Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

¶The sackyng of Rome, and takyng of Pope Clement.

THe Emperours army departyng from Florēce, to the Citie of Seynes, where they lost their ordinaūce,* 1.1 tooke counsaile there to go to Rome, and so much they trauailed by night and day, commōly passing xl. myle day and night (their good will was such) that the vi. day of May with bāners displayed,* 1.2 they came before the Citie of Rome be∣yng Saterday, the same day: and on Sonday the Ro∣maines made Bulwarkes, Rampires, and other defen∣ces; and layd ordinaunce on the walles, and shot at them without fiercely.

The Duke of Bourbō determined that it was not best to lye still without, and be slayne with ordinaunce,* 1.3 cōside∣ryng, that they were all naked people, & without great or∣dinaunce: wherfore he determined to take the chaunce & to geue the assault, and so māfully they approched the walles betwene the Burgo Nouo & old Rome. But the Romaines valiauntly defēded them with hādgunnes, pykes, stones, and other weapons, so that the enemyes were fayne to re∣treit. Then the Romaines were glad, and set many fayre banners on their towers and bulwarkes, and made great

shoutes: whiche seyng the Duke of Bourbon, cryed to a new assault.* 1.4 Then the drums••ades blew, and euery man with a ladder mounted: and at first encounter, againe the Romaynes put them a little backe: Which the Duke of Bourbon p〈…〉〈…〉uing, cryed: God and the Emperour. Then euery man manfully set on. There was a sore fight, many an arrow shot, and many a man felled, but at last the Emperors men got the wall, and betweene euery assault fell a mist, so that they within could not see what part they without would assayle, which was profitable to the Em∣perours partie. At the three assaultes were slaine three C. Switzers of the Popes gard. In this last assault was the Duke of Bourbon striken in the thigh with a handgonne,* 1.5 of the which he shortly dyed in a chappell of S. Sist, whe∣ther his souldiors had brought him: and this chance not∣withstanding, the army entred into Rome, and tooke the Popes palace and set vp the Emperors armes.

The same daye that these three assaultes were made, Pope Clement passed little on the Emperours army:* 1.6 for he had accursed them on the Saterday before, and in hys curse he called the Almaynes Lutheranes, and the Span∣yards Murreines or Mores: and when he was hearing of Masse, sodeinly the Almaines entred into the Church, and slue his Barde and diuers other. He seeing that, fledde in all haste by a priuie way,* 1.7 to the Castle of S. Angell: and all they that folowed him that way and could not enter, were slayne, and if he in that fury had bene taken, he had bene slayne. The Cardinals and other Prelates fled to y^e Castle of S. Angell, ouer the bridge, where many of the common people were ouerpressed and trodden downe, as they gaue way to the Cardinals and other estates, that passed to∣ward the Castle for succour.

* 1.8The Cardinall of Senes, of Sesarine, of Tudertine, of Iacobace and of the Ualle taried so long, that they could not get to the Castle for the multitude of people: wherfore they were compelled to take an other house, called the Pa∣lace of S. George, where they kept themselues for a while as secretly as they might. You must vnderstand, through the Citie of Rome, runneth a famous Riuer, called Tiber: and on the one side of the Riuer standeth the Castle of S. Angell, or the Borough of S. Angell: and the other side is called Burgo Nouo, or, the New Borough. Thys Bridge is called, the Bridge of Sixte, which lyeth directly before the Castle. At the ende of this Bridge was a woon∣derfull strong Bulwarke, well ordinanced and well man∣ned. The Emperours men saw that they could do nothing to the Pope, nor to that porte of y^e City, but by the bridge, determined to assault the Bulwarke, and so, as men with∣out feare, came on the bridge, and the Romaynes so well defended them, that they fiue almost iiij.M. men. That see∣ing the Prince of Orenge,* 1.9 and the Marques of Gnasto, with all speede gaue assault, and notwithstanding that the Romaynes shot great ordinances, handgunnes, quarels, and all that might be shot: yet the Imperiall persons ne∣uer shranke, but manly entered the Bulwarke and slue & threw downe, out of the loupes, all the Romaynes that they found, and after rased the Bulwarke to the grounde. The Pope was in the Castle of S. Angell, and beheld this fight, and with him were xxiij. Cardinals, of whiche one called the Cardinall Sanctorum quatuor, or the Cardinall of Pouche, was slayne, and with him were a M. Prelates and Priests, fiue hundred Gentlemen, fiue hundred Soul∣diers: wherefore immediately the Captaines determined to lay siege to the Castle of S. Angell, least they within might issue out, and turne them to damage: wherefore so∣deinly a siege was planted round about the Castle.* 1.10

In the meane season the souldiers fell to spoyle. Neuer was Rome so pilled, either of the Gothes or Uandales, for the Souldiers were not content with the spoyle of the Citizens,* 1.11 but they robbed y^e Churches, brake vp the houses of close religious persons, and ouerthrew the Cloisters, and spoyled virgines, and rauished maried women. Men were tormented if they had not to geue euery new asker or demaunder: some were strangled, some were punished by the priuie members, to cause them to confesse their trea∣sure. This woodnes continued a great while, & some man might thinke that whē they had gotten so much, then they would cease & be quiet, but that was not so, for they plaied continually at dyce, some v.C. some a M. Ducates at a cast: and he that came to play ladē with plate, went againe almost naked, and then fell to rifeling againe. Many of the Citizens which could not paciently suffer that vexation, drowned themselues in Tyber.* 1.12 The Souldiers daily that lay at the siege, made Iestes of the Pope. Sometime they had one riding like the Pope with a whore behinde hym, sometime he blessed, and sometime he cursed, & sometyme they would with one voyce call him Antichrist: and they went about to vndermine the Castle, and to haue throwne it downe on his head, but the water that enuironeth the Castle, disappointed their purpose.

In this season the Duke of Urbine, with xv. M. men, came to ayde the Pope: but hearing that Rome was takē, he taried xl. myle from Rome, till he heard other worde. The Marques of Saluce, and Sir Frederico de Bodso, with xv. M. footemen and a M. horsemē, were at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be the tenth day of May: where they hearing that the Citie of Rome was taken, also taried. The Cardinall of Colume, came with an army of Neapolitans to helpe the Empe∣rours men: but when he saw the cruelty of the Souldiers, he did little to helpe them, but he hated them much.

The Byshop of Rome was thus besieged till the eight Ides of Iuly,* 1.13 at which day he yelded himselfe for necessi∣tie and penury of all things in the Castle, and thē he was restored to geue Graces and graunt Bulles as he did be∣fore: but he taried still in the Castle of S. Angell, and had a great number of Almaines & Spanyards to keepe him: but the Spanyards bare most rule in the Castle, for no mā entred nor came out of the Castle but by them. When the moneth of Iuly came, corne began to fayle in Rome, and the pestilence began to waxe strong: wherfore the great ar∣my remoued to a place called Narma, xl. mile from Rome,* 1.14 leauing behind them such as kept the Byshop of Rome.

When they were departed, the Spanyards neuer were contented till they had gotten the Almaynes out of the Castle of S. Angell, and so they had the whole custody of the Pope. And thus much for the sacking of Rome. Ex Pa∣ralip. Abbat. Vrsper.

When the Cardinall heere in England, heard how hys father of Rome was taken prisoner,* 1.15 hee began to styrre coales, and hearyng of his captiuitie, he laboured with the King all that he might, to stirre hym vp, to fight with the sayd Pope against the Emperour, and to be a defendour of the Churche: whiche if hee would do, the Cardinall perswaded him that hee shoulde receiue great rewarde at Gods hand. To whome the King aunswered againe, and sayd in this maner: My Lord, I more lament this euill chaunce, then my tong can tell, but where you say I am y^e defendour of the faith, I assure you that this war betwene the Emperour & the Pope, is not for the faith,* 1.16 but for tēpo∣rall possessions and dominiōs, and now sith Pope Clemēt is taken by men of warre, what should I do? My person nor my people can not rescue him, but if my treasure may helpe him, take that which seemeth to you most cōuenient.

Thus the Cardinall, when he could not obteine at the Kings hands what he would, in stirring him vp to mor∣tall warre,* 1.17 he made out of y^e Kings treasure xij. score thou∣sand poundes, which he caried ouer the Sea with him. Af∣ter this, the Cardinall sent his commission as Legate, to all the Bishops, commaunding fastings and solemne pro∣cessions to be had, wherein they did sing the Letany after this sort, Sancta Maria, ora pro Clemente Papa. Sancte Petre, ora pro Clemente Papa, and so forth, all the Letanie.

This Cardinall passing the Seas with the foresayde summes of money, departed out of Callis, accompanyed with Cuthbert Tunstall Byshop of London, the Lorde Sandes the Kings Chamberlaine, the Earle of Darby, Syr Henry Guilford, and Syr Thomas Moore, wyth many other Knightes and Squiers, to the number of xij. hundred horse, hauing in his cariage lxxx. wagonnes, and threescore Moyles and sumpter horses.

It were long to discourse in this place, the manifold a∣buses and treasons, which he practised whē he came to the French Court at Amias, conuerting the greate summes of money,* 1.18 whiche before you heard he had obteined of the King, for the reliefe & raunsome of Pope Clement, which at that time was prisoner in the Emperours armye, and bestowed the same in the hyring of souldiers, & furnishing out the French Kings armye, appoynting also certayne English Captaynes in the King of Englandes name, to go against the Emperour, to rescue the Pope: all whiche army was payd with the King of Englands money.

Besides that, he priuely by his letters caused Clarenti∣us king of the armes, to ioyne with the French Herauld, and openly to defie the Emperour: whereby there began great displeasure to rise betwen y^e Emperour & the King, but that the Emperour of his politike nature would take no occasion of displeasure agaynst the Kyng of England.

Now agayne he vttered another of his practises, for v∣pon the sayd defiaunce, the Cardinall surmising & whispe∣ring in the Kings eare, that y^e Emperour had euill intrea∣ted and imprisoned the Kings Ambassadours in Spa••ne,* 1.19 caused Hugo de Mendosa the Emperours Ambassadour in England, to be attached & put in safe keeping, and hys house, with all his goodes to be seased. Which so remained,

vntill y^e manifest letters came of the gentle intreatye of the kings ambassadors in Spaine, & there was again set at li∣berty. When as the ambassador cōplained hereof to y^e Car∣dinal, he laid al the fault vpon Clarentius, laying also that Clarentius had defied y^e Emperor, w^tout the kings know∣ledge, at the request of the Herald of Frāce: wherfore at his returne,* 1.20 he should lose his head at Callis. Wherof Claren∣tius being aduertised by the captaine of Bayon, in hys re∣turne tooke shipping at Bullen, & so priuely came into En∣gland, and by meanes of certaine of his frends of y^e kings priuy chamber, hee was brought vnto the kings presence, before the Cardinal knewe of it, where as he shewed vnto y^e king, the Cardinals letters of Commission, and declared the whole order and circumstance of theyr gentle intreaty. When the king heard the whole circumstance thereof, and had a while mused thereupon, he sayde: O Lord Iesus, he that I trusted most, told me all these things contrary. Well Clarentius, I wil no more be so light of credēce hereafter: for now I ••ee wel that I haue bene made beleue the thing, that was neuer done, and from that time forwarde, y^e king neuer put any more confidence or trust in the Cardinall.

The cause why the Cardinal should beare the Emperor all this malice & grudge, after some wryters, it appeareth to be thus. At what time as Pope Clement was takē pri∣soner (as is before sayd) the Cardinal wrote vnto the Em∣peror, that he shuld make him Pope. But when he had re∣ceiued an answere that pleased him not, he waxed furious madde,* 1.21 and sought al meanes to displease the Emperour, wryting very sharpely vnto him, many manacing letters, that if he would not make him Pope, he would make such a ruffling betwene christian Princes, as was not this 100. yeares before, to make the Emperor repent, yea though it should cost the whole Realme of England.

Wherunto the Emperor made answer in a little booke, Imprinted both in Spanish and Dutch, answering vnto many manacings of the Cardinal, and diuers of his Arti∣cles: but specially to that his ruffling threate, wherein he manaced him, that if he wold not make him Pope: he wold set such a ruffling betwixte Christian Princes, as was not this 100. yeare, though it should cost the whole Realme of England. Wherunto the Emperor answering again, bid∣deth him looke wel about him,* 1.22 lest through his doings and attempts, he might bring▪ the matter in that case, y^t it shuld cost him the Realme of England in deede.

You haue heard before, howe that when Pope Clement was prisoner in the Emperors army, the Cardinal requi∣red the king, because he did beare the title of defendor of the faith, y^t he would rescue the Pope: also what the kings an∣swere was thereunto, and what summes of money he had obtained of the king. Nowe, because you shall not also be ignorant by what meanes and vppon what occasion this title of the defender of the faith was geuen vnto the King,* 1.23 we thinke it good somewhat to say in this place. When as Martin Luther had vttered the abhomination of the Pope and his clergy, & diuers bookes were come into England, our Cardinal here thinking to finde a remedy for that, sent immediately vnto Rome, for this title of defendour of the faith, which afterward the vicare of Croydē preached, that the kings grace would not lose it, for al London & 20. mile about it. Neither is it maruel, for it cost more then London & 40. mile about it, considering the great summes whyche you haue heard the Cardinal obtained of the King, for the Popes relief, beside the effusion of much innocent bloud.

When thys gloryous title was come from Rome, the Cardinall brought it vnto the kings grace at Grenewich, and though that the king had it already, and had read it, yet against the morning, were all the Lords and Gentlemen that could in so shorte space be gathered, sent for, to come & receaue it with honour. In the morning, the cardinall gate him through the backe side, into the Frier obseruants, and parte of the Gentlemen went round about and welcomed him from Rome, parte met him halfe way, and some at the Court gate. The king himselfe, mette hym in the hall, and brought him vp into a great chamber,* 1.24 whereas was a seat prepared on high, for the king and the Cardinall to sit on, whiles the Bull was read. Which pompe all men of wise∣dome and vnderstanding, laughed to scorne.

Thys done, the kyng went to hys Chappell to heare Masse accompanied with many nobles of his realme, and Ambassadours of sundry Princes. The Cardinall being reuested to sing masse, the earle of Essex brought the basen of water, the Duke of Suffolke gaue the assay, & the Duke of Norfolke held the towel, & so he proceded to masse. Whē masse was done, the bull was againe published, the trom∣pets blew, the shawmes and suckbuts played, in honor of the kings newe stile. Then the king went to dinner, in the midst wherof, the king of Herauldes and his company be∣ganne the largesse, crying:* 1.25 Henricus Dei gratia Rex Angliae & Franciae, defensor fidei & Dominus Hiberniae. Thus was all things ended with great solemnitie.

Not much vnlyke to thys, was the receyuing of the Cardinalles hatte, which when a ruffian had brought vn∣to him to Westminster, vnder his cloke, he clothed the mes∣senger in riche aray, and sent him backe againe to Douer: appoynting the Bishop of Canterbury to meete hym,* 1.26 and then an other companye of the Lordes and Gentlemen, I wote not how often, before it came to Westminster, where it was set vpon a cupbourd, and tapers rounde about it, so y^t the greatest Duke in the lande must make curtesie there∣uunto, and to his emptie seate, he being away.

And for somuch as we are in hande with the actes and doings of Cardinall Wolsey, among many other thyngs,* 1.27 whych of purpose we ouerpasse, this is not to be exempted out of memorie, touching hys vncourtuous or rather cur∣rish handling of Richard Pacie, Deane of Paules. Thys Pacie being the kinges Secretarie for the Latine tounge, was of such ripenes of wit, of learning & eloquence, also in forein lāguages so expert, that for the one he was thought most meete to succeede after Iohn Colet in the Deanery of Paules: beside which he was also preferred to the Deanry of Excetour. For the other he was sent in the kinges af∣fayres, Ambassadour to Uenice. Which function there he so discharged, that it is hard to say whether he procured more commendation, or admiration amōg the Uenetians, both for dexteritie of hys witte, and especially for the singulare promptnesse in the Italian toung, wherein hee seemed no∣thing inferior, neither to Peter Uanne here in Englande, the kings Secretary for the Italian toung, nor yet to any other, which were the best in that toung in all Uenice. For opinion & fame of lerning, he was so notoriously accepted, not onely here in England w^t Linacre, Grecinus, More, & other, but also knowen & reported abroad in such sort, that in all the great heap of Erasmus Epistles, he wrote almost to none, so many, as he wrote to thys Richard Pacie.

As the sayde Pacie was resident Ambassadour at Ue∣nice, the king hauing warre the same time,* 1.28 with Fraunces the French king (as is afore rehersed) through the conduc∣ting of the duke of Bourbon, whom he then waged w^t hys expenses, sent commandement to Pacie to geue attēdance to the duke of Bourbon,* 1.29 concerning the receite of that mo∣ney, and other necessities & exploits to that expedition ap∣pertaining. In the meane while, as the French king wyth his army, and the Duke of Bourbon were approchyng in battel together, neare about the citie of Pauia, it so hapned (some thinke through the craftie packing of the Cardinall) that the kings money was not so ready,* 1.30 as it was looked for. By reason wherof, y^e duke of Bourbon perceiuing his soldiors about to shrinke from him to the French king for lacke of paiment, called to him the Ambassador, cōplaining vnto him how the king of England had deceiued him, and broke promise with him, to hys great dishonor & vtter vn∣doing. &c. Pacie then being sure of the kings wil, and sus∣pecting the crafty fetch of the Cardinall, desired y^e duke not to take discomfort, nor any diffidence of the Kings assured promise, excusing the delay of y^e money, as wel as he could, by intercipation, or other causes by the way incident, ra∣ther then for any lacke of fidelitie on the kings behalfe: ad∣ding moreouer, that if it would please him happely to pro∣ceede, as he had couragiously begon,* 1.31 he should not stay for the kings mony: so sure he was of the kings mind therin, that he would supply the lacke of that paiment vppon hys owne credite, amongest his frendes at Uenice, and so did. Wherupon the soldiors being sufficiētly satisfied with pai∣ment of theyr wages, proceeded foorth wyth the Duke, vn∣to the battaile. In the which battaile, the foresayde French king, the same time, before the Citie of Pauie,* 1.32 was taken prisoner, as is afore declared. Which being eftsoones kno∣wen to the king of Englande, Pacie had bothe condigne thankes for his faithfull seruice, and also his money repaid againe with the vttermost, as he wel deserued. But as the laude, and the renowmed praise of men, for theyr woorthy prowesses, commonly in this world neuer go vnaccompa∣nied without some priuie canker of enuie and disdaine fol∣lowing after, so the singulare industrie of Pacie, as it wan much commendation with many, so it could not auoyd the secrete sting of some Serpents.* 1.33 For the conceiued hatred of this Cardinal so kindled against him, that he neuer ceased, till first he brought hym out of the kings fauour, and at last also, out of his perfect wittes.

The occasion howe hee fell beside hymselfe, was thys: for that the Cardinall after the death of Pope Adrian, ho∣ping no lesse, but that he should haue bene aduaunced vn∣to the Papacie, and yet missing thereof, hee supposed wyth him selfe, the faulte chiefly to rest in Pacies negligence, by

whose great witte and learning, and earnest meanes and sute, he thought easily he might haue acheued and compas∣sed the triple crowne. Wherfore he seing it otherwise come to passe, and inflamed against Pacie for the same, wrought such wayes and meanes, that by the space almoste of two yeares,* 1.34 Pacie continuing at Uenice, had neither wrytinge from the king, nor his counsaile, what he shuld do, nor yet any maner of allowaunce for his diet (although he wrote, and sent letters for the same to England very often) for the Cardinall had altogether incensed the king against hym. Whereupon the sayd Pacie tooke such an inward thoughte and conceite, that his wittes began to faile hym, he beynge notwithstanding in such fauour among the Senatours of Uenice,* 1.35 that neyther for gold nor siluer he could there haue lacked. By some it is reported, that the Uenitian Legate heere in Englande, comming to the Cardinall, required if he would commaunde any thyng to the Englishe Ambas∣sadour at Uenice.* 1.36 To whome he should aunswer agayne in high woordes, sayinge: Paceus decepit Regem. Whyche wordes comming to Pacies eares, so deepely pearced hys stomacke, that he fel quite besides himself. I hard it more∣ouer of an other thus testified, who had a brother the same time dwelling wyth Pacie: that the Cardinall, aboute the returning of Pacie from Uenice, sent him a letter so pow∣dered (wyth what spices I can not tell) that at the reading therof, Pacie then being in the fieldes, fell sodenly in such a mighty running, for the space of 2, miles, that his seruants had much a do, to take him, and bring him home.

This pitious case of Pacie was not a litle lamented by the whole Senate, and chiefe learned men in Uenice, in so much that the king was not onely certified therof by Tho∣mas Lupset (who then was chiefe man about Pacie,* 1.37 and his Secretarye, for that Ambassage) but also the sayde Se∣nate of Uenice wrote in such sharpe & vehement wise, vn∣to their Ambassador then being in England, that he should signifie to the king, touching Pacies case, that thereby the king knowing the trueth, and the whole circumstaunce of the matter, was not a litle sorowful therefore. Whereupon Pacie was forthwith sent for home, and when hee came to England, he was commanded by the king, to be specially well tended, & to lacke no keeping: In so much that within a small processe of time, he was pretely well come agayne to his wittes, & began to studie the Hebrew tongue, wyth Wakefield,* 1.38 so that (the Cardinall then being absent) suche waies was founde by his frendes, that he was brought to the king, lying then at Richmond, where he and the kynge secretely communed together, by the space of 2. houres and more,* 1.39 not wythout greate reioycing to the king, as it was perceiued, to see him so well amended, & returned to hym∣selfe againe, geuing likewise strait charge and commaun∣dement, that he should lacke nothing.

The Cardinall, being then not present, when he heard of this, fearing least he had disclosed somewhat to the king, which he woulde not haue knowen, and doubting that the king should cast his fauour agayne vnto Pacie, beganne wythin a while after, to quarrell, and pike matters, and to lay certaine things to Pacies charge, whereas hee rather shoulde haue cleared himselfe of those things, whyche Pa∣cie layd vnto him before the King, which was contrary to all good forme and order of iustice.* 1.40 For where the king had willed the Cardinall to try himselfe of those things, which Pacie had rightly charged him wythall, hee sittinge in iudgement with the Duke of Northfolke, and other states of the Realme, not as a defendent, but as a Iudge in hys owne cause, so bare out himselfe, and weied downe Pacie, that Pacie was commaunded to the tower of London, as prisoner: where he continued by the space of two yeares, or thereabout, and afterwarde by the kynges commaunde∣ment, was discharged. But he being there prisonner, was therewyth so deadly wounded, and strocken, that hee fell woorse from his wittes then euer he was before, beyng in such a phreuesie, or lunasie, that to hys dying day, he neuer came perfectly to himselfe againe. Notwythstanding, thys in hym was no perpetuall frensie, but came by fittes, and when the fitte was past, he coulde looke on his Booke, and reason and talke handsomely, but that nowe and then hee shewed his disease. And thus muche betweene the Cardi∣nall and Pacie.

By this storye of Pacie, and also by other places aboue mentioned, ye may partly conceiue, how greedy this Car∣dinal was, to be made pope. Touching which matter, here by the way somthing to entreat,* 1.41 first is to be vnderstāded, that forsomuche as Pacie either woulde not, or coulde not serue the Cardinals purpose herein, he thought to accom∣plysh hys desire, by other names, and namely by Steuen Gardiner, who was then shortly after, sent Ambassadour to Rome by the king and the Cardinal, in the time of pope Clement the 7. and that for two special causes: one was a∣bout the diuorcement, the other for promoting the Cardi∣nall to be Pope. As touchinge the diuorcemente, we will speake (the Lorde willing) heereafter. In the meane tyme, as concerning the aduauncement of the Cardinall, greate labour was made, as in letters may appeare sent from the Cardinall to the sayd Steuen Gardinar, in whych letters he did sollicite the sayd Gardinar, by all meanes, to pursue the sute, willing hym to sticke for no coste,* 1.42 so farre as sixe or seuen thousand poundes woulde stretche: for more hee sayd he would not geue for the triple crowne. Marke here (Christian Reader) what an holye Catholycke Churche thys is, whych rather may be called a Burse or Marte of Marchauntes (ne quid dicam durius) then any true fourme of a Church.

Manye, both of hys, and also of the kinges letters, I coulde heere inserte, but for growing of the volume, I let them passe. One for example sake, sent by the Cardinall to Gardiner, an other also from the king to the sayde Gardi∣nar, shall at this time suffice, concerning this matter. And first the Copie of the Cardinalles ambitious letter here, in forme foloweth.

¶The copie of an ambitious letter, wrytten by Thom. Wolsey, Cardinall of Yorke, vnto Stephen Gardiner, one of king Henries Oratours in the Court of Rome, for the procuring of the Papall dig∣nitie to the sayd Cardinall.

MAister Stephen, all be it ye shalbe sufficiently with your Col∣leages, by suche instructions as be geuen to Monsieur Vin∣cent, informed of the kings minde and mine, concerning my ad∣uauncement vnto the dignitye Papall, not doubting but that for the singular deuotion,* 2.1 whych you beare towardes the kynge and hys affaires, both generall and particular, and perfect loue, which ye haue towardes me, ye wyll omit nothyng that may be excogi∣tate to serue and conduce to that purpose, yet I thought conue∣nient for the more feruent expression of my mind in that behalf, to wryte vnto you, (as to the person whome I most entierlye doe trust, and by whom thys thyng shalbe most pithely sette foorthe) these fewe wordes folowing, of my owne hande. I doubt not but ye do profoundly consider, as well the state, wherein the Church and all Christendom doth stand now presently, as also the state of this Realme, and of the kings secrete matter, which if it should be broughte to passe,* 2.2 by any other meanes then by the authoritye of the Churche, I accompt this Prince and Realme vtterlye vndone. Wherfore it is expedient to haue such a one to be Pope and com∣mon father of all Princes, as maye, can, and will geue remedye to the premisses. And albeit I accompt my selfe muche vnhable, and that it shalbe now incommodious in thys myne old age, to be the sayde common father, yet when all thyngs be well pondered, and the qualities of all the Cardinalles well considered (Absit verbum iactantiae) there shalbe none found that can and will set remedye in the foresayde thynges, but onely the Cardinall of Yorke,* 2.3 whose good will and zeale is not to you of all men, vnknown. And were it not for the reintegration of the state of the Churche, and sea A∣postolicke to the pristine dignitie, and for the conducing of peace amongst Christian princes, and specially to relieue this Prince & realme from the calamityes that the same be nowe in, all the ri∣ches or honour of the worlde shoulde not cause me, Ne dum aspi∣rare, sed ne consentire, to accept the sayd dignitie, althoughe the same with all commodities were offered vnto me.

Neuerthelesse conformyng my selfe to the necessitie of the tyme, and the wiil and pleasure of these two Princes, I am cōtent to appone all my witte and study, and to set forth all meanes and wayes, Vt bene faciam rebus Christianitatis, for the atteyning of the sayd dignitie. For the atchieuyng and atteyning wherof, for as much as thereupon dependeth the health and wealth, not onely of these two Princes and their Realmes, but of all Christendome, nothyng is to be omitted that may conduce to the sayd ende and purpose. Wherefore M. Stephen, since you be so playnly aduerti∣sed of my mynde and intent, I shall pray you to extend, Omnes neruos ingenij tui, vt ista res ad effectū produci possit, nullis par∣cendo sumptibus, pollicitationibus, siue laboribus: ita vt hominū videris ingenia & affectiones, siue ad priuata, siue ad publica, sic accommodes actiones tuas. Non deest tibi & collegis tuis am∣plissima potestas, nullis terminis aut conditionibus limitata seu restricta, & quicquid feceris, scito omnia apud hunc regem & me esse grata & tuta. Nam omnia (vt paucis absoluam) in tuo inge∣nio & fide reposuimus. Nihil super est aliud scribendū, nisi quod supplex orem, vt omnes actiones tuas secundet Deus opt. maxi∣mus{que}, & ex corde vale▪

Ex edibus meis Westmonest. vij. Febr.

Tuae salutis & amplitudinis cupidissimus. T. Ebor.

After this letter of the Cardinall,* 2.4 consequently heere ensueth an other letter of the kynge, to the foresayde Ste∣phen Gardiner, and other his Oratours at Rome, contei∣ning suche instructions and documentes, as they shoulde practise with the Cardinalles of Rome, in canuesynge for

the sayde Thomas Wolsey Cardinall of Yorke, to be elec∣ted Pope, if Pope Clement were dead. Or if he were not dead, yet at least, to instructe them, what to doe, when hee should die.

The contents of the letter, albeit they include no great matter worthy our knowledge, nor greatly necessary for our story, yet for the ridiculous maner of the handling, and the curious secretariship therof, ful of glorious affectation, I thought it not heere vnmeete for the studies and appe∣tites of some, to exemplify the same, or at least, to make the reader some pastime by the way, in beholding the glorious stile of this vaine glorious Cardinal, being sute like to his glorious life. The copie of the letter, bearing the name of the king, but in deede sauouring altogether of the Cardi∣nals deuise and swelling vaine, doth thus procede in forme and stile, as followeth.

¶Instructions sent by the kings highnesse, to his trustie Counsailours and seruaunts,* 3.1 M. Stephen Gardiner, Doctor of both lawes, Syr Fraunces Bryan, Syr Gregory de Cassalis Knights, and M. Peter Vanne the kings Secretarie for the Italian toung, his ambas∣sadours in the Court of Rome, for the election of the Cardinal of Yorke, to the Papacie, if Pope Cle∣ment were dead.

FIrst, where as a good season since the depeache of M. Stephen Gardiner, an Ambassiate towardes the Courte of Rome, the kings highnes by sondry wayes, hath bene aduertised of the death of our holy father the Pope Clement of that name the 7. whose soule Iesu pardon,* 3.2 by meane wherof, the charge heretofore com∣mitted by his grace vnto his Orators, to haue ben now executed with the sayd late Pope, can not at his hands take effect, his high∣nesse pondering and profoundly considering, the present state of Christendom, miserably and piteously afflicted wyth the intestine warres, dissentions, and discords, reigning amongst the Princes of the same, and how the dignity of the sea Apostolicke, by such tro∣ble and persecution, as hath bene inferred therunto, these yeares passed, is not a little diminished and empaired, like to come to to∣tal ruine, if by the helpe & assistance of good and vertuous Prin∣ces,* 3.3 the ambition of those, which studye the exterminion thereof, be not in time repressed: considering furthermore, that as well to conduce rest and tranquillitie in Christendome, as to restore, re∣paire, and reintegrate the state, authoritye, and reputation of the sayd sea Apostolicke, nothing is more requisite & necessary, then that such a head and common father, be now at this time of vaca∣tion of the dignitie Papal, prouided and elected to succede in the same, as both may, can, and will puruey to the restauration of the said Sea, and that hath, and may haue the assistance of such vertu∣ous and puissant Princes, as tēder the defence, maintenance, and encrease of the dignitie aforesayde, and that may meete with the inordinate ambition of the Emperour, who nothing more study∣eth, then for his owne exaltation, to suppresse the Church & Sea Apostolicke: remembring also the high importance of the kinges great and weighty cause of matrimony, committed to the charge of his sayd Orators,* 3.4 and how manifolde dangers and irreparable damages depend vpon the tracte, delay, or disappoyntment there∣of, which by no way or meane can be conduced to the kings pur∣pose, and desire by the authority of the Church, but onely by spe∣ciall, assured, and perfect fauour of the head of the same Churche, his highnes also being as loth as any liuing Prince or person may be, to recurre vnto other refuge, succour or remedy in his sayde cause, then to the authoritie of the Sea Apostolicke, if his grace may there finde the fauour and benignitie, that to his merites to∣wardes the same be correspondent, of which fauour his highnesse shoulde be clearely depriued and frustrate, in case the election of the future Pope, should passe vpon any person, of whom his grace were not perfectly assured: his highnes for the respects and consi∣derations before specified, perceiuing his good brother and per∣petuall alye the Frenche king, in the sayde intention to be vnite, knitte, and in all actions and doings of importaunce, assuredly combined vnto his grace, proceeding together in one wil, minde, purpose, and conformitie, hath by good and mature deliberation, studied deuised, and excogitate with himselfe, who were & might be the most able, meete, and conuenient person, hauing the quali∣ties before specified, to be aduaunced at this time, vnto the sayde dignitie Papall. And finally, when his grace hath well reuolued with himselfe, all the respects and considerations aforesayde, no∣ting also al things meete to be regarded in euery of the Cardinals of the Church of Rome, both present now in the Court there, and absent from the same, it can not be found that there is any person sufficiently furnis••ed, with the requisites before specified, but on∣ly the most reu••rend father in God, and his most trusty Counsel∣lour, the Lord Legate Cardinall, Archbishop of Yorke, Primate & Chauncellour of this Realme: Who being well knowen to haue as feruent zeale, studie, minde, and desire, to the vniuersall weale, repose, and tranquillitie of Christendome, to the reintegration & restauration of the dignity, authority, reputation,* 3.5 & rightes of the Churche and sea Apostolicke, to the surety, weale, and exaltation of the kings highnes, the French king, & other their confederates, and finally to the perfection of the kings sayde great and waightie cause, whereupon dependeth the surety of his royall persone, suc∣cessiō, Realme, people, & dominions, as any person liuing can or may haue, & that the sayd most reuerēd father hath the fast assured fauor herein of the sayd Frēch king (who of his owne mere moti∣on hath frankly and liberally, offred vnto hym all that by himself, his frendes, his power, his agentes, or otherwise hee may, or can possible doe for his auancement to the sayd dignitie Papal) is the person, who for his singular vertue, his entire deuotion to peace, and restauration of the saide Sea, the excellency of his wisedome, learning and experience,* 3.6 the magnanimitie in his actions and do∣ings, the dignitie wherin he is already constitute, the promotions whych he hath attained, the substance that he is of, his reputation, his conduite, his diligence, hys dexteritie, his discretion, his polli∣cie, and finally the notable and high fauor that the kings highnes and the sayde French king beare vnto him, is onely, that he called to the sayd dignity Papall, may, can, and will meete with the inor∣dinate ambition of the sayd Emperour, and consequently with e∣stablishment of tranquilitie amongst Christen Princes••,* 3.7 is by the assistance of his frendes, meete, conuenient, and able to succour, relieue, and clerely to repaire the piteous iacture and decay, that the Church & Sea Apostolicke hath so long suffered, & to defend the same from the imminent danger now apparant to ensue, if the sayde Emperour (who as the kings highnes is assertained) deter∣mined in the beginning of Ianuary now passed, to take his iourny towardes Rome, should vpon this vacation of the said Sea, chaun∣ced (as it vpon many euident presumptiōs to be thought, by some detestable acte committed, for the sayde late Popes destruction) now by force, violence, cautele, blandishing, promises, or other∣wise, haue the election to proceede at hys wil, fauor, & deuotion: wherby, hauing a Pope at his * 3.8 arbitre, either he should not faile to vsurpe & take from him the rights, prouents, & patrimony of the Churche, vsing him as hys chaplaine and vassal, or els by litle and litle vtterly to exclude and extinct him and hie authoritie.

For this cause, if euer it were expedient that good Christen Princes looke to the tuition, maintenance, defence, and continu∣ance of Christes Churche, faith and religion, nowe is it the time aboue all other, to prouide and beware by all wayes possible, least the same neglected, forgotten and not in time relieued, be broght vnto extreme * 3.9 ruine. And therefore the kings highnesse hauing singular & special trust and confidence in the wisedomes, discre∣tions, fidelities, diligences and circumspections of his sayd Ora∣tors, (to whom no part of the premisses is vnknowen, ne how ne∣cessary, & in any wise expediēt it shalbe for perfectiō of the kings sayd great and * 3.10weighty matter to them committed, to haue the sayde Lord Legate of Yorke, & none other, aduanced to the sayd dignitie Papall) willeth, desireth, ordaineth, & expresly chargeth and commaundeth hys sayd Oratours, and euery of them, no lesse to employ, endeuour, and determine themselues, to sollicite, set forth, further, promote, labour and conduce the aduancement of the sayd Lord Legate of Yorke, to that dignitie, then they woulde that thing, which the kings highnes most highly, next God & hys soule, with all earnestnes and feruent minde, doth aboue all other things, couete and desire, and also no lesse then they woulde the speedy obtaining and perfection of all such thinges, touching the kings sayde weighty matter committed to their charges: the ma∣king or marring wherof, being now the sayde late Pope deceased, consisteth onely in the aduauncement of the sayde Lord Legate of Yorke, to the dignitie Papall.

For (as the kings sayd Ambassadours may by their wisedomes well thinke and consider the same must of necessitie come, & for∣tune either to one that is an assured frende to his grace and the French king, or to one that is a manifest ennemye to them, fauou∣ring the Emperours part, or to one indifferent & meane betwene both. And if it should chaunce vpon a manifest ennemy, it is eui∣dent that the kings desire at hys hand were merely impossible to be had, and neuer were to be accepted that way If it should come to one being indifferent & meane betweene both, it is more then notorious, that his grace at the least, shoulde be contained wyth faire wordes and promises, and yet such respect should be had to the Emperour, that finally vnder hope of obtaining some thynge, there shoulde be no more but tracte, delay, and finally no manner fruite nor effecte: whereof experience hath already bene seene in one that had cause to be more frendly to the king, then indifferēt or meane betwene both, & yet how long the matter hath depen∣ded, is to the kings said Ambassadors wel knowē. So that of neces∣sity this thing must be conduced to one that is an assured frende. Then noting substantially the things necessary to concur in suche a frend, both for the weale of christendō, the reliefe of the Church, the firm adhering to the kings highnes & the French K. with other their confederates, & the perfit cōducing of the kings great mater which suffreth no tract, delay, or negatiue: it shalbe foūd that ther is none other for thys purpose, but only the said L. legate of York.

The kyngs sayd Ambassadours shal therefore plant the foun∣dation of all their studie, labour, & solicitation, onely to that pur∣pose. And for the better introduction of the wayes and meanes, howe this thing shall be sollicited, they shall receiue heerewyth a scedule, wherein is mentioned and noted by name, how many & what Cardinalles of likelihoode, shall be present at the election, and how many and which of the other, shalbe absent. Semblably, howe many of them that be like to he present, may be thought to be frends to the kings highnes and the French king, whose names in the sayd scedule be noted with A. and howe many are thought to be Imperiall,* 3.11 whose names be noted with B. In the same sce∣dule be also set out the number, and names of those that be thou∣ght to be neutrall or indifferent, marked with N. And further∣more, they be first mentioned therein, which be thought most like to aspire vnto that dignity.

Herein be many things well to be regarded. First the number of the Cardinals that are like to be present, whiche (as is thought here) shall not exceede 39. Secondly, that to haue election to the kings purpose, shall be requisite to haue 2. partes of the 3. of the sayd number, which 2. partes must be 26. Then is it to be noted, that they which be thought to be frendes to the kings highnesse and the Frēch king, be in number 20. So that if they may be made sure to the kings deuotion, there shall lacke but 6. of the number which shall suffice to make the election: which number the kings sayd Ambassadours shall moue, winne and attaine, either of them that be thought to be indifferent, or some other.

In the conducing whereof, two wayes be specially to be re∣membred.* 3.12 One is, if the Cardinals present, hauing God & the ho∣ly Ghost before them, shalbe mineded (as to their duetie appertai∣neth) to haue respect vnto the present calamitie of the Churche, and all Christendome, intending the reliefe, succour, and restau∣ration of the same, and to preserue themselues, and the dignitie of the sea Apostolicke, then looking profoūdly vpon the state of the things, they can not faile * 3.13 facily of themselues, to finde and per∣ceiue, that to conduce their purpose, there is onely the said Lord Legate of Yorke. And in this case, it is verely to be thought, that very reason it selfe, and their owne conscience shal lead them like vertuous fathers, to haue their principall respecte heereunto, and (particular affections set a parte) to accorde and agree wythout difficultie, to that, which so manifestly is knowen to be the thyng, aboue all other, expedient. Neuertheles, because percase humaine fragilitie suffereth not all things to be pondered, trutinate, and weyed in iust balance, but that (as we be men) errours may runne, vnlesse then remedy be prouided: it appe••taineth in matter of so high importaunce, to the comfort and releue of all Christendom, to succour the infirmitie, that may chaunce, not for corruption or to any peruerse, vnlefull, or euill entent, but rather to helpe to the lackes and defaultes, which by suche fragilitie might else take place: and therefore expedient shall it be, that the kings sayde O∣ratours,* 3.14 to so notable a purpose, where they shall perceiue the cō∣sideration and respect whereunto reason leadeth, to be in any part to be aided or supplied, doe the same with pollicitations of pro∣motions, spirituall offices, dignities, rewardes of money, or other things, such as to them shal seeme meete to the purpose: inculking into the mindes of such persones as shall be requisite, firste what things the sayd Lorde Legate of Yorke shall leaue, if he shoulde be aduaunced to the sayde dignitie, which be suche as the establish∣ment of his state considered, be farre more to his commoditie (if he should regarde his priuate weale) then to enter into thys dan∣gerous storme, and troublous tempest, for the relief of the church and al Christendom, whereunto (his said priuate weale set a part) he is totally deuoued and dedicate, to the exposition of his body, bloud, and life, glad and ready with the sacrifice thereof, to do ser∣uice to God, his church, his faith and religion: which sayde pro∣motions, the kings highnesse finding cause geuen vnto him, by the gratitude and conformity of his frendes, will not faile to bestowe to their benefite, besides large rewardes, to haue thys so vertuous an acte brought to perfection. For policitation wherof, the kings sayd Ambassadors be furnished at this time, with ample Commis∣sion, as by the same they shall perceiue: the effect wherof they shall execute without exception, as by their wisedomes shall be thou∣ght conuenient, so alwayes as it be done wyth such circumspecti∣on, as may be apparaunce of good fruite to ensue. And semblably they be furnished with letters, as well to the Colledge of Cardi∣nals in generall, as to them all that be like to be present in parti∣cular: which they shall nowe deliuer to the best furtheraunce and auauncement of their purpose, not sparing to declare vnto them the liberalitie of the said Lord Legate of Yorke, the substance that he is of, the assured assistāce that he shall haue of these Princes & their confederates, whereby he shall be able aboue any other that they can deuise, to rewarde, promote, aduaunce, and recompence his frendes to the vttermost, assuring them that these two Princes will not faile also highly and in the best sort, to consider their gra∣titudes, with any thing that they may excogitate to their profites and promotions,* 3.15 or any of their frends. So that by this meane, and with such good pollicitations, grounded vpon a leful, honorable, and iust cause, and not vpon any corrupt or indue intent, to con∣duce things to sinister purpose, the kings sayd Oratours by theyr good pollicies shall attaine the perfite and sure good will of a great many of them,* 3.16 and by that way shall with good dexteritie combine and knit those which will adhere hereunto, in a perfite fastnesse, and in an indissoluble knot, firmely to sticke and holde together, without variation or declining from their purpose, for any perswasion, practise, or meane, that can be made to the con∣trary. Which thing surely to be prouided, and suche a knot of 20.18. or at the least if it may be, of 16. Cardinals to be had, is in any wise expedient. For they persisting in their determination, shall not faile to impeach, that no aduerse part can haue a full nūber to make a due and lawfull election. And yet they being founde in a constantnesse to this good purpose, shall by little and little allure and bring other vnto them, so as the residue perceiuing so greate a towardnesse, and fearing a sufficient number * 3.17to accede without them, and thereby the election to passe against their wils, shal per∣case be the more prone and ready to come vnto that party: wher∣unto nothing shoulde of reason sooner moue them, then the very respect to the infinite goodnes, that therby to themselues in par∣ticular, and the vniuersall church and religion in general, is appa∣rant to ensue.

Neuerthelesse, if leauing the directe way, they will be abused with any other incantations,* 3.18 or for priuate ambition persiste in contending for themselues, then is it euident, they search nothing more then the ruine of the See apostolicke. In whiche case other wayes be to be deuised, and their * 3.19 indue demeanour to be reme∣died & resisted. For this cause, and to be sure in all euēts, the kings sayd Oratours shall by their wisedomes finde the meanes to haue some fast and sure persons in the Conclaue, such as may not only practise and set foorth things there to the purpose, but also geue such knowledge outwarde, as the kings sayd Oratours may ther∣by the better know how to order their procedings. And amongst other it is thought that Monsieur de Vaulx, one of the Frenche Ambassadors, (whom the French king hath commanded expresly to further this matter, by all the meanes to him possible) shoulde be one to enter the sayde Conclaue, not as an ambassadour, but as the minister of some Cardinal, frend of the French king. And sem∣blably sir Gregory de Cassalis, who for his wisedome, conduite, language, acquaintance, and other good qualities, may do excel∣lent good in that behalfe.

And in this matter it is to be considered,* 3.20 that since this electi∣on in the person of the sayd Lord Legate of Yorke, by one way or other suffereth no negatiue, all be it the kings highnesse trusteth that the same shall haue his course directly: yet if for lacke of grace or entendement, there should be any dispaire thereof, other wayes be to be prouided. And for that cause to shewe the sayde Orators secretely, there is a protestation passed by the Cardinals being in England and in France, according to a copie whych the sayd O∣ratours shall receiue herewith, which is and shall be kept secreate, vnles then by the indue proceeding vsed in the election, the same shall neede to be published. So that the kings sayd Oratours now aduertised thereof, shall note for a speciall grounde, that if it shall appeare that the election can not be had in the person of the sayd Lord Legate of Yorke, the bande and number vnite and knitte to∣gether to the kings deuotion, in finding none other remedy, must be instructed before hande in that case, to persist in their determi∣nation, and when time shalbe, by reason of such dispair, to protest, grounding the same their protestation vpon such respects, as can not lacke to be introduced for the auoiding of the extreme daun, gers by the pertinacitie & wilfulnes of the aduerse Cardinals, im∣minent to the ruine of the Church, and of all Christendom: which protestation may before hand be couched and deuised by the said M. Steuen Gardiner,* 3.21 and by the pollicie of the sayde Monsieur de Vaulx, and sir Gregory, be set forth in time conuenient: and ther∣upon the Cardinals of the kings and the French kings adherents, to departe the Conclaue, whereby, repairing to other sure place, they with the residue of the cardinals absent, may procede to such an election, as may be to Gods pleasure, the weale of his Church, and faith, and of all Christendome, any election that thus by per∣tinacitie may ensue at Rome, notwithstanding.

And to the entent the Cardinals may be the better animated to finish the said election to the kings desire,* 3.22 the kings sayde Ora∣tours shall as they see good, offer them a presidie of ij or iij.M. men to be in the Citie of Rome, for the time of the same election, which if they will accept, the said Oratours shall see furnished, ta∣king money by exchange and otherwise, for their entertainment, as shall be requisite. Which money or any other that they shal take for conducing this the kinges purpose, shall bee truely repayde, with * 3.23 inpesse and all requisites as they shall assigne. And sem∣blably, least terrours or dread of the Imperials in Naples, shoulde induce the Cardinalles to any errour, the Frenche king hathe or∣deyned that Seignior Renzio shall lie in a presidye, betweene the armye of Naples and the Citie of Rome, like as the Vicecounte of Tureine is also commaunded to lye on the other side, and sem∣blably, the Venetians. So that by those meanes not onely they shall be out of all feare of the Imperialles, but also in the more de∣uotion of these two Princes, whiche shall muche conferre to the

kings purpose, and embolden the Cardinals fauouring the desire of these two princes, both to persist in their deliberation, and also in time of extreme dispaire, to protest and depart, as is aforesayd.

And because nothing shoulde withdrawe the mindes of the Cardinals from this purpose, who percase might thinke that the sayde L. Legate of Yorke being elected, woulde not repaire to the court of Rome, but * 3.24 demore in Auinion or some other place, out of Italie, the kings sayde Ambassadours shall remoue all such sus∣pitions, by two euident arguments and reasons One is, that the sayde Cardinall of Yorke aduanced to that dignitie,* 3.25 must thereby leaue all other his promotions, and consequently shoulde be dis∣purueyed of any habitation, place, or conuenient liuing, if remai∣ning in an other strange countrey, he should deferre to come vn∣to Rome, where should be the place of his See, and entire liuinge. Wherefore it were farre from reason, to thinke that he whych hy∣therto for his estate hath liued in such aboundance, shoulde be so * 3.26 pusillanime for this promotion, to bring himselfe into condigne penury and pouerty, or to liue in place priuate, to the hinderance of his honour, profite, or reputation. Secondly, the thing princi∣pally moouing him to be contented at these princes requestes,* 3.27 to chaunge his state present, is the feruent zeale hee hath to expone his study, trauaile, labour, substance, witte, body, bloud, and life in the quarell of Gods Churche, faith, and of Christendome, which is too high an exception and a ground to be taken, to remaine and lie in a corner or priuate place: but that rather then he would suf∣fer so high an exception to be found in him, he would expone all that he might do, who hauing the assistance of these two Princes should not faile (God willing) to passe directly to his See, wyth honour and comfort vnto al Italie,* 3.28 and the discourage of the par∣ty that would be aduerse thereunto: And therefore the Cardinals shoulde not neede to feare of any such thing, but might be well as∣sured to haue his presence there to their comforte, in all celeritie and diligence posible.

Furthermore, to the entent the kynges sayde Ambassadours may haue all the frendes that may be,* 3.29 to this purpose, expedient it shall be, that they with the Venetians, the Florentines, the Duke of Ferrare, and all other whome they shall thincke good to winne vnto their partie, vse the waies that may best conduce thereunto. And amongst other, forasmuch as they which depended vpon the Cardinall de Medices, shall doubte in this case to be reiecte, the kings sayde Oratours shal inculke vnto them the singulare deuo∣tion and speciall fauour that the sayd Lord Legate of Yorke hathe alwayes borne vnto their family, assuring them that hee will take them in no further distaunce of entire loue,* 3.30 then they were wyth Pope Leo, Clement, or any other And semblably, they shall put the Florentines in comfort of the exclusion of the gouernance of the sayd familye de Medices in Florence, and of their enioying of their libertie: Likewise putting the Cardinals in perfecte hope of recouery of the patrimonies of the Churche: to containe the Ve∣netians in good trust of a reasonable way to be taken for Saruia, and Rauenna, to their contentment: and also to shewe the Duke of Ferra••e, howe the sayd L. Legate was the meane of the coniun∣ction of him in league with the Frenche king, with assured pro∣mise of his continuance, in as much loue and fauour as hee maye beare vnto him, in all his causes & affaires. And thus hauing those folkes to their frendes, whose Oratours shall haue the vttermoste custodye of the Conclaue, and the kings Ambassadours, and the French Ambassadours being in the interiour partes thereof, they being so amply instructed and furnished, shall not faile (God wil∣ling) by one or other of the sayde two wayes, and specially by the direct election at Rome, if it be possible, or at the least by the way of the sayde protestation and departure of the Cardinall, to con∣duce the kings purpose in the sayd election, to the desired ende. In the doinge whereof, albeit there is no doubt, but that the Frenche Oratours will ioyne with them sincerely,* 3.31 to the perfection of the premisses, in omnem euentum, it shallbe well done that the kyngs sayd Oratours haue a substantiall and politike regard to the pro∣ceeding of the same Frenche Oratours, least that if percase they shoulde finde any dispaire in the election to passe in the person of the sayd Lord Legate of Yorke, they making some other Cardinals to their side, for the aduauncement of any of them to the sayde di∣gnity, should be the more, straunge, aliene, or peraduenture refuse to come vnto the sayde protestation and departure oute of the Conclaue, which is the onely remedy and refuge (the Cardinalles persisting in their wilfulnesse) to interrupt, disappoynte, infringe, and make voide their election.

* 3.32One other thing there is to be wel noted by the sayde ambas∣sadours, and by them to be inculcate in the mindes of the Cardi∣nals, that if any maner of difficulty shall be made by the Imperials to condescend vnto this election vpon the sayd L. Legate of York, and that they of the Emperours part, wold refuse alwaies of good order and reason, proceeding to any election without the con∣sent of the residue that would protest, they may be sure that vnto their sinister and indue way they should haue no Prince or Poten∣tate adherente,* 3.33 but onely the Emperour and his brother, and that the other part should haue the rest of all Christendome, that is to say, the kings highnes, the French king, the king of Hungarie, Po∣lonie, Scotland, and Denmarke, with the Venetians, the Dukes of Ferrare, Millan, the Florentines, and the rest of all Italye, besides the marchants of the Almaine or Hanse, and other leagues beyng in the dominion of the sayde king of Polonie: and ouer that the king of Portugale, who is loth and sory to see the Emperor come vnto so great hyght as he aspireth vnto. So that hauing these migh¦ty and noble puissances to their assistaunce, and the corroborati∣on of their acte, it is facile to thinke the other could be of no va∣liditie, ne haue or take any manner of place: whiche is no small grounde whereuppon the sayde Cardinals may be the better ani∣mate to the kings and the French kings sayde deuotion, and ther∣fore it is to be imprinted in their mindes accordingly.

Finally, if the kings sayde Orators endeuoring them selues to the conducing of the sayd election in the person of the sayd L. Le∣gate of Yorke, should at the last finde out that there were none o∣ther difficulty, but only that the electiō in his person being total∣ly desperate,* 3.34 the same were conducible to the Cardinall Campe∣gius: then, rather thē al should faile, if the other could by no mea∣nes be brought to passe, the kings pleasure is, that being assured it may, the other lacking, be conduced to the same Cardinall Cam∣pegius, they take such waye as in that case the protestation be su∣borne, and for the last refuge, if the other may not be, the election at the least to passe in the person of the said Cardinal Campegius: whereof there is no apparance, considering that the respectes for the which the said lord Legate of Yorke, shoulde by the kings and the French kings meanes be brought heereunto, do for the grea∣test part faile and cease by the election of any other then himself, which is in thys case to be remembred accordingly.

Thus be the kings sayd Oratours instructed as farre as mans reason can here deuise, what is to be done for cōducing the kings purpose to effect, knowing wel of what importaunce the thing is, and what consequences depende vpon it, namely for the perfecti∣on of the kings high and waightye matter, which otherwise then by election of the sayde Lorde Legate of Yorke, hath no manner way to be conduced by authoritye of the See Apostolike. There resteth no more but they, who well knowe the same great matter, to suffer no nay ne repulse, but by the election in the persone of the sayd L. Legate doe imploy the vttermost that in their heartes, powers, wittes, bodies, and mindes that may be, to the perfection thereof, whereby they shall doe the greatest seruice that can be, for this time excogitate to doe vnto their Prince, deserue immor∣tall laude, thankes, and praise, and be sure to consecute thereby such rewarde, as shall be to their comforts, reioyce, and honoure, besides manifolde other notable goodnesses, whereof they shalbe the procurers and soliciters, to their merite perpetual. All whych they may be sure shalbe considered accordingly.

Out of the Original, subscribed by king Henry the eight his owne hand.* 3.35

In these so great labors, pursuits, & trauailes of y^e king & of the Cardinall, as in these their instructions aboue in∣serted, may appeare, thou hast for thine instruction (louing reader) to note & learne howe man purposeth one thyng, & howe God disposeth another. For the kings purpose was to haue the Cardinal & Legate of Yorke placed in the See Papal,* 3.36 thinking by that meanes if thys Cardinal had ben pope, y^e cause of his diuorce more easily might be compassed which otherwise he thought vnpossible to contriue. But God omnipotent, which only is directour of all affaires, brought it otherwise to passe, not as the king deuised, but after his owne wisedome, so that both the diuorcemēt was concluded, and yet neither Cardinall Wolsey made Pope, nor yet Pope Clement was dead. Yea, so he ruled the ma∣ter, that notw^tstanding Pope Clement was aliue, yet both the diuorce proceeded, and also the Popes authoritye was therby vtterly extinct and abolished out of this Realme of England, to the singular admiration of Gods wondrous workes, and perpetuall praise to his mercifull goodnes. Of which diuorcement, and suppressing of the Popes authori∣ty, we haue likewise to make declaration. But first, as we haue begun with the Cardinall of Yorke, so we will make an ende of him. That done, we will (God willing) addresse our selfe to other matters of more importance.

As the ambassadours were thus trauailing in Rome to promote the Cardinall to be Pope, althoughe the Pope was not yet dead, in the meane time the Cardinall played the Popish persecuter here at home.* 3.37 For first hee sitting in his Pontificalibus, in the Cathedrall Churche of Paules, vnder his cloth of estate of rich cloth of golde caused Frier Barnes, an Augustine Frier, to beare a fagot, for certayne poyntes, which he called heresie. Also hee caused the same two marchants of the stilliarde likewise to beare fagottes, for eating fleshe on a friday. At the which time the Byshop of Rochester made a sermon in reproofe of M. Luther, who had before wrytten agaynst the power of the B. of Rome. This bishop in his sermon spake so muche of the honoure

of the Pope and his Cardinals, and of their dignitie and preeminence, that he forgate to speake of the Gospel which he tooke in hande to declare, which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1526.

* 3.38After this the said Cardinall likewise. An. 1528. and in the moneth of Nouemb. sitting at Westminster, as legate, called before him the whole Cleargie, and there promysed that all abusions of the church shuld be amended, but there nothing els was done, saue onely he caused to be abiured, Arthur Bilney, Geffrey Lome, and Garret, for speakinge against the Popes authoritie, and his pompous pride. Of whome more shalbe sayd (the Lord assisting vs) hereafter. And this was, An. 1528.

* 3.39The yeare next following, which was An. 1529. began the question of the kings mariage to be reuiued. Wherup∣on Cardinal Campegius was sent againe into Englande from Rome,* 3.40 for the hearing and debating of the matter. Who then with Cardinall Wolsey consulting with y^e king, although at first he seemed with his felow Cardinal, to in∣cline to the kings disposition, yet afterward perceiuing the sequele of the case, whether it tended so farre, as peraduen∣ture might be the occasion of a blot to the court of Rome,* 3.41 and might shake perhaps the chaire of the Popes omni∣potent authoritie, as wel in other cases like, if this one case were throughly decided by learning, and trueth of Gods word: he therefore slipping his necke out of the collar, craf∣tily shifted him selfe out of the Realme, before the day came appoynted for determination, leauing his suttle felowe be∣hinde him, to wey with the king in the meane time, while the matter might be brought vp to the court of Rome. The king thus seeing himselfe disappoynted, foded wyth false promises, and craftily doubled withal by the Cardinalles, and at last after so many delaies and long expectation, no∣thing to be concluded, was sore agreeued in his mind with them, but especially with Cardinall Wolsey, whom he had before so highly exalted, and promoted to so many greate dignities, as to the Archbishoprike of York, the bishoprike of Winchester,* 3.42 of Duresme, the abby of S. Albons, besides the Chancelorship of England, and many other high rou∣mes & preferments in the realme, which caused him clearly to cast him out of his fauour, so that after that time he neuer came more to the kings presence. Ex Hallo.

Then folowed first a counsaile of the nobles, called the first of Octob.* 3.43 During the which counsaile, all the Lordes and other the kings Counsaile agreeing together, resorted to Windsore to the king, and there informed the king, that all things which he had done almost, by his power Legā∣tine, were in the case of the Premunire, and prouision: and that the Cardinall had forfaited all his lands,* 3.44 tenements, goods, and cattels to the king: wherefore the king willing order to him, according to the order of his lawes, caused his attourney Christopher Hales to sue out a Wryt of Pre∣munire against him, in the which he licenced hym to make an Attourney.

And further, the 17. day of Nouember hee sent the two Dukes of Norffolke & Suffolke,* 3.45 to his place at Westmin∣ster, to fetch away the great Seale of England, whyche he was lothe to deliuer, if there had bene any remedie, but in conclusion he deliuered it to the two Dukes, which deliue∣red the same to Doctor Tailour, Maister of the Rolles, to carie it to the king, which so did the next day.

Besides this, the king sent Syr William Fitzwilliams Knight of the Garter, and Treasurer of his house, and do∣ctor Steuen Gardiner, newly made Secretary, to see that no goodes should be embesiled oute of his house:* 3.46 and fur∣ther, ordeined y^t the Cardinal should remoue to Asher, be∣side Kingston, there to tary the kings pleasure, and to haue all things deliuered to hym, which were necessary for him, but not after his olde pompous and superfluous fashyon, for all hys goodes were seased to the kinges vse. When the Seale was thus taken from the Cardinall,* 3.47 the Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke, wyth many Earles, Byshops, and Barons came into the Starre chamber, the xix. day of October, where the Duke of Norffolke declared that the kings highnesse, for diuers and sundry offences: had taken from hym his great Seale, and deposed him of all offices, and lest men might complaine for lacke of iustice, he had a∣pointed him and the Duke of Suffolke, with the assent of the other Lordes, to sitte in the Starre chamber, to heare and determine causes indifferently, and that of all thyngs the kings pleasure and commaundement was, that they should keepe their hands close from any rewards taking, or maintenance: and so that weeke they sate in the Starre chamber, and determined causes.

* 3.48A fewe dayes after in the same moneth, the Cardinall remooued out of hys house, called Yorke place, wyth ••ne Crosse, saying, that he woulde he had neuer borne more, meaning that by his crosse, that which he bare as Legate, which degree taking, was hys confusion, as you see open∣ly: and so hee tooke his barge, and went to Pueney by wa∣ter, and there tooke his horse and roade to Asher, where he remained till Lent after.

During which time, hee being called on for an aun∣swere in the kings Bench, to the Premunire, for geuing be∣nefices by preuention, in disturbance of mens inheritance, and diuers other open causes in the Premunire, accordynge to the kings licence, constituted Iohn Scute & Edmonde Ienny, Apprentises of the lawe, his attourneys, whych by his owne warrant signed w^t his hand, confessed all thyngs concerning the said suit, for they were too open to be cloked or hidden, and so iudgement was geuen, that hee shoulde forfeite all his landes, tenements, goodes, and cattels, and shoulde be put oute of the kings protection: but for al that, the king sent him a sufficient protection, and of hys gentle∣nes left to him the bishoyprikes of Yorke and Winchester, and gaue to hym plate and stuffe conuenient for hys de∣gree,* 3.49 and the Bishoprike of Duresme he gaue to Doctour Tonstall Bishop of London, and the Abbey of S. Albo∣nes he gaue to the Priour of Norwich, and to London he promoted Doctour Iohn Stokesley, then Ambassadoure to the vniuersities, for the marriage, as you hearde before. For all this kindnesse shewed to the Cardinall, yet still hee maligned against the king, as you shal hereafter perceiue, but first we will proceede in the course of these matters, as they passed in order.

The next yeare following, whych was,* 3.50 Anno 1530. in the moneth of Nouemb. was summoned a generall parla∣ment, to be holden at Westminster. In the which yeare, a∣bout the 23. day of October,* 3.51 the king came to his manor of Grenwich, and there much consulted wyth his Counsaile, for a meete man to be his Chauncelour, so that in no wise he were no man of the Spiritualtie, and so after longe de∣bate, the king resoluted him selfe vpon sir Thomas Moore knight, Chauncelor of the Duchy of Lancaster,* 3.52 a man wel learned in the tonges, and also in the common law: whose wit was fine, and full of imaginations, by reason whereof hee was a litle too muche geuen to mocking, more then be∣came the person of M. More: and then on the Sonday, the 24. day of the same moneth, the king made him his Chaun∣celor, and deliuered him the great seale, which Lord Chan∣celor the next morow after, was ledde into the Chancerye, by the two Dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke, and there sworne, and then the Mace was borne before him.

Of this fall of the Cardinall, and of the placing of Syr Thomas More in the Chauncelorship, Erasmus in an E∣pistle to Iohn Uergera thus wryteth: The Cardinall of Yorke hath so offended the kings minde,* 3.53 that he being tur∣ned out of his goodes and all his dignities, is cōmitted not into prison, but into a certaine Lordshippe of his, with 30. seruaunts or kepers, to geue attendance vpon him. Many and sundry complaintes are cōmenced against him, so that he is not like to escape with his life. Such is the daliaunce of fortune, of a scholemaister to be made a king. For so hee raigned more like a king, then the king him selfe. Hee was dreaded of all men: he was loued but of a fewe, almoste of none. A litle before he was apprehēded, he caused Richard Pacie to be cast in the towre. Also he threatned my Archbi∣shop of Canterburie: Salomon sayeth,* 3.54 That before the fall of man, his spirite shall be eleuated. The Archb. of Caunter∣bury was called or restored to be chosen Lord Chancellor, which is the chiefest office in all that realme, but he excused himselfe by his age, as being not able to weld such a func∣tion. Wherefore the sayde office was bestowed vpon Tho. More, no les to the reioycing of many, then the other was displaced from it. These newes my seruaunt brought me out of England. &c. Ex Epist. Erasm. ad Ioan Vergeram.

You heard before,* 3.55 how a counsaile of the Nobles was appoynted by the king in the moneth of October, to assem∣ble in the Starre chamber, aboute the Cardinals matter: and also how a parliament was summoned to begin in the moneth of Nouember in the yeare following, An. 1530. At the beginning of which Parliament, after that M. Moore the newe Chauncelour had finished hys oration, the com∣mons were commaunded to chuse them a Speaker,* 3.56 who was Thomas Audeley Esquire, and attorney of the Du∣chie of Lancaster. Thus the Parlament being begun the 6. day of the foresaid month of Nouember at Westminster, where the king with all the Lordes were set in the Parla∣ment chamber, the commōs, after they had presented their speaker, assembling in the nether house, began to common of their grieues, wherwith the spiritualtie had before time greeuously oppressed them, contrary both to all righte, and to the lawe of the realme, and especially were sore mooued with these 6. great causes.

¶Greeuances against the Cleargie of Englande.

1. THe first for the excessiue fines, which the Ordinaries tooke for probate of Testaments,* 3.57 in so much that Sir Henry Guilford, Knight of the Garter, and Comptrol∣lour of the Kings house, declared in the open Parliament, of his fidelitie, that he and other being executours to Syr William Compton Knight, payed for the probate of hys will, to the Cardinall and the Archbishop of Canterbury, a thousand marke sterling. After this declaration, were shewed so many extortions done by Ordinaries for pro∣bates of willes,* 3.58 that it were too much to rehearse.

2. The second cause was, the great poling & extreame ex∣action which y^e spirituall men vsed, in taking of corps, pre∣sents, or Mortuaries: for the childrē of the dead should all die for hūger and go a begging, rather then they would of charitie geue to thē the sely cow which the dead mā ought, if he had but onely one: such was the charitie of them.

3. The third cause was, that Priestes being Surueyers, Stuards,* 3.59 and officers to Byshops, Abbots, and other spi∣rituall heads, had and occupied Farmes, Graunges, and grasing in euery Countrey, so that the poore husbandmen could haue nothing but of them, and yet for that they shuld pay dearely.

4. The fourth cause was, that Abbots, Priors, and spiri∣tuall men kept Tannehouses,* 3.60 and bought and sold wooll, cloth, and all maner of Marchaundise, as other temporall Marchaunts did.

5. The fift cause was, because the spirituall persons pro∣moted to great benefices,* 3.61 and hauing their liuing of theyr flocke, were lying in the Court of Lords houses, and tooke all of their parishioners, and nothing spent on them at all, so that for lacke of residence, both the poore of the parishe lacked refreshing, and vniuersally all the parishioners lacked preaching, and true instruction of Gods word, to the great perill of their soules.

6. The sixt cause was, because one Priest being litle lear∣ned,* 3.62 had tenne or twelue benefices, and was resident on none, and many well learned scholers in the Uniuersitie, which were able to preach and teach, had neyther benefice nor exhibition.

These thinges before this time, mighte in no wise be touched, nor yet talked of by any man, except he woulde be made an hereticke, or lose all that he had: for the Byshops were Chauncellours, and had all the rule about the King, so that no man durst once presume to attempt any thyng contrary to their profite, or commoditie.

But now whē God had illuminated the eyes of y^e king, and the time so serued,* 3.63 that men more boldly durst expresse with voyce such grudges, as they had long conceaued in their harts against the Clergy: the Burgesses of the Par∣liament appoynted certayne of the common house, men learned in the Lawe, to drawe one bill of the probates of testaments, another for Mortuaries, & the third for none residence, pluralities, and taking fermes by spiritual men.

* 3.64And first to y^e bill of Mortuaries being drawen, and be∣ing also passed the commō house, and sent vp to the higher, the Spirituall Lords shewed a faire face, sayeng, that assu∣redly Priestes and Curates tooke more then they shoulde, and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order. Thus they spake, because it touched them but little.

* 3.65After this, within two dayes, was sent vp the secōd bill, concerning probates of testaments, which bill, because it touched their profite somewhat neare, both the Archbishop of Canterbury, and all other Bishops in generall, began to frowne and grunt, in so much as Doctor Iohn Fisher Bishop of Rochester, stāding vp in the Parlament cham∣ber, openly protested, that such billes were sent vp frō the cōmon house, tending to no other thing, but to the destru∣ction of y^e Church: which Church being downe, the glory then of y^e whole kingdome (said he) must needes fall, desi∣ring therfore the Lords, for Gods sake, to take example by the kingdome of Boheme: For as it was then with the people there,* 3.66 so now what say the cōmons here, but down with y^e Church. And all this (said he) seemeth only to be for lacke of faith. When these words were reported to the cō∣mons of the lower house, what the Bishop had sayde, in noting all their doings to be for lacke of faith, they tooke the matter greeuously, so to be esteemed of the Bishop for no better then heretikes, vnderstanding moreouer, how that he by those slāderous words, went about to perswade the Lords temporall against them, and so to ouerthrowe the two billes by them passed before, as ye haue heard.

Whereupon, after long debate, it was at length agreed by the said commons, that Thomas Audeley their speaker with xxx. of the chief of that house, should be sent to the kyng, beyng then in his palace at Westminster, before cal∣led Yorke place: where they eloquently declared, what a dishonour to the kyng and the realme it was, to say, that they which were elected for the wisest mē of all y^e Shyres, Cities, and Boroughes within the Realme of England, should be declared in so noble and open presence, to lacke fayth, which was equiualent to say, that they were Infi∣dels, and no Christians, as ill as Turkes or Sarasins: so that what payne or study soeuer they tooke for the commō wealth, or what actes or lawes soeuer they made or sta∣blished, should be taken as lawes made by Paynims and Heathen people, and not worthy to be kept by Christian men: wherefore they most humbly besought the kynges hyghnesse, to call the sayd Byshop before him, and to cause him to speake more discretly of such a number as was in the common house.

The kyng not beyng well contented with the saying of the Byshop, yet gently aunswered the speaker,* 3.67 and sent them away. Who immediately sent for the Archbyshop of Canterbury, & vi. other Byshops, and Rochester also, sig∣nifying vnto them the grudge of the commons. The By∣shop of Rochester excusing himselfe, aunswered, that he in so saying, meant onely the doyngs of the Bohemiās to be for lacke of fayth,* 3.68 & not the doynges of them that were in the cōmon house, which saying was confirmed by the By∣shops there present, which had him in great reputation, & so by that onely saying, the kyng accepted his excuse, and therfore sent word to the cōmons by Syr Williā Fitzwil∣liams Knight, Treasurer of his houshold: which blynde excuse pleased the commons nothyng at all.

After this,* 3.69 diuers assemblies were kept betwene cer∣taine of the Lordes, and certaine of the Commons for the Billes of the probates of Testamentes, and Mortuaries. The temporaltie layd to the spiritualtie, their own lawes & Constitutions, and the Spiritualtie sore defended them by prescription & vsage. To whom it was thus aunswe∣red by a Gentlemā of Greyes Inne: The vsage hath euer bene of theeues, to rob on Shoters hill Ergo, is it lawfull? With this aunswere the spirituall men were sore offended,* 3.70 because their doynges were called robberies, but the tem∣porall men stood still by their sayinges, in somuch that the sayd Gentlemā sayd to the Archb, of Cāterbury, that both the exaction of probates of Testamentes,* 3.71 and the takyng of Mortuaries, as they were vsed, were open robbery and theft. After long disputation, the temporall Lordes began to leane to the commōs, but for all that, the Bylles remay∣ned vnconcluded a while.

It folowed shortly after in the Parliamēt, that a Byll was assented to, by the Lords of the higher house, and sent downe to the commons in the lower house, and by them also, with much labour agreed vnto, of whō the most part were the kynges seruauntes: in the which Bill it was re∣quired, and concluded, that the kyng should be released of all such loane of money, which he had borowed of his sub∣iectes, in the xv. yeare of his reigne. The passing of which Byll went sore agaynst the stomackes of the poore Com∣mons, for many rested vpon it, countyng and passing it o∣uer one to an other for good debt, as if it had bene ready money in their purses. Wherfore the king to regratifie thē agayne, graunted to them a generall pardō of all offences, onely certaine great offences & debts excepted: also he ay∣ded them for the redresse of their grieues agaynst the spiri∣tualtie, & caused two new Bylles to be made indifferent∣ly, both for the probates of Testamentes, & Mortuaries, which Bylles were so reasonable,* 3.72 that the spirituall Lor∣des assēted to them all, though they were sore agaynst their myndes, and in especiall the probate of Testamentes sore displeased the Byshops, and the Mortuaries sore displea∣sed the Parsons and Uicares.

After these Actes thus agreed, the commons made an other Act for pluralities of benefices, none residence, buy∣ing and sellyng, and takyng of fermes by spirituall Par∣sons, which Act so displeased the spiritualtie, that y^e priests rayled on the commōs of the lower house, and called them heretickes and schismatikes, for the which diuers Priestes were punished.

This Act was sore debated aboue in the Parliament chamber, and the Lordes spirituall would in no wise con∣sent.* 3.73 Wherfore the kyng perceiuyng the grudge of his cō∣mons, caused viij. Lordes & viij. of his Commons to mete in the starre chamber at an afternoone, and there was sore debatyng of the cause, in so much that the tēporall Lordes of the vpper house, which were there, tooke part with the Commons, agaynst the spirituall Lordes, and by force of reason caused them to assent to the Bill with a litle quali∣fiyng, which Bill the next day was wholy agreed to, in the

Lords house to the great reioysing of the lay people, and to the great displeasure of the spirituall persons.

And thus much concerning these Bylles agaynst the Cleargy, by the way. Now, to returne to the Cardinall a∣gayne: during the time of the said Parliament, there was brought downe to the Commons, the booke of Articles which the Lords had put vp to the King, against the Car∣dinall. The chiefe Articles were these.

1 FIrst, that he without the Kings assent had procured to be Legate,* 3.74 by reason whereof he tooke away the right of all Byshops and spirituall persons.

2 In al writings that he wrote to Rome, or to any other Prince, he wrote: Ego & rex meus, I and my King, as who would say, that the King were his seruaunt.

3 That he slaundered the Church of England to y^e court of Rome: for his suggestion to be Legate, was to reforme the Church of England, which (as he wrote) was Facta in reprobum sensum.

4 He without the Kings assent caried the Kings great Seale with him into Flaunders, when he was sente Am∣bassadour to the Emperour.

5 Without the Kings consent, he sent commission to Sir Gregory de Cassalis, Knight, to conclude a league be∣tweene the King and the Duke of Ferrarie.

6 That he hauing the French pockes, presumed to come and breathe on the King.

7 That he caused the Cardinalles Hat to be put on the Kings coyne.

8 That he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obteining of his dignities, to the great impouerishmēt of the Realme, with many other things, which are tou∣ched more at large in Chronicles.

These articles with many moe, being read in the cōmon house, were confessed by the Cardinal, and signed with his hand. Also there was shewed an other writing sealed with his seale, by the which he gaue to the Kyng all his moue∣ables and vnmoueables.

You haue heard hytherto declared how y^e Cardinall was attainted in the Premunire, & how he was put out of the of∣fice of the Chauncelour, & lay at Asher: which was in the yeare of our Lord 1530.* 3.75 The next yeare after in the Lent season, the king by the aduice of his counsayle, licenced him to go into his dioces of Yorke, and gaue hym commande∣mēt to keepe him in his dioces, and not to returne South∣ward, without the Kings speciall licence in writing.

So he made great prouision to go Northward, & appa∣relled his seruants newly, and bought many costly things for his houshold, but diuers of his seruaunts at this tyme departed from him, to the Kings seruice, and in especiall Thomas Crumwell, one of his chiefe counsaile, and chiefe doer for him in the suppression of Abbeys. After that all things necessary for his iourney were prepared, he tooke his iourney Northward, til he came to Southwell, which was in his dioces, and there he continued that yeare, euer grudging at his fall, as you shall heare heereafter: but the sands which he had geuen to his Colleges in Oxford and Ipswich, were now come to the Kings hands, by his at∣tainder in the Premunire, and yet the King of his gentle∣nes, and for fauour that he bare to good learning, erected a∣gaine the Colledge in Oxford, and where it was named the Cardinalles Colledge, he called it the Kings College, and endued it with faire possessions, and ordeined newe statutes and ordinances,* 3.76 and for because the Colledge of Ipswich was thought to be nothing profitable, therefore he leaft that dissolued.

Notwithstāding that the Cardinall of Yorke was thus attainted in the Premunire, (as is aboue mentioned) yet the King being good vnto him, had graunted him the Bi∣shopricks of Yorke and Winchester, with great plentie of substance, & had licenced him to lye in his dioces of Yorke, where he so continued the space of a yeare. But after, in the yeare folowing,* 3.77 which was 1531. he being in his dio∣ces, wrote to the Court of Rome, and to diuers other Princes, letters in reproch of the King, and in as much as in him lay, he stirred them to reuenge his cause against the King and his Realme, in so much, that diuers opprobri∣ous words against the King, were spoken to Doctor Ed∣ward Keerne, the Kings Oratour at Rome, and it was sayd to him, that for the Cardinalles sake, the King should haue the woorse speede in the suite of his matrimonie. The Cardinall also would speake faire to the people to winne their harts, and declared euer, that he was vniustly and vntruely ordered, which faire speaking, made many men beleeue that he sayd true: and to Gentlemen he gaue great giftes, to allure them vnto him: and to be had in more re∣putation among the people,* 3.78 he determined to be installed or inthronised at Yorke, with all the pompe that might be, and caused a throne to be erected in the Cathredral Church, in such an height and fashion, as was neuer seene, and sent to all the Lords, Abbots, Priors, Knightes, Esquiers and Gentlemen of his dioces, to be at his Manor of Ca∣wood the sixt day of Nouember, and so to bring hym to Yorke, with all maner of pompe and solemnitie.

The King which knew his doings and priuie conuey∣ance, all this yeare dissembled the matter, to see what hee would do at length, till that he saw his proud hart so high∣ly exalted, that he would be so triumphātly installed, with∣out making the king priuie, yea and in manner, in disdaine of the King, thought it not meete nor conuenient to suffer him any longer, to cōtinue in his malitious & proud pur∣poses and attemptes: wherefore he directed his letters to the Earle of Northumberland, willing him with all dili∣gence, to arrest the Cardinall, & to deliuer him to the Earle of Shrewsbury, great Steward of the Kings housholde. When the Earle had sene the letters, he with a conuenient number came to the Manor of Cawood the fourth daye of Nouemb. and whē he was brought to the Cardinal in his chāber, he said to him, My Lord, I pray you take patience,* 3.79 for here I arrest you. Arrest me, said y^e Cardinal? Yea, sayd the Earle, I haue a commaundement so to do. You haue no such power, said the Cardinall, for I am both a Cardi∣nall and a Legate De Latere, and a Peere of the College of Rome, & ought not to be arrested by any tēporall power, for I am not subiect to that power, wherefore if you arrest me, I will withstand it. Well, saide the Earle, heere is the Kings commission (which he shewed him) and therefore I charge you to obey. The Cardinall somewhat remembred himselfe, and sayd, Well my Lord, I am contente to obey, but although y^t I by negligence fell into the punishment of the Premunire, and lost by the lawe all my lands & goodes, yet my person was in the Kings protection, and I was pardoned that offence, wherefore I maruell why I nowe should be arrested, & specially cōsidering that I am a mem∣ber of the Sea Apostolique, on whome no temporall man ought to lay violent hands. Well, I see the King lacketh good counsayle. Well, sayd the Earle, when I was sworne Warden of y^e Marches, you your self told me, that I might with my staffe arrest all mē, vnder the degree of a King, & nowe I am more stronger, for I haue a commission so to do, which you haue seene. The Cardinal at length obeyed, and was kept in a priuie chamber, and his goodes seased, and his officers discharged, and his Phisitiō called Doctor Augustine, was likewise arrested, and brought to the To∣wer by Sir Walter Welsh, one of the Kings chamber. The sixt day of Nouember he was conueyed from Ca∣wood, to Sheffeld Castle, and there deliuered to the Earle of Shrewsburies keeping, till the Kings pleasure were knowne. Of this attachement was much communing a∣mongst the common people, wherefore many were glad, for he was not in the fauour of the commonaltie.

When the Cardinall was thus arrested, the King sente sir William Kingston Knight, Captaine of the Gard,* 3.80 and Constable of the Tower of Lōdon, with certeine yeomen of the gard, to Sheffeld, to fetch y^e Cardinal to the Tower. When the Cardinall sawe the Captaine of the Garde, he was sore astonished, and shortly became sicke, for then he perceiued some great trouble toward him, & for that cause mē said, that he willingly toke so much quātitie of a strong purgatiō, that his nature was not able to beare it. Also the matter that came frō him was so blacke, that the stayning therof could not be gottē out of his blākets by any means.* 3.81 But sir William Kingston cōforted him, and by easie ior∣neyes he brought him to the Abbey of Leycester, the xxvij. daye of Nouember, where for very feeblenes of nature, caused by purgations and vomites, he dyed the seconde night folowing, and in the same Abbey lyeth buried.

It is testified by one, yet being aliue, in whose armes the sayde Cardinall dyed, that hys body being dead, was blacke as pitch, also was so heauie, that sixe coulde scarse beare it. Furthermore, it did so stinke aboue the grounde, that they were constrayned to hasten the buriall thereof in the night season, before it was daye. At the which buriall, such a tempest, with such a stinch there arose, that all the torches went out, and so he was throwne into the tombe, and there was layde.

By the ambitious pride and excessiue worldly wealth of this one Cardinal, al mē may easily vnderstand & iudge what the state and condition of al the rest of the same order (whom we cal spiritual men) were in those dayes,* 3.82 as well in all other places of Christendome, as especially heere in England, where as the princely possessions & great pride

of the Clergie, did not only farre passe and exceed the com∣mon measure and order of subiectes, but also surmounted ouer Kings and Princes, and all other estates, as may well appeare by his doings and order of his storie aboue described.

Amongst other actes of the foresayd Cardinall, this is not to be forgotten, that he founded a new College in Ox∣ford, for the furniture wherof, he had gathered together all the best learned he could heare of, amongst which number were these: Clarke, Tindall, Sommer, Frith, and Ta∣uerner, with other mo: which holding in assemble together in the College, were accoūted to be heretiques (as they cal∣led them) and thereupon were cast into a prison of the col∣lege, where saltfish lay, through the stinke wherof the most part of them were infected,* 3.83 and the sayde Clarke beyng a tender yong man, and the most singular in learning a∣mongst them all, died in the said prison, and other in other places in the towne, also of the same infection deceased.

And thus hauing deteined the Reader enough, or ra∣ther too much, with this vaineglorious Cardinal, now we wil reduce our storie again to more other fruiteful matter, and as the order of time requireth, first beginning wyth M. Humfrey Mummuth, a vertuous and a good Alder∣man of London, who in the time of the said Cardinal was troubled, as in the storie heere foloweth.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The taking of Rome.
• * 1.2

  Ex Paralip. Ab∣bat Vrsp.
• * 1.3

  The Duke of BourBon.
• * 1.4

  Thre•• assaultes against Rome.
• * 1.5

  The Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 woun∣ded.
• * 1.6

  The Pope cur∣seth his enemies.
• * 1.7

  The Pope flieth.
• * 1.8

  The Cardinals besieged.
• * 1.9

  The Bulwarke of the Romaines besieged & takē.
• * 1.10

  The castell of S. Angel besieged.
• * 1.11

  Rome spoyled.
• * 1.12

  The Pope moc∣ked and scorned op••nly in Rome before his owne face.
• * 1.13

  The Pope besieged and taken,
• * 1.14

  Warre and pestilence is Rome.
• * 1.15

  The Cardy∣nall bestir∣reth him for the Pope.
• * 1.16

  The Pope fighteth for temporall possessions▪
• * 1.17

  12. score thousand Poundes conueyed out of Eng∣land, by the Car••inall. A new foūd Letanye of the Lord Cardinalls making.
• * 1.18

  Warre wa∣ged by the Cardinall.
• * 1.19

  The craftye practise of the Cardi∣nall.
• * 1.20

  The Cardi∣n•••• set Clarentius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Emperour, and after∣ward would 〈…〉〈…〉 death.
• * 1.21

  The Cardi∣••••••s p••o••de 〈…〉〈…〉 a∣gainst the Emperour.
• * 1.22

  The Empe∣••ou•••• aun∣swere vnto the Car∣dinalls threates.
• * 1.23

  The title of def••••dour of the faith.
• * 1.24

  The glori∣ous ••••nitye 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Car∣dinal laugh∣•••• to 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 1.25

  The kinges stil•• augmented.
• * 1.26

  The thrasonicall receauing of the Cardinalls hatte.
• * 1.27

  The cruell dea∣ling of the Car∣dinall against Richard Pacie▪ Richard Pacie, Deane of Paules.
• * 1.28

  Richard Pacie Ambassadour at Venice.
• * 1.29

  The Duke of Bourbon waged with the king, of Englāds money.
• * 1.30

  The Duke of Bourbon disa∣pointed of the kinges money.
• * 1.31

  Richard Pacie helpeth the Duke of Bourbō with money.
• * 1.32

  Richard Pacie was the meanes why the French king was taken.
• * 1.33

  The Cardinall hated Pacie.
• * 1.34

  The Cardinall practiseth a∣gainst Pacie.
• * 1.35

  Pacie in great credite with the Venetians.
• * 1.36

  The Cardinall falsely belyeth Pacie.
• * 1.37

  Pacie be straught of his wittes.
• * 1.38

  Pacie pretely recouered.
• * 1.39

  Pacie brought to the kinges speech.
• * 1.40

  Pacie commaū∣ded to the tow∣••r by the Cardi∣nall.

  Pacie dischar∣ged out of the tower.
• * 1.41

  The Cardinalls labour to be Pope.
• * 1.42

  Steuen Gar∣diner Am∣bassadour at Rome for the king and the Cardi∣nall.
• * 2.1

  A letter of the Cardi∣nall to S••e∣uen Gardi∣ner Lieger at Rome.
• * 2.2

  Crafty pre∣tenses to serue amby∣tious pur∣poses.
• * 2.3

  O fayned hypocrisie. Belike the Cardinall here lacketh good neigh∣bors seing he is cōpelled to praise himselfe. You may long say so, before we will be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 you.
• * 2.4

  Steuen Gar∣diner the Cardinalls trusty factor.
• * 3.1

  Marke the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & you shall see that it is all one with the Cardi∣nals former letter, whi••ch he sayeth he w••••te with his ••wne hand.
• * 3.2

  Instructions in the kinges name, to his Legates at Rome.
• * 3.3

  The totall ruine of the Apostolicke Papacye, God send it.
• * 3.4

  He meaneth them 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be∣twene kyng 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ka∣the••••ne, his brother Ar∣thu•• wyfe wh••ther it w•••• lawfull 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.5

  See how this Prelate is all in his exaltation
• * 3.6

  The Thrasoni∣call prayse of the Cardinall.
• * 3.7

  Note this cause: The Cardinall is most meete to be Pope because he can best bry∣dle the Empe∣rour.
• * 3.8

  That is after his owne desire.
• * 3.9

  If his vsurped authoritie were cleane extinct, the fayth & re∣ligion of Christ should stand & florishe much better.
• * 3.10

  By this weigh∣ty matter here, is ment the cause of the kings de∣uorce.
• * 3.11

  A. Signifieth the Cardinalls o•• the kinges & the French kings si••e.

  B. Signifieth the Cardinalls of the Emperors side. But here is neuer a C. to signifie any Cardinalls of Christes side.
• * 3.12

  As though the Popes election had any thing to doe with the holy Ghost.
• * 3.13

  He might as well haue sayd, easely, as facily, if it had pleased hym: but our grosse termes are to lowe for this high Pre∣late, as here commonly you may see.
• * 3.14

  Yea sir, now ye speake to the purpose. Now we begin to feele you when ye bring your bribes and re∣wardes of mo¦ney.
• * 3.15

  Well byd and lyke a good chapman.
• * 3.16

  Thou must imagine ••ere good reader, to be no corrupti∣on, but ho∣norable pol∣licitation.
• * 3.17

  To acceede, that is, to come.
• * 3.18

  An other shift if the worst fall.
• * 3.19

  That is not due.
• * 3.20

  The case of the Cardi∣nall must haue no ne∣gatiue so e∣ger he is of his gayne. Secret threatnyngs to the Car∣dinalls to cause them to consent with Car∣dinall Wol∣sey.
• * 3.21

  Prouiso a∣gaynst the Cardinals if they will not condes∣cend to the Cardinall of Yorke.
• * 3.22

  Note these proceedi••gs in chusing Popes.
• * 3.23

  Search here thy dictio¦naries, good reader, for this elo∣quence pas∣seth my in∣telligence.
• * 3.24

  1 Demora∣••••, that is to sa••••tary.
• * 3.25

  The first reason.
• * 3.26

  Pusillanime 1. Pusillo a∣nimo that is, weake hear∣ted.
• * 3.27

  The second reason.
• * 3.28

  This Cardi∣nall drea∣meth that he is Pope alreadie.
• * 3.29

  The Cardi∣nall calleth all his nets to catch the the triple crowne.
• * 3.30

  Two faces in one Car∣dinals hatte.
• * 3.31

  How poli∣tike the children of this worlde be in their generation.
• * 3.32

  Is not here an holy e∣lectiō, meete for such an holy Sea?
• * 3.33

  Sides against the Empe∣rour.
• * 3.34

  By this one e∣lection, note the commō order of Rome in can••e∣sing for the Popedome.
• * 3.35

  Epilogus.
• * 3.36

  Man purposeth▪ and God dispo∣seth.
• * 3.37

  Fryer Barnes with two Mar∣chantes of the Stilliard, caused by the Cardinal to beare fagots.
• * 3.38

  Anno. 1528.
• * 3.39

  Anno 1529
• * 3.40

  The occasion of the Cardinalls fall.
• * 3.41

  The cause of the kinges mariage with his bro∣thers wife, was dāgerous to the Pope for this. For if it were vnlawfull, then the dispensation of Pope Iuly, was voyde. If it were lawfull, then the iudge∣mentes of so manye vniuersi∣ties were false.
• * 3.42

  The king delu∣ded by the two Cardinalls.
• * 3.43

  A Counsaile of the Nobles cal∣led.
• * 3.44

  The Cardinall cast in the Pre∣munire.
• * 3.45

  The Cardinall depriued of the C••auncellour∣ship.
• * 3.46

  Steuen Gardi∣ner, the kinges secretarye.
• * 3.47

  The Cardinalls goods seased to the king.
• * 3.48

  The Cardinalls remouing from Yorke place.
• * 3.49

  Doctour Tunstall Byshop of Duresme. Iohn Sto∣kesly made Byshop of London.
• * 3.50

  Anno. 1530.
• * 3.51

  A parliamēt called.
• * 3.52

  Syr Thomas More made lord Chaū∣celour of England.
• * 3.53

  Ex Eras.
• * 3.54

  By this Archbyshop he meaneth William Warham.
• * 3.55

  A parliamēt summoned in Nouemb. anno. 1530.
• * 3.56

  Thomas Audely, speaker of the Pa••lia∣ment. Sixe greuā∣ces of the commons a∣gaynst the clergye.
• * 3.57

  〈…〉〈…〉 of testamentes.
• * 3.58

  A thousand 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 probate 〈…〉〈…〉 testa∣••••••t.

  The vnrea∣s••••••ble 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the clergye for Mortuaries.
• * 3.59

  F••rmes and Granges in Priestes handes.
• * 3.60

  Monkes and priests mar∣chauntes.
• * 3.61

  Beneficed men take of their flocke, but geue nothing.
• * 3.62

  Pluralities of benefices.
• * 3.63

  Three bils drawen out against the misorder of the clergye.
• * 3.64

  The first bill for mortua∣ryes.
• * 3.65

  The second bill, for pro∣bates of tes∣tamentes.
• * 3.66

  D. Fysher chargeth the cōmons, with lacke of faith. The grudge o•• the com∣mons, in the l••wer house, a∣gainst Fisher Bishop of Rochester.
• * 3.67

  The king not contented with the Byshop of Rochester.
• * 3.68

  The Byshops excuse.
• * 3.69

  Difference be∣tweene the laity and spiritualtye, about certaine constitutions.
• * 3.70

  Lōg vse maketh not euill thinges lawfull.
• * 3.71

  Mortuaries as they were vsed differed but litle from theft.
• * 3.72

  Redresse of the greeues of the commons.
• * 3.73

  The third bill of the cōmons for pluralities &c.
• * 3.74

  Articles against the Cardinall.
• * 3.75

  Anno. 1530.
• * 3.76

  The Cardinalls Colledge, now called Christes College in Ox∣forde.
• * 3.77

  The Cardinall complayneth to the Pope, of the king.
• * 3.78

  The Cardi∣nalls proud•• iourneie to∣ward 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.79

  The Cardi∣nal arrested.
• * 3.80

  The Cardi∣nal brought vp toward London.
• * 3.81

  The Cardi∣nall poyso∣neth hym selfe.
• * 3.82

  The pride of the Cardi∣nall.
• * 3.83

  Clarke died i•• the Car∣dinals Col∣ledge in prison.