already, and had approued the masse to be an ho∣ly memory of the death, and passion of our Lord Ie∣sus Christ. The Martyr. The sacrament of the supper, I beleeue to be or∣deined of the Lord, for a memoriall of his death, & for a styrryng vpp of our thankes geuing to hym. In whiche Sacrament we haue nothing to offer vp to hym, but doe receiue with all thankesgeuing the be∣nefites offered of God to vs most aboundantly, in Christ Iesus hys sonne. And thus the Aduocate with the Fryer, biddyng the Notary to write the wordes that he had spoken departed. Who after eyght dayes, beyng accompa∣nied with the sayd Franciscan, and other fryers moe of the Dominickes, sent for the sayde Richard Feu∣rus

agayne to hys house, and thus began to enquire Inquisitour. Doest thou beleue any purgatory? The Martyr. * 9.399I beleue that Christ with hys precious bloude hath made an end of all purgatory and purgation of our sinnes. Inquisitour. And doest thou thinke then there is no place af∣ter this life, where soules of men departed remayne so long til they haue made satisfaction for their sins? The Martyr. No: but I acknowledge one satisfaction once made for the sins of all men, by the bloude & sacrifice of Iesus Christ our Lord, which is the propitiation and purgation for the sinnes of the whole world. The Fryer. * 9.400In the xviij. chap. of S. Math. Christ speaketh by way o•• a parable or similitude, of a certayne cru∣ell seruaunt, who because he would not forgeue hys fellow ••eruaunt, was cast in prison, and saith: That he shall not come out from thence before he hath payde the vttermost farthing. By the which similitude is signifi∣ed vnto vs, a certayn middle place, which is left for satisfaction to be made after this lyfe, for sinnes. The Martyr. First, the satisfaction for our sinnes by the death of Christ,* 9.401 is playne and euident in the scriptures: as in these places: Come to me all you that labour, and be burdened, and I will refresh you. Math. 11. I am the doore, he that entreth by me, shalbe saued. Iohn 10. I am the waye veritie, and lyfe. Iohn 13. Blessed be they that dye in the Lord, for they rest from theyr labours Apoc. 13. Also to y• thiefe which hanged with the Lorde it was sayde: This day thou shalt be with mee in paradise, &c. Second∣ly as touching this similitude, it hath no other de∣monstration, but to admonishe vs of our duetye in shewing charitie, and forgeuing one an other, which v••••es we do, there is no mercye to be looked for at the handes of God. The Fryer. If this be true that you say, then it should folow that there is neyther purgatory,* 9.402 nor anye Limbus, whiche were agaynst our Christian fayth and oure Crede, which sayth: He descended into hell, &c.. The Deputy. Doest thou not beleue there is a Limbus? The Martyr. Neither doe I beleue to be any suche place, ney-doth the scripture therof make any mention. The Fryer. Where were the old fathers then before the death of Christ? The Martyr. In lyfe (I say) eternall, which they looked for, be¦yng promised before to Adam, Abraham, and the Pa¦triarches, in the seede to come. The Deputy. Then the Deputy, what (saith he) doest thou be∣leue that the pope hath any power? The Martyr. Yea verily. The Deputy. * 9.403Doest thou beleeue that the pope, as the vicar of Iesu Christ can here bynde and loose? The Martyr. That I doe not beleue. The Deputy. How then doest thou vnderstand the power of the pope? The Martyr. I vnderstand the power of the pope so, as sainct Paul declareth .ij. Thess. saying: That because the wor∣lde refused to receiue the loue of the truth, vnto saluation therefore God hath geuen to Satan, and to hys ministers, power of illusions and erroures, that men shoulde beleeue lyes, and set vp to themselues pastors and teachers, suche as they deserue. The Fryer. * 9.404Christ gaue to S. Peter power to bynde & loose, whose successour and vicar of Christ is the pope, for the gouernment of the church, that it might haue one head in the world, as it hath in heauen. And though the Pastors doe not liue according to ye word which they preach, yet their doctrine is not therefore to be refused, as Christ teacheth. Math. 23.* 9.405 The Martyr. If the pope and hys adherents would preach the word purely & sincerely, admixing no other inuenti∣ons of theyr own, nor obtruding laws of theyr own deuising, I would then imbrace their doctrine, how soeuer their lyfe were to the contrary: according as Christ doth tell vs of the scribes & phariseis, admoni¦shing vs to followe theyr doctrine, & not their liues. Mat. 23. but there is great difference,* 9.406 whether they yt take the gouernance of the church, do sit in Moses chayre, which is the seate of truth, or els doe sit in the chayre of abhomination, spoken of by Daniell, & also by S. Paule where he sayth:* 9.407 That the man of perdition shal sit in the temple of God, vaunting hymselfe insolently aboue all that is called God. 2. Thes. 2. And as touching the keyes of binding & loosing, geuen to Peter, Christ therein assigned to Peter,* 9.408 & other apostles, the office of preaching the word of the gospell, whiche they did also well obserue, in prea∣ching nothing els but onely the word, in the whiche word is al the power conteyned of binding & loosing Neither is it to be granted, the Church to haue two heades, one in heauen, an other in earth. The head whereof is but one, whiche is Iesus Christ, whome the father hath appoynted to be head alone, both in heauen and earth,* 9.409 as S. Paul in many places of his Epistles doth teach. Ephes. 1. Colos. 1 &c. The Fryer. You haue no vnderstanding how to expound the Scriptures. But the olde doctors haue expounded the scriptures & holy Councels,* 9.410 whose iudgements are to be followed. But what say you to auricular confession? The Martyr. I know no other confession, but that which is to be made to God, and reconciliation towardes our neighbour, which Christ and his Apostles haue com¦mended to vs. The Fryer. Haue you not read in the Gospell, howe Christ doth bid vs to confesse to the priest, where hee com∣maunded the leper being made whole to shew hym selfe to the priest? The Martyr. The true church of the Lord Iesus Christ neuer obserued this straunge kinde of confession, to carrye our sinnes to the priestes eare. And though the chur¦che of Rome haue intruded this maner of confessing it followeth not thereby, that is to be receiued. And as touching the leper, whome the Lorde sent to the priest, he was not sent therefore to whisper his sins in the Priestes care, but onely for a testimony of hys health receiued, according to the law. Of the other confession whiche is to be made to God, we haue both the examples and testimonyes of the prophet Dauid full in the psalmes. 32.51.106. where he sayth:* 9.411 That he confessed his sinnes vnto the Lord, and receiued forgeuenes of the same. The Fryer. After this the fryer proceeding further to make comparison betweene the churche of Rome,* 9.412 and the churche of Geneua, would proue that the pope hath power to set lawes in the Church, without anye ex∣presse worde of God. For so it is written, (sayd hee) That there were many other thinges besides, which are not written in this booke. Ioan. 21. Also where Christ pro∣miseth to his Disciples, to send vnto them the holye ghost, which shuld induce them into al truth. More∣ouer such decres & ordinances which are in ye church were decided (sayd he) and appoynted by the doctors of ye church, & by al the Councels directed (no doubt) by the holy Ghost. Furthermore he inferred, that ye church also of Geneua, had theyr ordinaunces and constitutions made without any word of God. And for example he brought forth the order of the psalms and seruice publiquely obserued and appoynted vp∣on wednesday in the churche of Geneua, as though that day were holyer then an other. The Martyr. To this the martyr answered agayne declaring that the ordinaunce of those publicke prayers and psalmes vppon wednesday, in the churche of Gene∣ua, was not to bynde conscience, or for anye supersti∣tious obseruation, or for any necessitie, whiche ey∣there

should bind conscience, or could not be altered at their arbitrement: but onely for an order or com∣moditie for publike resort to heare the word of god, according as ancient kings & temporall Magistra∣tes haue vsed in old time to doe, in congregating the people together, not to put any holines in the daye or to bind conscience to any obseruation (as the pope maketh his lawes) but onely for orders sake, seruing vnto commoditie. And as touching that any thing should be left for doctors and counsels to be decided, without the ex∣presse word of God, that is not so, for that al things be expressed and prescribed by the word, whatsoeuer is necessary eyther for gouernment of the Church, or for the saluation of men, so that there is no neede for doctours of the Church or Councels, to decide anye thing more then is decided already. * 9.413Paule sayth, that he durst vtter nothing, but that the Lord had wrought by him. Rom. 15. S. Iohn spea∣king of the doctrine of Christ Iesu, willeth vs to re∣ceaue no man, vnles he bring with him the same doctrine. 2. Ioan. S. Paule warneth the Gallat. not to beleeue an angell from heauen,* 9.414 bringing an other doctrine thē that which they had already receiued Gal. 2. Christ callyng himselfe the good shepheard, noteth them to be his sheep which heare his voyce, and not the voyce of others. Ioh. 11 And S. Peter admonishing the pastors of ye churche forewarneth them to teache onely the woorde of God, without any seeking of Lordship or dominion ouer the flocke. From the which moderation how far ye forme of the popes church doth differ, the tyranny whiche they vse doth well declare, The Fryer. In the old churche, priestes and ministers of the church were wont to assemble together, for deciding of such thinges as pertained to the gouernment and direction of the church, whereas in Geneua no such thing is vsed, as I can proue by this your owne te∣stament here in my handes, that you the better may vnderstand what was then the true vse and manner of the Churche. The Martyr. * 9.415What was the true order and manner that the A∣postles did institute the church of Christ, I would gladly heare, and also would desire you to consider the same, and when you haue well considered it, yet shall you finde the institution and regiment of the Church of Geneua not to be without the publicke counsell and aduisement of the magistrates, elders & ministrs of that church, with such care and diligence as Paule, and Silas took, in ordering the church of Thessalonica, Birrhea. &c. wherin nothing was don without the authoritie of Gods word, as appeareth Act. 17. As likewise also in stablishing the Church of Antioch, when the Apostles were together in coun∣sell for ye same, there was no other law nor doctrine folowed, but onely the word of God, as may appere by the wordes of the Councell: Quid tentatis Deum, iugum imponere, &c. And albeit the ministers of the church of Rome, and the pope were not called to the institution of the foresayd churche of Geneua: yet it followeth not therfore, that there was no lawful or∣der obserued, eyther in stablishing that Churche, or any other. The Fryer. * 9.416You were first baptised in the Church of ye Pope were ye not? The Martyr. I graunt I was, but yet that nothing hindereth the grace of God, but hee may renouate and call to further knowledge whom he pleaseth. A Counseller. I would wishe you not to sticke to your owne wisedome and opinion. Ye see the Churches in Ger¦many, how they dissent one from an other. So that if you should not submit your iudgement to the au∣thoritie of the Generall Councels,* 9.417 euery day you should haue a new Christianitie. The Martyr. To mine owne wisedome I do not sticke, nor e∣uer will, but onely to that wisedome whiche is in Christ Iesu, although the world doth accompt it foo∣lishnes. And where ye say, that the churches of Ger¦manie dissent among themselues one from an other that is not so, for they accorde in one agreement, al∣together, touching the foundation and principall groundes of Christian fayth. Neyther is there anye such feare, that euery day should ryse vp a new chri∣stianitie, vnles the church be ballanced with autho∣ritie of the councels, as you pretend. For so we read in the profite Dauid psal. 33. and in other places of scripture moe:* 9.418 that the Counsels of the nations and peo∣ple shalbe ouerthrowne and subuerted of the Lorde. &c. Wherefore the best is, that we follow the councell of God and hys word, and preferre the authoritie ther∣of before all other counsels and iudgementes of mē, And thus doyng,* 9.419 I for my part had rather dwel and settle my selfe in this litle Christianitie, be it neuer so small, then in that populous Papalitie, be it neuer so great in multitude. And thus was this godly Feurus commaunded agayne by the Deputye, to the Bishops prison, and from thence shortly after remoued to Lions, not by the open and beaten waye, but by secret and priuy iournyes, least perhaps he should be taken from thē agayne, as he was before. After he was come to Lyons, he was brought be¦fore Tignacius the Iudge,* 9.420 and a Doctour of Sor∣bone called Fumosus, who questioned with hym touching sondry articles of Religion. But in conclu¦sion, when they neyther with argumentes coulde conuict him, nor with promises allure him, nor with threatning terrours styrre hym, eyther to betray the truth which he knew, or to bewray them whome he knew not, which tooke him away before hys kepers they proceeded at last to the sentence, condemnyng hym first to haue hys tongue cut out, and then to be [illustration] The martyrdome of Richard Feurus. * 9.421 burned. All which he receiued willingly and quietly for righteousnes sake, thus finishing his martyrdom Iul. 7. ann, 1554. Ex Crisp. Pantal, & alijs.
An Inquisi∣tour monk.	Nicholas du Chesne. At Gry by Be∣zanson. Ann. 1554,	The cause and oc∣casion why this Nico∣las came in trouble,* 9.422 was for that he goyng from Lausāna (where he abode for hys con∣science) to fette hys si∣ster & her husband, & certayne other of hys friendes, as hee went from Bezanson, tow∣ard the towne of Gry,

did not homage to a certayne crosse in the way where a certayne monke which was an inquisitour,* 9.423 ouertook him, and therby suspec¦ted him. He was guy∣ded by the same monk craftily dissēbling hys religion, to a lodgyng in Gry: where the Iu¦stice of the place com∣ming in, incontinent took him. Nicholas se∣ing how hee was by ye monke his conductor betrayed: O false traytor, (sayd he) hast thou thus be¦trayed me? Then after examination, he was condē∣ned. Being caryed to the place of martyrdome, by ye way he was promised, that if he would knele down and heare a masse, he should be let go as a passenger. But Nicolas armed with perseuerance, sayde hee would rather dye then commit such an act. Who cal∣ling vpon the name of the Lord, tooke his death pa∣ciently. Ex Crisp. Lib▪ 6.
... The seniors or Lords of Estnay and of Ciguon∣gnes, dwel∣ling by the towne of Machenoir. ... Denys Bar∣bes, Coun∣sellour of Bloys.	Iohn Bertrand a fo••••er or kee¦per of the fo∣rest of Marche¦noir. At Bloys. Ann. 1556.	* 9.424For the religion & gospell of Christ, thys Iohn was apprehen∣ded by these persecu∣ters here specified, and led bounde to Bloys: where he was exami∣ned by Denys ye coun∣seller, of diuers points as whether he had spo¦kē at any time against God, agaynst ye church & the he sayntes, & the she saynts of Paradise Wherunto he sayd no. Item, whether at any time hee had called the masse abhominable, whiche hee graunted, for that hee finding no masse in all the Strip∣ture, was commanded by S. Paule, That if an angell from heauē would bring anye other gospell beside that whiche was already receiued, he shuld account it accursed. After his condemnation, they woulde haue hym to be confes∣sed, and presented to him a crosse to kisse. But he bad the Fryers with theyr crosse depart. That is not the crosse (sayd he) that I must cary. Entring into ye cart before the multitude he gaue thanks to God, that he was not there for murther, theft, or blasphemye, but onely for the quarrell of our sauiour. Being tyed to the post, he sang the 25. psalme. Of age he was yong his countenaunce was exceeding chearfull & amia∣ble, his eyes looking vp to heauen. O the happy iour¦ny, sayd he (seeing the place where he should suffer) & the fayre place that is prepared for me. When the fire was kindled about them, O Lord cryed he, geue thy hand to thy seruaunt: I recommend my soule vnto thee, and so meekly yelded vp his spirite. Whose pa∣cient and ioyfull constancye so astonyed the people, that of long tyme before, nothing did seeme to them so admirable. Ex Gallic. hist. per. Crisp. Lib. 6.
A brother in lawe of this Peter.	Peter Rou∣seau. An. 1556.	* 9.425Peter Rousseau comming from Gene∣ua and Lausanna to hys countrey, partlye to communicate wyth certayne of hys ac∣quayntaunce in the word of God, partlye for other certayn affay¦res, because hee requi∣red hys inheritaunce of hys brother in law, was by him betrayed. Then being constant in his confession, which he of∣fered vp, he was put to the racke three tymes, which he suffered constantly with great tormentes. After∣ward he had hys tongue cut of, and a balle of yron put in hys mouth. He was drawē vpon a hurdle,* 9.426 al broken and maymed, to the fire, where he was lifted vp into the ayre, and let downe three tymes: And when he was halfe burned, the balle fell from hys mouth, and he with a loud voyce called on the name of GOD, saying, Iesus Christ assiste me. And so thys blessed Martyr gaue vp hys life to God. Ex Io∣an. Crisp.
Antony de Lescure, the kinges at∣tourney.	...Arnauld Moniere. ...Iohn de Cazes. At Bordeaux. An. 1556.	After that Arnald Moniere was taken and examined of the Iustice, and so was layde in prison, Iohn de Cazes resorting to the same town of Bur¦deaux,* 9.427 and hearing of hym, and beyng admo¦nished moreouer, that if he went to him, hee shoulde be appeached of heresie, notwithstan¦ding went to comforte him, and so was also imprisoned. After ma∣ny examinations, sen∣tence was geuen vp∣on them to be burned. When the tyme came of theyr Martyrdome they were drawne tho¦rough the durt vppon an hurdle, to the place accompanyed with a number of bylles, and glayues, and gūners, and trūpeters. More∣ouer, albeit there was no such cause (they be∣ing two simple poore men) yet the Magi∣strates commaunded (vpon what occasion I know not) all the gates of ye Citty to be shut, and garded with keepers.* 9.428 Whē the blessed martyrs were brought and bound to the post which was before the Pallace, they much reioysing that they were made worthye to suffer for Christe, made confession of their fayth, and many earnest ex∣hortations vnto the people. But to stop the hearing of these saints, the trumpeters were commaunded to sound, which during all the time of their suffering neuer ceased. The hangman preparing hymsel•• first to strangle Cazes, chaunced to fall downe from the top of the post, to the pauement and brake hys head in such sorte, as the bloud followed in great quanti∣tie. Notwithstanding he recouering hymselfe, went to Monier, and hym he strangled, who patientlye rendered vp his lyfe. Cazes which was the stronger of them both, being set on fire before the hangman came, suffered the extremitie of the fire with great paynes, but greater patience: for as hys legges wer almost halfe burnt, yet he endured, crying: My God my father, and so gaue vp hys lyfe.
And further, to note the worke of God that folo∣wed when these two myld & martyred sayntes were almost cōsumed in the fire to ashes sodenly without matter or cause, such a feare fell vpon them, at ye exe∣cution, that the iustices and the people,* 9.429 notwithstan¦ding that they had the gates locked to them, & were defensed with all manner of weapons about them, not knowing wherfore, took thē to their legs, in such hast fleeing away, yt they ouerran one an other. The prior of S. Antonies fel down, so yt a great number went ouer hym. The iudge Pontacke on hys mule, wt his red robe, fleeing as the other dyd, was ouer∣throwne with the presse in the street called Poet••uin in suche sorte,* 9.430 that he was fayne to be caryed to Pi∣chons house a widow, and there cryed within, Hide me, saue my lyfe, I am dead: I see euen the lyke mat¦ter, as at the last commotion. My friendes hyde my

mule, that no man se her nor know her. Briefly such was the feare which came from them, that euery mā shut vp their houses. After the feare was past, euery man asked what the matter was, but none could tel neither could the enemies of Gods truth perceaue, who was he that put them so to flight and feare, wt∣out any semblaunce of anye aduersary about them. This story is testified, and to be founde both in the volume of the Frenche martyrs, printed by Iohn Crispine, lib. 6. also in the booke of Dutch martyrs, written by Adrianus.
... * 9.431 A gentlemā called Per∣riere. ... M. Bartle∣mew Eme, President. ... M. Augu∣stine de E∣glise, Coun∣seller.	Bartlemew Hector. At Thurin. Ann. 1556.	First this Hector was a trauailer, about the country, and a sel∣ler of bookes, hauyng his wife and children at geneua. As he came into the vale of An∣groigne, in Piedmont to get his liuing wyth sellyng of bookes, hee was taken by a certen gentleman, and there arested & sent to Thu∣rin: then examined, at last condēned. Beyng condemned, hee was threatned, yt if he spake any thing to the peo∣ple, his tongue should be cut of. Neuerthlesse he ceased nothing to speake. After his praiers made, wherein he prayed for the Iudges, that God would forgeue them, and opē theyr eies, he was offered his pardon at the stake, if he would conuert, which he re¦fused. Then he prepared himselfe to his death, which he tooke patiently. Wherat many of the people wept, saying, why doth this man dye, whiche speaketh of nothing, but of God? Ex hist. Gal. per Crisp. lib. 6.
The accu∣sers appeare not in the story.	* 9.432 ...Phillip Cene. ...Iames his fel∣low. At Dyion. An. 1557.	This Phillip Cene was an Apothecarie at Geneua. He was ta¦ken at Dyion, & there imprisoned, and in the same town of Dyion, he with one Iames hys companion, was burned. As this Phil∣lip went to his death singing psalmes, the Fryer standyng by, stopped hys mouthe with his hande. The most part of the peo∣ple wept bitterly, say∣ing, be of good cou∣rage brethren, be not afrayd of this death. Which when one of the aduer∣sary part heard, he sayde to one of the magistrates. Do you not see how almost halfe part of the people is of their side, and doth comfort them? Ex Ioan Crisp. lib. 6.
	...Archambant Seraphon. ...M. Nicolas du Russeau. At Dyion. Ann. 1557.	These two were in prison together wt Phillip,* 9.433 and Iames a¦bouesaid, at Dyion Ar¦chambant goyng a∣bout with a packet of pedlerye ware, to get hys liuing and com∣ming towardes hys wyfe, heard of certayn prisoners at Dyion, to whome he wrote to comfort them with his letters. The next daye after hee was searched at Aussone, and letters of certayne schollers of Paris founde about him: then he was brou¦ght to Dyion, where hee with the other cal∣led M. du Rousseau, constantly suffered.
The same Archambant had bene also condemned three yeares before at Tule, and as he was ledde to Bordeaux, he escaped. Ex eius Epist. ad vxorem, apud Crisp. lib. 6.
The kinges Attourney of Sainctes Ville.	Philbert Ham¦lin. At Burdeaux. Ann. 1557.	Philbert Hamlin first was a priest, then hee went to Geneua, wher he exercised prin¦ting,* 9.434 and sent bookes a¦broad. After that hee was made a minister at the towne of Alle∣nart in Saintonge: In which and in other places moe, hee did much good in edifying the people. At last hee was apprehended at Saintes Uille, and with him his host, a priest, whom he had in¦structed in the gospell, and after confession made of hys fayth, hee with the sayde prieste was caryed to Burde¦eux before the Presi∣dent. As hee was in prison on a sondaye, a priest came in with all his furniture, to saye masse in the prison: whom Philbert seing to be reuested, came & pluckt his garmentes from his backe wyth suche zeale and vehe∣mency, that the masse garmentes, with the challice & candlestickes fell downe, and were broken, saying: Is it not enough for you to blaspheme God in chur∣ches, but you must also pollute the prison wt youre Idolatry? The iaylour hearing of this,* 9.435 in his furye layd vpon him wt his flaffe, and also complayned of him: whereby he was remoued to the common pry∣son, and layd in a low pitte, laden wyth great yrons so that hys legges were swolne withall, and there continued viij. dayes. A little before hee perceiuing the priest his host to decline from the truth, did what he could to confirme hym in the same: but when hee knew that he had flatly renounced Christ and hys worde, he sayde vnto hym. O vnhappy and more then miserable,* 9.436 is it possible for you to be so folish as for sauing of a few dayes, which you haue to liue by the course of nature, so to start awaye, and to denye ye truth? Know you therfore, that although you haue by your foolishnes auoyded ye corporall fire, yet your life shalbe neuer the longer, for you shall dye before me, and God shal not geue you the grace, that it shal be for hys cause, and you shalbe an example to al A∣postates.* 9.437 He had no sooner ended hys talke but the priest goyng out of prison, was slayne by two gentle¦men which had a quarrell to him. Wherof when M. Philbert had heard, he affirmed that he knewe of no such thing before, but spake as pleased God to guyd hys tongue. Wherupon immediately he made an ex∣hortation of the prouidence of God, which by the oc∣cason hereof, moued the hartes of many, and conuer¦ted them vnto God.
At last the foresayd Philbert, after hys condem∣nation, was had to the place of his martyrdome be∣fore the palace, and as he was exhorting the people, to the intent hys wordes shoulde not be heard, the trumpets blew without ceasing.* 9.438 And so being faste∣ned to ye post, this holy martyr praying & exhortyng the people, was strangled, and hys bodye wyth fire consumed, on palme sunday euen. Ex Gal. hist. Crisp. lib. 6.
...Ripet, a Se∣cretary. ...Anthony Eschaux Baily. The kinges Procura∣tor.	Micholas Star¦torius. At Ost by Piedmont. An. 1557.	Nicolaus Startorius of the age of 26. yeres, borne in Piedmont, came to the partes of Chamberye in Lent,* 9.439 where a certayn war∣den of the Fryers in the towne of Oste had preched on good friday

vpon the passion. The reporte of which Ser∣mon being recited to this Sartorius, by one that heard him, Sarto∣rius reprehended the errour and blasphe∣myes thereof, whiche were agaynst the holye scriptures. Shortly af∣ter, the party that told hym, went to a Secre∣tarye named Ripet, who couertly came to entrap Nicholas, de∣maunding him of the Friers Sermon: And did not our Preacher (sayd he) preach well? No, sayde Nicholas, but he lyed falsely. Ri∣pet entring further wt him, demaunded: And do not you beleue the body of the Lord to be in the hoste? to whom Nicho∣las then aunswered agayne, that to be agaynst our Creed, which sayth, that he ascended vp and sitteth. &c. Incontinent Ripet went to the Frier and his com∣panions, to cause him to be apprehended. The fren∣des of Nicolas perceiuing the daunger, willed him to auoyde and saue himselfe, and also accompanyed him out of the town, about the space of three leagues. Then was great pursute made after him to al quar∣ters, who at length was taken at the towne of S. Remy, at the foot of the mountaine of great S. Ber∣nard, where he was examined before Anthony Es∣chaux Bailife of the towne, and other iustices, before whom he aunswered with great boldnesse, for hys fayth. Then they brought him to the racke, & when the Sergeant refused to draw the corde, the Bayliffe himselfe & the Receiuer, with a Canon did rack him with theyr owne handes. Notwithstanding that the Lordes of Berne wrote for him to the towne of Ost, requiring to haue theyr owne subiect deliuered vnto them, they hastened the execution, and pronounced sentence, that he should be burned. Which sentence he receiued with such constancy, that neither the kin∣ges receiuer, nor all the other enemies coulde diuert him from the truth of the Gospell, which he manful∣ly mainteined while any spirit remayned in his bo∣dye. Ex Ioan. Crisp lib. 6.
The accu∣sers be not named in the story. * 9.440	...George Tar∣dif,* 9.441 with one of Tours, a Broderer. ...Nicholas, a Shomaker of Ienuile. At Tours. An. 1558. At Ienuile. An. 1558.	The Printer of the story of the french mar∣tyrs named Crispine, among othermoe, ma∣keth also memoriall of George Tardif, a Broderer of Tours, and Nicholas of Ien∣uile, declaring that all these three together were in prison, and af∣terward were disseue∣red, to suffer in sundry places, one from the o∣ther: of whome first George Tardife was executed in Sens. The Broderer of Tours, as hee was comming with 5. or 6. other out of a woode, beyng at prayer, was taken, and thereupon examined. Before hee shoulde bee examined, he desired the Iudges, that hee myght praye. Which being graunted after his prayer made, wherein he prayed for the Iudges, for the king, and all estates, & for the necessity of all Christes Sayntes, he aunswe∣red for himselfe, with such grace and modestye, that the hartes of many were broken vnto the sheddyng of teares, seeking (as it seemed) nothing els but hys deliueraunce. Notwithstanding he at last was sent vnto Tours, and there was crowned with martyr∣dome.
The third which was Nicolas, being but young of yeares, and newly come from Geneua,* 9.442 to his coū∣trey, for certayne money: by meanes of a Lady there dwelling, was caused to be apprehended. When he was condemned and set in the cart, his Father com∣ming with a staffe, would haue beaten him, but the officers not suffering it, would haue stroken the olde man. The sonne crying to the Officers, desired them to let his father alone, saying, that his father had po∣wer ouer him, to doe with him what he would: and so going to the place where he should suffer, hauyng a balle of yron put in his mouth, he was brought at length to the fire, in the towne of Ienuile, where he paciently tooke his death and Martyrdome. an. 1558. Ex Typogra. Crisp. Lib. 6.
... The Priestes of the Col∣lege of ples∣sis. ... The doctors of Sorbone ... Doctor De∣mocrates. ... Cenalis, Bi∣shop of Au∣ranches. ... Martine the kinges At∣torney. The Cardi∣nall of Lor∣rane. ... Maillardus. ... Henry the secōd frēch king.	The congre∣gation of Pa∣ris persecuted, to the num∣ber of three or foure hun∣dreth. At Paris. An. 1558.	AN. 1558. Sept. 4. a company of the faythfull, to the nūber of 3. or 4. hundred, wer together conuented at Paris in a certē house, hauing before it, ye col∣lege of Plessis in the strete of S. Iames, & behinde it,* 9.443 the college of Sorbone. Who ther assembled in the begin¦ning of the night to the intent to communicate togeather the Lordes supper: but incontinēt that was discouered by certeyne Priestes of Plessis: who gathe∣ring together suche as were of that faction, came to beset the house and made an outcrye, that the watch mighte come and take them, so that in short time al∣most all the city of Pa∣ris was vp in armor, thinking some conspi∣racy to haue bene in ye city. Who then follow∣ing the noyse, & percei∣uing that they were Lutheranes, a greate part of thē were in ex∣treme rage, furiouslye seeking to haue theyr bloud, and therefore stopped the streetes and lanes with cartes, and made fires to see that none shoulde es∣cape.* 9.444 The faythfull albeit God hath geuē them leisure to finysh their ad∣ministration & prayers, with such quetnes, as they neuer had better, seeing the sodennesse of the thyng, were stroken in great feare. Who then being exhor∣ted by the gouernors of the congregation, fel to prai∣er. That done, through the counsell of some whyche knew the cowardly hartes of the multitude, this or∣der was taken, that the men whiche had weapon, should aduenture through the prese: onely the womē and children remayned in the house, and a few men with them, which were lesse bolde then the other, to the number of sixe or seauen score. Where appeared the admirable power of God in them that went out with weapon,* 9.445 which notwithstanding that ye lanes and passages were stopped, and the fires made, dyd all escape saue onely one, who was beatē down with stones, and so destroyed. Certayne that remayned in the house with the womē, afterward leaped into gar∣dens, where they were stayed, till the Magistrates came. The women (which were all Gentlewomen, or of great wealth, onely sixe or seuen excepted) seing no other hope, and perceiuing the fury of the people,

went vp to the windowes, crying * 9.446 mercy and shew∣ing theyr innocent intent, required iustice ordinary. Thus as they were inclosed about 6. or 7. houres, at last came Martin the kinges Attorney, with force of Commissaries and Sergeantes. Who with much a∣doe appeasing the courage of the people, entred into the house, where he viewing the women & children, and the other furniture there being prepared for that congregatiō, perceiued testimonies sufficient of their innocency, in so much, that in considering therof, for pity of hart, his eyes could not refraine from teares. Notwithstanding proceeding in his office, hee had them all to prison within the litle Castle. I omit here the furious vsage of the people by the way, how de∣spightfully they plucked and haled the women, tare their garmēts, thrust of theyr hoods frō their heades, & disfigured theyr faces with dust and durt. Neither were they better entreated in the Prison, then they were in the streetes: for all the villaines and theeues there, were let out of theyr holes and stinking caues, and the poore Christians placed in theyr roomes.

Besides these manifolde wronges & oppressions done to these poore innocēts, folowed thē (which was worst of all) the cruell & slaunderous reportes of the friers and priestes,* 9.447 who in theyr rayling sermons & other talke, cryed out to the Lutherans, perswading the people most falsly, that they assembled together to make a banket in the night, and there putting out ye candles, they went together, Iacke with Iille (as the sayde) after a filthy and beastly maner. Adding moreouer (to make the lye more likely) that certayne Nunnes also & Monkes were with them. Also that they should conspyre against the king, and other like heynous crimes, whatsoeuer theyr malice could in∣uent, for defacing of the Gospell. With such like ma∣litious misreportes & sclaūders, Sathan went about to extinguish the auncient church of Christ in the pri∣mitiue time, accusing the innocent Christians then of incest, conspiracy, killing of infantes, putting out of candles,* 9.448 & filthy whoredome. &c. Vide supra. pag. 36. These sinister rumors, & cursed defamations were no sooner geuē out, but they were as soone receiued, and spread farre, not onely to thē of the vulgar sort, but also among the states of the Court, and euen to the kinges ••ares. The Cardinall of Lorraine ye same time bare a great sway in the court, who then procu∣red a certayne Iudge of the Castle, to come in decla∣ring to the king that he found there lying in ye floore of the foresayd house, diuers couches & pallets, vpon which they intended to cōmit theyr whoredome: also much other furniture and preparation appointed for a sumptuous feast or banquet: wherewith the kyng was mightely inflamed agaynst them, neyther was there any one person that durst contrary it. Here the enemies began highly to triumph, thin∣king verily that the gospell, with all the frēdes ther∣of, were ouerthrowne for euer. On the other side, no lesse perplexity and lamentation was among ye bre∣thren, sorowing not so muche for themselues, as for the imprisonment of theyr fellowes. Albeit they loste not theyr courage so altogether, but as well as they could, they exhorted one another, considering ye great fauour and prouidence of God, in deliuering them so wonderfully out of the daunger. Some comfort they tooke vnto them, consulting together in this order, that first they should humble themselues to God in theyr owne priuate familyes. Secondly to stoppe the running brutes of theyr holy assembles, they should write Apologies, one to the kyng, an other to the people. Thirdly, that letters of consolatiō should be written and sent to theyr brethren in prison. The first Apology was written to the king, and conueyed so secretly into his Chamber,* 9.449 that it was found, and read opēly in the hearing of the king and of all his nobles. Wherin the Christians learnedly & discreetly both cleared themselues of those reportes, and shewed the malice of theyr enemies, especially of Satan, which euer frō the beginning of the Church, hath and still doeth goe about to ouerturne the right wayes of the Lord, declaring further by manyfolde examples and cōtinuall experience, euē from the pri∣mitiue time, how the nature of the Church hath euer bene to suffer vexations and sclaunderous re∣ports and infamation by the malignant aduersaries &c. And lastly comming to the king, they craued that theyr cause might not be condemned before it had in∣different hearing. &c. Neuerthelesse,* 9.450 this Apology to the king, serued to litle purpose, forsomuch as the ad∣uersaries incontinent denied all that was written to the king, making him to beleue that all were but ex∣cuses pretensed, neither was there any person that durst replye agayne. But the other Apology to the people, did inesti∣mable good, in satisfying the rumors, and defending the true cause of the gospell. Wherupon certayne do∣ctors of Sorbō began to write both agaynst ye Apo∣logy and the persons,* 9.451 of whom one was called De∣mochares, who taking for his foundation, without any proofe, that they were all heretiques, cryed out for iustice, with billes, glaues, fire, and sword. An other Sorbonist more bloudy then the first, not only exclamed against thē, for putting out ye can∣dles in theyr detestable concourses & assembles, but also accused thē, as men which mainteined that there was no God, and denied the diuinity & humanity of Christ, the immortallity of the soule, the resurrection of flesh, and briefly al the articles of true religiō.* 9.452 And thus he charged them without any proofe, moouyng both the king and people, without any forme of law to destroy and cut them in pieces. &c. The third that wrote against thē, was Cenalis,* 9.453 bishop of Auranches, which debated the same mar∣ter, but wt lesse vehemency then the other, defending impudently, that theyr assembles were to mainteine whoredome, cōplayning of the Iudges, because they were no sharper with thē, saying that theyr softnesse was ye cause why the nūber of thē so much encreased. Among other pointes of his booke, this one thing he disputeth maruelous pleasauntly, touching ye signes & markes of the true Church: first presupposing this one thing which is true,* 9.454 that ye true Church hath hys signes, by ye which it may be knowne frō ye false chur∣che: and therupō (making no mention at all, either of preaching or ministratiō of sacramēts) thus he infer∣reth, yt theyr church which was the catholick church, had belles, by the which theyr assembles be ordinari∣ly called together: & the other church, which is of the Lutherans, hath clappes of harquebuses & pistelets for signes, wherby they (as it is cōmonly bruted) are wont to cōgregate together. Upon this supposall, as vpon a sure foundation, he grounding his matter, vaunted & triumphed as one hauing gotten a greate conquest, and made a long Antithesis, or comparison, by the which he would proue that bels were ye mar∣kes of the true church. The belles (said he) do sound,* 9.455 the harquebuses do cracke or thunder. The belles do geue a sweete tune and melodious, the signes of the Lutheranes make a foule noyse and terrible. The belles do open heauen, the other do open hell. Bels chase away cloudes and thunder,* 9.456 the other gender cloudes and counterfeite thunder: with many other propertyes moe, which he brought out, to proue that the Church of Rome is the true Church, because it hath those belles. Marke, good Reader, the profound reasons and argumentes which these great doctors had, either to defēd theyr own church, or to impugne the Apologies of the Christians. Briefly, to finish the residue of this story: as the faythfull Christians were thus occupied in writing theyr Apologyes, and in comforting theyr brethrē in prison with theyr letters, the aduersaryes agayne wt theyr faction were not idle, but sought all meanes possible to hasten forward the execution, geuing dili∣gent attendance about the prison and other open pla¦ces, to satisfy theyr vncharitable desire with ye death of them, whose religion they hated. Finally, the 17. day of September, commission was directed out by the king, and certayne Presi∣dentes and counsellers appoynted to ouersee the ex∣pedition of the matter. Wherupō diuers of the poore afflicted Gospellers were brought forth to theyr iud∣gement and martyrdome, as anon (Christ willing) you shall heare. Henricus Pantal. lib. 11. partly touching this per∣secution of the Parisians, referreth the tyme there∣of to the yeare of our Sauiour .1557. whyche the Frenche Chronicles doe assigne to the yeare .1558. and addeth moreouer, that the Germanes beyng the same time in a certayne colloquy at wormes, diuers learned men resorted thither frō Geneua, and other

quarters, desiring of the princes & protestants there, that they by theyr Ambassadours sent by the French king, would become suters vnto him for the innocēt prisoners, which for the cause abouesayd, were detei∣ned in handes at Paris: by the meanes of whose in∣tercession (sayth he) and especially for that the french king was then in warre (as GOD prouided) with Philip king of Spayne,* 9.457 a great part of the captiues were rescued and deliuered: albeit certayn of the sayd number were executed before the comming of the Germaine Ambassadours: the names and Martyr∣dome of whom here vnder do ensue. Ex Crisp. & Pan∣tal. Lib. 11.
... Priestes of the College of Plessis. ...Doctour Maillard.* 9.458 Sorbonist.	Nicholas Clinet. At Paris. An. 1558.	Of this godly com∣pany thus brought to iudgemēt and to mar∣tyrdome,* 9.459 the first was Nicolas Clinet, of the age of 80. yeares, who first being a scholemai∣ster to youth at Sain∣••onge (where he was borne) was there pur∣sued, & had his Image burned. From thence hee came to Paris, where for his godlye conuersation hee was made one of the El∣ders, or Gouernours of the Churche. For his age he was suspec∣ted of the Iudges to be a minister, & therefore was set to dispute a∣gaynst the chiefest of ye Sorbonistes, & name∣ly Maillard, whom he did so confute both in the Scriptures, and also in theyr owne Sorbonicall Diuinity (wherein he had bene well exercised & expert) in the presence of the Lieutenant ciuile, that the sayd Lieu∣tenant confessed, that he neuer heard a man better learned, and of more intelligence.
Doctour Maillard,* 9.460 Sorbonist.	Taurin Gra∣uelle, a Law∣yer. At Paris. An. 1558.	Taurin Grauelle first was a student of the lawe at Toulouse: after that, hee was made an aduocate in the Court of Paris: lastly for his godlines hee was ordeyned an Elder to the sayd con∣gregation, with Cli∣net aboue mentioned. This Taurin hauyng in his handes the kee∣ping of a certayn house of one M. Barthomier his kinsman, and seing the congregation de∣stitute of a roome, re∣ceiued them into the house. And when he perceiued the house to be compassed with enemies, albeit he might haue es∣caped with the rest, yet he would not, but did abyde the aduenture, to the intent he woulde aunswere for the fact, in receiuing the sayd assemble into the house. The constancy of this man was inuincible, in sustei∣ning his conflictes with the Sorbonistes. With Do∣ctour Maillarde especially he was of olde acquayn∣taunce, whom he did knowe so well, euen from hys youth vpwarde, that whensoeuer the sayd Doctour would open his mouth to speake agaynst the Sain∣tes for theyr nightlye assembles, he agayne did ap∣proch him with so filthy actes of buggerye and infa∣mous Sodomitry, that neyther they which hearde, could abide it, neyther yet coulde hee deny it, being so notorious, that almost all the children in the stree∣tes did know it: and yet that Sorbonicall Doctour shamed not to empeach good men of whoredome, for theyr Godly assembles in the night. Whose lyfe was so farre from all chastity, as were there holy as∣sembles cleare from all impurity,* 9.461 in ••ine these twoe Godly Elders in cruell paynes of the fire, finished theyr martyrdome.
... The Lieute∣nant ciuile. ... Doctour Maillard, Sorbonist. ... Mosnior, Li∣eutenant. ... Euil neigh∣bours. ... Bertrand, Lord keeper of the seale, and Cardi∣nal of Sens. ... The Mar∣ques of Tran.	Philip de Luns, G••tle∣woman. At Paris. An. 1558.	Next vnto these a∣bouesaid, was brought out maistres Philip, Gentlewoman of the age of 23. she came first from the partes of gas∣coigne with her hus∣band (who was Lord of Grauorō) vnto Pa∣ris,* 9.462 there to ioyne her selfe to the Churche of God. Where her Hus∣band also hadde bene a Senior or Elder: who in the moneth of May before, was takē with an ag••e, and deceased, leauing this Philip a Widow, which neuer∣thelesse ceased not to serue the Lord in hys Churche, and also in the house was taken with the sayde compa∣pany. Many conflictes she had with the Iud∣ges, and the Sorbo∣nistes, namely Mail∣lard. But she alwayes sent him awaye with the same reproch, as the other did before, & bad him auaunt So∣domyte, saying, she would not aunsweare one woorde to suche a villaine. To the Iud∣ges her answere was this, that she had lear∣ned the fayth whyche shee confessed, in the woord of God, and in the same shee woulde liue and die. And being demaunded, whether the body of Christ was in the Sacrament.* 9.463 How is that possible (sayde she) to be the bodye of Christ, to whom all power is geuen, & which is exalted aboue all heauens, when as we see the mice & rattes, apes, and Munkies playe with it, and teare it in pieces? He•• petition to them was, that seing they had taken her sister from her, yet they would let her haue a By∣ble o•• Testament to comfort her selfe. Her wicked neighbors, although they could touche her conuer∣sation with no part of dishonestye, yet many thinges they layde to her charge, as that there was muche singyng of Psalmes in her house, and that twise or thrise, an infinite number of persons were seene to come out of her house. Also when her husband was in dying, no Priest was called for, neyther was it knowne where he was buryed: Neyther dyd they euer heare any word of their infant to be baptised, for it was baptised in the Churche of the Lord. Among other her neighbours that came agaynst her, twoe there were dwelling at S. Germain, in ye suburbes,* 9.464 betwene whō incontinent rose a strife, wherin one of thē sticked the other with a knife. The death of thys gentlewomā was the more hastened of the Lord ke∣per of the Seale, Bertrand, Cardinall of Sens, and his sonne in law the Marques of Tran, for to haue the confiscation of her goodes.
These 3. holy martyrs aboue recited,* 9.465 were condē∣ned the 27. of Sep. by the proces of the cōmissioners and the Lieuetenaunt ciuile: and then being put in a Chappell together, certayne Doctours were sent to them, but theyr valiaunt constancye remayned vn∣mooueable. After that they were had out of Prison, and sent euery one in a doung cart to the place of pu∣nishment, Clinet euer cryed by the way, protestyng that he sayd or mayntayned nothing, but the veritye

of God. And being asked of a Doctour, whether he would beleue S. Austen, touching certayne mat∣ters, he sayd: yea, and that he had sayd nothing, but which he would proue by his authority. The Gentlewoman seeing a Priest come to con∣fesse her, sayd, that she had confessed vnto God, and had receiued of him remission: other absolution she found none in Scripture. And when certayne Coū∣sellers did vrge her to take in her handes the woden Crosse,* 9.466 according to the custome of them that go to theyr death, alledging how Christ commaunded eue∣ry one to beare his crosse: she answerred, my Lordes (sayde she) you make me in very deede to beare my Crosse, condemning me vniustly, and putting me to death in the quarell of my Lord Iesus Christ. Who willeth vs to beare our Crosse, but no suth Crosse as you speake of. Grauelle looked with a smiling countenaunce, & shewed a chearefull colour, declaring how little hee passed for his condemnation: and being asked of hys frends to what death he was condemned, I see well (sayd he) that I am condemned to death, but to what death or torment I regard not. And comming from the chappell, when he perceiued they went about to cut out his toung, vnles he would returne, he sayd, that was not so conteined in the arrest, and therefore he was vnwilling to graunt vnto it: but afterward perceiuing the same so to be agreed by the Court, he offered his toung willingly to be cut, and incontinēt spake playnely these words: I pray you pray to God for me. The Gentlewoman also being required to geue her toung: did likewise, with these wordes: Seing I do not sticke to geue my body, shall I sticke to geue my tongue? No, no. And so these three hauing theyr tongues cutte out,* 9.467 were brought to Malbert place. The constancy of Grauelle was admirable, castyng vp his sighes and gronings vnto heauen, declaring therby his ardent affectiō in praying to God. Clinet was somewhat more sad then the other, by reason of the feeblenes of nature and his age. But the Gentle∣woman yet sermoūted al the rest in constancy, which neither chaunged countenaunce, nor colour, being of an excellent beauty. After the death of her husband, shee vsed to go in mourning weed, after the maner of the country. But the same day,* 9.468 going to her burning, shee put on her French hood, and decked her selfe in her best aray, as going to a new Mariage, the same day to be ioyned to her spouse Iesus Christ. And thus these three with singuler constancy, were burned, Grauelle and Cli∣net were burned aliue. Philippe the Gentlewoman was strangled, after she had a litle tasted the flame with her feet, and visage, and so she ended her Mar∣tyrdome. Ex Ioan Crisp. lib. 6.
... The Lieue∣tenant. ... Doctour Maillard. ... Counsel∣lers. ... Friers.	...Nicolas Cene. ...Peter Gabert. At Paris. An. 1558.	Of the same com∣pany was also Nicho∣las Cene a Phisition, Brother to Phillippe Cene aboue mētioned and martyred of Dyi∣on, & Peter Gabart: which two about fiue or sixe dayes after the other three before,* 9.469 were brought foorth to theyr death. Octob. 2. Nicholas Cene was but newe come to Pa∣ris the same day, when he was aduertised of ye assēble which thē was cōgregate in the street of S. Iames? & (as he desired nothing more then to heare the word of God) came thither e∣uen as he was, booted, & was also with them apprehended, sustey∣ning ye causee of Gods holye Gospell vnto death. The other was Pe∣ter Gabart a Sollici∣tor of processes, about the age of 30. yeares, whose constancye dyd muche comfort to the prisoners He was put amonge a great num∣ber of Scholers in the little Castle. Whome when he heard to passe the time in talking of Philosophy. No, no, (sayde he) let vs for∣get these worldly matters,* 9.470 and learne how to sustein ye heauenly cause of our God, which lie here in defēce of the kingdome of Christ Iesus our sauiour: and so he began to instruct them how to aunswere to euery poynt of christian doctrine, so well, as if he had done no other thing in all his life, but onely studyed diui∣nity: and yet was he but very simply learned. Then was he sent from them apart vnto an other Prison, full of filthy stinche and vermine: where notwithstā∣ding, he ceased not to sing Psalmes that the other might well heare him. He had a young nephew in an other prison by, being but a childe, of whom he asked what he had sayd to the Iudges. He sayde that he was constrayned to do reuerence to a crucifixe pain∣ted. O thou noughty boy (said he) haue not I taught thee ye commandements of God?* 9.471 Knowest thou not how it is written. Thou shalt not make to thy selfe no grauen Image. &c. and so beganne to expound to hym the Commaundementes: whereunto hee gaue good attention.
In their examinations, many questiōs were pro∣pounded by the Doctors and Friers, touching mat∣ters both of religion, and also to know of them what Gentlemen and Gentlewomen were there present at the ministration of the Sacrament. Whereunto they aunswered in such sort, as was both sufficient for defence of theyr owne cause, and also to saue theyr other brethren from blame, saying that they woulde liue and dye in that they had sayd and maynteyned. When the time of theyr execution was come, they perceiued that the Iudges had intended, that if they would relent, they shoulde be strangled: if not, they should burne aliue, and theyr tongues be cutte from them. Which tormentes they being content to suffer for our Sauiour Iesus Christ, offered their tongues willingly to the hangman to be cut. Gabart began a little to sigh,* 9.472 for that he might no more prayse the Lord with his tongue. Whome then Cene did com∣fort. Then were they drawne out of prison in the dōg cart, to the suburbes of S. Germane. Whom the people in rage and madnes, folowed with cruell in∣iuries and blasphemies, as though they would haue done the execution themselues vpon them, Maugre the hangman. The cruelty of theyr death was suche as hath not lightly bene sene:* 9.473 for they were holden long in the ayre, ouer a small fire, and theyr lower partes burnt of, before that the higher partes were much harmed with the fire. Neuerthelesse these bles∣sed sayntes ceased not in all these tormentes, to turne vp theyr eyes to heauen, and to shewe forth infinite testimonyes of theyr fayth & constancy. In the same fire many Testamentes and Bibles the same time, also were burnt. Upon the sight of this cruelty,* 9.474 the frendes of the other prisoners, which remayned behinde, fearyng the tyranny of these iudges, presented certaine causes of refusall agaynst the sayd iudges, requiring other Commissioners to be placed. But the king beyng hereof aduertised by his Sollicitour, sent out hys letters patentes, commaunding the sayd causes of refusall to be frustrate, and willed the former iud∣ges to proceed, all other letters and obstacles to the contrary notwithstanding: and that the Presidentes should haue power to chuse to them other counsel∣lers, according to theyr owne arbitrement, to supply the place of such as were absent: amongest whome also the sayd Sollicitour was receyued, in stead of the kinges Procurator, to pursue the proces. By the which letters patents it was decreed that these stub∣berne Sacramentaries (as they were called) should be iudged accordingly, saue only that they should not proceed to the executiō, before the king were aduerti∣sed. These letters aforesaid, stirred vp the fire of this

persecution not a litle, for that the Iudges at this re∣fusall tooke great indignation, and were mightily of∣fended for that reproch. Notwithstanding so it plea∣sed God,* 9.475 that a yong man a Germane, called Albert Hartung, borne in the country of Brandeburge, and godsonne to Albert, Marques of Brandeburge, by the kinges commaundement was deliuered through the importune sute of the sayde Marques. Ex Ioan. Crisp lib. 6.
2. Presi∣dentes. 25. Coun∣sellers. ... The Lieue∣tenant ciuil ... Doctors. ... Friers. ... Sorbonistes ... Benedictus Iacobin. ... Democha∣res. Maillard.	...Fridericke Danuile. ...Frances Rebezies. At Paris. An. 1558.	Mentiō was made aboue of certaine yong scholers and studentes which were in the litle castle with Peter Ga∣bart. Of the which nū∣ber of Scholers were these two, Fridericke Danuile, and Frances Rebezies, neyther of them being past twēty yeres of age.* 9.476 How va∣liauntly they behaued thēselues in those ten∣der yeares, susteining the quarel of our Lord Iesus Christ, what cō∣fession they made what conflictes they had, dis∣puting with the Doc∣tors of Sorbone, theyr own letters left in wri¦ting do make record: ye effect wherof briefly to touch is this: And first touchinge Fridericke Danuile. The Lieuetenant criminall, who before was halfe suspected, but nowe thinking to proue himselfe a right catholick, and to reco∣uer his estimation a∣gayne, came to him be∣ginninge with these wordes of Scripture: Who so euer denyeth me before men him will I de∣nye before my father &c:* 9.477 That done hee asked him, what he thought of the Sacrament. To whom Friderick aunswered, that if he should thinke Christ Iesus to be betweene the Priestes handes after the Sacramentall wordes (as they call them) then should he beleue a thing con∣trary to the holy Scripture, and to the Creed, which saith,* 9.478 that he sitteth on the right hād of the Father. Also to the testimonye of the Aungelles, whiche speake both of the ascending of Christ, and of his commyng downe agayn. Act. 1. After these questions with him touching Inuocation of Sayntes, Purgatorye. &c. Wherunto he aunswered so that he rather did asto∣nish the enemies, then satisfy them.
Furthermore, the 12. of September, the sayd Fri∣dericke agayne was brought before Benedictus Ia∣cobin, and his companion a Sorbonist, called Noster Magister. who thus began to argue with him. The Doctor. Which thinke you to bee the true Churche: the Churche of the Protestantes, or the Churche of Paris? The Martyr. I recognise that to be the true Church, where the Gospell is truely preached, and the Sacramentes rightly administred, so as they bee lefte by Iesus Christ, and his Apostles. The Doctor. And is the Church (thinke you) of Geneua such a one as you speake of? The Martyr. I so iudge it to be. The Doctor. And what if I doe prooue the contrary, will you beleue me? The Martyr. Yea, it you shall proue it by the Scripture. The Doctor. Or will you beleue S. Austen and other holy do∣ctors innumerable? The Martyr. Yea so they dissent not from the scripture and the word of God. The Doctor. By the authority of S. Austen,* 9.479 the Church is there, where is the succession of Byshops: whereup∣on I frame this argument. There is the Church, where is the perpetuall succession of Bishops. In the Church of Paris, is such succession of by∣shops. Ergo, the Church of Paris is the true Church. The Martyr. To your Maior I answere, that if S. Austē mean the succession of such as are true Byshops in deede, which truely preach the Gospell, and rightly admi∣nister the Sacramentes, such Byshops I suppose to be at Geneua, where the Gospell is truely prea∣ched, and Sacramentes duely ministred, and not in ye Church of Paris. But otherwise, if S. Austē mean the succession of false Bishops, such as neither preach nor minster according to Gods word, so is the same in no wise to be graunted. The Doctor. Caluin is there by his owne thrusting in, & one∣ly by the chusing of the people. The Martyr. And that soundeth more for him to bee of Gods diuine election, for so much as by him the Gospell of God is preached truely: and from this no man shall bring me. After this disceptation, the 9. of the same month came agaynst him an other Doctour with two Sorbonistes, who bringing forth a scrole out of his bosome, pretended that a certayne scholer comming from Geneua, made his con∣fession, wherein was contayned, that in receiuing of the bread and wine, the body and bloud of Christ is receiued really. Whereupon they demaunded of him whether hee would receiue the same confession. The Martyr. Whatsoeuer I haue sayd vnto you,* 9.480 that will I hold. And as touching this word really, I know right well that they of Geneua do not take it for any carnall presence, as you do: but theyr meaning is, to exclude therby onely a vayne imagination. The Doctor. I maruell much that you so refuse the word real∣ly, and vse onely spiritually, seing that Caluin himselfe doth vse the same word really. The Martyr. Caluin meaneth therby no other thing but as we doe. The Doctor. What say you by confession auricular?* 9.481 The Martyr. The same that I sayd before to monseur Lieue∣tenaunt, that is, that I take it for a plantation not planted by God in his word. The Doctor. The Almanes in theyr confession which they sent to our king to be approued, haue these wordes: Con∣fessionem auricularem non improbamus, est enim Euan∣gelium secretū: That is, we do not reiect auricular cō∣fession, for it is a Gospell secret and priuy.* 9.482 And also Melancthon in his booke of common places doth call it Euangelium secretum. An other time the sayde Fridericke was called agayne before the Lordes, the 20. of the sayde moneth, where they did nothing but demaund of him certayne questions where he was borne, and whether he had heard in his coū∣try at Oleron, that M. Gerard the Byshop there, did singe Masse. Yea sayd he. And why do not you also (sayd they) re∣ceiue the same? He aunswered, because he did it to reteyne and keepe his Bishopricke. The Martir for lacke of paper, could proceed herein no further. ¶The examination of Fraunces Rebezies. Rebezies had iij. sundry examinations: The first

with the Lieuetenaunt ciuill: the second with the Presidents and the Counsellers:* 9.483 the third with the Friers. First the Lieuetenant inquiring of his name Countrey, and Parentes, asked whether he was at the communion, whether he receiued with them the bread and wine, and whether he was a seruiture to M. Nicolas Cene seniour of the Congregation. Whereunto he sayd, yea. Also whether he was a di∣stributer of the tokens, wherby they were let in, that came.* 9.484 That he denyed. Then he was brought into the Counsell Chamber, before two Presidentes, and xxv. Counsellers, who after other questions about his country and Parentes, demaunded whether he was taken with them in the house. He aunswered: Yea. What he had to do there? To heare the woorde of God, and to receiue with them. Who brought him thether? Himselfe. Whom there he knew? No man. How he durst or woulde enter, knowing no person there? Truth it was (sayd he) that he knewe there 2. or 3. Who were they? M. Grauelle, Clinet, and Iohn Sansot, feyning that name of himselfe. Whether he knew the preacher? That he denyed. Whether he al∣lowed the act there done to be good? Yea. Whether he did not better like to resort vnto theyr beautified tē∣ples,* 9.485 to heare Masse: or whether he did not take the Masse to be an holy thing, and ordeined of God? He aunswered agayne contrary, beleuing that it was a great blasphemy agaynst God, and a seruice set vp of the deuill.* 9.486 Whether he did not acknowledge Pur∣gatory? Yes, that Purgatory which is the death and Passion of Christ, which taketh away the sinnes of the whole world. The death of Christ is the principal (sayd they) but thou must also beleue an other. Alas (sayde he) can we neuer content our selues with the simplicity of the Gospell, but men alwayes wyll be putting to something of his owne braine? In so ma∣ny places of the Scripture we see the bloud of Iesus Christ to be sufficient, as Iohn. 1. Apocal. 5. Hebre. 9. Esay,* 9.487 43. Where the Lord himselfe sayth. That it is he, who for his owne sake putteth awaye our iniquities. &c. As S. Paule also sayth: that God was in Christ, recon∣ciling the world vnto himselfe. &c. And contrary, when they obiected the wordes of the parable. Mat. 5. Thou shalt not come out till thou hast paied the last farthing: To this he aunswered that the woordes of that parable had no such relation, but to matters ciuile: and thys word (vntill) meaneth there, as much as neuer. Af∣ter that, he was charged there by one, for reading the bokes of Caluin, Bucer, and Bullinger. The Presi∣dent asked, if he were not afrayde to be burned, as were the other before, and to bring his parentes into such dishonor. He aunswered that he knew well, that all which woulde liue godly in Christ Iesus,* 9.488 shoulde suffer persecution: and that to him either to liue or to dye, were aduauntage in the Lord. And as touching hys parentes Christ (sayd he) doth premonish himselfe, That who so euer loueth Father or mother more then him,* 9.489 is not worthy to be hys. &c. Iesus Maria, sayde the Pre∣sident, what youth is this now a dayes, whiche cast themselues so headlong into the fire? and so was he commaunded away. Thirdly, he was brought before Benet, mayster of the Doctors of Sorbo••••,* 9.490 and an other called Ia∣cobine, the 14. of October, where as he chauncing to speake of the Lord, the Doctor began thus to obiect, as foloweth. The Doctor. * 9.491See how you and all such as are of your compa∣ny, simply name the Lord, without putting to ye pro∣noune our. So may the deuils well call the Lord, and tremble before his face. The Martyr. The deuils call the Lord in such sort as the pha∣riseis did, when they brought the adoulteresse before him, and called him Mayster: yet neither attended they to his doctrine, nor intended to be his disciples: Whose case I trust is nothing like to ours, whiche know and confesse (as we speake) him to be the true Lord with all our hart, so as true Christians ought to do. The Doctor. I know you hold well the church to be, where ye word is truely preached,* 9.492 and the Sacramentes syn∣cerely ministred, according as they are lefte of Christ and his Apostles. The Martyr. That do I beleue, and in that will I liue and dye. The Doctor. Doe not you beleue that whosoeuer is wythout that church, cannot obteine remission of his sinnes? The Martyr. Who soeuer doth separate himself frō that church to make either sect, part, or deuision, cannot obteyne as you say. The Doctor. Now let vs cōsider two churches, the one wher∣in the word is rightly preached and Sacraments ad∣ministred accordingly as they be left vnto vs:* 9.493 The other wherin the word & Sacramentes be vsed con∣traryly. Which of these two ought we to beleue? The Martyr. The first, The Doctor. Well sayd. Next is now to speake of the gifts ge∣uen to the sayd Church: as the power of the keyes, confession for remission of sinnes, after we be confes∣sed to a Priest. Also we must beleue the vij. Sacra∣mentes in the same Church, truely administred, as they be here in the Churches of Paris, where the Sacrament of the aultar is ministred, and the Gos∣pell truely preached. The Martyr. Syr, now you begin to halt. As for my part, I do not receiue in the Church, moe then 2. Sacramentes which be instituted in the same, for the whole cōmu∣nalty of Christians.* 9.494 And as concerning the power of the keyes and your confessiō. I beleue, that for re∣mission of our sinnes, we ought to go to none other, but onely to God▪ as we read. 1. Iohn. 1.* 9.495 If we confesse our sinnes, God is faythfull and iust: to pardon our offen∣ces, and he will purge vs from all our iniquityes. &c. Also in the Prophet Dauid, Psal. 19. and 32. I haue opened my sinne vnto thee. &c. The Doctor. Should I not beleue that Christ in the time of his Apostles, gaue to them power to remit sinnes? The Martyr. The power that Christ gaue to his Apostles, if it be well considered, is nothing disagreyng to my say∣ing: And therefore I beganne to say (whiche here I confesse) that the Lord gaue to his Apostles to preach the woord, and so to remitte sinnes by the same woord. The Doctor. Do you then deny auriculer confession? The Martyr. Yea verily I do. The Doctor. Ought we to pray to Sayntes. The Martyr. I beleue no. The Doctor. Tell me that I shall aske: Iesus Christ beinge here vpon the earth, was he not then as well suffici∣ent to heare the whole world, & to be intercessour for all, as he is now? The Martyr. Yes. The Doctor. But we finde, that when he was here on earth,* 9.496 his Apostles made intercession for the people, & why may they not do the same as well now also? The Martyr. So long as they were in the world, they exercised theyr ministery; and prayed one for an other, as nee∣ding humayne succours together: but now they be∣yng in Paradise, all theyr prayer that they make, is this: that they wish that they which be yet on earth, may attayne to theyr felicitie: but to obtein any thing at the fathers hand, we must haue our recourse onely to his sonne. The Doctor. If one man haue such charge to pray for another may not he then be called an intercessor.? The Martyr. I graunt. The Doctor. Well then, you say there is but one intercessour, Wherupon I inferre, that I being bound to pray for

an other, neede not nowe to goe to Iesus Christe, to haue him an intercessor, but to God alone, setting Iesus Christ apart: and so ought we verily to be∣leue. The Martyr. You vnderstand not sir, that if God doe not be∣hold vs in the face of his owne welbeloued sonne, then shall we neuer be able to stand in his sight. For if he shall looke vpon vs, he can see nothing but sin. And if the heauēs be not pure in his eyes, what shal be thought then of man so abhominable and vnpro∣fitable, which drinketh iniquitie like water, as Iob doth say? Then the other Fryer seeing hys fellowe to haue no∣thing to aunswere to this, inferred as followeth. The Doctor. Nay (my friend) as touching the great mercy of God,* 9.497 let that stand, and now to speake of our selues this we know, that god is not displeased with them which haue their recourse vnto hys sayntes. The Martyr. Syr, we must do not a••••er our owne willes, but according to that which God willeth and comman∣deth. For this is the trust that we haue in him, that if wee demaund any thing after his will, he will heare vs. 1. Ioh. 5. The Doctor. As no man commeth to the presence of an earth∣ly king or prince, without meanes made by some a∣bout him: so, or rather much more, to the heauenly king aboue. &c. The Martyr. To this earthly example I will aunswere wyth an other heauenly example of the prodigall son: who sought no other meanes to obtayn his fathers grace but came to the father himselfe. Then they came to speake of adoration, which the sayd Rebezies disproued by the scriptures.* 9.498 Act. 10.13.14. Apoc. 19 22. Heb. 10.14.12. Where is to be noted, that where the martyr alledged the 12. to the Heb. the Doctors aunswered, that it was the 11. chap. when the place in deed is neither in the 11. nor in the 12. But in the 14. chap. of of the Actes. So well seene were these Doctors in their di∣uinitie. The Doctor. Touching the masse, what say you? Beleeue you not that when the priest hath consecrated the hoste,* 9.499 our Lord is there as well, and in as ample sorte as he was hanging vpon the crosse? The Martyr. No verily. But I beleeue that Iesus Christ is sitting at the right hand of his father, as appeareth Heb. 10.1. Cor. 15. Colos. 3. and therefore (to make short with you) I holde your masse for none other,* 9.500 but for a false and a counterfeyted seruice set vp by sathan, and retayned by his ministers, by the which you do anhilate the precious bloud of Christ, & hys oblation once made, of his owne body: & you know right well, that the same is sufficient, and ought not to be reiterated. The Doctor. You deceiue your selues in the word reiteration: for we do not reiterate it so as you thinke, as by ex∣ample I will shew. You see me now in this religi∣ous garment, but if I shuld put vpō me a souldiors weede, then should I be disguised, and yet for al that I should remayne the same still, within my doublet that I was before in my friers weede. So is it with the sacrifice,* 9.501 we confesse and graunt that Naturaliter, that is naturally he was once offered in sacrifice and also is sitting Naturaliter,* 9.502 that is, naturally, at the right hande of his Father: but Supernaturaliter, & subscriptiue, that is supernaturallye, wee sacrifice the same, without reiteration. Supernaturaliter wee sacrifice him: but that sacrifice is but onelye disgui∣sed, to vnderstand that hee is contayned vnder that curtayne and whitenes,* 9.503 which you see. The Martyr. Sir this I say, that such a disguised Sacrifice is a diabolicall sacrifice, and this you may take for a re∣solution. The Doctor. And how is your belief touching the holy supper? The Martyr. That if it be ministred vnto me by the minister, in such vsage, as it hath bene left of Christ, and hys Apostles, preaching also the word purely withall,* 9.504 I beleue that in receauing the materiall bread & wine I receiue with liuely fayth, the body and bloude of Iesus Christ spiritually. The Doctor. Say corporally? The Martyr. No sir for his wordes be spirite and life, and let this content you. The Doctor. What say you? is it lawfull for a priest to mary? The Martyr. I beleue it to be lawfull for hym in such sorte,* 9.505 as the Apostle sayth: Whosoeuer hath not the gifte of con∣tinencie, let hym marye: For it is better to marye then to burne. And if this doe not content you, further you may read what he writeth of bishops and Elders. 1. T. 3. and Tit. 1. And thus these Doctors affirming, that he deny∣ed priesthood, gaue hym leaue to depart, saying, god haue mercy on you. So be it, sayd hee. After this, about 22. of October, the sayd Rebezi∣es and Fridericke Danuile were brought vpp to a chamber in the Castle, to be racked, to the intent they should vtter the rest of the congregation. In ye which chamber they founde three Counsellers, who thus began with them: Lift vpp thy hand, Thou shalte sweare by the passion of Iesus Christ, whose image here thou seest, shewing him a great marmouset ther paynted in a paper. &c. Whereunto Rebezies aun∣swered, Mounsieur I sweare to you by the passion of Christ, which is written in my hart. Why doest yu not sweare to vs, sayd the Counsellers, as wee saye vnto thee? Because (sayd he) it is a great blasphemy agaynst the Lorde. Then the counsellers read theyr depositions, and first beginning with Rebezies said will thou not tell vs the trueth, what companions thou knowest to be of this assemble? Rebezies na∣med, as hee did before, Grauelle Clinet (whiche were already burnt) and Iohn Sansot. To whome they sayd, that the court had ordained, that if he wold geue no other aunswere but so, he shoulde be put to the torture or racke: and so he was commaunded to be stripped to hys shyrt,* 9.506 & hauing a Crosse put in his hand, and being bid to commend himselfe to GOD and ye virgine Mary: but he neither wold receiue the Crosse, nor commend himself to ye virgin Mary, say∣ing, yt God was able enough to gard hym & to saue him out of the Lyōs mouth, & so: being drawne and stretched in the ayre, began to cry, Come Lorde, and shewe thy strength that man doe not preuayle &c. But they cryed, Tell trueth, Fraunces & thou shalte be let down. Neuertheles hee continued still in hys Inuocation and prayer to ye Lord, so that they could haue no other word, but that. And after thei had thus long tormented him, the Counsellers sayd, wilt thou say nothing els? I haue nothing els, sayd he to say.* 9.507 And so they commaunded hym to be loosed, and be put by the fire side. Who being loosed, sayde to them: Do you handle thus the poore seruauntes of God? And the like was done to Fredericke Danuille also, hys companion, of whome they could haue no other aunswere (who at the same tyme was also very sick) but as of the other. So myghtely did God assiste and strengthen hys seruauntes, as euer he did any els by theyr owne letters and confession as doth appeare. Ex litteris Francis. Rebez. in Crisp. Lib. 6. These constant and true martyrs of Christ, after they had returned from the torture, vnto theyr felow prisoners, ceased not to thanke and prayse the Lorde for hys assistaunce. Fridericke did sigh oftentimes, & being asked of hys fellowes why he so did, he sayde it was not for the euill that he had suffered,* 9.508 but for ye euils yt he knew they should suffer afterward. Not∣withstanding (sayd he) be strong brethren, and be not afrayd, assuring your selues of the ayd of god which hath succoured vs, and also will comfort you. Rebe∣zies with the rack was so drawne and stretched, that one of hys shoulders was higher then the other, and hys necke drawne on the one side, so that hee coulde not moue hymselfe: and therefore desiring his bre∣thren to lay hym vppon hys bed, there he wrote hys confession which hitherto we haue followed. When

the night came, they reioysed together, and comfor∣ted themselues with meditation of the life to come, and contempt of this worlde, singing psalmes toge∣gether,* 9.509 till it was day. Rebezies cryed twise or thrise together, away from me Satan. Fredericke beyng in bed with him, asked why he cryed, and whether Satan would stop him of his course? Rebezies sayd that Satan set before him, his parentes, but by the grace of God, (sayd he) he shall doe nothing agaynst mee. The day next following, they wer brought once or twise before the Councellers, & required to shew, what fellowes they had moe, of the sayde assemble. Which when they would not declare, the sentence was read against them, that they should be brought in a doung carte, to Maulbert place, and there ha∣uing a balle in their mouthes, to be tyed, eche one to hys poste, and afterward to be strangled, and so to be turned into ashes. Afterward came the Fryers and Doctors, De∣mocaries, Maillard and other, to confesse them, and offering to them a Crosse to kisse, which they refused, Then Democares by force made Rebezies to kisse it, whether he would or no: crying to them moreo∣uer, that they should beleue in the sacrament. What sayd Fredericke, will you haue vs to plucke Christe Iesus out from the right hand of his father? Demo∣cares sayd, that so many of their opinion had suffe∣red death before, and yet none of them al, euer did a∣ny miracles as the Apostles and other holy Martirs did. Fridericke asked them, if they required anye mi∣racle. No sayd they, and so stoode mute, saue onelye that Democares prayed them to consider wel what they had sayd vnto them.* 9.510 Maillard also added, that he woulde gage his soule to be damned, but it was true. Fridericke aunswered, that he knewe it was contrary. At last being brought to the place of execution, a Crosse agayne was offered them, which they refused Then a Priest standing by, bad them beleeue in the virgine Mary. Let God sayd they, reigne alone. The people standing by ah mischieuous Lutherane sayd they. Nay a true Christian I am, said he. When they were tyed to theyr stakes, after theyr prayers made, when they were bid to be dispatched: one of them comforting the other, sayde, be strong my bro∣ther, be strong: Satan away from vs. As they were thus exhorting, one standing by, sayd: These Luthe¦ranes do call vpon Satan.* 9.511 One Iohn Morell (whi¦che afterward dyed a martyr) then standing by at li∣berty, aunswered: I pray you let vs heare (sayd hee) what they say, and we shall heare them inuocate the name of God. Whereupon the people listened better vnto them to harkē, as wel as they could, what they said: they crying stil as much as much as their mou∣thes being stopped could vtter,* 9.512 Assiste vs O Lorde: and so they rendring vp their spirites to the handes of the Lord, did consummate their valiant Martyr∣dome. Ex Crisp. Lib. 6. ¶After the martyrdome of these two abouesayd the intention of the Iudges was to dispatch ye rest, one after an other, in like sorte, and had procured al∣ready proces agaynst xij. or xiij. ready to be iudged. But a certayne gentlewoman then prisoner amōgst them, had presented causes of exceptions or refusals agaynst them, wherby the cruel rage of the enemies was stayed, to the month of Iuly following. In the which meane time, as this persecution was spread into other countryes,* 9.513 first the faythfull Cantons of Suitziers, perceiuing these good men to be afflicted for the same doctrine which they preached in theyr Churches, sent their Ambassadours to the kinge to make supplication for them. The same time also, came letters from the coun∣ty Palatine Elector, tendyng to the same end, to sol¦licite the king for them,* 9.514 the king standing the same tyme, in great neede of the Germaynes, for his war¦res, was contented at least, that they should proceed more gently with them, and so the fire for the same tyme, ceased. Most of them were sent to Abbayes, where they were kept at the charge of the Priours to bee constrayned to bee present at the seruice of Idolatry, especially the young schollers: of whome some shronke backe, other being more loosly kept, es¦caped away. The most part were brought before the Officiall, to make their confession, and to receiue ab∣solution ordinary. Diuers made their confession am¦biguous and doubtful. &c. Ex. Ioan. Crisp. lib. 6. Ex Pā∣tal. lib. xi.
	...René Seau. ...Iohn Alma∣ricke. At Paris. An. 1552.	These two young men were also of the company aboue speci∣fied,* 9.515 and were in pri∣son where they sustay∣ned such cruelty beyng almost racked to death that Almericke coulde not go when hee was called to the courte to be iudged: and beyng vpon the racke, he re∣buked their crueltye, and spake so freely, as though he had felt no grief (and as they sayd whiche came to visite hym) he testified vnto them, that hee felte no dolour so long as hee was vppon it. Both these dyed in prison, continuing still firme and constant in ye pure confession of Christes church. Ibidem.
Villegagnō a Frenche captayne.	...Iohn Bordel. Math· Ver∣meil. ...Peter Bour∣don. ...Andrew de Fou. At the coun∣trey of Bresill. Ann. 1558.	Mention is made in the French storye of one Uillegaignon,* 9.516 Lieuetenaunt for the Frenche kinge, who made a vyage into the land of Bresill, wyth certaine French ships and tooke an Ilande nere to the same adioy¦ning, and made therin a fortresse. After they had bene there a while Uillegaignon, for lack of victuals (as he pre∣tended) sent certayn of them away in a shippe to ye riuer of Plate to∣ward the Pole Antar∣ticke,* 9.517 a thousand miles of: in the whiche shipp were these foure here mentioned: Who forsa¦king their shyp by oc∣casion of tempest, were caryed backe agayne, and so came to the lāde of Bresill, and after∣ward to theyr owne countreyman. Uille∣gaignon being much agreeued thereat, first charged them with departing without his leaue. Moreouer, being terrified in hys minde with false suspicion and vayne dreames, fearing and dreaming least they had bene sent as priuye spyes, by the Bresilians, because they came from them, and had bene friendly intertai¦ned of them: he began to deuise howe he might put them to death vndersome colour of treason: but the cause was religion: For albeit some tyme he had ben a professour of the Gospell, yet afterward growing in some dignitie, he fell to be an Apostata, and cruell persecutor of hys fellowes. But when no proofe or coniecture probable could be found to serue his cru∣ell purpose, he knowing them to be earnest prote∣stantes, drew out certayn articles of religion for thē to aunswere: and so intrapping them vppon theyr confession, he layd them in irons and in prison, and secretly with one executor, and his page, he took one after an other, beginning with Iohn Bordell, & first brought hym to the topp of a rocke, and there being halfe strangled, without any iudgement threw hym into the sea, and after the like maner, ordered also the rest. Of whō 3. were thus cruelly murdered & drow¦ned: to wit Iohn Bordel, Mat. Uermeil, and Peter Burdon. The 4. which was Andrew de Fou, he cau¦sed by manifold allurementes, somewhat to inclyne to hys sayinges, and so he escaped the daunger, not

without great offence taken of a great part of the Frenchmen in that country. Ex Crisp. lib. 6. & Ex Cō∣ment. Gallic. de statu Religionis & Reipub.
The kynges Lieuete∣naunt.	Geffrey Varagle.* 9.518 At Thurin in Piedmont Ann. 1558.	In the same yeare 1558. suffered also Ge∣freye Uaragle prea∣cher in the Ualley of Angroigne, at ye town of Thurin in Pied∣mont, who first was a monk•• and sayd masse the space of xxvii. yea∣res. Afterward retur∣ning from Busque, to¦ward Angroigne, to preach, as he had vsed before to doe, sent by the ministers of Gene¦neua, and other fayth∣full brethren: was ap∣prehended in the town of Barges, & brought before the kings Lieu∣tenant: Where he was questioned with, tou∣ching diuers Articles of religion: as of iusti∣fication, workes of su∣pererogation, freewill, predestination, confession, satisfaction, indulgences, images, purgatory, the pope. &c. Whereunto he aunswered agayne in wry∣ting, wt such learning and reason, alleaging agaynst the popes owne distinctions, namely, Distinct 19. cap. Dominus. Distinct. 21. cap. In nono. Dist. 21. cap. om∣nes. & cap. Sacrosancta, that as the story reporteth, the court of Thurin marueling at his learning condem¦ned him more for reproch of shame, then vppon true opinion grounded of iudgement. When hee was brought to the place of execution, the people whiche stoode by, and heard hym speake, declared openlye that they saw no cause, why he should dye. A certayn olde companion of hys, a priest, calling him by hys name M, Geffrey, desired him to conuert from his opinions. To whome hee paciently aunswered a¦gayne, desiring him, that he would conuert from his condition. And thus after he had made hys prayer vnto God, and had forgeuen hys Executioner, and all his enemies, he was first strangled, and then bur¦ned.* 9.519 In the foresayd story, relation is made moreo∣ouer, concerning the sayd Geffrey, that at the tyme of his burning, a doue was seene (as was crediblye reported of many) flying & fluttering diuers times about the fire, testifying (as was thought) the inno∣cency of this holy martyr of the Lord. But the storye addeth, that vpon suche thinges, we must not stay and so concludeth he the Martyrdome of this blessed man. Ex. Crisp. lib. 6. Pag. 897.
... * 9.520 Lanteaume Blanc. ... De Lauris, Counsalor and sonne in lawe, to Minors lord of Opede, the cruel persecutor. ... Anthony Reuest, the Lieutenant. ... Barbosi iudge, Ordi¦nary of Draguignā. ... Ioachim Partauier, the kinges Aduocate. ... Caual, and Caualieri, Consuls. ... The Official ... Gasper Si∣guiere Of∣ficer in Dra¦guignan. ... A Frier ob∣seruaunt.	Benet Romain a Mercer or Haberdasher. At Draguinan in Prouince. An. 1558.	The lamentable storye of Benet Ro∣main is described at large, amonge other french martyrs, by I. Crispine printer: the briefe recitall wherof, here followeth. Thys Benet hauing wyfe & children at Geneua, to get hys liuing vsed to go about the countrey with certayne Merce∣ry ware, hauyng cun∣ning also amōg other thinges, how to dresse Corals, As he was cō¦ming towarde Mar∣scile & passed by ye town Draguignan, hee hap∣pened vpon one of the lyke facultie, named Lanteaume Blanc. Who beyng desirous to haue of his Corals and could not agre for the price, also know∣ing that he was one of Geneua, went to a coū¦sailor of the courte of Aix, being then at Dra∣guignan, whose name was de Lauris sonne in lawe to miners, Lorde of Opede,* 9.521 the great persecutour a∣gaynst Merindoll &c. Thus Lauris consul∣ting together with the foresayd Blanc, & pre∣tending to buy certain of his Corall which he sawe to be very fayre, and knowing also that he had to the worth of 300. crounes inconti∣nent after hys depar∣ting from him, he sent to the officer of ye town to attache the sayd Be∣net, as one being the greatest Lutherane in the world. Thus whē he was arested, for the kings prisoner Blanc and hys fellowes, whi¦che sought nothng but onely the praye, were ready to cease vppon hys goodes, and like∣wise of the other two men whō hee hyred to bear hys merchandise. Then were these three poore men seperated a sonder and Romayne examined before the Consuls, and ye kings Aduocate and other Counsellers, where hee kept hys Easter, whether he receaued at the same Easter whether he was cōfessed before, & fasted the Lent: al∣so he was bid to say his Pater noster,* 9.522 the Creede & Aue Maria, which two first he did, but denyed to say Aue Maria. Then was he asked for worshipping of sain∣tes, women saints, and men saints, and when hee heard Masse: He sayd he would worshipp none but God alone. Masse he heard none these 4. yeares, nor euer would. Wherupon he was committed to a stin¦king house of easment, with yron cheynes vpon his legges. Lauris thus hauing hys will vpon the poore man, sent for the Lieuetenaunt, named Antony Re∣uest, told hym what he had done, and willed hym to see the prisoner. The Lieuetenant being angry that he did so vsurpe vpon hys office, denyed to goe with hym to the prisoner, excusing the filthy sauour of the place. Notwithstanding the same day, the Lieuete∣naunt with an other went to the prison, and caused the sayd Romaine to come before hym: of whom he enquired many things, of his dwelling, of his name and age, hys wife and children of hys facultie, and cause of hys comming, also of hys religion, and all such poyntes therto belonging. Unto whom he an∣swered agayne simply and truely in all respectes, as lay in hys conscience,* 9.523 and thereunto beyng required (because he could write) he put to hys marke. After hys confession, beyng thrise made, and hys aunswer taken, certayn faythfull brethren of that place, found meanes to come to hym,* 9.524 & counselled hym yt seing he had sufficiently already made confession of his fayth he would seeke meanes to escape out from his ene∣mies, which sought nothing but hys death, & shew∣ed vnto hym what he should say to the Lieuetenant but he refused so to doe, willing there to render ac∣compt of hys fayth, and contented to dye for ye same.* 9.525
The fame of hys constancy being knowne in the towne, Iudge Barbosi, a man blind and ignorant, and no lesse deformed, came to see hym, and asked:* 9.526 what? do they beleue (sayd he) in any God, in Gene¦ua? Romaine looking vpon him, what art thou said he) that so wretchedly doest blaspheme? I am (sayde hee) ye Ordinary Iudge of this place. And who hath put thee (sayd Romain) suche a grosse and deformed

persō, in such an office? Thinkest thou that we be in¦fidels, and no christians? And if ye deuils themselues do confesse a God, suppose you, that they of Geneua do deny their God?* 9.527 No no, we beleue in God, wee inuocate his name, and repose all our trust in hym. &c. Barbosi tooke such griefe with this, departinge from Romiane, that hee ceased not to pursue him to death. The Lieuetenaunt then being vrged and much called vpon, and also threatned by this Barbosi, and other prepared to proceed in iudgement against him taking to him such Iudges and Aduocates, as ye or∣der there required. There was the same time, an ob∣seruant Frier, which had there preached all ye Lent. He being very eger and dilligent to haue the poore christian burned: & seing the iudges intentiue about the busines, to set the matter forward, sayde that hee would go & say masse of the holy Ghost,* 9.528 to illumi∣nate their intentes to haue the sayde Romian con∣demned, and burned aliue at a little fire. Moreouer he procured Caual and Caualieri the Consuls, to threaten the Lieuetenaunt, that they woulde com∣playne of him to the high Court of parliament, if hee would not after that sort, cōdemne hym to be burnt. In the meane time, the faythfull Christians of yt sayd towne, fearing least by his racking, daunger might happen to the brethren, sent to Romian again in the prison, certayne instructions, and meanes howe hee might be ayded, such as should not be against God. But when the Lieuetenaunt came,* 9.529 the poore man forgot his instructions: so simple he was, and igno∣raunt of the subtleties of this world. When the time came that the Iudges were set, and the proces should be read, Barbosi, with other whō the Frier had procured, had agreed before yt he shuld be fired aliue, and put to the racke, to disclose his fel∣lowes, & also gagged that he might not speake & in∣fect the residue. On the other parte, one there was of the aduocates (albeit a man wholly superstitious) se¦ing the rage of the other,* 9.530 gaue contrarye aduise, say∣ing that he should be sent home agayne, for that hee was a town dweller of Geneua, neither had ••••ught there any kinde of doctrine, nor brought any bookes, neyther had they any informations agaynst him: & that which he had spoken, was as a thing cōstrayned by hys othe forced by the Iustice. And as touchinge his opinion, it was no other, but as other younge men did follow, which were eyther of the one parte, or of the other: and therefore that here remayned no more but onely the lieuetenaunt to geue his verdict &c. Thus much being spoken, and also because the Lieuetenaunt was before suspected, and the tyme of dinner drewe neare, they arose for that tyme, differ∣ring the matter to an other season.* 9.531 The Fryer obser∣uaunt, in this meane while was not idle, incityng still the Consuls and the people: who at the ringing of a bell, being assembled together, with the Officiall and the priestes, in a great route, came crying to the Lieutenaunt, to burne ye hereticke or els they would fire him and all his family: and in semblable wyse, did the same to the other Iudges and Aduocates: The Officiall moreouer added that if it were not bet¦ter seen to, then so, the Lutheranes would take such courage, and so shut vp theyr Churche doores, that no man shold enter in. Then, because the Liuetenant would not take to him other Iudges after their min¦des, in all posthast, the people contributed together, that at their owne charge, the matter should be pur∣sued at the parliament of Aix, and so compelled the Liuetenāt to bring the proces vnto iudgemēt, euery man crying to ye fire to the fire, that he may be burned The Lieuetenaunt being not able otherwise to appease the people,* 9.532 promised to bring the matter to ye high court of Aix, and so he did. They hearing the information of the cause, commaunded the Lieuete∣naunt, and the other Iudges to deal no further ther¦in, but to sende vp the proces and the prisoner to thē. This went greatly agaynst the mindes of them of Draguignan, which would fayne haue him condem¦ned there. Wherupon Barbosi was sent out to the parliament of Aix, where he so practised and labored the matter, that the cause was sent downe agayn to Lieuetenaunt, and hee enioyned to take vnto hym such auncient Aduocates, as their olde order requy∣red and to certifie them agayne within 8. dayes. And so Romiane by the sentence of thoso olde Iudges, was condemned to be burned aliue,* 9.533 if he turned not if he did, then to be strangled, and before the executiō to be put vpon the racke to the intent he should dis∣close the rest of his company. From the whiche sen∣tence Romian then appealed, saying that he was no hereticke. Wherupon he was caryed vnto Aix, sing∣ing the Commaundementes,* 9.534 as he passed by ye town of Draguignā. Which when the kings aduocate did see, looking out of hys window, he sayde vnto hym, that hee was one of them that concluded hys death:* 9.535 but desired God to forgeue hym. Romiane aunswe∣red agayne and sayd: God will iudge vs all in ye last day of Iudgemēt. After he was come to Aix, he was brought before the Counsellers, before whome he re¦mayned no lesse constant and firme, then afore. Thē was a fumishe Fryer sent, who beeing three houres with him, and could not remoue him, came out to the Lordes, and sayd that he was damned: By reason whereof the sentence geuen before his condemnatiō was confirmed, and he sent backe agayn frō whence he came. At his returne agayne from Aix, the Consuls of Draguignan sent abroad by Parishes,* 9.536 vnto the Cu∣rates, that they should signifie to theyr Parishners, the day of his death, to ye end that they should come: also caused to be cryed through the town, by ye sound of a trompe, that all good Christians shoulde bring wood to the great market place, to burne the Luthe¦rane. The day being come which was saterday, the 16. day of May, the poore seruaunt of God, first was brought to the racke or torture, where, at his first en¦tre, were brought before hym. The cordes, yrons, & waightes to terrifie him. Then sayde they, hee must vtter his complices & renounce his religion, or els he should be burned aliue. He answered wyth a constant hart, that he had no other complices, nor cō∣panions, neyther would he hold any other fayth, but that which Iesus Christ did preach by his apostles. Then was he demaunded of hys fellowes taken wt him, whether they did hold ye fayth of Rome, or whe¦ther he did euer communicate with thē, or did know them in the towne, or in prouince to be of his fayth. He sayd no. Item, what he had to doe in that towne. He sayd, to sell hys Corall. Item, who gaue hym coū¦sell to appeale. God, he sayd, by his spirite. Upon this he was put vpon the gynne or racke where he being torne most outragiously,* 9.537 ceased not still to cry vnto God, that he woulde haue pittie on him, for the loue of Iesus Christ his sonne. Then was he commanded to call to the virgin Mary: but that he would not. Wherupon his torture was renu¦ed a fresh, in such cruell sort, that they thought they had left hym for dead. For the which they sent him to the Barbers, and finding that hee coulde endure no longer, were afraid least he had bene past,* 9.538 and haste∣ned to bring him to the fire. So after they had assayd hym by priestes and Fryers, as much as they could to make him reuolte, they helped the hangman to beare him, all broken and dismembred, as hee was vnto the heape of wood: where they tyed him to a chayne of yron, which was let downe vppon the fa∣gottes. Romian seing himself to be alone, lying vp∣on the wood, began to pray to God. Whereat ye fry∣ers being moued, ranne to him agayne to cause hym to say, Aue Maria. Which when he would not do,* 9.539 they were so furious, that they plucked & tare hys beard. In all these anguishes, the meeke saynt of God, had recourse still to God in hys prayers, beseeching him to geue him paciēce. Thē left they him lying as dead. But so soone as they descended down from the wood he began to pray to God agayne, in such sort, as one would haue thought, that he had felt no hurt. Then an other greate Fryer, supposing to doe more wyth hym then the rest, came vp to the wood vnto hym, to admonish him. Romian thought at first that he had bene a faythfull Christian, by his gentle speach, but afterward, when he vrged him to pray to the virgyn Mary, he desred him to depart and let him alone in peace. As soone as he was departed. Romiane lifted vp hys head and hys eyes on hye, praying God to assyste him in his great temptation. Then a certayn father, a Warden, to bring the people in more hatred cryed out and sayd: he blasphemeth,* 9.540 hee blasphemeth he speaketh agaynst the blessed virgin Mary. Wher∣at Barbosi cryed, stop hys mouth, let hym be gagged

The people cried to the fire let him be burned. Then the hangman set fire to the straw,* 9.541 and little stickes that were about, which incontinent were set on fire. Romian still remayned hanging in the ayre, till he dyed and was burned, all his nether partes well neare, when he was seene to lift vp his head to hea∣uen, mouing his lips without any cry: and so thys blessed saint rendred his spirite to God. Of this assemble there were diuers iudgements & sondry bruites. Some sayde that if good men had bene about him, it had gone better with him, & that those priests & monks, which were about him, were whoremaisters & infamous. Other sayd that he had wrong: and that an hundreth of that company there were, which more deserued death then he, especially among thē which condēned him. Other went away marueling, & disputing of his death and doctrine. And thus was the course finished of this valiaunt & thrise blessed martyr and seruaunt of the Lord Iesus the sonne of God. Ex Crisp. lib. 6, pag. 902.
... The Con∣uent of the Iacobin Friers at Dyion. ... A Priest of Dyion.	Fraunces Ci∣uaux. At Dyion. Ann. 1558.	* 9.542Thys Fraunces Ciuaux was Secre∣tarye to the Frenche Ambassadour here in England, in Queene Maries time. Who af∣terward beeing desi∣rous to heare ye worde of God, went to Ge∣neua. Also he was pla∣ced to be Secretary to the Senate or coun∣sayle of Geneua: wher he continued about the space of a yeare. Ha∣uing then certaine bu∣sines, hee came to Dy∣ion.
There was the same tyme, a priest that preached at Dyion such doctrine, where at the sayd Fraunces being worthely offended, came friendly vnto the priest and reasoned with him, touching his doctrine, shewing by the Scriptures how and where he had erred. The priest excused himselfe, that he was not so well instructed to dispute, but he would bring hym ye next day, to a certayne learned man, whom he knew there in the towne, and desired the sayd Fraunces to go with him to breakfast, where he would be glad to heare them two in conference together: Whereunto when Fraunces had consented, the priest incontinēt went to the Iacobine Friers, where the matter was thus contriued,* 9.543 that at the breakefast time, Frances there vnawares, should be apprehended. When the next day came, ye priest brought Fraū∣ces, according to his appoyntmēt, to a Iacobine fri∣er, who pretending much fayre friendship vnto him, as one glad & desirous of his cōpany, besought hym to take a breakefast with him the next morowe, and there they woulde enter conference together. Wyth this also Fraunces was content, & to prepare hym∣selfe the better to that conflict, sat vp almost all the night writing, with his fellow, The next morow, as Fraunces with his fellowe were preparing them∣selues toward the breakfast, the Iacobin in ye meane time, went to the Iustice of the towne to admonishe him to be ready at the time and place appoynted. Thus, as the Iacobin was standing at the Iustices doore, the companion of Fraunces seeing the Fryer there stand, began to mistrust with himselfe, & tolde Fraunces,* 9.544 willing him to beware the Fryer. More∣ouer, the same night Fraunces had in his dreame, yt the sayde Fryer shoulde commit him to the Iustice. But hee, either not caring for his dreames, or els not much passing for the daunger, committed hym∣selfe to the handes of God, and went. As they were together disputing in the Couent of the Iacobines, Fraunces thus betrayed of the priest, was apprehen¦ded, by the Officers, caried to Prison, and within seuen dayes after, being Saterday before the Na∣tiuity of the Lord, was brought to the place of execu¦tion, where first he was strangled, and then burned. Ex scripto testimonio Senatus Geneuesis. And as touching the felow & companion of this Fraunces aboue mentioned, he was also apprehen∣ded with hym and put in prison, but because he was but a young nouice, and yet not fully confirmed, he recanted and was deliuered.
... Priestes of Rochelle. ... Manroy, a priest. ... The Lieue∣tenaunt of Rochelle. ... The Cardi∣nall of Lor∣raine. ... Magistri. ... S. Andre.	Peter Aron∣deau. At Paris. Ann. 1559.	The town of Ro∣chelle,* 9.545 as it is a place of great commoditie because of the Sea: so was it not inferiour to other good Townes in Fraunce, for nouri∣shing and suporting the holy assembles of the Lorde. Unto the whiche towne, about the yeare of our Lorde 1559. resorted one Peter Arondeau, a mā of base condition, with a little packet of mer∣cery ware, there to sel, who there being kno∣wen, to adioyne hym∣selfe to the church and congregatiō of ye faith¦full, was demaunded of certayne Ministers of Antichrist, whether he would goe to heare Masse, or no.* 9.546 He sayd that he had bene there to oste, to hys great grief: and that since the tyme that the Lorde had taken the vayle from hys eyes, he knewe the Masse to be abhominable, for∣ged in the shop of the enemy of all mankinde. They to whome hee thus aunswered, were Priestes a∣mongest whom was one named Monroy, who ta∣king the other there present, for witnesses, brought hym straight to the Lieuetenaunt. The depositiō be∣ing taken, and information made, it was decreed in∣continent, yt his body shuld be attached, And althogh by one of hys friendes hee was admonished to saue himself, & to auoyd their danger yet he ceased not to put himself in his enemies hands, & so was led priso¦ner. As he was in prison, many of the faythful came to comfort him: but rather he was able to cōfort not onely them, which came to comfort him, but also the other, which were there prisoners with hym. The Priests left no diligence vnsought, to stirre vppe the Lieuetenaunt, which was of himselfe, to much infla∣med in such matters.
Arondeau, after many interrogations & threat∣ning wordes, and also fayre promises of his pardon still continued one man. Then the Lieuetenaunt se∣ing his constancy condēned him to death. Arondeau praysing God for his grace geuen,* 9.547 did not a litle re∣ioyce yt he might suffer in that quarrell, & in token of reioysing, did sing a Psalme, being fully resolued to accept yt said condemnation, wtout any appeale. But his frendes not pleased with his resolution, came to him, & so perswaded with hym, not to geue his lyfe so good cheape, ouer to his enemies handes, that hee was turned from that, & made his appeale. The ap∣peale beyng entred, ye Lieuetenaunt, seeking to grati¦fie the aduersaries of ye gospell, and especially ye Car∣dinall of Lorraine, secretly,* 9.548 by yt backside of the town & out of the high way, conueyed ye poore prisoner vn∣to Paris. Who being brought vnto Paris, by priuy iournies (as is sayd) was put into prison, committed to ye custody of two Presidentes: to witte, Magistri, & S. Andre. By the meanes of whom, the sentence of the Lieuetenant was confirmed, & also put in execu∣tion, the 15. day of Nouember in they yeare aboue∣sayd: on the which day, the sayd Arondeau was bur¦ned quick at ye place called S. Iohn in Greue, at Pa¦ris. The constancy heroicall which God gaue hym, & wherin he indureed victorious vnto death, was a mirrour or glasse of paciēce to M. Anne du Bourge Counceller in the Parliament of Paris, & to diuers other then prisoners, & was to them a preparation toward ye like death, which shortly after they suffred. Not long after the happy end of this blessed ma••¦tyr, the forenamed Monroy, whiche was the princi∣pall accuser, & party agaynst him, was stroken with a disease called * 9.549 Apoplexia and thereupon sodeinly dyed. By this and many other such like examples, the

mighty iudgement of God most euidently may ap∣peare: who albeit commōly he doth vse to begin hys iudgement with his owne houshold in this worlde: yet neither doth hys aduersaries alwayes escape thē selues the terrible hand of his iustice.* 9.550 Also the Liuetenaunt, which was his condem∣ner, taryed not long after the priest, but he was are∣sted personally to appeare before the kinges coun∣saile, through the procurement of a certaine Gentle∣man of Polonie, called Anthony de Leglise, agaynst whome the sayd Lieuetenaunt had geuen false and wrong iudgement before. By reason whereof the foresayd Gentleman so instantly did pursue hym, be¦fore the Lordes of the counsaile, that all the extorsi∣ons & polinges of the Lieuetenant were there open∣ly discouered, and so he condemned to pay to the gen¦tleman a thousand French crownes of the sunne,* 9.551 wt∣in xiiii. dayes vpon payne of double as muche. Also he was deposed of his office, and there declared vn∣worthy to exercise any roial office hereafter for euer, with infamy and shame perpetuall. Ex Crisp. Lib. 6. pag. 907.
A priest of Valenci∣enes.	Thomas Mou∣tarde. At Valencien∣nes. Ann. 1559.	In the towne of Ua∣lenciennes, not far frō France,* 9.552 the same yere which was 1559. in the month of October suf∣fered Tho. Moutard. Who first being con∣uerted from a disorde∣red life, to the know∣ledge of the Gospell, is to vs a spectacle of Gods great gracious mercy toward his ele∣cted Christians. This Moutarde was atta∣ched for certain words spoken to a priest, say∣ing thus, that his god of ye host was nothing but abhomination, which abuseth ye people of God. These words were takē first as spoken in hys dron∣kennes.* 9.553 But the next day after, whē the same words were repeted to him agayne, to knowe whether hee would abyde by the wordes there vttered, or no, hee sayd, yea. For it is an abuse (sayd hee) to seeke Iesus Christ any other where, then in heauen, sitting at the glory & right hand of God hys father: and in thys, he was ready to liue & dye. His proces being made, he was condemned to be burned quicke. But as he was caryed from the town house, to the place of pu∣nishment,* 9.554 it was neuer seene a man with such con∣stancie to be so assured in hart, & so to reioyce at that great honor, which God had called hym vnto. The hangman hasted as much, as was possible, to binde him, & dispatch him. The martir in the midst of ye fla∣ming fire, lifting vp his eies vnto heauē, cried to the Lord, that he would haue mercy on his soule: and so in great integritie of fayth and perseueraunce, hee gaue vp his life to God. Ex Ioan. Crisp. Lib. 6.	☞This Dutch story should haue gone before, wt the Dutch Martyrs. But seeing Uallenciēnes is not far distant from Fraunce it is not much out of order, to adioyne the same with the French martyrs: who al∣together at length, shalbe ioyned in the kingdome of Christ: which day the Lord send shortly. Amen. ¶Thus haue we (through the assistaunce of the Lord) deduced the Table of the French and also of ye Dutch martyrs, vnto the tyme and reign of Queene Elizabeth, that is, to the yeare .1560. Since the which tyme, diuers also haue suffered, both in Fraunce, & in the lower countrey of Germany, whose story shal be declared (the Lord willing) more at large, when we come to the tyme of Queene Elizabeth. In the meane season it shall suffice for this present to insert their names onely, which here do follow. The residue of the French Martyrs. ANne du Burge, Counsailer of Paris. Andrew Coiffier, Iohn Isabeau, Iohn Indet, Martyrs of Paris,* 9.555 Geoffrey Guerien, Iohn Morell, Iohn Barbeuille, Peter Cheuet, Ma∣rin Marie, Margarite Riche, Adrian Daussi, Gilles le Court Phillip Parmentier, Marin Rosseau, Peter Milot, Iohn Ber¦foy: Besides the tumult of Amboise, the persecution of Va∣ssi, Austin Marlorat, Master Mutonis. The residue of the Dutch Martyrs. IAmes de Lo, of the Ile of Flaunders, Iohn de Buissons at Antwerpe, Peter Petit, Iohn Denys, Gymon Guilmin,* 9.556 Simeon Herme of the Ile of Flanders, Iohn de Lannoy at Tournay. Andrew Michell, a blind man, at Tournay, Fran∣ces Varlut, at Tournay, Alexander Dayken of Bramchastle William Cornu, in Henault, Antony Caron of Cambray, Renaudine de Francuile, Certayne suffered at Tournay, Michell Robilert of Aras, Nicaise de le Tombe at Tournay, Roger du Mont. ¶To the Catologue of French Martyrs aboue rehearsed, the story of Merindoll and Cabriers,* 9.557 wyth the lamentable handling of them, were also to be an∣nexed. But because the tractation thereof is prolixe, and cannot well be contracted into a shorte discourse therefore we haue deferred the same to a more con∣uenient roome, after the Table here following next of the Spanishe and Italian Martyrs. Where bet∣ter oportunitie shalbe geuen, to prosecute more at full that Tragicall persecution, the Lord so permit∣tyng.

¶A Table of such Martyrs, as for the cause of Religion, suffered in Spayne. The Spanishe Martyrs.

...Spanishe marchantes in Antwerp ...The Fryers of Ant∣werpe.

Franciscus San Romanus. At Burges in Spayne.

AN. 1540. Thys Frances was sent by certayne Spanishe Marchantes of Ant∣werpe,* 9.558 to Breme, to take vp money due to be payde of certayne Marchantes there. Where hee being at a Sermon, hearing M. Iacobus, priour some∣times of the Austen fri¦ers of Antwerp, prea∣che, was so touched & drawne (thorough the maruelous woorking of Gods spirite) at the hearyng thereof, al∣beit hauing no perfect vnderstanding of the Dutche tongue, that not onely hee vnderstoode all that there was sayde, but also comming to the preacher,* 9.559 & accompanying him home (all his other worldly busines set apart) there recited the whole contentes of hys Sermon, e∣uery thing, (as they sayd, which heard the sayd mini¦ster of Breme preach) in perfect forme and order, as he had preached. After this little taste, and happy be∣ginning, he proceeded further, searching and confer∣ring with learned men, that in shorte space, hee was growne in great towardnes, & ripe knowledge in ye word of lyfe. The Minister marueling at the sodayn mutation of the man, and also seeyng the vehe∣mency of hys zeale ioyned withall, began to exhort hym, howe to temper hymselfe with circumspec∣tion, and discretion, still more and more instructyng hym in the worde and knowledge of the Gospell, whiche he so gredely dyd receaue, as one that coulde neuer be satisfied: & so remayned hee with the mini∣ster 3. dayes together, committyng hys worldly bu∣sines and message that he was sent for, vnto hys fel∣lowe which came wyth hym. Thus being inflamed

with an other desire, he ceased to seeke for temporall trifles, seking rather for such french or dutch bookes, which he could get, to read: and agayne, read ye same so diligently, that partly by the reading therof, partly by M. Iacobus, and also by M. Machabeus (which was there the same time) he was able in short time, to iudge in the chiefe Articles of our religion: In so much, that he took vpō him to write letters vnto his coūtrymen the Marchaunts of Antwerpe, in yt whi∣che letters, first he gaue thanks to God for ye know∣ledge of his holy word,* 9.560 which he had receiued. Se∣condly he bewayled the great cruelty, & grosse blind∣nes of his countrymen, desiring God to open theyr eyes and eares, to see & vnderstand the word of their saluation. Thirdly he promised shortly to come to thē at Antwerp, to confer with them touching the grace of God, which he had receiued. Fourthly declareth to them his purpose in going also to Spaine, intēding there likewise to impart to his parentes, and other frēds at Burges, the wholesom Doctrine, which the Lord hath bestowed vpon him.

Beside this he addressed other letters also to char∣les the Emperor,* 9.561 opening to him the calamities and miserable state of Christes Church, desiring hym to tender the quietnes thereof, especially that he would reforme the miserable corruption of the Churche of Spaine. &c. Ouer and besides al this, he wrote there a Catechisme, & diuers other treatises in the spanish toung. And all this he did in one monethes space, In the meane time the Spanish Marchaunts of Antwerpe, vnderstanding by his letters, both hys chaunge of religiō, & also his purpose of comming to Antwerpe, sent him letters agayne, pretending out∣wardly a fayre countenaunce of much good will, but secretly practising his destruction. For at the day ap∣pointed of his cōming, certaine Friers were set rea∣dy to receiue him,* 9.562 which tooke him comming downe from his horse, rifled his books, had him into a mar∣chaūts house neare hād, where they examined hym: with whom he agayne disputed mightely, and when they found him not agreing to theyr fayth they boūd him hand and foote, crying out vpon him, and calling him Lutherane, & burnt his bookes before hys face, threatning to burne himselfe also. At this disputatiō within the house, diuers Spaniardes were present, which made the Friers more bold. Being demaūded to shew,* 9.563 of what fayth and religiō he was: my fayth (sayd he) is to cōfesse and preach Christ Iesus onely and him crucified, which is the true fayth of the vni∣uersall Church of Christ through the whole world. But this fayth and doctrine you haue corrupted, ta∣king an other abhominable kinde of life, and by your impiety haue brought the most part of the world, in∣to blindnes most miserable: and to explane his fayth to thē more expressely, he recited al the Articles of the Creed. Which done, thē the Friers asked whether he be∣leued the Bishop of Rome to be Christes Uicar, and head of the Churche, hauing all the treasures of the Church in his owne power, being able to binde and loose:* 9.564 also to make new articles, & abolish the olde, at his owne will & arbitrement. Hereunto Fraunces aūswered agayne, that he beleued none of al this, but contrary did affirme, that the Pope was Antichrist, borne of the deuill, being the enemy of Iesus Christ, transferring to himselfe Gods honor: & which more ouer being incited by the deuill, turned all things vp side downe, & corrupted the sinceritye of Christes re∣ligion, partly by his false pretences beguiling, partly by his extreme cruelty destroying the poore flocke of Christ.* 9.565 &c. With the like boldnes he vttred his mind likewise agaynst the Masse & Purgatory. The Fry∣ers could suffer him meanely well to speake, till hee came to the pope, & began to speak against his digni∣ty, & theyr profite: then could they abide no lōger, but thundred agaynst him woordes full of cruelty & ter∣ror. As they were burning of his bookes, and began also to cast the new testament into the fire. Fraunces seyng that, began to thūder out against them again. The Spaniardes thē supposing him not to be in his right senses, conueied him into a Tower 6. miles di∣stant from Antwarpe,* 9.566 where he was deteined in a deep caue or dungeon, with much misery, the space of 8. monethes. In which time of his imprisonment, many graue, and discreet persons came to visit him, exhorting him that he would chaunge his opinion, & to speake more modestly. Fraūces answered againe, that he mainteined no opinion erroneous or hereti∣call: & if he semed to be somewhat vehement with the Friers, that was to be ascribed not to him so muche, as to theyr owne importunity: hereafter he woulde ••rame himself more tempora••••y. Wherupon the spa∣niards thinking him better come to himself,* 9.567 dischar∣ged him out of prison. Which was about ye time whē ye Emperor was in his coūsel at Ratisbone. an. 1541. San Romane thus beyng freede out of Prison, came to Antwerpe, where he remayned aboue twēty dayes. From thence he went to Louane, vnto a cer∣taine frend of his, named Frāciscus Driander,* 9.568 (who also afterward dyed a Martyr) with whom he had much conference, about diuers matters of Religion: who gaue him counsell not to alter the state or hys vocation, being called to be a marchaūt, which state he might exercise with a good conscience, & doe much good. And as touching Religion, his counsell was that he should say or do nothing, for fauour of men, wherby the glory of God should be diminished: but so, that he required notwithstanding in the same, a sound and right iudgement, conformed to the rule of Gods word, lest it might chaūce to him, as it doth to many, who being caried with an inconfederate zeale, leaue their vocations, & while they think to do good, and to edifye, they destroy, & do harm, and cast them∣selues needles into daūger. It is God (sayd he) that hath the care of his Church, and will stirre vp fayth∣full Ministers for the same: neither doth hee care for such, which rashly intrude themselues, into that fun∣ction without any calling. This aduertisement of Dryander, Fraunces did willinglye accept, promising hereafter to moderate himselfe more considerately. But this promise was shortly broken, as you shall heare. For passing from Dryander, he went to Ratisbone, and there hauyng tyme and oportunity conuenient to speake to ye Em∣peror, he stepped boldely vnto him,* 9.569 beseeching hym to deliuer his country and subiectes of Spayne, frō false religion, and to restore agayne the sinceritye of Christes doctrine, declaring and protesting that the Princes and Protestantes of Germany, were in the truer part, and that the Religion of Spayne beynge drowned in ignoraunce and blindenes, was greatly dissonant from the true & perfect word of God, with many other words perteyning to ye same effect. The Emperor all this while, gaue him gentle hearing, si∣gnifying that he would consider vpon the matter, & so do, therin, as he trusted should be for the best.* 9.570 This quiet answere of the Emperour, ministred to him no litle incouragement of better hope, albeit he mighte perceiue there in the City, many examples to the cō∣trary, yet all that discouraged not him, but he wēt the second, & also the third time, vnto the Emperor: Who quietly agayne so aunswered him as before. And yet this our Fraunces not satisfied in his minde, sought with a greater ardency the fourth time, to speake to the Emperour, but he was repulsed by certayne of the Spanyardes about the Emperor, who inconti∣nent with out al further hearing or aduising ye cause, would haue throwne him headlong into the riuer of Danubius, had not the Emperor stayd them, & wyl∣led him to be iudged by the lawes of the Empyre. By which commaundement of the Emperor, he was re∣serued & deteined with other malefactors, in bandes, till the Emperor tooke his voiage into Aphrike.* 9.571 Thē Fraunces, with other captiues folowing the Court, after that the Emperor was come into Spayn, was there deliuered to the Inquisitours: by whō he was layd in a darcke prison vnder the ground. Oft & ma∣ny times he was called for to examination, where he suffered great iniuries and contumelies, but euer re∣mayned in his conscience firme and vnmooueable. The Articles wherupon he stoode, and for which hee was condemned were these.* 9.572 That life and saluation in the sight of God, c••••∣meth to no mā by his own strength, workes, or ••••∣rites: but only by the free mercy of God, in the bloud and Sacrifice of his sonne our mediator. That the Sacrifice of the Masse, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pa∣pistes do recount auayleable, Ex opere operato, for re∣mission of sinne, both to the quick and dead, is horri∣ble blasphemy.

That auricular confession, with the numbring vp of sinnes, that Satisfactiō, Purgatory, Pardons, in∣uocation of Sayntes, worshipping of Images, bee mere blasphemy agaynst the liuing God. Item, that the bloud of Christ is prophaned and iniuried in the same aforesayd. After the Inquisitours perceaued, that by no meanes he could be reclamed from his assertiōs, they proceded at last, to the sentence, condemning him to be burned for an hereticke. Many other malefactors were brought also with him to the place of executiō, but all they were pardoned & dismissed:* 9.573 he onely for the Gospell, being odious to the whole world, was taken & burned. As he was led to the place of suffe∣ring, they put vpon him a Miter of paper, paynted full of deuils, after the spanish guise. Furthermore, as he was brought out of the Cit∣ty gate to be burned, there stood a woodden crosse by the way, wherunto Frances was required to do ho∣mage. Which he refused, aunswering that the maner of Christians is not to worship wood,* 9.574 and he was (sayd he) a Christian. Hereupon arose great clamor among the vulgare people, for that he denied to wor¦ship the wooden crosse. But this was turned incō∣tinent into a miracle. Such was the blind rudenesse of that people, that they did impute this to the diuine vertue, as geuen that Crosse from heauen, for that it would not suffer it selfe to be worshipped of an here∣ticke:* 9.575 and immediatly, for the opinion of that great miracle, the multitude with theyr swordes, did hew it in pieces, euery man thinking himselfe happy, that might cary away some chip or fragment of the sayde Crosse. When he was come to the place, where he should suffer,* 9.576 the Friers were busye about him, to haue him recant: but he continued euer firme. As he was layd vpon the heape of woode, and the fire kindled aboute him, he began a litle, at the feeling of the fire, to lyfte vp his head toward heauē: Which when the Inqui∣sitours perceiued,* 9.577 hoping that he would recant hys doctrine, they caused him to be taken from the fyre. But when they perceiued nothing lesse in hym, the aduersaryes being frustrate of theyr expectation, wil led him to be throwne in agayne, and so was he im∣mediatly dispatched. After that the Martyrdome of this blessed man was thus consummate, the Inquisitors proclaimed opēly that he was damned in hel, & that none should pray for him: yea and that all were heretickes, who∣soeuer doubted of his damnatiō.* 9.578 Neuerthelesse cer∣tayne of the Emperors Souldiors gathered of hys ashes. Also the English Ambassador procured a por∣tion of his bones to be brought vnto him knowyng right well that he dyed a Martyr. Yet this could not be so secretly done, but it came to the eares of the In∣quisitors & of the Emperor. Wherefore the souldiers going in great daunger of life, were committed to prison, Neither did the Ambassadour himselfe escape cleare frō the daunger of the Popes scourge: For he was vpō the same sequestred frō the court & cōmaū∣ded to be absēt for a space.* 9.579 And thus much cōcerning the notable Martyrdome of this blessed San Ro∣mane▪ Ex Franc. Encena. Hispano, teste occulato.
An Inqui∣sitour in Spayne.	Rochus. At San Lucar in Spayne. An. 1545.	Rochus was borne in Brabant, his father dwellynge in Ant∣werpe. By his science hee was a Caruer or Grauer of Images.* 9.580 Who as soone as he began, first to taste the Gospell, he fell frō ma∣king such Images as vse to serue for Idola∣trye in Temples, & oc∣cupyed himselfe in ma∣king seales: saue onely that he kept stāding on his stalle an Image of the virgin Mary arti∣ficially grauen, for a signe of his occupatiō. It happened vnhappe¦ly, that a certayne In∣quisitor passing by in the streete, & beholding the car∣ued Image, asked of Rochus what was the price therof. Which when Rochus did set (not willing be∣like to sell it) the Inquisitour ••ad him scarse halfe the mony. The other answered againe that he could not so liue of that bargayn. But stil the Inquisitor vrged him to take his offer. To whome Rochus agayne, it shalbe yours (sayd he) if you geue me that, which my labor and charges stand me in, but of that price I can not afforde it: yet had I rather break it in pieces. Yea sayth the Inquisitour? breake it, let me see thee. Ro∣chus with that took vp a Chisell,* 9.581 and dashed it vpon the face of the Image, wherewith the nose or some o∣ther part of the face was blemished. The Inquisitor seing that, cried out as he were mad, and commaun∣ded Rochus forthwith into prison. To whom Ro∣chus cried again, that he might do in his owne wor∣kes, what he listed. And if the workemanship of the Image were not after his fantasy, what was that to them? But all this could not helpe Rochus, but with in 3. dayes after, sentence was geuen vpon him that he should be burned, and so was he committed to the executers. As Rochus was entring the place, there to be burned, he cryed with a loud voyce, askyng a∣mong the multitude, which there stoode by, if anye man of Flaunders, were there. It was aunswered, yea: and also that there were 2. ships already fraught and appoynted to sayle to Flaunders. Then sayd he,* 9.582 I would desire some of them to signify to my Father dwelling in Antwerpe, that I was burned here in this city, and for this cause which you all haue heard. And thus after his prayers made to God, this good man being wrongfully condemned, after his godlye life, made this blessed end. an. 1545.
And leaste this so rare and straunge example of cruelty shall seeme to lacke credite, in the fifte booke of the history of Pantaleon, there is recorded that a certayne Spanyard comming to Antwerpe, made diligent inquisitiō there among the Image makers to finde out the parentes of this Rochus, & signify∣ed to them what had happened toward theyr sonne, as hath bene by his sayd parentes and frends, decla∣red: In so much that it is also testified, that hys Fa∣ther, at the hearing of the sayde message, for sorrow thereof, dyed shortly after. Ex Pantal. lib. 5. ☞Furthermore besides these aboue recited,* 9.583 and also before theyr time, I heare and vnderstand by faythfull relation, that diuers other haue bene in the sayd countrey of Spayne, whose hartes God had maruellously illuminate and stirred vp, both before, and also since the comming in of the Inquisition, to stand in defence of his Gospell, and which were also persecuted for the same, and are sayde to haue dyed in prison: Albeit theyr names as yet are vnknowne, for that the storyes of that countrey bee not yet come to light, but I trust shortly shall, as partly some intel∣ligence I haue thereof. In the meane tyme we wyll come now to the Inquisition of Spayne, speakyng something of the ceremoniall pompe, and also of the barbarous abuse and cruelty of the same. ¶The execrable Inquisition of Spayne. THe cruell and barbarous Inquisition of spayne,* 9.584 first began by king Ferdinandus and Elizabeth his wife, and was instituted agaynste the Iewes which after theyr baptisme, mainteined agayne theyr owne ceremonies. But now it is practised agaynste thē that be neuer so litle suspected to fauor the verity of the Lorde. The Spanyardes,* 9.585 and especially the great diuines there do holde, that this holy & sacrate Inquisition cannot erre, and that the holy Fathers the Inquisitours cannot be deceiued. Three sortes of men most principally be in daun∣ger of these Inquisitors. They that be greatly rich,* 9.586 for the spoyle of theyr goodes. They that be learned, because they will not haue theyr misdealings and se∣cret abuses to be espyed and detected. They that be∣gin to encrease in honour and dignity, least they be∣ing in authority, should worke them some shame, or dishonor. The abuse of this Inquisition is most ex∣ecrable. If any woord shall passe out of the mouth of any, which may be taken in euill part: yea, & though no word be spoken, yet if they beare any grudge or euill will agaynst the party, incontinent they com∣maund

him to be taken, and put in an horrible pry∣son,* 9.587 and thē finde out crimes agaynst him at leysure, and in the meane time no mā liuing so hardy once to open his mouth for him. If the Father speake one word for his childe, he is also taken and cast into pri∣son, as a fauourer of heretickes. Neyther is it per∣mitted to any person, to enter to the prisoner: but there he is alone, in such a place, where he cannot see so much as the ground, where he is, and is not suffe∣red either to read or write, but ther endureth in dark¦nes palpable, in horrors infinite, in feare miserable, wrastling with the assaultes of death. By this it may be esteemed, what trouble and sor∣row, what pensiue sighes & cogitatiōs, they susteyne which are not throughly instructed in holy doctrine.* 9.588 Adde moreouer to these distresses and horrors of the prison, the iniuries, threates, whippings and scour∣ginges, yrons, tortures, and rackes, which they en∣dure. Somtimes also they are brough out, & shewed forth in some higher place, to the people, as a specta∣cle, of rebuke and infamy. And thus are they detey∣ned there, some many yeares, and murthered by long tormentes, & whole dayes together, entreated much more cruelly (out of al comparison) then if they were in the hangmās handes to be slayne at once. During all this time, what is done in the proces, no person knoweth, but onely the holy fathers and the tormen∣tors, which are sworne to execute the tormentes. All is done in secret, & (as great misteries) passe not the handes of those holy ones. And after all these tor∣mentes so many yeares endured in the prison, if any man shall be saued, it must be by gessing: For all the procedinges of the Court of that execrable Inquisi∣tion is opē to no mā, but all is done in hugger mug∣ger, & in close corners, by ambages, by couert waies, and secret counselles. The accuser secret, the crime secret, the witnes secret: whatsoeuer is done, is se∣cret, neither is the poore Prisoner euer aduertised of any thing. If he can gesse who accused hym, whereof & wherfore, he may be pardoned peraduēture of hys life: but this is very seldome: and yet he shall not in∣continēt, be set at liberty, before he hath endured lōg time, infinite tormentes (and this is called theyr pe∣nitence) and so is he let go: and yet not so, but that he is enioyned, before he passe the Inquisitors handes, that he shall weare a garment with yellow colours, for a note of publicke infamy, to him, and his whole race. And if he can not gesse right, shewing to ye In∣quisitours by whom he was accused, whereof, and wherfore (as is afore touched) incontinent the horri∣ble sentence of condemnation is pronounced against him, that he shall be burned for an obstinate here∣ticke: and so yet the sentence is not executed by and by, but after that he hath endured imprisonment in some haynous prison. ¶And thus haue ye heard the forme of the Spa∣nish Inquisition.* 9.589 By the vigour and rigour of thys Inquisition, many good true seruauntes of Iesus Christ haue bene brought to death, especially in these latter yeares, since the royall and peaceable reign of this our Queene Elizabeth. The names and storyes of whom, partly we wil here recite, according as we haue faythfull recordes of suche as are come to our hands by writing. The other which be not yet come to our knowledge, we will deferre, till further intel∣ligence and oportunity, by the Lords ayd and leaue, shall serue hereafter. An. 1559. Maij 21. In the towne of Ualedolid, where commonly the counsell of the Inquisition is wont to be kept,* 9.590 the Inquisitors had brought toge∣ther many prisoners, both of high and low estate, to the number of xxx. also the coffin of a certayne noble womā, with her picture lying vpō it, which had bene dead long before, there to receiue iudgement and sen∣tence. To the hearing of which sentence, they had or∣deined in the sayd town, 3. mighty Theatries or sta∣ges. Upon the first was placed Dame Iane, sister to king Philip,* 9.591 and chiefe Regimēt of his realmes: also Prince Charles, king Philippes sonne, with other Princes and States of Spayne. Upon the other scaffold mounted the Archbishop de Seuille,* 9.592 Prince of the Synagoge of the Inquisitors, with the Coū∣sell of the Inquisition: also other Byshops of the landes, and the kinges counsell with them. After that the Princes, and other spirituall iud∣ges, & coūsellers were thus set in theyr places, wyth a great garde of Archers, and Halberdiers, and har∣nessed souldiours: with 4. Herauldes also of armes, geuing theyr attēdance to the same, and the Earle of Buendia bearing the naked sword, all the markette place where the stages were, being inuironed wyth an infinite multitude of all sortes of the world there standing, and gasing out of windowes, & houses to heare & see the sentences & iudgementes of this In∣quisition: then after all, were brought forth (as a spe∣ctacle and triumph) the poore seruauntes and wit∣nesses of Iesus Christ, to the number (as is afore∣sayd) of thirty, clothed with theyr Sanbenito,* 9.593 as the Spaniards do call it, which is a maner of vesture, of yellow cloth cōming both before them & behind thē, spangled with read Crosses, & hauing burning Ci∣erges in theyr handes: also before them was borne a Crucifixe couered with blacke lynen cloth, in token of mourning. Moreouer, they which were to receiue the sentence of death, had Miters of paper vpō theyr heads, which ye Spaniardes call Coracas. Thus they being produced, were placed in theyr order, one vn∣der an other, according as they were estemed culpa∣ble: So ye first of all, stood vp Doctor Cacalla, an Austē Frier, a mā notable & singular in knowledge of diui∣nity, preacher sometime, to Charles the 5. Emperor, both in higher and lower Germany. These thinges thus disposed, thē folowed a Ser∣mon, made by a Dominicke Frier,* 9.594 which endured a∣bout an houre. After the Sermon finished, the Pro∣curator generall, with the Archbishop, went to the stage, where the Princes and Nobles stood, to mini∣ster a solēne othe vnto them vpō the Crucifixe pain∣ted in the Massebooke: the tenour of which othe was this. Your Maiestyes shall sweare, that you will fa∣uor the holy Inquisitiō, & also geue your consēt vn∣to the same: and not onely that you shal,* 9.595 by no maner of way, hinder and impeach the same, but also you shall employ the vttermost of your helpe & endeuour hereafter, to see all them to be executed, whiche shall swerue from the Church of Rome, & adioyne them∣selues to the sect of the Lutheran hereticks, without all respect of any person or persons, of what estate, degree, quality, or condition soeuer they be. ¶And thus much for the first Article of the othe. The second was this, as foloweth. Item, your Maiesties shall sweare, that you shal constrayne all your subiectes, to submitt themselues to the Church of Rome, and to haue in reuerence all the lawes and commaundementes of the same: and also to geue your ayde agaynst all them, whosoeuer shal hold of the heresy of the Lutheranes, or take any part with them. In this sort and maner, when all the Princes & states euery one in theyr degree, had receyued theyr othe, then the Archbishop lifting vp his hand, gaue them his benediction, saying: God blesse your high∣nesses, and geue you lōg life. This solemne Pageon thus finished, at last the poore captiues and prisoners were called out, the Procurator fiscall, or the Popes great Collectour, first beginning with Doctor Ca∣calla, and so proceding to the other in order, as here vnder in this Table followeth with theyr names, & theyr iudgementes described.
... The Inqui∣sitours of Spayne. ... The Popes great Col∣lector, or Procurator fiscall. ... The Arch∣bishop of Senille. ... The bishop of Valence. ... The bishop of Orense.	1. Doctour Ca∣calla, a Frier Augustine.	Before the Popes great Proctor or Col∣lector fiscall, first was called forth Doct. Au∣sten Cacalla. Thys Doctour was a Frier of Austens order,* 9.596 and Priest of the towne of Ualledollid, and prea∣cher sometimes to the Emperour Charles the 5. a man wel accoū∣ted of for his learning. Who for that hee was thought to be as the standert bearer to the Gospellers (whō they called Lutherās) and preacher and Doctour vnto thē, therfore they

being first called for, was brought from his stage, nearer to ye proc∣tor fiscal, there to heare the sentence of his con∣dēnation: which was, that he should be degra¦ded, and presently bur∣ned, and all his goods confiscate, to the profit & auauncement of iu∣stice.
	2. Fraunces de Biuero,* 9.597 priest of Valledolid, and brother to the fore∣sayd Cacalla.	The second prisoner & next to Doctor Cacal∣la, yt was called, was Fraunces de Biuero his brother, Priest also of Ualledolid, who re∣ceiued likewise ye same sentence of condemna∣tion. And to the intent he should not speake a¦ny thing to the preiu∣dice, or agaynst the a∣buse of the sacrate In∣quisition, as he before had done both within and without the prisō, with much boldnes, & also because hee was much fauored of ye peo∣ple: to ye end therfore, yt no cōmotiō shold come by his speaking, hys mouth was so stopped & shut vp, that he could not speake one word.
	3. Dame Blāche de Biuero.	The 3. was Dame Blanche,* 9.598 Sister to the other two, aforesayd, a¦gaynst whō also was pronounced the like sē∣tence, as vpon her bre¦thren before.
	4. Iohn de Bi∣uero.* 9.599	The fourth, was Iohn de Biuero, bro∣ther to the same kin∣red, who was also iud¦ged an hereticke, and cōdemned to perpetu∣all prison, and to beare his Sanbenito all bys life long: whiche is an habillemēt of dishonor.
	5. Dame Con∣stance de Bi∣uero,* 9.600 sister to the same a∣foresayd.	Dame Constance de Biuero was the fifte, Sister to the other be∣fore specified, Widowe of Ferdinando Ortis, dwelling sometime, at Ualledolid: who was also condēned with the like sentence with her brethren, to be burned.
The Inqui∣sitours of Spayne.	* 9.6016. The coffin with the dead corpes of Dame Leono∣re de Biuero, the mother of these afore∣sayd.	The sixt thunder∣bolt of condemnation, was thundered out a∣gaynst a poore coffine, with the dead corps of dame Leonore de Bi∣uero, mother to these aboue named, beyng her selfe the sixt, & be∣ing already dead long before at Ualledolid. Aboue her coffin was her picture laid, which was also condemned with her dead corpes to be burned for an he∣reticke: And yet I ne∣uer heerd of any opi∣nion that this picture did holde, eyther with, or agaynst the Church of Rome. This good Mother while shee li∣ued, was a woorthye maynteiner of christes gospell, with great in∣tegritye of life: and re∣teyned diuers assem∣blies of the sayntes in her house, for the prea∣ching of the woorde of god. In fine, her corps and Image also being brought before ye Fis∣call, was condemned lykewise (as the Mo∣ther with her 7. chyl∣drē in the book of Ma∣chabees) to be burned for a Lutherane here∣tick,* 9.602 and all her goodes to be seased to the be∣hoofe of the Superiour powers, and also her house vtterly to be ra∣sed & cast down to the groūd: & for me∣moriall of ye same, a marible stone was appointed there to be set vp in ye house, wherein the sayd cause of her burning should be ingraued.
	7. Maister Af∣lonse Perez Priest of Va∣lence.	In the seuēth place was condemned may∣ster Aflonse Perez priest of Valence:* 9.603 first to be degraded, & after to be burned as an he∣retick, & all his goodes likewise confiscate and seased, to the behoofe of the superiority.
☞When these 7. aforesayd had receiued theyr sen∣tence, then the Bishop of Ualence,* 9.604 in his pontificali∣bus, caused Doctour Cacalla, Fraunces his brother, and Aflonse Perez, to be apparelled and reuested in priestly vesture. Which done, he tooke from them, first the chalice out of theyr handes, and so all theyr other trinckets, in order, according to theyr accustomed so∣lemnity. And thus they being degraded, and all their priestly vnctions taken from their fingers, also their lippes and theyr crownes rased, so were theyr yel∣low habites of Sanbenito put ouer theyr shoulders agayne, with theyr Miters also of paper vpon theyr heades. This done, Doctor Cacalla began to speak, praying the Princes and the Lords,* 9.605 to geue him au∣dience: but that being not graunted to him, he was rudely repulsed, & returned agayne to his standing. Onely thus much he protested clearely and openlye, that his fayth, for which he was so handled, was not hereticall, but consonant to the pure and cleare word of God. For the which also he was prest and ready to suffer death, as a true Christian, and not as an here∣ticke: Besides many other worthy sentences of great consolation, which he there vttered in ye meane space, while the Iudges were busy in theyr sentences, a∣gaynst the residue of the Martyrs.
The Inqui∣sitours of Spayne.	8. Don Peter Sarmiento Knight of the order of Al∣cantara.	The viij. that was brought before ye fore∣sayd Fiscall, was Don Peter Sarmiento knight of the order of Alcantara, dwelling at Ualence, and sonne of Marques de Poza, who was pronounced an hereticke,* 9.606 & iudged to beare the marke & habite of dishonor all his life, and condēned to perpetuall prison, wt the losse of his order & of all his goodes: To whome moreouer it was enioyned neuer to weare any more gold, siluer, pearles or any precious stone about him.

	9. Dame Mencia wife of the sayd Don Peter.* 9.607	Ninthly after hym was called dame Mē∣cia de Figueroa, Wyfe of the foresaid Don Pe¦ter Sarmiento. Who likewise being proclai∣med for an Heretique, was condemned to the same punishmēt as her husband was.
	10. Don Louys de Roxas, sonne and heyre of the Marques de Poza.	Next after her was called & brought out, Don Louys de Rox∣as,* 9.608 sonne & heire of the Marques de Poza, who beyng also decla∣red an hereticke, for ye great sute and labour which was made for him, was condemned only to beare his Sā∣benito, vnto the town house, and his goodes to be confiscate.
	11. Dame Anne Henriques.* 9.609	After whom in the xi. place, folowed dame anne Hēriques, daugh¦ter of the marques Al∣canszes, and mother to the forenamed Mar∣ques de Poza, & Wife to Lord Alfonsus de Fonseca: Who in lyke sorte was declared an hereticke and condem∣ned to beare her Sā∣benito, to the towne house, and her goodes to be confiscate.
The Inqui∣sitors of Spayne.	12. Christopher Dell.* 9.610	Christopher Dell, citizē of Samora was the xij. who after hee was declared an here∣ticke, was iudged to be burned, and his goods to be seased.
	13. Christopher de Padilla.* 9.611	The lyke sentence was also geuen vpon Christofer de Padilla citizen of Samora.
	* 9.61214. Antony de Huezuello.	The 14. was An∣tony de Huezuello ba∣cheler of diuinity dwel¦ling at Toro. Who af∣ter he was proclaimed heretick, & his goodes confiscate, was condē∣ned to be burned, and moreouer hadde hys mouth stopped, for yt he should not speake, & make confession of his fayth vnto the people.
	15. Katherine Romain.* 9.613	Then folowed Ka∣therine Romain, dwel¦ling in Pedrosa, called from her stāding who receiuing the like sen∣tence was condemned to be burned, & all her goods confiscate.
	16. Fraunces Errem.* 9.614	The 16. was Fraū∣ces Errem, borne in Pegnaranda, whom they condemned to be burned aliue, and all her goodes likewise confiscate.
	17. Katherine Ortega.	After her succeeded in the next sentence of Martyrdome,* 9.615 Kathe∣rine Ortega dwellyng in Ualledolid, daugh∣ter of Hernando Pia∣zo Fiscall, & widow of captaine Louys, pronoūced with the other to be an heretick: and forsomuch as she was reckoned to be a Schoole∣maistres to the rest, she was iudged to be burned, and her goodes confiscate.
	18. Isabell Strada. 19. Iane Vales∣ques.	In the 18. and 19. place,* 9.616 stoode Isabell de Strara, and Iane Ualesques, both dwel∣ling in Pedrosa, which likewise were condem¦ned to be burned & all theyr goods confiscate.
	20. A Smith.	A certayne workmā of white yron, or smith for interteining assem∣bles in his house,* 9.617 and for watching with thē receiued also with thē the like sentence, to lose both life & goodes for the Gospels sake.
	21. A Iew.	With these also was ioyned a Portugale, named Goncalo Uaes of Lisbone, whyche was borne a Iewe, af∣terward Baptised, & then returned agayne to his Iudaisme: Who for more shame to the other, was put also in the same tale and num¦ber,* 9.618 as the 2. theeues were ioyned wt Christ and was also with thē condemned to be bur∣ned, & his goods seased.
The Inqui∣sitors of Spayne	22. Dame Iane de Sylua.	After these, was cal∣led dame Iane de Sil∣ua, wife to Iohn de Biuero, Brother to Doctour Cacalla:* 9.619 to whome it was enioy∣ned to beare a mantle all her life, for penance & token of her trespas, & al her goods cōfiscate.
	23. Leonore de Lisueros, wife of Huezuelo. 24. Marina de Saiauedra. 25. Daniell Quadra.	In like maner was called for,* 9.620 Leonore de Lisueros, wife of the foresayd Antony Hue∣zuelo, Batcheler of di∣uinity. Item, Marina de Saiauedra, wife of Cy¦sueras de Sareglio. Itē, Daniell Qua∣dra borne at Pedrosa: All which 3. persons were pronoūced here∣tickes and condemned to do penaunce in per∣petuall Prison, with theyr mantles & cōfis∣catiō of al their goods.
	26. Dame Ma∣ry de Royas.	Dame Marye de Royas,* 9.621 sister of Mar∣ques of Royas, be∣cause she was in a cloi∣ster, & was come of a good house, was ther∣fore iudged to beare her mantle to ye towne house, and al her goods confiscate.
	27. Antony Dominike.	Antony Dominicke de Pedrosa beyng thē brought out,* 9.622 was iud∣ged and condemned to iij. yeares penaunce in prison, for his heresye, clothed with the man∣tle of yelow, and al his goods confiscate.

	28. Anthony Ba∣sor,* 9.623 an Eng∣lishman.	Last of all was pro∣duced Antony Basor, who for that he was an Englishe man, he was iudged to beare his mātle of yellow to the towne house in pe∣nance for his crime, & incontinēt was thrust into a cloyster for one yeare, to the intent he might there be instruc∣ted in ye catholick ordi∣nances of the church of Rome as thei be called
After these sentences being thus pronounced, they which were condemned to be burned with the coffin of the dead Lady, & her picture vpon the same, were committed to the secular magistrate, and theyr executioners, which were commaunded to doe theyr endeuour. Then were they all incontinent takē, and euery one set vpon an Asse, theyr faces turned backe∣ward, with a great garison of armed souldiors, vnto the place of punishment, which was without the gate of the towne called Del Campo. When they were come to the place, there were 14 stakes set vp of equall distaunce one from an other,* 9.624 whereunto euery one seuerally being fastened accor∣ding to the fashion of Spayne, they were all firste strangled, and then burned and turned to ashes, saue onely Antony Huezuelo. Who for so much as he had both within and without the prison, vehemently de∣tested the popes spiritualty, therfore he was burned aliue, and his mouth stopped frō speaking. And thus these faythfull Christians, for the verity & pure word of God, were led to death, as sheep to the shambles: who not onely most christianly did comfort one an o∣ther, but also did so exhort all them there present, that all men maruelled greatly, both to heare theyr sin∣gular constancy, and to see theyr quiet and peaceable end. It is reported that besides these aforesayd, there remayned yet behinde 37. other prisoners, at ye sayd towne of Valledolid, reserued to an other Tragedy & spectacle of that bloudy Inquisition. Ex quinta parte Martir. Gallic Impresse pag. 474. ¶Furthermore, whereas the story of the sayde Inquisition being set out in the Frenche tongue doth recken the number of the martyrs aboue men∣tioned, to be thirty: and yet in particular declaration of them, doth name no more but xxviij. here is there∣fore to be noted, that eyther this number lacked two of thirty: or els that 2. of the sayde company were re∣turned backe without iudgement, into the prison a∣gayne. ¶And thus much for this present, touching the proceeding of the church of Spayne, in theyr Inqui∣sition agaynst the Lutheranes, that is, agaynst the true and faythfull seruauntes of Iesus Christ. Albeit there be other countryes also besides Spayne, sub∣iect vnto the same Inquisition, as Neaples, and Si∣cily: in which kingdome of Sicilie, I heare it credi∣bly reported that euery thyrd yeare are brought forth to iudgement and execution, a certeine number after the like sort of christian martyrs, some times 12. some times 6. some times more, and some times lesse. A∣mongest whome there was one, much about ye same yere aboue mentioned. an. 1559. who comming from Geneua, vnto Sicilie, vpon zeale to do good, was at last layd hand of, and being condēned the same time, to the fire, as he should take his death,* 9.625 was offered there of the hangman to be strāgled, hauing the cord ready about his necke: but he notwithstanding, re∣fused the same, and sayde that he would feele the fire: and so endured he, singing with all his might vnto the Lord, till he was beriued both of speach and life, in the middest of the flame: such was the admirable constancy and fortitude of that valiant souldiour of Christ, as is witnessed to me by him, whiche beeing there present the same tyme, did both then see that which he doth testify, and also doth now testify that he then saw. ¶Now it remayneth further, according to my promise, in like order of a compendious table, to cō∣prehend also such Martyrs, as suffered for the verity and true testimony of the Gospell, in the places and countryes of Italy: which Table consequently here next ensueth to be declared.

¶A Table of such Martyrs as suffered for the testimony of the Gospell in Italy. * The Italian Martyrs.

Persecutors.	Martyrs.	The causes.
Certayne popish Spa∣niardes. at Rome.	N. Encenas o∣therwise cal∣led Dryander. At Rome. An. 1546.	THis Encenas, or Dryander, a spani∣ard borne at Burges, was brother to Fran∣ciscus Encenas ye lear∣ned man,* 9.626 so oft before mentioned, & was also ye teacher or instructor in knowledge of religi¦on, to Diazius the god¦ly martyr aboue recor∣ded. He was sēt of his superstitious parents, beinge younge vnto rome. Who there after long cōtinuance grow¦ing vp in age & know∣ledge but especially be¦ing instructed by the lord in the truth of his woord, after hee was knowne to mislike the Popes doctrine, & the impure doinges at Rome, was apprehended and ta∣ken of certayne of his owne country men, and some of his owne householde frends at Rome at the same time, when he was preparing to take his iourney to his brother Fraūces Encenas in Germany. Thus he being betrayed and taken by his coūtrymen, was brought before the Cardinals, and there committed straight to prison. Afterward he was brought forth to geue testimonye of his doctrine, whiche he in the presence of the Cardinalles, and in the face of all the Popes retinue, boldly and constantly defended. So that not onely the Cardinals, but especially the spa∣niardes, being therewith offended, cryed out vppon him that he should be burned. The Cardinalles, first before the sentence of death should be geuen, came to him, offering if he would take it (after the maner of the Spaniardes) the badge of reconciliation, whiche hath the name of Sanbenites cloth, made in forme of a mantle, going both before him and behinde hym, with signes of the redde Crosse. But Encenas styll constant in the profession of trueth, denyed to receiue any other condition or badge, but onely the badge of the Lord: which was to seale the doctrine of his reli∣gion, with the testimony of his bloud. At last, the matter was brought to that issue, that the faythfull seruaunt and witnes of Christ was iudged and con∣demned to the fire, where he in the sight of the Car∣dinals, and in the face of the Apostolicall sea preten∣sed, gaue vp his life for testimony of the Gospell. Ex Pantal. lib. 6. Ex Crisp. & alijs.
☞And for so much as mention hath bene made both in this story,* 9.627 and many other before of Francis∣cus Encenas his brother: here is not to be preter∣mitted, how the sayd Franciscus being a man of no∣table learning as euer was any in Spayne being in the Emperors Court at Bruxels, offered vnto the Emperour Charles the fift the newe Testament of Christ translated into Spanishe. For the whyche he was cast into Prison, where he remayned in sor∣rowfull captiuity and calamitye, the space of fifteene

monethes, looking for nothing more, then present death. At last through the merueilous prouidence of almighty God, the first day of February. ann. 1545. at viij. of the clocke after supper, he found the doores of the prison standing open, and he secretly was an∣swered in his minde, to take the occasion offered, and to shift for himselfe: and so he issuing out of the prison without any hasty pase, but goyng as leisure∣ly as he could, escaped from thence and went straight to Germany.
Pope Iulius the thyrd.	* 9.628Faninus. At Ferraria. An. 1550.	Faninus, borne in Fauentia, a towne in Italy through the rea∣ding of godly bookes translated into the I∣talian tongue (hauyng no perfect skill in the Latin) was conuerted frō great blindnes to the wholesome know∣ledge of Christ, and of his word: Wherein he tooke such a sweetnes and so grewe vp in the meditation of the same that hee was able in short time to instruct other. Neither was there anye dilligence lacking in him to com∣municate, that abroad which he had receyued of the Lord: being so in his mind perswaded, that a man receiuing by the spirite of God the knowledge and il∣lumination of his veritie, ought in no case to hide the same in silence, as a candle vnder a bushell: And therefore being occupyed dilligently in that behalfe, albeit he vsed not publickely to preache, but by pry∣uate conference to teache, hee was at length by the popes clientes espied, apprehended and committed to prison. Albeit he remayned not long in the prison: For by the earnest perswasions and prayers of hys wife,* 9.629 his children, and other frendes, he was so ouer come, that he gaue ouer, and so was dismissed short∣ly out of prison. After this, it was not long, but he fel into horrible perturbation of mind: In somuch that vnles the great mercy of God had kept him vp, hee had fallen in vtter desperation, for slipping from the trueth, and preferring the loue of his friendes and kinred, before the seruice of Iesus Christ, whome he so earnestly before had professed. This wound went so deepe into his hart, that he could in no case be qui∣eted before he had fully fixed and determined in hys mind to aduenture his life more faithfully in the ser∣uice of the Lord.
Wherupon he being thus inflamed with zeale of spirite, went about all the countrey of Romaigna, publikely preaching the pure doctrine of the Gospell not wtout great fruit and effect in places as he went. As he was thus labouring it so fell out, that he was apprehended againe,* 9.630 an. 1547. in a place called Bag∣nacauallo, where also he was condemned to be bur∣ned, but he said his houre was not yet come, and the same to be but the beginning of his doctrine, and so it was, for shortly after he was remoued vnto Fer∣raria, where he was deteined ij. yeares. At last ye In∣quisitours of the popes heresies condemned hym to death, an. 1549. and yet his tyme beyng not come, he remayned after that to the moneth of September, an. 1550. In the meane time many faythfull and good men came to visite him: for the which the pope com∣manded him to be inclosed in straiter custody: wher∣in he suffered great tormentes ye space of 18. monthes and yet had suffered greater, if the Dominick Friers might haue got him into their house, as they went a∣bout. Thus Faninus remoued from prison to prisō, many times chaunged his place, but neuer altered hys constancy. At length he was brought into a prison, where were diuers great Lordes, Captaynes and noble personages there committed, for stirring vp com∣motions and factions (as the country of Italy is ful of such) who at first, hearing him speake, beganne to set him at light, and to deride him: supposing that it was but a melancholy humor that trobled his brain, wherupon, such as seemed more sage amongst them began to exhort him to leaue hys opinion, & to lyue with men as other men do, and not to vexe his mind but to suspend hys iudgement, till the matter were decided in a generall Councell To whome Faninus agayne, first geuing them thankes for their friendly good willes: wherwith they seemed to respecte hys well doyng, modestly and quietly declared vnto thē how the doctrine which he professed was no humore nor opinion of mans brayne, but the pure veritie of God, founded in hys worde, and reuealed to men in the Gospell of Iesus Christ, and especially nowe in these dayes, restored: whiche veritie he had fully de∣termined in his minde neuer to renye to beleeue the lying phantasies of men. And as in his soule,* 9.631 whiche was redeemed by the bloud of the sonne of God, hee was free from all bondage: so likewise as touchyng Counsels, he looked for no other sentence nor autho¦rity (he sayd) but that onely whiche hee knewe to be declared to vs by Christ Iesus, in hys Gospel, whi∣che both he preached wyth hys word, and confirmed with hys bloud &c. With these and such other words he so moued theyr myndes, that they were cleane al∣tered vnto a new kynde of lyfe, hauing hym nowe in admiration, whom they had before in derision, and recounted hym for an holye person. To whome hee proceeded still to preach the word of grace declaring and confessing hymselfe to be a miserable sinner, but by the fayth of the Lorde Iesus, & through the grace onely of hym, he was fully perswaded and well assu∣red hys sinnes to be forgeuen: like as al theyr sinnes also shalbe remitted to thē through their fayth onely in Christ, beleuing hys Gospell. There were other also besides these, who hauing vsed before, a more delicate kinde of lyfe, coulde not well away wt the sharpenes and hardnes of ye prison These also receaued such comfort by the sayde Fani∣nus, that not onely they were quietly contented,* 9.632 but also reioysed in this theyr captiuitie, by the occasion wherof they had receaued and learned a better liber∣tie, then euer they knew before. When the prisonment of thys Faninus was knowne to hys parentes and kinsfolke, hys wyfe & sister came to hym with weeping perswasions, to moue hym to consider and care for hys poore family, To whom he aunswered agayn, that hys Lord and mayster had cōmanded him not to deny hym for loo∣kyng to his family, and that it was enough for them that he had once for theyr sakes fallen into ye coward∣lines, whiche they knew: Wherefore he desired them to depart in peace, and sollicite hym no more therein for hys end (he sayd) he knew to drawe neare, and so he commended them vnto the Lord. About the same tyme dyed Pope Paulus the 3. and after hym succeeded Iulius the 3. whiche then sent letters and commaundement,* 9.633 that Faninus shuld be executed. Wherof, whē one of ye magistrates officers brought hym word the next day, he reioysed therat, and gaue the messenger thankes, and began to preache a long sermon to them that were aboute hym, of the felicitie and beatitude of the life to come. Then the messēger exhorted hym, yt in case he would change hys opinion, he should saue both thys lyfe, & enioy that to come. An other asked hym in what case he should leaue his little children and hys wyfe, or what stay should they be at, he so leauing thē: wher∣fore he desired hym to haue respect both to hymselfe, and to them. Faninus aunswered, yt he had left them with an ouerseer, which woulde see vnto them suffi∣ciently. And being asked who he was, the Lorde Ie∣sus Christ (sayd he) a faythfull keeper and a conser∣uer of all yt is committed to hym.* 9.634 After that the mes∣senger was thus departed from Faninus all full of teares and sorrow: the next daye following he was remoued into the common prison, and deliuered to the secular magistrate. Who in all his wayes, hys wordes, hys gestures and countenaunce, declared such constancy of faith, such modesty of manners, and tranquillitie of mynde, that they which before were extreme agaynst hym, thinking hym rather to haue a deuill, began nowe fauourably to harken to hym, and to commend hym. With such grace and sweete∣nes he cal••ed, euer speaking of the worde of God,

that diuers of the Magistrates wyues in hearyng him, could not abstayne from weeping. The executi∣oner also wept himself. One of the publicke Scribes then came to hym and sayd, that if he woulde relent from his opinion, the Popes pleasure was, that he should be saued: but that he refused. This was mar∣ueilous,* 9.635 that he hauing but small skill in the Latine yet recited so many and sondry places of the Scrip∣ture without booke, and that so truely and prompt∣ly, as though he had studyed nothing els. One se∣yng him so iocound and mery goyng to hys death, asked why he was so mery at his death, seing Christ himselfe sweat bloud and water before his passion? Christ (sayd he) sustayned in hys body,* 9.636 all ye sorowes and conflictes with hell and death, due vnto vs: by whose suffering we are deliuered from sorrowe and feare of them all. Finally, early in the morning hee was brought forth where he should suffer. Who after his prayers moste earnestlye made vnto the Lorde, meekly & paciently gaue himselfe to the stake, where with a corde drawne about his neck, he was secretly strangled of the hangman, in the Cittie of Ferraria, three houres before day, to the intent ye people shuld not see him, nor heare him speake: and after, about dinner time, his body in the same place was burned. At the burning whereof, such a fragrant and odori∣ferous sent came to all them there present,* 9.637 and so stroke theyr senses, that the sweetenes therof semed to refresh them no lesse, then hys words would haue done, if they had heard him speake. The custome is of that cittie, that the bones and ashes which be lefte,* 9.638 should be caryed out of the city but neyther the magistrate, nor the Byshop, nor hys great Uicar or Chauncellor, nor anye Diuine els, would take any charge thereof, euery man transfer∣ring that burden from themselues, to him whiche was the cause of hys death. Wherby it may appeare, what secret iudgement and estimation, all they had of that good blessed man. At last the people tooke his burned bones, with the cinders, and caried them out of the streete of the Citie. Ex Henri. Pantal, lib. 7. Ex Ioan Crisp. pag. 363.
The name of the persecu∣tor in the story appea¦reth not.	Dominicus de Basana.* 9.639 At Placentia. Ann. 1550.	The same yeare yt the foresayd Faninus suffered in Ferraria, Dominicus also suffe∣red in the Citie of Pla∣centia. This Domini∣cus was Cittizen in Basana, and followed the wars of Charles the Emperour in Ger¦many: where he recei∣ued the first taste of Christes gospel. Wher¦in he encreased more & more by conferring & reasoning with lear∣ned men, so yt in shorte tyme hee was able to instruct manye, and so did, working and tra∣ueling in the Churche till at length in ye yeare 1550. he comming to ye City of Naples, there preached the worde, & from thence proceding to Placencia, preached there likewise vnto ye people, of true confes∣sion, of Purgatorye, & of Pardons. Further∣more, the next day en∣treated of true fayth & of good workes, howe farre they are necessa∣ry to saluation, promi∣sing moreouer ye nexte daye to speake of An∣tichrist and to paynt him out in his colours.* 9.640 When the houre came that he should begin hys sermon, the magistrate of the cittye commaunded hym to come downe from the chayre in the market place, & deliue∣red him to the officers. Dominicus was willing & ready to obey the commaundement, saying that hee did much maruayle, that the deuill could suffer hym so long in that kind of exercise. From thence he was led to the bishops Chauncellour, and asked whether he was a priest, and how he was placed in that func∣tion. He answered that he was no priest o•• the pope but of Iesus Christ, by whom he was lawfully cal∣led to that office. Then was he demaunded whether he would renounce hys doctrine. He answered, that he mayntayned no doctrine of hys owne, but onely the doctrine of Christ, whiche also he was readye to seale with hys bloud: and also gaue harty thankes to God, wbiche so accepted hym as worthye to glorifie hys name with his martyrdome. Upon this he was committed to a filthy and stinking prison. Where af∣ter he had remayned a few monthes, he was exhor∣ted diuers tymes to reuoke: otherwise he should suf∣fer: but still he remayned constaunt in hys doctrine.* 9.641 Wherupon when the tyme came assigned for his pu∣nishment, he was brought to the market place, wher he preached, and there was hanged. Who most harte∣ly praying ••or his enemies, so finished his dayes in this miserable wretched world. Ex Pantal. lib. 7.
The byshop of Santan∣gelo, & hys priestes.	Galeazius Trecius. At the Cittye called Laus Pompeia, in I∣taly. Ann. 1551.	Santangelo is a cer∣tayne fortresse or castle in Italy, within Lom¦bardy,* 9.642 not farre from the Cittye called Laus Pompeia, belongyng also to the same dioces In this sort of Santan∣gelo was an house of Augustine Friers vn∣to whome vsed muche to resorte, a certayne fryer of the same order dwelling at Pauia, na¦med Maianardus, a man well expert in the study of scripture, and of a godly conuersati∣on. By this Maianar∣dus, diuers not onely of the Fryers, but also of other townesmen, were reduced to the loue & knowledge of Gods worde, & to the detestatiō of the popes abuses. Amōg whom was also this Galea∣zius, a gentle man of a good calling, & welthy in worldly substaunce and very beneficiall to the p••ore. Who first by conference with ye fry∣ers, and also with hys brother in law, began to conceaue some light in Gods truth, and af∣terwarde was confir∣med more thoroughly by Caelius Secundus Cu¦rio, who then being driuen by persecution, came from Pauia, to the sayd place of Santangelo. In proces of tyme, as this Ga∣leazius encreased in iudgement and zeale, in settyng forward the wholesome word of Gods grace: as a light shining in darkenes, coulde not so lye hyd, but at last, in the yeare of our Lorde. 1551. certayne were sent from the forenamed Cittie of Laus Pompeia, to lay handes vppon hym,* 9.643 and brought hym to the bishops Pallace, where he was kept in handes, ha∣uing vnder hym but onely a pad o•• straw. Although his wife sent vnto him a good fetherbed, with shetes to lye in, yet the Byshops chaplaynes and officers kept it frō him, deuiding the pray among thēselues.
When the tyme came that he should be examined he was thrise brought before the Commissioners, where he rendered reasons and causes of hys fayth, answering to theyr interrogatories, wt such euidence of Scriptures, & constancy of mind, that he was an admiration to them that that heard hym. Albeit not long after, through the importunate perswasions of hys kinsfolkes & frendes, and other colde Gospel∣lers, laying many considerations before hys eyes:* 9.644

he was brought at length, to assent to certain points of the popes doctrine. But yet the mercye of God, which began with him, so left him not, but brought him againe to suche repentance, & bewayling of his facte, that he became afterward, according to the ex∣ample of Peter,* 9.645 and S. Cyprian, and other, double∣wise more valiaunt in defence of Christes quarrell: neither did he euer desire any thing more, then occa∣sion to be offered, to recouer agayne by confession, that he had lost before by denyall: affirming that hee neuer felt more ioy of hart, then at the tyme of his ex¦aminations, where hee stoode thrise to the constant confession of the truth: and contrary that he neuer ta∣sted more sorrow in al his life, then when he slipt af∣terward from the same, by dissimulation: Declaryng moreouer to hys brethren,* 9.646 that death was muche more sweete vnto him, with testimony of the veritie then life with the least denyall of truth, and loosse of a good conscience. Thus Galeazius mourning for his fall in prison, after he heard of his friendes, that nothing was yet so farre past, but that he might re∣couer hymselfe agayne, and that his infirmitie was not preiudiciall, but rather a furtheraunce to Gods glory, and admonition to himselfe to stande more strongly hereafter, tooke thereby exceeding comfort: And when they would haue left with him a booke of the new testament, for his comfort: he refused it, say∣ing yt hee had it in hys hart, whatsoeuer Christ there spake to hys Disciples: Also what happened both to Christ himselfe and to his Apostles, for confessing ye word of trueth. Furthermore, so comfortable was hee after that, that they which talked wyth him, continued all the day without meate or drincke, and woulde also haue taried all the night following, if they might haue ben suffered. As Galeazius thus continued in the prison looking for some occasion to recouer himselfe agayn from his fall, it followed in short time, that the In∣quisitors and priestes repayred to him againe in the prison, supposing that he would confirme now that whiche before he had graunted to them, and requi∣red him so to do. Galeazius renying all that hee had graunted to them before, returned agayne to the defence of hys former doctrine: with muche more boldnes of spirite, confessing Christ as he did before: and detested Images, affirming and prouing ye god onely is to be worshipped, and that in spirite and ve¦ritie: Also to be no mo mediators but Christ alone, and that hee onely and sufficiently by his suffering,* 9.647 hath taken away the sinnes of the whole worlde: & that all they which depart hence in this fayth, are as∣certained of euerlasting life: they whiche doe not, are vnder euerlasting damnation: with suche other lyke matter, which was repugnant vtterly to the popes proceedinges. With this confession made, as hys minde was greatly refreshed, so the aduersaries wēt away as much apaulled.* 9.648 Who at last perceiuing that he in no case could be reuoked, caused hym to be cō∣mitted to the secular iudge to be burned. Thus Galeazius early in the morning, beyng brought out of prisō to the market place, there was left standing bound to the stake till noone, as a ga∣zing stocke for all men to looke vpon. In the whiche meane tyme, many came about hym, exhorting hym to recant, & not so to cast awaye his life, where as wt x. wordes speaking he might saue it. And if he passed not for hys lyfe nor for hys country where he should lyue nor for his goodes and possessions, whiche shuld be confiscate, yet he shuld somewhat respect his wife whom he loued so well, and hys young children: at least he should consider hys owne soule. This coun∣sayle gaue they whiche more esteemed the commodi∣ties of this present lyfe, thē any true soules health in the life to come. But to conclude, nothing coulde stir the setlet minde of this valiaunt Martyr.* 9.649 Wherfore fire was commaunded at last, to be put to the drye wood about him, wherwith he was shortly extincted wtout any noyse or crying, sauing onely these words heard in the middle of the flame: Lord Iesu. Thys was an. 1551. Nouemb. 24. Touching the story of this blessed Martyr, thys by the way is to be geuen for a Memorandum. That a litle before this Galeazius should be burned, there was a controuersie betweene the Mayor of the citty and the byshops clergy, for the expenses of the wood that should goe to his burning. He hearing thereof, sent word to both the parties, to agree, for hee hym selfe of his owne goodes woulde see the coste of that matter discharged. An other note moreouer here is to be added, that while Galeazius was in captiuitie, certayne of the Papists perceauing that Galeazius had great goods and possessions, practised with his wife, vnder color to release her husband, yt she should lay out a summe of mony to be sent to the wife of the chiefe Lorde of Millain (called Ferrarus Gonzaga) to the end yt she should intreat both with her husband, and with the Senate for Galeazius life. Which money when they had thus iugled into theyr handes, so was the seely woman robbed and defeated both of her husband, and also of her money. Ex Caelio.
... Cornelius, professor of Bononie. ... Campeius Cardinall. ... Cardinall de Capo. ... Bonauentu∣ra Generall. ... Vi. Cardi∣nals. ... Pope Iulius the thyrd.	...D. Ioannes Mollius, a gray Frier. ...A certayn Weauer of Perusium. At Rome. Ann. 1553.	Ioan. Mollius Mon∣tilcinus,* 9.650 beyng but 12. yeares olde, with hys brother Augustinus, was set of hys parents in the house of ye graye Fryers, where hee in shorte tyme hauyng a fresh wit, far excelled his fellowes in al ton∣gues and liberall scien¦ces. So growing vp to the age of 18. he was ordeyned priest, & sang hys first Masse. After that hee was sent to Ferraria to studye, where hee so profited in the space of 6. yeres, that hee was assigned by Uigerius, General of ye order, to be Doc∣tor and then reader in Diuinitie: who then wt his sophistry opposed hymself as an vtter e∣nemy against the gos∣pell. From thence hee went to Brixia, & the next yeare following to Millayn, where he read or professed openly. A∣gaine, from hence hee was taken by Franciscus, Sfortia, and brought to the Uniuersitie of Papia, there openly to confesse Philosophy. Where hee re∣mayned foure yeares.* 9.651 After that he was called to the Uniuersitie of Bononie by Laurentius Spatha, Generall of that order, whereas he was occupyed in readyng the bookes of Aristotle De Anima. In the meane tyme God wrought in hys soule suche lyght of hys word, and of true Religion, that hee waxing weary of professing Philosophy, began secretly to ex¦pound the Epistle of S. Paule to the Rom. to a few which beyng knowne, hys auditors increased so fast that he was compelled to read openly in the Tēple, Whereas the number of his audience dayly augmē∣ted, so the eger feruency of theyr mindes so mightely encreased withall, that euery man almost: came with hys penne and inke to write, and great dilligence was bestowed how to come betyme, to take vp the first places, where they might best heare, which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1538. There was ye same tyme at Bononie,* 9.652 one Cornelius an arrogant bab∣ler, who enueying the doynges of this Ioannes, tooke vppon hym, at the request of Cardinall Cam∣peius, to expound the sayd Epistle of Sainct Paule confuting and disprouing the explanation of ye sayde Iohn, and extolling the pope withal his traditions. Contrary, Iohn extolled and commended onely Christ, and hys merites to the people. But the pur∣pose of Cornelius came to small effect. For the audi∣tors whiche first came to him, beganne by little to fall from hym and the concourse of the other mans auditors, more and more encreased.
Which when Cornelius perceaued, hee perswaded Campeius, that vnlesse hee prouided that man to be dispatched, the estimation of the Churche of Rome would thereby greatly decay. But when they could not openly bryng theyr purpose about, secretly thys way was deuised, that Cornelius & Ioannes shuld come to opē disputatiō: which disputatiō endured til 3. of the clocke after midnight. At length, when ney∣ther

part coulde agree, Ioannes was bid to returne home to his house. Who as he was come downe to the lower steps, where the place was most straitest so that his frendes could not come to rescue him (al∣though by drawing theyr swords they declared their good willes) was theyr taken and layd fast in prison. When the day came,* 9.653 suche tumulte and stirre was in the whole Cittie, that Cornelius was driuen to hide himselfe. Also Campeius the Cardinall, with the bi∣shop there, were both contemned of the studentes. The next day, ye Bishop of Bononie sent his Chaū∣celour to Iohn in the prison, to signifie vnto him, yt either he must recant, or els burne. But he beyng of a bold & cheerefull spirite, would in no wise be brou∣ght to recant. This one thing greeued him, that hee should be condemned, his cause being not heard. In the meane season, Laurentius Spatha aboue mentioned, being generall of that order, in most spe∣dy wise posted vp to Rome, & there so practised with the Cardinall S. Crucis, the Proctor in the court of Rome, for the gray Fryers, that the Pope wrote downe his letters to Campeius, that he shoulde de∣liuer the sayd Iohn out of prison: so that he notwith¦standing, within 3. monthes after, should personally appeare at Rome.* 9.654 Thus the 30. daye of hys impry∣sonment he was deliuered: who but for comming of the popes letters, had bene burned within 3. daies af¦ter. Moreouer, with the sayde Mollius, Cornelius also was cited, to make hys appearance likewyse at Rome, and there was deteined in prison by the Car¦dinall S. Crucis, till hys cause shoulde be decided. The frendes of Mollius gaue hym counsayle not to go to Rome, & offred hym mony to go to Germany: but he would not, saying that the Gospell must also be preached at Rome. After he was come to Rome, & appeared before Pope Paule 3. humbly hee desired,* 9.655 that the cause being so weighty, might come in pub∣licke hearyng, but that could not be obtayned. Then was he cōmaunded to write his minde in Articles, and to bring his proofes: which he dilligētly perfor∣med, entreating of Originall sinne, Iustification by sayth, Free will, Purgatory and other such like: pro∣uing the sayd articles by the authoritie of the Scrip∣ture, and of auncient fathers, and so exhibited the same to the bysh. of Rome. Upon this, certain Car∣dinals and Bishops were assigned to haue the cause in hearing, who disputed with him 3. dayes, & could not refell that which he had prooued. At last, answere was made vnto him thus, that it was trueth which he affirmed, neuerthelesse the same was not meet for this present tyme, for that it coulde not be taught or published, without the detriment of the Apostolicke sea: wherefore he should absteyne hereafter from the * 9.656 Epistles of S. Paule, and so returne agayne safe to Bononie, & there professe * 9.657 Philosophy. Thus, as he was returned to Bononie, and al men there were desirous to know of his case, how he sped at Rome, openly in the pulpit he declared all thinges in order as they were done, and gaue God thankes. Herewith Campeius beyng more offended then before, obteyned of the Pope, that the generall of the order should remoue the sayd Iohn Mollius from Bononie, and place him some other where. So Mol¦lius from thence was sent to Neaples,* 9.658 & there was appoynted reader and preacher in the Monastery of S. Laurence. But Petrus the Uiceroy there, not a∣biding his doctrine, so neerely sought his death that he had much adoe to escape with lyfe, and so depar∣ting frō thence, he went wandring into Italy from place to place, preaching Christ, whersoeuer he came. Not long after this, when Cardinall Cāpeius was dead he was called againe vnto Bononie by a good Abbot named De Grassis. an. 1543. where hee renued again ye reading of S. Paules Epistle, after a secret sort,* 9.659 as he did before, but yt could not be long vndisco¦uered. Wherupon by ye meanes of Cardinall de Ca∣po, and by Bonauentura the generall, he was ap∣prehended the second tyme, and brought to Fauen∣tia, & layd there in a filthy & stincking prison, where he continued foure yeres, no man hauing leaue once to come to him. During which tyme of his indurāce he wrote a Commentary vpon the bookes of Moses but that labour by the malignitie of the aduersaryes was suppressed.* 9.660 At length through the intercession of the Earle Petilianus, and of the foresaid good Ab∣bot De Grassis, he was agayn deliuered, and sent to Rauenna, where he made hys abode a few months with the Abbot ad S. Vitalem, & there agayne taught the Gospell of Christ, as before:* 9.661 and whensoeuer hee spake of the name of Iesu, hys eyes dropt teares, for he was fraught with a mighty feruency of gods ho∣ly spirite. In proces of tyme, when this Abbot was dead, his sureties began to be weary of theyr bond, and so was he agayne now the thyrd tyme, reduced into pri¦son by the popes Legates. There were then 4. men of great authoritie, who beyng styrred vp of GOD, had pitty vpon hym, and bayled hym out of prison. Of whom, one of the sayd sureties tooke ye sayd Mol¦lius home, to instruct hys children in the doctrine of religion, and good letters. Furthermore, at the fame of this man, suche a concourse of people came to see him, that the aduersaryes beganne to consult wyth themselues, to kill hym, least hys doctrine shuld dis∣parse farther abroad, to the detriment of the Churche of Rome. Wherupon commaundement was sent to the popes Legates, to lay handes vpon hym and to send hym vp fast bound to Rome. Where agayne,* 9.662 now the fourth tyme, he was imprisoned in the Ca∣stle of Nome, and there continued 18. monthes, being greatly assaulted, sometimes with flattering promi∣ses, sometyme with terrible threates, to geue ouer hys opinion, but hys building could not be shaken, for it was grounded vpon a sure rocke. Thus Doct. Mollius beyng constant in the defence of Christes Gospell, was brought,* 9.663 wt certayn other men (which were also apprehēded for religion) into the Temple of S. Mary (called De Minerua) the 5. daye of Sep∣temb. an. 1553. either there to reuoke, or to be burned There sate vpon them 6. Cardinals in high seates, beside the Iudge: before whome preached a Domi∣nicke Fryer, which cruelly inueighing agaynst the poore prisoners, incensed the Cardinals, with al the vehemency he might, to theyr condemnation. The poore men stoode holding a burning taper in theyr handes: Of whome some for feare of death reuolted. But this Doctor Mollius, with a Weauer of Peru∣sium, remayned constant. Then Mollius began an earnest sermon in the Italian tongue, where•••• hee confirmed the Articles of the fayth, by ye sacrete scrip∣tures, declaring also that the pope was not the suc∣cessour of Peter, but Antichrist: and his sectaryes do figure the whore of Babilon.* 9.664 Moreouer he cited thē vp to the Tribunall seate of Christ, and threw away the burning taper from hym. Wherupon they being replenished with anger, condemned hym with the Weauer to the fire, and commaunded them to be had away. So were they caried incontinent to the camp or fielde called Florianum. Where they remayned cheerefull and constant. First the Weauer was han∣ged.* 9.665 Mollius then willing the hangman to execute hys office lykewise vpon hym, began to exhorte the people to beware of Idolatry, & to haue no other sa∣uiours but Christ alone: for he onely is the mediator betweene God and man. And so was he also hanged commending hys soule to God, and afterward layd in the fire and burned. The people hauing diuers iudgementes vpon hym, some sayd he dyed an here∣ticke, some sayd he was a good man. Ex Henr. Pantal. lib. 19. an. 1543.
	Two mon∣kes of the house of S. Austen in Rome. At Rome. Ann. 1554.	Furthermore, in the same Cittye of Rome,* 9.666 and about the same time, in the Mo∣nastery of Saint Au∣sten, were found two Monkes in their Cel∣les with theyr tonges and theyr heades cut of, onely for rebukyng the immoderate & out¦ragious excesse of the Cardinals, as witnes∣seth Manlius. Suche was the cruelty then of the malignant ad∣uersaryes. Ex Ioan. Manl. in dictis Phil. Me∣lanct.

The Senate of Millain.	Franciscus Gamba.* 9.667 At the City of Comū in the dioces of Mil∣lian. Ann. 1554.	Fraunces Gamba borne in the Cittye of Brixia in Lobardie, af∣ter he had receaued the knowledge of the gos∣pell, went to Geneua, to conferre about cer∣tain necessary affayres with them that were wise & learned in that Church which was a∣bout the time, whē the Lordes Supper there was administred at Penticoste: Who there also at the same tyme, did communicate with them. Afterwarde in hys returning home, as he was passing ouer the Lake of Come, hee was taken & brought to Come, and and there cōmitted to ward. During the tyme of which imprisonment, diuers and sondry as well nobles, as others with Doctors also, espe∣cially priestes and monkes, resorted vnto hym, labo∣ring by all maner of meanes,* 9.668 & most fayre promises to reduce him frō his opinions: which semed to some but phantasies, comming of some humors, to some they semed vncatholicke or hereticall. But hee con∣stantly disputing wt them by the manifest scriptures declared the opinions whiche he defended, not to be any vayn speculations or imaginary phantasies of mans doting brayne, but ye pure verity of God, and ye euident doctrine of Christ Iesus expressed in hys word, necessary for all men to beleue, & also to main∣tayn vnto death: and therefore, for hys part, rather then he would be found false to Christ, & his word he was there ready, not to deny, but to stand to Christs Gospel, to the effusion of hys bloud. Thus when he coulde in no wise be reclaymed frō ye doctrine of tru∣eth, letters came from the Senate of Millain, that he should be executed wt death. Which execution, as they of Comum were about to prepare, in ye mean while came other letters from Geneua, writtē by the Em∣perours Ambassadour, and other nobles of Millain by ye which letters his death was delayed for a tyme till at length, other letters were sent from the Se∣nate againe of Millain, requiring execution of ye sen¦tence. Neuertheles, through intercession of his frie∣ndes, one weekes respite more was graunted hym, to proue whether he might be wonne agayne to the popes Church, that is to say, lost from God. Thus he being mightely & long assayled both by friendes, & by enemies terrified,* 9.669 yet by no perswasions would be expugned, but gaue thankes to God, yt hee was made worthy to suffer the rebukes of this world, and cruell death, for the testimonye of hys sonne, and so went he chearfully vnto hys death. Then came cer∣tayn Franciscan Fryers to hym, to heare his confes∣sion, whiche he refused. Also they brought in theyr handes, a crosse for him to behold, to keep hym from desperation, at the feeling of the fire. But hys mynde (he sayd) was so replenished with ioy and comforte in Christ, that he needed neither their Crosse, nor thē After this, as he was declaring manye comfortable things to the people, of the fruition of those heauen∣ly ioyes aboue, whiche God hath prepared for hys, because he should speake no more to the people, hys tongue was bored thorough, and so immediately be¦yng tyed to the stake, there was strāgled till he was dead, euery man there geuing testimony,* 9.670 which saw hys constancie, that he dyed a good man. Ex Epistola cuiusdam Nobilis Comensis apud Henr. Pantal. Lib. 10. & Celium.
Pope Pau∣lus the 4. ...The Magi∣strates of Venice.	Pomponius Algerius. At Rome. Ann. 1555.	Pomponius Algeri∣us borne in Capua,* 9.671 a young man of great learning, was student in the Uniuersitie of Padua, where hee not beyng able to conceale and keepe close the ve∣ritie of Christes Gos∣pell, whiche he learned by the heauenlye tea∣ching of Gods grace, ceased not both by do∣ctrine and example of lyfe, to informe as ma∣ny as he could, in the same doctrine, and to bring them to Christ. For the whiche he was accused of heresie, to Pope Paulus the fourth. Who sending immediately to the Magi∣strates of Uenice, caused hym to be apprehended at Puada, & caryed to Uenice, where hee was long de∣teyned in prison & bandes, till at last the Pope com∣maunded ye Magistrates there to send hym vp boūd vnto Rome: which the Uenetians eftsoones accom∣plished. After he was broughe to Rome, manifolde perswasions and allurementes were assayed to re∣moue the vertuous and blessed younge man, from hys sentence. But when no worldly perswasions could preuayle against the operation of Gods spirit in hym, then was hee adiudged to be burned aliue, which death most constātly he susteyned to the great admiration of all that beheld hym.
Being in prison at Uenice, he wrote an Epistle to the afflicted Saintes, whiche for the notable sweet∣nes & most wonderfull consolation conteined in the same, in shewing forth the mighty operatiō of gods holy power working in hys afflicted Sayntes, that suffer for hys sake: I haue thought good and expedi∣ent, to communicate, as a principall monument a∣mōgst al other Martyrs letters, not onely with ye o∣ther letters, which shalbe inserted hereafter (ye Lord willing) in the end of the booke, but also in this pre∣sent place to be read, to ye entent that both they which be, or shalbe hereafter in affliction, may take conso∣lation also, and also that they whiche yet followe the trade of this present world, in comparing the ioyes & cōmodities therof, with these ioyes here expressed, may learne and consider with themselues, what dif∣ference there is, betwene them both, and therby may learne to dispose themselues, in such sort, as maye be to theyr edification, and perpetuall felicitie of theyr soules. The copy of the letter, first written in Latine we haue translated into English: the tenour wherof here vnder ensueth.

¶A comfortable letter of Pomponius Al∣gerius an Italian Martyr.

¶To his most dearly beloued brethren, and fel∣low seruauntes in Christ, which are departed out of Baby∣lon, into Mount Sion: Crace, peace, and health, from GOD our Father, by Iesus Christ our Lord and Sauiour.

TO mitigate your sorrowe, whiche you take for me, I cannot but impart vnto you some porti∣on of my delectations and ioyes, which I feele and finde, to the intent you with me, may reioyce, and sing before the Lord, geuing thanks vnto him. I shal vtter that, which no man will beleue when I shall declare it. I haue found, a nest of hony and hony combe in the entrals of a Lyon. Who will euer beleue that I shall say? or what man wil euer think in the deepe darcke doungeon, to finde a Paradise of pleasure? in the place of sorrow and death, to dwell in tranquillitie and hope of lyfe, in a caue infernall, to be found ioy of soule? and where o∣ther men doe weepe, there to be reioysing? where other do shake and tremble, theyr strength and boldnesse to be plenty? Who will euer thinke, or who will beleue thys? in suche a woe∣full state, suche delectation? in a place so desolate, such societye of good men? in straite bandes and cold yrons? such rest to be had? Al these thinges, the sweete hand of the Lorde (my sweet brethren) doth minister vnto me. Behold, he that was once farre from me, now is present with me. Whome once scarse I could feele, now I see more apparantly: whome once I saw a farre of, now I beholde neare at hand: whome once I hungered for, the same nowe appro∣cheth

and reacheth his hand vnto me He doth comfort mee, and heapeth me vp with gladnes, he driueth away all bitternes, hee ministreth strength and courage, he healeth me, refresheth aduan∣ceth, and comforteth me. O how good is the Lord, whiche suffe∣reth not his seruauntes to be tempted aboue theyr strength? O how easie and sweete is his yoke? Is there any like vnto the hyest, who receaueth the afflicted, healeth the wounded, and nourisheth them? Is there any like vnto hym? Learne ye welbeloued, howe a∣miable the Lord is, how meeke and mercifull he is, whiche visiteth his seruauntes in tentations, neither disdayneth he to keepe com∣pany with vs in such vile and stincking caues. Will the blynd and incredulous worlde (thinke you) beleeue this? or rather will it not say thus? No thou wilt neuer be able to abide long, the bur∣ning heate, the cold snow, and the pinching hardnes of that place the manifold miseries, and other greuaunces innumerable: the re∣bukes, and frowning faces of men howe wilt thou suffer? Doest thou not consider and reuolue in thy minde thy pleasaunt Coun∣try, the riches of the world, thy kinsfolke the dellicate pleasures, and honours of this lyfe? Doest thou forget the sollace of thy sci∣ences, and fruite of all thy laboures? Wilt thou thus loose all thy labours, which thou hast hitherto susteined? so many nightes wat∣ched thy paynfull trauailes, and all thy laudable enterprises, wher¦in thou hast ben exercised continually, euen from thy childhood Finally, fearest thou not death, which hangeth ouer thee, and that for no crime committed? O what a foole art thou, which for one word speaking, mayest salue all this, and wilt not? What a rude & vnmanerly thing is this, not to be intreated at the instant petiti∣ons and desires of suche, so many and so mighty, so iust, so vertu∣ous, so prudent, and gratious Senatoures, and suche noble perso∣nages? &c.

But now to aunswere, let this blinde world harken to this a∣gaine: What heate can there be more burning, then that fire, whi∣che is prepared for thee hereafter? And likewise what snowe can be more colde, then thy hart whiche is in darckenes, and hath no light? What thyng is more hard and sharpe, or crooked, then thys present lyfe, which heare we leade? What thing more odious and hatefull, then this world here present? And let these wordly men here aunswere me: what country can we haue more sweete, then the heauenly countrey aboue? what treasures more riche or pre∣cious, then euerlasting lyfe? And who be our kinsmen, but they which heare the word of God? where be greater riches, or digni∣ties more honorable, then in heauen? And as touching the scien∣ces, let this foolish world consider, be they not ordayned to learn to know God? whom vnles we do know, all our laboures, oure night watchinges, our studyes, and all our enterprises serue to no vse or purpose, all is but labour lost. Furthermore let the misera∣ble worldly man answere me, what remedy or safe refuge cā there be vnto him, if he lacke God, who is the life and medicine of all men? And howe can he be sayd to flye from death, when he hym∣selfe is already dead in sinne? If Christ be the way, veritie and lyfe, how can there be any lyfe then, without Christ? The sooly heate of the prison, to me is coldnes: the colde winter to me is a freshe spring time in the Lorde. He that feareth not to be burned in the fire, how will he feare the heate of weather? or what careth hee for the pinching frost, which burneth with the loue of the Lord? the place is sharpe and tedious to them that be giltye, but to the in∣nocent and giltles, it is mellifluous. Here droppeth the delecta∣ble dewe, here floweth the pleasaunt Nectar, here runneth the sweete milke, here is plenty of al good thinges. And although the place it selfe be deserte and barren, yet to mee it seemeth a large walke, and a valley of pleasure: here to me is the better and more noble part of the world. Let the miserable worldling say and con∣fesse, if there be anye plot pastor, or medowe so delightfull to the mind of man, as here? Here I see kinges, princes, Citties, and peo∣ple, here I see warres, where some be ouerthrown, some be victors some thrust downe, some lifted vp. Here is the mount Sion: here I am already in heauen it selfe. Here standeth first Christ Iesus in the fronte. About him stande the olde fathers, Prophetes and E∣uangelistes, Apostles, and al the seruauntes of God. Of whō some do embrace & cherish me, some exhort me, some open the Sacra∣mentes vnto me, some comfort me, other some singing about me And how then shall I be thought to be alone, among so many, & such as these be? The beholding of whome, to me is both solace, and example For here I see some crucified, some slayne, some sto∣ned, some cut a sonder and quartared, some rosted, some broyled, some put in hoat caulderns, some hauing theyr eyes bored tho∣rough, some their tongues cut out, some their skinne plucked o∣uer theyr heades, some theyr handes and feete chopt off, some put in kilnes and furnaces, some cast downe headlong, and geuen to the beastes, and foules of the ayre, to feed vpon, It woulde aske a long time if I should recite all.

To be short diuers I see, with diuers and sundrye tormentes excruciate: yet notwithstanding, all liuing and all safe. One play∣ster, one salue cureth al their woundes: which also geueth to them strength & life, so that I susteyne all these transitory anguishes, & smal afflictions, with a quiet mind, hauing a greater hope layd vp in heauen. Neither do I feare mine aduersaries which here perse∣cute me and oppresse me: For he that dwelleth in heauē shal laugh them to scorne, and the Lord shall deride them I feare not thou∣sands of people, which compasse me about. The Lord my God shal deliuer me, my hope, my supporter, my comforter, who exalteth vp my head. He shall smite al thē that stand vp against me without cause, & shal dash the teeth & iawes of sinners a sunder: for he on∣ly is all blessednes and maiestie. The rebukes for Christes cause make vs iocant: for so it is writtē, If ye be rebuked & scorned for the name of Christ, happy be you, for the glory and spirite of God resteth vpon you. 1. Pet. 4. Be you therefore certified, that our re∣bukes which are layd vpon vs, redound to the shame and harm of the rebukers. In this world there is no mansion firme to me, and therfore I trauaile vp to the new Ierusalem, which is in heauen, & which offereth it selfe vnto me, without paying anye fine or In∣come. Behold I haue entred already in my iourny, wher my house standeth for me prepared, and where I shall haue riches, kinsfolks delites, honours neuer fayling. As for these earthly thinges here present, they are transitory shadowes, vanishing vapours, and ru∣inous walles, Briefly all is but very vanitie of vanities, where as hope, and the substance of eternitie to come, are wanting, Which the mercifull goodnes of the Lord hath geuen, as companions, to accompany me, and to comfort me, and now doe the same begin to worke and to bring forth fruites in me. I haue trauayled hether∣to, laboured and swette early and late, watching day and night, & and now my trauailes begin to come to effect. Dayes and houres haue I bestowed vpon my studyes. Behold the true countenaunce of God is sealed vpon me, the Lord hath geuen myrth in my hart. And therefore in the same will I lay me downe in peace and rest. Psal 4. And who then shall dare to blame this our age consumed, or say that our yeares be cut off? What man can nowe cauill, that these our labours are lost, which haue followed & founde out the Lord and maker of this worlde, and whiche haue chaunged death with lyfe? My portiō is the Lord (sayth my soule) & therfore I will seek & wayt for him Now then, if to dye in the Lord, be not to die but to lyue most ioyfully: where is this wretched wordly rebell, which blameth vs of folly, for geuing away our liues to death? O how delectable is this death to me, to taste the Lords cup, whiche is an assured pledge of true saluation? for so hath the Lord himself forewarned vs, saying: The same that they haue done to mee, they will also do vnto you. Wherfore let the doltish worlde, with hys blynd worldlings (who in the bright sun shine, yet goe stumblyng in darcknes, being as blinde as betels) cease thus vnwisely to carp against vs, for our rash suffering, as they count it. To whome thus we aunswere agayne with the holy Apostle: That neyther tribu∣lation, nor anguish, nor hunger, nor nakednes, nor ieoperdy, nor persecution, nor sworde, shalbe able euer to seperate vs from the loue of Christ. We are slain al the day long, we are made like sheep ordayned to the shābles. Rom. 8. Thus do we resemble Christ our head which said. That the Disciple cannot be aboue his master nor the seruant aboue his Lord. The same Lord hath also commanded that euery one shall take vp his crosse, and followe him Luc. 9. Re∣ioyse, reioise (my deare brethrē, & fellow seruants) & be of good cōfort, when ye fal into sondry tentations. Let your pacience be perfect on all parts. For so is it foreshewed vs before, & is writtē: That they which shall kill you, shal think to do God good seruice. Therfore afflictiōs, & death be as tokens & sacraments of our ele∣ction, & life to come. Let vs then be glad, & sing to the Lord, whē as we being cleare frō al iust accusation, are persecuted & geuen to death. For better it is, that we in doyng well, do suffer, if it so be the will of the Lord, then doing euil. 1. Pet. 3. We haue for our ex∣ample, Christ and the prophets, whiche spake in the name of the Lord, whom the children of iniquitie did quell and murder: and now we blesse and magnifie them, that then suffred, Let vs be glad and ioyous in our innocencie, and vprightnes. The Lord shall re∣ward them that persecute vs: let vs referre all reuēgement to him.

I am accused of foolishnes, for that I do not shrink frō the true doctrine & knowledge of God, & do not rid me selfe out of these trobles, whē with one word, I may. O the blindnes of man, which seeth not the sunne shyning, neither remēbreth the Lords words. Consider therfore what he sayth. You are the light of the world: A city builded on the hil cannot be hid: Neither do men light a can∣dle, & put it vnder a bushell, but vppon a candlesticke, that it may shyne, and geue light to them in the house. And in an other place he sayth: you shalbe led before kinges & rulers, feare ye not them, which kill the body, but hym whiche killeth both body and soule, Who soeuer shall confesse me before men, him will I also cō∣fesse before my father whiche is in heauen: And hee that de∣nyeth me before men, him will I also deny before my heauenly fa∣ther. Wherfore, seing the words of the Lord be so playne, how or by what authoritie will this wise counseller thē approue this hys counsayle, which he doth geue? God forbid that I shuld relinquish

the commaundements of God, and folowe the counsailes of men. For it is wrytten: Blessed is the manne that hath not gone in the wayes of sinners, and hath not stande in the counsailes of the vn∣godly, and hath not sit in the chaire of pestilence. Psal. 1. God for∣bid that I should deny Christ, where I ought to confesse him. I wil not set more by my life, then by my soule: neither will I exchange the life to come, for this worlde heere present. O howe foolishly speaketh he, which heere argueth me of foolishnesse?

Neither doe I take it to be a thing so vncomely or vnseeming for me not to obey in this matter, the requests of those so honou∣rable, iust, prudent, vertuous and noble Senatours, whose desires (he sayeth) were inough to commaunde me. For so are we taught of the Apostles: That we ought to obey God before men. After that we haue serued and done our duetie first vnto God▪ then are we bounde next to obey the Potestates of this worlde: whome I wish to be perfecte before the Lord. They are honourable, but yet are they to be made more perfecte in the Lord They are iust, but yet Christ the seat of iustice is lacking in them. They are wise, but where is in them the beginning of wisdom, that is, the feare of the Lorde? They are called vertuous, but yet I wish them more abso∣lute in Christian charitie. They are good and gratious: but yet I misse in them the foūdation of goodnes, which is the Lord God, in whome dwelleth all goodnes and grace. They are honourable, yet haue they not receiued the Lord of glory, which is our Saui∣our most honourable and glorious. Vnderstande you kings, and learne you that iudge the earth. Serue the Lord in feare, and re∣ioyce in him with trembling Hearken to doctrine, and get knows¦ledge, least you fal into Gods displeasure, and so pearish out of the way of righteousnes. What freat you, what fume, you O Gentils? O you people, what cast you in your braines the cogitations of vanity? you kings of the earth, and you princes, why conspire you so together against Christ, and against his holy one? Psal. 2. Howe longe will you seeke after lies, and hate the trueth? Turne you to the Lorde, and harden not your hearts. For this you must needes confesse, that they which persecute the Lordes seruaunts, do per∣secute the Lorde him selfe. For so he sayeth himselfe: Whatsoeuer men shall doe to you, I will count it to be done, not as vnto you, but to my selfe.

And nowe let this carnal polliticke counseller and disputer of thys worlde, tell, wherein haue they to blame me, if in mine exa∣minations I haue not aunswered so after their minde and affecti∣on as they required of me? seeing it is not our selues that speake, but the Lord that speaketh in vs, as he himselfe doth fore witnesse saying: When ye shall be brought before rulers and Magistrates, it is not you your selues that speake, but the spirit of my father, that shal be in you▪ M. 10 Wherefore if the Lord be true and faithfull of his word, as it is most certain, then is there no blame in me: for he gaue the wordes that I did speake, and who was I, that coulde re∣sist his will? If any shall reprehende the things that I sayde, let hym then quarell wyth the Lorde, whome it pleased to worke so in me. And if the Lorde be not to be blamed, neither am I heerein to be accused, which did that I purposed not, and that I forethoughte not of. The thinges whiche there I did vtter and expresse, if they were otherwise then well, lette them shewe it, and then will I say, that they were my wordes, and not the Lordes? But if they were good, and approoued, and such as can not iustly be accused, then must it needes be graūted, spite of their teethe, that they proceded of the Lorde: and then who be they, that shall accuse me? A people of prudence. Or who shall condemne me? Iust iudges. And though they so doe, yet neuerthelesse, the worde shall not be frustrate, nei∣ther shall the Gospel be foolish, or therefore decay: but rather the kingdome of God shall the more prosper and flourish vnto the Is∣raelites, and shall passe the sooner vnto the electe of Christe Iesu: And they which shall so doe, shall proue the greeuous iudgement of God, neither shal they escape without punishment, that be per∣secuters and murderers of the iust. My well be loued, lift vp your eyes, and consider the counsailes of God. Hee shewed vnto vs a late, an Image of his plague, which was to our correction. And if we shall not receiue him, he will drawe out his sworde, and strike with sworde, pestilence, and famine▪ the nation that shall ryse a∣gainst Christe. These haue I wrytten to your comforte, deare bre∣thren. Pray for me, I kisse in my heart, with an holy kisse, my good maisters, Siluius, Pergula, Iustus, also Fidel Rocke, and hym that beareth the name of Lelia, whō I know, although being absent. Itē, the gouernor of the Vniuersitie, Syndicus, & all other, whose na∣mes be writtē in the boke of life. Farewel all my felow seruants of God: fare ye wel in the Lord, & pray for me continually. From the delectable horchyard of Leonine prison. 12. cal. Aug. An. 1555.

¶It is wrytten of one Thebrotus, that when he hadde read y^e booke of Plato, De immortalitate animae, hee was so mooued and perswaded therewith, that he caste hym selfe downe headlong from an high wall, to be rid out of thys present life. If those heathen Philosophers, hauing no worde of God, nor promise of any resurrection and life to come, coulde so soone be perswaded by reading the wordes of Plato, to cōtemne this world and life here present: how muche more is it to be required in Christians, instructed with so many euidences and promises of Gods most per∣fect word, that they shoulde learne to cast of the carnall de∣sires and affections of this miserable peregrination, and that for a double respect, not onely in seeing, reading, and vnderstanding so many examples of the miseries of thys wretched worlde: but also muche more in considering, and pondring the heauenly ioyes and consolations of the o∣ther world, remaining for vs hereafter to come. For a more full euidence wherof, I thought good to geue out this pre∣sent letter of Algerius aboue prefixed, for the taste of the same, and a liuely testimony for all true Christians to read and consider. Now let vs proceede further (the Lord wil∣ling) in our Table of Italian Martyrs.

Persecutours.	Martyrs.	The causes.
	Ioannes A∣loisius. At Rome. An. 1559.	Of Ioannes Aloisius we finde mention made in a letter of Symonne Florillus: whiche Aloi∣sius was sente downe frō Geneua, to the par∣ties of Calabria, there to be their minister, who afterwarde was sent for vp to Rome, and there suffered. Ex Epist. D. Simo∣nis Florilli.
	Iacobus Bo∣uellus. At Messina. An. 1559.	Iacobus Bouellus was likewise sent frō Geneua to the sayde parties of Calabria, with Aloisius, who also being sent for, vp to Rome, was sente downe to the Citye Messina, and there was martired. Ibidē.
Pope Pius the fourth.	Diuers that suffered in the kingdome of Naples. At Neaples An. 1560.	After Pope Iulius the third, came Mar∣cellus the second. Af∣ter him succeded pope Paul the fourth. This Paule being dead, fo∣lowed Pope Pius the fourth. Who being ad∣uaunced to ye rowme, began hoate persecu∣tion in all the territo∣ries of the Churche of Rome, agaynste them whyche were suspec∣ted for Lutheranes. Whereuppon ensued great trouble and per∣secution in the king∣dome of Neaples, in such cruell sorte, that many noble men with their wiues, & others are reported there to be slaine. Vide Pantali. lib. 11.
Pope Pius the fourth.	Lxxxviij. Martyrs in one day, with one butcherly knife, slaine like sheepe. 1600. o∣ther, also condemned. At Cala∣bria. An. 1560.	In Calabria like∣wise the same tyme, suffered a blessed nū∣ber of Christes wel∣beloued saintes, both old and yong, put to∣gether in one house, to the number of 88. persōs, al which, one after an other, were

taken out of the house, and so being layd vpon the but∣chers stall, like the shepe in the Shambles, wyth one bloudy knife, were all kil∣led in order. A Spectacle most tragicall, for all poste∣ritie to remember, and al∣most incredible to beleeue. Wherefore for the more credite of the matter, least we shall seeme eyther light of creadite, to beleeue that is not true, or rashly to committe to penne, thynges wythout due proofe and authoritie, wee haue heere annexed a peece of an Epistle, wrytten by mayster Symon Florillus preacher of Goddes woorde at the Citie Clauenna, among the Rhetians, vnto a cer∣taine friende of his, named Guliel. Gratalorus an Italian, and Doctoure of Phisicke, in the Uniuer∣sitie of Basill, whyche Gratalorus translated the same into the Latine tounge, and it is to be founde in the 11. booke of Pantal. pa. 337. the English wher∣of is thys as followeth.

*The ende of a certaine letter of master Symon Florellus, wrytten in Italian, concerning a lamen∣table slaughter of 88. Christian Saintes, in the parties of Calabria.

AS concerning newes, I haue nothing to wryte, but onely, that I sende you a Copie of certaine letters imprinted eyther at Rome,* 11.1 or at Venice, concerning the Martyrdome or persecuti∣on in two seuerall Townes of Calabria, eyghte Italyan myles from the borders of Consentia: the one called Sainte Six∣tus wythin two miles of Montalte, vnder the Seigniorie of the Duke of Montalte: the other called Guardia, situate vppon the Sea coaste, and 12. miles from S. Sixtus: the which two Townes are vtterly destroyed, and eight hundred of the inhabitantes there (or as some wryte from the Citie of Rome) no lesse then a full thousande. Hee that wrote the letter, was seruaunt to Ascanius Caracciolus. The countrey and people there I well knew, to take the first Original of their good doctrine, & honest life, frō the Val¦dēses. For before my departure frō Geneua at their request, I sent them two Schoolemaisters,* 11.2 and two preachers. The last yeare the two preachers were Martyred: the one at Rome, named Ioannes Aloisus Paschalis, a Citizen of Cunium: he other at Messina, na∣med Iames Bouel, both of Piedmont: This yeare the residue of that godly fellowshippe were Martyred, in the same place. I trust thys good seede sowen in Italie, will bringe foorthe good and plentifull fruite.

Now foloweth the copie of the letters sent from Mon∣talt, a towne in Calabria 8. miles distant from Consentia, bearing Date the 11. of Iune. 1560. The wryter of the which letters, as ye may perceiue, was one of them which call themselues Catholickes, and followers of the Pope. The woordes of the letter bee these, as heere vnder follo∣weth.

*Heere foloweth the Copie of a letter sent from Montalte in Calabria, by a Romanist, to a certayne frend of his in Rome, containing newes of the persecution of Christes people in Cala∣bria, by the newe Pope Pius the fourth.

HEtherto, most noble Lord, haue I certified you, what here dai∣ly hath bene done about these hereticks Now commeth next to signifie vnto your Lordshippe,* 12.1 the horrible iudgement begon thys present day, being the eleuenth of Iune, to bee executed ve∣ry earely in the mornyng againste the Lutheranes. Whyche when I thynke vppon, I verelye quake and tremble. And truely, the manner of theyr putting to deathe, was to be compared to the slaughter of calues and sheepe. For they being al thrust vp in one house together as in a sheepefolde, the executioner commeth in, and amongest them taketh one and blindfeldeth him wyth a muf∣fler about his eyes, & so leadeth him forth to a larger place near adioyning, where he commaundeth him to kneele downe, whych being so done, he cutteth his throte, & leauing him half dead, and taking his butchers knife and muffler all of gore bloud (which the Italians call Benda) commeth againe to the rest,* 12.2 & so leading one after an other, he dispatcheth them all, which were to the number of 88. This spectacle, to behold howe doleful and horrible it was, I leaue to your Lordshippes iudgement: for to wryte of it, I my selfe cannot but weepe. Neither was there any of the beholders there present, whiche seeing one to die, coulde abide to beholde the death of an other. But certesse so humbly and paciently they went to death, as is almost vncreadible to beleeue. Some of them as they were in dyinge,* 12.3 affirmed that they beleeued euen as wee doe. Notwithstanding, as the most part of them died in the same theyr obstinate opinions. All the aged persones wente to deathe more cheerfully, the younger were more timerous. I tremble and shake euen to remember how the executioner held his bloudie knife betweene his teethe, with the bloudy muffler in his hande, and his armes all in goare bloude vp to the elbowes, going to the folde, and taking euery one of them, one after an other, by the hande, and so dispatching them all, no otherwise then doeth a butcher kill his calues and sheepe.

It is moreouer appoynted (and the cartes be come all readie) that all those so put to death, shoulde be quartered, and so to bee conueied in the cartes to the hethermost parts of Calabria, where they shalbe hanged vppon poles in the high waies, and other pla∣ces, euen to the confines of the same country. Vnlesse the Popes holines & the Lord Viceroy of Neaples shall geue in commande∣ment to the Lord Marques of Buccianus, gouernour of the sayde prouince, to stay his hand, and go no further, he wil procede, with the racke and torture, examining al other, and so encrease the nū∣ber in such sorte, that he will nie dispatch them all.

This day it is also determined that an hūdreth of the more an∣cient women, should appeare to be examined and racked, and af∣ter to be put to death, that the mixture may be perfect, for so ma∣ny menne, so manye women. And thus haue you that I can say of this iustice. Nowe it is aboute two of the clocke in the afternoone: Shortly we shall heare what some of them sayde, when they went to execution. There be certaine of them so obstinate, that they will not looke vppon the crucifixe, nor be confessed to the priest, and they shall be burned aliue.

The heretickes that be apprehended and condemned, are to the number of 1600· but as yet no more but these foresayd 88. are already executed. This people haue theyr originall of the valley named Angronia, neare to Subaudia, and in Calabria, are called Vltramontani. In the kingdome of Neaples there are 4. other pla∣ces of the same people, of whome whether they liue well or no, as yet wee knowe not: For they are but simple people, ignoraunt, wythout learning, woode gatherers, and husbandmen: but as I heare, much deuout and religious, geuing themselues to die for religions sake. From Montealto, the 11. of Iune. And thus much wryteth this Romanist.

☞Here moreouer is to be noted, that the foresaid Mar∣ques Buccianus aboue specified, hadde a sonne or brother, vnto whome the sayde new Pope (Pius the fourth belike) is reported to haue promised a Cardinalshippe at Rome, if all the Lutherans were extirped and roted out in that pro∣uince. And like inough that the same was the cause of thys butcherly persecution and effusion of Christen bloud, in the said countrey of Calabria, beyond Neaples in Italy.

Besides these godly Italian Martyrs, in thys Table aboue contained, many other also haue suffred in the same countrey of Italie, of whome some before haue bene speci∣fied: some peraduenture omitted. But many moe there be, whose names we know not, wherof assoone as knowledge may be geuē vnto vs, we purpose God willing, to impart the same (louing reader) vnto thee.

☞Now in the meane time it foloweth (according to my promise made before) next after this lamētable slaughter of Calabria, here to insert also the tragical persecution & hor∣rible murder of the faithfull flocke of Christe inhabiting in Merindole in Fraunce, and in other townes adiacēt neere vnto the same, in the time of Franciscus .1. the french king. The furious crueltie of whiche miserable persecution, al∣though it can not be set foorth too muth at large, yet because we wil not weary too much the reader, with the ful length therof, we haue so contracted the same, especially the prin∣cipal effect therof we haue comprehended in such sorte, that as we on the one part haue auoided prolixitie: so on the o∣ther we haue omitted nothing, which might seme vnwor∣thy to be forgotten. The story here foloweth.

A notable historie of the persecution and destruction of the people of Merindol and Cabriers, the countrey of Pro∣uince: where, not a fewe persons, but whole Villages and Towneships with the most part of all the foresayde countrey, both men, women, and children, were put to all kind of cruelty, & suffered martyr∣dome, for the profession of the gospell.

THey that write of the beginning of this people, say that about CC. yeres ago,* 12.4 they came out of the Country of Piedmont, to inhabite in Prouince, in certaine Uillages,

destroyed by warres, and other desert places: Wherin they vsed such labour and diligence, that they had abundance of corne, wine, oyles, hony, almons, with other fruits & com∣modities of the earth, and muche cattell. Before they came thether,* 12.5 Merindol was a barren desert and not inhabited. But these good people (in whome God alwaies had reser∣ued some litle seede of pietie) being dispersed, and separa∣ted from the societie of men, were compelled to dwell with beasts, in that waste and wilde desert, which notwithstan∣ding, through the blessing of God, and their great laboure and trauel, became exceeding frutefull. Notwithstanding, the world in the meane time, so detested & abhorred them, and with all shamefull rebukes and contumelies, railed a∣gainst them in such despiteful maner, y^t it semed they were not worthy that the earth should beare them. For they, of a long continuance and custome, had refused the Byshop of Romes authoritie, and obserued euer a more perfect kinde of doctrine, then others, deliuered to them from the father to the sonne, euer since the yere of our Lord. 1200.

For this cause they were often accused & complained of to the king, as contemners & despisers of the magistrates and rebels. Wherefore they were called by diuers names according to the countreis and places where they dwelte. For in the country about Lyons, they were called the pore people of Lyons:* 12.6 In the borders of Sarmatia & Liuonia, and other countreis towards the North, they were called Lolards: In Flanders, and Artoys, Turrelupius, of a de∣sert where wolues did haunte: In Dolphine, with great despite, they were named Chagnardes, because they liued in places open to the Sunne, and without house or harbo∣rough. But most commonly they were called Waldoys, of Waldo,* 12.7 who first instructed them in y^e word of God: which name continued vntill the name of Lutheranes came vp, which aboue all other, was most hated, and abhorred.

Notwithstanding, in all these most spitefull contume∣lies ond sclaunders, the people dwelling at the foote of the Alpes, and also in Merindol & Cabriers, and the quarters thereabout, alwaies liued so godly, so vprightly and iustly y^t in al their life & conuersation, there appeared to be in thē a great feare of God. That little light of true knowledge whiche God had giuen them, they laboured by al meanes to kindle & encrease daily more & more, sparing no charges whether it were to procure bookes of the holy Scripture, or to instructe such as were of the best and moste towardly wits, in learning & godlinesse: or els to send thē into other countreis, yea euen to y^e farthest partes of the earth, where they had heard that any light of the gospel began to shine.

For in the yere 1530. vnderstanding that the gospel was preached in certaine townes of Germany & Switzerland, they sent thether 2. learned men, that is, Georgius Mau∣rellus borne in Dolphine, a godly preacher of their owne, and whome they had of their owne charges brought vp in learning, & Petrus Latomus a Burgundian, to conferre with the wise & learned ministers of the Churches there, in the doctrine of the gospel, and to know the whole forme and manner which those Churches vsed in the seruice and worshipping of God: and particularly to haue their aduise also, vppon certaine poynts, which they were not resolued in. These 2. after great conference had w^t the chiefest in the Churche of God, namely with Oecolampadius at Basill: at Strausburgh, with Bucer and Capito: and at Berne, w^t Bartholdus Hallerus: as they were returning thorow Burgundie, homewarde, Petrus Latomus was taken at Dyion, and caste into prison, Maurellus escaped & retur∣ned alone to Merindol, with the bookes and letters whych he brought with him, from the churches of Germanie, and declared to his brethren all the poynts of hys commission, and opened vnto them, how many and great errours they were in: into the which their olde Ministers, whome they called * 12.8 Barbes, that is to say, Uncles, had broughte them, leading them from the right way of true Religion.

When the people heard this, they were moued with such a zeale to haue their Churches reformed, that they sent for the moste ancient brethren, & the chiefest in knowledge and experience, of all Calabria & Apulia, to consult wyth them, touching the reformation of y^e Church. This matter was so handled, that it stirred vp the bishops, priests & monkes in all Prouince,* 12.9 with greate rage against them. Amongest other, there was one cruel wretch called Iohn de Roma, a monke, who obtaining a commissiō to examine those that were suspected to be of y^e Waldois or Lutheran profession, forthwith ceased not to afflict the faithful with all kinde of cruelty, y^t he could deuise or imagine. Amongest other most horrible torments,* 12.10 this was one, which he most delighted in, and most commōly practised: He filled bootes with boi∣ling grece, & put them vpon their legs, tying them backe∣ward to a forme, with their legges hanging downe ouer a small fire, and so he examined them. Thus he tormēted ve∣ry many, and in the ende, most cruelly put them to deathe.* 12.11 The first whome hee thus tormented, were Michelottus Serra, and W. Melius, with a number moe.

Wherfore Fraunces the French king being informed of the strange and outragious cruelty of this hellish monke: sent letters to the high Courte or Parlament of Prouince, y^e foorthwith he should be apprehended, & by forme of pro∣ces and order of law, he should be condemned, & aduertise∣ment sent vnto him w^t all spede, or his condemnation. The monke being aduertised heereof by his frendes, conueyed himselfe to Auinion, where hee thought to enioy the spoy∣lings, which he, like a notorious thefe, had gotten by fraud & extortion, from the pore Christians. But shortly after, he which had so shamefully spoiled other, was spoiled of alto∣gether, by his owne houshold seruants: Wherupon, short∣ly after, he fell sicke of a most horrible disease, straunge and vnknowen to any Phisition.* 12.12 So extreme were the paines & torments, wherwith he was continually vexed in al his body, that no oyntment, no fomētation, nor any thing els, could ease him one minute of an houre. Neither was there any man that could tary neare about him: ne yet wold any of his owne frendes come neare to him: so greate was the stinch that came from him. For the which cause he was ca∣ried from the Iacobines, to an hospitall, there to be kepte. But the stinche & infection, so encreased, that no man durst there come neare him: no nor he himself was able to abide the horrible stinch that ishued from his body, full of vlcers and sores, and swarming with vermin, and so rotten, that the flesh fell away from the bones, by peecemeale.

Whiles he was in these torments and anguish, he cried out oftētimes in great rage: Oh who wil deliuer me? who will kill and rid me out of these vntolerable paines, which I know, I suffer for the euils and oppressions that I haue done to the poore men? And he himselfe went about diuers times, to destroy hymselfe, but hee had not the power. In these horrible torments and anguish, and fearfull dispaire,* 12.13 this blasphemer and most cruel homicide, moste miserably ended his vnhappye daies and cursed life, as a spectacle to all persecutors, receiuing a iust reward of his crueltye by y^e iust iudgement of God. When he was dead, there was no man y^t would come nere him to bury him: but a yong no∣uice newly come to his order, in steade of a more honorable sepulture, caught hold w^t a hooke vpon his stinking carian & drew him into a hole hard by, which was made for hym.

After the death of this cruell monster, the bishop of Aix,* 12.14 by his Officiall Perionet, continued the persecution & put a great multitude of them in prison: of whom some by force of torments, reuolted from the truth: the others which cō∣tinued constant after he had condemned thē of heresy, were put into the hands of the ordinary iudge, which at y^• time, was one Meiranus, a notable cruel persecutor: who with out any forme of proces or order of law, such as the Official had pronoūced to be heretikes, he put to death, with most cruell tormēts: But shortly after, he receiued a iust reward of his crueltie, in like maner.

After the deathe of the good President Cusinetus,* 12.15 the Lord of Reuest being chief President of the Parliament of Aix, put many of the faithful to death. Who afterwarde be∣ing put out of his office, returned to his house of Reuest, where he was stroken with such an horrible sicknesse, that for the fury and madnes which he was in, hys wife or any that were about him, durst not come neare him, and so hee dying in this fury and rage, was iustly plagued for his vn∣mercifull and cruell dealing.

After him succeded Barthol. Cassaneus, likewise a pesti∣lent persecutor,* 12.16 whom God at length stroke with a fearful & sodeine death. In the time of this tyran, those of Merin∣dol, in the persone often, were cited personally to appeare before y^e kings atturny. But they hearing that y^e court had determined to burn them w^tout any further processe or or∣der of law, durst not appeare at y^e day apointed. For which cause the court awarded a cruel sentēce against Merindol,* 12.17 & condemned al the inhabitants, to be burned both men & women, sparing none, no not the litle children & infantes: the towne to be rased, & their houses beaten downe to the groūd: also the trees to be cut down, as wel oliue trees, as al other, and nothing to be left, to the entent it shuld neuer be inhabited again, but remaine as a desert or wildernesse.

This bloudye arrest or Decree seemed so straunge and wonderfull, that in euery place throughout all Prouince, there was great reasoning and disputation cōcerning the same, especially among the aduocates, and men of lerning & vnderstanding: in so muche that many durst boldly & o∣penly say, that they greatly marueiled, how that Court of parlamēt could be so mad, or so bewitched, to giue out such an arrest, so manifestly iniucious & vniust, and contrary to

all right and reason, yea to all sense of humanitie: also con∣trary to the solemne othe, which all such as are receiued to office in Courtes of Parliament, are accustomed to make, that is to say, to iudge iustly & vprightly, according to the law of God, and the iust ordinances & lawes of the realm, so that God therby might be honoured, and euery mannes right regarded without respect of persons.

Some of the aduocates or lawyers, defending the said Arrest to be iust and right, sayd: that in case of Lutheranis∣me, the iudges are not boūd to obserue either right or rea∣son,* 12.18 law either ordinance, and that the iudges can not faile or do amisse, whatsoeuer iudgement they do geue, so that it tend to the ruine and extirpation of all suche as are suspec∣ted to be Lutheranes.

To this the other lawyers and learned men answered, that vppon theyr sayings it woulde insue, that the Iudges should now altogether folowe the same maner and forme, in proceeding against the Christians accused to be Luthe∣ranes, which the gospell witnesseth that the Priests, Scri∣bes, and Pharises followed, in pursuing and persecutyng, and finally condemning our Lord Iesus Christ.

By these & such other like talkes y^e said arrest was pub∣lished throughout the country, and there was no assemble or banket where it was not disputed or talked of: & name∣ly within 12. dayes after the Arrest was geuen oute, there was a great banket in the towne of Aix,* 12.19 at the whych ban∣ket was present M. Barthelmew Chassanee, President, & many other Councellers and other noble personages and men of authority. There was also the Archb. of Aries and the bishop of Aix, with diuers ladies and gentlewomen, amongst whom was one which was commonly reported to be the bishop of Aix his concubine. They wer scarse wel set at the table, but she began thus to talke. My Lord Pre∣sident,* 12.20 will you not execute the arrest, which is geuen out of late, against the Lutheranes of Merindoll? The Presi∣dent aunswered nothing, faining that hee hearde her not. Then a certaine gentleman asked of her what Arrest that was. Shee recited it in maner and forme, as it was geuen out, forgetting nothing, as if she had a long time, studied to commit the same vnto memorye: Whereunto they whyche were at the banket gaue diligent eare without any woorde speaking, vntill she had ended her tale.

Then the lord of Alenc, a man fearing God, and of great vnderstanding,* 12.21 said vnto her: gentlewomā, you haue lear∣ned this tale, either of some that wold haue it so, or els it is geuen out by some parliament of women. Then the lord of Senas an ancient counsailor, said vnto him, no, no, my L. of Alenc, it is no tale which you haue hard this gentlewo∣man tell: for it is an arrest geuen out by a whole Senate, & you ought not thus to speake, except you woulde call the court of Prouince a parliament of women. Then the L. of Alenc began to excuse hymselfe, wyth protestation, that hee wold not speake any thing to blemish the authority of that soueraigne court, notwithstanding he could not beleue all that which the sayd gentlewoman had tolde, that is to say, that all the inhabitants of Merindoll were condemned to die by y^e Arrest of the said court of parliament of Prouince, and specially the women & little children and infants: and the town to be rased, for the fault of 10. or 12. persons which did not appere before the saide court at the day appoynted. And the Lord Beauieu also answered, that he beleued not the sayde courte to haue geuen out any such Arrest,* 12.22 for that (said he) were a thing most vnreasonable, and suche as the very Turkes and the most tyrannes of the worlde would iudge to be a thing most detestable: and sayde further, that he had knowen a long time many of Merindol, which see∣med vnto him to be men of great honesty: and my L. Pre∣sident (said he) can certify vs wel what is done in this ma∣ter, for we oughte not to geue credite vnto womens tales. Then the gentlewoman which had rehersed y^e arrest, stai∣ed not to heare the Presidents answer, but sodenly loking vpon the B. of Aix, said: I should greatly haue marueiled, if there had bene none in all this company whyche woulde defend these wicked men, and lifting her eyes to heauen in a great womanly chafe and fume, sayd: would to God that all the Lutheranes which are in Prouince, yea, and in all Fraunce,* 12.23 had hornes growing on theyr forheads, then we should see a goodly many of hornes. To whome the Lorde Beauieu sodenly answered, saying, would to God that all priests harlots should chatter like Pies. Then said the gē∣tlewoman: ha my L. Beauieu, you ought not so to speake against our holy mother the church, for that there was ne∣uer dogge y^t barked against the crucifixe, but that he waxed madde. Whereat the Bishop of Aix laughed, and clapping the gentlewoman on the shoulder, sayd, by my holy orders my minion, wel said, I conne you thanke, She hath talked wel vnto you, my Lord Beauieu, remember wel the lesson that shee hath geuen you. Heere the Lorde Beauieu being wholy moued w^t anger, sayde, I care neyther for her schole nor yours, for it would be long before a man should learne of either of you both, any honesty or honour: For if I shuld say that the most part of the bishops and priests are abho∣minable adulterers, blind idolaters, deceiuers, theeues, se∣ducers, I should not speake against the holy church, but a∣gainst a heape and flocke of wolues, dogs, and filthy swine in speaking these thinges, I would thinke a man not to be mad at all, except he be mad for speaking of the truth.

Then the Archbishop in a great iurie answered, my L. Beauieu, you speake very euil, and you must geue account when time and place serueth, of this your talke, which you haue here vttered against the Church men. I would, sayde the Lord Beauieu that it were to do euen this present day, and I wold binde my selfe to prooue more abuses & naugh∣tinesse in Priestes then I haue yet spoken. Then sayde the President Chassinee, my Lorde Beauieu, lette vs leaue of this talke and liue as our fathers haue done, and maintain theyr honour. Then sayde hee in a greate anger, I am no Priestes sonne to maintaine their wickednes••e and abuse. And afterward he sayde, I am well content to honour all true pastors of the church, and will not blame them which shew good example in their doctrine and liuing: but I de∣maund of you my Lord of Arles, and you my Lord of Aix, when as our Lord Iesus Christ called the Priestes decei∣uing hypocrites, blind seducers, robbers and theeues, did he them any outrage or wrong? and they answered no, for the most part of them were such men.* 12.24 Then sayd the Lord Beauieu, euen so is it with the bishops and priests which I haue spoken of, for they are suche kinde of men, or rather worse: and I so abhorre their filthy and abhominable life, that I dare not speake the one halfe of that which I know, and therfore in speaking the truth, to coole the babling of a harlot, I do them no iniurie.

Then monsieur de Senas an auncient counsailor, sayd, let vs leaue of this contentious talke, for we are here assē∣bled & come together to make good chere. And afterwarde he said, monsieur de Beauieu, for the loue and amity which I beare vnto you, I will aduertise you of 3. things, which if you will do, you shall finde great ease therein.

The first is, that you neither by worde nor deede, aide or assist those which you heare to be Lutheranes.

Secondly, y^t you do not entermeddle, openly to reproue ladies and gentlewomen for their pastime and pleasures.

Thirdly, that you doe neuer speake against the life and liuing of * 12.25 Priests, howe wicked so euer it be, according to this saying: Do not touch mine annoynted.

To whom monsieur Beauieu answered, as touching y^e first poynt, I know no Lutherans, neither what is meant by this word Lutheranisme, except you do call them Luthe∣rans, which professe the doctrine of the gospel. Neither yet will I euer allowe any Arrest which shall be geuen out to death against men whose cause hath not bene heard, especi∣ally, against women and yong infantes: and I am assured that there is no Court of parliament in all Fraunce which will approoue or allowe any such arrest. And where as you say that I shuld not meddle to reproue ladies or gētlewo∣men, if I knewe any kinswoman of mine, which would a∣bandone her selfe vnto a priest or clerke,* 12.26 yea albeit he were a cardinal or bishop, I would not do her so much honor as to rebuke her therfore, but at the least I would cutte of her nose. And as touching priestes, as I am contented not to meddle with their busines, so likewise I will not that they meddle with mine heereafter, or come from henceforth w^t∣in my house: For as many as I shall finde or take there, I wil set their crownes so nere their sholders, that they shal nede no more to weare any hoodes about their necks. The like also said the President Chassanee.

Then the byshop of Aix his sweete heart,* 12.27 which had be∣gon the quarell, said, I shal not be in quiet, except I speake yet one word more vnto monsieur Beauieu. Do you think sayd she vnto hym, that all the Cardinals, Byshops, Ab∣bots, Priestes, and all those holy religious men which goe oftentimes to gentlemens houses, and haunte the Castels and palaces of Princes and noblemen, that they go thither to commit wickednesse? Also you must not thinke euil of al those ladies and gentlewemen, that go to Bishops houses of deuotion, and for to reueale those whome they know to be Lutherans, as it was commaunded in the pulpitte vp∣pon payne of Excommunication: If so be you will main∣taine those wordes, I will not cease to accuse you of crime, and also of Treason both to God and to man: for heere be those in this companie, which shall make you geue an ac∣compt thereof. Shee had not so soone ended her talke, but Monsieur Beauieu sayde vnto her, auaunte O Herodias,* 12.28 thou filthy and impudent harlot: is it thy part to open thy

mouth to talke in this cōpany? Doest thou well vnderstād and knowe what treason to God and man meaneth?* 12.29 Is it not sufficient for thee to be as thou arte, but thou must sol∣licite other to shed innocent bloude? With these words the Gentlewoman was somewhat amased. All men thought that this talke had bene at an end, and euery man began to inuent some mery communication, that the former matter should be no more talked of.

At the last, the gentlewoman aduising her self, and thin∣king that she was to much iniured, to be sayd, that she wēt about to shed the innocent bloud, she brake of al their talk, and with a loud voice sayde, Monsieur Beauieu, if I were a man,* 12.30 as I am a woman, I would offer you the combate, to prooue that I am no such manner of woman as you say I am, that I desire to shed innocent bloud. Do you call the bloude of these wicked men of Merindoll, innocent bloud? True it is that I desire and offer with my whole power, that these naughty packes of Merindol, & such like as they are, shoulde be slaine and destroyed, from the greatest euen vnto the least.* 12.31 And for to see the beginning of thys worke, I haue emploied all my credite, and all my frends, and do not spare, neither body nor goods, to worke the ruine & de∣struction of these people, and to rase out, and to deface their memorie from amongest men. Doe you then Monsieur Beauieu, call the slaughter of these Lutherans, the effusion of innocent bloude? And say you what you will, I wil not refraine for no man liuing, to goe either by day eyther by night, vnto the houses of Bishops, in all * 12.32 honesty and ho∣nor, for the deuotion which I beare vnto our holy * 12.33 mother the church, and also I wil receiue into my house, all religi∣ous men, to cōsult and deuise the meanes how to put these Lutherans to death. But as Monsieur Beauieu tooke no more regarde vnto her talke, so likewise al that were at the table, dispraised her and were weary of her prating.

Then there was a certaine younge gentleman, whych merely iesting, said vnto her: Gentlewomā, it must nedes be that these poore people, vnto whome you doe wish thys cruell death,* 12.34 haue done you some great displeasure. Then sayd she, I may well take an othe, that I neuer knewe one of those wretched people, neither (that I wot of) euer sawe any of them. And I had rather to meete 10. deuils, then one of those naughty knaues: for theyr opinions are so detesta∣ble, that happy and blessed are they, which neuer heard tell of them. And I was not then wrll aduised, at what time. by curiositie I seeing the Bishop of Aix so muche troubled and angry, that he could not eate nor drinke, did desire him and constraine him to tell me the cause thereof. Then hee perceiuing that I would not be wel contented if he should not tel me,* 12.35 declared vnto me some part of the cause: that is to say, that there was certaine heretickes, whyche spake a∣gainst our holy mother the churche, and amonge other er∣rours, they maintained, yea to death, that all Bishoppes, Priests, & pastors ought to be maried, or els to be gelded: and hearing this, I was maruellously offended, and euer since I did hate them to the death. And also it was enioy∣ned vnto me by penaunce, that I should endeuour with al my power, to putte these heretickes to death. After these friuolous talkes, there was great trouble and debate a∣mongst them, and many threatnings, which were too long here to describe.

* 12.36Then the President Chassance, and the Coūcellers par∣ted aside, and the Gentlemen went on the other part. The Archbishop of Arles, the Bishop Aix, and diuers Abbots, Priors, and others, assembled them selues together, to cō∣sult how this Arrest might be executed with all speede, en∣tending to raise a newe persecution, greater then that of Iohn the Iacobine Monke of Rome: For otherwise (sayd they) our state and honour is like to decay. We shall be re∣prooued, contemned, and derided of all menne. And if none should thus vaunt and set themselues against vs, but these pesantes, and such lyke, it were but a smal matter: but ma∣ny Doctours of Diuinitie, and men of the religious order, diuers Senatours and Aduocates, many wise and well learned men: also a great parte of the nobilitie (if we may so say) and that of great renoume,* 12.37 yea euen of the cheefest Peeres in all Europe, begyn to contemne and despise vs, counting vs to be no true pastours of the church: so that except we see to this mischiefe, and prouide for remedie be∣time, it is greatly to be feared, least not onely wee shall be compelled to forsake our dignities, possessiōs and liuings, which we now wealthely enioy, but also the church being spoiled of her pastors and guides, shall hereafter come to a miserable ruine and vtter desolation. Thys matter there∣fore now requireth great diligēce and circumspection, and that withall celeritie.

Then the Archbishop of Arles, not forgetting his Spa∣nish subtilties and pollicies, gaue his aduise, as foloweth. Against the nobilitie we must (sayde he) take heede that we attempt nothing rashly: but rather, we must seeke all the meanes we cā, how to please them, for they are our shield, our fortresse and defence. And albeit we knowe that many of them doe both speake & thinke euill of vs, and that they are of these new gospellers, yet may we not reprooue them to exasperate them in any case: but seeing they are too much bent against vs already, we must rather seeke how to win them, and to make them our frendes againe, by giftes and presents: and by this pollicie, we shall liue in safetie vnder their protection. But if wee enterprise any thing againste them, sure we are to gaine nothing thereby, as we are by experience already sufficiently taught.

It is well sayd, sayth the Byshop of Aix: but I canne shew you a good remedy for this disease.* 12.38 We must go about withall our endeuor, power, and policie, and al the frends we canne make, sparing no charges, but spending goodes, wealth and treasure, to make suche a slaughter of the Me∣rindolians, and rusticall pesantes, that none shalbe so bold hereafter, what soeuer they be, yea although they be of the bloud royal, once to open their mouthes against vs, or the Ecclesiasticall state. And to bring this matter to passe, wee haue no better way, then to withdrawe our selues to Aui∣nion, in the which Citie we shal finde many Bishops, Ab∣bots, and other famous men, which will with vs,* 12.39 employ their whole endeuor, to maintaine and vphold the maiestie of our holy mother the Church. This counsaile was well liked of them all. Wherupon the sayd Archbishop of Arles and the Bishop of Aix, went withall speede, to Auinion, there to assemble, out of hand, the Bishops and other men of authoritie and credite, to entreate this matter. In thys pestilent conspiracie the Bishop of Aix, a stoute champion and a great defender of the traditions of men, taking vp∣pon hym to be the chiefe Oratour, beganne in manner as followeth.

O Yee fathers and brethren,* 12.40 yee are not ignoraunt that a great tempest is raised vp against the little barke of Christe Iesus, nowe in great danger and ready to pearish. The storme commeth from the North, whereof all these troubles proceede. The seas rage, the waters rushe in on euery side, the windes blowe & beate vpon our house, and wee, without speedy remedy, are like to su∣staine shippewracke, and losse of alltogether. For oblations cease, pilgrimage and deuotion waxeth colde, charitie is cleane gone, our estimation and authoritie is abased, our iurisdiction decaied, and the ordinaunces of the churche despised. And wherefore are we sette and ordained ouer nations and kingdomes, but to roote out and destroy, to subuert and ouerthrow, whatsoeuer is against our holy mother the Churche? Wherefore let vs now awake lette vs stande stoutly in the right of our owne possession, that we may roote out from the memorie of men for euer the whole route of the wicked Lutheranes: those Foxes (I say) whiche destroye the vineyard of the Lorde: those great Whales, which goe aboute to drowne the little barke of the sonne of God. We haue already wel begonne, and haue procured a terrible Arrest against these cursed heretickes of Merindoll: nowe then resteth no more but onelye the same to be put in execution. Let vs therefore employe oure whole endeuour, that nothyng happen whych may lette or hinder that we haue so happely begon, and lette vs take good heede, that our gold and siluer do not witnesse agaynst vs at the day of iudge∣ment, if we refuse to bestowe the same,* 12.41 that we may make so good a sacrifice vnto God. And for my parte, I offer to wage & furnishe of mine owne costes and charges, a 100. men well horsed, with al other furniture to them belonging, and that so long, vntill the vt∣ter destruction and subuersion of these wretched and curssed cai∣tiffes, be fully performed and finished.

This Oration pleased the whole multitude, sauing one doctor of diuinitie, a frier Iacobine, named Bassinet, who then answered againe with this Oration.

This is a weyghty matter (sayd he) and of great importaunce:* 12.42 We muste therefore proceede wisely and in the feare of God, and beware that we do nothing rashly. For if we seeke the deathe and destruction of these poore and miserable people wrongfully, whē the King and the Nobilitie shall heare of suche an horrible slaugh∣ter, we shall be in great daunger, least they doe to vs as we reade in the Scriptures, was done to the priestes of Baal. For my parte, I must say and vnfainedly confesse, that I haue too rashly and light∣ly signed many processes against those, which haue bene accused of hereticall doctrine: but nowe I do protest before God, whyche seeth and knoweth the hearts of men, that seeing the lamentable end and effect of mine assigments, I haue had no quietnesse in my conscience, considering that the secular iudges, at the reporte of the iudgement and sentence, geuen by mee, and other Doctours my companions, haue condemned all those vnto most cruel death whome wee haue iudged to bee heretickes.* 12.43 And the cause why in conscience I am thus disquieted, is this, that now of late since I haue geuē my self more diligently to the reading & cōtēplatiō

of the holy scriptures: I haue perceiued that the most part of those Articles which they that are called Lutheranes doe maintayne, are so conformable and agreeing to the Scriptures,* 12.44 that for my part, I can no longer gainesay them, except I should euen wilful∣ly and maliciously resist and striue against the holy ordinances of God. Al be it hetherto, to maintaine the honour of our holy mo∣ther the Churche, and of our holy father the Pope, and of our or∣der, I haue consented to the opinions, & doings of the other Do∣ctours, as well through ignoraunce, as also because I woulde not seeme to attempt any thing against the will and pleasure of the Prelates and Vicares generall: But now it seemeth vnto mee that wee ought not any more to proceede in this matter, as wee haue done in time past. It shall be sufficient to punish them, with fines or to banish them, which shall speake too intemperately, or rash∣ly against the constitutions of the Churche, and of the Pope: and such as shall be manifestly conuicted by the holy Scriptures, to be blasphemers or obstinate heretickes, to be condemned to deathe according to the enormity of the crimes or errours, or els to per∣petuall prisone. And this my aduise and counsaile I desire you to take in good part.

With this counsaile of Bassinet, al the company was of∣fended, but especially the Bish. of Aix, who lifting vp his voyce aboue all the rest, sayd thus vnto hym: O thou man of litle faith,* 12.45 whereof art thou in doubt? Doest thou repent thee of that thou haste well done? Thou haste tolde heere a tale that smelleth of fagottes and brimstone. Is there any differēce (thinkest thou) betwene herisies and blasphemies spoken and mainteined againste the holy Scriptures: and opinions holden against our holy mother the Church, and contrary to our holy father the Pope, a most vndouted and true God in earth?* 12.46 Art thou a maister in Israel, and knowest not these things? Then said the Bishop of Arles, could any man entreat better of the little Barke of Christ Iesus, then my Lorde of Aix hath done? Then stoode vp Bassinet agayne, and made thys Oration.

It is true, that my Lorde the Bishop of Aix hathe very well set out the manners and state of the Clergie,* 12.47 and hath aptly reproo∣ued the vices and heresies of this present time: and therefore so soone as mention was made of the shippe of Christ Iesus, it came in my minde first of all, of the high Bishop of Hierusalem, the Prie∣stes, the Doctours of the lawe, the Scribes and Phariseys, whyche sometime had the gouernaunce of this shippe, being ordeined pa∣stours in the Church of God. But when they forsooke the lawe of God, and serued him with mennes inuentions and traditions, he destroyed those Hypocrites in his great indignation: and hauing compassion and pitie vppon the people, which were lyke sheepe without a shepheard, hee sent diligent fishers to fishe for menne: faithfull workemen into his haruest, and labourers into hys vine∣yeard, which shall all bring foorth true fruites in their season. Se∣condly, considering the purpose and entent of the reuerent Lord Bishop of Aix, I called to minde the saying of the Apostle in his ••. Epistle and 4. chapter vnto Timothe: That in the latter daies, some shall fall away from the faith, following after deceitfull spi∣rites, and the doctrine of deuils. And the Apostle geueth a marke whereby a man shall know them. Likewise our Lord Iesus Christ, in the 7. chapter of Mathew, sayeth, That the false Prophetes shall come, clothed in sheepes skinnes, but inwardly they are rauening Wolues: and by their fruites they shall be knowen. By these two and diuers such other places, it is easy to vnderstand, who are they that goe about to drowne this little barke of Christ.* 12.48 Are they not these which fill the same wyth filthy and vncleane thinges? With mire and dirt? with puddle and stinking water? Are they not those which haue forsaken Iesus Christe, the fountaine of liuing water, and haue digged vnto them selues pittes or cesternes whych will holde no water? Truely euen those they are, which vaunt them∣selues to be the salte of the earth, and yet haue no sauour at all: which cal them selues pastours, & yet are nothing lesse then true pastours, for they minister not vnto the shepe the true pasture and feeding, neither deuide and distribute the true bread of the word of life. And (if I may be bolde to speake it) would it not be at this present, as a great wonder to heare a Bishop preache, as to see an Asse flie? Are not they curssed of God whych glorye and vaunte them selues to haue the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, and nei∣ther enter in them selues,* 12.49 nor suffer them that wold enter, to come in? They may be knowen right well by their fruites: for they haue forsaken faith, iudgement and mercy, & there is no honest, cleane, or vndefiled thing in them, but their habite, theyr rochet, & theyr surplesse and such other: Outwardly they are exceeding neat and trimme, but wythin they are full of al abhomination, rauine, glut∣tonie,* 12.50 filthy luste, and all manner of vncleannesse. They are like painted sepulchers, which outwardly appeare beautifull & faire, but wythin they are full of filth and corruption. A man shal know (I say) these rauening Wolues, by their fruites, which deuour the quicke and the dead, vnder the pretence of long prayer: and for so much as I am enforced to geue place to the trueth, and that you call me a Maister in Israel, I will not be afraide to prooue by the holy Scriptures, that your great Pilot and patrone the Pope,* 12.51 and the Bishops the mariners, and such others, which haue impudent∣ly forsaken the shippe of Christ Iesus, to embarke them selfe in Pi∣nises and Brigandines, are pyrates and robbers of the Sea, false Prophetes, deceiuers and not true pastours of the Church of Ie∣sus Christ.

Whē Doctor Bassinet had thus frely and boldly vttered hys minde: the whole multitude beganne to gather about him, and spitefully railed at hym. But the bishoppe of Aix aboue other, raging and crying out, as hee had bene mad: get thee out saide he, from amongst vs, thou wicked Apo∣stata: thou art not worthy to be in this company. We haue burned daily a great manye, which haue not so well deser∣ued it, as thou hast. We may now perceiue y^t there is none more stedfast and feruent in the faith, then the doctors of y^e canon law. And therefore it were necessary to be decreed in the next generall councell,* 12.52 that none should haue to doe in matters of religion, but they alone: For these knaues and beggerly Monkes and Friers will bring all to noughte. Then the other doctors of the same order, boldly reproued the bish. of Aix, for the iniurie that he had done vnto them: After this, there rose a great dissention amongest them: in so muche that there was nothing at that time determined. After dinner all these reuerent prelates assembled together againe, but they suffered neither Frier nor Monke to be a∣mongest them except he were an Abbot. In thys assemble they made a generall composition, confirmed with an oth, that euery man shoulde endeuour hym selfe, that the sayde Arrest of Merindol should be executed withall expedition, euery man offring to furnish out men of warre, according to his habilitie.* 12.53 The charge wherof was geuen to the Bi∣shop of Aix and to the President of the Canons, to sollicite the matter, and to perswade by al meanes possible, the pre∣sidents and Counsellers of the said Court of Parliament, without feare or doubte, to execute the sayde Arrest, wyth drummes, ensignes, displaide, artillerie, and all kinde of furniture of warre.

This conspiracie being concluded and determined, the Bishop of Aix departed incontinent from Auinion, to goe vnto Aix, to performe y^e charge, which was geuen to hym. Notwithstanding they desired him to be the next day after the Counsell was holden, at a bankette whych shoulde be made at the house of the Bishop of Rieux. To thys banket such as were knowen to be the fairest and most beautifull women in all Auinion, were called to refreshe and solace these good Prelates, after the greate paines and trauayle which they had taken for our holy mother the Church. Af∣ter they had dined, they fell to dauncing, playing at dice, and such other pastimes as are commonly wont to be fre∣quented at the bankets and feastes of these holy Prelates. After this, they walked abroade to solace them selues, and to passe the time till supper.

As they passed thorowe the streetes, euery one leadyng his Minion vpon his arme, they sawe a man whych solde baudie Images and pictures,* 12.54 with filthie rimes and Bal∣lets annexed to the same, to moue and sturre vp the people to whoredome, and knauerie. All these goodly Pictures were bought vp by the Bishops: which were as many as a Mule coulde well carie. And if there were anye obscure sentence, or hard to vnderstand, in those rimes or ballets, the same these learned Prelates did readely expounde, and laughed presently thereat. In the same place, as they wal∣ked alōg, there was a bookeseller which had set out to sale, certaine Bibles in Frenche and Latine, with diuers other Bookes, whyche when the Prelates behelde,* 12.55 they were greatly mooued thereat, and said vnto him: Darest thou be so hardy to set out such marchādise to sel here in this town? Doest thou not know that such bookes are forbidden? The bokeseller answered, is not the holy Bible as good as these goodly pictures, which you haue bought for these Gentle∣wemen? He had skarce spoken these words, but the bishop of Aix sayd, I renounce my part of Paradise if this fellowe be not a Lutherane. Let him be taken (sayd he) and exami∣ned what he is, and incontinently the bookeseller was ta∣ken and caried vnto prison, and spitefully handled: For a company of knaues and ruffians, which waited vpon the Prelates, began to crye out, a Lutherane, a Lutherane, to the fire with him, to the fire with him, and one gaue hym a blow with his fist, another pulled him by the hear, & other by the beard, in such sorte, that the poore man was all em∣brued with bloud, before that he came vnto prison.

The morow after he was brought before the iudges, in y^e presence of the bishops, wheras he was examined in this forme as followeth. Hast not thou set foorth to sale the Bi∣ble and the new Testament in French? The prisoner aun∣swered,

that he had so done. And being demanded whether he vnderstood or knew not that it was forbidden through∣out all Christendome, to print or sel the Bible in any other language, then in Latin: he aunswered, that he knewe the contrary, and that he had sold many Bibles in the French tong,* 12.56 with y^e Emperors priuiledge, and many other prin∣ted at Lions: also new testaments, imprinted by the kings priuiledge. Furthermore he sayde, that he knew no nation throughout all Christendome, which had not the holy scri∣ptures in their vulgare toung: and afterward with a bold courage thus he spake vnto them. O you inhabitants of Auinion, are you alone in all Christendome? those men which do despise and abhorre the Testament of the heauē∣ly father: Wil you forbid and hide that which Iesus Christ hath commaunded to be reuealed and published? Do you not know that our Lord Iesus Christ gaue power vnto his Apostles, to speake all maner of toungs, to this ende, that his holy Gospell should be taught vnto all creatures, in euery language? And why do you not forbid those bookes and pictures, which are full of filthines and abho∣mination, to moue & stirre vp the people to whoredome, and to vncleannes, and to prouoke Gods vengeance and great indignation vpon you all? what greater blasphemy can there be, then to forbid Gods most holy bookes which he ordeined to instruct the ignoraunt, and to reduce and bring againe into the way such as are gone astray? What cruelty is this, to take away from the poore sely soules their nourishment and sustenance? But my Lordes, you shall geue an heauie accompt, which call sweete sower, and sower sweete, whiche mainteine abhominable and dete∣stable bookes and pictures, and reiect that which is holy.

Then the Bishop of Aix and the other Bishops, began to rage, and gnashed their teeth against this poore priso∣ner. What neede you (said they) any more examination? let him be sent straight vnto y^e fire, without any more words. But the Iudge Laberius and certaine others were not of that mind, neither founde they sufficient cause, why to put him to death, but went about to haue him put vnto hys fine, and to make him confesse & acknowledge the Byshop of Aix and other his companions, to be the true pastors of the Church. But the bookeseller aunswered, that he could not do it with a good conscience, forsomuch as he did see before his eies, y^t these Byshops mainteined filthy bookes and abhominable pictures, reiecting and refusing the holy bookes of God, and therefore he iudged them rather to be the Priests of Bacchus and Uenus, then the true pastors of the Church of Christ. Whereupon he was immediately condemned to be burned, and the sentence was executed y^e very same day:* 12.57 And for a signe or token of the cause of hys condemnation, he caried two Bibles hanging about hys necke, the one before, & the other behind him: but this pore man had also the word of God in his hart & in his mouth, and ceased not continually by the way, vntill that he came to the place of execution, to exhort and monish the people to reade the holy Scriptures: in so much that diuers were thereby mooued to seeke after the truth. The Prelates see∣ing a great dissention amongst the people of Auinion, and that many murmured and grudged against them for the death of this good man, and also for the dishonour which they had done vnto the holy Testament of God, minding to put the people in a feare, they proceeded the next day to make a proclamatiō by the sound of a Trumpet,* 12.58 through∣out the whole towne and Countie of Uenice, that all such as had any bookes in the French tongue intreating vpon the holy Scriptures, should bring them foorth, and deli∣uer them into the hands of the Commissioners, appointed for that purpose: contrarywise, they which had any suche bookes found about them, should be put to death.

Then after that these Prelates had taken aduise to raise great persecution in Uenice, the Bishop of Aix returned to prosecute the executiō of the arrest against Merindol, tra∣uelling earnestly with the President Cassaneus, to that ef∣fect:* 12.59 declaring vnto him the good will of the Prelates of Auinion and Prouince, & the great affectiō they bare both to him and his, with many faire promises, if he would put the Arrest in execution. The President aunswered hym, that it was no small matter to put the Arrest of Merin∣doll in execution. Also that the saiyd Arrest was geuen out more to keepe y^e Lutheranes in feare, which were a great number in Prouince, then to execute it in effect, as it was conteined in the sayd Arrest. Moreouer, he said that the ar∣rest of Merindoll was not definitiue, and that the lawes and statutes of the realme, did not permit y^e executiō there∣of, without further processe. Then said the Bishop, if there he either lawe or statute which doth hinder or let you, we cary in our sleeues to dispence therwithall. The President answered, it were a great sinne to shed the innocent bloud. Then sayd the Byshop, the bloud of them of Merindoll be vpon vs and vpon our successours. Then said the Pre∣sident.* 12.60 I am very well assured that if the Arrest of Merin∣doll be put in execution, the kyng will not be well pleased to haue such destruction made of his subiectes. Then sayd the Bishop, although the kyng at the first, do thinke it euil done, we will so bring it to passe, that within a short space, he shall thinke it well done: For we haue y^e Cardinals on our side, & specially the most reuerent Cardinall of Tour∣non, the which will take vpō him the defence of our cause,* 12.61 and we can doe him no greater pleasure, then vtterly to roote out these Lutheranes: so that if we haue any neede of his coūsaile or ayde, we shall be wel assured of him: And is not he the principall, the most excellent & prudēt aduer∣sary of these Lutheranes, which is in all Christendome?

By this & such other like talke, the Byshop of Aix per∣suaded the Presidēt & Counsellours of the Court of Par∣liament, to put the sayd Arrest in execution, and by this meanes through the authoritie of the sayd Court, the drum was sounded throughout all Prouince, y^t Captaines were prepared with their Ensignes displayd,* 12.62 and a great num∣ber of footemē and horsemen, began to set forward & mar∣ched out of the towne of Aix, in order of battell, well horsed and furnished agaynst Merindoll, to execute the Arrest. The inhabitauntes of Merindoll beyng aduertised here∣of, and seyng nothyng but present death to be at hād, with great lamentation, commended themselues & their cause vnto God by prayer, makyng thēselues ready to be mur∣thered and slayne as sheepe led vnto the butchery.

Whiles they were at this greeuous distresse pitiously mournyng and lamentyng together,* 12.63 the father with the sonne, the daughter with y^e mother, the wife with the hus∣band, sodenly there was newes brought vnto them, that the army was retired, and no mā knew at that tyme, how or by what meanes: notwithstandyng afterward it was knowen, that the Lord of Alenc, a wise man & learned in the Scriptures & in Ciuill law, beyng moued with great zeale and loue of iustice, declared vnto the Presidēt Chas∣sanee, that he ought not so to proceede agaynst the inhabi∣tantes of Merindoll by way of force of armes, contrary to all forme and order of iustice, without iudgement or con∣demnation, or without making any differēce betwene the gilty & the vngilty. And furthermore he sayd, I desire you my Lord Presidēt, call to remēbraunce the counsell which you haue written in your booke,* 12.64 entituled Catalogus gloriae mundi, in the which booke you haue intreated and brought forth the processes whiche were holden agaynst the Rats, by the officers of the Court and iurisdiction of the Byshop of Authun. For as it happened, there was almost through out all the Bailiwyke of Laussois, such a great number of Rats, that they destroyed and deuoured all the corne of the coūtrey. Wherupon they tooke counsell to send vnto y^e By∣shop of Authuns Official, for to haue the Rats excommu∣nicate. Whereupon it was ordeined & decreed by the sayd Officiall, after he had heard the plaintife of the Procurator fiscall, that before he would proceede to excommunication, they should haue admonition, and warning, accordyng to the order of iustice. For this cause it was ordeined, that by the sound of a trūpet, & open proclamation made through∣out all y^e streetes of the towne of Authun, the Rats should be cited to appeare within three dayes: and if they did not appeare: then to proceede agaynst them.

The three dayes were passed, & the Procurator came into the Court agaynst the rats, & for lacke of appearaūce, obteyned default: by vertue whereof he required that they would proceede to the excōmunication. Wherupon it was iudicially acknowledged, that the said Rats beyng absent, should haue their Aduocate appointed them to heare their defence, for somuch as y^e question was for y^e whole destru∣ctiō & banishyng of the sayd Rats.* 12.65 And you my Lord Pre∣sidēt beyng at that tyme the kynges Aduocate at Authun, were then chosen to be the Aduocate to defend the Rattes. And hauyng takē the charge vpō you in pleadyng y^e mat∣ter, it was by you there declared that the citatiō was of no effect, for certaine causes & reasons by you there alledged. Then was it decreed that the sayd Rats should be once a∣gaine cited, throughout the Parishes whereas they were. Then after the citatiōs were duely serued, the Procurator came agayne into the Court as before, & there it was al∣ledged by you my Lord President, how that y^e terme of ap∣pearaunce geuen vnto the Rats was to short, & that there were so many Cats in euery Towne and Uillage as they should passe through, that they had iust cause to be absent.* 12.66

Wherfore my Lord Presidēt, you ought not so lightly to proceede agaynst these poore mē, but you ought to looke vpon the holy Scriptures, and there you shall finde how you ought to proceede in this matter: and you my Lord,

haue alleged many places of the Scripture concerning the same, as appeareth more at large in your sayd booke, and by this plea of a matter which seemeth to be but of small importance, you haue obteined great fame and honour, for the vpright declaration of the maner & forme, how iudges ought grauely to proceede in criminall causes. Then my Lord President, you which haue taught others, will you not also learne by your owne bookes? the which will ma∣nifestly condemne you, if you proceede any further, to the destruction of these poore men of Merindoll. For are not they Christian men? and ought you not as well to mini∣ster right and iustice vnto them, as you haue done vnto the Rattes? By these and such like demonstrations, the Presi∣dent was persuaded, and immediately called backe his commission which he had geuen out, and caused the army to retire, the which was already come neere vnto Merin∣doll, euen within one mile and a halfe.

Then the Merindolians vnderstanding that the army was retired, gaue thankes vnto God, comforting one a∣nother, with admonition and exhortation, alwaies to haue y^e feare of God before their eies, to be obediēt vnto his ho∣ly commandements,* 12.67 subiect to his most holy wil, and eue∣ry man to submit himselfe vnto his prouidence, paciently attending and looking for the hope of the blessed, that is to say, the true life and the euerlasting riches, hauing alwaies before their eies for example our Lord Iesu Christ the ve∣ry sonne of God, who hath entred into his glory by many tribulations. Thus the Merindolians prepared them∣selues to endure and abide all the afflictions, that it should please God to lay vpon them: and such was their answere to all those that either pitied or else sought their destructiō. Wherupon the brute and noise was so great, as well of the Arrest,* 12.68 as of the enterprise of the execution, and also of the pacience and constancie of the Merindolians, that it was not hidden or kepte secrete, from King Fraunces, a Kyng of noble courage, and great iudgement: Who gaue cōman∣dement vnto the noble and vertuous Lorde, Mounsieur de Langeay, which then was his Lieutenant in Thurin, a Citie in Piemont, that he should diligently enquire and search out the truth of all this matter. Whereupon the sayd Mounsieur de Langeay, sent vnto Prouince two men of fame and estimation, geuing them in charge, to bring vnto him the copie of the Arrest, and diligently to enquire out all that followed and ensued thereupon: and likewise to make diligent inquisition of the life and maners of the said Merindolians, and others, which were persecuted in the countrey of Prouince.

These deputies brought the copie of the Arrest, and of all that happened thereupon, vnto the sayd Mounsieur de Langeay, declaring vnto him the great iniuries, polings, extorcions, exactions, tirannies, & cruelties, which y^e Iud∣ges,* 12.69 as well secular as Ecclesiasticall, vsed agaynst them of Merindoll and others. As touching the behauiour and disposition of those which were persecuted, they reported that the most part of the men of Prouince affirmed them to be men geuen to great labour and trauaile, and that about 200. yeares passed (as it is reported) they came out of the countrey of Piemont to dwell in Prouince, and tooke to tillage and to inhabite, many hamlets & villages destroy∣ed by the warres, and other desert and waste places: which they had so well occupied, that now there was great store of wynes,* 12.70 oyles, hony, and cattell, wherewith straungers were greatly relieued and holpē. Besides that, before they came into the countrey to dwell, the place of Merindoll, was taxed but at foure crownes, which before the last de∣struction, payed yearely vnto the Lord for taxes and tal∣lages, aboue 350. crownes, beside other charges.

The like was also reported of Lormarin, and diuers o∣ther places of Prouince, whereas there was nothyng but robberie before they came to inhabite there, so that none coulde passe that way, but in great daunger. Moreouer, they of the countrey of Prouince, affirmed that the inhabi∣taunts of Merindoll and the other that were persecuted: were peaceable & quiet people, beloued of all their neigh∣bours, men of good behauiour, cōstant in keeping of their promise, and paieng of their debtes, without trauersing or pleading of the law. That they were also charitable men, geuing of almes, releeuing the poore, and suffered none a∣mongst them to lacke or be in necessitie. Also they gaue al∣mes to strangers, and to y^e poore passengers, harbouring, nourishing, and helping them in all their necessities, accor∣ding to their power. Moreouer, that they were knowne by this, throughout all y^e countrey of Prouince, that they would not sweare, or name the diuell, or easly be brought to take an othe, except it were in iudgemente, or makyng some solemne couenant. They were also knowne by thys, that they could neuer be moued nor prouoked to talke of any dishonest matters, but in what company soeuer they came, where they heard any wanton talke, swearing of blasphemy, to the dishonour of God, they straight way de∣parted out of that company. Also they sayd that they neuer sawe them go vnto their busines, but first they made theyr prayers. The sayd people of Prouince furthermore affir∣med, that whē they came to any fayres or markets, or came to their cities by any occasion, they neuer in a maner were seene in their Churches: and if they were, whē they praied they turned away their faces frō the images, and neyther offred candels to thē, nor kissed their feete. Neither would they worship the reliques of Saints, nor once looke vpon them. And moreouer,* 12.71 if they passed by any crosse or Image of the crucifixe or any other Sainct, by the way as they went, they would do no reuerence vnto them. Also the Priestes did testifie, that they neuer caused them to say any Masses, neyther diriges, neither yet De profundis: neyther woulde they take any holy water, and if it were carryed home vnto their houses, they woulde not saye once God a mercy, yea they semed vtterly to abhorre it. To go on pil∣grimage, to make any vowes to Saints, to buy pardons or remission of sinnes with money, yea though it might be gotten for a halfepeny, they thought it not lawfull. Like∣wise whē it thundered or lightened, they would not crosse themselues, but casting vp their eies to heauen, fetch deepe sighes. Some of thē would kneele downe & pray, without blessing themselues with y^e signe of the crosse, or taking of holy water. Also they were neuer seene to offer,* 12.72 or cast into the bason, any thing for y^e maintenance of lightes, brother∣hoods, churches, or to geue any offering either for y^e quicke or the dead. But if any were in affliction or pouertie, those they releeued gladly, and thought nothing too much.

This was y^e whole tenor of the report made vnto Moū∣sieur de Langeay, touching the life and behauiour of y^e in∣habitants of Merindoll, and the other which were perse∣cuted: also as touching the Arrest and that which ensued therupon. Of all those things, the sayd Monsieur de Lan∣geay, according to the charge that was geuen him, aduer∣tised the king: who vnderstanding these things, as a good prince moued with mercy and pity, sent letters of grace & pardon,* 12.73 not only for those which were cōdemned for lacke of appearance, but also for all the rest of y^e countrey of Pro∣uince, which were accused and suspected in like case: expres∣ly charging and commanding the said parliamēt that they shoulde not heereafter proceede so rigorously as they had done before, against this people, but if there were anye that could be found or proued by sufficient information, to haue swarned from y^e christian religion, that then he should haue good demonstration made vnto him by the word of God, both out of the old and of the new Testament: and so as well by the gentlenes as by the rigour of the same, he should be reduced againe vnto the Church of Christ: decla∣ring also y^t the kings pleasure was, that all such as should be conuict of heresie in maner aforesaid, should abiure: for∣bidding also all maner of persons, of what estate or condi∣tion soeuer they were, to attempt any thing against them of Merindoll or other that were persecuted, by any other maner of meanes, or to molest or trouble them in person or goodes: reuoking and disanulling all maner of senten∣ces and condemnations, of what iudges soeuer they were, and commaunding to set at libertie all prisoners which ei∣ther were accused or suspected of Lutheranisme.

By vertue of these letters, they were now permitted to declare their cause, and to say what they coulde, in defence thereof. Whereupon they made a confession of their fayth: the effect whereof you shall see in the end of the story. This * 12.74 confession was presented first to the Court of Parlia∣ment, and afterward being declared more at large, wyth Articles also annexed thereunto, it was deliuered to the Bishop of Cauaillon, who required y^e same. Also to Car∣dinall Sadolet, Bishop of Carpentras, with the lyke Ar∣ticles, and also a supplication to this effect: That the inha∣bitants of Cabriers in the Countie of Uenice, most hum∣bly desired him that he would vouchsafe to receiue & reade the confession and declaration of their fayth and doctrine, in the which they, and also their fathers before them, had bene of a lōg time, instructed and taught, which they were persuaded to be agreable to the doctrine conteined in y^e old and new Testament. And because he was learned in the holy Scriptures, they desired hym that he woulde marke such articles as he thought to be against the Scriptures: and if he should make it to appeare vnto them, y^t ther was any thing cōtrary to the same, they would not only submit themselues vnto abiuration, but also to suffer such punish∣ment as should be adiudged vnto them, euen to the losse, not only of all that they had, but also their liues. And more ouer, if there were any Iudge in all the countie of Uenice,

which by good and sufficiēt information, should be able to charge them that they had holden any erroneous doctrine,* 12.75 or mainteined any other religion then was cōteined in the articles of their confession, they desired him that he would cōmunicate the same vnto them, and with all obedience, they offered themselues to whatsoeuer should be thought iust and reasonable. Upon this request Cardinal Sadolet answered by his letters writtē by his Secretary, and sig∣ned with his owne hand, the tenor whereof heere ensueth.

I haue seene your request, and haue red the Articles of youre confession,* 12.76 wherein there is much matter conteined, and do not vnderstand that you are accused for any other doctrine, but for the very same, which you haue confessed. It is most true, that many haue reported diuers things of you, worthy of reproofe, which after diligent enquiry made, we haue found to be nothing else but false reports and slaunders. As touching the rest of youre Articles, it seemeth vnto me, that there are many wordes therein, which might well be chaunged without preiudice vnto your con∣fession. And likewise it seemeth to me that it is not necessary that you should speake so manifestly against the Pastours of the Churche. For my parte, I desire youre welfare, and would be sory that you should be so spoyled or destroyed, as they do pretende. And to the ende you shall the better vnderstande my amity and friendship towards you, shortly I will be at my house by Cabriers, whether ye may resort vnto me eyther in greater or smaller num∣ber, as you will, and returne safely without any hurt or damage, and there I will aduertise you of all things that I thinke meete for your profite and health.

* 12.77About this time, which was the yeare of our Lord 1542. the Uicelegate of Auinion assembled a great number of men of warre at the sure of the B. of Cauaillon, to destroy Cabriers. When the army was come within a mile of Ca∣briers, the Cardinall Sadolet went with speede vnto the Uicelegate, and shewed him the request of the inhabitants of Cabriers, with the Articles of their confession, and the offers that they made: so that for that present, the army re∣tired without any damage or hurt done vnto y^e inhabitāts of Cabriers.* 12.78 After this the Cardinall Sadolet went vnto Rome: but before his departure he sent for diuers of Ca∣briers, and certaine farmers of his owne, whom he knew to be of y^e number of those which were called Lutheranes, and told thē that he would haue them in remembrance, as soone as he came vnto Rome, and cōmunicate their Arti∣cles and confession vnto the Cardinals,* 12.79 trusting to finde a meane to haue some good reformation, that God should be thereby glorified, & all Christendome brought to an vnitie and concord: at the least, nothing at all doubting, but that the foulest abuses should be corrected and amēded, aduer∣tising them in the meane time to be wise and circumspect, to watch and pray for that they had many enemies. Wyth this Oration of Cardinall Sadolet, they of Cabriers were greatly comforted, trusting that at y^e sute of Cardinal! Sa∣dolet they should haue aunswer of their confession. But at his returne, they vnderstoode that he founde all thinges so corrupt at Rome, that there was no hope of any reforma∣tion there to be had, but rather mortall warre agaynst all such as would not liue according to the ordinances of the Church of Rome. Likewise sayde the Treasurer of Car∣pentras,* 12.80 who albeit he payed out money to furnish souldi∣oures that were hired for the destruction of Cabriers, not∣withstanding he did ayde them secretly all that he might. Howbeit he could not do it so secretly, but that it came to the knowledge of the Legate: whereupon he was con∣streined to withdraw himselfe.

On the other parte, the Byshop of Aix and Cauaillon pursued still the execution of the arest of Merindoll. Then it was ordeyned by the court of parliament, that according to the kings letters Iohn Durand coūsailer of the Court of parliament, with a Secretarie: and the Bishop of Ca∣uaillon with a doctor of diuinitie, should go vnto Merin∣doll, and there declare vnto y^e inhabitants the errours and heresies which they knew to be cōteined in their cōfession, and make them apparant by good and sufficient informa∣tion, and hauing so conuicted them by the worde of God, they should make them to renounce & abiure the sayde he∣resies. And if the Merindolians did refuse to abiure, then they should make relatiō therof, that the Court might ap∣point how they should further proceede. After this decree was made, the Bishop of Cauaillon would not tary vntil the time which was appointed by the Court, for the exe∣cution of this matter: but he hymselfe with a Doctour of Diuinitie,* 12.81 came vnto Merindoll to make them to abiure. Unto whom the Merindolians aunswered that he enter∣prised against the authoritie of the Parliament, and that it was against his commission so to do. Notwithstāding, he was very earnest with thē that they should abiure, & pro∣mised them, if they would so doe, to take them vnder his wynges & protection, euen as the hen doth her chickens, & that they should be no more robbed or spoyled. Thē they required that he would declare vnto thē what they should abiure.* 12.82 The Bysh. aūswered that y^e matter needed no dis∣putation, & that he required but onely a generall abiura∣tiō of all errours, which would be no damage or preiudice to them: For he himselfe would not sticke to make the lyke abiuration. The Merindolians aunswered him agayne, that they would do nothing contrary to the decree & ordi∣naunce of the Court, or the kyngs letters, wherein he cō∣maunded that first the errours should bee declared vnto thē, wherof they were accused: wherefore they were resol∣ued to vnderstād what those errours & heresies were, that being enformed therof by the word of God, they might sa∣tisfie the kyngs letters: otherwise it were but hypocrisie & dissimulation, to doe as he required them. And if he could make it to appeare vnto them by good & sufficiēt informa∣tion, that they had holdē any errours & heresies,* 12.83 or should be conuict therupon by the word of God, they would wil∣lingly abiure: or if in their confession there were any word contrary to the Scriptures, they would reuoke the same. Contrarywise, if it were not made manifest vnto them, that they had holden any heresies, but that they had al∣wayes liued accordyng to the doctrine of the Gospell, and that their confession was grounded vpon the same: they ought by no meanes, to moue or constrayne them, to ab∣iure any errours which they held not, & that it were plain¦ly agaynst all equitie and iustice so to do.

Then the Byshyp of Cauaillon was maruelously an∣gry & would heare no word spoken of any demonstration to be made by the word of God,* 12.84 but in a furie cursed and gaue him to the deuill that first inuented that meane. Thē the Doctour of Diuinitie whom the Bishop brought the∣ther, demaunded what Articles they were, that were pre∣sented by the inhabitaunts of Merindoll, for the Byshop of Cauaillō had not yet shewed thē vnto him. Thē the bi∣shop of Cauaillon deliuered the Doctour the confession. Whiche after he had read, the Byshop of Cauaillon sayd, what? will you any more witnesse or declaration? this is full of heresie. Thē they of Merindoll demaūded in what point. Whereunto the Byshop knew not what to aun∣swere. Then y^e Doctour demaunded to haue tyme to looke vpon the Articles of the cōfession, and to consider whether they were agaynst the Scriptures or no. Thus the By∣shop departed, beyng very sore agreeued that he could not bryng his purpose to passe.

After viij. dayes the Byshop sent for this Doctour, to vnderstand how he might order himself to make those he∣resies appeare, which were in the sayd confession.* 12.85 Where∣unto the Doctour aunswered, that he was neuer so much abashed: for when he had beholden the Articles of the con∣fessiō, and the authorities of the Scripture that there were alledged for the confirmation thereof, hee had founde that those Articles were wholy agreeable and accordyng to the holy Scriptures, and that hee had not learned so much in the Scriptures all the dayes of his lyfe, as he had in those viij. dayes, in lookyng vpon those Articles and the autho∣rities therein alledged.

Shortly after, the Bysh. of Cauaillon came vnto Me∣rindoll, & callyng before him the childrē both great & smal, gaue them money, & commaunded thē with fayre wordes, to learne the Pater noster & the Creede in Latin.* 12.86 The most part of them aunswered that they knew the Pater noster, & the Creede already in Latin, but they could make no reasō of that which they spake, but onely in the vulgare tongue. The Bysh. aunswered, y^t it was not necessary they should be so cunnyng, but that it was sufficient that they knew it in Latin, & that it was not requisite for their saluation, to vnderstād or to expoūd the Articles of their fayth: for there were many Byshops, Curates, yea & Doctours of Diui∣nitie, whom it would trouble to expoūd the Pater noster,* 12.87 & the Creede. Here y^e Bailiffe of Merindoll, named Andrew Mainard, asked to what purpose it would serue, to say the Pater noster and the Creede, & not to vnderstand the same: for in so doyng, they should but mocke & deride God. Thē sayd the Byshop vnto him, do you vnderstād what it sig∣nified by these wordes, I beleue in God?* 12.88 The Bailiffe aun∣swered, I should thinke my selfe very miserable, if I dyd not vnderstand it, & then he began orderly to geue account of his fayth. Then sayd the Byshop. I would not haue thought there had bene so great Doctours in Merindoll. The Bailiffe aunswered:* 12.89 the least of the inhabitauntes of Merindoll, can do it, yet more readely then I: but I pray you, question with one or two of these young childrē, that you may vnderstand whether they be well taught or no.

But the Bishop either knew not how to question wyth them, or at the least, would not.

Then one named Pieron Roy sayde, Sir, one of these children may questiō with another, if you thinke it so good: and the Bishop was contented. Then one of the children began to question with his felowes, with such grace and grauitie, as if he had bene a Scholemaister, and the childrē one after another, aunswered so vnto the purpose, y^t it was maruelous to heare: For it was done in the presence of many, amōg whom there were four religious men y^t came lately out of Paris,* 12.90 of whom, one said vnto the Bishop, I must needs confesse that I haue often bene at the common schooles of Sorbone in Paris, where I haue hearde y^e dis∣putations of the Diuines: but yet I neuer learned so much as I haue done by hearing these yong children. Then sayd William Armant: did ye neuer reade that which is writ∣ten in xj. Chapter of S. Mathew, where it is sayde: O fa∣ther,* 12.91 Lord of heauen and earth, I render thankes vnto thee, that thou hast hidden these thyngs from the sage and wise men of the worlde, and hast reuealed them vnto yong infants. But beholde O father, such was thy good will and pleasure. Then euery mā marueiled at the ready and witty aunsweres of the chil∣dren of Merindoll.

When the Bishop saw that he could not thus preuaile, he tried another way, and went about by faire & flattering wordes, to bring his purpose to passe. Wherefore, causing the straungers to go apart, he sayd that he now perceaued they were not so euill as many thought them to be: Not∣withstanding, for the cōtentatiō of them, which were their persecutors, it was necessary that they should make some small abiuration, which onely the Bailife, with two offi∣cers, might make generally in his presence, in the name of all the rest, without any Notary to record the same in wri∣ting,* 12.92 and in so doing they should be loued and fauoured of all men, and euē of those which now persecuted them: and that they should susteine no infamy therby, for there should be no report thereof made, but only to the Pope, and to the high Court of Parliament of Prouince: And also if any man in time to come, woulde turne the same to their re∣proch, or alledge it against them to their hurt or damage, they might vtterly denie it, and say they made no abiura∣tion at all, because there were no records made thereof, or witnesses to proue the same. For this purpose he desired them to talke together, to the ende there might be an ende made in this matter, without any further busines.

The Bailife and the two officers, with dyuers other Auncients of the towne, aunswered, that they were fully resolued, not to cōsent to any abiuratiō, howsoeuer it were to be done, except that (which was alwaies their exceptiō) they could make it appeare vnto thē by the word of God, that they had holden or mainteined any heresie: marueling much that he woulde go about to perswade them to lye to God and the world. And albeit that all men by nature are lyars, yet they had learned by the word of God, that they ought diligently to take heed of lying in any matter, were it neuer so small. Also that they ought diligently to take heede,* 12.93 that their children did not accustome or vse them∣selues to lie, and therefore punished them very sharpely, when as they tooke them with any lye, euen as if they had committed any robbery: for the Diuell is a lyer and the father of lyes. Heere the Byshop rose vp in great anger and in∣dignation, and so departed.

Within a while after, the Bishop of Aix solicited maister Iohn Durandus Councellour of the Court of the Parla∣ment of Prouince, to execute the commission which was geuen him, that is, to go vnto y^e place of Merindoll, toge∣ther with the Secretarie of the sayd Court,* 12.94 and there, in y^e presence of the Byshop of Cauaillon, accompanyed with a Doctour of Diuinitie, to declare the errours and heresies which the Bishops pretended the inhabitants of Merin∣doll to be infected and intangled withall, and according to their dutie, to make it appeare by the word of God, and so being conuict, to make them abiure and renounce the sayd heresies. Whereupon the said Counceller Durandus, cer∣tified the day that he would be present at Merindoll, to the end & purpose that none of the inhabitaunts should be ab∣sent. At the day appointed, the said Counseller Durandus, the Byshop of Cauaillon,* 12.95 a Doctour of Diuinitie, & a Se∣cretary, came vnto Merindoll, where as was also present, diuers Gentlemen and men of vnderstanding, of all sorts, to see this commission executed. Then they of Merindoll were aduertised, that they should not appeare all at once, but y^t they should keepe themselues apart, and appeare as they should be called, in such order & number, as should be appointed vnto them. After that Durandus, the Byshop of Cauaillon, the Doctour of Diuinitie, and the Secretary were set in place where iustice was accustomed to be kept, there was called forth Andrew Maynard, the baylife of Merindoll, Ienon Romane, and Michelin Maynard * 12.96 Syndiques, Iohn Cabrie, and Iohn Palene, auncients of Merindoll, and Iohn Bruneroll vnderbaylife. After they had presented themselues with all due reuerence, the Counseller Durandus spake thus vnto them.

You are not ignoraunt that by the Arrest geuen out by the high Court of Prouince, you were all condemned to be burned, both men, women, and children: your houses also to be beaten downe, and your towne to be rased and made desolate, &c. as is more largely conteined in the said arrest. Notwithstanding, it hath pleased the King our most gra∣cious Prince, to send his letters vnto the said Court, com∣manding that the sayd arrest should not so rigorously pro∣ceede against you: but if it could, by sufficient information be proued, that you or any of you had swarued frō the true Religion, demonstratiō should be made thereof vnto you by the word of God, wherby you might be reduced againe to the flocke of Christ. Wherefore it was determined in the saide Court of Parlament, that the Bishop of Cauaillon, with a Doctour of Diuinitie, should in my presence, de∣clare vnto you the errours and heresies wherewith they say, you are infected: and after good demonstration made by the word of God, you should publikely and solemnely renounce and abiure the sayde heresies, and in so doyng, shoulde obteine the grace and pardon conteined in the Kings letters: Wherefore shew your selues this day, that you be obedient vnto God, the King, and y^e Magistrates. When he had thus spoken, what aunswere you (sayd he) to that which I haue propounded?

Then Andrew Maynard the Baylife, desired that they would graunt them an Aduocate to answere according to the instructiōs, which they would giue him,* 12.97 for so much as they were men vnlearned, and knew not how to answere, as in such a case was requisite. The Counseller aunswe∣red that he would heare their aunswere neither by Aduo∣cate nor by writing, but woulde heare them aunswere in their owne persons: Notwithstanding he woulde giue them leaue to go apart and talke together, but not to aske any counsell, but onely amongst themselues: and then to aunswere one after another. Upon this determination, the Bayliffe and the two Syndiques, with other two an∣cient men, talked together a while, and determined that the two Syndiques should speake first, and after them the Baylife, then the two auncient men, euery man accordyng as God should geue them grace, and by and by, presented themselues. Whereat the Counseller Durandus was greatly abashed,* 12.98 to see that they had agreed and determi∣ned so speedely. Then Michelin Maynard began to aun∣swere, desiring the Counseller and the Byshop, with the other assistance, to pardon him if that he aunswered ouer∣rudely, hauing regard that they were poore, rude, and ig∣noraunt men. His aunswere heere followeth.

We are greatly bound (sayth he) to geue God thankes, that besides other his benefites bestowed vpō vs,* 12.99 he hath now deliuered vs frō these great assaultes, and that it hath pleased him to touch the hart of our noble King, that our cause might be intreated with iustice, and not by violence. In like maner are we also bounde to pray for our noble King, which following y^e example of Samuell & Daniell, hath not disdeined to looke vpon the cause of his poore sub∣iects. Also we render thankes vnto the Lords of the Par∣lament, in that it hath pleased them to minister iustice ac∣cording to the Kings commandemēt. Finally, we thanke you my Lord Durandus, Commissioner in this present cause, that it hath pleased you in so few wordes, to declare vnto vs the maner and order how we ought to proceede. And for my part, I greatly desire to vnderstand and know the heresies and errours, wherof I am accused, and where as they shall make it appeare vnto me, that I haue holden any errours or heresies, I am contented to amende the same, as it shall be ordeined and prouided by you.

After him aunswered Ienon Romane the other Syn∣dique, a very auncient father, approuing all that which his fellow before had sayde, geuing God thankes that in hys time, euen in his latter daies, he had seene and heard so good newes, that the cause of Religion shoulde be decided and debated by the holy Scriptures, and that he had often heard auncient men say, that they could neuer obteine of the Iudges in all their persecution, to haue their cause de∣bated in such sort.

Then Andrew Maynard the Baylife aunswered say∣eng: that God had geuē to those two Syndiques the grace to answere so well, that it was not necessary for him to say or adde any more thereunto. Notwithstanding it seemed good that their answeres were put in writing, which was not done by the Secretary, that had done nothing else, but

mocke and gyre at all that had bin sayd: wherfore he requi∣red the Commissioner to looke vnto the matter. Then the Commissioner was very angry and sharpely rebuked his Secretary, commaunding him to sit nearer and to write their answeres word for word, and he himselfe with a sin∣gular memory, repeated their answeres, and oftētimes as∣ked if it were not so. The sayd aunsweres being thus put in writing, the Cōmissioner asked the baylife if he had any more to answere, sayeng that he had done him great plea∣sure to shewe him his Secretaries faulte, willing him to speake boldly, what he thought good for the defence of their cause. Then the Baylife said, for somuch as it hath pleased you to geue me audience & liberty to speake my mind free∣ly: I say moreouer, that it semeth vnto me, that there is no due forme of processe in this iudgemēt: for there is no par∣tie heere that doth accuse vs.* 12.100 If we had an accuser present, which according to the rule of the Scripture, either should proue by good demonstration out of the olde and new Te∣stament, that wherof we are accused, or if he were not able, should suffer punishment due vnto such as are heretickes: I thinke he would be as greatly troubled to mainteine his accusations, as we to aunswere vnto the same.

After that the Baylife had made this answere, Iohn Pa∣lenc,* 12.101 one of the auncients of Merindol, saide that he appro∣ued all that had bene sayd by the Syndiques, and that he was able to say no more then had bene said by them before. The Commissioner sayd vnto him: you are (I see) a very auncient man, and you haue not liued so long, but that you haue some thing to aunswere for your part, in defence of your cause. And the sayde Palenc aunswered: seeing it is your pleasure that I sh••uld say something, it seemeth vn∣to me vnpossible that (say what we can) we shoulde haue either victory or vantage: for our iudges be our enemies.

* 12.102Then Iohn Bruneroll vnderbaylife at Merindoll, an∣swered, that he would very faine know the authority of y^e Counseller Durandus, Commissioner in this cause, for as much as the said Counseller had geuē them to vnderstād, that he had authority of the high Court, to make them ab∣iure their errours, which should be found by good and suf∣ficient information, and to geue them so doing, the pardon conteined in the Kings letters, and quite them of all pu∣nishment and condemnation.* 12.103 But the said Commissioner did not geue them to vnderstand, that if they could not be found, by good and sufficient information, that they were in errour, he had any power or authoritie to quite and ab∣solue them of the sayd sentence and condemnation: Wher∣fore it seemed that it should be more vauntage for the sayd Merindolians, if it shoulde appeare that they were here∣tickes, then to be found to liue according to the doctrine of the Gospell. For this cause he required, that it woulde please the sayd Commissioner to make declaration therof: concluding that if it did not appeare by good and sufficient information against them, that they had swarued from the faith, or if there were no accuser that woulde come foorth against them, they ought to be fully absolued, without be∣ing any more troubled eyther in body or goodes.

These things were thus in debating from seauen of the clocke in the morning, vntill xj. Then the Commissioner dismissed them till after dinner. At one of the clocke at af∣ter noone, they were called for agayne, and demaunded whether they woulde say any thyng else,* 12.104 touchyng that which was propounded in the morning, by the said Com∣missioner. They aunswered, no. Then sayd the Commis∣sioner, what do you conclude for your defence? The two Syndiques aunswered: we conclude that it would please you to declare vnto vs the errours and heresies, whereof we are accused. Then the Commissioner asked the By∣shop of Cauaillon, what informations he had agaynst them. The Byshop spake vnto him in his eare, and would not aunswere aloude. This talke in the eare continued al∣most halfe an houre, that the Commissioner and all other that stoode thereby, were weary thereof. In the ende, the Commissioner sayd vnto them, that the Byshop of Ca∣uaillon had told him, that it was not needefull to make it apparant by information, for such was the cōmon report. Herevnto they aunswered: that they required the causes and reasons alledged by the Byshop of Cauaillon, against them, should be put in writing. The Byshop was earnest to the contrary,* 12.105 and woulde haue nothyng that eyther he sayd or alledged, to be put in writing.

Then Iohn Bruneroll required the Commissioner, that at the least, he would put in writing, that the Byshop would speake nothing agaynst them, that they could vn∣derstand, and that he woulde not speake before the Com∣missioner but only in his eare. The Byshop on the cōtra∣rie part, defended that he would not be named in processe. There was great disputation vpon this matter, and cōti∣nued long. Thē the Cōmissioner asked the Merindolians if they had the Articles of their confession, which they had presented to the high Court of Parliament. Then they re∣quired that their confession might be read, and by the rea∣dyng thereof they might vnderstand whether it were the doctrine, which they held, & the confession which they had presented, or no. Then the confession was read publickely before thē,* 12.106 which they did allow and acknowledged to be theirs. This done the Commissioner asked the Doctour if he did finde in the sayd confessiōs, any hereticall opinions, wherof he could make demōstration by the word of God, either out of the old or the new Testamēt. Then spake the Doctour in Latin a good while. After he had made an end: Andrew Mainard the Bayliffe desired the Commissioner, accordyng as he had propoūded, to make the errours and heresies that they were accused of,* 12.107 apparaūt vnto them by good information, or at the least, to marke those Articles of their confession, which the Byshop & the Doctours pretē∣ded to be hereticall, requiryng him also to put in Register, their refusall, aswell of the Byshop as of the Doct. of whō the one spake in his eare, and the other in Latine, so that they of Merindoll could not vnderstand one word. Then the Commissioner promised thē to put in writyng all that should make for their cause. And moreouer he sayd that it was not needefull to call the rest of the Merindolians, if there were no more to be sayd to them, then had bene sayd to those, which were already called. And this is y^e summe of all that was done at the after noone.

Many which came thether to heare these disputations: supposing that they should haue heard some goodly demō∣strations, were greatly abashed to see the Byshop and the Doctour so confoūded: which thyng afterward turned to the great benefite of many: for hereby they were moued to require the copyes of y^e confession of their fayth: by meanes wherof they were conuerted and embraced the truth, and namely iij. Doctours, who wēt about diuers tymes to di∣swade the Merindoliās from their fayth: whose ministery God afterwardes vsed in the preachyng of his Gospel.* 12.108 Of whom one was Doctour Combaudi Prior of S. Maxi∣min, afterwardes a Preacher in the territory of the Lords of Berne. An other was Doctour Somati, who was also a Preacher in the Bailiwycke of Tonon. The other was Doctour Heraudi, pastour and Minister in the Countie of Newcastle.

After this the inhabitaunts of Merindoll were in rest and quietnes for a space, in so much that euery man feared to goe about to trouble them, seyng those which persecu∣ted them, did receaue nothyng but shame and confusion: as it dyd manifestly appeare,* 12.109 not onely by the suddeyne death of the President Chassanee, but also many other of the chiefest Counsellers of the Parliament of Prouince, whose horrible end terrified many, but specially y^e straūge and fearefull exāple of that bloudy tyran Iohn de Roma, set out as a spectacle to all persecutours whereof we haue spoken before.

Thus the Lord repressing the rage of the aduersaries for a tyme, stayd the violence and execution of that cruell sentence or Arrest geuen out by the Parliament of Pro∣uince, agaynst the Merindoliās, vntill Iohn Miniers, an exceedyng bloudy tyran, began a new persecution. This Miniers beyng Lord of Opede neare to Merindoll,* 12.110 first began to vexe the poore Christians by pillyng and polyng, by oppression & extortion, getting frō them what he could, to enlarge his Segnorie or Lordshyp, whiche before was very base. For this cause he put v. or vi. of his owne Te∣nauntes into a Cisterne vnder the grounde,* 12.111 and closing it vp, there he kept them, till they dyed for hunger, pretēding that they were Lutheranes, and Uaudoys, to haue their goodes and possessions. By this and such other practises, this wretche was aduaūced in short space, to great wealth and dignitie, & so at lēgth became not onely the chief Pre∣sidēt of the high Court of Parliament, but also the kynges Lieutenaunt generall in the countrey of Prouince,* 12.112 in the absence of the Lord Grignan, then beyng at the Councell of Wormes in Germany. Now therfore seyng no oportu∣nitie to be lacking ••o accomplish his deuilish enterprise, he employed all his p••wer, richesse, & authoritie not onely to confirme and to reu••ue that cruell Arrest geuen out before by the Court of Par••iament: but also (as a right minister of Sathan) hee exceedyngly encreased the cruelty thereof, which was already so great, that it seemed there could no∣thyng more be added thereunto. And to bryng this mis∣chief to passe, he forged a most impudentlye,* 12.113 geuyng the kyng to vnderstād that they of Merindoll & all the coun∣trey neare about, to the nūber of twelue or fiueten thou∣sand, were in the field in armour with theyr Ensigne dis∣played, entendyng to take the Towne of Marseille, and

make it one of the Cantons of the Switzers: And to stay this enterprise,* 12.114 he sayd it was necessary to execute the Ar∣rest manu militari, and by this meanes he obteyned the Kings letters patents, thorough the helpe of the Cardi∣nall of Tournon, commaunding the sentence to be execu∣ted against the Merindolians, notwithstanding that the King had before reuoked the sayde sentence, and geuen straight commaundement that it should in no wise be ex∣ecuted, as before is mentioned.

After this he gathered all the Kynges armey, whyche was then in Prouince ready to go agaynst the English∣men, and tooke vp all besides, that were able to beare ar∣mour, in the chiefest Townes of Prouince, and ioyned them with the armey which the Popes Legate had leuied for that purpose, in Auinion and all the countrey of Ue∣nice, and employed the same to the destruction of Merin∣doll, Cabriers, and other Townes and Uillages, to the number of xxij. geuing commission to his souldiours to spoile, ransacke, burne, and to destroy altogether, and to kill man, woman and child, without all mercy, sparing none: no otherwise then the Infidels and cruell Turkes haue dealt with the Christians, as before in the story of the Turkes, you may reade.

For as the Papistes and Turkes are like in their Reli∣gion, so are the sayd Papistes like, or rather exceede them, in all kindes of cruelty that can be deuised. But this Arch-tyrant before he came to Merindoll, ransackt and burnt certaine townes, namely La Roche, S. Stephens, Uille∣laure, Lormarin, La Motte, Cabrierettes, S. Martin, Pipin,* 12.115 and other places mo, notwithstanding that the Ar∣rest extended but only to Merindol. Where the most of the poore inhabitants were slaine and murthered without a∣ny resistance: womē and maydens rauished: women with child and little infants borne and to be borne, were also most cruelly murthered:* 12.116 the pappes of many women cut off, which gaue sucke to their children, which looking for sucke at their mothers brest being dead before, died also for hunger. There was neuer such crueltie and tirannie seene before.

The Merindolians seeing all on a flaming fire round a∣bout them, left their houses and fled into the woods, and remained that night at the Uillage Sanfales and there∣aboutes, in wonderfull feare and perplexitie: for the Bi∣shop of Cauaillon, deputie to the Bishop of Romes Le∣gate, had appointed certaine Captaines to go and slay them. The next day they went a little further, hiding thē∣selues in woods, for there was daunger on euery side, and Miniers had commaunded vnder paine of death, that no mā should ayde them by any meanes, but that they should be slaine without pitie or mercy, wheresoeuer they were found. The same Proclamation was of force also, in the Bishop of Romes dominions thereby: and it was sayde that the Bishops of that countrey did finde a great part of the army. Wherefore they went a tedious and a paynefull iourney, carieng their children vpon their shoulders, and in their armes, and in their swadling clothes, and many of them also being great with child, were constreined so to do. And when they were come to the place appointed, the∣ther was already resorted a great number which had lost their goodes, and saued themselues by flight.

Not long after, it was shewed them how that Miniers was comming with all his power, to giue the charge vp∣on them. This was in y^e euening, and because they should go thorough rough and combersome places, and hard to passe by, they all thought it most expedient for their safe∣gard to leaue behinde them, all the women and children, with a few other, and among them also, certeine Mini∣sters of the Church: the residue were appointed to go to the towne of Mussie. And this did they vpon hope that the enemie would shew mercy to the multitude of women and children,* 12.117 being destitute of all succour. No toung can expresse, what sorrow, what teares, what sighing, what lamentation there was at that wofull departing, when they were compelled to be thus separated asūder, the hus∣band from his deare wife, the father from his sweete babes and tender infants, the one neuer like to see the other a∣gaine aliue. Notwithstanding, after the Ministers had ended their ordinary Sermons, with euening Prayers and exhortations, the men departed that night, to auoyde a greater inconuenience.

When they had gone all the night long, and had passed ouer y^e great hill of Libron, they might see many villages and farmes set on fire. Miniers in the meane time, had de∣uided his army into two partes, marching himselfe with the one, towardes the Towne of Merindoll, and hauing knowledge by espiall whether the Merindolians were fled, he sendeth the other parte to set vpon them, and to shewe theyr accustomed crueltie vpon them. Yet before they came to the place where they were, some of Miniers armye, eyther of good will, or mooued with pitie, priuily conueyed themselues awaye, and came vnto them, to geue thē warning that their enemies were comming: and one from the top of an high rocke, where he thought that the Merindolians were vnderneath, casteth downe two stones, and afterward, although he could not see them, he calleth vnto them; that they should immediately flye from thence. But the enemies suddenly came vpon them,* 12.118 fin∣ding them all assembled together at praiers, and spoyled them of all that they had, pulling off their garments from their backes: some they rauished: some they whipped and scourged: some they sold away like cattell, practising what cruelty and villanie soeuer they could deuise against them. The women were in number about fiue hundreth.

In the meane time Miniers came to Merindoll, where he founde none but a young man named Maurice Blanc, who had yelded himselfe to a souldiour, promising him for his raunsome, two French crownes. Miniers woulde haue had him away by force, but it was answered that the souldiour ought not to lose his prisoner. Miniers there∣fore paying the two crownes himselfe, tooke the young man, and caused him to be tyed to an Oliue tree, and shot thorough with harquebushes, and most cruelly martired.* 12.119 Many Gentlemen which accompanied Miniers against their willes, seeyng thys cruell spectacle, were mooued wyth greate compassion, and could not forbeare teares. For albeit this yong man was not yet very well instru∣cted, neyther had before dwelt at Merindoll, yet in all hys tormentes hauyng alwayes hys eyes lyfted vp to hea∣uen, wyth a loude voyce, he ceased not still to call vpon God: and the last words that he spake, were these: Lord God, these men take away my life full of miserie, but thou wilt giue vnto me life euerlasting, by thy sonne Iesus Christ: to whome be glory. So was Merindoll without any resistance, valiantly taken, ransackt, burnt, rased,* 12.120 and layed euen with the ground. And albeit there was no man to resist, yet this valiant Captaine of Opede armed from toppe to toe, trembled for feare, and was seene to chaunge his colour very much.

When he had destroyed Merindoll, he layed seege to Cabriers, and battered it with his ordinaunce,* 12.121 but when hee coulde not winne it by force, he with the Lorde of the Towne, and Poulin his chiefe Captaine, persuaded wyth the inhabitauntes, to open their gates, solemnely promi∣sing, that if they would so do, they would lay downe theyr armour, and also that their cause should be heard in iudge∣ment with all equitie and Iustice, and no violence or in∣iurie should be shewed against them. Upon this,* 12.122 they ope∣ned their gates, and let in Miniers with his Captaynes and all his army. But the Tyraunt when he was once entred, falsified his promise, and raged like a beast. For first of all he picked out about thirtie men,* 12.123 causing them to be bound and caried into a medowe neare to the Towne, and there to be miserably cut and hewen in peeces of hys souldiours.

Then, because he would leaue no kinde of crueltie vn∣attempted,* 12.124 hee also exercised outrage and fury vppon the poore selly women, and caused fortie of them to be taken, of whome diuers were great with child, and put them in∣to a barne full of strawe and hey, and caused it to be set on fire at foure corners. And when the sely women running to the great window, where the hey is wont to be cast in∣to the barne, woulde haue leaped out, they were kepte in with pikes and halberdes. Then there was a souldyoure which moued with pitie at the crieng out and lamentati∣on of the women, opened a dore to let them out, but as they were comming out, the Tyraunt caused them to be slaine and cut in peeces, opening their belyes, that theyr children fell out, whome they trode vnder their feete. Ma∣ny were fled into the wineseller of the Castell,* 12.125 and many hid themselues in caues, whereof some were caryed into the medowe, and there stripped naked, were slaine: other∣some were bound two and two together, and caried into the hall of the Castell, where they were slaine by the Cap∣taynes, reioysing in theyr bloudy butcherie and horrible slaughter.

That done, this Tyraunt, more cruell then euer was Herode, commaunded Captayne Iohn de Gay wyth a bande of ruffians, to go into the Churche (where was a great number of women, children and yong infantes) to kill all that he founde there. Which the Captayne refused at the first, to do, sayeng: that were a crueltie vnused a∣mong men of warre. Whereat Miniers being displeased, charged him vpon payne of rebellion, and disobedience to the King, to do as he had commaunded hym. The Cap∣taine

fearing that myght ensue, entred with hys men, and destroyed them all, sparing neither young nor olde.

In this meane while certaine souldiors went to ran∣sacke, the houses for the spoyle: where they founde many poore men that had there hidden themselues in sellers and other priuy places, flying vpon them and crying out: kill, kill. The other souldiors that were without the town, kil∣led all that they could meete with. The nōber of those that were so vnmercifully murdered,* 12.126 were about M. persons of men, women, and children. The infantes that escaped their furie, were baptised againe of their enemies.

In token of this ioly victory, the Popes Officers cau∣sed a piller to be erected in the said place of Cabriers, in the whych was engrauen the yeare and the day of the taking and sacking of this Towne, by Iohn Miniers Lorde of Opede, & chiefe President of the Parlament of Prouince, for a memoriall for euer, of the barbarous crueltie, the like whereof was yet neuer heard of. Whereupon we withall our posterity, haue to vnderstand what be the reasons and arguments wherewith the Antichrist of Rome, is wont to vphold the impious seate of his abhomination: Who now is come to such excesse and profunditie of all kindes of ini∣quitie,* 12.127 that all iustice, equitie and veritie being set a side, he seeketh the defence of his cause, by no other thyng, then only by force and violence, terror and oppression, and she∣ding of bloud.

In this meane while the inhabitauntes of Merindoll and other places thereabout, were among the mountains and rockes, in great necessitie of viccualles, and muche af∣fliction: who had procured certaine men, whiche were in some fauour and authority with Miniers, to make request for them vnto him, that they might depart safely, whether it shoulde please God to leade them, with theyr wines and children, although they had no more but their shirts to co∣uer their nakednesse.* 12.128 Whereunto Miniers made this aun∣swere: I know what I haue to doe: not one of them shall escape my handes. I will send them to dwel in hel among the deuils.

After this there was a power sent vnto Costa, which likewise they ouercame, & committed there great slaugh∣ter.* 12.129 Many of the inhabitantes fledde away and ranne into an orcharde, where the souldiours rauished the women and maidens, and when they had kept them there inclosed a day and a night, they handled them so beastly, that those which had great bellies, and the younger maidens dyed shortly after. It were impossible to comprehend all the la∣mentable and sorrowfull examples of this cruell persecu∣tion against the Merindolians and their fellowes:* 12.130 In so muche that no kinde of cruell Tyrannie was vnpractised. For they whych escaped by woodes, and went wandering by mountaines, were taken and set in galleis, or else were slaine outright.

Many which did hide themselues in rockes and darke caues, some were famished with hunger, some were smo∣thered with fire, and smoke put vnto them. All which may more fully be vnderstand by the recordes of the Court, and by the pleas betweene them and theyr aduersaries in the highe Consistorie of the Courte of Paris: Where all the doores being set open, and in the publicke hearing of all the people, the case of this trouble and persecution was short∣ly after, solemnly debated betwene two great lawyers: the one called Aubrius, which accused Minerius the president committed to prison, and the other called Robertus, who was the defendant against him.* 12.131 The cause why this mat∣ter of Merindol was brought in plea and iudgement to be decided by the law, was this:

Henry the second French king, which newly succeeded Fraunces his father aboue mentioned, considering howe this cruell and infamous persecution againste hys owne subiectes and people, was greatly misliked of other Prin∣ces, and also obiected both against him and his father, as a note of shamefull Tyrannie, by the Emperour hym selfe, Charles the fift,* 12.132 and that in the publicke Councel of all the states of Germany, for so murthering & spoyling his own naturall subiects, without all reason and mercy: he there∣fore to the entent to purge and cleare himselfe thereof, cau∣sed the sayd matter to be brought into the Court, and there to be decided by order of Iustice.

Whiche cause, after it was pleaded to and froe, in pub∣like audience, no lesse then fiftie times, and yet in the ende, coulde not be determined, so it brake of and was passed o∣uer, and at length Minerius being loosed out of prisone, was restored to his libertie and possessions agayne, vppon this cōdition and promise made vnto the Cardinal, Char∣les of Lorraine, that he should banish and expell these new Christians (terming so the true professors of the Gospell) out of all Prouince.

Thus Minerius being restored, returned againe into Prouince, where hee began againe to attempt greater ty∣rannie, then before.* 12.133 Neither did his raging furye cease to proceede, before the iust iudgement of God lighting vpon him, brought him by a horrible disease, vnto the torments of death, which he most iustly had deserued. For he being strocken with a strange kinde of bleding at the lower par∣tes, in maner of a bloudy flixe, and not being able to voyde any vrine, thus by little and little his guttes wythin hym rotted: and when no remedy could be founde for this terri∣ble disease, and his entrals now began to be eaten of wor∣mes, a certaine famous surgeon named La Motte, whych dwelt at Arles, a man no lesse godly then expert in hys sci∣ence: was called for, who after he had cured him of this dif∣ficultye of making water, and therefore was in great esti∣mation with him, before he would procede further to sear∣che the other partes of his putrified bodye, and to searche out the inward cause of his malady, he desired y^t they which were present in the chamber with Minerius,* 12.134 wold depart a little a side. Which being done, he began to exhort Mine∣rius with earnest wordes, saying howe the time nowe re∣quired that he should aske forgeuenes of God by Christe, for his enormous crimes and cruelty in sheding so muche innocent blud, and declared the same to be the cause of this so straunge profusion of bloud comming from him.* 12.135

These woordes being hearde, so pearsed the impure conscience of this miserable wretch, that he was therewith more troubled then with the agonie of his disease: in so much that hee cryed out to lay hande vppon the Surgeon, as an hereticke. La Motte hearing thys, eftsoones con∣ueyed him selfe out of sight, and returned againe to Arles. Notwythstanding it was not long, but he was sent for a∣gaine, being intreated by his frendes,* 12.136 and promised most firmely, that his comming should be without any perill or danger: and so with much ado, he returned againe to Mi∣nerius, what time all nowe was past remedy: and so Mi∣nerius raging and casting out moste horrible and blasphe∣ming wordes, and feeling a fire which burnt him from the nauill vpward, with extreme stinch of the lower parts, fi∣nished his wretched life. Whereby we haue notoriously to vnderstand that God through his mighty arme, at length confoundeth such persecuters of his innocent and faithful seruaunts, & bringeth them to nought: to whome be praise and glory for euer.

Moreouer, besides this Iustice of God shewed vpon Minerius, here also is not to be forgotten which folowed likewise vpon certaine of the other, which were the chiefe doers in this persecution vnder Minerius aforesaid, name¦ly Lewes de Uaine, brother in lawe to the saide President, and also the brother, and the sonne in law to Peter Durāt,* 12.137 maister butcher of the Towne of Aix: the which three dyd slay one an other vpon a certaine strife that fel amōg them. And vppon the same day the Iudge of Aix, who accompa∣nied Minerius in y^e same persecutiō, as he returned home∣warde, going ouer the Riuer of Durance, was drowned. Ex Hist. Gallica. Henr. Pantal, & alijs.

Notes vppon the storie of Merindoll aboue recited.

THus hast thou heard (louing Reader) the terrible troubles, & slaughters committed by the Bishops and Cardinals againste these faithfull men of Merindol, whiche for the hainous tirannie and example of the facte moste vnmercifull, maye be comparable with any of the first persecutions in the primitiue Churche, done either by Decius, or Dioclesianus.

Nowe, touching the sayd storie and people of Merindol, brie∣fly by the way is to be noted,* 12.138 that this was not the firste time that these men of this countrey, were vexed, neither was it of late ye∣res, that the doctrine and profession of them began. For (as by the course of time, and by auncient Recordes it maye appeare) these inhabitaunts of Prouince, and other coastes bordering about the confines of Fraunce, and Piemont, had their continuance of aun∣cient time, and receiued their doctrine first from the Waldenses, or Albigenses, which were (as some say) about the yeare of oure Lord 1170. or (as other doe recken) about the yeare of our Lorde 1216. whereof thou haste (gentle reader) sufficiently to vnderstād,* 12.139 reading before, pag. 230. Item, pag. 260 Item, pag. 267. &c.

These Waldenses, otherwise called Pauperes, de Lugduno, beginning of one Petrus Waldus, Citizen of Lyons, as is before shewed,* 12.140 pag. 231. by violence of persecution being driuen oute of Lions, were disparcled abroad in diuers countreis, of whom some fled to Massilia, some to Germanie, some to Sarmatia, Liuonia, Bohemia, Calabria, and Apulia, diuers strayed to the Coun∣treis of France, especially about Prouince, and Piemont, of whōe came these Merindolians, aboue mentioned, and the Angrogni∣ans

with others, of whom now it foloweth likewise (God willing) to discourse.* 12.141 They which were in the countrey of Tolouse, of the place where they frequented, were called Albij, or Albigenses. Against the which Albigenses, Frier Dominicus was a great do∣er, labouring and preaching against them 10. yeres together, and caused many of them to be burned, for the which he was highly accepted, and rewarded in the Apostolicall Court, and at lengthe by Pope Honorius the 3. was made Patriarch of the blacke gard of the Dominicke Friers.* 12.142 Ex Antonino part. 3. tit. 19. cap. 1.

These Albigenses, against the Pope of Rome, had set vppe to them selues a Bishop of their owne, named Bartholomaeus, remai∣ning about the coastes of Croatia, and Dalmatia, as appeareth by a letter of one of the Popes Cardinals, aboue specified, pag, 261. For the which cause the Sea of Rome tooke great indignation a∣gainst the sayde Albygenses,* 12.143 and caused all their faithfull Catho∣lickes and obedienciaries to their Churche to rise vp in armour, and to take the signe of the holy crosse vpon them, to fight against them. An. 1206 by reason wherof great multitudes of them were pitifully murdered, not onely of them about Tolouse, & Auinion in France (as is afore to be seene, pag. 273.) but also in al quarters, miserable slaughters and burnings of them long continued, from the raigne of Fridericke 2. Emperour, almost to this present time, through the instigation of the Romane Popes.

Paulus Aemylius the French Chronicler in his 6. booke, wry∣ting of these Pauperes de Lugduno,* 12.144 and Humiliati, and deuiding these two orders from Albigenses, reporteth that the two former orders were reiected of Pope Lucius 3. And in their place, other two orders were approued, to witte, the order of the Dominicke Friers, and of the Franciscanes. Which seemeth not to be true, for somuch as this Pope Lucius was 20. yeres, before Innocent 3. and yet neither in the time of Pope Innocent, the order of the Dominicke Friers was approued, but in the time of Pope Hono∣rius the 3. who was 40. yeres after Pope Lucius. Again, Bernardus Lutzenbergensis, in Catal. haeret affirmeth, that these Pauperes de Lugduno,* 12.145 or Waldenses began first. an. 1218. Which if it be true, then must the other report of Aemylius be fals, wryting of the sect of Pauperes Lugdunenses, to be refused by Pope Lucius the 3. who was long before this in the yeare of our Lord. 1181.

Among other authours which wryte of these Waldenses, Io∣an. Sleidan. Lib. 16. intreating of their continuance and doctrine,* 12.146 thus wryteth of them. There be (sayeth he) in the French Prouince a people called Waldoys. These of an auncient trade and custome among them, doe not acknowledge the Bishop of Rome, and euer haue vsed a manner of doctrine somewhat more pure, then the rest, but especially since the comming of Luther, they haue encre∣sed in more knowledge and perfection of iudgement. Wherefore they haue beene oftentimes complained vppon to the kinge, as though they contemned the Magistrate, and would moue rebel∣lion, with other suche matter falsely surmised against them, more of despite and malice, then of any iust cause of truthe. There be of them certaine Townes and Villages, among which Merindoll is one. Against these Merindolians sentence was geuen, fiue yeares past, at Aix, being the high tribunall seate or iudgement place of Prouince, that all should be destroied without respecte of age or persone, in such sort, as that the houses being pluckt downe, the Village shoulde be made plaine, euen with the grounde, the trees also should be cut downe, and the place altogether made desolate and desert. All beit, though it were thus pronounced, yet was it not then put in execution, by the meanes of certaine that perswa∣ded the king to the cōtrary, namely one William Bellay, who was at the same time, the kings Lieutenaunt in Piedmont. But at the last, the 12. day of April. an. 1545. Iohn Minerius President of the Counsell of Aix, calling the Senate, reade the kings letters, com∣maunding them to execute the sentence giuen &c.

* 12.147Moreouer, concerning the confession, and the doctrine of the sayde Merindolians receiued of auncient time from their forefa∣thers the Waldenses, thus it followeth in the sayd boke and place of Iohn Sleidan.

At last (sayeth Sleidan, after he had described what great cru∣eltie was shewed against them) when the reporte hereof was bru∣ted in Germanie, it offended the mindes of many: and in deede, the Suitzers, who were then of a contrary Religion to the Pope, entreated the King, that he woulde shewe mercy to suche as were fled. Whereunto the saide king Fraunces, made aunswere in thys wise: pretending that he had iust cause to doe, as he did, inferring moreouer, that they ought not to be carefull, what he did within his dominions, or how he punished his offendours, more then he was about their affaires.* 12.148 &c, Thus hard was the king against them notwithstanding (sayeth Sleydan) that he, the yere before, had re∣ceaued from the sayde his subiectes of Merindoll, a confession of their faith and doctrine. The Articles whereof, were, that they, ac∣cording to Christian faith, confessed, first God the father, creator of all things: The sonne, the onely Mediatour and Aduocate of mankinde The holy spirite, the comfortour, and instructour of all truth. They confessed also the Church, which they acknowledged to be the felowship of Gods elect, wherof Iesus Christ is the head. The ministers also of the Churche they did allowe, wishing that such which did not their duety, should be remoued.

And as touching Magistrates, they graūted likewise the same to be ordeined of God, to defend the good,* 12.149 & to punish the trans∣gressours. And how they owe to him, not loue onely, but also tri∣bute, and custome, and no man herein to be excepted, euen by the example of Christ, who paied tribute himselfe. &c.

Likewise of Baptisme, they confessed the same to be a visible, and an outwarde signe, that representeth to vs the renuing of the spirite, and mortification of the members.

Furthermore, as touching the Lordes Supper, they sayde and confessed the same to be a thankesgeuing, and a memoriall of the benefite receaued through Christ.

Matrimonie they affirmed to be holy and instituted of God, and to be inhibited to no man.

That good workes are to be obserued & exercised of all men, as holy Scripture teacheth.

That false doctrine, which leadeth men away from the true worship of God, ought to be eschewed.

Briefly, and finally, the order and rule of their faith, they con∣fessed to be the olde and newe Testament, protesting that they be∣leeued all such things as are contained in the Apostolike Crede: Desiring moreouer, the King to geue credite to this their decla∣ratiō of their faith, so that whatsoeuer was informed to him to the contrary, was not true, and that they would well prooue, if they might be heard.

And thus much concerning the doctrine and confession of the Merindolians out of Sleidan: and also concerning their des∣cent and ofspring from the Waldenses.

*The Historie of the persecutions and warres against the people called Waldenses or Waldois in the valleis of Angrongne, Luserne, S. Martin, Perouse, and others, in the countrey of Piemont, from the yere 1555. to the yere of our Lord. 1561.

Persecutours.	Martyrs.	The Causes.
...The Parlia∣ment of Thu∣rin. ...The President of S Iulian. ...Iacomell Monke, an In∣quisitour. ...Monsieur de la Trinitie. ...The Gentle∣men of the Valleyes. ...Charles Tru∣chet. ...Boniface Truchet. ...The Collate∣rall of Corbis ...The Collateral de Ecclesia. ...The Duke of Sauoy. ...Monkes of Pigneroll, and many other moe, enemies of God, and ministers of Sathan.
...The Martirs of the val∣ley of An∣grogne. ...The Mar∣tyrs of the valley of Luserne. ...The Mar∣tyrs of S. Martin. ...The Mar∣tyrs of Pe∣rouse, and others. In the coū∣trey of Piemont. From the yeare 1555. vnto 1561.
TO procede now fur∣ther in the persecu∣tion of these Waldois,* 12.150 or Waldenses, you haue herd hitherto, first how they deuiding themsel∣ues into diuers Coun∣treis, some fled to Pro∣uince, and to Tolouse, of whom sufficient hath bene sayd. Some went to Piedmont, and the valley of Angrogne, of whom it foloweth now to entreat God willing. Thus these good men by long persecution, be∣ing driuen from place to place, were grieuou∣slye in all places afflic∣ted, but yet could neuer be vtterly destroied, nor yet compelled to yeelde to the superstitious and false religion of ye church of Rome: but euer ab∣steined from theyr cor∣ruption and Idolatrie, as much as was possi∣ble, & gaue themselues to the worde of God, as a rule both truely to ser∣ue him, and to directe their liues accordingly. They had many bookes of the old and new Te∣stament translated into their language. Theyr Minysters instructed them secretely, to auoyd the furye of theyr enne∣mies, whyche could not abide the light: all be it they did not instruct thē wyth suche puritie as was requisite. They li∣ued in great simplicity, and with the sweate of theyr browes. They were quiete and peace∣able

among theyr neighbors, absteining from blasphemy, and prophaning of ye name of God, by othes, and such other impietie: from lewde games, dauncing, filthy songes and other vices and dissolute life, and cōformed their life who∣ly to the rule of Gods word. Their principal care was al∣waies that God might be rightly serued, and his woorde truely preached: In so muche, that in our time, when it pleased God to set forth the light of his gospel more cleare∣ly, they neuer spared any thing, to establish the true and pure ministery of the worde of God and his Sacraments. Which was the cause that Sathan with his ministers, did so persecute them of late more cruelly then euer he did be∣fore, as manifestly appeareth by the bloudy & horrible per∣secutions which haue bene, not onely in Prouince, against those of Merindol & Cabriers: also against them of Prage and Calabria (as the histories afore written doe sufficient∣ly declare) but also against them in the Countrey of Pied∣mont, remaining in the Ualley of Angrongne, and of Lu∣cerne, and also in the Ualley of S. Martine, and Perouse, in the sayd countrey of Piedmont. Whych people of a long time, were persecuted by the Papists, and especially with∣in these fewe yeares, they haue bene vexed in such sort, and so diuersly, that it seemeth almost incredible: and yet hathe God alwayes miraculously deliuered them, as heereafter shall ensue.

Albeit the people of Angrongne had before this time, certaine to preach the word of God, and minister the sacra∣mentes vnto them priuately: yet in the yeare of our Lorde 1555. in the beginning of the moneth of August, the Gospel was openly preached in Angrongne. The ministers and the people entended at the first, to kepe themselues still, as secrete as they mighte: but there was suche concourse of people from al parties, that they were compelled to preach openly abroad. For this cause they built them a Church in the mids of Angrongne, where assembles were made, and Sermons preached. It happened about that time, that one Iohn Martin of Briqueras, a mile frō Angrongne, which vaunted euery where,* 12.151 that he wold slit the ministers nose of Angrogne, was assaulted by a Wolfe, which bitte of hys nose, so that he died thereof madde. Thys was commonly knowen to all the townes thereabout.

At this season the French king helde these foresaid val∣leis, & they were vnder the iurisdiction of the Parliament of Thurin. In the ende of Decēber folowing, newes was brought, that it was ordeined by the sayd Parlament, that certaine horsemen and footemen should be sent to spoil and destroy Angrongne. Whereuppon some whych pretended great frēdship to this people, counselled thē not to goe for∣ward with their enterprise: but to forbeare for a while, and to wait for better oportunitie. But they notwithstanding, calling vpon God, determined with one accord, constant∣ly to persist in theyr religion, and in hope and silence, to a∣bide the good pleasure of god: so that this enterprise against Angrongne, was soone dashed. The same time they began also openly to preach in Luserne.

In the moneth of March, An. 1556. the Ministers of the Ualley of S. Martine, preached openly. At that time certaine Gentlemen of the Ualley of S. Martine, tooke a good man,* 12.152 named Barthelmew a booke binder, prisonner, as he passed by the said Ualley, the which was sent by and by, to Thurin, and there with a maruellous constancie, af∣ter he had made a good confession of his Faith, hee suffered death: In so much that diuers of the parlament were asto∣nished and appalled at his constancie. Yet they of the sayde Parlament, being sore incensed against the Uandois, sent one named the President of S. Iulian,* 12.153 associating vnto him, one called de Ecclesia, and others, for to hinder theyr enterprise. These comming first to the Ualley of Perouse, wher as yet no preachers were, but they were accustomed to resort to the Sermons at Angrongne, very much trou∣bled and feared the poore people there.

From thence they went to the Ualley of S. Martine, and remained there a good while, tormentinge the poore people, and threatning their vtter ruine and destructi∣on. After that they came to Luserne, troubling and vexing the people there, in like maner. From thence they went to Angrongne, accompanied wyth many Gentlemen, and a great rable of Priestes, of the sayde Countrey: but by the way, the President enquired for one dwelling at S. Iohns neare to Angrongne, and examined him whether hee had not baptised his childe at Angrongne, and wherfore he had so done.* 12.154 The poore simple man aunsweared, that hee hadde baptised his childe at Angrongne, because Baptisme was there ministred according to the institution of Christ. Thē the President in a great rage, commāded him in the kings name, to Baptise his childe again, or els he shuld be burnt. The poore man desired the President that he might be suf∣fered to make his prayer to God, before hee shoulde make aunsweare thereunto. Which, after,* 12.155 he had done in the hall before all the companie there present: he required the Pre∣sident that he woulde wryte and signe the same wyth hys owne hand, that he would discharge him before God of the danger of that offence, if he should baptise his childe again, and that he would take the pearill vpon him and hys. The President hearing this, was so confounded, that hee spake not one worde a good while after.* 12.156 Then sayde he in a great furie, away thou vilaine, out of my sight: and after that he was neuer called againe any more.

After they were come to Angrogne, the President ha∣uing visited the two Temples, caused a Monke to preache in the one, the people being there assembled, who pretēded nothing els, but only to exhort them to returne to the obe∣dience of the Sea of Rome. The Monke with the Presi∣dent & all his retinue, kneeled downe twise, and called vp∣pon the virgin Mary:* 12.157 but the ministers and all the people stoode still, and would not knele, making no signe or token of reuerence. Assoone as the Monke had ended hys Ser∣mon, the people requested instantly, that their Minister might also be suffered to preache, affirming that the sayde Monke had spoken many thinges, which were not accor∣ding to the woorde of God. But the President woulde not graunt their request. After that, the sayde President admo∣nished them in the name of the king, and the Parlament of Thurin,* 12.158 that they shoulde returne to the obedience of the Pope, vpon paine of losse of goodes and life, and vtter de∣struction of their towne: and withal he recited vnto them, the pitious discomfiture of their brethrē and frends, which had bene done before in Merindoll and Cabriers, & other places in the country of Prouince. The ministers and the people answered that they were determined to liue accor∣ding to the word of God, and that they wold obey the king and all their superiors in all things,* 12.159 so that God were not thereby displeased: And furthermore, if it were shewed vn∣to them by the word of God, that they erred in any poynte of Religion, they were ready to receaue correction, and to be reformed. Thys talke endured about sixe houres toge∣ther, euen vntil night. In the end, the President sayd there should be a disputation apoynted for those matters. Wher∣unto the people gladly agreed. But after that there was no more mention made thereof.

Heere he remained 14. daies, daily practising newe de∣uises, to vexe and torment them,* 12.160 wyth newe Proclamati∣ons, now calling to him the Syndiques and head officers, now seuerally and nowe altogether, y^t so for fear he mighte make thē to relente: causing also assembles to be made in euery Parish, by suche as hee appoynted, thinking thereby to deuide the people. Notwithstanding he nothing pre∣uailed with all that he coulde doe: but still they continued constant. In somuch that they with one accorde, presented a briefe confession of their Faith, with an aunswere to cer∣taine interrogatories made by the President, in the whych they confessed:

That the Religion wherein both they and theyr El∣ders had ben long instructed & brought vp, was the same,* 12.161 which is conteined both in the olde and newe Testament, the which is also briefly comprised in the 12. Articles of the Christian beliefe.

Also, that they acknowledged the Sacraments institu∣ted by Christe, whereby he distributeth aboundauntly hys graces and great benefites, his heauenly riches and trea∣sures, to all those which receiue the same, with a true and a liuely faith.

Furthermore, that they receaued the Creedes of the foure generall Councels, that is to say, of Nice, Constan∣tinople, Ephesus and Calcedon, and also the Creede of A∣thanasius, wherein the mystery of the Christian faith and religion is plainely and largely set out.

Item, the ten Commaundementes expressed in the 20. chapt. of Exod. and in the 5. of Deut. in the which the rule of a godly & holy life, and also the true seruice whiche God requireth of vs, is briefly comprised: and therfore folowing this article, they suffered not by any meanes (sayd they) a∣ny grosse iniquities to raigne among them, as vnlawfull swearing, periury, blasphemy, cursing, sclandering, dissen∣tion, deceit, wrong dealing, vsury, gluttony, dronkennesse, whoredom, theft, murther, sorcery, witchcraft, or such like: but wholy endeuoured them selues to liue in the feare of God, and according to his holy will.

Moreouer, they acknowledged the superior powers, as princes and magistrates, to be ordeined of God, & that who so euer resisteth the same, resisteth the ordinaunce of God: and therefore humbly submitted themselues to theyr superiours, with all obedience, so that they cōmanded no∣thing against God.

Finally, they protested, that they woulde in no poynte be stubborne, but if that their forefathers or they had erred many one iote concerning true religion, the same beynge proued by the woord of God, they would willingly yeelde, and be reformed.

* 12.162The interrogatories, were concerning the Masse, auri∣cular confession, baptisme, mariage, and burials, according to the institution of the Church of Rome.

* 12.163To the first they aunsweared, that they receyued the Lordes supper, as it was by him instituted, and celebrated by his Apostles: but as touching the masse, except the same might be prooued by the word of God, they would not re∣ceiue it.

To the second touching auricular confession, they said, that for their parte, they confessed them selues daily vnto God, acknowledging them selues before him, to be mise∣rable sinners, desiring him of pardone and forgeuenesse of their sinnes, as Christe instructed his, in the prayer which he taught them:* 12.164 Lord, forgeue vs our sinnes. And as S. Iohn sayeth: If we confesse our sinnes to God, hee is faithfull and iust to forgeue vs our sinnes, and to cleanse vs from all vnrighteous∣nesse. And according to that which God him selfe sayeth by his Prophet: O Israel, if thou returne, returne vnto me. And againe, O Israel, it is I, it is I, which forgeeueth thee thy sinnes. So that,* 12.165 seeing they ought to returne to God alone, and it is he only that forgeueth sinnes, therfore they were bound to confesse them selues to God onely,* 12.166 and to no other. Also it appeareth, that Dauid in his Psalmes, and y^e Prophets, and other faithfull seruaunts of God haue confessed them∣selues, both generally and particularly vnto God alone: Yet if the contrary might be prooued by the woord of God, they woulde (say they) wyth all humblenesse receiue the same.

* 12.167Thirdly, as touching Baptisme, they acknowledged and receiued that holy Institution of Christe, and admini∣stred the same with all simplicitie, as hee ordeined it in his holy Gospell, without any chaunging, adding, or dimini∣shing in any poynt, & that all this they did in their mother tongue,* 12.168 according to the rule of S. Paul, who willeth that in the church euery thing to be done in the mother tongue, for the edification of our neighbor. But as for their coniu∣rations, oyling, and salting, except the same might be pro∣ued by the sacred Scripture, they would not receiue them.

Fourthly, as touching burialles, they aunswered, that they knewe there is a difference betwene the bodies of the true Christians,* 12.169 and the Infidels, for asmuch as the firste are the mēbers of Iesus Christ, temples of the holy ghost, and partakers of the glorious resurrectiō of the dead, and therefore they accustomed to folow their dead to the graue reuerently, with a sufficient company, and exhortation out of the woorde of God, as well to comfort the parentes and frendes of the dead, as also to admonish all men, diligent∣ly to prepare them selues to die. But as for the vsing of candles or lightes, praiers for the dead, ringing of belles, except y^e same might be proued to be necessary, by the word of God, and that God is not offended therwith, they wold not receiue them.

Fifthly, as touching obedience to mennes traditions, they receiued and allowed all those ordinances,* 12.170 which (as S. Paule sayth) serue for order, decencie, & reuerence of the Ministerie. But as for other Ceremonies, which haue bin brought into the Churche of God, either as a parte of his diuine seruice, either to merite remission of sinnes, or els to binde mens consciences, because they are mere repugnant to the word of God, they could by no means receiue them.

And whereas the Commissioners affirmed the sayde traditions to haue ben ordeined by councels:* 12.171 first they an∣sweared, that the greatest part of them were not ordeined by councels. Secondly, that Councels were not to be pre∣ferred aboue the woorde of God, which saith: If any man, yea or Angell from heauen, shoulde preache vnto you, otherwise then that which hath bene receiued of the Lorde Iesus,* 12.172 let him be ac∣cursed. And therefore (said they) if Councels haue ordained any thing dissenting from the woorde of God, they woulde not receiue it.

Finally, they said, that the Councels had made diuers notable decrees concerning the election of Bishoppes, and Ministers of the Church: concerning Ecclesiasticall disci∣pline, as wel of the Cleargie, as of the people: also concer∣ning the distribution of the goodes and possessions of the Church.* 12.173 And further, that all pastours which were eyther whoremongers, drunkardes, or offensiue in any case, shuld be put from their office. Moreouer, that whosoeuer should be present at the masse of a priest which was a whoremon∣ger, should be excōmunicate. And many such other things, which wer not in any point obserued. And that they omit∣ted to speake of many other thinges, whith were ordained by diuers Councels, very superstitious, and cōtrary to the holy Commaundements of God, as they would be ready to prooue (said they) if they should haue occasion and opor∣tunitie thereunto.

Wherefore they required the Commissioners,* 12.174 that a disputation might be had (as by the sayde President was pretended) publiquely and in their presence, and then if it might be prooued by the woorde of God, that they erred ei∣ther in doctrine, or conuersation and maner of liuing, they were content, with all humblenesse to be corrected, and re∣fourmed, as they had before sayde: beseeching them to con∣sider also that their religion had ben obserued & kept from their auncitours, vntill their time,* 12.175 many hundred yeares together: and yet for their partes, being conuicted by the infallible woord of God, they would not obstinately stande to the defence therof: Saying moreouer, that they, togither with the said Lordes Deputies, confessed all one God, one Sauiour, one Holy Ghost, one Lawe, one Baptisme, one hope in Heauen: and in Summe, they affirmed that their faith and religion was firmly founded and groūded vpon the pure woord of God, wherefore it is sayd, That blessed are they which heare the same, and keepe it.

To be short, seeing it is permitted to the Turkes,* 12.176 Sa∣razens, & Iewes (which are mortall ennemies to our Sa∣uiour Christe) to dwell peaceablye in the fairest Cities of Christendome, by good reason they should be suffred to liue in the desolate mountaines & valleis, hauing their whole religion ••ounded vpon the holy Gospel, and worshipping the Lord Iesus: and therefore they most humbly besought them, to haue pitie and compassion vpon them, and to suf∣fer them to liue quietly in their deserts, protesting that they and theirs would liue in al feare & reuerence of God, with all due subiection and obedience to their Lord and prince, and to his Lieutenants and officers.

The President and the rest of the Commissioners per∣ceiuing that they laboured in vaine, returned to Thurin, with the notes of their proceedings, the which immediatly were sent vnto the kings court, & there the matter remai∣ned one yeare,* 12.177 before there was any answeare made there∣unto: during which time, the Waldoys liued in great qui∣etnes, as God of his infinit goodnes is wont to geue some comfort & refreshing to his poore seruants, after long trou∣bles and afflictions. The number of the faithfull so aug∣mented, that throughout the valleis, Gods woorde was purely preached, & his sacraments duely administred, and no mas••e was song in Angrōgne, nor in diuers other pla∣ces. The yere after, the President of S. Iulian with his as∣sociates, returned to Pigneroll, & sent for thither, the chiefe Rulers of Angrongne, & of the valley of Luserne, that is, for sixe of Angrongne, and for two of euery parish besides, and shewed vnto them, how that the last yere they had pre¦sented their confession, the which by a decree made by the parliament of Thurin, was sent to the kings court,* 12.178 & ther diligently examined by learned men, & condemned as he∣reticall. Therfore the king willed and commaunded them, to returne to the obedience of the Church of Rome, vppon paine of losse both of goods and life: enioyning them more∣ouer, to geue him a direct aunswere within 3. daies. From thence he went to Luserne, & caused the housholders, with great threatnings to assemble them selues before certaine by him appoynted:* 12.179 but they with one assent persisted in their former confession. And least they should seeme stub∣bern in the defence of any erroneous doctrine, they desired that their confession might be sent to all the Uniuersities of Christendom, and if the same in any part, by the word of God were disproued, it should be immediately amended: but contrariwise, if that were not done, then they to be no more disquieted.

The President not contēted with this, the next morning sent for sixe of Angrongne by him named, & for two out of euery other parish, the which he and the Gentlemenne of the country threatned very sore,* 12.180 and warned twelue of the chiefe of Angrongne, and certaine of the other parishes, to appeare personally at the Parliament of Thurine, and to bring before the Iudges of the said Parliament, their mi∣nisters and scholemaisters, thinking if they were once ba∣nished the countrey, that then their enterprise might soone be brought to an ende. To the which it was aunsweared, that they could not, nor ought not to obey such a comman∣dement.

A litle while after, Proclamation was made in euery place,* 12.181 that no man shoulde receiue any preacher comming from Geneua, but onely suche as were appoynted by the Archbishop of Thurin, and other his officers, vpon paine of confiscation of their goodes, and losse of their liues, and

that euery one should obserue the ceremonies, rites, & re∣ligion vsed in the Church of Rome. Furthermore, if any of the foresaid preachers of Geneua came into those quar∣ters, that they should immediately be apprehended, and by no meanes their aboade there by any one to be concealed, vpon the paine aforesayde. And furthermore, the names of those which should disclose any one of them, should be kept secrete, and also for their accusation, they shoulde haue the third part of the goodes confiscated, with a full pardone, if that the saide accusers were any of those which priuily did keepe or maintaine the said ministers: and that they and al other, which would returne to their mother the Churche, mighte freely and safely come and recante before the sayde Commissioners.

At the same season the Princes of Germanie, and cer∣taine of the Suitzers sent vnto the French king,* 12.182 desiring him to haue pitie on the foresaide Churches, and from that time vntil thre yeeres after, the people of the foresaide val∣leyes were not molested by any of the kings officers: but yet they were sore vexed by the monkes of Pigneroll, and the Gentlemen of the valley of S. Martin.

About that time a minister of Angrongne named Gef∣frey Uarialla, borne in Piemont, a vertuous and learned man,* 12.183 and fearing God, went to visite certaine churches in those quarters where he was borne, and comming home∣ward, was taken at Berge, and from thence led to Thurin where he after he had made a good confession of his faith, to the confirmation of many, and the terrour of the aduersa∣ries, most constantly suffred.

A fewe daies after, a minister of the valley of Luserne, returning to Geneua, was taken prisoner at Suse, & soone after sent to Thurin, and with an inuincible constancie made his confession before those of the Parliament, and in the end was condemned to be burnt. The hangman at the time of execution fained himselfe to be sicke,* 12.184 and so conuei∣ed hym selfe away. And so likewise an other serued them, being appointed by the foresaid Court, to execute the poore minister. It is credibly reported, that the hangman which executed certain Germanes a litle afore, would by no mea∣nes do this execution. Wherupon the minister was sent to prison againe, where after long & painful endurance, seing the prison doore open, he escaped, and returned to his cure.

Nowe foure yeares being past, in such manner as we haue hitherto touched in this storie, in the yeare folowing, which was 1559. there was a peace concluded betweene the French king, and the king of Spaine. Whereupon the countrey of Piemont, (certaine townes excepted) was re∣stored to the Duke of Sauoy: vnder whose regiment the foresaide Churches, and all other faithfull people in Pie∣mont, continued in great quietnes, and wer not molested: and the Duke him selfe was content to suffer them to liue in their religion, knowing that he had no subiectes more faithfull and obedient then they were. But Sathan hating al quietnesse, by his ministers stirred the Duke against the sayde Churches of Piemont,* 12.185 his owne naturall subiects. For the Pope and the Cardinalles seeing the good incli∣nation of the Duke towardes this people, incensed him to doe that, which otherwise he would not. The Popes Le∣gate also which then followed the Court, and other that fauoured the Churche of Rome, laboured by all meanes to perswade the Duke, that hee ought to vanishe the sayde Waldoys, which mainteined not the Popes religion: alle∣ging that he could not suffer such a people to dwell within his dominion, without preiudice and dishonour to the A∣postolique Sec. Also that they were a rebellious people a∣gainst the holy ordinaunces and decrees of their holy mo∣ther the Churche. And briefly, that he might no longer suf∣fer the said people, being so disobedient & stubbern against the holy father, if he would in dede shew him selfe a louing and obedient sonne.

Such deuilishe instigations were the cause of these hor∣rible and furious persecutions, wherewith this poore peo∣ple of the valleys and the Countrey of Piemont was so long vexed. And because they foresawe the great calami∣ties which they were like to suffer: to find some remedy for the same (if it were possible) al the saide Churches of Pie∣mont, with one common consent wrote to the duke, decla∣ring in effect, that the onely cause why they were so hated, and for the which he was by their enemies so sore incensed against them, was their religion: which was no newe or light opinion, but that wherein they and their auncitours had long cōtinued, being wholy grounded vpon the infal∣lible worde of God, conteined in the olde and new Testa∣ment. Notwithstanding, if it might be prooued by the same worde, that they held any false or erroneous doctrine, they would submit them selues to be reformed, with all obedi∣ence. But it is not certaine whether thys aduertisemente was deliuered vnto the Duke, or no: for it was sayde, that he woulde not heare of that Religion. But howe so euer it was, in the moneth of March following, there was great persecution raised against the poore Christians, which wer at Carignan. Amongest whom there were certaine godly persones taken, & burnt within foure daies after, that is to saye, one named Mathurine, and his wife,* 12.186 and Iohn de Carquignan, dwelling in the valley of Luserne, taken pri∣soner as he went to the market at Pignerol. The woman died with great constancie. The good man, Iohn de Car∣quignan had ben in prison diuers times before for religion and was alwaies deliuered by Gods singulare grace and prouidence. But seeing him selfe taken this last time, incō∣tinēt he said, he knew that God had now called him. Both by the way as he went, and in prison, and also at his death, he shewed an inuincible cōstancie, and maruelous vertue, aswel by the pure confession which hee made touching the doctrine of saluation, as also in suffering with patience the horrible torments which he endured both in prison, & also at his death. Many at that time fled away: others being a∣fraid of that great crueltie, and fearing man also more then God, looking rather to the earth, then vnto heauē, consen∣ted to returne to the obedience of the Church of Rome.

Within fewe daies after,* 12.187 these Churches of the sayde Waldoys, that is to say, Le Larch, Meronne, Meane, and Suse were woonderfully assaulted. To recite all the out∣rage, crueltie, and villany that was there cōmitted, it were too long: for breuities sake we will recite onely certaine of the principal and best knowen. The Churches of Meane & Suse suffered great afflictions. Their minister was ta∣ken amongst other. Many fled away, and their houses and goodes were ransackt and spoiled.* 12.188 The Minister was a good & a faithfull seruaunt of God, and endued with excel∣lent giftes and graces, who in the ende was put to moste shamefull and cruell death. The great pacience which hee shewed in the middes of the fire, greatly astonished the ad∣uersaries. Likewise the Churches of Larche and Meron∣ne were marueilouslye tormented and afflicted. For some were taken and sent to the galleis, other some consented & yelded to the aduersaries, and a great number of them fled away. It is certainly knowen,* 12.189 that those which yeelded to the aduersaries, were more cruelly hādled then the others which cōtinued constant in the truth. Wherby God decla∣reth howe greatly he detesteth all such as play the Aposta∣taes, and shrinke from the truth.

But for the better vnderstanding of the beginning of this horrible persecution against the Waldoys, heere note, that first of all proclamations were made in euery place, that none should resort to the Sermons of the Lutherans, but should liue after the custome of the Churche of Rome, vpon paine of forfaiture of their goods, and to be condem∣ned to the Galleyes for euer, or loose their liues. Three of the most cruel persons that could be founde,* 12.190 were appoyn∣ted to execute this cōmission. The first was one Thomas Iacomel, a Monke, and Inquisitour of the Romish faith, a man worthy for suche an office, for hee was an Apostata, and had renounced the knowen truth, and persecuted mor∣tally and malitiouslye the poore Christians, againste his owne conscience, and of set purpose, as his bookes do suffi∣ciently witnesse. He was also a whoremonger, and geuen ouer to al other villanies and filthy liuing, and in the hor∣rible sinne of Sodomitrie, which he cōmonly vsed, he pas∣sed all his fellowes. Briefly,* 12.191 he was nothing els but a mis∣shapen monster both against God and nature. Moreouer, he so afflicted and tormented the poore captiues of the sayd Waldoys, by spoiling, robbery, and extortion, that he deser¦ued not only to be hanged, but to be broken vpon y^e whele a hundred times, and to suffer so many cruell deathes, if it were possible: so great, so many, and so horrible were the crimes that he had committed.

The seconde was the Collaterall Corbis, who in the examination of the prisoners, was very rigorous & cruell, for he only demaunded of them whether they would go to the masse, or be burnt within three dayes, and in very dede executed his sayings. But it is certainly reported,* 12.192 that hee seeing the constancie, and hearing the confession of the pore Martyrs, feeling a remorse, and tormented in conscience, protested that he would neuer meddle any more.

The thirde was the Prouost de la Iustice, a cruell and crafty wretch, accustomed to apprehende the poore Christi∣ans either by night, or early in the morning, or in the high way going to the market, and was commonly lodged in the valley of Luserne, or there aboutes. Thus the poore people were alwayes as the seely sheepe in the Woolues iawes, or as the shepe which are ledde vnto the slaughter house.

At that season one named Charles de Comptes, of the

valley of Luserne, and one of the Lordes of Angrongne, wrote to the sayde Commissioners, to vse some leuitie to∣wardes them of the valley of Lusern. By reason whereof, they were a while more gently entreated then the rest. At that season the monks of Pignerol, & theyr associates tor∣mented greeuously the churches neare about them.* 12.193 They tooke the poore Christians as they passed by the waye, and kept them prisoners within their abbey. And hauing as∣sembled a company of Ruffians, they sent them to spoyle those of the said churches, and to take prisoners, men, wo∣men & children, and some they so tormented, that they wer cōpelled to sweare, to returne to the masse, other some also they sent to the galleis, and other some they burnt cruelly. They whyche escaped, were afterwards so sicke, that they seemed to haue bene poysoned.* 12.194 The same yeare there were two great earthquakes in Piemonte, and also many great tempests and horrible thunders.

The Gentlemen of the valley of S. Martin, intreated theyr tennauntes very cruelly, threatning them, and com∣maunding them to returne vnto the Masse, also spoyling them of th••yr goodes, imprisoning them, and vexing them by all the meanes they could.* 12.195 But aboue all the other, two especially, y^t is to say, Charles Truchet and Boniface hys brother, the whiche the 2. day of Aprill before day, wyth a company of Ruffians, spoyled a village of their owne sub∣iectes, named Renclaret, the whiche assoone as the inhabi∣tants of the said village perceiued, they fled into the moun∣taine couered with snow,* 12.196 naked and without victuall, and there remayned vntill the thirde night after. In the mor∣ning certaine of his retinue toke a minister of the said val∣ley prisonner, which was come out of Calabria, & was go∣ing to visite the poore people of Renclaret, and ledde hym prisonner to the Abbey, where soone after hee was burnt, with one other of the valley of S. Martin.

The third night after, they of Pragela hauing pity vpon the poore people of Renclaret,* 12.197 sente aboute iiij. C. to dis∣comfite the company of the Truchets, and to restore those which were fled to their houses. They were furiously as∣saulted by the shot of their enemies, who notwithstanding in the end were put to flight, and but one of the foure hun∣dred hurt.

About a yeare before, the said Truchet being accōpanied with a company of ruffians, arrested prisoner the minister of Renclaret, as he was at his Sermon. But the people was so moued by this outragious dealing, & specially the women, that they had almost strangled the saide Truchet, and the rest of them were so canuased, that they had no liste to come there agayne any more. By reason whereof hee so vexed them by processe, that they were compelled to agree with him, and to pay him xvi.C. crownes.

Soone after the lordes of the sayde valley tooke another minister of the same valley,* 12.198 as he was going to preach in a parish, a mile frō his house: but the people perceiuing that, speedily pursued him, and tooke him. The enemies seeyng that they were not able to leade hym away, wounded hym so sore, that they left him for dead. Whereupon they so per∣secuted the poore people, that they were almost destroyed.

Heere is not to be forgotten, that the same nyght in the whiche the companye of Truchet was discomfited, was so stormie and terrible, and the Gentlemen of that Countrey were so terrified, that they thought they should haue bene al destroied. Wherfore they vsed more gentlenes towardes the people then before, except Charles Truchet, & hys bro∣ther,* 12.199 the whych wente to the Duke, and made greeuous complaintes against the Waldoys, not only for that which was done and past, but also perswaded the duke, that they went about to builde three Fortresses in the mountaines, and also intended to maintaine certaine garrisons of strā∣gers: charging them further with diuers other crimes, of the whych they were in no poynt guiltie. The Duke being mooued by these false surmises, gaue in charge to the sayde accusers, and the Fortresse of the valley of S. Martine, the whych about twentie yere before was rased by the French men, shoulde be builte againe, and that therein shoulde be placed a perpetuall garrison, and that the people shoulde make so plaine and wide the rugged wayes, that horsemen myght easely passe, with diuers such other thyngs: and all this to be done at the costes & charges of those that woulde not submit them selues to the abedience of the Romaine Churche.* 12.200

This commission being sealed, the Gentlemen caused the Fortresse to be built againe, and put therin a garrison, and proclaimed the commission. The poore people being thereat amased, withstoode the Commissioners, and sente certaine to the Duke: and immediatly after the Commis∣sioners retourned to the Dukes Courte, being at Nice, to inflame his anger more against them. But God soone pre∣uented this mischiefe: For the Truchets being at Nice, went to the Sea, with diuers noble men, and immediate∣ly they were taken prisoners by the Turkes, put into the Galleys, sore beaten wyth ropes, and so cruelly handled, that it was commonly reported that they were deade: and lōg time after denying their nobilitie, were sent home,* 12.201 ha∣uing paid 400. crownes for their ransome. Some say, that the Duke himselfe was almost taken, but it is sure that hee fell sicke soone after.

In the moneth of April next folowing, the Lorde of Ra∣conis was present at a Sermon, in a place neare vnto An∣grongne. The sermon being ended, he talked with the mi∣nisters, and hauing discoursed as well of the Dukes sicke∣nesse, as also of his clemencie and gentlenes, he declared to them, that the persecution proceded not of him, and that he meant not that the cōmission shuld haue bene so rigorously executed. After that he demaunded of them, what way they thought best to appease the Dukes wrath. They answea∣red, that the people ought not to be mooued to seeke by any meanes, howe to please & appease the Duke, which mighte displease God. But y^e best way they knewe, was the same, wherwith the auncient seruaunts of God, vsed to appease the Pagane Princes and Emperours,* 12.202 in the time of the great persecutions of the church, that is to say, to geue out and present vnto them in wryting, the confession of theyr faith, and defence of the religion which they professed: tru∣sting that for as muche as the fury of diuers prophane and Ethnike Emperors and princes haue bene heretofore ap∣peased by such meanes, the Duke being endued wyth such singular vertues, as they said he was, would also be paci∣fied by the like meanes: And for that cause the poore people had before sent a supplication, wyth a Confession of theyr faith vnto the Duke, but they were not certaine whether he had receiued it, or no. Wherfore they desired him to pre∣sent the same vnto the sayd Duke him selfe. Whereunto he agreed & promised so to do. Wherupon they sent three sup∣plications: one to the Duke, the second to the Duches,* 12.203 and the third to y^e dukes counsell, wherein they briefly declared what their religion was, and the poyntes thereof, whych they and their aunciters had of a long time obserued, being wholy grounded vpon the pure word of God: and if by the same worde it should be proued, that they were in errour, they would not be obstinate, but gladly be refourmed, and embrace the trueth. After this the persecution seemed to be somewhat asswaged for a litle while.

In the ende of Iune next following, the Lorde of Ra∣conis, and the Lorde of Trinitie came to Angrogne, there to quallifie (as they sayde) the sore persecution. and cau∣sed the chiefe rulers and ministers to assemble together, propoundinge diuers poyntes of Religion concernyng Doctrine, the callyng of Ministers, the Masse, and obe∣dience towardes Princes and Rulers: and furthermore declared vnto them that their confession was sent to Rome by the Duke, and daily they looked for aunsweare.* 12.204 To all these poynts the Ministers answered. After this they de∣maunded of the chiefe rulers, if that the Duke would cause Masse to be song in their parishes, whether they woulde withstand the same, or no. They answered simply that they would not. Then they demanded of them if that the Duke would appoynt them Preachers, whether they would re∣ceiue them. They answered,* 12.205 that if they preached the word of God purely, they would heare them. Thirdly, if y^t they were content, that in the meane time their ministers shuld cease, and if they whiche shoulde be sent, preached not the worde of God sincerely, then theyr ministers to preache a∣gaine. If they would agree to thys, they were promysed that the persecution should cease, and the prisoners should be ••estored againe. To thys question, after they had con∣ferred with the people, they aunswered, that they could by no meanes suffer that theyr Ministers shoulde forbeare preaching.

The two Lordes not contented with thys aunswere, commaunded in the Dukes name, that all the Miny∣sters whyche were straungers, shoulde oute of hande be banished the countrey: saying, that the Duke woulde not suffer them to dwell wythin his dominion, for that they were his enemies: demaunding also whether they would foster and maintaine the Princes ennemies wythin hys owne lande againste his owne decree and expresse com∣maundement? To the whyche, answeare was made by the chiefe Rulers, that they coulde by no meanes banish them, vnlesse they were afore conuicted of some heresie, or other crime: for their part,* 12.206 they had alwaies founde them to be men of pure and sound doctrine, and also of godly life and conuersation.

Thus done, immediatly Proclamations were made,

and the persecution began on euery syde to be more furi∣ous then it was afore. Amongest others, the Monkes of Pignerol at that tyme were most cruell: for they sent out a company of hyred Ruffians,* 12.207 which dayly spoyled and ransackt houses, and all that they could lay hands of, tooke men, women, and children, and led them captiues to the Abbey, where they were most spitefully afflicted and tor∣mented. At the same time they sent also a band of the sayde ruffians by night, to the Ministers house of S. Germain, in the valley of Perouse,* 12.208 being led thither by a traytour which knew the house, and had vsed to haunt thether se∣cretly: who knocking at the dore, the Minister knowing his voyce, came foorth immediately, and perceiuing hym∣selfe to be betrayed, fledde: but he was soone taken and sore wounded, and yet notwithstandyng they pricked him behynde wyth theyr halbards, to make hym hasten hys pace. At that tyme also many they slue, many they hurt, and many also they brought to the Abbey, and there kepte them in prison, and cruelly handled them. The good Mi∣nister endured sore imprisonment,* 12.209 and after that a most terrible kind of death, with a wonderfull constancie: For they rosted him by a small fire: and when halfe his body was burnt, he confessed and called vpon the Lorde Iesus, with a loude voice.

The Inquisitour Iacomel, with his Monkes, and the Collaterall Corbis, amongest other, shewed one pra∣ctise of most barbarous crueltie against thys poore man. Who when he should be burnt,* 12.210 caused two poore women of S. Germain (which they kept in prison) to cary fagots to the fire, and to speake these wordes to their Pastour: take thys, thou wicked hereticke, in recompence of thy naughty doctrine, which thou hast taught vs. To whome the good Minister aunswered: Ah good women, I haue taught you well, but you haue learned ill. To be briefe, they so afflicted and tormented those poore people of Saint Germain, and the places thereabout, that after they were spoyled of their goodes, and driuen from theyr houses, they were cōpelled to flie into y^e mountaine to saue their liues. So great was the spoyle of this poore people, that many which before had bene men of much w••alth, and with their riches had ministred great succour and comfort to others, were now brought to such miserie, that they were compel∣led to craue succour and reliefe of other.

Now, for as much as the sayde Monkes, with theyr troupes of ruffians (which were counted to be in number about three hundred) made such spoyle and hauocke in all the countrey,* 12.211 that no man could there liue in safetie: it was demaunded of the Ministers, whether it was lawfull to defend themselues, against the insolencie and furious rage of the sayde Ruffians. The Ministers aunswered, that it was lawfull, warning them in any case, to take heede of bloudshed. This question being once dissolued, they of the valley of Luserne and of Angrongne, sent certayne men to them of S. Germain, to ayde them against the suppor∣ters of these Monkes.

In the moneth of Iune, the haruest being then in Pie∣mont, diuers of the Waldoys were gone into y^e countrey, to reape and make prouision for corne, for very litle grow∣eth vpon their mountaines: the which were all taken pri∣soners at sundry times and places, not one knowing of a∣nother:* 12.212 but yet God so wrought, that they all escaped out of prison, as it were by a myracle: Whereat the aduersa∣ries were maruelously astonished. At the same time, there were certayne other also, which had susteyned long im∣prisonment, looking for nothing else but death: and yet they after a wonderfull sort, by Gods mercifull prouidence were likewise deliuered.

In the moneth of Iuly, they of Angrongne, beeyng in a morning at haruest, vpon the hill syde of S. Germain, perceyued a company of souldiours spoylyng them of S. Germaine: & doubting least they would go to Angrōgne, made an outcry. Then the people of Angrongne assem∣bled together vpon the mountayne,* 12.213 and some ranne to S. Germain ouer the hill, & some by the valley. They which went by the valley, mette with the spoylers commyng from S. Germain, loden with spoyle, which they had got∣ten, and being but 50. set vpon the other, amounting to the number of 120. men well appoynted, and gaue them soone the ouerthrow. The passage ouer the bridge beyng stopped, the enemies were fayne to take the riuer of Clu∣zon, where diuers were sore hurt, many were drowned, & some escaped very hardly: and such a slaughter was made o•• them, that the riuer was dyed with the bloud of them, which were wounded and slaine, but none of the Angrōg∣mans were once hurt. If the sayd riuer had bene as great as it was wont commonly to be, there had not one mā es∣caped alyue. The noyse of the harquebushes was great, and within lesse then one houres space, there was three or foure hundreth of the Waldoys, gathered together vppon the riuer: and at the same tyme, they had purposed to fetch away their prisoners, which were in the Abbey, but they would not do it without the counsaile of their Ministers, and so differred the matter vntill the next day: But their Ministers coūsailed thē, not to entreprise any such thyng: but to refrayne themselues, and so they dyd. Albeit they doubted not, but if they had gone incontinent, after that discomfiture, vnto the Abbey: they might haue founde all open, and easly haue entred: For the Monkes were so sore afrayde, that they fled sodēly to Pignerol, to saue their re∣liques and Images, which they caryed thether. The rest of the countrey about, were wonderfully afrayde, & range the Belles euery where. The greater part of them fledde, doubtyng least the poore Waldoys would haue reuenged the wronges and outrages done vnto them.

The next day folowyng,* 12.214 the Commaunder of Saint Anthony de Fossan came to Angrongne, accōpanied with diuers Gentlemen, saying that he was sent by the Duke: and hauyng assembled the chief Rulers and Ministers of Angrongne, and of the Ualley of Luserne, after he had de∣clared vnto them the cause of his commyng, he read their Supplication directed to the Duke, which cōteined their confession, demaūdyng of them, if it were the same, which they had sent to the Duke. They aunswered, yea. Then he began to dispute, beyng sent (as he sayd) to informe them of their errours, not doubtyng, but they would amēde, ac∣cordyng to their promise. Then he entred into a disputati∣on of the Masse, in a great heat, deriuyng the same frō the Hebrue word Massa,* 12.215 which signified (as he supposed) con∣secration, and shewed that this word Missa, might be foūd in auncient writers. The Ministers aunswered that he ill applyed the Hebrue word: and further, that they disputed not of the word Missa, but of that which is signified by the same, the which he ought first to proue by y^e word of God. Briefly that he could not proue either by the word of God, or the auncient fathers, their priuate Masse, their sacrifice expiatorie or propiciatorie, their transubstantiation,* 12.216 their adoration, their application of the same for the quicke and the dead, & such other matters, which are principal partes of the sayd Masse. The Cōmaunder hauing here nothyng to reply, fell into a marueilous color, rayling and ragyng as if he had bene starke mad, and told thē that he was not come to dispute, but to banish their Ministers, & to place others in their rowmes, by the Dukes commaūdement, which he could not, vnlesse their Ministers were first dri∣uen out of the countrey.

From thēce he went to the Abbey of Pigneroll,* 12.217 where he & Iacomell caused a number of the poore inhabitaunts of Campillō, and of Feuill, which be of the Ualley of Lu∣serne, to be taken prisoners, spoylyng them of their goods, driuyng away their cattell, and forcing them to sweare & forsweare, & in the end raūsomed them, for great summes of money. About that tyme, a Gentlemā of Campillon a∣greed with those whiche were fled, for xxx. crownes to be payde vnto him out of hand, that he would warrant them from any further vexation or trouble, so that they remay∣ned quiet at home. But when he had receaued the money, he caused the Commaunder of Fossan with his men, by night to come to his house, and then sent for the poore men thinking traiterously to haue deliuered thē into the hādes of their mortall enemy, folowing therein the Decree of the Councell of Constance: which is,* 12.218 that no promise is to be kept with heretickes. But God knowyng how to succour his, in their necessitie, preuented this daunger: for one of them had intelligence of the Commaunders commyng, & so they all fled. Thereupon they writ to the Lorde of Rā∣conis, declaryng vnto him y^e proceedyngs of the Cōmaū∣der, and that he neither would nor could shewe or proue any thyng by the word of God, as hee had promised:* 12.219 but threatned them great wronges & iniuries, and would not suffer their Ministers to reply, or say any thyng for the de∣fence of their cause: & therefore they desired him to signifie the same vnto the Dukes grace, to the end that he should not be offended, if they persisted still in their religiō, seyng it was not proued vnto them, by any reason taken out of the Scripture, that they erred.

After this, there were many commaundementes and iniunctions geuen out thorough all the countrey, to ba∣nish these poore Waldoys, with the doctrine of the Gos∣pell (if it were possible) out of the mountaynes and Ual∣leyes of Piemont: But the poore people still desired that, accordyng to that, which they had so often before protested by word & writyng, they might be suffered to serue God purely, accordyng to the rule prescribed in his word: sim∣ply obeying their Lord & Prince alwayes & in all thyngs.

Notwithstanding they were still vexed and tormented with all the crueltie that could be deuised, as partly it is al∣ready declared: but much more you shall perceiue by that which followeth.

* 12.220In the end of October next folowing, the rumor went that an army was leuying to destroy them, and in verye deede there were certeine bands leuyed, ready to march at an houres warning. Furthermore, those malefactours which heretofore were fled, or banished for any offence or crime committed, were called home agayne, and pardoned of altogether, so that they would take them to theyr wea∣pons, and go to destroy the Waldoys. The Ministers and chiefe Rulers of the valleyes of Luserne and Angrongne, therupō assembled together oftētimes to take aduise what in such an extremitie,* 12.221 were best to do. In the ende they de∣termined, that for certeine daies folowing, there should be kept a generall fast, and y^e Sonday after, a cōmunion. Also that they should not defend themselues by force of armes, but that euery one should withdraw himselfe into the high mountaines, and euery one to cary away such goods as he was able to beare: and if their enemies pursued them the∣ther, then to take such aduise and counsel as it pleased God to geue them. This Article of not defendyng themselues, seemed very strange to the people, being driuen to such an extremity, and y^e cause being so iust. But yet euery one begā to cary their goods and vitailes into the mountaynes, and for the space of eight dayes, all the wayes were filled wyth commers and goers to the mountaines, like vnto Ants in Sommer, which prouide for winter. All this did they in this great perplexitie & danger, with a wonderful courage and cherefulnes, praising of God and singing of Psalmes, and euery one cōforting an other. Briefly, they went with such ioy and alacritie, that you should not haue seene any, which grudged to leaue their houses and faire possessions, but were wholy determined patiently to abide the good pleasure of God, and also to dye if he had so appoynted.

* 12.222A few dayes after, certeyne other Ministers hearyng what they of Angrongne & Luserne had concluded, wrote vnto them, that this resolution seemed very straunge to some, that they ought not to defend themselues against the violence of their enemies, alleadging many reasons, that in such an extremitie and necessitie, it was lawful for them so to do: especially, the quarell being so iust, that is, for the defence of true Religion, and for the preseruation of theyr owne liues, and the liues of theyr wiues and children: knowing that it was the Pope and hys Ministers which were the cause of all these troubles and cruell warres, and not the Duke.* 12.223 Who was stirred vp thereunto onely by their instigations: Wherefore they might well and wyth good conscience, withstand such furious and outragious violence. For the proofe heereof, they also alleadged cer∣teine examples.

During this season, the Lorde of Angrongne, named Charles de Comptes of Luserne, laboured earnestly by al meanes possible, to cause them of Angrongne, to cōdescend to the Dukes pleasure, & sollicited them to send away their Ministers, promising that he woulde cause a Masse to be song at Angrongne, and that the people should not be cō∣pelled to be present thereat, hoping that by that means, the Dukes wrath would be appeased. The chief of Angrōgne thereupon were assembled and made this answere, that if the Duke would permit them to choose other Ministers, they were content to send away their forreine ministers & straungers. But as touching the Masse, hys hyghnes might well cause it to be song in their parishes, but they for their part, could not with safe consciences, be present at the same, nor yet geue their consent vnto it.

The xxij. of October, the sayde Lord of Angrongne, went from Luserne, to Mondeuis (where he was then gouernour for the Duke) and sent for the chiefe Rulers of Angrongne, at seuerall times, declaryng vnto them the great perils and daungers wherewith they were enui∣roned, the army beyng alreadie at hande: yet promising them if they woulde submitte themselues vnto hym, he would send immediately to stay the armye. They of An∣grongne aunswered, that they all determined to stande to that, which they, two dayes before in theyr assemble, had put in writing. With thys aunswer he seemed at that pre∣sent, to be content. The next day the rumor was, that they of Angrongne had submitted themselues to the Duke. On the morrow, whiche was Sonday, you should haue seene nothing but weeping and mourning in Angrongne. The Sermon being ended, the Rulers were called before the ministers and the people,* 12.224 the whiche affirmed, that they wholy cleaued vnto their former writing, and they sent se∣cretly to the Notary, for the copie of that which was pas∣sed in the counsaile house, at their last assemble before the Lord de Comptes: in the whiche was comprised, that Angrongne had wholy submitted hirselfe to the good plea∣sure of the Duke. The people hearing that, were sore asto∣nished, and protested rather to dye, then obey the same, and therevpon it was agreed, that at that very instant, (albeit it were very late) certayne should be sent to the Lorde of Angrongne, to signifie vnto him, that the determination of the Councell was falsified, and that it might please him, the next morning to come to Angrongne, to heare the voyces of the people, not onely of the men, but also of the women and children. But he himselfe went not thyther, (hauing intelligence of the vprore) but sente thyther the Iudge of that place. Then that which had bene falsified, was duly corrected, the Iudge laying all the blame vpon the Notary.

During this time, the aduersaries cryed out through all the Countrey of Piemont, To the fire wyth them,* 12.225 to the fire with them. The Thursday after, Angrongne, by proclamations and writings set vp in euery place, was exposed to the fire and sworde. On Friday after, being the seconde of Nouember, the army approched to the borders of the valley of Luserne, and certayne horsemen came to a place called S. Iohn, a little beneath Angrongne. Then the people retired into y^e mountaines. Certaine of S. Iohn perceiuing that the horsemen not only spoiled their goods, but also tooke their felowes prisoners, set vpon them. It is not certayne what number of the enemies were there slayne: but sodenly they retired to Bubiane, where theyr campe then was, and not one of them of S. Iohn was slayne or hurt. It happened at the same tyme, that two of the foresaide horsemen beeing sore amased, galoped before the rest, towards the army, being ready to march towards Angrongne, crying, they come, they come. At whose cry, the whole armye was so astonished,* 12.226 that euery man fled his way, and they were all so scattered, that the Captaines that day were not able to bring them in order againe, and yet no creature folowed them.

On the Saterday in the morning, the army mustered in the medowe grounde of S. Iohn, neare to Angrongne. They of Angrongne had sent certaine to keepe y^e passages, and stoppe the armye, that they shoulde not enter, if it were possible. In the meane season, the people retyred into the medowe of Tower, and little thought of the comming of the army so soone, or that they would haue made such a sodeine assault, for they were yet carying of victuals and other stuffe: so that few of them kept the passages. Now they which kept the straites, perceiuing that their enemies prepared themselues to fight, fell down vpon their knees, and made their praiers vnto God, that it woulde please hym to take pitie vpon them,* 12.227 and not to looke vpon their sinnes, but to the cause which they mainteyned: to turne the harts of their enemies, and so to worke, that there might be no effusion of bloud: and if it were his wyll to take them, with their wiues & infantes, out of this world, that he would then mercifully receiue them into his king∣dome. In this sort most feruent prayers were made of all those that kept the passages, with exhortation that they should altogether cry vnto God, and craue hys succour and assistance in thys great distresse. All this the Lord of Trinitie and the army did well perceiue.

Their prayers thus ended, sodenly they perceyued their enemies comming towards them, through the vines, to wynne the top of the mountayne of Angrongne. In the meane tyme the Prior of Saint Iohn, and Iacomel, were within the temple of Angrongne, and communed wyth the Rulers touching an agreement. These were sent thy∣ther by the Lord of Trinitie, to keepe the people occupyed. To be short, the combat began in diuers places, and en∣dured for a long space in the passages of Angrongne. The poore Waldoys (being but few in number, and some of them hauing but slings and crossebowes) were sore pres∣sed with the multitude of their enemies.* 12.228 At length they re∣tired to the toppe of the mountaine, where they defended themselues vntill night.

When they had found a place where they might wyth∣stande their enemies still pursuing them, they turned themselues, and slue diuers of them, and hurt many. When the euening came, the enemies rested, and were about to encampe themselues, there to suppe and lodge all night. Which thing, when the Angrongnians perceiued, they fell to prayer, desiring God to assist and succour them: but the enemies flouted them, and laughed them to scorne. Then y^e poore people deuised to send a drumme into a litle valley hard by. And as they were makyng their prayers vnto God, & the drumme sounded in y^e valley, the Lord of Tri∣nitie caused his souldiers whiche were about,* 12.229 to encampe themselues, to remoue thence: which was a great vaun∣tage

to the poore people, whiche now were sore weeried with trauaile, al wet with sweating, and very thyrstie, and in great perill, if God had not geuen them some litle brea∣thing time. Many of the enemies that day were slayne, and many hurt,* 12.230 of the which very few escaped. In so much that they reported that the shot was poysoned, which this poore simple people neuer vsed to do in all these warres. Of the Angrongnians, that daye there were but three slayne, and one hurt, which afterwardes was well healed agayne. This combate gaue greate courage to the Wal∣doys, and sore astonished the aduersaries. The same tyme the army retyring, burnt many houses, and made greate spoyle as they went, destroyeng also the wines which were in the presses.

The sayd Lord of Trinitie, with his army, camped in a village beyond Tour, in the valley of Luserne, at the foote of the hill, betweene Angrongne and y^e other townes of y^e valley of Luserne,* 12.231 which professed y^e Gospell. They of the sayd village were alwayes sore against y^e Waldoys, & ha∣ters of true religion, and were glad of this outrage and violence done against the professours therof: but they had their iust plague, for they were all destroied. After this the sayde Lorde of Trinitie caused the Fortresse to be built a∣gayne, which the Frenchmen had rased, and placed there a garrison, and after sent another to the Forte of Uillars, which is of the valley of Luserne, and an other he sente to the Fortresse of Perouse, and a fourth garrison he placed in the Castle of S. Martin. They of Angrongne (seeyng themselues to be now as it were in a sea of troubles) after they had recommended themselues vnto God by prayer, and committed their cause vnto him: sent to them of Pe∣rouse, of S. Martin, and of Pragela, for ayde and succour: which sent them all the helpe that they were able.

The nexte daye folowing, there came letters to An∣grongne, from the Lord of Trinitie: The effect whereof was this,* 12.232 that he was sorye for that whiche was done the day before, and that he came not thyther to make warre a∣gainst them, but onely to view if it were a place conueni∣ent, to build a Fort therein to serue the Duke. Further∣more, that his souldiers seeing the people assembled, as it were, to defie them, vpon that occasion onely were stirred vp to geue assault and to set vpon them. Also that he was sory that suche spoyle was made of their goodes and suche hurt done by fire. But if they would shew themselues o∣bedient to y^e Duke, he had good hope that al should be wel, and trusted that some good agreement shoulde be made. The Angrongnians answeared, that they were maruey∣lously agreeued to be so assaulted,* 12.233 spoyled, and tormented by the subiectes of their liege and naturall prince: and as they had oftentymes before offered themselues to be more faythful and obedient to their soueraigne prince the Duke, then any of all his subiects besides: so yet still they offered the same obedience. Also they most humbly besought hym, not to thinke it strange, if they being constrayned by such extreame necessitie, defended themselues. Finally, as tou∣ching their Religion, they affirmed that it was the pure word of God, euen as it was preached by the Prophetes and Apostles: and the same which their predecessours had obserued for certayne hundreth yeares past. Moreouer, that the cause was not cōcerning the goodes of the world, but the honour and glory of God, the saluation, or destru∣ction of the soules both of them and theirs, and therefore it were much better for them to dye all together, then to for∣sake their religion: and yet if it might be proued vnto them by good demonstration out of the word of God, that they were in errour, not by force of armes, by bloud and fire: they would then yeeld themselues with all obedience, most humbly beseeching him and all other the Lordes of the Countrey of Piemont, to be their intercessours and aduo∣cates to the Duke in this behalfe.

* 12.234Upon Monday being the fourth day of Nouember, the Lord of Trinitie sent his army to Uillars and Tailleret. The lesser company ascended toward Uillers. The people seeing their enemies aproching, after they had called vp∣pon God with feruent prayer,* 12.235 strongly defended them∣selues, and slue many: many also were hurt, and the rest fled. The other companye ascended towardes Tailleret. And although they of that place were but few in number, and that parte of the army the greater, yet making theyr prayers vnto God, and cōmending their cause vnto him, they defended themselues likewise valiantly.

In the meane season they of Uillars being emboldened by their late victorie, came to assist their neighbours, and beyng assembled together, they couragiously pursued their enemies, and put them to ••light. In this pursute it chaun∣ced (which here is not to be forgotten) that this poore peo∣ple,* 12.236 by an ambush of their enemies, which came an other way, were sodēly enclosed on euery side, and like to be de∣stroyed: but yet they all escaped, and not one of them was slayne, onely iij. were hurt, which were soone cured agayn. On the enemies side, there were so many slayne, that they were layd together by whole cart loades. This was the reward of those which were so desirous to shed innocent bloud.* 12.237 The same day the inhabitauntes of Sanson neare to Roccapiata, assembled in great number together, and went to a riche mans house of Roccapiata, and spoyled all that hee had. Certaine of Roccapiata (in number not past xvij.) vnderstanding this, set vpon them, & soone put them to flight, tooke away their drumme, & forced them to leaue their bootie behynde them.

After that the Lord of Trinit••e had receiued the letters of the Angrongnians, he sent vnto them his Secretary,* 12.238 named Christopher Gastaut, (which said him selfe, that he fauoured the veritie of the Gospell) accompanyed with a Gentleman of the sayd valley. Whose charge was to cause the chief rulers to send certaine to common with the sayd Lord of Trinitie,* 12.239 saying that he had good tydinges to de∣clare vnto them, & moreouer, that he would deliuer them a safe conduct to come and go. Wherupon they sent foure vnto him, whom he entreated very courteously, & rehear∣sed vnto them, how the Duke at his departure from the Court, told him, that although the Pope, the Princes, and Cities of Italie, yea his own counsell were fully resolued that of necessitie they of the sayd Religion should bee de∣stroyed, yet notw^tstādyng God otherwise put in his mind, and that he had taken counsell of God, what he should do in this matter: that is, that he would vse them gētly. Fur∣thermore, he declared vnto them, that the Duches bare them good affection, and fauoured them very much,* 12.240 & that she had commended their cause vnto the Duke, perswa∣dyng with him, to haue regard to that poore people, & that their Religion was auncient & old, with many such other thynges. Moreouer they had (sayd he) great frendes in the Dukes Court, not doubtyng but if they would send cer∣taine to the Court with a Supplication, they should ob∣teine more, then they themselues would require, and he for his part would employ himselfe in their affaires, to the vt∣termost of his power: and so hee promised that he would retire him selfe with his army. This hee seemed to speake vnfaynedly. The people desiring but to liue peaceably in their Religion, and vnder the obedience of their Prince, were content to folow his counsell.

About this season, they of Angrongne perceiued that a part of the army ascended the hill of Tailleret (which is the halfe way betwene Angrongne, and those of the val∣ley of Luserne) & the other part had already gotten a way, whiche led to the Medow of Tour, by the whiche they of Angrōgne might easily haue bene enclosed. Therfore they sent certaine immediately to keepe the way, who soone af∣ter encountered with their enemies, and obteined the vic∣torie, pursuyng and chasing them to their camp, not with∣out great losse of their men. The number of their enemies slayne, was not knowen: for their custome was,* 12.241 immedi∣ately to carry away those which were slayne. Not one of Angrongne perished that day, nor yet was hurt. It was feared that this combate would haue hyndred the agree∣ment. But the Lord of Trinitie could well dissemble this matter, and excused that dayes iourney,* 12.242 puttyng the fault vpon them of Tailleret, whom he charged to haue slayne certaine of his men in the hygh way, but amongest other, his Barber.

On Saterday folowyng, beyng the ix. of Nouember, the said Lord of Trinitie sent agayne for them of Angron∣gne, to consult with him touchyng the agreement, vsing the like communication, as before: and added thereunto, that in token of true obedience, they should cary their ar∣mour into two of the houses of the chief Rulers, not fea∣ryng but it should be safe: for it should remayne in their owne keeping, and if neede were, they should receyue it a∣gayne. Also that▪ he vppon Sonday (which was the next day) would cause a Masse to be song within the temple of S. Laurence in Angrongne, accōpanyed with a very few, and thereby the Dukes wrath would be asswaged. The next mornyng he went in the temple, (whereat they were sore agreeued, albeit they could not withstād him) his ar∣my marchyng afore him: and hauyng caused a Masse to be song, he desired to see the Medow of Tour, so much spokē of, that therof he might make a true report vnto the Duke: and thether the Rulers, with a great troupe of his owne men, went: the residue of his company remayne behynde, the which spoyled certaine houses, and seased the armour which they had deliuered vp before: but they foūd no great store, for the people had taken away the greatest part ther∣of. The sayd Lord being entred into the Medow of Tour,

the people began to make a commotion. Whereof he ha∣uing intelligence, returned immediately. All that daye he shewed himselfe very courteous to all whome he met.

The people in this meane time, perceiued themselues to be in great daunger, and were sore moued at the sight of the army, the spoyle of the souldiours, the taking away of their armour, but especially because the sayd Lord of Tri∣nitie had viewed the Medow of Tour, foreseeing his trayterous meaning and purpose. A few dayes after, the sayde Lord of Trinitie sent his Secretary Gastaut to An∣grongne,* 12.243 to talke with them concerning the agreement, and to make a full resolution thereof: which was read in the assemble, by the Secretarie, the summe whereof, was this: That the people of Angrongne submitted them∣selues to render all honour and reuerence to God, accor∣ding to his holy word, and all due obedience to the Duke their soueraigne Prince: to whome they shoulde send cer∣taine men to demaund pardon of him, concerning theyr bearing of armour in their extreme necessitie, and humbly to beseech him that he would suffer them to liue peaceably in their religion, whiche was according to the worde of God, not compelling them to do any thyng agaynste their conscience: as it appeareth more amply in the supplicati∣on, which after this the Angrongnians made, and caused to be read before the Secretary, in the open assemble, the which heere ensueth.

¶To the most excellent and worthy prince, The Duke of Sauoy, &c. our soueraigne Lord, and naturall Prince.

* 13.1MOst noble and renowmed prince, we haue sente certayne of our men vnto your highnes, to geue testimonie of our hum∣ble, hartie, and vnfayned obedience vnto the same, and with all submission, desire pardon, touching the bearing of armour by certayne of our people in their extreme necessitie, and for all o∣ther our trespasses, for the which your soueraigne grace might conceiue any offence against vs.

Secondly, to desire in most humble wise, your sayd hyghnes, in the name of our Lord Iesus,* 13.2 that it would please the same, to suffer vs to liue with freedome of conscience in our religion, which al∣so is the religion of our auncitours, obserued for certayne hun∣dreth yeares past. And we are perswaded that it is the pure Gos∣pell of our Lord Iesus, the only veritie, the word of life and salua∣tion, which we professe. Also that it may please your most grati∣ous clemencie, not to take in yll part, if we, fearing to offende and displease God, can not consent vnto certaine traditions and or∣dinances of the Church of Rome: and heerein to haue pitie vpon our poore soules, and the soules of our children: to the end that your highnes be not in any wise charged in the iust iudgement of God for the same, where all men must appeare to answere for their doyngs.

On our part, we protest that we will seeke nothing but to be the true seruants of God, to serue hym according to hys holy word: and also to be true and loyall subiectes to your highnes, and more obedient then any other: being alwayes ready to geue our goodes, our bodies, our lyues, and the liues of our children, for your noble grace, as also our religion teacheth vs to do: on∣ly we desire that our soules may be left at libertie, to serue God accordyng to hys holy word.

And we your poore humble subiectes, shall most hartily pray our God and father, for the good and long prosperitie of youre hyghnes: for the most vertuous Lady your wife, and for the noble house of Sauoy.

To this supplication, they of S. Iohn, of Roccapiata, of S. Bartholomewe, and of Perouse, with those of the valley of Luserne, did agree: For it was concluded, that the agreement made,* 13.3 should extend to all the confederates of the same religion. Whiles they were treating of this a∣greement, the Lorde of Trinitie vexed cruelly them of Tailleret, vnder this pretence, because they had not pre∣sented themselues, to treate of this agreemēt. He tormen∣ted them after this sort. First he commanded that all theyr armour shoulde be brought before hym, and then they, on their knees, should aske him pardon, because they came not to treate of the agreement with the rest: whiche not∣withstandyng the most parte of them did. Then he com∣maunded them, to attend vpon hym, to enrolle all the names of those, which woulde be of the foresayde agree∣ment. Wherupon the next morning, the chiefe of the hous∣holders went to the village named Bouuets, the place a∣pointed thereunto, and when they had heard the Sermon, and called vpon God, they beganne to write their names. The enrolling of their names not being fully ended, word was brought, that the souldiers had gotten the top of the mountayne, and taken all the passages, whereat they of Tailleret were sore amazed, and ranne with all speede to defende their wiues and children. Some they saued: the most part, with their goodes, were in their enemies hands already. At this time, wich sacking, spoiling, and burning, they did much mischiefe.

After this, the Lord of Trinitie sent word to them which were fledde, that if they would returne,* 13.4 he woulde receiue them to mercy. The poore people (for the most parte) tru∣sting on his promise, returned to Bouuets, and yet the next morning the souldiers came thyther, to apprehende them and their ministers, and beset y^e place one euery side. Suche as were swift of foote, and could shift best, escaped, but very hardly. The rest were all hurte or taken, and yet they all escaped by a marueilous meanes: For it hapned that there was an old man, which could not runne fast, to whome one of the souldiers came with a naked sword in hys hand to haue slayne him.* 13.5 The olde man seeing the im∣minent daunger, caught the souldier by the legs, ouer∣threwe hym, and drew hym by the heeles downe the hyll. The souldier cryed out, helpe, helpe, this villaine wyll kill me. His felowes hearing him cry, made hast to rescue him: but in the meane time the old man escaped. The rest seing what the olde man had done, tooke hart of grace, and albeit their armour and weapons were taken from them, yet with stones and slings, they so beat and discomfited their enemies, that at that time they caryed no prisoners awaye. The day folowing y^e souldiers returning to the sayd Tail∣leret, robbed, spoyled, and caried away all that they coulde finde, and so continued three dayes together: which was very easie for them to do, because the poore men fearyng least they shoulde be charged with violating the agree∣ment, made no resistance, but retyred toward Uillars.

The fourth day, the sayde Lord of Trinitie, to torment the poore Taillerets yet more cruelly, sente his armye a∣gaine before day, to y^e mountaine, and into the same place. And because the people of the sayde village were retyred towards Uillars, and scattered about the borders therof, in the hygh mountaynes, the souldyers not yet satisfied with spoyling and sacking the rest that they founde in the sayd Tailleret, raunging about the confines thereof, raue∣ned, and made hauocke on euery side,* 13.6 of what soeuer they could laye handes on, taking prisoners both men and wo∣men, which were loden with carriage. The poore priso∣ners were cruelly handled. Amongest other there was one, whose care a souldier of Montdeuis, in a raging fury,* 13.7 bit cleaue off, with these wordes: I wyll carry (sayde he) y^e flesh of these wretched heretikes with me, into my coun∣trey. They of Uillars also complayned of the great cruelty that was shewed vnto them, during the time of the agree∣ment. The which when the Lord of Trinitie vnderstoode, to make a shewe that he was offended therewith, he came to his souldiers (whiche were so weary, that they coulde scantly goe, not with fighting, but because they were so heauily loden with the spoyle, that they were not able to cary it) and pretēding to be in a great choler, some he beat, and some things also of a smal value, he caused to be resto∣red, but all the rest was kept backe, and caryed away.* 13.8 The same day, two women, the mother and the daughter were found in a caue in the mountaine, wounded to death by the souldiers, and died immediatly after. So likewise a blinde man, a hundreth yeares of age, which was fled into a caue, with his sonnes daughter, being eighteene yeares olde, whych fed him, was slaine by the enemies,* 13.9 and as they would haue forced the mayden, she escaped from them, and fell from the top of the mountaine, and dyed.

At that tyme also a great company of women of Tail∣leret & Uillars, were taken as they fled, with their goodes, and brought to the campe, and sent away emptye. There was at the same tyme a certaine souldier whiche promised the Lord of Trinitie, to find out the minister of Tailleret, and to deliuer him into his owne hands. And to bring his purpose to passe, he neuer ceased vntill he had founde him, and after that he pursued hym a long time. But as he was pursuing and chasing him,* 13.10 certaine at vnwares comming out of the mountaine, rescued the poore minister, and killed the souldier with stones.

But this especially is to be noted, that duryng these troubles, diuers of the Papistes had sent their daughters into the mountaines vnto the Waldoys to be kept, fea∣ring least they should haue ben rauished by the souldiers, being wholy geuen ouer, as to all crueltie and rauine, so to all villany and abhomination, by whome they were be∣fore threatned to be so abused.

All this being done, the sayd Lord of Trinitie caused the head officers and chiefest of y^e people, to assemble together, and declared vnto them, that the mainteining of the army was a greate charge vnto the Duke: and that it was

meete that they should beare the one halfe of the charges. For this cause he demaunded of them twentie thousande crownes. But by the meanes of his Secretarie Gastaut, who was promised a hundreth crownes for hys wyne, (that is to say, for a bribe) foure thousand of those twenty, were abated,* 13.11 so that they graunted vnto him xvj. thou∣sand: of the which summe the Duke released the one halfe. Then the Lord of Trinitie pressed this poore people to de∣liuer the eight thousand out of hand, to pay the souldyers their wages (as he sayde) and so to withdraw his armye. The yeare before corne was exceeding deare, for a sacke was commonly sold for sixe crownes, yea and some for eight crownes, and also they had very litle corne growing vpon their mountaines: wherefore they were now verye bare of money. But they being in this perplexitie, and de∣siring nothing more then to liue in peace and quietnes, went about to sell their cattell, to pay this money. But the Lord of Trinitie had geuen out a commandement, y^t none should buy any cattell of the Waldoys,* 13.12 without his licēce. Then licence was geuen out to certaine, to buy great store of cattell, and that for a small price: and the common brute was, that he had part of the gaine. When this money was payd, yet the army notwithstanding retyred not.

After this, the Lord of Trinitie commaunded the Wal∣doys, to surrender vp al their armour, to furnish y^e Dukes fortes: otherwise he threatned to sende his souldyers a∣mongest them, and in deede he constrained many so to do. Then he demanded moreouer the eight thousand crownes whiche the Duke had remitted, and constrayned them to promise the payment thereof. After that he commaunded that the ministers should be sent awaye, vntill the matter were determined before the Duke: otherwise he woulde send his souldiers to dislodge them out of hand: whereup∣pon with one common assent and accord, they determined that their ministers shoulde withdrawe themselues for a space, vntill the army were retired: which was not done without marueilous sighes, lamentation, and teares. At that season there fell such abundance of snowe, that the like had not bene seene of a long time before: so that the people were constrained to make a way with great trauaile and paine, through the top of the mountayne of S. Martin, for their ministers to passe. Now thought the Lord of Trini∣tie so to haue enclosed them, he keeping the plaine, and the mountaynes beyng couered so thicke with snowe, that by no meanes they shoulde haue escaped his handes. But the people caused thē to passe the top of the mountayne, and at their departure,* 13.13 there flocked out of euery quarter greate multitudes, to the village of Boby, and came together into a secrete place there, called le Puis, not withoute greate griefe and sorowe: For they found thē altogether in teares and mourning, that their ministers should so be taken frō them, and they now leaft as lambes amongst wolues.

The armye was aduertised that the ministers were assembled together, and incontinent a greate troupe of harquebushes were at hand, whiche sought them euen to the very top of the mountaine, in so much that if they had remained there but one houre longer, they had bene all taken. From that time, for certaine dayes after, they dyd nothing but raunge about in all places,* 13.14 seeking for the mi∣nisters, and there was no house, chamber, caue, nor se∣crete corner, into the whiche they dyd not enter, vnder pretence to seeke the Ministers. There was neither chest, nor any thing else so strong, but they brake it open, saying, that the ministers were hidden therein, and by that mea∣nes they tooke, spoyled, and caried away whatsoeuer they would.

The Lorde of Trinitie promised often tymes, that al∣though it were forbidden to all the Ministers to preache, yet the Minister of Angrongne, shoulde be excepted: and furthermore sent the sayd Minister word, that if he would demaunde any thyng of the Duke, it shoulde be graunted hym. Whereupon the sayde Minister made thys request, that the poore people might liue peaceably in their religiō. A while after he sent for the saide Minister to confer wyth him priuately, vpō certaine points of religion. The mini∣ster went vnto him, hauing therto the cōsent of the people. The Lord of Trinitie propounded vnto him three points.* 13.15 The first concerning the supremacie of the Pope: the o∣ther concerned transubstantiation. Of the whyche two points, the minister then immediatly declared his opiniō, and he seemed to agree thereunto, and required him to put the same in writing. The last (which was his whole drift) was to perswade the minister to go to the Dukes Court, and there to defend the cause of the people, alleging certain reasons to perswade him so to do. Whereunto the minister answeared, that he was bound to God and his church, and if it seemed conuenient to the ministers and people, that he should go, he would be content to do the same, and therof he promised to send him aunswere immediately, with the which aunswere he seemed to be contented.

Shortly after the foresayd Lord, not tarying for an aū∣swere, sent his army to the temple of S. Laurence in An∣grongne, pretendyng to sing a Masse there, & sodenly the souldiours besieged the Ministers house. The Minister beyng warned therof, assayed to escape. The souldiers at∣tempted nothyng by force, but vsed gētle perswasions to the contrary, for there were not yet many of them. But the Minister pushed on further, & the souldiers folowed him halfe a myle, but fearyng the people, durst go no further. The Minister withdrew himselfe into the rockes vpō the moūtaine, accompanied with v. other. The army was by & by at his heeles,* 13.16 & sought a good while in the houses and cotages on euery side, cruelly handlyng the people whom they tooke, to make thē cōfesse where their Minister was, spoylyng their houses, takyng some prisoners, & beatyng other some: but yet they could not learne of them where their Minister was. At the lēgth they espyed him amōgest the rockes, where they thought to haue enclosed him, & so they pursued him in y^e rockes, all couered with snow, vn∣till it was night, & could not take him. Then they retur∣ned & spoyled his house, and diligently searched out all his bookes & writynges,* 13.17 and caried them to the Lord of Tri∣nitie, in a sacke, who caused them al to be burnt in his pre∣sence, supposing (as it well appeared) that y^e letters which he had sent to Angrongne, touchyng the agreemēt, should be with the rest burnt: for he did not the lyke in the other Ministers houses.* 13.18 That day they spoyled fourtie houses in Angrōgne, broke their mylles, and caried away all the corne and meale that they found.

About midnight the souldiours returned with torch∣light, to the Ministers house, to seeke him, & searched eue∣ry corner. The next mornyng, commaundement was ge∣uen to the rulers of Angrongne, that within xxiiij. houres they should deliuer their Minister, or els Angrōgne to be put to the fire & sword. The Rulers aunswered, that they could not so do, for they knew not where he was, and the souldiours had chased him ouer the mountaine. After cer∣taine dayes, whē the souldiours had burned houses, spoy∣led the people, broken their mylles, & done what mischief they could, the army retired. Notwithstandyng the Lord of Trinitie left garrisons in the forenamed Fortresses, but all at y^e costes and charges of the Waldoys: the which gar∣risons not contented with their wages, spoyled continu∣ally. Upon a night v. souldiers went with torches to a rich mans house of Angrongne, & spoyled the same. The good man of the house hardly escaped with life,* 13.19 by the top of the house, for there were xij. pellets shot of at him. Whereof one touched his face, & stroke his hat from his head, with∣out any further hurt.

The Rulers of Angrongne whiche were gone to the Fortresse to cary thether victuals and money,* 13.20 were by the souldiours receiued, & in despite of them & the people, cau∣sed a Masse to be song before them, and forced them to be present at it: and because they would not kneele downe to it, they were beatē almost to death. The one of them was sent agayne for more money, the other with great perill of his lyfe, lept ouer the walles, and beyng pursued to An∣grongne escaped.

Certaine dayes after, a certaine cōpany of souldiours came vnto the midst of Angrōgne, as though they would haue passed through, and called for meate and drinke. The poore men brought that they had vnto thē, in a close court. Whē they had eaten and drunken,* 13.21 they caused the women to auoyde, & then bounde xiiij. of those which had brought thē victuals by ij. and ij. together, & led them away. Their wiues & children perceiuyng this,* 13.22 so fiercely pursued them with stones, that they were fayne to let go x. of their priso∣ners for hast, & had much ado to saue them selues. The o∣ther iiij. they led away to the Fortresse: of the which two were ransomed, the other two were hāged vp by the feete & the handes, & hauyng tormented them almost to death; they released them for a great summe of money.* 13.23 The one of the which dyed the next night: the other lay sicke with∣out hope of lyfe, long tyme after, and his flesh fell from his handes and his feete, and therof he became lame, and after that his fingers fell of also. In like manner did the other garrisons entreate the villages adioyning vnto them.

The garrison of Tour & of Uillars beyng assembled together in a night, went to Tailleret, to the place called Bouuets, & breakyng in at the windowes and toppes of the houses, breakyng open the doores, sackyng & spoylyng all that they could lay handes of, tooke also xiiij. prisoners; and bound them two & two together by the armes, and so led them to the Fortresse of Tour. But two which were

escaped, whiles the souldiers were taking other, set vpon them which led the prisoners,* 13.24 and so valiantly assaulted & beat them with stones, that they forced them to let go xij. of the prisoners: the which tumbling and rolling themselues downe the mountaine, hauing their hands bound behinde their backes, and fastened two and two together by the armes, were contented rather so to dye, then to be caried to the Fortresse, and yet in the ende they escaped. The other two which were led to the Fortresse, were cruelly tormen∣ted, and in the end, the one of them the Captayne strangled with his owne handes, who was very young and but a child: the other which was about threescore yeares of age, whose name was Odull Gemet, suffered a strange & cruel death: For when they had bound him, they toke a kynde of beastes which liue in horsedoung, called in French Escar∣botz, and put them vnto his nauell, couering them with a dishe, the which within short space pearced into his belly, and killed him. These and the like, more then barbarous cruelties, haue bin reuealed by the souldiours themselues.

The poore Waldoys were yet in great captiuitie and di∣stresse, but especially because they had not the preaching of Gods word amongst them, as they were wont to haue, and therefore taking to them a good courage, they deter∣mined to begin preaching againe, albeit secretly, for two principall causes:* 13.25 The one, for feare of mouing the Duke, and hindering the voyage of their messengers, hauing yet some hope of good successe. The other, that no occasion might be geuen to the souldiers of further trouble and outrage, for that was it which they especially desired. Also they of Angrongne were fully determined, as soone as their messengers were returned from the Duke, to preach openly, what newes soeuer they brought, were they good or euill: and furthermore, not to be contributaries to the finding of the garrison, neither yet to suffer the same to en∣ter into Angrongne.

* 13.26The messengers which were sent to the Duke, being at Uerceil, were there deteined vj. weekes, and all that while were cruelly handled by the Popish Doctours, and were constrayned by force and violence to promise to returne to the Masse. Furthermore, they would haue constrayned them to promise the same in the behalfe of the rest, but they would not. After they were presented to the Duke, the Se∣cretary Gastaut tooke the supplication of the Waldoys out of the messengers hands, and deliuered another. After they had presented themselues to the Duke, and asked pardon for bearing of armour, they were constrayned also to craue pardon of the Popes Legate: which at the bginning they would in no case do. Now when these messengers were returned, bringing these wofull newes, and the people vnderstood that there was a new commaundement geuen out, that they shoulde returne to the Masse: also that the Popish preachers were appointed,* 13.27 and ready to come vn∣to them, and they commanded to go to fetch them, and en∣tertaine them accordingly: there was wonderfull lamen∣tation, weeping, and mourning for this great calamitie.

Heereupon they of the valley of Luserne and of Boby, being assembled together, by one assent, sente two Mini∣sters, wyth certaine other of the people, to the Churches of Pragela (which be in the countrey of Dolphine) to sig∣nifie vnto them, the piteous estate of the poore Churches of the valleyes of Piemont, to haue their counsell and aduise, howe to preuent the greate daungers at hande, if it were possible. For this cause they fell all to prayer, and after they had long called vpon GOD, desiring hys grace, and the spirit of discretion and counsell, well to con∣sider of those waightie and vrgent affayres wherewyth they were oppressed: in the ende it was concluded, that all the people dwelling in the sayde valley and moun∣taynes of Piemont, and those of Dolphine, should ioyne in a league together. Whereupon they all promised, by Gods grace and assistance,* 13.28 to mainteyne the pure prea∣ching of the Gospell, and administration of the holy Sa∣craments: the one to ayde and assist the other, and to ren∣der all obedience to theyr superiours, so farre as they were commaunded by the worde of God. Moreouer, that it should be lawfull for none of the same valleyes to pro∣mise or conclude any thyng touching the estate of religi∣on, without the consent of the rest of the valleyes: and for more sure confirmation of the sayde league, certayne of the Ministers and Elders of the Churches of Dolphine, were sente to the valley of Luserne, to vnderstand if they woulde geue theyr consente heereunto, and ratifye the same.

These messengers, the Ministers and others of Dol∣phine, being arriued in the euening, at the village of Bo∣by, & the people being there assembled, word was brought that the next day euery housholder should appeare in the Counsel house, to knowe whethey they would returne to the Masse, or no,* 13.29 and that they whiche woulde receiue the Masse, should quietly enioy their houses, and they whiche woulde not, shoulde be deliuered to the Iustices, and condemned to be burned, or sent to the Galleyes. Where∣fore the people was brought to thys extremitie, eyther to dye, or flee, or else to renounce God. To flee, it seemed them best, if the great snowe had not let them. Wherefore seeing themselues in such distresse, they most gladly con∣sented to the league. After this, they exhorted one another, sayeng: For as much as we shall be all called for to mor∣row, to renounce and forsake our God, and reuolt agayne to Idolatrie, let vs now make solemne protestation, that we will vtterly forsake the false religion of the Pope, and that we will liue and dye in the maintenance and confes∣sion of Gods holy word. Let vs all go to morrow into the Temple, to heare the word of God, and after, let vs cast downe to the ground all the Idoles and aultars. To this euery man agreed, sayeng, Let vs so do: yea, and that the very same houre, in the which they haue appointed vs to be at the Counsell house.

The nexte day after,* 13.30 they assembled themselues in the Churche of Boby, and as soone as they came into the Temple, without anye further delaye, they beate downe the Images, and caste downe the aultars. After the Sermon, they went to Uillars to do the like there. By the way they encountered with a bande of souldyers, whyche were goyng to spoyle a village, named Le val Guichard, and to take the poore inhabitāts prisoners. The souldiers seeyng them so yll appointed, mocked them, and dischar∣ged theyr handgunnes vppon them, thynking at the first brunt, to haue put them to flight. But they valiantly de∣fended themselues,* 13.31 and with stones chased them euen to the Fortresse. When they came to Uillars, they beate downe theyr Images and aultars, and afterwardes be∣sieged the fortresse, and demaunded the prisoners whiche were there deteyned.

The same daye the Iudge of Luserne, called Pode∣sta, went to the Counsell house, to enrolle the names of those whiche woulde returne to the Masse, but seeyng what was done, hee was sore afrayde, and desired the people to suffer hym to returne quietly: which they wyl∣lingly graunted vnto hym. Diuers Gentlemen also of the valley came thyther with the Iudge, to make theyr poore tenauntes to forsake God: but seeyng the tumult, they were fayne to flee into the Castle, where they and the Garrison were besieged tenne dayes together, not without great daunger of theyr lyues. The seconde daye of the sege, the Captayne of Toure wente with a com∣panye of souldyers, thinking to raise the siege,* 13.32 but they were, by those that kept the passages, eyther slaine or dis∣comfited. As much was done the third daye. The fourth day, he returned with three bandes,* 13.33 and with the Garri∣son of Tour, which caused a furious combat: wherein many of the enemies were slayne, but a greate number hurt, and yet of those that besieged the Fort, there was not one man hurt.

In the tyme of thys siege, they attempted dyuers meanes to take the sayde Fortresse, but without ordi∣naunce, it was impossible so to doo: wherefore they were now past all hope of winning it. Moreouer, the Lorde of Trinitie returning with his armie, was come to the val∣ley of Luserne, and the next day after, myght easily haue raised the siege. Wherefore, when the Garrison (not kno∣wing that the Lord of Trinitie was so neare) desired that they might depart with bagge and baggage, they graūted theyr request.* 13.34 In thys siege halfe of the souldyers were slayne, and many were hurt, as well with harquebushes, as with stones. During thys siege, the souldyers for lacke of water, were constrained to bake their bread with wine, which tormented their stomackes, and caused great disea∣ses. Here is not to be forgotten, that the souldiours which a while before dyd so cruelly persecute the poore Mini∣sters, seeking by all meanes possible to destroy them, were now faine to pray them to saue their liues, and to promise them that they should haue no hurt, and also to safeconduct them into a sure place: neyther woulde they depart, vntill they had promised them so to do. Which the Ministers dyd promise, and also perfourme verye willingly. Then the souldiours seeyng themselues much beholden to the Mi∣nisters so gently dealing with them, gaue them greate thankes, and promised them, in recompence thereof, all the pleasure that they could shew them. The same night the Fortresse was rased.

The 2. day of February, the Lorde of Trinitie camped at Luserne,* 13.35 and placed a Garison in the Priory of S. Iohn a village of the Waldoys, betwene Luserne & Angrōgne.

The next day in the morning, the sayde Lorde of Trinitie sent word vnto them of Angrongne, that if they wold not take part with the rest, they should be gently handled. All the weeke before, they were sollicited by him to consent to the same, but they woulde geue no aunswere. The same day, they of Angrongne, and the rest of the Ualleys, fully agreed and determined to defend their religiō by force, and that the one shoulde aide the other,* 13.36 and no agreement to be made, by any one, without the consent of the rest. A∣bout noone, the Lorde of Trinitie marched wyth hys ar∣mie, by S. Iohn, to enter into the borders of Angrongne, by a place called La Sonneillette, where they had foughte before. The people had made certaine bulwarkes of earth and stone, not past three foote hie: where they defended themselues valiauntly against their ennemies, whyche as∣sailed them diuers wayes.* 13.37 When the ennemies were so wearye that they coulde fighte no longer, they put fresh Souldiers into their places: so that the combate endured vntill nighte, and all that day, the armie coulde not enter into the borders of Angrongne. Many of the ennemies were slaine, and a great number hurt: and but two of An∣grongne slaine, of whome the one was slaine by his owne folly, because he was too greedy vpon the spoile. The army being nowe well beaten and tired, rested a while, to make themselues stronger for a further mischiefe.

The Friday following, which was the seuenth of Fe∣bruarye, at the breake of the day, the armie marched to∣wardes Angrongne, by fiue seuerall places. The people of Angrongne were not yet assembled, and none there were to resiste, but onely a fewe, whyche kepte the watche: the which seeing their ennemies comming vppon them in so many places,* 13.38 and perceiuing that they went about to in∣close them, after they had valiantly fought for a space, they reculed by little and little, to a highe place called La Casse, where the combate was renued wyth a greater fiercenesse, then before. But the Lord of Trinitie, seing the losse of his men, and aboue all, that one of great creditie and authority in the Dukes Courte, was wounded to death, blewe a re∣treite, and descended to Angrongne (the people being fled to the Medowe of Toure) and there spoyled and burnt all the wines, victuals, and the rest of the goodes that he could finde: so that in a shorte space, he had burned about a 1000. houses of Angrongne.

And heere is not to be forgotten, that they oftentimes, set fire vpon the two Temples of Angrongne, where the worde of God was preached,* 13.39 but they coulde neuer burne them. So did they also to the Ministers house, which not∣withstanding remained whole, the houses rounde about, being all consumed with fire. That day none of Angron∣gne was slaine or hurt, sauing onely one that was hurte in his thighe.

There were in all Angrongne, but two that were ene∣mies to the woorde of God, whiche that same daye, were slaine by the souldiers, not in the Combate: but for their riches,* 13.40 whych they had about them, as they were running away. The one of them was a very couetous wretche, and had great store of golde and siluer, and woulde spende nothing, either to helpe himselfe, or succour others: no not his poore parentes. All this was spoiled by the soldiours, with a hundreth or two hundreth crownes besides which he had about him. Besides these two, there was not one of Angrongne slaine that day. All the rest of the people reti∣red to the Medowe of Toure: The situation whereof, we will heere declare, for the better vnderstandyng of that which followeth.

Tour is a little Ualley vpon the borders of Angron∣gne,* 13.41 enuironed aboute wyth Mountaines: two miles in length, but very narrowe. On both sides, and in the mids thereof, there be about two hundreth small houses and co∣tages: also medowes, pastures for cattell, grounde for til∣lage, trees and goodly fountaines. On the South side and the North, the mountaines be so high, that no man cā that way approche vnto the sayd Ualley. On the other coastes a man may enter by seuen or eight wayes. This place is not past two miles from Angrongne. The way thether is very narrow, and il to passe by, because of the hilles, which be on both sides. There is also a Riuer harde by, but very small, but the bankes thereof be very high in many places. The people had caryed thether very fewe victuals, part∣ly because the way was so yll, and also through the sodaine returne of the armie.

In the meane time the Lorde of Trinitie after he had nowe twise assaulted Angrongne, sent certaine to burne Rosa, and to discouer the wayes, whiche ledde to the val∣ley of Luserne: but the Souldioures were driuen backe foure dayes together by those whyche kepte the passages.* 13.42 Whereuppon hee sent hys whole armie, whome they vali∣auntly withstoode from the morning till nighte. Then they of Luserne sent newe aide. During thys combate, an am∣bushment of souldiours descended from the toppe of the mountaine, by a place so harde to passe by, that no manne would haue suspected it.* 13.43 The poore people seeing themsel∣ues so enuironed of their enemies, saued them selues, some running through the middes of their ennemies, and other some into the rockes.

The ennemies being entred into Rosa, consumed all with fire and swoorde.* 13.44 The residue of the people fledde by a secrete way, leading to the Ualley of Luserne, and wan∣dred al that night vppon the mountaines full of snowe, lo∣den with their stuffe, carrying their litle infantes in theyr armes, and leadinge the other by the handes, wyth greate paine and trauail. When they of the valley saw them, they ranne vnto them, praising God for their deliueraunce, for they thought they had beene all slaine. All be it thys poore people were heere in suche great extremitie, yet they were ioyfull, and comforted them selues, wythout any lamenta∣tion or mourning, excepte the little poore infantes, whych cried out for colde.

A fewe dayes after, the Lorde of Trinitie entred into the Ualley of Luserne, by three seuerall wayes: that is to say, by Rosa, by the plaine, and by the sides of Tailleret. They which kept the passages, at the first resisted their en∣nemies valiauntly: but perceiuing that they were assailed on euery side, they retired to Uillars,* 13.45 and there defended them selues a while. But because they sawe that their ene∣mies hadde already passed the Plaine, and gotten aboue Uillars, towardes Boby: they gaue ouer, and leafte Uil∣lars, and fled into the mountaines. The souldiours beyng entred, burned houses, and slew all that they coulde finde. The poore people which were fled to the mountaines, see∣ing the village on fire, praised God, and gaue him thanks, that had made them worthy to suffer for his name, and for his cause: and also they were glad to see the village on fire, least that their enemies should encampe there themselues. Then the souldiours in great rage mounted the hilles on euery side, pursuing this poore people in great furie: but a few of them, after they had ardently called vpon God, toke courage, and beate backe theyr ennemies to Uillars. This done, the armie retired.

Fewe dayes after the medowe of Tour was assaulted by three seuerall wayes on the East side. The combate du∣red a long season, where diuers of the enemies were hurt, and many slaine: but none of this poore people were slaine that day, onely two were hurt, which were soone healed a∣gaine. But to declare the conflictes, assaultes, skirmishes, and alarmes which were at Angrongne, and other places therabout, it were too long: for breuities sake it shall be suf∣ficient to touch the most principall, & those which are most worthy of memorie.

On Saterday, which was the fourteenthe day of Fe∣bruarye, the people which were in the vppermost parte of the Medowe of Toure, perceiued that a company of soul∣diours were ascended vp the hill to Angrongne, and bur∣ning y^e rest of the houses there. They doubted that it was a pollicie of theyr ennemies, to drawe them thether, and in the meane time to sette on them behynde, and so to winne the Medowe of Tour from them. Therefore they sent onely sixe harquebushes against those souldiours, the whych hauing the higher grounde, and not espied of theyr ennemies, discharged their gunnes altogether. Whereup∣pon incontinent the souldiers fledde,* 13.46 albeit no man pursu∣ed them. Whether they fledde of pollicie, or for feare, it was not knowen.

Shortly after, they of the warde of the Medowe of Tour, whiche were in the watche on the top of the moun∣taine (because euery morning there was a sermone made, whereunto the people resorted, and they mighte see a farre of rounde about them) espied a troupe of souldiours mar∣ching on that side of the hill, which is betweene the Easte and the Northe, and soone after that, discouered an other companye, whyche marched on the North side, towardes the sayde troupe. The firste were ascended an houre be∣fore the other, and fought on the toppe of the mountayne called Melese, but they were soone discomfited:* 13.47 and be∣cause they coulde not runne faste, by meanes of the deepe snowe, and difficulty of the waies: in fleeing they fell often downe vpon the grounde. Whiles they that pursued them were earnest in the chase, and had taken from them theyr drumme: beholde, there came certaine vnto them, cryinge out, that the other troupe was entred into the medowe of Toure, by meanes wherof they gaue ouer the chase, or els not one of their enemies had escaped,* 13.48 as they whych were there, reported for a trueth. Not one of Angrongne were slayne or hurt.

The other troupe which came by the North side, tooke a high hil in the top of the mountaine, the whych seemed to be almost inaccessible, by reason of the snow and ice which was there. The chiefest of this company were Lodouicke of Monteil (which had bene before master of the campe in the kings warres) and Charles Truchet. When they wer come to the toppe of the hill, they caused seuen souldiours to goe downe the hill, and to viewe the waye, and to see whether the troupe might descende that way, or no. These 7. went downe almost to the houses. They sent also other to occupie the rest of the high places, which were neare to the foote of the hill and the rockes. In the meane time the ministers and the people which were in the middes of the valley of the medowe, sawe al this, and were much discou∣raged therwith: wherfore they fell to prayer, & called vpon God ardently, not without great sighes, lamentation and teares, euen vntill night.

The seuen spies whiche came downe to discouer the wayes, cried vnto their captaine Truchet, Come downe, come downe Seignior Charles, this day Angrongne shal be taken. The other cried to them againe, ascend, ascend, & returne, or els ye shall be slaine euery one of you. Immedi∣ately issued out fiue against these spies, and tooke certaine, and chased the rest. The first of the fiue which set vpō them, cast two of them downe vppon the grounde with a forke of fire. Soone after, eight of Angrongne issued out agaynste the whole troupe, which was wonderfull to see them goe with suche courage and boldnesse, to assaile suche a multi∣tude, and it seemed that they should haue ben all destroyed and hewen in pieces. The firste of the eight went a good way before the other, to discouer the enemies, and caryed a great staffe,* 13.49 which they call a Rancon, and is somewhat bigger then a halbarde. The other folowed by two & two together, with harquebushes. These eight went frō rocke to rocke, from hill to hill about the mountaine, and chased their ennemies valiauntly. Then came twelue other, the which ioyning wyth the rest, foughte with a woonderfull courage, and made great slaughter of their enemies. Sone after, there came from the valley of Luserne, an hundreth harquebushes, with one of their Ministers, according to their maner, which are wont to sende out a minister with∣all, as well for prayer and exhortation, as to kepe the peo∣ple in order, that they exceede not measure, as it came to passe that day.

* 13.50At the length they sawe them also commyng, whyche returned from the discomfiture of the former troupe, ma∣king a great noyse, and hauing a drumme sounding afore them, whyche they had taken from their ennemies: which ioyned with them of the valley of Luserne, and hauing made their earnest praier vnto god, immediatly they came to succour the other that nowe were encountring valiant∣ly wyth their ennemies. Then the ennemies seeing suche a company marching against them, with suche courage and boldnesse: after the other had once called vpon God, theyr hearts were so taken from them, that sodenly they fledde, and as soone as the other began to pray, they beganne also to flee. But because they could not well saue them selues by running away, they turned backe twise, and foughte, and some in the meane time fled.

He that caried the Rancon, and discouered the enemies, was but a very young and a simple man, and was estemed to be one that coulde doe nothing, but (as they say in their language) handle La Sappe, that is to say, a Hatchet, and kept cattell:* 13.51 and yet he with those that folowed, so discom∣fited the ennemies, that it was woonderfull to beholde. He brake his great Rancon with laying load vpon them, and after that, he brake also foure of their own swordes in pur∣suing of them. There was a boy of 18. yeares of age, and of smal stature,* 13.52 which alone slue the Lord of Monteil, master of the campe (as is said) to the king: wherwith the enemies were maruellously astonished and discouraged. An other simple man, who a man wold haue thought, durst not once haue looked Charles Truchet in the face (because hee was a very bigge man, strong & puissant, and one of the chiefest captaines of the whole army) threw downe the saide Tru∣chet with the stroke of a stone. Then a young man leapte vpon him, and slue him with his owne sworde, which was foure fingers broad, and cleaft his head in peeces.

* 13.53This Truchet was one of the principall authours of this warre, and one of the chefest enemies of true religion, and of the poore Waldoys, that could then be foūd. It was sayd also, that he vaunted and promised before, to the sayde Lord of Trinitie, that he would deliuer into his hands the medow of Tour. But God soone brought his proude brag to nought. And for his spoyling, pilling, and polling of the poore people, hee lay spoyled and naked like a beast, in the wilde mountaine of Angrongne. Two of the chiefest a∣mong them offered to paye a great summe of crownes for their ransome, but they coulde not be hearde. They were pursued more then a mile, & were so discomfited, that they fled w^tout any resistance, and if the nighte had not let them, they had pursued them further.

The minister when he saw the great effusion of bloud, and the enemies to flee, he cried to the people, saying, that it was enough, and exhorted them to geue thankes vnto God. They which heard him, obeied, and fel to prayer: but they which were further of, and heard him not, chased their ennemies till darke night. In so muche, that if the rest had done the like, very few of their enemies had escaped. That day they spoiled their ennemies of a great part of theyr ar∣mour and munition. So God restored in this combat and in others, to the poore Waldoys,* 13.54 the armor which the Lord of Trinitie had taken from them before. Thankes were geuen vnto God in euery place, and euery man cried, who is he which seeth not, that God fighteth for vs? This vic∣torie gaue great courage to the poore Waldoys, and great∣ly astonished the enemies.

The eightenth of February, the Lorde of Trinitie, not satisfied with burning and destroying the greatest parte of Uillars returned to burne all the little villages rounde a∣bout, which pertaine to the same, and especially,* 13.55 to pursue the poore people, which were fled vp into the mountaines, and diuiding his armye into 3. partes, he entered, by the 3. seuerall wayes aboue mentioned. The two first compa∣nies ioyned together betwene Uillars and Boby, hauing a great company of horsemen. From thence they went to seeke the people which were in the mountaine of Combe, by suche a way, as they did not suspecte, and where there were no warders to defende the place: Notwithstanding, the warders which were nexte, seeing their ennemies as∣cending that way, speedely ranne before them, and callyng vpon God for his aide and succour, they set themselues a∣gainst their ennemies: and albeit they were but thirtie in number, yet they valiauntly beate them backe twise, com∣ming out of their bulwarkes, that is to say,* 13.56 certaine hou∣ses, which at that time serued them for that purpose, albeit they were not made to that vse. Many of y^e enemies were slaine at those two combates, and not one of the other side. The Lorde of Trinitie seeing his men so fiercely driuen backe, sent out the greatest parte of his armie: whych were esteemed to be aboue xv. hundreth men. There came also about a 100. to succour the warders. The combate was ve∣ry cruell and fierce. At lengthe, the poore people were as∣saulted so vehemently, that they were faine to forsake their bulwarkes, loosing two of their men. Then the ennemyes thought all to be theirs, and blew their trumpettes, trium∣phing that they had put the people to flight: But the peo∣ple retiring not past a stones cast, toke courage, and crying altogether to the Lord for succour, they turned themselues to the face of their enemies, and with great force and pow∣er, they hurled stones at them with their slings.

After this, the enemies rested themselues a while, and by and by after, they gaue a furious assaulte, but yet they were againe mightely resisted. Yet once again the enemies rested, and in the meane time, the people fell to praier, cal∣ling vpon God altogether, with their faces lifted vppe to∣wardes heauen: which frayed the enemies more then any thing els. After this they gaue yet an other great assaulte, but God by the handes of a fewe, droue them backe. Yea God here shewed his great power euē in the litle children also, which feruently called vpō God, threw stones at their enemies, and gaue courage also vnto the men. So did also the wemen, and the vulgare sort, that is to say,* 13.57 those which were meete for no feates of warre, remaining vppon the mountaine: and beholding these furious combates, knee∣ling vpon the ground, and hauing their faces lifted vp to∣wards heauen, with teares and gronings, they cried: Lord helpe vs. Who heard their praiers.

After that these three assaults were geuen, there came one vnto them, crying, Be of good courage, God hath sent those of Angrongne to succour vs: hee meant, that they of Angrongne were fighting for them in an other place, that is to say, towardes Tailleret, where the thirde parte of the army was. The people perceiuing y^t they of Angrongne were come to that place to succour them, began to cry, bles∣sed be God, who hathe sent vs succour: they of Angrongne be here, they of Angrongne be here to succour vs.* 13.58 The en∣nemies hearing thys, were astonished, and sodenly blew a retreit, and retired into the plaine.

That troupe whith was gone towards Tailleret, de∣uided themselues into three companies. The first marched by the side of the mountaine, burning many houses,* 13.59 & ioy∣ned with the maine armie. The seconde companie whyche was of seuen score, marched hygher, thinking to take the

people at vnwares. But they were by seuen men strongly resisted and driuen backe. The third company attained the toppe of the mountain, thinking to enclose the people, but as God woulde, they of Angrongne, which came to succor them, encountred with them, & wyth great force put them to flight.

They of Uillars, of whom mention is made before, af∣ter they had refreshed them selues with a little breade and wine (for the most part of them had eaten nothing all that day) chased their enemies til it was almost night: so fiersly that the maister of the campe was faine to send to the Lord of Trinitie (whiche was at Toure) for succoure, or else all would haue bene lost. Which he did: and immediately hee roade with all speede to Luserne, to saue him selfe, hearing the alarme which was geuen at S. Iohn, by those of An∣grongne, & fearing least the way should haue ben stopped. The armye retired with great difficultie (notwithstanding the newe aide whiche was sent them) and wyth great losse of their men.* 13.60 One of their captaines confessed since, that if they had bene pursued any further, they had fledde all that night longe. Since that time, they neuer returned againe into the valley of Luserne.

On Monday, being the 17. day of Marche next folow∣ing, the Lorde of Trinitie, to be reuenged of those of the medow of Tour, assembled al the force that he could make with the Gentlemen of the Countrey. In so muche, that whereas before his army was commonly but foure thou∣sand, it was nowe betweene sixe and seuen thousande: and secretly in the night season he encamped with parte of hys army in the middest of Angrongne, from whence the poore inhabitants were fled before. The next morning, after the Sermon and praiers were ended, they perceiued the other parte of the army to be encamped at the foote of the moun∣taine of Angrongne, on the East side. Sone after they per∣ceiued how both partes of the army coasted the hilles side, the one towards the other, being such a multitude, so glit∣tering in their harnesse, & marching in such araye, that the pore people at the first, were astonished therat. Notwyth∣standing the assemble fell downe vpon their knees 3. or 4. times, crying, Help vs, O Lord, beseching him to haue re∣garde to the glory of his holy name,* 13.61 to staye the effusion of bloud, if it were his good pleasure, & to turne the hearts of their enemies to the trueth of his holy Gospell. These two partes of the army ioyned together, nere to the bulwarks of the medow of Toure, & gaue the assault in three seuerall places. One of the bands mounted secretly by the rockes, thinking to haue enclosed the people in their Bulwarkes. But assoone as they which kept the bulwarke be lowe, had espied them, they forsooke their place, and marched straight towardes them, & as they marched, they met with the aide which was sent vnto them, from the vally of Luserne, ve∣ry luckily, and comming (as it were) from heauen: whych ioyning together, sone discomfited their enemies w^t stones and harquebushes. They pursued them fiersly in y^e rockes, and vexed them woonderfully, because the rockes are so steepe, that no man can ascende or descende, without great paine and difficultie. The Captaine of this band was na∣med Bastian of Uergil, a man very expert in the affaires of warre.* 13.62 Hee at his going out of his lodging, threatned y^t he would do great & terrible things that day. His hostesse hearing that, said vnto him, Monsieur, if our religiō be bet∣ter then theirs, you shall haue the victorie: but if theyrs be better then ours, you shall not preuaile. Shortly after, the captaine was brought againe into his Inne, so wounded and so feeble, that he was not like to liue. Then sayde hys hostesse vnto him, Monsieur, it is nowe wel seene, that their religion is better then oures.

There was also an other bande that kept the top of the hill, to assault the bulwarkes, from thence. The middle∣most bulwarke was then assaulted, in the which were ve∣ry fewe to defend the same: the which seeing the number of their enemies, retired backe, leauing therein but 5. onely to defend it. There was a huge cocke not farre from the fore∣sayd bulwarke, behinde the same, a great number of the e∣nemies were hid. And anone there issued out two ensigns, assuring them selues to winne the bulwarke: but immedi∣ately one of their ensigne bearers was wounded to death. Whereupon many reculed backe. The other set vp his en∣signe vpon the bulwarke. They which were wythin, had neither halbard, nor any other long weapon, but only one Pike,* 13.63 and the same without an yron: the which one of the 5. tooke, and threw downe the ensigne, and manfully beate backe the sealers, and threwe them downe to the grounde. Diuers of the enemies were entred into the bulwarke, by a doore belowe, and slue one of the fiue, which kept y^e mid∣dle parte of the bulwarke. The other foure looked to be de∣stroyed out of hande. Then one of the foure chased awaye those which had entred belowe, with stones: and the other three leauing their handguns, defended themselues like∣wise with great stones: and perceiuing the bande whych was on the rockes to flee, they tooke courage, and w^tstoode their enemies valiantly, til their companions were retur∣ned from the chase.

In the meane time, the Bulwarke which was vppon the side of the mountaine, was furiously assailed by the one halfe of the armie. Those that were within suffered theyr enemies to approche neare to the Bulwarke, without any gunshot or other defence: whereat the enemies much mar∣ueiled. But when they were euen at hand, they fell vppon them, some with throwing of stones, some wyth rollynge downe mighty stones, & some with harquebushes.* 13.64 There was a huge stone rolled downe, whych passed throughout y^e whole army, and slue diuers. The souldiers at that time had wonne a litle cotage, neare to the said bulwark, which did much hurt to the poore men. But among them, one de∣uised to roll downe a great huge stone against the cottage, which so shooke it, and amased the soldiors, that they thou∣ght they had bene all destroyed, and incontinent they fled, and neuer would enter into it againe.

Then the souldiors made certaine fences of woode, fiue foote long, three foote broade, and of the thicknesse of three boardes, but they were so sore vexed w^t the shot of the har∣quebushes, that they were faine to lay al those fences aside. The miners also made others of earth for the souldiours. But al these policies of the enemies auailed them nothing: for the slaughter was so great, that in diuers places you might haue sene three ly••ng dead one vpon an other. God so wrought wyth the poore Christians, that the shot of two harquebushes slewe foure men. It was sayd for a certain∣tie, that the shot of an harquebush came so neare the Lorde of Trinities heade, that it brake a wande which he bare in his hand, and made him to retire six score pases backward,* 13.65 and seeing his soldiors in suche great numbers murthered & wounded on euery side, he wept bitterly. Then hee reti∣red the rest of his army. That day he thought assuredly to haue entred into the medowe of Tour. Moreouer he was determined, if that dayes iourney had not succeeded, to en∣campe therby, and the next morning very early, to renewe the assault. Many gentlemē and others came thither, to see the discomfiture of the pore Waldois: and likewise those of the Plaine looked for nothing, but to heare y^e piteous ruine and desolation of thys poore people. But God disposed it otherwise: For the Lorde of Trinitie had muche adoe to saue himselfe and his: and seeing the mischiefe which they intended to do vnto others, was fallen nowe vppon their owne heads, they were wonderfully astonished. They of y^e plaine also, when they saw the number of the dead bodies, & the wounded to be so great (for from noone vntil the eue∣ning,* 13.66 they ceased not to cary them away) were likewise ex∣ceedingly dismaied. Albeit they caried not away al, for ther were many that lay nere to the bulwarks, whiche the peo∣ple couered with winding sheetes, the next morning. The souldiers them selues confessed to them of the medowe of Tour, that if they had pursued them, they had ben al slain, they were so tired and cleane out of heart.

Many marueiled why the people did not followe the army, but especially the souldiers, seeing the great discom∣fiture which they had done, and that they had gotten suche vantage of them already. But this was done for two cau∣ses. The one was, because they had alredy determined not to folow the army being once retired,* 13.67 to auoid the effusion of bloud, meaning onely to defend them selues. The other cause was, for that they were weary, and had spēt all theyr munition: For many of them had shot of, about 30. times, and none of them, vnder twēty, spending great store bothe of pellets and haileshot. The rest of the army retired, cry∣ing with a loude voyce, God fighteth for them, and we doe them wrong.

The next day, one of the principal captaines of the ar∣my, surrendred his charge to the L. of Trinitie, saying vn∣to him, that he would neuer fight against this people anye more, and vpon that he departed. It is a maruelous thing and worthy of perpetual memorie, that in y^e combate there were but two of the Waldoys slaine, and two hurt. Tho∣row y^e whole countrey of Piemont, euery man sayde, God fighteth for them. One of the Captaines confessed, that hee had bene at many fierce assaultes and combates, and sundry battailes wel fought, but yet he neuer sawe souldi∣ers so faint hearted and amased: yea the souldiours them∣selues told him, they wer so astonished,* 13.68 that they could not stryke. Moreouer, they sayde, that thys people neuer shotte, but they hurte or killed some of the Souldiours. Some other sayd that the ministers by their prayers, con∣iured and bewitched them, that they could not fight: and in

dede wonderful is it, and maruellous are the iudgements of God, that notwithstanding so many combates and con∣flicts, so great assaults and aduentures, so much & so terri∣ble shot, continually made against this poore people, yet all in a maner came to no effecte: So mightily Gods holy po∣wer wrought for his people: In so much, that for al y^e sayd combates, skirmishes, and so many conflicts: of all the An∣grongnians, there were but 9. only that miscaried, and the whole number of those that were slaine, were but only 14. persons.* 13.69 Where also is to be noted, not without great ad∣miration, how few there were, and those also but poore se∣ly shepherds and neatherds, to encounter w^t such a migh∣ty power, of so strong and braue souldiours comming a∣gainst them with weapon and armor, being so well furni∣shed and appoynted with munition as they were, in all poynts accordingly, and the other on the contrary side be∣ing vnarmed, and vnprouided of all habiliment of warre, hauing for their defence for the most parte, nothing els but slings and stones, and a fewe harquebushes.

The 9. day of Marche, there was a hotte skirmishe at Angrongne. For 3. companies of souldiours went to An∣grongne, to burn and spoile all that remained, & to destroy the wines, which were hidden in the grounde. Where, a∣mongest themselues, they mocked & flouted the poore peo∣ple, saying: these Lutherane Waldoys, are valiant felowes behinde their bulwarkes: but if they had bene in the plain field, they had bene wel canuased. After this it chanced that 30. of the Waldoys wēt and assailed these foresayd compa∣nies in the plain field.* 13.70 They fought a long season, and that so neere, that some of them fought hande to hande. In this conflict, one of those of Angrongne, wrestled w^t a captaine of the enemies, strong and mighty, and cast him downe v∣pon the ground. Many of the souldiours were slayne, and many hurt. But of y^e Angronians there was but one slaine and an other hurt a little, which notwithstāding gaue not ouer to fight manfully. Then the souldiours seing the losse of their men, retired sodenly.

After that, the Lorde of Trinitie sent 2. Gentlemen of the Ualley of Luserne, to them of Angrongne, to fele them if they would come to any agreement. To whom answere was made, y^t they would stand to their first answer. From that time he sent very often, to entreate of the agreement: but what his meaning was, it myght well appeare. For when the pore people hoped for some agrement,* 13.71 they were most furiously assaulted. Upon this there was a day assig∣ned in the valley of Luserne to confer touching the agree∣ment, w^t certaine men pertaining to the Lord of Raconis, and the safe conduct was promised and graunted.

The night afore the ministers & rulers of Angrongne should take their iourny, they perceiued a company of sol∣dioures going vp a hill,* 13.72 by the which they of Angrongne should passe, & hid them in houses on the wayes side, thin∣king to take at vnwares them of Angrongne, which were sent to treat of the agrement. But they hauing intelligence of this conspiracy, watched and warded. It was an easie matter as diuers thought, that night to haue taken the L. of Trinity, and haue spoiled his whole campe. But they of Angrongne, and Luserne, woulde not execute thys enter∣prise,* 13.73 least thereby they shoulde offende God, and passe the boundes of their vocation, taking vpon them no more but to defend themselues.

At that time a pitifull case happened in the Medowe of Tour. The Lorde of Raconis seeming to be sorie for thys warre, sent into y^e medow of Tour, an honest man of Bri∣queras, named Fraunces of Billes, to take aduise, what meanes were best, to further the agreement. Who hauing consulted with the ministers and rulers, returned home∣ward that day according to his maisters commandement, and hauing sent backe one whiche conducted hym, was murdered soone after at the foote of Angrongne, by two of Angrongne, which otherwise seemed to be honest, and of good parentage. Soone after, one of the two which had cō∣mitted this facte, entred into the Medowe of Toure, and was immediately apprehended and boūd. He confessed the fact without any further delay. Immediately the other al∣so was taken.

The Waldoys were maruelously troubled & agreeued with this fact, and wrote to y^e Lorde of Raconis, declaring vnto him the whole circumstance of the facte, and that they had the offenders in warde, and that, if it would please him to send certaine to examine the matter, they for theyr part, wold so execute iustice in y^e punishment of them, that theyr innocency to all men shuld appeare. The lord of Raconis, wrote vnto them, y^t they should deliuer vnto hym y^e offen∣ders, and that he would do such iustice vppon them, as the cause required. To the which they of Angrongne aunswe∣red, that vpon three conditions, they shoulde be deliuered, according to his request. First▪ that the prisoners should be compelled to do nothing against their consciences,* 13.74 and as touching religion, nothing shuld be spokē vnto them, but out of the word of God. Secondly, that speedy and sharpe iustice should be executed vpon them: and y^t heereafter this should be no preiudice to y^e liberties and priuiledges of the people of Angrongne. The third, that the execution of thē should be vpon the borders of Angrongne, for an example to all other. This being accorded with one assent (yea w^t∣out contradiction of their parents) they sent them prison∣ners accompanied with 60. gunners, to the cōfines of Lu∣serne, and there deliuered them into the hands of the Lord of Raconis. This redounded to the great commendation of them of Angrongne.

After this the lord of Trinitie hauing left certaine gar∣risons about Angrongne, and the valley of Luserne: went to Perouse nere to the valley of S. Martine, to succour the garrison there, being in great danger, and there remained a moneth. During which time, they of Angrongne, and of the valley of Luserne, liued in more quietnesse then afore: but yet they were so afflicted, by reason of the scarcitie of vitailes, which sore pressed them, and namely those of the medowe of Toure, for they were spoyled of theyr vitailes.* 13.75 This poore people liued with milke and with herbes, ha∣uing very litle breade. But afterwardes, when they were euen like to be famished, God of his goodnesse, sent them better succour, both of corne & breade, then they had before. The enemies thought to haue taken the medow of Toure by famine: for they toke away the vitailes that were to be had in all places round about▪ Euery houshold was suffe∣red to haue no more then should sustein them that day, and that also was very litle: to the ende that they shuld not suc∣cour this poore people.

After that, the Lorde of Trinitie being returned from Perouse to Luserne,* 13.76 sent certaine to entreate of an agree∣ment, and required to common with some of the people. Then they began to consulte and deuise by al meanes, how they might come to some good agreement. But one Mon∣day being the 17. day of Aprill, by breake of day, he sent cer∣taine bandes of Spaniardes, which he had there, with the Garrison of Toure, to the mountaine of Tailleret, by the way which leadeth to the medow of Tour, on the South∣side. They murdered men, wemen and children of Taille∣ret, whome they founde in their beddes. Then they mar∣ched on along vpon the mountaine, towardes the medow of Tour. Anone after the people perceiued 2. other compa∣nies of souldiours marching by Angrongne, by 2. seuerall wayes, to assault the Medow of Toure. In the morning, assoone as they rose, they blewe their hornes, for they sawe the Spaniards already entred. When they had made theyr prayers, euery man ranne to meete the enemyes, some on the East side and the other on the Southe. They whyche firste resisted the Spaniardes (who were already paste the bulwarkes) were in the beginning but 12. Gunners, and a few other whom they caused to go vp to the hil, and rolle downe great stones. These 12. hauing founde a fitte place for their purpose to stay the Spanyardes, began to shoote of their harquebushes at them. The Spanyardes seeing themselues so sore assailed both aboue and beneathe,* 13.77 & the place so narrow and so straight, reculed backe, and retyred as fast as they coulde, by the same way, by the whiche they came. If they had taried a little longer, they had ben enclo∣sed betweene the two mountaines: whyche place was so strait that they coulde not haue escaped. The people chased them vnto their campe, which was at Toure.* 13.78 As they fled they founde often, some Fortes, where they did resiste for a litle while: but they were alway beaten out. In this com∣bate God gaue victorie to the poore Waldoys, wyth great slaughter of the Spanyards: where also very many of thē were sore hurt and wounded.

The sayd L. of Trinitie sent vnto the Spanyards, that they should not faint and giue ouer, but sticke to it like mē, and he woulde shortly send them succour: but they would not. Those of the Ualley of Luserne, hearing of thys con∣flict, came in the meane time, to helpe their neighboures. Amongest other, there was one slaine in that battaile, for whom the Lord of Trinity much lamented, saying that he would rather haue lost a whole band, then that man. The other 2. companies, whiche marched by Angrongne, per∣ceiuing the Spanyardes to be so beaten and put to flyght, & seing also those of y^e medow of Tour cōming to encoun∣ter w^t them, retired in hast. Upon that, the lord of Trinitie went to Cauors thre miles from Luserne, being in a great perplexitie: and as he was about to sende succoure to the Spanyards, he heard the sounde of a drumme aboue Lu∣serne, & suspected that there was an army of the Waldoys comming against him. Upon this diuers of the souldiors

fled away by the plaine, crying that all was lost. It was certainly reported,* 13.79 that if the Waldoys had pursued the ar∣mye, as they mighte easyly haue done, the campe had that day ben chased out of Luserne. The poore people lacked no courage so to do: for albeit they had neither eaten nor dron∣ken all that day before,* 13.80 & had sore trauelled and fought: yet they sayde, that if they had but a little refreshed themselues with a morsel of bread, and a glasse of wine, they durst take vpon them to enter into the campe of their enemies.

Within a few daies after, they of Angrongne were ad∣uertised by the L. of Trinities letters, that hee fully deter∣mined to cut down their trees and vines, and destroy their corne being on the ground. And furthermore, that 2. fortes should be builded at Angrongne. The day was assigned, & horsemen appoynted, with all spede to execute this mische∣uous enterprise. The poore people thought y^t they shuld be assailed as sore as euer they were, and fight as harde as e∣uer they did before.* 13.81 But God preuented this cruell attēpt. For the night afore that this should be executed, the lord of Trinitie receiued certaine letters from the Duke, which staied this enterprise. They of the medowe of Tour, being aduertised that the lord of Trinitie did now entend to send ordinance to beat downe the bulwarks which were made of stones: they made a bulwarke of earth, whyche was in compasse about 500. paces: which they might easily see frō Luserne. They of the medow of Tour told the lord of Tri∣nities men, that if they brought any artillery, they shoulde not so soone cary it away againe, and shortly the ordinance was sent backe againe.

About this season, the chief rulers and ministers of the Waldoys requested earnestly the Lord of Raconis, to pre∣sent a supplication which they had made to the Duchesse of Sauoy.* 13.82 For they had intelligence that she was sore offen∣ded y^t her subiects were so cruelly handled. In the whych supplication they declared the equitie of their cause, prote∣sting all due obedience to the duke their soueraigne Lord: and if it mighte be prooued by the pure worde of God that they held any error,* 13.83 they would with all humble submissi∣on, receiue correction and be reformed, humbly beseeching her grace to appease the displeasure which the Duke had cōceiued against them, by the vntrue surmises of theyr ad∣uersaries: and if there were any thing wherin they had of∣fended him, they most humbly craued his gracious pardō.

About this time the lord of Trinitye, by sicknes, was in great daunger of his life.* 13.84 Soone after the supplication was deliuered: the Duchesse sent an aunswer to the Waldoys, by the sayd Lorde of Raconis. The effect thereof was, that she had obteined of the Dukes grace all that they demaun∣ded in their supplication, vpon such conditions as the said lord Raconis would propound vnto them. But whē they vnderstoode that the sayd conditions were very rigorous, they sent an other supplication vnto the Duches,* 13.85 wherein they humbly besought her grace to be a meane that the said conditions and Articles might be moderated: which Arti∣cles here follow.

First, that they should banish their Ministers.

Secondly, that they shoulde receiue the Masse and other cere∣monies of the Romish church.

Thirdly, that they should pay a raunsome to the souldiours for certaine of their men which they had taken.

Fourthly, that they shoulde assemble and preache no more as they were wont to do.

Fifthly, that the Duke woulde make fortresses at his pleasure, in all that countrey, with other like things.

The people made humble request in this their last sup∣plication,* 13.86 that it would please the sayd Duches to geue the Duke her husband to vnderstand, how y^t these conditions were straunge and rigorous. And as for their partes, al∣though they had good triall of their ministers, y^t they were good men and fearing God, of sounde doctrine, of good life & honest conuersation, yet neuerthelesse they were conten∣ted so to do, if he woulde geue leaue to some of them to re∣maine: requesting this, that it might be permitted vnto thē to chuse some other good Ministers in their places, before they departed, least that their Churches shoulde remaine without Pastors.

* 13.87Concerning the Masse, and other Ceremonies of the church of Rome, if the duke should cause them to be mini∣stred in their parishes, they neither wold, nor could with∣stand the same, and for their part, they would do no iniurie or violence to those that should minister them or be present therat: notw^tstanding they besought him, that they myght not be constrained to be present thēselues, at the ministra∣tiō thereof, or to pay any thing to the maintenaunce of the same, or els to yelde either fauour or consent thereunto.

As touching the raunsome which was demaunded of them for their prisoners, considering the extreme pouertie that they were in, and the great calamities and damages whiche they had suffred, it was to them a thing vnpossible. Yea if his highnes wer truly informed what losse they had susteined, by burning, spoiling and sacking of their houses and goods, without all mercy or pity, he wold not only re∣quire of them no suche thing, but as a gracious and merci∣full Prince, he would succour and supporte them, that they might be able to maintaine their poore families, whome they nourished (as they were bound to do) to the seruice of God, and their said Lord and Prince: and therfore they de∣sired that it mighte please him that their poore brethren re∣maining in captiuitie and prisone, and such as were sent to the galleis for the profession of their religion, might spede∣ly be deliuered and set at libertie.

As for their assembles and preachings, they were con∣tēted that they should be kept only amongst themselues, in their accustomed places and in other Ualleys aforesayde, where any assemble of the faithfull shoulde be, which were desirous to heare the preaching of the Gospell.

Touching y^e Fortresses, for as much as by those which were already made, they had suffered great molestations and troubles as well concerning their goods, as also their religion: they were assured that if he should build vp newe Fortes, they shoulde neuer be able to abide the troubles, miseries, and calamities, that would folow therupon, and therfore they most humbly desired the sayde Duchesse to be so good and gracious vnto them, as to obteine of the Duke that he would accept their persons in the steade of Fortes: and that, seeing those places were by nature and of them∣selues strong and wel fortified, it mighte please theyr sayde lord the duke, to receiue them into his protection and saue∣garde: and by the grace and assistance of God, they would serue him them selues for suche Walles, and Forts, that he should not neede to builde any other. And because many of those which dwelt neare about them, had robbed & spoiled them, not onely of their housholde goodes and such other thinges, but also driuen away their cattell: that it myghte please him to geue them leaue to recouer the sayde goodes, by the way of Iustice, and to buy againe that whyche the souldiers had sold, and that for the same price, for the which it was solde.

Briefly, they also besought their said Lorde, y^t it myght please him to be so gratious vnto them, as to graunt them a confirmation of al their franchises, immunities, and pri∣uileges, as well generall, as particular, geuen vnto them as well by him, as by his predecessours: and likewise of those which, as well they, as their anciters had bought of their Lordes, and to receiue them as hys most humble and obedient subiects, into his protection and safegarde.

And because in time past, in the stede of good and spedie Iustice, all iniquitie was committed by those that had the administration of iustice in their Ualleis: and for as much as their purses were emptied & punished rather then the malefactours: that it might please him to geue order that such iustice might be done amongst them, wherby the wic∣ked might be punished with all seueritie, and the innocent defended and maintained in their right.

Finally, forasmuch as diuers of this poore people (be∣ing astonished at the comming of the army, & fearing least they should not onely be spoyled of all theyr goods, but also they with their wiues and children, be vtterly destroyed) made promise against their consciences, to liue accordynge to the traditions of the church of Rome:* 13.88 they were marue∣lously troubled and tormēted in spirit, and did nothing but languish in that distresse. Wherfore they humbly besought the sayde Duches to take pity vpon them, & to obtaine that they might not be compelled to do any thing against their conscience: and moreouer, that it might please the Duke to permit them, to liue in libertie and freedome of conscience: also, that all theyr poore brethren, banished for the cause of Religion, might returne home to their houses: and that al confiscations and penalties made against them, myghte be abolished. And for their part they promised to geue all due reuerence and honour to God and his holy worde, and to be true and faithfull subiects to theyr Lorde & Prince. Yea more then any other. Underneath the sayde supplication, there was wrytten:

Your faithfull and humble subiects, the poore afflicted of the Ualleys of Lu∣serne, Angrongne, S. Martin, and Perouse, and generally all the peo∣ple of the Waldois, which inhabite the countrey of Primont.

After that this supplication was viewed & read of the sayd Duchesse, she so persuaded with the Duke, that aun∣swer was made with these conditions declared in these ar∣ticles following.

Conclusions and Articles, lastly agreed vpon be∣tweene the right honourable Lorde of Raconis on the part of the Dukes highnesse, and them of the Valleys of Piemont, called the Waldoys.

THat there shal shortly be made letters Patentes by the Dukes highnesse,* 14.1 by the which it may appeare that he hath forgeuen and pardoned them of the Ualleys of An∣grongne. Boby, Uillers, Ualquichard, Rora, Tailleret, La Rua de Bonet bordering vppon Tour. S. Martine, Perouse, Roccapiata, S. Bartlemew, and al suche as haue aided them: of all such faultes as they haue committed, as well in bearing armour againste his highnesse, as against the Lordes and certaine other gentlemen whom he retei∣ned and kept in his protection and safegard.* 14.2

That it shalbe lawful for them of Angrongne, Boby, Uillard, Ualquichard, Rora, (members of the Ualley of Luserne) & for them of Rodoret, Marcele, Maneillan, and Salsa (members of the Ualley of S. Martine) to haue their congregations,* 14.3 sermons & other ministeries of theyr religion, in places accustomed.

That it shalbe lawfull for them of Uillars (members of the Ualley of Luserne) to haue the same,* 14.4 but that onely vntill the time that his highnes doth builde a Forte in the same place. But whilest the sayd fort is in building, it shall not be lawful to haue their preaching and assemblies with in the said precinct of the place, but it shalbe lawful for them to build a place for that purpose, neere at hand, where they shall thinke good, on that side towardes Boby. Neuerthe∣les it shall be permitted to their ministers to come wythin the precinct aforesayd, to visite the sicke, and exercise other things necessary to theyr Religion, so that they preach not nor make any assemble there.

* 14.5It shalbe also permitted to them of Tailleret, La Rua de Bonet bordering vpon Tour, to haue their Sermones and assembles in places accustomed, so that they enter not for that purpose into the rest of the confines of Tour.

* 14.6That it shal not be lawful for the saide members of the Ualleys of Luserne and S. Martine, to come to the rest of their borderers, nor any other of his highnesse dominion: nor to haue their preachinges, assembles or disputations, out of theyr owne borders, hauing libertie to haue them therein. And if they be examined of their faith, it shall be lawfull for them to answer without danger of punishmēt in body or goodes.

The like shall be lawfull for them of the parishe of Pe∣rouse,* 14.7 which at this present are fled because of the said reli∣gion, & were wont to haue their assembles and preachings & other ministeries according to their religion, at the place called le Puis: so that they come not to other places & bor∣ders of the said parish.

It shal be permitted to them of y^e parish of Pinachia, of the Ualley of Perouse,* 14.8 which at this present be fled because of the said religion, and were wont to go to Sermons and assemblies and other ministeries of that religion, to haue the like onely at the place called le Grandoubiou.

* 14.9It shall be permitted to them of the parishe of S. Ger∣main of the Ualley of Perouse, and to them of Roccapia∣ta, which at this present are fled because of the said religion and cōtinue in the same, to haue one onely minister, which may the one day preache at S. Germaine, at the place cal∣led l'Adormilleux, and the other day at Roccapiata, at the place called Uandini only.

It shalbe permitted to al them of the townes and Uil∣lages of the said Ualleis,* 14.10 which at this present are fled, and continue in the said religion, notwithstāding any promise or abiuration made before this warre against the said reli∣gion, to repaire & returne to their houses with their hous∣holdes, and to liue according to the same, going and com∣ming to the Sermons and assembles which shall be made by their ministers in the places aboue specified, so that they obey that which is abouesayd.

And because that many of the sayde townes and villa∣ges dwel out of the precinct of the preaching, hauing neede to be visited▪ and of other things according to their said re∣ligion, their ministers which dwel within the precinct, shal be suffred without preiudice, to visite and duely aide them of such ministeries as shall be necessary for thē, so that they make no sermons or assembles.

By especial grace it shall be permitted to al them of the Ualley of Meane,* 14.11 and them of S. Bartlemew, neyghbors to Roccapiata, and are fled and continue in the sayd religi∣on, peaceably to enioy the grace and liberties graunted in the next article before, so that they obserue all which they before promise to obserue.* 14.12

The goodes alredy seased as forfait, shalbe restored to all the inhabitants of the saide Ualleis, and to all that are fled and continue in the said religion, as wel of them of the said Ualleis, as of Roccapiata, S. Bartlemew, and of Meane, so y^t they be not seased for any other cause then for the sayde religion, and for the warre present and lately past.

It shalbe lawfull for them aforesayd, to recouer by way of Iustice, of their neighbours, their moueable goodes and cattell, so it be not of Souldiours: and that whyche hathe bene sold, they shall also recouer by way of Iustice, so that they restore the price for which it hath beene solde. Theyr neighbours shall haue the like against them.

All their franchises, fredomes, and priuiledges,* 14.13 as wel generall, as particular, graunted as well by his highnesse predecessours, as by him selfe, and obtained of other inferi∣our Lordes, whereof they shall make proofe by publicke wrytings, shalbe confirmed vnto them.

The said Ualleis shalbe prouided for to haue good Iu∣stice ministred vnto them, whereby they may knowe they are kept in sauegard by his highnesse, as wel as all hys o∣ther subiects.

The inhabitants of the sayd Ualleis shall make a rolle of all the names & surnames of al them of the said valleys, which are fled for religion, as wel such as haue abiured, as other, to the ende they may be restored, and maintained in their goodes and housholdes, and enioy such grace and be∣nefites as their Prince and Lord hath bestowed on them.

And in so much as it is knowen to euery man, that the Prince may builde fortresses in his country, where it shall please hym without contradiction, neuerthelesse, to take all suspition out of the mindes of the aforesaide Waldoys, it is declared that if, at any time hereafter, his highnesse will make a Forte at Uillars, the inhabitants of the sayde place shall not be constrained to beare the charges, but onely as they shal thinke good, louingly to aide their Prince. Which Forte beinge builded (by Gods aide) A Gouernoure and Captaine shall therein be appoynted, which shall attempt nothing but the seruice of his highnesse, wythout offence of the inhabitants either in their goods or consciences.

It shalbe lawful for them, before y^e discharging of theyr Ministers, such as it shall please his highnesse to haue dis∣charged, to chuse and cal other in their steades:* 14.14 so that they chuse not M. Martin de Pragela, nor chaunge not from one place to another, of the said valleis, any of them which be discharged.

The Masse and other seruice after the vsage of Rome, shalbe kept in all the parishes of the sayde Ualleis, where the Sermons assembles,* 14.15 and other ministers of their reli∣gion are made, but none shall be compelled to be presente thereat, nor to minister aide or fauour to suche as shall vse that seruice.

All the expenses and charges borne by his highnesse in this warre, shalbe forgeuen and released to them for euer. Also the eight thousand crownes wherin the inhabitants of the saide Ualleys were behinde, as parte of sixteene M. crowns, which they had promised in the warre passed: and his highnesse will commaunde that the wrytings, for that cause made, shalbe adnulled and cancelled.

All the prisoners shalbe rendred & restored which shall be found to be in the hands of the souldiours,* 14.16 paying ran∣some reasonable, according to theyr goodes, as they shalbe seased: and those which shall be adiudged to be wrongfully taken, shalbe released without raunsome.

Likewise, all they of the sayd Ualleis, whych for religi∣on, & not for other causes, are deteined in the Galleis,* 14.17 shall be released without raunsome.

Finally, it shalbe lawfull for all them of the said valleis, them of Meane, Roccapiata, and s. Bartlemewe, of what degree, estate, or cōdition so euer they be (except ministers) to accompany and dwel, and to be in daily conuersation w^t the rest of his highnes subiects, and to tary, goe & come, in all places of his highnes country, to sel and buy, and vse al trades of marchandise, in all places in his highnes coun∣try, as before is said, so that they preach not, nor make any assembles, or disputatiōs, as we haue before sayd: and that they whiche be of the limites, dwell not oute of them: and they which be of the townes & villages of the said valleis, dwel not out of them, nor of their borders:* 14.18 and in so doing they shall not be molested by any meanes, and shall not be offended nor troubled in body or goods: but shall remaine vnder the protection and sauegarde of his highnesse.

Furthermore, his highnes shal set order to stay al trou∣bles, inconueniences, secret cōspiracies of wicked persons after such sort,* 14.19 that they shall remaine quietly in theyr reli∣gion. For obseruation whereof, George Monastier, one of the elders of Angrongne, Constantion Dialestini, other∣wise called Rembaldo, one of the Elders of Uillars, Pir∣rone Arduino, sent frō the comminaltie of Boby, Michael Ramondet, sent from the comminaltie of Tailleret and of

la Rua de Bonet bordering vpon Tour, Iohn Malenote, sent from certaine persons of S. Iohn, Peter Paschal sent from the comminaltie of the valley of S. Martin, Thom. Roman of S. Germain, sent from the comminaltie of the same place, and of all the Ualley of Perouse, promise for thē and their comminalties seuerally, that the cōtents of these conclusions aforesayd, shall be inuiolately kepte, and for breach thereof do submit themselues to such punishment as shall please his hignes: promising likewise to cause the chiefe of the families of the comminalties, to allow and confirme the sayd promise.

The honourable Lorde of Raconis doth promise that the Dukes highnes shall confirme and allow the foresayde conclusions to them both generally and perticularly,* 14.20 at the intercession and especiall fauour of the noble Lady the Princesse.* 14.21

In testimonie whereof, the foresayde Lord of Raconis hath confirmed these present conclusions, wyth hys owne hand, and the Ministers haue lykewise subscribed in the name of all the sayd Ualleys, and they which can write, in the name of all theyr comminalties.

At Cauor, the v. of Iune. 1561.

• ...Phillip of Sauoy.
• ...Fraunces Valla, Minister of Villars.
• ...Claudius Bergius, Minister of Taillaret.
• ...Georgius Monasterius.
• ...Michael Raymundet.

THis accord being thus made and passed, by the meanes of the Duchesse of Sauoy, the poore Waldoys haue ben in quiet vntill this present: and God of his infinite good∣nes hauyng deliuered them out of so many troubles and conflicts, hath set them at libertie, to serue him purely and with quietnes of conscience.

Wherfore there is none at this present (except he be alto∣gether blind or senceles) but he seeth and well perceiueth that God would make it knowen by experience, to these poore Waldoys,* 14.22 and al other faithful people, that al things turne to the best to them, which loue and feare hym. For by all these afflictions which they suffered (as is before re∣hearsed) this good heauenly father hath brought them to repentance and amendement of life. He hath effectuously taught them to haue recourse to his fatherly mercy, and to embrace Iesus Christ, for their onely Sauiour and redee∣mer.

Furthermore, he hath taught them to tame the desires and lustes of the flesh, to withdrawe their harts from the world, and lift them vp to heauen, and to be alwayes in a readines to come to him, as vnto their most louing and pi∣tifull father. To be short, hee hath set them to the schoole of hys children, to the end they should profite in patience and hope: to make them to mourne, weepe, and cry vnto hym. And aboue all, he hath made them so oft to proue his suc∣cours at time of need, to see them before their eyes, to feele and touch them with their handes (as a man would say) after such sort, that they haue had good occasion and all the faithfull with them, neuer to distrust so good a father, and so carefull for the health of his children: but to assure them∣selues neuer to be confounded, what thing soeuer happen.

And yet to see thys more manifestly, and that euery man may take profite therof, it shal be good to vnderstand what this poore people did, whiles they were in these combates and conflictes.* 14.23 So soone as they sawe the armye of theyr enemies approch, they cryed altogether for ayde and suc∣cour to the Lord, and before they begā to defend thēselues they fell to prayer, and in fighting, lifted vp their hartes, and sighed to the Lorde. As long as the enemyes were at rest, euery one of these poore people, on their knees, called vpon God. When the combate was ended, they gaue him thankes for the comfort and succour, which they had felte. In the meane time, the rest of the people with the Mini∣sters, made their harty prayer vnto God with sighes and teares, and that, from the morning vntill the euening. When night was come, they assembled agayne together. They which had fought, rehearsed the woonderfull ayde and succour which God had sent them, and so altogether rendred thankes vnto hym for hys fatherly goodnes. Al∣wayes he chaunged their sorrow into ioye. In the mor∣ning trouble and affliction appeared before them, wyth great terrour on all sides: but by the euening, they were deliuered, and had great cause of reioysing and comfort.

* 14.24This poore people had two terrible enemies: warre and famine, which kepte them vnder, in such sort that a man would haue thought they had bene vtterly lost & destroy∣ed. But God of his endles mercy, deliuered thē from such dangers, and restored them to their houses, where they re∣mained afterwards in peace and quietnes, & al they which had declared themselues to be their open enemyes, were brought to confusion, as well those whiche fought to get their goodes, as those whiche onely desired to shedde their bloud. For proofe wherof, the onely exāple of two Gentle∣men of the Ualley of Luserne shall suffice. These not one∣ly moued cruell warre agaynst their poore tenauntes and others, but most shamefully spoyled them, and tooke vn∣tollerable fines of all those that disobeyed their Edictes, to keepe a good conscience.

Besides this,* 14.25 they went about to sease all their goodes as forfaite: waytyng to haue the whole forfayture thereof themselues. And for this cause they did not onely incense the Duke with false reportes and with greeuous com∣playntes and accusations, agaynst these poore Waldoys: but also pursued the same so long and with such charges, that they were fayne to sell their inheritaunce, in hope to bring their purpose to passe, and to enioy that goodly pray, which they thought could not escape their handes. But in the ende, for their rewarde, they got nothyng but shame and confusion.

And as for the Monkes and Priestes whiche by such meanes thought to aduaunce themselues, & to bryng their trumpery to estimation, they haue lost the litle rule which they had ouer that people, and are confounded, and their Religion brought in disdayne. Thus God beateth down those which exalte themselues aboue measure, and maketh his aduersaries to fall into the pits whiche they themsel∣ues haue made.

Let vs pray vnto him therefore, that it would please him likewise to stretch out his puissaunt arme at this day, to maintayne his poore Church now afflicted, and to con∣found all the deuises of Sathan and his members, to the aduauncement of his glory and kyngdome.

¶The conclusion of the story.

And thus hast thou (Christiā reader) for thy erudition and comfort, the story and doyngs,* 14.26 discoursed concernyng these two countreys, both of Prouince & also of Piemont, the one beyng subiect vnder the dominion of Fraunce, the other belōgyng to the Duke of Sauoy. In the which two foresayd regions and countreys, how long the Gospell of Christ hath continued (euē from the tyme of the first Wal∣denses) the history it selfe declareth.

Furthermore, what iniuries and wronges haue bene done agaynst them for the Gospels sake,* 14.27 what rigour and cruelty hath bene shewed of the aduersary part: agayn, for their part, what pacience in their sufferyng, what constan∣cie in their doctrine, what truth in their wordes, and sim∣plicitie in their deedes, what obedience toward their Ma∣gistrates, and fayth toward God they haue vsed, & finally, how miraculously and mightily God hath fought for his people, and confounded the enemyes, the sayd history may geue thee full knowledge and experience.

Wherein this thou hast moreouer for thy more lear∣nyng, to note and to consider with thy selfe, besides many other memorable thinges in this story conteined how vn∣willyng this people were at first, & what remorse of con∣science they had, for their obedience toward their Magi∣strates, to lift vp any hād or finger, for their owne defence. And therfore many of them beyng slayne & cruelly mur∣thered as willingly offeryng their throates without any resistaunce, to the cruell handes of their enemyes, the rest were cōpelled to flye into the mountaines, beyng spoyled of house, vittaile, & weapon, onely to saue their poore liues with flying,* 14.28 whiche otherwise they would not with resi∣sting, in rockes & caues, thinking there rather to perish by famine, then to vse that defence for thēselues, which nature geueth to euery brute beast to helpe it selfe as it may, a∣gaynst violēce & iniury. Yet these poore Waldoys refusing all resistaunce, & laying downe their own weapon (for o∣bedience sake) yea not liftyng vp their own handes, to de∣fend their owne heades, onely vsed the poore shift of flying frō their enemies, till at lēgth the rage of those bloudy per∣secutours, satisfied with no bloud, nor contented with any reason, ceased not still most furiously, to infest them, yea to take also the mountaines frō them, which had taken from them their houses before, neither yet permittyng them to liue with the wild beastes in the desert, whiche could not liue in their townes at home: till at length, by extreme ne∣cessitie, the prouidēce of God so workyng with them,* 14.29 they were cōpelled to turne their faces, & to take those weapōs, which the grounde gaue to their handes. And with those stones, so marueilously the God of hostes wrought for his people, that they beat, vāquished & ouerthrew their aduer∣saries, they cōfoūded their pride, they abated their malice, & at last, stayd the intollerable rage of their persecutiō. So

mercyfully and victoriously the Lorde God omnipotent fought with his people,* 14.30 or rather for his people, they but turning almost their faces vnto their enemies, no other∣wise then he fought in times before, with Iosue agaynst the heathen, with the Israelites against the Phelistians, with the Macabees, against Antiochus and the Sirians.

This hystorie caryeng with it a true narration of things done in the sayd country of Piemont, and written (as it se∣meth) by certayne of the Ministers, whiche were at the doyng thereof, with the like faith and simplicitie we haue collected partly out of the Italian, partly out of the French tongue: for in both the languages it is written, although in the French tongue,* 14.31 it is much more largely discoursed, which booke most principally heerein we haue followed. The title whereof thus beginneth, Histoire des persecutions & Guerres faites contre le peuple appellé Vaudois, &c.

Now that we haue finished these forreine Histories, concerning suche matters as haue bene passed in other Realmes and nations of Germanie, Italie, Spaine, Fraunce, and Sauoy: consequently it remayneth after this degresse, to returne and reduce our story againe, to our owne countrey matters, heere done and passed at home, after that first we shall haue added one forreine sto∣rie more, concerning y^e Martyrdome of a Christian Iewe, which suffered about these yeares in Constantinople, a∣mong the Turkes, in this wise as foloweth.

¶The story of a christian Iew in Constantinople martyred by the Turkes.

* 14.32Persecutors.	Martyrs.	The causes.
The Turkes of Constā∣tinople.
A Iew chri∣stened and Martyred. At Con∣stantinople. An. 1528.
TO these forreyne Martyrs aforesayd we wil also adioine the Hystorie of a certayne Iew, who in the yeare of oure Lorde 1528. dwelling in the Citie of Constātinople, and there receyuing the sa∣crament of Baptisme, was conuerted, and became a good Christi∣an. When the Turkes vnderstoode heereof,* 14.33 they were vehemently exasperated agaynste hym, that he forsaking his Iewishnes, should bee regenerate to the faith of Christ: and fea∣ring least his conuer∣sion shoulde be a detri∣mente to theyr Maho∣meticall lawe, they sought meanes howe to put hym to deathe, whiche in shorte tyme after they accompli∣shed. And for the grea∣ter infamie to be done vnto the man, they cast his dead corps into the streetes, commanding that no man should be so hardy as to bury the same.* 14.34

[illustration]

Wherein the maruelous glorye and power of Christ ap∣peared. For the dead corpse lyeng so by the space of nyne dayes in the middest of the streetes, reteined so hys natiue colour, and was so fresh, without any kynde of filthines or corruption, and also not without a certeine pleasaunt and delectable sent or odour, as if it had bene lately slayne, or rather not slayne at all: which when the Turkes be∣held, they were thereat maruelously astonied, and beeyng greatly afrayde, they themselues tooke it vp, and caried it to a place neere without the towne, and buryed it.

HAuing thus comprehended the troubles and persecutions of such godly Saintes, and blessed Martyrs, which haue suffered in other foreine nations aboue mentioned, heere now endyng with them, and beginning the eyght booke, we haue (God willing) to re∣turne agayne to our owne matters,* 14.35 and to prosecute such Actes and recordes, as to our owne countrey of England do appertayne. In the proees whereof among many other thyngs, may appeare the maruelous worke of Gods power and mercy in suppressing and ba∣nishing out of thys Realme, the long vsurped supremacie of the Pope: also in subuerting and ouerthrowing the houses of Monkes, and Friers, with diuers other matters perteyning to the reformation of Christes true Church and Religion. All which things as they haue bene long wished, and greatly groned for in tymes past of many godly learned men: so much more ought wee nowe to reioyce and geue God thankes, seeyng these dayes of reformation, which God hath geuen vs. If Iohn Husse, or good Hierome of Prage, or Iohn Wickliffe before them both, or William Brute, Thorpe, Swynderby, or the Lord Cobham, if Zisca, with all the company of the Bohe∣mians, if the Earle Raymundus, with all the Tholossians, if the Waldoys or the Albingensis, with infinite other, had bene eyther in these our times now, or else had seene then thys ruyne of the Pope, and reuealing of Antichrist, which the Lord now hath dispensed vnto vs, what ioye and triumph would they haue made? Wherefore now beholding that thyng which they so long tyme haue wished for, let vs not thinke the benefite to be small, but render therefore most humble thankes to the Lorde our God: Who by his mightie power and brightnes of his word,* 14.36 hath reuealed this great enemie of his so manifestly to the eyes of all men, who before was hid in the Church so coulourably, that almost few Christians could espye him. For who would euer haue iudged or suspected in hys mynde, the Byshop of Rome (commonly receyued and beleeued almost of all men, to be the Vicare and Vicegerent of Christ heere in earth) to be Anti∣christ, and the great aduersary God, whome S. Paule so expresly prophesieth of in these latter dayes to be reuealed by the brightnes of the Lords commyng, as all men now for the most part may see is come to passe. Wherefore to the Lord and Father of lightes, who reuealeth all things in hys due tyme, be prayse and glory for euer. Amen.

The ende of the seauenth Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno. 1509.
• * 1.2

  Notes sum∣marely col∣lected and repeated of things done in the tyme of K. Henry the seuēth.
• * 1.3

  Perkin Werbeck which fained himself to be K. Edwards sonne.
• * 1.4

  Blacke heathe fielde.
• * 1.5

  Ex Masseo lib. 20.
• * 1.6

  Pragmatica sanctio was a practising, or a determination of a certaine parliament in Fraunce against the Bishop of Rome, in defēce of certaine mat∣ters of religion concluded in the coūcel of Basill.
• * 1.7

  A note of Gods plagues folow∣ing the burning of his people.
• * 1.8

  The children & ofspring of king Henry .7.
• * 1.9

  Lady Margaret maried to king Iames 4. of Scot∣land. Lady Mar∣garet maried to the K. of Castile. Prince Arthur maried to Lady Katherine daughter to the Spanishe king. The death of Prince Arthur. K. Henry mari∣eth Lady Ka∣therine his bro∣thers wyfe.
• * 1.10

  Blind dispēsati∣ōs of the Pope.
• * 1.11

  Franciscane Friers.
• * 1.12

  Dominicke Fryers.
• * 1.13

  A troublous dissention in the Church for the con∣ception of the Virgin Mary.
• * 1.14

  Whether the Virgin Mary was conceaued without o∣riginall sinne.
• * 1.15

  A new foūd feast of the conception of the virgin Mary.
• * 1.16

  A new Aue Maria of the Popes making.
• * 1.17

  The Pope addeth to the wordes of the scrip∣ture.
• * 1.18

  3. absurdi∣ties to be noted in this decree of the pope.
• * 1.19

  Rom. 5.
• * 1.20

  Rom. 6.
• * 1.21

  The tenour of the popes Bull for the conception of the virgin to be with∣out original sinne.
• * 1.22

  Ex lod. Cli∣toueo de pu¦ricate cōcep¦tionis. Lib. 2.
• * 1.23

  Filthy ab∣surdities in the Popes doctrine.
• * 1.24

  How the virgin Mary was subiect to death af∣ter the friers opinions
• * 1.25

  Good stuffe
• * 1.26

  The gray friers had made a pic∣ture of Ioachim & Anna kissing by the which kisse Anna wa•• conceiued with Mary.

  Ex Rob. Lycid, Minorita.
• * 1.27

  Idolatry to the blessed virgin.
• * 1.28

  Obiections po∣pishly soluted.
• * 1.29

  Popish beliefe and doctrine go¦eth by time.
• * 1.30

  Verity cōsisteth not in number of voyces. Not victory in multi∣tude of soldiers.
• * 1.31

  The Popes side stronger thē the scripture.
• * 1.32

  Anno. 1509.
• * 1.33

  Ex Casparo Peucero Chron. lib. 5. Ex Sebast. Munster. Cosmog. Lib. 3.
• * 1.34

  4 Friers burned at Berne.
• * 1.35

  Ex Histor. Fer∣••ensi conscripta vulgari et latino sermone.
• * 1.36

  Friers neither can agree with themselues nor yet do disagree but in vaine trifles.
• * 1.37

  The miserable blindnes of the time considered.
• * 1.38

  Anno. 1510.
• * 1.39

  Pope Iulius plai¦eth the warrior.
• * 1.40

  Anno. 1512.
• * 1.41

  The Pope ouer∣come in Battaile
• * 1.42

  Anno. 1513.
• * 1.43

  The death of Pope Iu∣lius.
• * 1.44

  Pope Leo, x
• * 1.45

  The state & succession of Princes.
• * 1.46

  Ex Registro Fitziames.
• * 1.47

  The professi¦ō of the Pro¦testantes no new doc∣trine.
• * 1.48

  Anno. 1512.
• * 1.49

  Anno. 1517.
• * 1.50

  Anno. 1518.
• * 1.51

  Anno. 1521
• * 1.52

  Anno. 1521.
• * 1.53

  Anno. 1523.
• * 1.54

  Anno. 1526.
• * 1.55

  Anno. 1527.
• * 1.56

  Ex Regist. Rich Fitz∣iames.
• * 1.57

  Ioanne Ba∣ker.
• * 1.58

  Agaynst worship∣ping of the crucifixe or crosse.

  Testimonie for the Lady yong Mart.
• * 1.59

  William Pottier. False slaun∣der of the aduersaries.
• * 1.60

  Answere.
• * 1.61

  T. Godred. Tho. Wal∣ker. Tho. Forge. &c.
• * 1.62

  Agaynst transubstan∣tiation and corporall presence.
• * 1.63

  Tho. Austy. Ioan Austy. &c.
• * 1.64

  Agaynst tran∣substantiatiō, & corporall pre∣sence.
• * 1.65

  Agaynst holy dayes.
• * 1.66

  Against pilgri∣mage, and ado∣ration of images
• * 1.67

  William Cou∣per and his wife
• * 1.68

  Against inuoca∣tion of dead I∣mages.
• * 1.69

  Iohn Houshold &c.
• * 1.70

  Against trāsub∣stantiation and authoritie of the Pope.
• * 1.71

  George Brown.
• * 1.72

  Against adora∣tion of the crosse.
• * 1.73

  Against immo∣derate riches of the popes clergy
• * 1.74

  Iohn Wikes.
• * 1.75

  Ioh. Southacke. Rich Butler. &c Vide inferius. Against the real presence.
• * 1.76

  Reading of En∣glishe bookes.
• * 1.77

  Of these men see more hereaf∣ter in the table following.
• * 1.78

  The death of Richard Fitzia∣mes bishop of London. Cuthbert Ton∣stall Bishop of London.
• * 1.79

  The reall pre∣sence denied.
• * 1.80

  Against a priest to haue two be∣nefices.
• * 1.81

  Testimony tou∣ching M. Luther
• * 1.82

  The maner of popish penaunce.
• * 1.83

  The trou∣bles of He∣lene Heyer. and Robert Barkeway.
• * 1.84

  Wil. Swe∣ting, Iohn Brewster Martirs.
• * 1.85

  Against trā¦substantiati∣ō & corpo∣rall presēce in the Sacra¦ment.
• * 1.86

  The cruell rigor of the Catholike clergy a∣gainst the professours of the Gos∣pell.
• * 1.87

  Submission would not be taken of the charita∣ble catho∣likes.
• * 1.88

  No mercy in the popes Church.
• * 1.89

  Ioh. Brown burned in Asheforde about the 4. yeare of king Henry 8.
• * 1.90

  Chilten of wey, a Baily arrant▪ and one Beare of Wilselbo∣rough with 2. of the Byshops ser∣uantes set him vpon the horse; and so carried him away.
• * 1.91

  Richard Hunne martir.
• * 1.92

  Anno. 1514.
• * 1.93

  The despitefull demeanor of the popes holy catholikes to be noted.
• * 1.94

  Ric. Hunne cō∣mitted to Lol∣lardes tower.
• * 1.95

  The Articles ob¦iected against Richard Hunne.
• * 1.96

  This aun∣swere smel∣leth of for∣ging & craf∣ty packing.
• * 1.97

  Argument•• and reasons prouing this aunswere not to be of R. Hunne.
• * 1.98

  Richarde Hunne sent backe a¦gaine to Lollardes tower.
• * 1.99

  Richard Hunne pri∣uely mur∣dred in the Lollardes tower.
• * 1.100

  Crafty pac∣king of the murdering Papistes.
• * 1.101

  The secret conueyance of the mur∣dering of Richarde Hunne.
• * 1.102

  Horsey the Chaunceler craftely practiseth.
• * 1.103

  The death of Hunne suspected of the Londi∣ners.
• * 1.104

  The Crow∣ner sitteth vpon the death of Hunne.
• * 1.105

  Heresie laid to Hunne after his death.
• * 1.106

  D. Hedde promoter of the dead.
• * 1.107

  Ex Regist. Rich. Fitzi∣ames. Lon∣don.
• * 1.108

  Newe arti∣cles cōmen∣sed against Hunne after his death.
• * 1.109

  An holy mother Church which cannot abide the worde of God to be translated.
• * 1.110

  The Bishops publication at Paules crosse a∣gainst R. Hunne.
• * 1.111

  Ex Registro Fi••∣ziames. Lond.
• * 1.112

  Marke the man∣ner of this pro∣ceeding.
• * 1.113

  A solemne pro∣cesse of Fitzia∣mes Bishop of London against Richard Hunne being dead.
• * 1.114

  The corpes of Richard Hunne burned after his death.
• * 1.115

  The sentence definitiue against Richard Hunne after his deathe.
• * 1.116

  What final obstinacy was in him, when you say before by his owne hand wri∣ting that he submitted himselfe to the Bishops fauorable correction?
• * 1.117

  D. Horsey Chaūcelor, Charles Io∣seph and Spalding murderers of Richard Hunne.
• * 1.118

  The verdict of the in∣quest.
• * 1.119

  Proufes of Hunnes death.
• * 1.120

  Witnes of Charles Ioseph Sumner.
• * 1.121

  The witnes of Iulian Littell against Charles Ioseph.
• * 1.122

  The witnes of Peter Turner.
• * 1.123

  The witnes of Iohn-Spalding himselfe.
• * 2.1

  The letter of the B. of London to Cardinall Woolsey.
• * 3.1

  The sentēce of the In∣quest.
• * 3.2

  Richarde Hūne clea∣red by the Inquest, not to haue hā∣ged himself.
• * 3.3

  The Parla∣ment iud∣ging with Richarde Hunne.
• * 3.4

  The practise of Cardinall Wol∣sey for his cler∣gie men.
• * 3.5

  The kings letter for the restituti∣on of Hunnes goods.
• * 3.6

  Defence of Ri∣chard Hunne.
• * 3.7

  Ex publicis actis Ex archiuis et Regist. Lond. Three purposes considered.
• * 3.8

  Answere for Richard Hunne agaynst Syr Thomas More Knight.
• * 3.9

  Syr Thomas More hauing many good ver∣tues, but one great vice.
• * 3.10

  The person of Syr Thomas More counter∣uayled.
• * 3.11

  The reasons of Syr Thomas More refuted.
• * 3.12

  The circumstā∣ces of Hunnes hanging consi∣dered.
• * 3.13

  Vtopia Morl.
• * 3.14

  Aunswere to Alanus Copus for Richarde Hunne.
• * 3.15

  Hūne mur∣dered not by himsel••e, but by o∣thers.
• * 3.16

  Not possi∣ble that Hunne so hangyng shoulde hang him∣selfe.
• * 3.17

  Cope deny∣eth Richard Hunne to dye a Mar∣tyr.
• * 3.18

  The cause, not the pai•• maketh a Martyr.
• * 3.19

  The cause of Abels death & of Hūnes compared.
• * 3.20

  Cope. Dial. 6. Pag. 847.
• * 3.21

  Cope Ibid.
• * 3.22

  Hunne no full Prote∣stant.
• * 3.23

  The cause of Hunnes secret mur∣ther discus∣sed.
• * 3.24

  Craftie practise.
• * 3.25

  Hunne had doble wrōg
• * 3.26

  Copes rea∣sons why Hunne should hang him selfe.
• * 3.27

  Copes rea∣sons aun∣swered.
• * 3.28

  Proufes that Hunne dyd not hange him selfe.
• * 3.29

  Manifest vn∣truth in Cope.
• * 3.30

  An other vn∣truth noted in Cope.
• * 3.31

  Cope hudleth vp vntruthes.
• * 3.32

  An other vn∣truth noted in Cope.
• * 3.33

  Tho. Morus. Dial. Lib. 3.
• * 3.34

  An other vn∣truth in Cope noted.
• * 3.35

  Answere to Copes cauil••ti∣on.
• * 3.36

  The escaping of Horsey came ra∣ther of fauour, then of his de∣merites.
• * 3.37

  Ex Edu. Halle, in vit Henr. 8. anno. 6.
• * 3.38

  Anno. 1517. Elizabeth Stam¦ford.
• * 3.39

  The teaching of the former times to be con∣sidered.
• * 3.40

  Thomas Beele.
• * 3.41

  Ioanne Samp∣son.
• * 3.42

  Articles of Ioanne Sampson.
• * 3.43

  Against the Sacraments of the altar.
• * 3.44

  The names of diuers persons ab∣iured.
• * 3.45

  Iohn South∣wike.
• * 3.46

  Consent of doctrine.
• * 3.47

  Anno. 1518.
• * 3.48

  Iohn Stil∣man▪ Martyr Wickliffes Wicket.
• * 3.49

  Ex Regist. Fitziames. Lond.
• * 3.50

  Articles laid agaynst Ioh. Stilman.
• * 3.51

  Yeares of Antiquitie to be noted. A godly Martyr, Richarde Smart bur∣ned at Salis∣bury ann. 1503. Wickliffes Wicket.
• * 3.52

  Wickliffes Wicket.
• * 3.53

  Tho. Man, Mar∣tyr.
• * 3.54

  The articles of Thomas Man.
• * 3.55

  Thomas Man sent to the mo∣nastery of Os∣ney.
• * 3.56

  Thomas Man sent to the mo∣nastery of Fri∣deswyde.
• * 3.57

  Thomas Man fledde out of the monastery.
• * 3.58

  Thomas Man the second time apprehended.
• * 3.59

  The cause of hys martyrdome.
• * 3.60

  Articles againe obiected against Thomas Man.
• * 3.61

  Against the re∣all presence in the Sacrament.
• * 3.62

  He ment some Image or picture of the virgine▪ set vp in some blinde place to be worshipped
• * 3.63

  False wit∣nes.
• * 3.64

  False witnes receiued a∣gainst Tho∣mas Man.
• * 3.65

  The cere∣moniall ma∣ner of the popish mi∣nistring of their othe.
• * 3.66

  Tho. Man a∣gaine called by D. Hed Chancelour
• * 3.67

  Agnus Lu∣po commis∣sus.
• * 3.68

  The subtile practise of the Romish churchmen.
• * 3.69

  The lawes of the church of Rome groū∣ded vpon Pilate and Cayphas.
• * 3.70

  The popish chauncelour would not seeme to cō∣sent to his death: but yet could send him to the Sham∣bles to be kilde.
• * 3.71

  Thomas Man burned of the Sheriffe with∣out any warrāt. An. 1518. Mens. Mart. 29. Ex Regist.
• * 3.72

  Ex Regist. Rich. Fitziames. Pag. 798. Vj. score abiu∣red, and 3. or 4. burnt about Newbery 60. yeares agoe.
• * 3.73

  Abiuratio mag∣na. Knowen men, or Iust fast men of Amersham. W. Tilseley or rather Tylse∣worth, martyr. Vid. supra. Pag. 774.
• * 3.74

  Thomas Chase Martyr. Vide. supra. pag. 774.
• * 3.75

  Thomas Man a great reader a∣mong the bre∣thren of Amer∣sham.
• * 3.76

  Robert Cousyn burnt at Buc∣kingham.
• * 3.77

  The teaching & doctrine of Ro∣bart Cosyn.
• * 3.78

  A perilous he∣resie.
• * 3.79

  William Swee∣ting Martyr.
• * 3.80

  Ex Regist. Rich. Fitziames, page. 60.
• * 3.81

  George Laund Prior of Saint Osithe, abiured.
• * 3.82

  Crimes obiec∣ted.
• * 3.83

  The Gospell of S. Mathewe. Against pilgri∣mage.
• * 3.84

  Against trā∣substantiati∣on.
• * 3.85

  Against I∣mages.
• * 3.86

  Iames Brew¦ster of Col∣chester Mar∣tyr.
• * 3.87

  Crimes ob∣iected a∣gainst Brew¦ster.
• * 3.88

  Maozim in the 11. chap. of Daniel is an Idole, & signifieth as muche as fortes or munitions.
• * 3.89

  A perilous heresie. Ex Regist. Lond.
• * 3.90

  The vnmer∣cifull, and vnchristian dealing of the catholi∣que Papists.
• * 3.91

  William Sweeting & Iames Brewster, burnt in Smithfield.
• * 3.92

  Christoph. Shomaker burnt in Newbery mariir
• * 3.93

  The antiquitie of the t••ue doc∣trine of the Gos∣pell.
• * 3.94

  The death of Christopher Shomaker.
• * 3.95

  Anno. 1518.
• * 3.96

  Ignoraunce of antiquite.
• * 3.97

  Elder times of the Gospell with these latter times compared.
• * 3.98

  The earnest zeale of our for∣fathers in fol∣lowing Christs Gospell.
• * 3.99

  Abiuratio mag∣na.
• * 3.100

  Knowen men Iust fast men.
• * 3.101

  The practise of Romish prelats.
• * 3.102

  The practise of prelates.
• * 3.103

  W. Smith. Bish. of Lincolne.
• * 3.104

  Iohn Longland B. of Lincolne.
• * 3.105

  The College of Brasen nose in Oxford builded.
• * 3.106

  Bishop Longlād a greuous perse∣cutor of christes people. Accusers. The parties ac∣cused: The crimes ob∣iected
• * 3.107

  Captious interrogato∣ries minist∣red by the Bishop of Lincolne.
• * 3.108

  Anno 1521. Ex Regist Io. Longlād Lincolne.
• * 3.109

  For reading scripture in Englishē.
• * 3.110

  The Brother detecteth the Brother.
• * 3.111

  The husband detecteth the wife.
• * 3.112

  The brother ac∣cuseth the sister.
• * 3.113

  The brother ac∣cuseth his sister.
• * 3.114

  The Popes God almightie thre∣shed out of the strawe.
• * 3.115

  Articles mini∣stred against Agnes Wellys.
• * 3.116

  For readyng the scripture in Englishe.
• * 3.117

  Captions articles.
• * 3.118

  She excu∣seth her own words.
• * 3.119

  For English bookes.
• * 3.120

  Note gentle reader what he∣resie is heere.
• * 3.121

  This great abiu∣ra••ion was anno 1511.
• * 3.122

  For reading the Scrip∣ture in Eng∣lishe.
• * 3.123

  Iohn Fyppe.
• * 3.124

  Father Ro∣bert martir.
• * 3.125

  Christoph. Shomaker martir.
• * 3.126

  A story of a mouse put into the pixe.
• * 3.127

  Doctor Colet commended.
• * 3.128

  A story of a mouse put into the pixe.
• * 3.129

  Doctor Colet commended.
• * 3.130

  For reading bookes in Eng∣lishe.
• * 3.131

  Tredway detec∣ting his owne mother Ioane Bernard detecting her owne father.
• * 3.132

  Rich. Bernard detecting his owne father.
• * 3.133

  Against I∣mages.
• * 3.134

  Against the Sa∣crament of the Altar.
• * 3.135

  For reading the Scripture.
• * 3.136

  Iohn Sparke.
• * 3.137

  Witchcrafte left of the Bishop vnpunished.
• * 3.138

  For hauing the Scripture in Englishe.
• * 3.139

  Against the Sa∣crament of the Altar.
• * 3.140

  A prophe••••.
• * 3.141

  The sonne de∣tected the fa∣ther.
• * 3.142

  For the scrip∣ture in English.
• * 3.143

  For reading the Scripture in Englishe.
• * 3.144

  For reading the Scripture in Englishe.
• * 3.145

  Against the Sa∣crament of the Altar.
• * 3.146

  For spea∣king against Idolatry.
• * 3.147

  The sonne accuseth the father.
• * 3.148

  For reading the Bible in Eng∣lishe.
• * 3.149

  For reading the Scripture in Englishe.
• * 3.150

  BLOCKE ALMIGH∣TIE.
• * 3.151

  Against the bo∣dely presence of the Sacrament.
• * 3.152

  Against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 bodely pre∣sence.
• * 3.153

  The booke called the king of Beeme.
• * 3.154

  For hauyng the x. Com∣maunde∣ments in Englishe.
• * 3.155

  The father accuseth his owne daughter.
• * 3.156

  Cost lost.
• * 3.157

  For saying: Our Ladye is not at Wilsedon, but in hea∣uen.
• * 3.158

  The Image of God.
• * 3.159

  Father ac∣cuseth his owne sōne.
• * 3.160

  BLOCKE ALMIGH∣TIE.
• * 3.161

  Ex Regist. Io. Longlād Fol. 85.
• * 3.162

  Carpenters chyppes.
• * 3.163

  The Legend of S. Katherine proued false.
• * 3.164

  The reasons and probations of their doctrine.
• * 3.165

  Wickliffe•• Wicket. The Shep∣herdes Ca∣lender.
• * 3.166

  Ex Regist. Io. Long∣land. Fol. 102.
• * 3.167

  Fol. 42.
• * 3.168

  Fol. 32.
• * 3.169

  The Bishop complay∣neth to the kyng.
• * 4.1

  The copie of the kings letter.
• * 4.2

  The cruell falsehoode of Byshop Longland.
• * 4.3

  The names of the towns where they dwelled.
• * 4.4

  Ex Regist. Fol. 32.
• * 4.5

  Ibid.
• * 4.6

  Fol. 33.
• * 4.7

  Fol. 34.
• * 4.8

  Ibid.
• * 4.9

  Fol. 36.
• * 4.10

  Fol. 33.
• * 4.11

  Fol. 37.
• * 4.12

  Fol. 40.
• * 4.13

  Ibid.
• * 4.14

  Ibid.
• * 4.15

  Fol. 4.
• * 4.16

  Fol. 34.
• * 4.17

  Fol. 35.
• * 4.18

  Fol. 9.
• * 4.19

  Fol. 45.
• * 4.20

  The order of pe∣naunce.
• * 5.1

  The copie of the Bishops let∣ter to the Ab∣bot of Ensham.
• * 5.2

  Ex Regist. Fol. 90.
• * 5.3

  Penaunce en∣ioyned to these abiurates vnder paine of relaps.
• * 5.4

  Abiured, what it signifieth.
• * 5.5

  Vid. sup. pag. 814.
• * 5.6

  Anno. 1521.
• * 5.7

  Tho. Holmes. Vid. supra. pag. 824.
• * 5.8

  Children com∣pelled to set fire to their owne father.
• * 5.9

  A note of Tho∣mas Dorman.
• * 5.10

  This Mai∣ster Dormā, because he•• was put to schoole by his vncle a Barcham∣stede to M. Reeue, be∣ing a pro∣testāt, ther∣fore he for the same cause, in the first sentēce of his pre∣face, sayth that he was brought vp in Caluins schoole.
• * 5.11

  Iohn Colet Deane of Paules.
• * 5.12

  Paules E∣pistles first read openly in Oxforde.
• * 5.13

  The com∣mendation of Doctor Colet.
• * 5.14

  Colettes iudgement of Thomas Aquine.
• * 5.15

  D. Colet accused.
• * 5.16

  The B. of London e∣nemie to D. Colet.
• * 5.17

  The Archb. of Canter. fauorer of D. Colet.
• * 5.18

  Iniqua pax iustissimo bello prae∣ferenda.
• * 5.19

  Colet cal∣led before the kyng.
• * 5.20

  D. Colet commended of the king.
• * 5.21

  The foun∣dation of the schoole of Paules.
• * 5.22

  Gulielm. Lilius. Ex epist. Eras. ad Iod. Ionam. Guliel. Grocinus. Guliel. La∣timerus. The iudge∣mēt of Gre∣ocinus vpon Hierachia ecclesiast. Dionisii A∣reopag.
• * 5.23

  Dionisius Areopag.
• * 5.24

  Thomas Li∣nacre. Richarde Pace.
• * 5.25

  Geffrey Chau∣cer. Iohn Gower.
• * 5.26

  The bookes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iohn Gower.
• * 5.27

  Chaucer & Go∣wer commen∣ded for their studious exer∣cise.
• * 5.28

  Chaucer a right Wickleuian.
• * 5.29

  Chaucers bokes
• * 5.30

  Men brought to truth by rea∣ding Chaucers workes.
• * 5.31

  The plough∣mans tale in Chaucer.
• * 5.32

  The corruption of the Church described.
• * 5.33

  The foundation of Christian re∣ligion.
• * 5.34

  Rom 6.
• * 5.35

  Rom. 4.
• * 5.36

  Rom. 4.
• * 5.37

  Rom. 3.
• * 5.38

  Rom. 11.
• * 5.39

  1. Cor. 3.
• * 5.40

  The doc∣trine of the church cor∣rupted.
• * 5.41

  The life and maners of the church corrupted.
• * 5.42

  Habentes speciem pie∣tatis, sed vi∣m eius abn••¦gantes. 2. Tim. 3·
• * 5.43

  The refor∣mation of the Church necessary.
• * 5.44

  The first be∣ginning of reformatiō, how and by what means
• * 5.45

  Printing the fountain of reforma∣tion.
• * 5.46

  Vid. supra. pag. 707.
• * 5.47

  The pro∣phesie of Iohn Hus, touching the refor∣mation of the church.
• * 5.48

  An other prophesie of I. Hus, touching the refor∣mation of the church. Vid. supra. 630.
• * 5.49

  Ex Epist. 45. I. Hus.
• * 5.50

  An other pro∣phesie by Ioh. Hus.
• * 5.51

  Vid. supra pag. 630.

  An other pro∣phesie by Iohn Hus.
• * 5.52

  Ioh. Hus, De Sacerd. & mo∣nachorum carnalium abo∣minatione. ca. 73
• * 5.53

  A prophesie of reformation by Hierom. Pra∣gensis.

  Vide supra, pag. 636.
• * 5.54

  An other prophesie of reformation by Ioh. Hil∣ton Monke of Thuringe
• * 5.55

  Ex Phil. Me∣lanct. in Apo∣logia cap. de vot. Monast.
• * 5.56

  Ex Reuelat. Brigit. lib. 4. cap. 17.
• * 5.57

  Brigit prophe∣sieth of refor∣ma••ion.
• * 5.58

  Antonia. part. 3. hist. titul, 23. cap. 14.
• * 5.59

  Katherina Se∣nensis, prophe∣cying of refor∣mation.
• * 5.60

  The prophesie of Hieron. Sa∣uonarola. Vid. supra. pag. 707. & 753.
• * 5.61

  The prophesie of Theodoricus.
• * 5.62

  The prophesie of Doct. Wese∣lus.

  A prophesie of the popes head.
• * 5.63

  Ex Flacio de te∣stibus veritatis.
• * 5.64

  The Gospel beginneth his reforma∣tion with peace and quietnes.
• * 5.65

  The fall of the Pope∣dome signi∣fied by the fall of the Angel, from the Church toppe of the popes Ca∣stle. Ex Baleo Centur. 8.
• * 5.66

  An other signification of the popes subuersion.
• * 5.67

  Ex Ioan. Carione. Fronc. Mi∣randula. & alijs. Bloudie markes of the Lordes passion, seen vpon mens garments.
• * 5.68

  The expo∣sition of this portent.
• * 5.69

  Prouerbes against the corrupt sea of Rome.
• * 5.70

  Ex Auen.
• * 5.71

  The A.B.C. against the pride of the Clergie.
• * 5.72

  Laurentius Valla. Picus Mirā∣dula. Erasmus Roteroda∣mus. M. Luther. The article of our free iustification beateth downe all errours.
• * 5.73

  The history of M. Luther with his life & doc∣trine described.
• * 5.74

  An excellent declaration of S. Bernard tou∣ching fayth.
• * 5.75

  The profite of S. Augustines bookes.
• * 5.76

  The institution of the Vniuersi∣tie at Witten∣berge. Staupitius.
• * 5.77

  The iudgement of Doct. Mel∣lerstad, vpon M. Luther.
• * 5.78

  Luther sent to Rome.
• * 5.79

  Fridericke Duke of Saxonie. Luther com∣mensed doctour.
• * 5.80

  Doct. M. Luther beginneth to read the Epistle to the Romains.
• * 5.81

  Luther taught Iesus Christ.
• * 5.82

  Erasmus ope∣neth the way before Luther.
• * 5.83

  ••x Christia. Massaeo. Lib. 20. Chronic.
• * 5.84

  10 shilling par∣dons.
• * 5.85

  Cecollus prea∣cher of the popes pardons.
• * 5.86

  Luthers propo∣sitions of par∣dons.
• * 5.87

  The first occasi∣on why Luther wrote against pardons.
• * 5.88

  The slaunder of Tecellus the Fryer.
• * 5.89

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Duke of Saxonie.
• * 5.90

  The iudge∣ment of E∣rasmus tou∣ching Lu∣ther.
• * 5.91

  Monkes be∣lies and the Popes crowne not to be tou∣ched.
• * 5.92

  Ex Chron. Casp. Pe••∣cer. lib. 5.
• * 5.93

  Ex epist. E∣rasm. ad Mogunti∣nensem.
• * 5.94

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burdened 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 5.95

  Ex Para∣l••p. Abbat. Vrsperg.
• * 5.96

  The submis∣sion of Lu∣ther to the Pope.
• * 5.97

  Psal. 23.
• * 5.98

  The ragyng Dialogue of Syluester Prie••••as a∣gainst Lu∣ther.
• * 5.99

  The aun∣swere of Luther a∣gainst Syl∣uester.
• * 5.100

  Clem. De poenit. & re∣miss. C. A∣busionibus.
• * 5.101

  Ex Parali∣pominis Ab∣ba. Vrsperg.
• * 5.102

  Eckius wry∣teth against Luther. D. Andraeas answereth for Luther.
• * 5.103

  The vniuer∣sitie of Wit∣tenberge writeth to the Pope for Luther.
• * 5.104

  The Popes charge to his Legate against M. Luther.
• * 5.105

  Luther obedi∣ent to the Sea of Rome.
• * 5.106

  Luther appea∣reth before Car∣dinall Ca••e••a∣nus.
• * 5.107

  Three thinges put to Luther by the Pope.
• * 5.108

  Protestation of M. Luther be∣fore the Cardi∣nall.
• * 5.109

  The aunswere of Luther, with his propositions to the Cardinal.
• * 5.110

  Proteus was a monster noted in Poetes which could chaunge him selfe into al formes & like∣nes.
• * 5.111

  Luthers aun∣swere to the Cardinall.
• * 5.112

  Pride wil haue a fall. Aesopes dogge. All couet, all loose.
• * 5.113

  Luther obedi∣ent to the Sea of Rome.
• * 5.114

  An other letter of Luther to the Legate.
• * 5.115

  Luther ap∣pealeth frō the Cardi∣nall to the Pope. The letters of Caieta∣nus to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fridericke.
• * 5.116

  The Dukes aunswere to the Cardi∣nall for Lu∣ther.
• * 5.117

  Luthers let∣ters to duke Fridericke.
• * 5.118

  Luther rea¦die to be exiled.
• * 5.119

  The cause of Luther in great daunger.
• * 5.120

  Gods pro∣uidence.
• * 5.121

  The Vni∣uersitie of Witten∣berge wri∣teth to the Duke for Luther.
• * 5.122

  New indul∣gences set forth by Pope Leo.
• * 5.123

  The doc∣trine of the church of Rome.
• * 5.124

  The Popes Alestake to picke mens purses.
• * 5.125

  Luther ap∣pealeth frō the Pope to a general councell. Miltitius the popes chamber∣laine sent to duke Fride∣ricke.
• * 5.126

  The death of Maximi∣lian the Em∣perour. Charles the 5. elected Emperour, by the mea∣nes of Duke Fridericke.
• * 5.127

  The dispu∣tation at Lypsia.
• * 5.128

  Eckius a∣gainst Ca∣rolostadius.
• * 5.129

  Luther com¦meth to the disputation. Melancthon newlye come to Wittēberge.
• * 5.130

  The questiō of free will. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 5.131

  God geueth his grace to vsury.
• * 5.132

  Totum. Totaliter.
• * 5.133

  Phil. ••.
• * 5.134

  Luther dispu∣teth with Eckius▪
• * 5.135

  Luthers asserti∣on against the popes supremacy.
• * 5.136

  The assertion of Eckius for the supremacie.
• * 5.137

  Disputation be∣twene Luther and Eckius a∣bout the popes supremacy.
• * 5.138

  Ex paralio. Abbat. Vrsp.
• * 5.139

  The reasons of Eckius for the supremacy.
• * 5.140

  Hieron.
• * 5.141

  Ciprian.
• * 5.142

  Bernard.
• * 5.143

  Math. 16.
• * 5.144

  Luther aunswe∣reth to the place of S. Math.
• * 5.145

  Iohn. 21.
• * 5.146

  The aunswere of Luther to the place of S. Iohn. Pasce Oues me∣as.
• * 5.147

  The authoritie of the councell of Constance.
• * 5.148

  Gala. 2.
• * 5.149

  Here is good doctrine of Ec∣kius, I trowe.
• * 5.150

  The question of Purgatorie.
• * 5.151

  2. Mach. 12.
• * 5.152

  1. Corint. 3.
• * 5.153

  Math. 5.
• * 5.154

  Psal. 65.
• * 5.155

  The question of Indulgences.
• * 5.156

  The question of Penaunce.
• * 5.157

  When Vldericus Zuinglius came to Tigurie.
• * 5.158

  Luther and Zuinglus began both at one tyme to write a∣gainst the Pope.
• * 5.159

  Luthers bookes con∣demned at Louen, and Colen Pope Leos Bull against Luther.
• * 5.160

  Lutherus de libertate Christiana.
• * 5.161

  Lutherus ad Nobilita∣tem Ger∣maniae. Three wall or bul∣warkes of the papistes.
• * 5.162

  The booke of Luther to the Nobili∣tie, with the matter ther∣to contey∣ned.
• * 5.163

  Charles the Emperour crowned.
• * 5.164

  Duke Fri∣derickes an∣swere to the Popes Le∣gate•• for Luther.
• * 5.165

  The Popes Legates burne the bookes of Luther.
• * 5.166

  Luther bur∣neth the Popes de∣crees and Bulles at Wittēberg.
• * 5.167

  The Empe∣rours letter, with his safe cōduict sent to M. Luther.
• * 5.168

  M. Luther accursed at Rome of the Pope.
• * 5.169

  Anno. 1521.
• * 5.170

  Luther is sent for to Wormes.
• * 5.171

  Constancy in Luther.
• * 5.172

  Luther is brought before the Emperour.
• * 5.173

  Iohn Eckius propoundeth a∣gainst M. Lu∣ther.
• * 5.174

  Hierome Sch••••∣••ie.
• * 5.175

  M. Luthers aun∣swere.
• * 5.176

  Luther refuseth to reuoke his bookes.
• * 5.177

  Luther desireth respite to aun∣swere.
• * 5.178

  Luther is ex∣horted to be constant.
• * 5.179

  Math. 10.
• * 5.180

  Eckius againe propoundeth a∣gaynst Luther.
• * 5.181

  M. Luther aunswereth for him self.
• * 5.182

  Luther ge∣ueth a compt of hys fayth before the Emperour.
• * 5.183

  He deui∣deth hys workes into three parts.
• * 5.184

  The Pope proceedeth contrary to his owne doctrine.
• * 5.185

  He requi∣reth to be instructed if he haue erred.
• * 5.186

  Iohn. 18.
• * 5.187

  Dissentions and diuisiōs folow the doctrine of Christ, not for anye cause in the doctrine, but in the aduersary.
• * 5.188

  Math. 10.
• * 5.189

  Mans coun∣saile with out Gods worde and his feare, be vnfortunate
• * 5.190

  Luther pro∣uoked a∣gain to sub∣mit hym selfe.
• * 5.191

  Luthers ab∣solute aun∣swere.
• * 5.192

  Eckius a∣gaine repli∣eth.
• * 5.193

  The Papistes stande onely vp∣on their church and councels.
• * 5.194

  Generall coun∣cels haue erred, and haue bene cōtrary to them selues.
• * 6.1

  The Emperours aunswere a∣gainst Luther.
• * 6.2

  Consultation vpon the Empe∣rours letter.
• * 6.3

  Great resort to Martyn Luther▪
• * 6.4

  Luther appea∣reth before the Archb. of Try∣ers.
• * 6.5

  Doct. Veus his oration to Mar∣tin Luther.
• * 6.6

  For the authoriti of Councells.
• * 6.7

  This he spake of Luthers words, who denied any good fruites to come of their lawes.
• * 6.8

  Psal. 90.
• * 6.9

  M. Luther aun∣swereth to Ve∣u••.
• * 6.10

  The councell of Constance con∣demned the word of God.
• * 6.11

  Scādale of faith and charitie.
• * 6.12

  The Princes consulted a∣bout Martin Luther.
• * 6.13

  The word of God on∣ly true.
• * 6.14

  1 Thes. 5. Gal. 1.
• * 6.15

  False argu∣mentes for the Pope. Math. 1.
• * 6.16

  Sollicitat••ō to causa Luther to yelde.
• * 6.17

  Luthers cō∣dition.
• * 6.18

  False wit∣nesse.
• * 6.19

  The proui∣dēce of God.
• * 6.20

  Familiar talke be∣tweene the archbishop and Luther.
• * 6.21

  Luthers pro¦phecie out of Gamali∣ell.
• * 6.22

  Act. 5.
• * 6.23

  Luthers cō∣stancie.
• * 6.24

  Luther sent home from the counsel.
• * 6.25

  Luthers depar∣ture from Wor∣mes.
• * 6.26

  Luther in his iourney wry∣teth to the Em∣perour and no∣bles of Germa∣ny.
• * 6.27

  The doctors of Parts condemne the bookes of Luther.
• * 6.28

  Philip Melanc∣ton answereth the Parisians.
• * 6.29

  Luther outlaw∣ed by the Em∣perour.
• * 6.30

  M. Luther kept a¦side for a while
• * 6.31

  Luthers booke De Abroganda Missa ad Augu∣stinenses.
• * 6.32

  The Masse laide downe first at Wittenberge.
• * 6.33

  The iudgement of the Vniuersi∣tie of Witten∣berge against the Masse.
• * 6.34

  Anno. 1521.
• * 6.35

  K. Henry wry∣teth agaynst M. Luther.
• * 6.36

  K. Henry made defender of the fayth by the Pope.
• * 6.37

  The death of Pope Leo, in the midst of his tryumphe.
• * 6.38

  Pope Adrian the 6.
• * 6.39

  A great pesti∣lence in Rome.
• * 6.40

  Adrian a Ger∣maine Pope and not vnlearned.
• * 6.41

  Pope Adrian a great enemie to Luther.
• * 6.42

  A dyet of the Princes kept at Norenberge.
• * 6.43

  Paynted pre∣tences ought to be examined.
• * 7.1

  The exa••∣ple of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Adrians ••••••ter sent to the princes of Germa∣ny.
• * 7.2

  If these pa∣stors ca•••• a¦ny thing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the sheepe, it is onely for the wolle.
• * 7.3

  Rather a new rase•••• of the olde doctrine of the Patriar∣ches, Pro∣phets and Apostles.
• * 7.4

  Termes without truth.
• * 7.5

  Euill called good, and good euil.
• * 7.6

  1. Cor. 11.
• * 7.7

  Who sow∣eth these heresies, but he which will not let the Scrip∣tures take place.
• * 7.8

  He mea∣neth the doctrine of Iohn Hus translated into Ger∣many.
• * 7.9

  Christ and his Apostles taught vs, that we are saued by Fayth onely in the Sonne of God the same doeth Luther preache, and the Pope deny∣eth. Holy Martyrs and fathers in the old time ministred the Communion in both kindes to the people, and taught that fayth was necessary, in receauing the Sacramentes: the same doth Luther affirme, and the Pope denyeth, the old way of the fathers was this, that they neuer had any ad∣uocates and mediators but Christ a∣lone, and that they neuer solde the merites of Christes passion for mo∣ney. In the same way doeth Luther now walke, whereas the pope hath deuised a newe way to walke in for money, with an hundreth other new deuises, newe sectes, and newe ordi∣nances which the olde fathers neuer knewe.
• * 7.10

  The doctrine of Luther hath bin preached in Germanie, aboue these 40. yeares, and yet is there neuer a Prince nor Magistrate, nor Citizen in Germany, God be praysed, which by the doctrine of Luther, is worse by one halfepeny: whereas by the pope, good reckenyng hath beene made, that Germany hath bin worse by 3000000. Florens by the yeare. Out of the territory of the bishop of Ments, amounteth to the Pope, for the Archbishops Palle. 26000. Flo∣rens. In the counsel of Basil it was openly declared that 9. Millions of Gold were gathered in the tyme of Pope Martyne, and translated to Rome. Pag. 698. Nowe let the Prin∣ces of Germany consider this.
• * 7.11

  The preaching of Christiā liber∣tie of the soule, breaketh no ciuil or∣der touching the outwarde Obedi∣ence of the bodie: But the Pope would haue the soules of men in his bondage, and therfore he can not a∣bide this inwarde libertie of the spi∣rite to be touched, for that were a∣gaynst the popes purse and profite, which were an heresie intollerable.
• * 7.12

  This is no good consequent: Lu∣ther burned the popes stinckyng de∣cretals: Ergo hee wil not sticke also to burn the bookes of the ciuil law.
• * 7.13

  The persecuting pagans, in the olde time did obiect to the old Fathers of the Primatiue church, the blasphe∣mies of Thyestes supper and of the incest of Oedipus: the worshipping also of an Asses head. pag. 43.39. In much like sort doth the pope heere lay vnto Luther, riots, rebellions, and all mischiefes hee can deuise, not be∣cause they be true, but because hee would haue the world so to beleue.
• * 7.14

  Obedience to God, and to S. Peter, and to his vicare, do not well match together by the Scripture: for the o∣bedience to the Creator is one and the obedience to the creature is an other.
• * 7.15

  Let the Pope followe the worde of God, as Moses dyd, and be sent of God expresly, as Moses was: and then let Lu∣ther be punished as Dathon, and Abyron were. Againe, if the Pope be the succ••s∣sour of Peter, & haue his authoritie: why then doeth not the Pope, bea••ing the keyes of Peter, exercise the power of his spirite vpon Luther his great enemie, as Peter did vpon Ananias and S••phira.
• * 7.16

  If Iouinianus, Priscillianus, and Vi∣gilantius, were proued heretickes. They were proued not onely by Canōs & coū∣cels, but by scripture: so was Lutherne••••r
• * 7.17

  Your fathers, in the Councell of Con∣stance did kill the prophets of God, and you make vp their graues. But thankes bee vnto God whiche hath geuen suche light to the world, to vnderstande your cruell impietie in killing I. Hus, which you thought should neuer be espied.
• * 7.18

  You haue well imitated your forefa∣thers alreadie, in burning so many Lu∣therians: & yet how haue you prospered against the Turkish Infidels the space of these 40. yeares.
• * 7.19

  The false Dra∣gon resembleth the Pope, and the strong Lyon the Turke.
• * 7.20

  The false Dra∣gon here seeth that it is time to bestirre hym.
• * 7.21

  Instructions of the Pope a∣gainst Luther.
• * 7.22

  The first cause to stirre men a∣gainst Luther.
• * 7.23

  The honour of God consisteth princi∣pally in honouring Iesus the Sonne of God, whom the father hath sent: Now examine, good reader, whether more ex∣toileth the honour of Christ, the doc∣trine of Luther, or the doctrine of the Pope. Luther sendeth vs onely to christ: The Pope sendeth vs to other Patrons and helpers. Luthers doctrine tendeth wholy to the glory of Christ: the popes doctrine if it be well wayed, tendeth to the glory of man. Luther cleaueth onely to Scripture: The Pope leaneth to the Canons and Councels of men.
• * 7.24

  The 2. cause.
• * 7.25

  The 3. cause.
• * 7.26

  This edict of the Emperor aboue tou∣ched, pag. 827. was deuised and set out not knowing to diuers of the Princes there, And semeth chiefly to be brought about by the Pope, and his flatterers a∣bout him. Looke more hereof in the sto∣ry of Sledan. Lib. 3.
• * 7.27

  The 4. cause.
• * 7.28

  The 5. reason or cause.
• * 7.29

  The doctrine of Luther tendeth against the vsurped power of the Sea of Rome. Ergo, the doctrine of Luther dissolueth all obedience due to Magistrates. This consequent is to be denied, for the power of Magistrates is of God: and he that re∣sisteth them, resisteth God: So is not the vsurped power of the Pope.
• * 7.30

  If the Pope doe say, that no preceptes of Magistrates do oblige vnder paine of mortall sinne, he sayth not true: if hee say that Luther so teacheth, he belyeth Luther: who teacheth al men to be sub∣iects vnto Magistrates, no man more.
• * 7.31

  Who so cōsidereth the doctrine of Lu∣ther, De Libertate Christiana, shal finde this to be a false slaunder. For how is it like that he meaneth any rebellion, who describing a Christian, calleth him a ser∣uant and an vnderling to all men?
• * 7.32

  The 6. cause.
• * 7.33

  The cause why the Pope doth charge the Lutherians with sedition, dyd ryse vpon this, because one Franciscus Sic∣kyngus a valiant man and a great fauou∣rer of Luther, dyd warre agaynste the Archbyshop of Triers, for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 two certain persons frō 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which should haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and by his meanes did not.
• * 7.34

  As for sclaunderous words & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tauntes with what face 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope charge Luther, being 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so impudent and bytter, as in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his present letter is manifest to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seene? wherein he sheweth him•••••••• in his own colours, what he is.
• * 7.35

  Ier. 48.
• * 7.36

  The 7. cause or reason.
• * 7.37

  If the doings & properties of Ma∣humet be rightly considered, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 should be found so aptly to resem••l•• hym, as the pope him self. He dec••••∣neth from the word of God, & se••∣teth vp an other lawe, so doeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope. Hee killeth, and sleyeth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 contrary part, so doth the Pope. He holdeth Saluation by workes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 law: so doth the Pope. And if Ma∣humet giue liberty of flesh, so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not Luther, but the Pope both ••••∣keth it, and also dispenseth with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 same. Mahumet would not haue 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Religion reasoned vpon: no 〈◊〉〈◊〉 will the Pope. Briefly, as the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mahumet is deuided into many su••∣dry sorts of Religion, and of Relig••∣ous mē: so hath the sect of the pope, hys Friers, Monks, Nunnes, Herm••••, and other swarmes of an infinite va∣rietie.
• * 7.38

  1. Tim. 5.
• * 7.39

  Here the Pope agre∣eth rightly with Maho∣met, for he will not haue his Re∣ligion rea∣soned vpon, no more wil the Pope haue hys. Graunt thys to the pope▪ and he may play the Lord of mis∣rule and do what he li∣steth.
• * 7.40

  Esa. 59.
• * 7.41

  And howe then can this be called an holy Sea, where so many abhominable impieties & manifold excesses, both in spirituall mas∣ters, & also in eternall life, are seene & prac∣tised: such ambitiō in the prelats such pryde in the Pope, such auarice in the Court, & fi∣nally, where such corruption is of all things as you your selues doe here confesse, & can not denye?
• * 7.42

  True it is that the sicknes hath begunne in the head: that is, at the very triple crown: and therfore the sicknes being great, and hauing neede of a sharpe Phisition, God hath sent Luther vnto the Pope (as Erasmus writeth of him) as a meete Phisition to cure his disease: Yet he refuseth to be healed.
• * 7.43

  Cayphas himselfe could neuer prophesie more truely.
• * 7.44

  The Pope promiseth reformation of his owne Court, but when be¦ginneth hee?
• * 7.45

  You pro∣ceede so by litle & litle, that nothing at all is seene. Sodeine mutations be not for the Popes purpose: but the Lord promiseth to come so∣denly when he is not looked for.
• * 7.46

  Rota is some office in the court or Chaūce∣ry of Rome.
• * 7.47

  The Pope flat∣tereth for ad∣uauntage.
• * 7.48

  And why then haue you abus•••• the church so long with the•••• Apostolical pr••∣uisions, and yet doe not redres•••• the same.
• * 7.49

  Luther cried out of without any iust cause.
• * 7.50

  Liberty of flesh. Liberty of spi∣rite.
• * 7.51

  Turne onely the names of the persons: and all the accusations of the Papistes against the Lu∣therians, agree chiefly vpon thē selues.
• * 7.52

  The answere of the Princes of Germany, to the Popes letter, & instructions.
• * 7.53

  Pope Adrian a Germane borne.
• * 7.54

  Can any good thing come out of Rome.
• * 7.55

  The Pope much greeued for the prospering of Luther.
• * 7.56

  Causes why the princes haue not proceded by the Popes sentence against Luther.
• * 7.57

  Greeuances re∣ceaued by the court of Rome.
• * 7.58

  The Pope aun∣swered with his owne wordes.
• * 7.59

  Greuance•• of the Ger∣maynes, cō∣plained of to the pope. Vide infra.
• * 7.60

  Annates falsely pre∣tended of the Pope, to maintaine warre a∣gainst the turke.
• * 7.61

  Annates is a certaine portion of money wont to be paide to the court of Rome, one of the one yeares fruites, at the vacation of an eccle∣siasticall ly∣uing.
• * 7.62

  Remedye of reformatyō.
• * 7.63

  A generall Councell in Germany required.
• * 7.64

  An interim before the Councell.
• * 7.65

  Wryting & Printing for a time sus∣pended.
• * 7.66

  The office of preaching tempered.
• * 7.67

  Preachers limited within cer∣taine bōdes.
• * 7.68

  Against sel∣ling and printing of famous li¦bells.
• * 7.69

  Famouse li∣bels be such bookes as raile against the fame of any person, shewing no name of the author thereof.
• * 7.70

  For priestes or religious men that marry.
• * 7.71

  Ex Ioan. Sledano.
• * 7.72

  Ministers of Straus∣brough troubled for their wiues.
• * 7.73

  Luther ex∣poundeth the decree of Noren∣berge.
• * 7.74

  An hundreth greeuaunces of the Germain•••• against the pope
• * 7.75

  Forbidding of mariage in di∣uers degrees, not forbidden by Gods lawe.
• * 7.76

  Forbidding of meates, not for∣bidden by Gods lawe
• * 7.77

  Tymes of mari∣age restrayned, and after relea∣sed for money.
• * 7.78

  The lycentious life of Priestes.
• * 7.79

  Priestes ought to be subiecte to the same punish∣mentes, as are the la•• people.
• * 7.80

  Excōmuni∣cation abu∣sed in the church of Rome.
• * 7.81

  The nūber of holydaies to be dimi∣nished.
• * 7.82

  Hallowing of Church∣yardes abu∣sed for mo∣ney.
• * 7.83

  Baptising of Belles.
• * 7.84

  Bells weare coates. A question whether these gossips which chri∣sten Belles may marry togeather by the Ca∣non law.
• * 7.85

  Spoyling of the peo∣ple by bap∣tising of Belles.
• * 7.86

  Against Officials.
• * 7.87

  Lay matters brought in∣to the spiri∣tuall court for money.
• * 7.88

  Scoulding matters brought to the spiritual court for gayne and lucre.
• * 7.89

  The wrasting of temporall causes vnto the spiri∣tuall court, for gayne of money.
• * 7.90

  The clergy may deale in ciuill causes, but the ciuill magistrate must not deale in theirs.
• * 7.91

  Certaine orders of Cathedrall churches re∣proueable.
• * 7.92

  Officials taking pensions of priestes for kee∣ping concubines
• * 7.93

  The practise in chapters of ca∣thedral church∣ches to make the byshop sworne vnto them.
• * 7.94

  The incōueniēce of improperati∣ons.
• * 7.95

  Cruell exactiō▪ of the people by churchmen.
• * 7.96

  Gaine gotten by selling burials.
• * 7.97

  Concubine permitted for money and chast priestes cō∣pelled to pay tribute for concu∣bines.
• * 7.98

  The diet of Norenberge began an. 1522. and brake vp, an. 1523. The death of Pope Adrian. Pope Cle∣ment 7.
• * 7.99

  Cardinall Campeius the Popes Legate into Germanye. The Pope onely see∣keth his own dig∣nitie, but publicke re∣formation he neuer tendreth.
• * 7.100

  Carolosta∣dius casteth downe I∣mages in Wittēberg.
• * 7.101

  Luther mis∣liketh cas∣ting out of Images by strong hand.
• * 7.102

  Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 3.
• * 7.103

  The causes discussed why Luther permitted Images to stand.

  Two things to be noted in Luther for bearing with Ima∣ges.
• * 7.104

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 7.105

  Lutherians of this age.
• * 7.106

  How Lu∣ther is to be folowed.
• * 7.107

  Luther not to be contē∣ned for one little ble∣mish.
• * 7.108

  Commen∣dation of Martin Lu∣thers doc∣trine.

  Cyprian so much deli∣ted in rea∣ding of Ter∣tulian, that whensoeuer he called for his booke, he badde reach him his maister.
• * 7.109

  The consent be∣tweene Luther and Zuinglius in cases of doc∣trine.
• * 7.110

  Luther & Zuin∣glius agree in the presence: only in the ma∣ner of the pre∣sence they diff••••
• * 7.111

  How & where∣in Luther and Zuinglius dis∣sent in doctrine of the Lordes supper.

  Luthers opinion in the Sacramēt Zuinglius opi∣nion in the Sa∣crament.
• * 7.112

  Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 5.
• * 7.113

  Lutherians. Sacramentari••••▪
• * 7.114

  Ex Paralip. Abb. Vrsp.
• * 7.115

  Lutherians and Zuinglians dif∣fer more in cha∣ritie then in doctrine.
• * 7.116

  A notable mira∣cle of God to o∣uerthrow the Pope by a poore Fryer.
• * 7.117

  Three miracles noted in M. Lu∣ther.
• * 7.118

  M. Luther mi∣raculously pre∣serued.
• * 7.119

  M. Luther ve∣hemēt & migh∣ty in prayer.
• * 7.120

  A miraculous worke of the Lorde in deli∣uering a young man out of the deuils daunger by Christian prayer.
• * 7.121

  Ex Phill Me∣lanct. in orat funebri. Ex Hierony. Wellero.
• * 7.122

  Luther ••••••uer in all his life tempted with coue∣teousne••s M. Luther how long he liued •• taught.
• * 7.123

  The sickne•• of Luther.
• * 7.124

  The quiet death of Luther.
• * 7.125

  The prayer of Luther 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his death.
• * 7.126

  The death of Duke Fridericke.
• * 7.127

  Disceptatiō betweene the Senate of Straus∣burgh, and Cardinall Campeius, about mar∣ried minis∣ters.
• * 7.128

  Murnerus a Frier, an ac∣cuser of ma∣ried mini∣sters.

  The Senate of Straus∣burgh pur∣geth them∣selues to Cardinall Campeius.
• * 7.129

  The Bishop of Straus∣burgh brea∣keth the a∣greement made, & the liberties of the Citie.
• * 7.130

  The answer of Campei∣us to the ambassa∣dours.

  The Popes prelates be lawles, and can breake no order whatsoeuer they doe. The ambas∣sadours re∣ply against the Cardi∣nall.
• * 7.131

  Holy ma∣trimony pu∣nished, wic∣ked whore∣dome esca∣peth.
• * 7.132

  Campeius answereth.
• * 7.133

  Ipso facto, that is, vpon the very doing of the acte with∣out any fur∣ther iudge∣ment or tri∣all by the lawe.
• * 7.134

  A fitt reasō for a carnall Cardinall: better it is to haue many concubines, then one wife..

  Touching the Greeke church how vntruely this Cardinall speaketh turne to the pag. 187. The Ambas¦sadours re∣ply.
• * 7.135

  The assem∣bly or Diet at Ratis∣bone.
• * 7.136

  Popish decrees▪ made at the councell of Ra∣tisbone.
• * 7.137

  Campeius m••••∣sed of his pur∣pose in Germa∣nie.
• * 7.138

  How the Hel∣uetiās came free & ioyned toge∣ther in league. Ex Chronic. Heluetic. Ex Sebasti. Mū∣ster. Cosmog. Lib. 3.

  Ex Comment. Ioan. Sled. lib. 3.
• * 7.139

  Note that the Pages in Suit∣zerland are for the most part si∣tuate in val∣leyes.
• * 7.140

  Extortion in rulers.
• * 7.141

  Example of true chastitie in a matrone.
• * 7.142

  Adultery iustly punished.
• * 7.143

  Example of sin∣gular tyrannye.
• * 7.144

  W. Tell.
• * 7.145

  Pride and tyran∣nye well rewar∣ded.
• * 7.146

  Ex Sebast. Mūst. Cosmog. lib. 3.
• * 7.147

  A fooles bolt somtimes hits the marke.
• * 7.148

  The first league betweene the 3. Pages.
• * 7.149

  Vldricus Zuinglius.
• * 7.150

  Zuinglius reading the scriptures at Zurike. Zuinglius a∣gainst the Popes par∣dons.
• * 7.151

  Anno. 1521.
• * 7.152

  The Bishop of Constāce complay∣neth against Zuinglius.
• * 7.153

  Zuinglius writeth to the Helue∣tians.
• * 7.154

  Priestes mariage.
• * 7.155

  An olde vse of the Hel∣uetians to forewarne their priests to take con∣cubines.
• * 7.156

  Zuinglius resisted by aduersaries
• * 7.157

  Disputatiōs at Zuricke about reli∣gion.
• * 7.158

  Ioan. Faber Stapulensis against Zuinglius. Ex Sled. lib 3.
• * 7.159

  Lxvij. arti∣cles of Zuin∣glius.
• * 7.160

  Iohn Faber refuseth dis∣putation.
• * 7.161

  The assēble of Zuricke brake vp without dis∣putation. The Gospel publickly receaued in Zuricke. Traditions of men abo∣lyshed.
• * 7.162

  Constituti∣ons made in the councell of Lucerne.
• * 7.163

  The letter of the Hel∣uetians to the Tygu∣rines.
• * 7.164

  Zuinglius and Leo Iuda, were preachers at this time in Zuricke.
• * 7.165

  The letter of the Tigurines, aunswering a∣gaine the letter of the Heluetiās.
• * 7.166

  If the scope of doctrine be well marked betwene the Papistes and the Protestātes' it will not be hard for any mā to iudge which is the truer doc∣trine. For the whole ende and scope of the Popes doctrine, tendeth to set vp the honour and wealth of man, as may appeare by the doctrine of supremacy, of confession, of the masse, of the Sacramēt of the aultar, &c. all which do tend to the magnyfi∣yng of the Priests: like as Purgatory, ob∣sequies, pardons, and such other, serue for their profite. Contra∣rywise the tea∣ching of the Protestantes, as well touching iustification, o∣riginall sinne▪ as also the Sa∣cramentes and inuocation, and all other such like, tende onely to the setting vp of Christ alone, and casting downe of man. No iniurye to Saints if Christ onely be wor∣shipped.
• * 7.167

  Who be they that wraste the scripture.
• * 7.168

  Errour many times obiected where none can be proued.
• * 7.169

  Bishops neither will feede the flocke, nor yet suffer them to feede thēselues.
• * 7.170

  It was the Popes law then, that in Lent no man should eate fleshe nor egges, nor any white meate: wherein it may seeme to be verefied which S. Paule doth prophesie. 1. Thess. 4. In the latter dayes cer∣taine shall de∣parte from the faith, harkening to the doctrine of deuils, forbid∣ding to marry & to eate. &c. Priests mariage. Vowes of chas∣tity, not agreing to Gods lawe.
• * 7.171

  Monasteries first geuen to the poore, but now serue to feede the rich.
• * 7.172

  Goods of mo∣nasteries con∣uerted to the re∣liefe of the poore.
• * 7.173

  Ornaments of churches better bestowed vpon the poore.
• * 7.174

  Good priestes not to be contē∣ned: the rable of them to be di∣minished.
• * 7.175

  Confess••ō to the prie•••• Confessiō to Christ.
• * 7.176

  The order of Monkrey.
• * 7.177

  The vse of Sacraments.
• * 7.178

  False tale carriers.
• * 7.179

  The onely way of true reformation is, that the worde of God onely be receaued.
• * 7.180

  The Pope cā not abide the prea∣ching of the word, and why?
• * 7.181

  The Tygu∣rines will be iudged by the scrip∣tures.
• * 7.182

  The B. of Constance aunswereth the Tygu∣rines by wryting.
• * 7.183

  A Popishe distinction betweene the Images of the Gen∣tiles, and Images of of the Christians. Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 4.
• * 7.184

  The booke of the By∣shop of Constance written to the Senate of Zuricke in defence of the Masse and Images. The aun∣were of the Tigurines, to the By∣shops booke.
• * 7.185

  Images a∣bolished within all the dominiō of Zuricke.
• * 7.186

  Certaine Pages or townes of the Suitzers complayne against the Tigurines.
• * 7.187

  False mat∣ter of accu∣sation laide against the Tigurines by the other Pages.
• * 7.188

  What slaūn∣derous tongues can doe.
• * 7.189

  The Tigu∣rines aun∣swer againe to the com∣plaint of the Pages.
• * 7.190

  Iohn Oxli∣nus a prea∣cher, appre∣hended for religion.
• * 7.191

  What loue and hatred doth among men.
• * 7.192

  The Masse with all his ceremo••e•• put downe in Zuricke.
• * 7.193

  A law in Zurick made against adulterers.
• * 7.194

  Disputation at Badē in Helue∣tia.
• * 7.195

  Theames or propositions propounded in the disputation at Baden.
• * 7.196

  Eckius defēded.
• * 7.197

  Oecolampadius against Eckius·
• * 7.198

  Zuinglius excu∣seth himself for not comming to the disputation.
• * 7.199

  The disputation at Berne.
• * 7.200

  Disputation at Berne in Hel∣uetia.
• * 7.201

  Godly lawes of a disputation.
• * 7.202

  Theames to be disputed.
• * 7.203

  The lettters and aunswere of the Suitzers to the Senate & people of Berne.
• * 7.204

  Ex Comment. Ioan. Sled. lib. 6.
• * 7.205

  The disputation beginneth.
• * 7.206

  The part defen∣dent.

  The part oppo∣nent.

  The Popes doc∣trine cannot a∣bide the triall of the Scripture.
• * 7.207

  Reformation of religiō in Berne.
• * 7.208

  Masses & Ima∣ges put downe at Berne.
• * 7.209

  The Popes clergy cānot abyde to be restrayned from forni¦cation and adulterye. Ambrose Blaurerus preacher at Constance.
• * 7.210

  Reformatyō of religion at Cōstāce Reformati•• of relion at Geneua.
• * 7.211

  The Lance-knightes of Berne and Zuricke for∣sake their league with the Erench king.
• * 7.212

  Victory of the Gospell an. 1528.
• * 7.213

  Reformatiō of religion in Strau••∣burgh.
• * 7.214

  The Bishop of Straus∣burgh to the Senate▪
• * 7.215

  The Senate of Straus∣burgh re∣plieth to the byshop.
• * 7.216

  The Bishop of Straus∣burgh cō∣playneth to the Coūcell of Spires.
• * 7.217

  The mes∣sage from the Coūcell of Spires, to the Citie of Straus∣burgh.
• * 7.218

  The bishops of Hildes∣seme and of Strausburgh trauaile to keepe the Citye of Strausburgh in their olde religion.
• * 7.219

  Reformatiō of religiō at Straus∣burgh.
• * 7.220

  The Masse ouerthrown at Straus∣burgh.
• * 7.221

  The bishops patience perforce.
• * 7.222

  Reformatiō beginneth at Basill.
• * 7.223

  Ioannes Oecolam∣padius
• * 7.224

  The Popishe Senatours dis∣placed at Basill.
• * 7.225

  Religion in Ba∣sill defended by the commons.
• * 7.226

  Gods handy work in throw∣ing downe Ima∣ges in Basill.
• * 7.227

  Images throwē downe at Basill.
• * 7.228

  12. Senatours displaced at Ba∣sill.
• * 7.229

  Masse put downe at Basill.
• * 7.230

  Ex Farrag. Epist. Era••.
• * 7.231

  Ashe wensday at Basill, a day of all pastime. A true Ashwēs∣day of Gods owne making.
• * 7.232

  Gods prouidēce to be noted for the successe of the Gospell.
• * 7.233

  The decree made at Spyres by Ferdinandus.
• * 7.234

  The decree of Spires resisted by the Prote∣stantes.
• * 7.235

  The name of Protestantes, how it first be∣ganne. Sancto gallum.
• * 7.236

  Quinque pag. The popish Pa∣ges in Heluetia cōfederate with Ferdinandus.
• * 7.237

  The Cou••••cell of A••••••purge. The con∣fessiō of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Protesta•••• at Auspu••••••
• * 7.238

  Warres be∣tweene the Gospelle•••• and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Popishe townes of Suitzerlād.
• * 7.239

  Condition of peace drawen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not kepte.
• * 7.240

  The Tygu∣rines prouo∣ked and ••••∣pelled to warre a∣gainst their enemies.
• * 7.241

  The Tigu∣rines ouer∣matched & ouercome.
• * 7.242

  Vldricus Zuinglius slaine.
• * 7.243

  Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 8.
• * 7.244

  Ex epist. Ioan. Oe∣colampadij. Lib. 4.
• * 7.245

  Zuinglius excused for his going out to warre.
• * 7.246

  Zuinglius his dead bo∣dy burned.
• * 7.247

  Ex Oswal∣do Miconio de vita et o∣bitu Zuin∣glij. The hart of Zuinglius, foūd whole in the ashes. The cruell handling of the Abbot Cappellen∣sis. Ex Epist. Oecola. ad wolfgangū Capitonem lib 4. The age of Zuinglius & of Luther reckned.
• * 7.248

  An other skirmish betweene the Tigu∣rines & the fiue Page∣men, in Su∣itzerland.
• * 7.249

  Peace con∣cluded be∣tweene the Protestants and the Pa∣pistes, in Suitzerland.
• * 7.250

  The death of Oecolā∣padius, anno 1531.
• * 7.251

  The Com∣mentaries of Oecolam∣padius vpon the Pro∣phets.
• * 7.252

  The death of Iohn Fri∣dericke Duke of Saxonie.
• * 9.1

  A letter of Vl∣dricus Zuingli∣us.
• * 9.2

  2. Cor. 10.
• * 9.3

  The place of S. Paule of iudging the Lords body, expounded.
• * 9.4

  Who be they that iudge not the Lords body.
• * 9.5

  Iesus tooke bread.
• * 9.6

  The word Easter.
• * 9.7

  The descending of Christ into hell, expound••d.
• * 9.8

  Circūscriptiuè, Potētionaliter. Vt mors illius eos, qui erant a∣pud inferos, re∣dimeret.
• * 9.9

  1. Pet. 3.
• * 9.10

  The corruption of the Sea of Rome, continu∣ally cryed out a∣gainst.
• * 9.11

  The Pope char∣ged with heresie by Luther.
• * 9.12

  The foundation of the Popes doctrine contra∣rye to Christen faith.
• * 9.13

  Iustification by faith, reuiued by Luther.
• * 9.14

  Math. 10.
• * 9.15

  Great persecuti∣on after the doc∣trine of Luther.
• * 9.16

  Two Fryers burned at Bruxelles.
• * 9.17

  Egmonda∣nus, and Hochestra∣tus, doctors of Louain, persecuters.
• * 9.18

  Their exa∣mination.
• * 9.19

  The cause of their ac∣cusation & Martirdōe.
• * 9.20

  Beholde how con∣stantly and ioyfully, these Mar∣tirs take their death. Against all reason that the Clergie should be exempted from the ci∣uill Magi∣strate. Iacobus Lu∣therianus.
• * 9.21

  Henry Sut∣phen Mar∣tir.
• * 9.22

  Ex Com∣ment. Sled. Lib. 4.
• * 9.23

  Henry Sut∣phen prea∣cheth at Breme.
• * 9.24

  Monkes and Priestes conspire a∣gainst Hen∣rye.
• * 9.25

  The Citizēs of Breme, excuse their preacher.
• * 9.26

  The Mōkes and priestes cōplaine a∣gayne of the preacher to the Archbi∣shop of Breme.
• * 9.27

  The preacher cited to appeare before the Archbishop.
• * 9.28

  False accusatiō.
• * 9.29

  The Senate de∣nieth to send the preacher to the Bishop.
• * 9.30

  The Senate of Breme require a disputatiō of the Archbishop.
• * 9.31

  The Suffragan•• would not con∣firme their chil∣dren for anger.
• * 9.32

  Whē the prelat•• cannot preuayle by power, they fall to practise.
• * 9.33

  An other prac∣tise of the Archbishop.
• * 9.34

  A Councell of priestes called a∣gainst Henry Sutphen.
• * 9.35

  Hēry gathereth the sūme of his doctrine in wri∣ting.
• * 9.36

  Vide supra pag 847.849. The Catholike proceding of the Popes Clergy.
• * 9.37

  They that wen•• about to take him, were taken▪
• * 9.38

  Henry Sutphen sent for to preach at Mel∣dorph.
• * 9.39

  The Citizens of Breme per∣swade Henrye not to go to Di∣ethmar.
• * 9.40

  The causes mo∣uing He••ry to goe to Dieth∣mar.
• * 9.41

  In this rude coū∣try of Diethmar, Maister Rogers our coūtreyman was superinten∣dent in tyme of the 6. articles where he with great daunger of his life, did very much good. Henry taketh his iourney to Meldorph.
• * 9.42

  The Prior of of the Blacke Fryers, with the 48. Presidentes, conspireth the death of Henry.
• * 9.43

  The chiefe doers of thi•• conspiracye.
• * 9.44

  Nicolas Boyes pa∣rish priest of Meldorph commaūded to put away Henry.
• * 9.45

  The constā∣cy of Henry in his voca∣tion.
• * 9.46

  Henry prea∣cheth at Meldorph. The Citi∣zens of Meldorph write in de∣fence of their prea∣cher.
• * 9.47

  Good coun∣saile of Pe¦ter Deth∣leues.
• * 9.48

  Luke 19.
• * 9.49

  Heb. 7.
• * 9.50

  The Prier and the Monkes a∣gaine con∣spired. a∣gainst the Gospell.
• * 9.51

  The death of Henry conspired by the Monkes and Friers.
• * 9.52

  The names of the con∣spirators & persecutors.
• * 9.53

  A droncken murther.
• * 9.54

  Hennegus the betrayer of the preacher.
• * 9.55

  The parish priest violently taken in his house by night.
• * 9.56

  Henry Sutphen taken and caried away of the murtherers.
• * 9.57

  Henry brought to Hēmingsted.
• * 9.58

  The cruel hand∣ling of Gods Martyr.
• * 9.59

  A droncken cō∣sultation. Crucifige. Crusifige.
• * 9.60

  The bloudy broode of Friers, helpe forward.
• * 9.61

  Henry brought for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the fire.
• * 9.62

  A false sentence of a corrupte iudge.
• * 9.63

  The tender compassion of a godly woman.
• * 9.64

  The tiranny & fury of the peo∣ple against this blessed Martyr.
• * 9.65

  Where the of∣fēce is not done to man, cōfessiō to man there needeth not.
• * 9.66

  The fire would not kindle.
• * 9.67

  The martyrdom of Hen. Sutphē.
• * 9.68

  Ex Epist. Mart. Lut.
• * 9.69

  Diuers Martyrs secretly drow∣ned in riuers. Iohn of Dieth∣mar, Martir.
• * 9.70

  M. George of Hala preacher, in Saxony, Martyr.
• * 9.71

  The towne of Milten∣berge.
• * 9.72

  Gasper Tā∣bar, George a Scriuener of Vienna, Martirs.
• * 9.73

  Ioh. Clerke of Melden Martir.
• * 9.74

  Ioh. Clerke scourged, for calling the Pope Antichrist.
• * 9.75

  Ioh. Clerke marked in the fore∣head.
• * 9.76

  Ioh. Clerke taken for casting downe I∣mages.
• * 9.77

  The gree∣uous tor∣mentes of Ioh. Clerke▪
• * 9.78

  The Con∣stancye of this blessed Martyr.
• * 9.79

  Iohn Cas∣tellane Doctour & Martyr.
• * 9.80

  Doctor Castellane carri••d to the Castell of Nomme∣nye.

  The zelous affection of the Citezēs of Metz to∣ward their preacher.
• * 9.81

  Whosoeuer escape, the Christians are sure to suffer.
• * 9.82

  Doctor Castellane constant in his doctrine.
• * 9.83

  The sentēce of his de∣gradation. Ex actis e∣piscopali∣bus.
• * 9.84

  True you say: for your measure is death definitiue and therfore looke you for the same mea∣sure agayne at Gods hand
• * 9.85

  If Luther be to be noted of cruelty which teacheth all mē and killeth no man: what then is to be noted in the Pope which killeth all Gods children and teacheth none
• * 9.86

  Doc. Castellane disgraded.
• * 9.87

  Priests annoyn∣ted fingers.
• * 9.88

  The Chesile.
• * 9.89

  The Stole.
• * 9.90

  The Gospell booke.
• * 9.91

  The Dalmatike
• * 9.92

  The Stole be∣hinde his backe.
• * 9.93

  The Epistle booke.
• * 9.94

  Bennet and Collet.
• * 9.95

  Exorcist. Lectorship.
• * 9.96

  Dorekeper.
• * 9.97

  The Church∣dore keyes.
• * 9.98

  Ringing of Belles.

  The Surplice.
• * 9.99

  The Popes Clergy accomp∣teth the secular state ignomini∣ous & seruile. The royall signe of priesthoode.
• * 9.100

  Singing in the Church.
• * 9.101

  Pope In••ocent author of disgra∣••••ng.
• * 9.102

  Note here these persecutors, how they will seeme outwardly to be lambes, but in∣wardly are ra∣uening Wolues.
• * 9.103

  The Constant death and Mar∣t••rdome of Doc. Castellane.
• * 9.104

  A good Priest for euill will
• * 9.105

  Vngentle∣nes in a gentleman.
• * 9.106

  Many thinges ma•• be pretēded but religion is euer the cause why good men goe to wracke.
• * 9.107

  Kindnes vnkindly rewarded with vn∣kindnes.
• * 9.108

  A descriptiō of a good minister or curate.
• * 9.109

  The crosse discerneth betweene true Chri∣stians, and counterfeit.
• * 9.110

  He that see∣keth to lyue godly in Christ, shall suffer perse∣cution.
• * 9.111

  •• Tim. 4.
• * 9.112

  A commo∣tion of the Boures.
• * 9.113

  Crueltie & sedition ne∣uer com∣meth to good ende.
• * 9.114

  The Gospel teacheth no rebellion.
• * 9.115

  Religion the cause onely why good men be troubled of the wicked.
• * 9.116

  Crueltie with∣out cause.
• * 9.117

  Rom. 12.
• * 9.118

  This blessed Martyr drow∣ned.
• * 9.119

  The water mi∣raculously cou∣loured with bloud, where he was drowned.
• * 9.120

  Ex Ioan. Occo∣lampadio.
• * 9.121

  The trusse of the corde is a certaine han∣ging vp by the handes behinde, hauing a waigh∣tie stone faste∣ned at their feete.
• * 9.122

  The inno∣cent man a∣gaine tor∣mented.
• * 9.123

  False wit∣nes.
• * 9.124

  He had rather pyne prison, i•• to come in the papistes handes.
• * 9.125

  The false promises of the papists, not to be trusted.
• * 9.126

  The Chri∣stian poore man refu∣seth the Fri∣ers wodde•• crosse.
• * 9.127

  The Cruci∣fixe of wood falsely cal∣led a Saui∣our.
• * 9.128

  The inno∣cent man condemned for ill will▪
• * 9.129

  Nihil pecca∣uit agnus, Sed Lupus esurijt.
• * 9.130

  This blessed Martyr be∣headed.
• * 9.131

  The story & Martyrdom of Wolfgan∣gus Schuch.
• * 9.132

  False and pernitious tongues.
• * 9.133

  The Duke of Loraine threateneth the town of S. Hypoli∣tus.
• * 9.134

  The letter of Wolfgā∣gus to the Duke.
• * 9.135

  The Constancie of Wolfgangus vnremoueable.
• * 9.136

  Wolfgangus had to the Gray Fryers.
• * 9.137

  Wolfgangus cō∣futeth his aduer∣saries.
• * 9.138

  A right descrip∣tion of a Frierly Silenus, or Cy∣clops.
• * 9.139

  The disputation of Wolfgangus with the Friers.
• * 9.140

  The sentence giuen agaynst Wolfgangus, by the Duke, not knowyng what Wolfgan∣gus sayd.
• * 9.141

  Note the quiet and ioyful death of this blessed Martyr.
• * 9.142

  The iust punish∣ment of God vpon persecu∣tors.
• * 9.143

  Iohn Huglein, Martyr. Ex Comment. Sled lib. 6.
• * 9.144

  Promise of ma∣ryage broken with Iohn Fri∣dericke Duke of Saxony.
• * 9.145

  The Popes church keepeth no promise with heretickes.
• * 9.146

  George Car∣penter, Martyr.
• * 9.147

  Articles layde a∣gainst George Carpenter.
• * 9.148

  George persua∣ded to recant.
• * 9.149

  The loue of God prefe∣red before wyfe, chyl∣dren, and li∣bertie.
• * 9.150

  The Sacra∣ment a signe of the Lords bodie.
• * 9.151

  Baptisme.
• * 9.152

  Mark here these subtile Serpentes, which whō they can not remoue thys good man from hys fayth, they goe about to bryng hym in doubt thereof. The aun∣sweres of George Carpenter to euerie particle of the Lordes prayer.
• * 9.153

  The hartie confession of George Carpenter. Luke 12. Whatsoeuer a man lo∣ueth aboue God, that he maketh his Idoll. George Carpenter Carpenter refuseth to be prayed for after his death.
• * 9.154

  The constāt behauiour of George Carpenter at his death.
• * 9.155

  The death and martyr∣dome of George Carpenter.
• * 9.156

  The history of Leonard Keyser.
• * 9.157

  Articles a∣gainst Leo∣nard Keyser.
• * 9.158

  Vid. su. pag. 844.845.
• * 9.159

  Persecutors.
• * 9.160

  Hasty iudge∣mēt against Leonarde Keyser.
• * 9.161

  The martyr∣dome of Le∣onard Key∣ser.
• * 9.162

  W••ndelmuta widow, Martyr.
• * 9.163

  Religion would be professed as wel with toūge as with hart. Rom. 10.
• * 9.164

  Wodden Gods not to be wor∣shipped.
• * 9.165

  Petrus Fliste∣dius. Adolphus Cla∣rebachus, Mar∣tyrs.
• * 9.166

  The bloud of Martyrs spilt to stoppe the swea¦ting sicknes at Colen.
• * 9.167

  The Dutche Martyrs. The French Martyrs. The Spanish Martyrs. The English Martyrs.
• * 9.168

  Nicholas of Antwerpe, Martyr.
• * 9.169

  Ioannes Pisto∣rius, Martyr.
• * 9.170

  1. Cor. 15.
• * 9.171

  Mathias Wiebell Martyr.
• * 9.172

  A Priest, Martyr.
• * 9.173

  George Scher••er, Martyr.
• * 9.174

  Ex Mat, Flat. Illyrica.
• * 9.175

  A straunge myracle of God in ma∣nifesting hys Gospel.
• * 9.176

  A good Priest mar∣tyred in hys own house.
• * 9.177

  Ex Ioan Gastij.
• * 9.178

  Paulus a priest condemned to perpetuall pri∣son.
• * 9.179

  2. Martyrs burnt at Louane.
• * 9.180

  An aged man Martyr.
• * 9.181

  Antonia Mar∣tyre buryed quicke.
• * 9.182

  An aged wo∣man Martyr bu∣ryed quicke.
• * 9.183

  M. Perseuall, Martyr.
• * 9.184

  Franciscus En∣cenas, prisoner.
• * 9.185

  Iustus of Lo∣uane, Martyr.
• * 9.186

  Iustus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de terra.
• * 9.187

  Gyles, Mar∣tyr.
• * 9.188

  Good works going with a lyuelye fayth.
• * 9.189

  The humble heart of Gyles.
• * 9.190

  Feruency of prayer.
• * 9.191

  Blasphemy of Papistes
• * 9.192

  The martyr∣dome of Gyles.
• * 9.193

  The zeale of people a∣gainst the bloudy Fry∣ers.
• * 9.194

  Persecution 〈…〉〈…〉 & Bruzels.
• * 9.195

  Ex Francisco Encenate.
• * 9.196

  Martyn Hoeur∣block Martyr.
• * 9.197

  Nicholas Dan∣pole, Iohn de Brucke and hys wyfe, Martyrs.
• * 9.198

  Mary and Vrsu∣la, two virgins, Martyrs.
• * 9.199

  A myraculous worke of God in the dead bo∣dies of these two virgines.
• * 9.200

  Andrewe Thiess•••• his wife. Nichol•••• Fraunc•••• Thiessen their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Martyr.
• * 9.201

  Fraunces & Nicholas constant in Christ.
• * 9.202

  Adrian and Marion his wyfe, Mar∣tyrs.
• * 9.203

  Marion bu∣ryed quicke.
• * 9.204

  Peter Bru∣ly, Martyr.
• * 9.205

  Gods secret working in disposing the wayes of his ser∣uauntes.
• * 9.206

  The Mar∣tirdome of Brulius.
• * 9.207

  Pet. Mioce, Martyr.
• * 9.208

  Crueltie shew∣ed vpō Ch••istes seruauntes.
• * 9.209

  The Martyr∣dome of a good priest.
• * 9.210

  The cruell mur∣thering of Iohn Diazius.
• * 9.211

  The Emperours confessour.
• * 9.212

  Alphonsus Dia∣zius come from Rome to kyl hys brother.
• * 9.213

  Iohn Diazius slaine by his owne brother.
• * 9.214

  God will haue murther know∣en.
• * 9.215

  Cain still killeth A∣bell.
• * 9.216

  Interim.
• * 9.217

  The assault of the Spa∣niardes, a∣gainst the Citie of Constance.
• * 9.218

  The martyr∣dome of a godly priest▪
• * 9.219

  Iust punish∣mēt of God vpon a cruel persecutor.
• * 9.220

  Iohn Fride∣ricke Duke of Saxony.
• * 9.221

  The Lant∣graue of Hesse.
• * 9.222

  Hermannus Archb. of Colen.
• * 9.223

  Nicholas Frenchman. Mariō wyfe of Augusti∣nus, Mar∣tyrs.
• * 9.224

  Blasphemy of a Papist.
• * 9.225

  The Fryers con∣founded.
• * 9.226

  Barbarn reuol∣ted.
• * 9.227

  Gods punish∣ment vpon per∣secutours.
• * 9.228

  Nicholas con∣demned.
• * 9.229

  The martyrdom of Marion.
• * 9.230

  Marion buryed quicke.
• * 9.231

  Augustine a∣gaine taken.
• * 9.232

  Example of Gods goodnes in strengthe∣ning the weake harted.
• * 9.233

  The death and martyrdome, of Austen.
• * 9.234

  Ex Ioan Sled. lib. ••2.
• * 9.235

  Two Vir∣gins, Mar∣tyrs.
• * 9.236

  Constancie to be noted in the citie of Magde∣burge.
• * 9.237

  Hostius, martyr.
• * 9.238

  Iohn Frisi∣us, Abbot.
• * 9.239

  The pittious martirdome of Bertrand le Blas.
• * 9.240

  Bertrand thrise tormented.
• * 9.241

  The miserable and tragicall hādling of Ber∣trand.
• * 9.242

  The right hand & foote of Ber∣trand pressed of, with hoate yrons.

  The tounge of Bertrand cut of.
• * 9.243

  The burning and martyrdom of Bertrand.
• * 9.244

  Persecution in Bohemia.
• * 9.245

  Persecution in Locarne.
• * 9.246

  Fraunces War∣lut, Alexāder Day∣ken. Martyrs.
• * 9.247

  The father with his two sonnes and his daugh∣ter, martyred.
• * 9.248

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 wife 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Clerk, ••••••tyr.
• * 9.249

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Iames 〈◊〉〈◊〉 before was burned.
• * 9.250

  Godfride, a Taylor, martyr.
• * 9.251

  Diuers of the lower countrie••, martyre••.
• * 9.252

  Ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hist. A¦driano.
• * 9.253

  A preacher at Erdphord poysoned.
• * 9.254

  Iames Pa∣uane, Mar∣tyr.
• * 9.255

  Dionysius de Rieux Martyr.
• * 9.256

  This Denys hauing a wodden crosse put into his handes by the Friers, with hys teeth cast it into the ry∣uer, which made the Fryers mad.
• * 9.257

  Ioannes Cadurcus, Martyr.
• * 9.258

  5. Martyrs burned.
• * 9.259

  Alexander Ca∣nus, Martyr.
• * 9.260

  Iohn Poyntet, Martyr.
• * 9.261

  In Fraunce the maner was, that the Martyrs comming by any Image as they went to bur∣ning, and would not worship the same, had their tongues cut out▪
• * 9.262

  Peter Gaudet, Martyr.
• * 9.263

  Quoquillard, Martyr.
• * 9.264

  Nicholas a Scri∣ue••er. Ioan. de Poix, Steuen Burlet, Martyrs.
• * 9.265

  Mary Becaudel∣la, Martyr.
• * 9.266

  Iohn Cornon, Martyr.
• * 9.267

  Martyn Gonyn Martyr.
• * 9.268

  Claudius Payn∣ter, a Gold∣smith, Martyr.
• * 9.269

  Stephen Brune Martyr.
• * 9.270

  The Martyr not harmed with the fire.
• * 9.271

  Constantine Northman, with three other, Mar∣tyrs.
• * 9.272

  Iohn Du Beck, Mar∣tyr.
• * 9.273

  Aymondus a Via, Mar∣tyr.
• * 9.274

  The office of a good shep∣heard to stand by hys flocke.
• * 9.275

  Act. 21.
• * 9.276

  Tormentes.
• * 9.277

  Purgrtory.
• * 9.278

  Hebr. 9. 1. Pet. 1.
• * 9.279

  This Fryer ta∣keth praying for the poore which be aliue and those that be dead to be all one.
• * 9.280

  The Church.
• * 9.281

  Galat. 1.
• * 9.282

  The head of the Church.
• * 9.283

  The Pope what he is.
• * 9.284

  Psalm. 114.
• * 9.285

  Aymond spea∣keth for his pry∣son fellowes.
• * 9.286

  Iohn 8. Filioli, custodite vos a simula∣chris. 1. Iohn 5.
• * 9.287

  The wordes of Aymond to the studentes.
• * 9.288

  The death and martyrdome of Aymondus.
• * 9.289

  Fraunces Bri∣bard.
• * 9.290

  William Hus∣son, Martyr.
• * 9.291

  The boldnes of a constant Martyr.
• * 9.292

  Custodite vos a simu∣lachris. Iohn 5.
• * 9.293

  Crueltie of the aduersa∣ries.
• * 9.294

  Frier Delā∣da, conuer∣ted.
• * 9.295

  Iames Co∣bard, Mar∣tyr.
• * 9.296

  Xiiij. Mar∣tyrs.
• * 9.297

  Pet. Clerke, Ioh. Clerke, brethrē and Martyrs.
• * 9.298

  Xiiij. blessed martyrs at Meaux.
• * 9.299

  A French church set vp in Me∣aux.
• * 9.300

  Ex Lud.
• * 9.301

  Rab. Lib. 6. Note how God maketh these aduer∣saries with their owne song, to praise the sacrifice of these holie Martyrs a∣gainst theyr willes.
• * 9.302

  O Saluta∣ris hostia, id est, O wholesome sacrifice, is a song which the Papists vse in prayse of the sacri∣fice of their Masse.
• * 9.303

  To geue neuer so litle to the aduersaries is a great matter.
• * 9.304

  The cutting of tongues howe and by whom it came, in France.
• * 9.305

  Stephen Polli∣ot, Martyr.
• * 9.306

  Ioh. Englishe, martyr.
• * 9.307

  Michaell Mi∣chelot, martyr.
• * 9.308

  Leonardus de Prato, martyr.
• * 9.309

  Vij. Martyrs.
• * 9.310

  Octouien, martyr.
• * 9.311

  Faith ioyned with good workes.
• * 9.312

  Hubert Cheriet, Martyre.
• * 9.313

  Florent Ve∣note, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.314

  Anne Au∣debert, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.315

  A godlie Taylour in Paris, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.316

  The taylour im∣prisoned f••r breaking a p••••••e of an holy day.
• * 9.317

  The taylour brought before the kyng.
• * 9.318

  The present boldnes of the taylor aunswe∣ryng for his re∣ligion before the kyng.
• * 9.319

  Pestilent coun∣sell about the kyng.
• * 9.320

  A fumish com∣parison of a fie∣rie Cardinal.
• * 9.321

  The death and martyrdome of this taylour.
• * 9.322

  Claudius Thi∣erry, Martyr.
• * 9.323

  Leonard Gali∣mard, martyr.
• * 9.324

  Macaeus Mo∣reau, martyr.
• * 9.325

  Ioh. Godeau, Gabriell Beran∣dine, martyrs.
• * 9.326

  Tho. Sanpauli∣nus, martyr.
• * 9.327

  Mauryce Senenat, martyr.
• * 9.328

  Ioannes de Puteo mar∣tyr.
• * 9.329

  Claudius Monerius, martyr.
• * 9.330

  The Sacr••∣ment.
• * 9.331

  Supremacie.
• * 9.332

  Vowes.
• * 9.333

  Praying to Saintes.
• * 9.334

  Images.
• * 9.335

  Marana∣tha is an Hebrue word, men∣tioned 1. Cor. l 6. and signifieth curse or ma∣lediction, to the losse of all that a man hath: and thereof commeth Matanis∣mas, vid. Nic. Lyr. Renate Poyet, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.336

  Ioh. Ioyer, with his ser∣uaunt, mar∣tyrs.
• * 9.337

  Hugh Grauier martyr.
• * 9.338

  V. studentes martyrs. Martiall Alba.
• * 9.339

  Petrus Scriba. Bernard Se∣guine.
• * 9.340

  Charles Faber. Peter Nauihere
• * 9.341

  Supremacy.
• * 9.342

  The head of the Church.
• * 9.343

  Ephe. 1.
• * 9.344

  Regiment ci∣uile.

  Regiment spiri∣tuall.
• * 9.345

  Iohn 1. Cephas.
• * 9.346

  Luke 10.
• * 9.347

  Iustification.
• * 9.348

  Confession.
• * 9.349

  Transubsti∣tiation.
• * 9.350

  Sacraments geue no grace.
• * 9.351

  Iohn 2.
• * 9.352

  The true ea∣ting of Mā∣na.
• * 9.353

  The fathers of the olde Testament, howe they were vnder the law, and howe they were vnder grace.
• * 9.354

  The Sacra∣ment.
• * 9.355

  Petrus Berge∣rius, martyr.
• * 9.356

  The notable cō∣uersion of a theefe in pri∣son.
• * 9.357

  Steuen and Dio∣nyse Peloquine, brethren and martyrs.
• * 9.358

  Lodouicke Mar∣sac. Michaell Ge∣rard. Steuen Granot, Martyrs.
• * 9.359

  The blasphe∣mies of the Pa∣pistes.
• * 9.360

  Note what opi∣nion the Papists haue of the law of God, when it standeth not with their law.
• * 9.361

  Matth. Dimo∣ner, martyr.
• * 9.362

  William Neel, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.363

  Simon La∣loe, martyr.
• * 9.364

  The execu∣tioner con∣uerted.
• * 9.365

  Torments.
• * 9.366

  Nicholas Naile mar∣tyr.
• * 9.367

  Peter Serre, martyr.
• * 9.368

  Priests craf•• a vyle and a filthy acte.
• * 9.369

  Constancie no∣table.
• * 9.370

  Steuen kyng.
• * 9.371

  Peter Denoche, martyrs.
• * 9.372

  William Alen∣con, martyr.
• * 9.373

  A sherman, martyr.
• * 9.374

  Paris Panier, martyr.
• * 9.375

  Peter du Val. martyr.
• * 9.376

  Iohn Filieul, Iulian Leuille, martyrs.
• * 9.377

  Transubstā∣tiation.
• * 9.378

  A similitude betweene the bread, and the bo∣dy of christ.
• * 9.379

  The Masse.
• * 9.380

  Honour to God, not to Saintes.
• * 9.381

  Note the iust ven∣geaunce of God, vpon a wicked persecutor.
• * 9.382

  ••ormentes.
• * 9.383

  Denis vaire, priest and martyr.
• * 9.384

  A Marchaunt hanged for ••e∣sting agaynst the Friers.
• * 9.385

  The iudgements of God.
• * 9.386

  Thomas Gal∣bergne, martyr.
• * 9.387

  Nicholas Paule, martyr.
• * 9.388

  Richard Feurus, martyr.
• * 9.389

  The examinati∣on of Richard Feurus.
• * 9.390

  This Inquisitor was the Aduo∣cate which the Lieutenant sent with the Nota∣rie.
• * 9.391

  The church.
• * 9.392

  Difference be∣tweene the church of Rome and the church of Christ.
• * 9.393

  The virgin Ma∣ry no aduocate.
• * 9.394

  Whether saintes doe praye.
• * 9.395

  The church of Rome, is not the church of christ.
• * 9.396

  Galat. 6.
• * 9.397

  Prayi•••• strau•••••• tong••••.
• * 9.398

  The Sac••••••ment. Iohn 6.
• * 9.399

  Purgatory.
• * 9.400

  Math. 18.
• * 9.401

  Satisfaction for sinnes. Math. 11. Ioh. 10. Ioh. 13. Apoc. 13. Luke 23.
• * 9.402

  Limbus.
• * 9.403

  The power of the pope.
• * 9.404

  Christes vi∣car in earth.
• * 9.405

  Math. 23.
• * 9.406

  Math. 23.
• * 9.407

  2. Thes. 2.
• * 9.408

  The keyes of binding & loo∣sing.
• * 9.409

  Ephes. 1. Colos. 1.
• * 9.410

  Auricular con∣fession.
• * 9.411

  Psal. 32.51.106.
• * 9.412

  The Church of Rome and of Geneua, com∣pared.
• * 9.413

  Rom. 15. 2. Iohn.
• * 9.414

  The Church ought to be go∣uerned only by the voyce of the Lords word. 1. Pet. 5.
• * 9.415

  Churches may be instituted without the Pope.
• * 9.416

  Baptisme in the popes church, no necessary cause to folow all the Popes errours.
• * 9.417

  Agreement in the principall pointes of doc∣trine, in the churches refor∣med.
• * 9.418

  Psal. 33.
• * 9.419

  Paruus Christianis∣mus potior populoso Papatu.
• * 9.420

  Tignacius, D. Fumosus, Sorbonistes.
• * 9.421

  The martir∣dome of Ri∣chard Feu∣rus.
• * 9.422

  Nicholas Chesne, martyr.
• * 9.423

  False dea∣ling in a pa∣pist.
• * 9.424

  Iohn Ber∣trand, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.425

  Peter Rous∣seau, martir.
• * 9.426

  Crueltie.
• * 9.427

  Arnauld Monie∣re, Iohn de Ca∣zes, martyrs.
• * 9.428

  Trumpettes brought in, to stop the hearing of Gods Saints.
• * 9.429

  Feare sent a∣mongst Gods enemies.
• * 9.430

  Impius fugit et ne no persequi∣tur.
• * 9.431

  Bertelmewe Hector, martyr.
• * 9.432

  Philip Cene, Iames his fel∣low, martyrs.
• * 9.433

  Archambant, M. Nicolas Rus∣sean, martyrs.
• * 9.434

  Philbert Hamelin martyr.
• * 9.435

  The zeale of Philbert.
• * 9.436

  Philbert propheci∣eth.
• * 9.437

  The mar∣ueilous iudgement of God a∣gainst Apo∣states.
• * 9.438

  Trumpets blowen to stoppe the hearing of Philbert.
• * 9.439

  Nicolas Startorius, martyr.
• * 9.440

  A broderer of Tours, Martyr.
• * 9.441

  George Tardif, Martyr.
• * 9.442

  Nicolas of Ien∣uile, Martyr
• * 9.443

  A terrible per∣secution at Paris against the Cō∣gregation.
• * 9.444

  The fury of this world against the poore Chri∣stians.
• * 9.445

  One of the Cō∣gregation beatē downe in the streates, and Martyred.
• * 9.446

  Mercy here importeth no o••fēce acknow∣ledged, but to be saued from the rage of the peo∣ple.
• * 9.447

  A false and ma∣licious slaunder raised agaynst the Congrega∣tion.
• * 9.448

  Vid. supr. pag. 36
• * 9.449

  The Apologie of the Congre∣gation against false reportes.
• * 9.450

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.451

  Docto•• ••••••mochare•• persec••••••••••
• * 9.452

  Lying 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 9.453

  Cenalis ••••••shop of A••••ranches p••••secutou••.
• * 9.454

  Note 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the true notes of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pope holy church.
• * 9.455

  Belles to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the true Church.
• * 9.456

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Belles in the Pope church.
• * 9.457

  Gods helpe in tyme of neede.
• * 9.458

  Doc. Mail∣lard confu∣ted.
• * 9.459

  Nicholas Clinet, Se∣niour of the church and martyr.
• * 9.460

  Taurin Gra∣uelle mar∣tyr.
• * 9.461

  Note the holie lyfe of these Sorbonicall Doctours.
• * 9.462

  Philip de Luns gentlewoman, and martyr.
• * 9.463

  The Sacrament.
• * 9.464

  The iust hand of God against false and bloudy witnesses.
• * 9.465

  The martyrdom of Clinet Gra∣uelle, and Phi∣lip de Luns.
• * 9.466

  The crosse.
• * 9.467

  Their tongues cut out.
• * 9.468

  Precious in the sight of God, is the death of hys Saintes.
• * 9.469

  Nicolas Cene, Pet. Gabart, martyrs.
• * 9.470

  A whole∣some lesson for all stu∣dentes.
• * 9.471

  Images for∣bidden.
• * 9.472

  Their toun∣ges cut.
• * 9.473

  Crueltie.
• * 9.474

  See heere, howe the whole po∣wer of the world was confederate together a∣gainst the poore saints of God, ac∣cording to the prophe∣cie of the 2. Psalme. Astiterunt Reges terrae & principes conuenerunt in vnum, ad∣uersus Do∣minum. &c.
• * 9.475

  Albert Har∣tung deli∣uered.
• * 9.476

  Fridericke Danuile, Fraunces Rebezies, martyrs.
• * 9.477

  Math. 10.
• * 9.478

  Act. 2.
• * 9.479

  The Church.
• * 9.480

  Really.
• * 9.481

  Confession au∣ricular.
• * 9.482

  Melancthon in his common places, speaking of the popish confessiō, which consisteth in the enumeration of sinnes, saith that it is a snare of of conscience, & against the Go∣spell, and other∣wise maketh there no menti∣on of Euangeli∣um secretum: no more doth the confession of the Almaynes.
• * 9.483

  The examinatiō of Rebezies.
• * 9.484

  The second exa∣mination.
• * 9.485

  Masse.
• * 9.486

  Purgatorie.
• * 9.487

  Iohn 1. Apoc. 5. Hebr. 9. Esa. 43. 2. Cor. 5. Math. 5.
• * 9.488

  2. Tim. 3.
• * 9.489

  Math. 10.
• * 9.490

  The third exa∣mination.
• * 9.491

  The difference betweene the Lord, and our Lord.
• * 9.492

  The church.
• * 9.493

  2. Churches▪
• * 9.494

  Power of the keyes.
• * 9.495

  Confession.
• * 9.496

  Intercession of Saintes.
• * 9.497

  Note this blasphe∣mous doc∣trine, which maketh saints equall intercessours with Christ
• * 9.498

  Worship∣ping of saintes.
• * 9.499

  The pre∣sence of Christ in the hoste.
• * 9.500

  Masse.
• * 9.501

  Naturaliter.
• * 9.502

  Supernatu∣raliter, or subscriptiuè.
• * 9.503

  The disgui∣sed sacrifice of the Pa∣pistes.
• * 9.504

  The bodie of Christ spiritu∣ally receiued in the sacrament. Spiritually. Corporally.
• * 9.505

  Matrimony of Ministers.
• * 9.506

  The martyrs racked.
• * 9.507

  The constancie of these martyrs.
• * 9.508

  Brotherly com∣passion.
• * 9.509

  The comfort of Gods Saintes.
• * 9.510

  Doct. Maillard gageth hys soule.
• * 9.511

  Iohn Morel was afterward bur∣ned.
• * 9.512

  The death and martyrdome of Ribezies and Danuile.
• * 9.513

  The Suitzers make supplica∣tion to the French king, for the martyrs.
• * 9.514

  Countie Pala∣tine maketh in∣tercession to the French kyng, for the Ch••istian prisoners.
• * 9.515

  René Sea••▪ Iohn Alma∣ricke, dyed in prison.
• * 9.516

  Iohn Bor∣dell, Math. Vermeil, Pet. Burdō, martyrs.
• * 9.517

  Hee sent them farre enough, be∣cause they should ne∣uer returne, pretending that he lac∣ked victuall, but the cause was religion.
• * 9.518

  Geffrey Va∣ragle, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.519

  The report of a Doue flying about the Fryer.
• * 9.520

  Benet Ro∣mian, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.521

  Of Miners the great persecu∣tor, read in the storie of Merin∣doll.
• * 9.522

  Interrogatories ministred to Romian.
• * 9.523

  Romian sealeth the confession of his fayth.
• * 9.524

  Romian refu∣seth to escape.
• * 9.525

  Barbosi, perse∣cutor.
• * 9.526

  A grosse que∣stion of a grosse Iudge.
• * 9.527

  A free answere of a poore pri∣soner.
• * 9.528

  Masse a commō instrument for all thinges, and also to blowe the fire.
• * 9.529

  Filij huius secu∣li prudentiores in sua generatio∣ne, quam filij lucis.
• * 9.530

  Good councell of an Aduocate.
• * 9.531

  The Frier still bloweth the coale of persecu∣tion.
• * 9.532

  The cause of Romian remo∣ued to the par∣liament of Aix.
• * 9.533

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 9.534

  Romian brought to Aix.
• * 9.535

  The kinges Aduocate repenteth▪
• * 9.536

  Romian re∣turned a∣gaine from Aix to Dra∣guignan.
• * 9.537

  Romian drawē most piteously vpon the racke.
• * 9.538

  Romiā bro∣ken with the racke & not able to goe, was borne to the fire.
• * 9.539

  Crueltie of Friers
• * 9.540

  A slaunde∣ring Fryer.
• * 9.541

  Crucifice, C••ucifige 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

  The cruell death and m••••tyrdome of blessed Romian.
• * 9.542

  Frances Ci∣uaux, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.543

  A priuy Iu∣das.
• * 9.544

  Frances ad∣monished by hys dreame.
• * 9.545

  Peter Aronde∣au, martyr.
• * 9.546

  The Masse.
• * 9.547

  Peter Arondeau condemned.
• * 9.548

  Peter Aronde∣au appealeth.
• * 9.549

  Apoplexia, is a sicknes engen∣dered in the brain by aboun∣dance of grosse humors, which depriue them that haue it, of speach, feeling, and mouing Most commonly it assaile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 glut∣tons, drunkards, and suifetters.
• * 9.550

  Gods iust ven∣geaunce vpō the Lieuetenaunt a persecutor.
• * 9.551

  Note.
• * 9.552

  Thomas Mou∣tarde, martyr.
• * 9.553

  Against the bo∣dely presence of Christ in the hoste.
• * 9.554

  Constancye of a good consciēce.
• * 9.555

  Martyrs.
• * 9.556

  Martyrs.
• * 9.557

  Touching the storye of Merindoll, Vid. infr.
• * 9.558

  Fraunces San Romane, martir.
• * 9.559

  The cōuer∣sion of San Romane.
• * 9.560

  Fraunces writeth to the Mar∣chauntes of Antwerpe.
• * 9.561

  Frances writeth to the Empe∣rour.
• * 9.562

  Frances be∣trayed by Spanyshe Marchantes.
• * 9.563

  The fayth and confes∣sion of San Romane.
• * 9.564

  The Pope Antichrist.
• * 9.565

  The Popes crowne and the Fryers bellies are not to be touched.
• * 9.566

  Frances brought in∣to prison.
• * 9.567

  San Romane deliuered out of prison.
• * 9.568

  Frances Dryan∣der.
• * 9.569

  The boldnes of San Romane to the Emperour.
• * 9.570

  The Emperours gentle answere▪
• * 9.571

  Frances San Romane brought into Spayne.
• * 9.572

  The articles of San Romane
• * 9.573

  Barrabas deli∣uered, & Christ taken.
• * 9.574

  The maner of Christians is not to worshyp wood.
• * 9.575

  A great Spa∣nish myracle.
• * 9.576

  Frances constant to the death.
• * 9.577

  The death and martyrdome of Frances San Romaine.
• * 9.578

  The Inquisitors of Spaine take Christes office to iudge the quicke and the dead.
• * 9.579

  The Englishe Ambassadour banished the Spanish court.
• * 9.580

  Rochus martyr.
• * 9.581

  A caruer burned for breaking 〈◊〉〈◊〉 own Image▪
• * 9.582

  The death and martyr∣dome of Rhocus.
• * 9.583

  Diuers good men & mar∣tyrs of Spayne, died in prison.
• * 9.584

  The forme and maner of the In∣quisition of Spaine.
• * 9.585

  The Spanish inquisition can not erre.
• * 9.586

  Three sortes of mē chief∣ly in danger of the inqui∣sition.
• * 9.587

  Example of the same well appea∣reth in Ro∣chu•• ab••ue mentioned.
• * 9.588

  The misera∣ble hande∣ling of gods people in Spaine.
• * 9.589

  Diuers mar∣tyrs in Spain since the tyme of Queene E∣lizabeth.
• * 9.590

  30. Christian prisoners brought be∣fore the councell of the Inquisi∣tion.
• * 9.591

  Three sta∣ges.
• * 9.592

  The cere∣moniall pompe of the Spanish Inquisition.
• * 9.593

  The Spanish Mantell of S. Benet of yellow coulor with red crosses both be∣fore & behinde, called Sanbeni∣to.
• * 9.594

  This Dominicke was M. Melchi∣or Cano.
• * 9.595

  The oth geuen to the princes by the Inquisition of Spaine.
• * 9.596

  Doct. Cacalla, a Frier Augu∣stine, preacher sometyme to Charles 5. Mar∣tyr.
• * 9.597

  Frances de Bi∣uero, priest, and brother to Ca∣calla, martyr.
• * 9.598

  Dame Blanche sister to them, martyr.
• * 9.599

  Iohn de Biuero, brother to the same martyr.
• * 9.600

  Dame Cōstance de Biuero, an o∣ther sister, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.601

  Dame Leonore de Biuero, mo∣ther to these Martyrs aboue, burnt after her death.
• * 9.602

  This good mother with her children, burned by Antichrist, resembled to the mo∣ther with her 7. chil∣dren, burned in the booke of Macha∣bees.
• * 9.603

  M, Aflonse Perez, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.604

  The degra∣dation of Doct. Ca∣calla, Fran∣ces his bro∣ther, and A∣stonse.
• * 9.605

  Doct. Ca∣calla not suffered to speake.
• * 9.606

  Don Peter Sarmiento Knight, cō∣demned for a perpetuall prisoner.
• * 9.607

  Dame Men∣••ia, wyfe of Don Peter, ••ondemned for a perpe∣••uall priso∣••er.
• * 9.608

  Don Louys ••e Roxas, ••ondemned ••o beare a Sanbenito.
• * 9.609

  Dame Anne Henriques, ••udged as an hereticke to beare a San∣benito.
• * 9.610

  Christofer Dell, mar∣••yr.
• * 9.611

  Christofer de Padilla, martyr.
• * 9.612

  Antonie de Huezuello, martyr.
• * 9.613

  Katherin Romain, martyr.
• * 9.614

  Frances Er∣rem, martyr.
• * 9.615

  Katherine Ortega, martyr.
• * 9.616

  Isabell Strada, martyr. Iane Valesques, martyr.
• * 9.617

  A Smith, mar∣tyr.
• * 9.618

  A Iewe burned.
• * 9.619

  Dame Iane de de Silua, con∣demned for an hereticke.
• * 9.620

  Leonore de Li∣ueros. Marina de Saia∣uedra. Daniell Qua∣dra, condemned to perpetuall prison.
• * 9.621

  Dame Mary de Royas, inioyned penaunce.
• * 9.622

  Antonie Domi∣nicke, enioyned penaunce.
• * 9.623

  Antonie Basor, an English man, enioyned pe∣naunce.
• * 9.624

  Xiiij. Martyrs in Spayne, burned.
• * 9.625

  A Christian martyr burned in Sici∣lie.
• * 9.626

  Encenas, or Dry∣ander, martyr.
• * 9.627

  The impri∣sonment and escape of Francis∣cus Encenas
• * 9.628

  Faninus, martyr.
• * 9.629

  Faninus o∣uercome by his wife and brethren,
• * 9.630

  Faninus a∣gaine im∣prisoned.
• * 9.631

  The modest an∣swere of Fani∣nus to his felow prisoners.
• * 9.632

  Prisoners con∣uerted by Fani∣nus.
• * 9.633

  Pope Iulius the thi••d.
• * 9.634

  Christ preferred before wife and children.
• * 9.635

  Life refused.
• * 9.636

  How Christ feared death himselfe, & yet hath he taken away the feare of death from others.
• * 9.637

  A myracle as it is reported.
• * 9.638

  The death and martyrdome of Faninus.
• * 9.639

  Dominicus de Basana, martyr.
• * 9.640

  Antichrist can not abyde to be detected.
• * 9.641

  The marti••∣dome of Dominicus de Bassana.
• * 9.642

  Galeazius Trecius, martyr.
• * 9.643

  The iniuri∣ous & frau∣dulent dea∣lyng of the Papistes.
• * 9.644

  Galeazius relenteth.
• * 9.645

  Galeazius repenteth.
• * 9.646

  A sentence of a martyr, to be mar∣ked.
• * 9.647

  Galeazius returneth to his former confession of truth.
• * 9.648

  Galeazius committed to the secu∣lar power.
• * 9.649

  The death and decease of Galea∣zius.
• * 9.650

  D. Ioan. Molli∣us, martyr.
• * 9.651

  Laurentius Spa∣tha, generall of the gray Friers.
• * 9.652

  Cornelius and Cardinal Cam∣peius, persecu∣tors.
• * 9.653

  Mollius taken and imprisoned by Card▪ Cam∣peius.
• * 9.654

  Mollius deliue∣red out of prison by meanes of Spatha the ge∣nerall.
• * 9.655

  Mollius appea∣reth before the Pope.
• * 9.656

  The Popes church can not abide S. Paules Epistles.
• * 9.657

  Paules Epi∣stles must geue place to Philo∣sophie.
• * 9.658

  Mollius in great daunger at Nea∣ples.
• * 9.659

  Mollius the se∣cond tyme ap∣prehended for reading S. Pauls Epistles.
• * 9.660

  Mollius agayne deliuered.
• * 9.661

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••eale of Mollius.
• * 9.662

  Mollius the fourth tyme imprisoned.
• * 9.663

  The cōstan∣cie of Doct. Mollius and of the Wea∣uer.
• * 9.664

  Doct. Mol∣lius cyteth the Pope to the tribunal seate of Christ.
• * 9.665

  The mar∣tyrdome of Doct. Mol∣lius and the Weauer.
• * 9.666

  Two Augu∣stine Mōks, Martyrs.
• * 9.667

  Franciscus Gamba, martyr.
• * 9.668

  The blynde iudgement of the world in Gods matters.
• * 9.669

  Patience in persecution.
• * 9.670

  Frances Gamba his tongue bo∣red thorough.
• * 9.671

  Pomponius Al∣gerius, martyr.
• * 11.1

  Newes out of I∣taly. anno. 1560.
• * 11.2

  Ioan. Aloisius Paschalis, Iames Bouell, preachers and Martirs.
• * 12.1

  Horrible perse∣cution in Cala∣bria. an. 1560.
• * 12.2

  The Christians killed like Calues.
• * 12.3

  88. Martirs.
• * 12.4

  The lamen∣table story of Merin∣doll·
• * 12.5

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.6

  Paupe••es de Lugdu∣no, Waldē∣s••••, Tu••••e∣lupini. Chagnardi.
• * 12.7

  Of Waldo read before, pag. 230.
• * 12.8

  These were their ministers, for lacke of better, vntill they came to more sin∣cere know∣ledge: which en∣structed thē most com∣monly by night a∣broade in caues and quarries, for feare of persecution. Of these Calabrians, Vide infra
• * 12.9

  Ioan. de Roma, a wretched persecutor.
• * 12.10

  The cruelty of a Papist.
• * 12.11

  Michelottus Serra. W. Meli∣us, Martirs.
• * 12.12

  The iust iudge∣ment of God a∣gainst a cruell persecutor.
• * 12.13

  A spectacle to all persecutors.
• * 12.14

  The Bishop of Aix, Perionet, his Officiall, Meiranus, cruell persecutors.
• * 12.15

  An other exā∣ple of Gods ter∣rible iudgement vppon a perse∣cutor.
• * 12.16

  An other exā∣ple of Gods iudgement vpon Cassaneus, a bloudy persecu∣tor.
• * 12.17

  A bloudy de∣cree against the Merindolians.
• * 12.18

  Euen so the Phariseis pro∣c••••ded against Chr••st the sōne of God.
• * 12.19

  The Bishops bancket.
• * 12.20

  There is no cruelty to the cruelty of an harlot.
• * 12.21

  The Lord of Alenc, a good man.
• * 12.22

  The L. Beauieu.
• * 12.23

  A Catholicke wishe of a Priestes harlot.
• * 12.24

  The Popes churchmen worse then the olde Pharisies.
• * 12.25

  Church∣mē be they neuer so e∣uill, must not be spo∣ken against. 1. Par. 16.
• * 12.26

  How priests harlots should be handled.
• * 12.27

  Well spokē and like an harlot.
• * 12.28

  As Heropi∣as wrought the death of Iohn Bap∣tist. ••o this str••••pe•• seeke the death of the Me••••••doli∣ans, two strumpet well com∣pared to∣geather.
• * 12.29

  I••hn Bap∣tist. so this strumpet seeke the death of the Merindoli∣••••••. two st••umpet▪ will com∣pared to∣geather.
• * 12.30

  God sēdeth a 〈…〉〈…〉 shorte 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.31

  The cruell hart of an harlot.
• * 12.32

  The visor o•• honestye on a harlots face.
• * 12.33

  Like mo∣ther like daughter
• * 12.34

  Oderūt me gratis. Iohn. 15.
• * 12.35

  The Popes clergy cānot abi••e ho∣nest mari∣age to dye for it▪
• * 12.36

  Querebant Principes sacerdotum ••t scribae, que modo interficerent Iesum. Luke. 22.
• * 12.37

  Note how-the Popes church is led not with a∣ny consciēce of truth, but onely with loue of li∣uinges.
• * 12.38

  A butcherly re∣ligion which worketh all by bloud.
• * 12.39

  Cathedra Pesti∣lentie.
• * 12.40

  An oration of Cateline, that is, the oration of the Bishop of Aix, seditious, & bloudy.

  Your oblations be against the Scripture. Your pilgri∣mage is Idola∣try.

  Your charity is gone in deed, whē ye seeke so the bloud of your bretheren. Your estimation is Pharisaicall. Your iurisdictiō is tyrannicall. Your ordināces serue not to Christes glory but your owne.
• * 12.41

  The day shall come when men shal thinke they do a good sacry∣fice to God, in putting you to death. Iohn. 16.
• * 12.42

  The oration of Bassinet answe∣ring to the By∣shop of Aix.
• * 12.43

  The godly re∣pentance of Bassinet.
• * 12.44

  The testimony of Bassinet for Lutherans.
• * 12.45

  God and the Pope, and the obedience to them two com∣pared together.
• * 12.46

  Iohn. 3.
• * 12.47

  An other Ora∣tion of Bassinet.
• * 12.48

  False pastors in Christes church described.
• * 12.49

  Math. 23.
• * 12.50

  Take heede of those that come to you in shepes skinnes, but in∣wardly they are rauening Wolues.
• * 12.51

  Math. ••. The Pope•• Pilots in Christes ship art be∣come Pi¦rates.
• * 12.52

  A comme∣dation for Doctors of the Canon lawe.
• * 12.53

  The bishop of Aix, Archcap∣tain of this persecution.
• * 12.54

  Ex fructibus eorum cog∣noscetis eos.
• * 12.55

  Baudy pic∣tures recea∣ued, Gods booke re∣iected.
• * 12.56

  Christian constancy in a good bookeseller.
• * 12.57

  A godly bookeseller with two Bibles a∣bout his 〈◊〉〈◊〉, bur∣ned in Aui∣nion.
• * 12.58

  Proclama∣tion agaynst French Bi∣bles.
• * 12.59

  The Bishop of Aix stir∣reth vp Cassaneus the Presi∣dent to per∣secution. The aun∣swere of Cassaneus to the By∣shops for Merindoll.
• * 12.60

  Sanguis eius su∣per nos & filios nostros. Math. 27.
• * 12.61

  The Cardinall of Tournon the o••gane of Anti∣christ.
• * 12.62

  The popes army setteth forward toward Merin∣doll.
• * 12.63

  The army a∣gaine retyred by the meanes of the Lord of Alenc.
• * 12.64

  A story of excō∣munycatyng the Rattes for eating vp the corne.
• * 12.65

  The President Chassane chosen Aduocat for the Rattes.
• * 12.66

  The perswation of the Lord of Alenc, to Chas∣sane, to returne his army from Merindoll.
• * 12.67

  The Lords pro∣uidence for the Merindolians.
• * 12.68

  Fraunces the French kyng sē∣deth Mounsieur Langeay, to en∣quire better of the Merindoli∣ans.
• * 12.69

  A testimonie in the commenda-of the Merindo∣lians.
• * 12.70

  The godly con∣uersation of the Merindolians.
• * 12.71

  Crimes laid against the Merindoli∣ans.
• * 12.72

  Mans lawe preferred before Gods lawe
• * 12.73

  The kinges pardon pro∣cured & sent downe for the Merin∣dolians.
• * 12.74

  This most godly and Christian confession you shall finde more largely set out in Hē. Pantaleon and also in the French story, en∣treating of the destruc∣tion of Me∣rindoll, and Cabriers: also tou∣ching the•••• faith and confession, you shall partly see hereafter. pag. 917.
• * 12.75

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Merin∣dolians re∣quire the iudgement of Cardinall Sadolet, touching their arti∣cles.
• * 12.76

  The answer of Cardinal Sadolet, to the Merin∣dolians.
• * 12.77

  The Bishop of Cauaillō seeketh the destruction of Cabriers.
• * 12.78

  Card. Sado∣let returned backe the armye com∣ming a∣gainst Ca¦briers.
• * 12.79

  The pro∣mise of Sa∣dolet to his tenauntes of Cabriers.
• * 12.80

  The tresurer of Carpen∣tras a priuye frende to them of Ca∣briers.
• * 12.81

  The Bishop of Cauaillō commeth a∣gaine to Merindoll,
• * 12.82

  The Popes By∣shops will come to no reasoning.
• * 12.83

  The Bishops condemne the Merindolians for heresie, and yet can shewe no heresies in thē by the word of God▪
• * 12.84

  The bishop so••e agreued to haue heresie tryed by Gods word.
• * 12.85

  The articles of the Merindoliās approued by the Doctor.
• * 12.86

  The answere of the children of Merindoll to the Byshop.
• * 12.87

  The answere of the Bailife of Merindoll to the Bishop.
• * 12.88

  The Pater noster in 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 12.89

  The children of Merindoll to good for the Bishop
• * 12.90

  The youth of Merindoll well b••ought vp.
• * 12.91

  Māth. 11.
• * 12.92

  The Merindoli∣ans are moued to abiure.
• * 12.93

  In matters of faith and religi∣on, ought to be no dissimulatiō.
• * 12.94

  Durandus stir∣red vp by the Byshops to exe∣cute the com∣mission against the Merindoli∣ans.
• * 12.95

  Durandus the commissioner commeth to Merindoll.
• * 12.96

  Syndi••••, is a Greeke word, and signifieth as much as an aduocate o•• patrone, o•• deputy, sent to plead our cause. The wordes of Durādu•• to the Me∣rindolian••.
• * 12.97

  The Merin∣dolians de∣nied to geue answere by counsaile or writing.
• * 12.98

  The answer of the Me∣rindoliās to Durandus.
• * 12.99

  The Baylife of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 answereth.
• * 12.100

  The pro∣ceeding with the Merindoliās not after forme of lawe.
• * 12.101

  Iohn Palēc answereth.
• * 12.102

  The vnder Baylife of Merindoll answereth.
• * 12.103

  Durandus the Com∣missioner, required to shew his Cōmission.
• * 12.104

  The Bailyfe & Sindickes, of Merindol appeare the second time.
• * 12.105

  They that do the workes of darckenes hate the light.
• * 12.106

  The confession of the Merindo∣lians, exhibited and read.
• * 12.107

  What were the articles & doc∣trine of their confession, read Sled. Lib. 16.
• * 12.108

  Three Doctours cōuerted by the confessiō of the Merindolians.
• * 12.109

  The sodeine death of a per∣secutor.
• * 12.110

  Minerius a pes∣tilent persecutor without all rea∣sō and measure.
• * 12.111

  6. Martirs of Opede.
• * 12.112

  Minerius made the kinges Lieu∣tenant of Pro∣uince.
• * 12.113

  False accusatiōs and crimes for∣ged vpō the in∣nocēt Christiās▪
• * 12.114

  The king abu∣sed by wicked counsaile.
• * 12.115

  8. townes with the most parte of the people destroyed for true religion.
• * 12.116

  Horrible cruelty vpon women & young infantes.
• * 12.117

  A lamentable separatiō of the Merindoliās frō their wyues and children.
• * 12.118

  The Merin∣dolians o∣uertaken of their ene∣mies.
• * 12.119

  Vile cruelty shewed vpon a yoūg man of Me∣rindoll.
• * 12.120

  The towne of Merindol destroyed of the Papists.
• * 12.121

  The towne of Cabriers falsely takē▪
• * 12.122

  Othe and promise brokē of the Papistes.
• * 12.123

  30. men, Martyrs.
• * 12.124

  40. Women, Martyrs.
• * 12.125

  Cruelty Neronicall, or rather furye diabo∣licall.
• * 12.126

  Aboue a ••000. Mar∣tyrs of Ca∣briers.
• * 12.127

  The argu∣mentes wherevpō the doctrine of the popes church stā∣deth.
• * 12.128

  Antichrist here plaieth the deuill.
• * 12.129

  The towne of Costa, destroyed.
• * 12.130

  Martyrs of-Costa.
• * 12.131

  When the Merindoli∣ans were slaine, their cause was pleaded.
• * 12.132

  Fraūces the Frēch king, noted of ty∣ranny by Charles 5. Emperour. The cause of the Me∣rindolians after their death plea∣ded 50. times in the Court. Minerius losed out of prison.
• * 12.133

  The iust stroke of God vpon cruell Minerius.
• * 12.134

  Good counsaile geuen to Mine∣rius of his Sur∣geon.
• * 12.135

  Minerius see∣keth the bloud of his Surgeon.
• * 12.136

  The wretched end of wretched Minerius the persecuter.
• * 12.137

  The iust plague of God vpon 3. persecuters.
• * 12.138

  The Gospellers of Merindoll came first of the Waldenses.
• * 12.139

  Vid. supra pag. 230. &c.
• * 12.140

  Vid. supra pag. 231.
• * 12.141

  Waldenses how and of whom they first began.
• * 12.142

  Dominicus Pa∣triarch of the blacke Fryers, e∣nemie to the Waldenses.
• * 12.143

  Vid. s••pra pag. 261.
• * 12.144

  Ex Paul. Ae∣mylio lib. 6
• * 12.145

  Ex Bernard Lutzenberg.
• * 12.146

  See the story of Sleidan.
• * 12.147

  This confession worthy of per∣petual memory, you shall see more largely set out, in Henr. Pantaleon, wry∣ting of the de∣struction of Ca∣briers and Me∣rindoll, and also in the French storye.
• * 12.148

  Ex Ioan. Sleda∣no. ••ib. 16.
• * 12.149

  The confes∣sion & faith of the Wal∣denses in Merindoll.
• * 12.150

  Persecution in the valley of An∣grongne, Luserne, S. Martin, Perouse, in Piedmont.
• * 12.151

  The iust hād of God vpon Iohn Martin, a persecutor.
• * 12.152

  Barthel∣mew a Bookebin∣der martyr.
• * 12.153

  The Presi∣dent of S. Iulian and other, sent to the An∣grongnians.
• * 12.154

  Note here how the Papistes play the A∣••abaptistes.
• * 12.155

  Example of good prayer
• * 12.156

  The President confounded at the poore mans aunswere.
• * 12.157

  The people would not kneele to pray to our Ladye.
• * 12.158

  The people of Angrongne threatned with destruction.
• * 12.159

  The Angrong∣nians desired to be tryed by the word of God.
• * 12.160

  The Syndiques were as Shrieues Coun∣cellers or Ad∣uocates.
• * 12.161

  The Articles & confession of the Angrongnians exhibited, to the President.
• * 12.162

  Their Interro∣gatories.
• * 12.163

  Their aunswers to the Interro∣gatories. Masse.
• * 12.164

  1. Iohn. 1.
• * 12.165

  Iere. 4. Esa. 43.
• * 12.166

  Auricular con∣fession.
• * 12.167

  Baptisme.
• * 12.168

  1. Cor. 14.
• * 12.169

  The manner of burials.
• * 12.170

  Obedience to mens traditions.
• * 12.171

  Councells not to be preferred before Gods word.
• * 12.172

  Galat. 1.
• * 12.173

  Councells not kept of the Pa∣pistes in many poyntes.
• * 12.174

  Disputatiō required.
• * 12.175

  For the an∣tiquity of these Wal∣doys, see before pag.
• * 12.176

  Turkes and Iewes finde more fauor with the Papistes, then the true Chris∣tians.
• * 12.177

  A breathing time geuen of God to the Ang••o∣nians.
• * 12.178

  Persecution againe be∣ginneth a∣gainst the Angroniās.
• * 12.179

  The Angro∣niās require triall by Gods word.
• * 12.180

  The An∣gronians re∣quired to bring in their mini∣sters and Schoole∣masters.
• * 12.181

  Proclama∣tion made at Angrōg∣ne.
• * 12.182

  The Ger∣mans make supplication for the An∣gronians.
• * 12.183

  Geffray Varialla Martyr.
• * 12.184

  A notable example of a good hangman.
• * 12.185

  The Pope stirreth vp the Duke of Sauoy a∣gainst the Angroniās.
• * 12.186

  Mathurin & his wife Iohn de Carquignan, Martyrs.
• * 12.187

  Persecution be∣ginnerh in the Valleys.
• * 12.188

  The Minister of Meane, Martyr.
• * 12.189

  Gods secret iudgements vpō them that shrinke from his truthe.
• * 12.190

  Cruell persecu∣tors. Thomas Iaco∣mell a cruell A∣postata.
• * 12.191

  The rigorous handling of the Waldoys.
• * 12.192

  Martyrs.
• * 12.193

  The cruell Monkes of Pig∣neroll.
• * 12.194

  Martirs.
• * 12.195

  Charles Trut∣chet and Boni∣face, his brother, two cruel perse∣cuters.
• * 12.196

  A minister of Calabria burnt.
• * 12.197

  Gods people rescued.
• * 12.198

  A minister of the Valley of Ren∣claret, taken and wounded.
• * 12.199

  False cōplaintes brought to the Duke▪ against the Waldoys.
• * 12.200

  What cruell re∣port••r•• doe.
• * 12.201

  The iuste iudgement of God vpō the Tru∣chets, so cruelly ver∣ing, spoy∣ling and ac∣cusing of these poore Waldoys.
• * 12.202

  By what meanes the Chrystians in tymes past, haue appeased the fury of Pagane princes.
• * 12.203

  The An∣gronians send forth three sup¦plication.
• * 12.204

  The confes∣sion of the Angronians sent to the Pope.
• * 12.205

  Demaundes put to the Angronians,
• * 12.206

  The An∣gronians deny to put away their ministers.
• * 12.207

  The Monks of Pignerol cruel against the Angro∣nians.
• * 12.208

  The mini∣ster of S. Germain betrayed & taken.
• * 12.209

  Barbarous cruelty shewed a∣gainst the good mini∣ster of S. Germain.
• * 12.210

  Two womē compel••ed to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fa∣gots to burne their pastor.
• * 12.211

  Whether it be lawfull for the per∣secuted peo∣ple of christ to stand to their owne defence.
• * 12.212

  Mirabilia Dei.
• * 12.213

  Victory of the Ang••o¦nians ouer their ene∣mies.
• * 12.214

  The commaun∣der of S. Antho∣ny sent to An∣grongne.
• * 12.215

  Missa falsly de∣riued out of the Hebrue.
• * 12.216

  Disputation a∣bout the Masse.
• * 12.217

  The poore inha∣bitants of the valley of Lu∣serne, taken pri∣soners.
• * 12.218

  The Coūcell of Cōstāce geueth leane to breake promyse with al such as they take to be heretickes.
• * 12.219

  Nothing proued by the worde of God against the waldoys.
• * 12.220

  Barabas deliue∣red, and Christ pursued.
• * 12.221

  Deliberation a∣mong the Wal∣dois how to de∣fend, and how not to defend themselues.
• * 12.222

  Whether sub∣iects for religiō, may stand to their owne defence.
• * 12.223

  The Angronyās refuse to heare masse.
• * 12.224

  The determina∣tion & answere of the Angro∣nians, was falsi∣fied.
• * 12.225

  Open procclamatiō a∣gainst An∣grongne.
• * 12.226

  Senachar••b flyeth from the face of Israell.
• * 12.227

  The prayer of the An¦gronian.
• * 12.228

  A combat•• betweene the Lorde of trinity, & the Waldo∣ys.
• * 12.229

  Beholde the polecye of this pore people.
• * 12.230

  〈1 paragraph〉〈1 paragraph〉
• * 12.231

  Gods secret in ••••ement in helping his and pu∣nishing his enemies.
• * 12.232

  A crafty mes••a••e of the Lord of Trinitie, to the Angro∣nians.
• * 12.233

  The Angro∣nians aun∣swere to the message.
• * 12.234

  The towne of Vellers assaulted.
• * 12.235

  The towne of Taille∣ret assaul∣ted.
• * 12.236

  God geueth victory to his seruants.
• * 12.237

  The iust reward vpon the Lords enemies.
• * 12.238

  Gastaut a false brother.
• * 12.239

  Deepe dissimu∣lation in a crafty Papist.
• * 12.240

  The Dutches, a fauourer of the Angronians.
• * 12.241

  A combate be∣tweene the An∣gronians & the persecutors.
• * 12.242

  The crafty dissi∣mulation of the Lord of Trinity.
• * 12.243

  Beholde the double dealing and dissimulatiō of the Papistes to bring their wi••k••d purpose to passe.
• * 13.1

  The supplicatiō of the Angroni∣ans to their Duke.
• * 13.2

  A lawfull re∣quest of the An∣gronians to lyue after Gods word.
• * 13.3

  The wretched dealing of the Lord of Trinity, against them of Tailleret.
• * 13.4

  The Papis•••• false brea∣kers of pro∣mise made.
• * 13.5

  Example of Gods mar∣uelous pro∣tection, for hys seruant•• in tyme of neede.
• * 13.6

  The Village of Ta••••leret sacked, and spoyled.
• * 13.7

  The crueltie of Papiste••.
• * 13.8

  Two womē the mother and the daughter Martyrs.
• * 13.9

  The grand∣father & hys nyce dyed Martyrs.
• * 13.10

  A wicked persecuter killed with stones.
• * 13.11

  The poore Waldoys pressed at 16. thousād crownes.
• * 13.12

  The Papists false of pro∣mise.
• * 13.13

  The care of the Waldois for their ministers.
• * 13.14

  Gods pro∣uidence for his mini∣sters.
• * 13.15

  Marke here the faire pretence & trayterous meaning of the Lord of Trynitye, which by & by after, see∣••••th the death of this good Minister.
• * 13.16

  The minister of Angrōgne pur∣sued of the soul∣diers.
• * 13.17

  The minister•• house spoyled.
• * 13.18

  40 houses in Angrongne spoyled.
• * 13.19

  Gods holy pro∣tection in sauing his seruant.
• * 13.20

  Two rulers of Angrongne beaten almost to death for not kneeling to the Masse.
• * 13.21

  Cruelty shewed for kindnes.
• * 13.22

  Note how God did blesse his seruantes stan∣ding in their owne defence.
• * 13.23

  Two Martyrs of Angrongne.
• * 13.24

  Note againe how God bles∣seth his people, stāding to their defence, against the bloudy Pa∣pistes.

  Two Martyrs. A barbarous kinde of to••ment vsed, agaynst a Martyr of the Lo••d called O∣dul Gemet, by ••he cruell Pa∣pistes.
• * 13.25

  Be wise lyke Serpentes.
• * 13.26

  The messengers of the Angroni∣ans cruelly en∣treated.
• * 13.27

  A new cōmaun∣dement to the Angronians, to goe to masse.
• * 13.28

  Gods assistance in time of neede.
• * 13.29

  The people of Pyemo•••• brought in∣to great dis∣tres.
• * 13.30

  Images and altars brokē downe in the Church of Boby.
• * 13.31

  Images and altars cast downe in the Church of Villars.
• * 13.32

  God geueth victorye to his seruants.
• * 13.33

  An other combat be∣tweene the Waldois & their ene∣mies.
• * 13.34

  The iust hād of God vpon his e∣nemies. Note how the Mini¦sters of the Gospell promise to their ene∣mies & per∣forme, doing good fore∣••ill.
• * 13.35

  The For∣tresse gott••▪ by the An∣gronians.
• * 13.36

  God com∣pelleth his ••eruantes to defēd their religion by force.
• * 13.37

  An other combat be∣tweene the Lord of Tri∣nity and the Angronyās. God geueth victory a∣gayne to his people.
• * 13.38

  An other fighte be∣tweene the Lorde of Trinity and the Angro∣nians.
• * 13.39

  A notable miracle of God in kee∣ping the tē∣ples of the Gospell frō burning.
• * 13.40

  Note againe the secret worke of God. Vnkindenes to parentes, rightly re∣warded.
• * 13.41

  The me∣dowe of Tour, described.
• * 13.42

  The enemies againe dri∣uen backe.
• * 13.43

  The poore Christians rūne through the pickes.
• * 13.44

  The Angroniās with their yoūg infantes, flie into the mountaines.
• * 13.45

  The Waldoys a∣gayne assaulted by the Lorde of Trinity.
• * 13.46

  The wicked fly∣eth when no man pursueth hym.
• * 13.47

  The persecutors pursued.
• * 13.48

  Gods people fight with pray∣er.
• * 13.49

  The courage of Gods people a∣gainst their ene∣mies.
• * 13.50

  A conflict be∣tweene the An∣gronians and the enemies.
• * 13.51

  The maruelous workes of the Lord.
• * 13.52

  Dauid with his s••ing killeth Goliath.
• * 13.53

  The crueltye of this wretched Truchet agaynst this pore people, appeareth be∣fore in this story.
• * 13.54

  God figh∣teth for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 people.
• * 13.55

  Pharaos hart yet re∣maineth in∣durate.
• * 13.56

  The Wal∣doys againe driue their enemyes backe.
• * 13.57

  God geueth victorye by the handes of a fewe.
• * 13.58

  The ene∣mies 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 13.59

  The An∣gronians helpe their fellowes.
• * 13.60

  The perse∣cutors put to flight.
• * 13.61

  The An∣groniās fall to prayer.
• * 13.62

  The proud threates of Amman.
• * 13.63

  The Bul∣warke man∣fully defen∣ded.
• * 13.64

  Behold the Ar∣tillary of this simple people, & with what wea∣pōs they fought.
• * 13.65

  The Lord of Trinitye with his army, driuen backe.
• * 13.66

  The papistes astonished and dismayde on e∣uery side, by the wonderfull iudgement of God.
• * 13.67

  Gods people a∣uoyde the shed∣ding of bloud.
• * 13.68

  God fighteth for his people.
• * 13.69

  Onely 14. of all the Waldoys slaine in all these conflictes.
• * 13.70

  An other skir∣mishe betweene the enemies and the Angrōgniās.
• * 13.71

  Note the prac∣tise of Papistes.
• * 13.72

  Behoulde how this traiterous Trynitye whiles he pretendeth an agreement, goeth about to destroy these poore men.
• * 13.73

  Dauid spareth king Saule.
• * 13.74

  The iust dealing of the An∣grongnians.
• * 13.75

  Scarsenes of vitaile a∣mong the Angrōgni∣ans. Gods mercy toward his people.
• * 13.76

  Note how thys bloudy wretch pro∣tending a∣greement, peace, and quietnes: immedyatly seeketh the destruction of this poore people. The people of Tailleret cruelly murdered of the Spany∣ardes. The trum∣petts of the Waldoys.
• * 13.77

  The Spany∣ardes beaten backe.
• * 13.78

  God geueth victory to the Waldois against the Spanyardes.
• * 13.79

  God taketh the 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 13.80

  God geueth co••••age to the poore Waldoys.
• * 13.81

  The mis∣chieuous purpose of Trynitye, stayed by the prouidence of God.
• * 13.82

  The Wal∣doys send a supplication to the Du∣chesse.
• * 13.83

  The Wal∣doys offer to be iudged by the word of God.
• * 13.84

  The Lord of Trinyty sore sicke.
• * 13.85

  An other supplycatyō sent to the Duchesse.
• * 13.86

  The suppli∣catyō to the Duchesse.
• * 13.87

  The condi∣tiōs where∣••••to the Waldoys did agree & consent.
• * 13.88

  Tormēt of con∣science in sliding from the truth.
• * 14.1

  The compositiō and agreement vpon conditiōs, betweene the Duke, and the Waldoys.
• * 14.2

  Pardon promy∣sed.
• * 14.3

  Sermons & con∣gregations per∣mitted.
• * 14.4

  The parishe of Villars.
• * 14.5

  The parishe of Tailleret, La Rua de Bonet.
• * 14.6

  The valleyes of Luserne, and S. Martin.
• * 14.7

  The Parishe of Perouse.
• * 14.8

  The parishe of Pinachia.
• * 14.9

  The parishe of S. Germain.
• * 14.10

  Order for Vil∣lages being farre from the parish Church.
• * 14.11

  The parishe of Meane, & S. Barthelmew.
• * 14.12

  The goods of the waldoys restored.
• * 14.13

  The liber∣ties restored▪
• * 14.14

  M. Martin de Pragela▪ Minister of the Wal∣doys.
• * 14.15

  Masse set vp, but none compelled to come to it
• * 14.16

  Their priso∣ners resto∣red by raun∣some reaso∣nable.
• * 14.17

  The captiues in Galleys restored.
• * 14.18

  The liberty of Trafficke graunted.
• * 14.19

  The elders of the Val∣leys of Pye∣mont.
• * 14.20

  The Lord of Raconnis.
• * 14.21

  The Lady Princes in∣tercessour for the Waldoys.
• * 14.22

  All thinges turne to the best, to thē that loue the Lord.
• * 14.23

  The beha∣uiour of these good men in their persecutiōs.
• * 14.24

  Warre and famine two enemies a∣gainst these men.
• * 14.25

  Example of Gods fauour toward his ser∣uantes & cōfusi∣on toward their persecutors▪
• * 14.26

  The conclusiō of the story of Me∣rindoll, & An∣grongne. Merindoll and Cabriers in Prouince, vnder the Frēche king.
• * 14.27

  Angrongne and others in Pie∣mont vnder the Duke of Sauoy. The cruelty of the aduersaryes. The patience of the Martyrs.
• * 14.28

  Thē they which are in Iewry let thē flye into the Mountaines. Luke 21.
• * 14.29

  The Waldois compelled to defēd thēselues.
• * 14.30

  Note how the Lord blessed the Waldois, stan∣ding to their owne defence.
• * 14.31

  Ex Histor. Gal∣lica. & Italica.
• * 14.32

  A Christian Iewe, Martyr.
• * 14.33

  Anno. 1528.
• * 14.34

  The Mar∣tyrdome of a Christian Iewe.
• * 14.35

  The contents of the booke fo∣lowing.
• * 14.36

  Antichrist longe hyd, and now reueled.