Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 2, part 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

¶An answere agayne of the Tygurines to the Letter aforesayd.

FIrst, * 1.1 declaring how their Ministers had laboured and trauailed amongest them, teachyng and preachyng the word of God vnto thē the space now of v. yeares. Whose doctrine at the first, seemed to them very straunge and no∣uelle, because they neuer heard the same before. But after that they vnderstoode and perceiued, the * 1.2 scope of that do∣ctrine onely to tende to this, to set forth Christ Iesus vnto vs to be the pillar and refuge of all our saluation, whiche gaue his life and bloud for our redemption and which one∣ly deliuered vs also sinnefull misers from eternall death, and is the onely Aduocate of mankynde before God: they could no otherwise do, but with ardent affection receaue so wholesome and ioyfull message.

The holy Apostles, and faythfull Christiās, after they had receaued the Gospell of Christ, did not fall out by and by in debate and variunce, but louyngly agreed and con∣sented together: and so they trusted (sayd they) that they should doe, if they would likewise receaue the worde of God, settyng aside mens doctrines and traditions disso∣nant from the same.

Whatsoeuer Luther, or any other mā doth teach, whe∣ther it be right or wrong, it is not for the names of the per∣sons, why the doctrine whiche they teach should be either euill or well iudged vpon, but onely for that it agreeth or disagreeth from the rule of Gods word: for that were but to goe by affection, and were preiudiciall to the authoritie of the word of God: which ought to rule man, and not to be measured by man.

And if Christ onely be worshipped, and mē taught, so∣ly to repose their confidence in him, yet neither doth the blessed Uirgine, nor any Saint elles receaue any iniurie thereby, who beyng here in earth receiued their saluation onely by the name of hym.

And where as they charge their Ministers with wra∣styng the Scripture after their owne interpretation, God had styrred vp such light now in the hartes of mē, that the most part of their Citie, haue the Bible in their hand, and diligently peruse the same: so that their Preachers cā not

so winde the Scriptures awry, but they shall quickly be perceaued.* 1.3 Wherefore there is no danger, why they should feare any sectes, or factions in them: but rather such sectes are to be obiected to those, who for their gaine and digni∣tie, wrast the word of God after their owne affections and appetites.

And where as they and other haue accused them of er∣rour,* 1.4 yet was there neuer man, that could proue any er∣rour in them: Although diuers Byshops of Constance, of Basill, of Curiake, with diuers Uniuersities besides: also they themselues, haue bene sundry times desired so to do, yet to this present day, neither they, nor euer any other so did, neither were they, nor any of all the foresayd Bishops, at their last assemble, being requested to come, so gentle to repaire vnto them, saue only the Schashusians, and San∣gallians. In the which foresayd assemble of theirs, all such as were then present, considering throughly the whole case of the matter, condescended together with them.

And if the Byshops happely will obiect againe and say: that the worde of God ought not so to be handled of the vulgare people: they aunswered the same not to stand with equitie and reason. For albeit it did belong to the Bishops office, to prouide that the sheepe should not go astray, and most conuenient it were, that by them they should be re∣duced into the way againe:* 1.5 yet because they will not see to theyr charge, but leaue it vndone, referring all things to the fathers, and to Councels, therefore right and reason it is, that they themselues should heare and learne, not what man doth determine, but what Christ himselfe doth com∣maund in his Scripture. Neither haue their Ministers geuen any occasion of this diuision, but rather it is to be imputed to such, which for their owne priuate lucre and preferments, contrary to the word of the Lord, do seduce the people into errour, and greeuously offending God, do prouoke him to plague them with manifolde calamities. Who, if they would renounce the greedines of their owne gaine, and would folow the pure doctrine of his word, see∣king not the will of man, but what is the will of God, no doubt but they should soone fall to agreement.

* 1.6 As for the eating of flesh and egges, although it bee free to all men, and forbidden to none by Christe: yet they haue set forth a lawe, to restreine rash intemperance, and vncharitable offension of other.

And as touching matrimonie, God is himselfe the au∣thor thereof, who hath left it free for all men. Also Paule willeth a Minister of the Church to be the husband of one wife.

And seeing that Byshops for money permitte theyr Priestes to haue concubines, which is contrary both to Gods law, and to good example: why then might not they as well obey God in permitting lawfull matrimony, which he hath ordeined, as they to resist God in forbidding the same? The like is to be said also of women vowing chastitie: of whome this they iudge and suppose, that such kind of vowes and coacted chastitie, are not auaylable nor alowed before God: and seeing that chastitie is not all mens gift, better it were to marrie (after their iudgemēts) then filthely to liue in single life.

As for Monasteries, and other houses of Canons, they were first geuen for reliefe onely of the poore and needie,* 1.7 where as now they which inhabite them, are wealthy and able to liue of their owne patrimonie, in such sort, as ma∣nie times some one of them hath so much, as well might suffice a great number: Wherefore it seemeth to them, not vnconuenient that those goodes should be conuerted a∣gayne to the vse of the poore: Yet neuerthelesse they haue vsed heerein such moderation,* 1.8 that they haue permitted the inhabitants of those monasteries to enioy the possessions of their goodes, during the tearme of their naturall life, least any should haue cause of iust complaint.

Ornamentes of Churches serue nothing to Gods ser∣uice: but this is well agreeing to the will and seruice of God,* 1.9 that the poore should be succoured. So Christ com∣maunded the yong man in the Gospell, that was rich, not to hang vp his riches in the temple, but to sell them, and distribute them to the needy.

The order of priesthode they do not contemne. Suche priests as will truly discharge their dutie,* 1.10 & teach soundly, they do magnifie. As for the other rable, which serue to no publike cōmoditie, but rather damnifie the cōmon wealth, if the number of them were diminished by little and little, & their liuings put to better vse, they doubted not, but it wer a seruice well done to God. Now whether the singing and praiers of such Priests be auaylable before God, it may be doubted, for as much as many of thē vnderstād not what they say or sing, but onely for hyre of wages do the same.

As for secrete confession, wherein men doo detect theyr sinnes in the Priests eare,* 1.11 of what vertue this confession is to be esteemed, they leaue it in suspense. But that confes∣sion, whereby repenting sinners do flie to Christ our only intercessour, they recount not only to be profitable, but al∣so necessary to all troubled consciences. As for satisfaction, which Priests do vse, they recken it but a practise to get money, and the same to be not onely erroneous, but also full of impietie. True penance and satisfaction is for a man to amend his life.

The orders of Monkery come only by the inuention of man, and not by the institution of God.* 1.12

And as touching the Sacramentes, such as be of the Lords institution,* 1.13 thē they do not despise but receaue with all reuerence, neither do suffer the same to be despised of a∣ny person, nor to be abused otherwise then becommeth: but to be vsed rightly according to the prescript rule of Gods word. And so with the like reuerence, they vse the Sacrament of the Lords supper, according as the word prescribeth, not as many do abuse it, to make of it an obla∣tion and a sacrifice.

And if the messengers sent to them of the Clergy in their letters mentioned,* 1.14 can iustly charge them with any hin∣derance, or any errour, they will be readie either to purge themselues, or to satisfie the offence. And if they can not, then reason would, that those messengers of the Cleargie should heereafter looke better to their owne doings, and to their doctrine, and to cease from such vntrue sclaunders and contumelies.

Finally, where as they vnderstand by their letters how desirous they are to haue the Popes oppressions,* 1.15 and ex∣actions, and vsurped power abolished, they are right glad thereof and ioyfull, supposing that the same can by no meanes be brought to passe, except the word of God only and simply be receaued. For otherwise, so long as mens lawes and constitutions shall stand in force, there will be no place nor hope of reformation. For by the preaching of Gods word their estimation and dignitie must needes de∣cay: and that they well perceaue,* 1.16 and therefore by all meanes do prouide, how to stop the course of the word: and because they see themselues too weake to bring theyr purpose about, they flie to the ayde of Kings and Princes. For the necessary remedie whereof, if they shall thinke good to ioyne their consent, there shall nothing be lacking in their behalfe, what they are able eyther in counsayle or goodes, to do in the matter, declaring moreouer that this should haue bene seene too long before. Which being so, they praied and desired them to accept in good parte, and diligently to expend this that they did write. As for theyr owne parte, they required nothing else more then peace both betweene them, and all men. Neither was it euer their intent to stirre any thing that should be preiudiciall against their league and bande agreed vpon betweene them. But in this cause, which concerneth their eternall saluation, they can do no otherwise, but as they haue done, vnlesse their errour by learning might be proued and de∣clared vnto them.

Wherefore as they did before, so now they desire againe, that if they thinke this their doctrine to be repugnant to the holy Scripture,* 1.17 they will gently shew and teach them their errour, and that before the end of the moneth of May next ensuing: for so long they will abide wayting for an aunswere, as wel from them, as from the Bishop of Con∣stance, and also from the Uniuersitie of Basill. And thus much conteineth the aunswere of the Tigurines, vnto the letter of their other colleagues of Heluetia.

In the meane time, as this passed on, and the moneth of May aboue mentioned was now come,* 1.18 the Byshop of Constance, with the aduise of his Councell about him, did aunswere the Tigurines as he was requested of them to do, in a certaine booke, first written, and afterward prin∣ted: wherin he declareth what Images and pictures those were, which the prophane Iewes and Gentiles in the old time did adore, and what Images be these which the Churche hath from time to time receaued and admitted, and what difference there is betweene those Idols of the Iewes & Gentiles, and these Images of the Christians.* 1.19 The conclusion hereof was this, that where as the Scrip∣ture speaketh against Images, and willeth them not to be suffered, that is to be vnderstand of such Images and I∣dols, as the Iewes and Idolatrous Gentiles did vse: yet neuerthelesse such Images & pictures, which the Church hath receaued, are to be vsed and reteined.

From this, he entreth next into the discourse of the Masse, where he proueth by diuers and sondry testimo∣nies, both of the Popes Canons and Councels, the Masse to be a sacrifice and oblation.

This booke being thus compiled and wrytten, hee sent it vnto the senate of Zuricke, about the beginning of Iune, willing and exhorting them by no manner of meanes,* 1.20 to suffer their images, or the masse to be abrogated, and short¦ly after, he published the said booke in Print, & sent it to the Priests and Canons of the Minster of Zuricke, requiring them to folow the custome of the Church receaued, and not to suffer themselues otherwise to be persuaded by any mā.

The Senate againe answering to the Bishops booke, about the middle of August did write vnto him: first decla∣ring that they had read ouer & ouer againe his booke, with all diligence: The which booke for somuch as the Byshop had diuulged abroad in printe, they were therof right glad because the whole world thereby might iudge betwene thē the better. After thys they explaned vnto hym the iudge∣ment and doctrine of their ministers and preachers: and fi∣nally by the authoritie & testimonies of the Scripture con∣uinced his opinion, and prooued the doctrine of his booke to be false. But before they sent their answer to him, about the 13. day of Iune, they commanded al the images as wel within the Citie, as throughe their dominion, to be taken downe and burned quietly and without any tumult.* 1.21 A few monethes after, an order was taken in the sayde Citie of Zuricke, betweene the Canons of the churche, and citie, for disposing the landes and possessions of the Colledge.

It would grow to a long discourse, to comprehend all things by order of circumstance,* 1.22 that happened amōg the Heluetians vpō this new alteration of religion: but brief∣ly to contract, and to runne ouer the chief specialties of the matter, heere is first to be noted, that of the Heluetians, which were confederate together in 13. Pages, chiefly sixe there were, which most disdained and maligned thys reli∣gion of the Tigurines: to witte, Lucernates, Urani, Sui∣tenses, Unterualdij, Tugiani, Friburgenses: These in no case could be recōciled.* 1.23 The rest shewed thēselues more fa∣uourable. But the other, which were their ennemies, con∣ceiued great grudge, & raised many sclaunderous reportes and false rumours against them, and laide diuers thinges to their charge, as first for refusing to ioyn theyr consent to the publique league of the other Pages, with Frances the french king: then for dissenting from them in religion: and thirdly for refusing to stand to the Popish decree made the yeare before at Ratisborne, by Ferdinandus and other bi∣shops aboue mentioned, pag. 838. They layd moreouer to their accusation, for aiding the Uualsutenses theyr neygh∣bors, against Ferdinandus their Prince, which was false. Also for ioyning league secretly, with other Cities, wyth∣out their knowledge, which was likewise false. Item, that they should intende some secrete conspiracie against them, and inuade them with warre, which was as vntrue as the rest.* 1.24 Many other quarels besides, they pretended againste the Tigurines, which were all false and cauilling sclaun∣ders: as that they should teach and preache that Mary the mother of Christ had mo sonnes, & that Iames the youn∣ger, the Apostle, did die for vs, and not Christe hymselfe. Against these and such other vntruthes, being meere mat∣ters of cauillation and sclaunder,* 1.25 the Tigurines did fully and amply purge and acquite themselues by wryting, and did expostulate vehemently with them, not onely for these false and wrongfull suspitions of theyr partes vndeserued, but also for other manifolde iniuries receiued and borne at theyr handes: among which other wrongs and iniuries, thys was one, that the Burghmaster of Turegia had ap∣prehended a certaine preacher,* 1.26 named Ioannes Oxlinus, and led him home as prisoner vnto his house, beyng taken wythin the precinct and limites of the Citie of Zuricke, cō∣trary to lawe and order.

Finally, after much discoursing, wherein they in a long letter declared their diligence and fidelitie at all times, in keeping their league, and maintaining the libertie and di∣gnitie of their country, as touching the cause of religion, if that were all the matter of their offence, they offered them∣selues willing to heare, and more glad to amende, if anye could prooue any errour in them by the Scripture. Other∣wise, if none so could or would proue, wherin they did erre by the worde of God: they coulde not (they sayd) alter any thing in the state of that Religion wherein their conscien∣ces were already staide by the woorde of God, and setled what soeuer pearill or daunger should happen to them for the same,

Although here was no cause, why these Pages or Can∣tons, which were so confederate together in the league of peace,* 1.27 should disagree among themselues: yet heerein may we see the course and trade of the worlde, that when diffe∣rence of religiō beginneth a litle to breake the knot of ami∣tie, by and by how friends be turned to foes, what suspiti∣ons do rise, what quarels and grudge do folow, howe no∣thing there liketh men, but euery thing is taken to y^e worst part, smal ••otes are made mountaines, vertues made vi∣ces, and one vice made a thousand, and all for lacke only of a litle good wil betwixt party & party. For as loue & chari∣ty commonly among men either couereth or seeth not the faultes of their frendes: so hatred and disdaine taking all things to blame, can finde nothyng in their foes that they can like. And thus did it happen betweene these good men of Zuricke, and these other Suitzers aboue named.

These letters of the Tigurines to the other Cantons, were written vpon the occasion of theyr apprehending the preacher Ioan. Oxlinus aboue named the 4. day of Ianuary Anno 1525. and in the moneth of Aprill next following,* 1.28 the maiestrates and Senate of the sayd Citie of Zuricke com∣manded the Masse, with all his ceremonies and appurte∣naunce therto belonging, to be put downe, as wel wythin the City, as without throughout all their iurisdiction: and in steade thereof was placed the Lordes Supper, the rea∣ding of the Prophets, prayer, and preaching.* 1.29 Also a lawe was made against whoredome, and adulterie, and iudges ordained to heare the causes of matrimony. Anno. 1525. Ex Comment. Sled. lib. 4.

All this while the Gospel was not as yet receiued in a∣ny other Page of Heluetia, but only in Zuricke.* 1.30 Wherfore y^e other 12. pages or townes appoynted among themselues concerning a meting or a disputation to be had at Baden: Where were present amōg other diuines, Ioannes Faber Eckius, & Murnerus aboue mentioned. The bishops also of Lucerna, Basill, Curiake, & Lausanna sent thither theyr legates. The conclusions there propounded were these.

That the true body and bloud of Christ,* 1.31 is in the Sacra∣ment.

That the masse is a sacrifice for the quicke and deade.

That the blessed virgine and other saintes are to be in∣uocated, as mediatours and intercessours.

That Images ought not to be abolished.

That there is a purgatorie.

Which conclusions or assertions, Eckius tooke vppon him stoutly to defend.* 1.32 Against him reasoned Oecolampa∣dius (who was then chiefe preacher at Basill) wyth cer∣taine other moe. Zuinglius at that time was not there present, but by wrytinge confuted the doctrine of Eckius,* 1.33 declaring withall, the causes of hys absence: whych were, for that he durst not for feare of his lyfe, committe himselfe to the handes of the Lucernates, Urani, Suitij, Unter∣ualdij, and Tugiani, his enemies, and that hee refused not to dispute, but the place onely of the disputation,* 1.34 excusing moreouer y^t he was not permitted of the Senate to come, neuertheles: if they would assigne the place of disputation, either at Zuricke, or at Berna, or at Sangallum, thether he woulde not refuse to come. Briefly the conclusion of the disputation was this: that all should remaine in that Reli∣gion, which hetherto they had kept, and should follow the authoritie of the Councell, neither should admit any other newe doctrine within theyr dominions. &c, Thys was in the moneth of Iune, the sayd yeare aboue mentioned.

As the time proceded, and dissention about religion en∣creased, it folowed the next yere after,* 1.35 An. 1527. in the mōth of December, that the Senate & people of Berne, (whose power amongst al the Suitzers chieflye excelleth) conside∣ring how neither they could haue the Actes of the disputa∣tion of Baden communicated vnto them, and that the va∣riance about religion still more & more encreased:* 1.36 assigned an other disputation within their owne Citie, and sending forth wrytings therof, called vnto the same, al the bishops bordering nere about them, as the Bishops of Constance, Basill, Sedune, Lausanna warning them bothe to come themselues, and to bring their diuines wyth them, or else to lose all such possessions, which they had lying within the boundes of theyr precinct. After this, they appoynted oute certeine Ecclesiasticall persons of their iurisdiction, to dis∣pute, prescribing and determining the whole disputation to be decided only by the authority of the old and new Te∣stamēt.* 1.37 To all that would come thether they graūted safe∣conduict. Also they appoynted that all things there should be done modestly, without iniurie and brauling woordes, and that euery one shoulde haue leaue to speake his minde freely, and with such deliberation, that euery mans saying might be receiued by the notarye & penned, with this pro∣uiso made before, that what soeuer there shoulde be agreed vpon, the same should be ratified, and obserued through al their dominions: and to the intent mē might come thether better prepared before, they propounded in publike wry∣ting 10. conclusions, in the sayde disputation to be defended of their ministers, by the scriptures, which ministers, wer Franciscus Colbus, and Bertholdus Hallerus. The theames or conclusions were these.

1. That the true Church, whereof Christ is the head, ri∣seth out of gods word,* 1.38 and persisteth in the same, and hea∣reth the voice of no other.

2. That the same Church maketh no lawes without the worde of God.

3. That traditions ordeined in the name of the Church, doe not binde, but so farre foorth as they be consonante to Gods worde.

4. That Christ only hath made satisfactiō for the sinnes of the world: and therefore if any man say that there is any other way of saluation, or meane to putte away sinne, the same denieth Christ.

5. That the body & bloude of Christe can not be receaued really and corporally, by the testimony of the Scripture.

6. That the vse of the masse, wherein Christ is presented and offered vp to hys heauenly Father for the quicke and the dead, is against the Scripture, and cōtumelious to the sacrifice which Christ made for vs.

7. That Christ onely is to be inuocated, as the mediator and aduocate of mankinde, to God the father.

8. That there is no place to be found by the holy Scrip∣ture, wherin soules are purged after thys life: and therfore all those praiers & ceremonies, Yerely Diriges & Obites, which are bestowed vpon the dead: also Lampes, Tapers and such other things, profite nothing at all.

9. That to sette vp any picture or Image to be worship∣ped, is repugnant to the holy scripture, and therfore if any such be erected in Churches for that entent, the same ought to be taken downe.

10. That Matrimonies prohibited to no state or order of men, but for eschewing of fornication, generally is cōman∣ded and permitted to all men by the word of God. And for as much as all fornicatours are excluded by the testimonie of Scripture, from the Communion of the Church, there∣fore this vnchaste and filthye single life of Priests, is most of all vnconuenient for the order of priesthode.

When the Senate and people of Bern, had sent abrode their letters with these theames and conclusions, to al the Heluetians, exhorting thē both to send their learned men, and to suffer al other to passe safely through their coūtries: the Lucernates, Uranites, Suitzians, Unternaldians, Tugians,* 1.39 Glareans, Soloturnians, and they of Friburg aunswered againe by contrary letters, exhorting and re∣quiring them in any case to desist from their purposed en∣terprise: putting them in remembrance of theyr league and composition made, and also of the disputation of Baden a∣boue mencioned, of the which disputation they were them selues (they sayd) the first beginners and authors: saying moreouer, y^t it was not lawfull for any nation or prouince to alter the state of religion, but the same to belong to a ge∣neral Councel: wherfore they desired them, that they wold not attempt any such wicked acte, but continue in the Re∣ligion, which theyr parents and elders had obserued: and in fine,* 1.40 thus in the end of their letters they concluded, that they wold neither send, nor suffer any of their learned men to come, nor yet graunt safeconducte to any others to passe through their countrey. To this and such like effect tended the letters of these Suitzers aboue named.

All which notwithstanding, the Lordes of Berne pro∣ceding in their intended purpose, vppon the day prescribed (which was the 7. of Ianuarie) began their disputation. Of all the bishops before signified (which were assigned to come) there was not one present. Neuertheles the Citie of Basil, Zurike, and Schafuse, and Abbecelle, Sangallium, Mullusia, w^t the neighbors of Rhetia, also they of Straus∣burgh, Ulmes, Ausburge, Lindaue, Constance, and Isne, sent thether theyr Ambassadors.

The Doctours, aboue mētioned, of the City of Berne, began the disputation.* 1.41 Where at the same time, were pre∣sent Zuinglius, Oecolampadius, Bucerus, Capito, Blaurerus, with other moe, all which defended the affir∣matiue of the conclusions propoūded.* 1.42 On the contrary side of them whych were the opponentes, the Chieftayne was Conradus Tregerus a frier Augustin, who to prooue hys assertion, when he was driuen to shift out of the scripture, to seeke helpe of other Doctors, and the moderatours of the disputation would not permit the same (being contra∣ry to the order before appoynted) hee departed out of the place, and would dispute no more.

The disputation endured 19. daies, in the ende whereof it was agreed,* 1.43 by the assent of the most parte, that the con∣clusions there disputed, were consonant to y^e truth of gods word, & should be ratified not onely in the Citie of Berne, but also proclaimed by the Magistrates in sundrie other Cities nere adioyning:* 1.44 furthermore that masses, aultares, and Images in all places should be abolished.

At the Citie of Constance certaine things began to be altered a little before. Where also, among other things,* 1.45 la∣wes were made against fornication and adultery, and all suspect or vnhonest company, wherat the canons, (as they are called) of the Church, taking great griefe and displea∣sure, departed the Citie. In the sayde Citie was then tea∣cher Ambrosius Blaurerus, a learned man, and borne of a noble stocke, who had bene a Monke a litle before, profes∣sed in the monastery of Alperspacke, in the Duchie of Wit∣tenberge, belonging to the dominion of Ferdinandus. Which Blaurerus by reading of Luthers workes, & ha∣uing a good wit, had chaunged a little before, his Religion and also his coat, returning againe home vnto his frends, and when his Abbot would haue had him againe, & wrote earnestly to the Senate of Constance for him: he declared the whole case of the matter in wryting, propounding w^t∣all, certaine conditions, wherupon he was content (as he sayde) to returne. But the conditions were suche that the Abbot was rather willing and contented, that hee shoulde remaine still at Constance, and so he did.

After this disputation thus concluded at Berne, (as hath bene sayde) the Images and aultares,* 1.46 wyth ceremo∣nies, and Masses were abolished at Constance.

They of Geneua also for their parts, were not behind, folowing likewise the example of the Citie of Berne in ex∣tirping Images and ceremonies. By reason whereof the Bishop and Clergie there left and departed the Citie in no small anger.

The Bernates after they had redressed wyth them the state of Religion,* 1.47 they renounced the league made before with the French king, refusing and forsaking hys warlye stipend, whereby they were bounde at his call to feede hys warres, following therin the example of the Tygurines, which before had done the like, and were contented onely with theyr yearely pension that the King payeth to euery page of the Heluetians, to keepe peace.

* 1.48The day and yere when thys reformation with them began, from Poperie to true Christianitie, they caused in a pillar to be engrauen wyth golden letters, for a perpetual memorie to all posteritie to come. This was An. 1528.

After that the rumour of this disputation,* 1.49 and altera∣tion of Berne, was noised in other cities & places abroad, firste the Ministers of Strausburgh encouraged by thys occasion, began likewise to affirm and teach that the masse was wicked, and a great blasphemie againste Gods holy name, and therfore was to be abrogated, and in stead ther∣of, the right vse of the Lords supper to be restored agayne. Which vnlesse they could prooue by y^e manifest testimonies of the Scripture to be true, they would refuse no maner of punishment. On the contrary part, the Bishop of Romes clergie, did holde and maintaine that the Masse was good and holy, whereuppon kindled a great contention on both sides: which when the Senate and Magistrates of the city woulde haue brought to a disputation, and coulde not, be∣cause the Priests would not condescend to any reasoning, therfore seeing they so accused the other, & yet would come to no triall of their cause, the sayde Magistrates cōmanded them to silence.* 1.50 The byshop in the meane while ceased not with his letters & messengers, daily to call vpō the senate, desiring the senate to perseuere in the auncient religion of their elders, & to geue no care to those newe teachers, de∣claring what daunger & pearil it would bring vpon them.

The Senate againe desired him,* 1.51 as they had done of∣tentimes before, that such things, which appertained to the true honor and worship of God, might be set forward, and all other things which tended to the cōtrary, might be re∣moued and taken away: for that properly belonged to hys office to see to. But the Bishop still driuing them off with delaies, pretended to call an assemble for the same, appoyn∣ting also day and place for the hearing & discussing of those controuersies: where, in deede, nothing was performed at all:* 1.52 but with his letters he did often sollicitate them to sur∣cease their enterprise, sometimes by waye of entreating, sometimes with manacing words terrifying them: and at last, seeing he could nothing by that way preuaile, he tur∣ned his sute to the assemble of the Empire, which was thē at Spires collected, entreating them to set in a foote, and to helpe what they could, with their authoritie.* 1.53

They ready to satisfie the Byshops request, sent a so∣lemne Ambassie to the Senate and Citizens of Straus∣burgh, about Decemb. the yere about said, requiring them not to put downe the Masse: for neither it was (sayd they) in y^e power of the Emperor, nor of any other estate to alter the auncient Religion receiued from their forefathers, but eyther by a generall, or by a prouinciall Councell, whyche Councell if they supposed to be farre of, at leaste that they would take a pause till the next sitting of y^e Empire, whych

should be with speede, where their requests being propoū∣ded and heard, they should haue such reasonable aunswer, as should not miscontent them: for it was (sayde they) a∣gainst all lawe and reason, for a priuate Magistrate to in∣fringe and dissolue those thyngs, which by general consent of the whole world, haue bene agreed vpon: and therefore good reason required, that they shoulde obteine so much at theyr handes: For els if they should obstinately procede in this theyr attempt, so with force and violence to worke, as they began, it might fortune, the Emperour their supreme Magistrate vnder God, and also Ferdinandus, his depu∣tie would not take it well, and so shoulde be compelled to seeke suche remedie therein, as they would be sorie to vse. Wherfore their request was, & aduise also, that they shuld wey the matter diligently with themselues, & folowe good counsaile: who in so doing, should not only glad the Em∣peror, but also worke that which should redound chiefly to theyr owne commendation and safetie.

* 1.54Besides the messengers thus sent from the Councell of Spires, the Byshop also of Hildesseme had bene wyth them a little before, exhorting them in the Emperours name, after like maner. Neither did the bishop of Straus∣burgh also cease wyth his messengers and letters, daily to labour his frendes there, and especially such of the Sena∣tours as he had to him bound by any feaulty, or otherwise by any gifts or friendship, that so much as in them did lye, they should vphold the Masse, and gainstand the contrary proceedings of the other.

The Senate of Strausburgh in the meane time, seing the matter did so long hang in controuersie, the space now of 2. yeares, and the preachers daily and instantly calling vpon them for a reformation, and sute also being made to them or the Citizens, assembled their great & ful councel to the number of 300 (as in great matters of importance they are accustomed to doe) and there with themselues debated the case, declaring on the one side, if they abolished y^e masse what danger they should incurre by the Emperor:* 1.55 On the other side, if they did not, how much they shuld offend god and therefore geuing them respite to consulte, at the nexte meting required them to declare their aduise and sentence, in the matter. When the day came, that euery man shoulde say his mind, so it fell out, that the voices and iudgements of them, which went against the Masse preuailed. Where∣upon immediatly a decree was made the 20. of Februarie. Anno. 1529. that the Masse should be suspended and layde downe, til the time that the aduersary part could prooue by good Scripture,* 1.56 the Masse to be a seruice auailable & ac∣ceptable before God.

This decree being established by the cōsent of y^e whole Citie, the Senate eftsoones commaunded the same to be proclaimed and to take full place and effect as well within the Citie, as also without, so farre as their limites and do∣minion did extend, and afterward by letters certified their Byshop touching the doing thereof. Who hearing these newes, as heauy to his heart as leade, did signifie to them again, how he receiued their letters, & how he vnderstode by them,* 1.57 the effect and summe of their doings: all which he was enforced to digest with suche patience as hee coulde, thoughe they wente sore againste his stomacke, seeing for the present time, he could no otherwise chu••e: heereafter would serue, he sayde he would see therunto, according as his charge and office should require.

* 1.58Thus howe the Masse was ouerthrowne in Zurike, in Berne, in Geneua, & in Strausburgh you haue hearde. Now what folowed in Basil, remaineth likewise to vnder¦stand. In this citye of Basill, was Oecolampadius preacher (as is aboue signified) by whose diligent labor & trauaile,* 1.59 the Gospel began there to take such fruit, that great dissen∣tion there also arose among the citizēs about religion, and especially about the Masse: Wherupon the Senate of Ba∣sill appoynted, that after an open disputation, it shoulde be determined by voices, what were to be done therin. This notwithstanding the Papists still continuing in their for∣mer purpose: began more stoutly to inuey against the other parte, and because they were so suffered by the Magistrate without punishment, it was therefore doubted by the cō∣mons, that they had some priuie maintainers amonge the Senators. Whereupon certaine of the Citizens were ap∣poynted, in the name of the whole commons to sue to the Senators, and to put them in remembrance of theyr pro∣mise: Whose suite and request was thys, that those Sena∣tors, which were the aiders and supporters of the papists, might be displaced, for that it did as well tende to the con∣tempt of the former decree made, as also to the publicke di∣sturbance of the Citie. But when this coulde not be obtai∣ned of the Senate, the commons, vppon the 8. day of Fe∣bruary, the yeare aboue sayde, assembled themselues in the gray Friers Churthe, and there considering wyth them∣selues vppon the matter,* 1.60 repaired againe with theyr suite vnto the Senate, but not in suche humble wise as before: and therewithall gathered themselues in the publicke pla∣ces of the Citie, to fortifie the same, all be it as yet wythout armor. The same euening the Senate sent them woorde, that at theyr request they graunted, that those Senatours, although remaining still in office, yet shoulde not sitte in counsaile, what time any matter of Religion shoulde come in talke.

By thys aunswere the Commons gathering that the whole state was ruled by a few,* 1.61 tooke thereat grief and di∣spleasure, protesting openly that they would take counsell by them selues heereafter what they had to doe, not onely in cases of Religion, but also in other matters of ciuile go∣uernment, and foorthwith tooke them to armour, keeping the towers and gates and other conuenient places of the Citie with watche and warde, in as forcible wise, as if the enemie had bene at hand.

The next day the Senate requiring respite to delibe∣rate, was contented to commit the matter to them, whome the commons before had sent as suters vnto them. Which offer the Citizens did not refuse, but wyth this condition that those Senatours, whych were guiltie, shoulde in the meane season followe their pleey as priuate persones, vp∣on theyr owne priuate costes and charges: the other which defended the publicke cause for the behoofe of the posterity, should be mainteined by the publicke charges of the Citie. This the Senate was glad to graunt vnto, w^t some other like matters of lighter weight, to appease theyr rage.

It happened the very same day, that certaine of the ci∣tizens,* 1.62 such as were appoynted to goe about the Citie for the vewing of things, came into the highe Churche where one of them thrusting at a certaine image wyth his staffe, eftsoones it fell downe and brake. By the occasion where∣of, other Images also in like sorte were serued after the same deuotion. But when the Priestes came runnynge to them, which seemed to be greatly offended therewith, they because they would not passe their Commission, staid their handes and departed.

It folowed vppon this, that when word heereof was brought to the Citizens which stoode in the market place, and the matter being made worse to them then it was, they incontinent discharged out CCC. armed men, to rescue their felowes in the church, supposing them to be in daun∣ger. Who comming to the Church,* 1.63 and not fineding theyr felowes there, and all things quiet, saue onely a few Ima∣ges broken downe, they likewise least they shuld haue lost all theyr labour, threwe downe all the other Idols and I∣mages whyche they founde there standing, and so passing thorowe all other Churches in the citie, did there also the like: and when certaine of the Senate came foorth to ap∣pease the tumult, the Citizens sayde, that whiche you haue stande aboute these three yeares, consulting and aduising whether it were best to be done, or not, that shall wee dis∣patche in one houre, that from henceforth neuer more con∣tention shall growe betweene vs for Images: and so the Senate permitted them free leaue, wythout any more re∣sistaunce:* 1.64 and 12. Senatours were displaced from theyr or∣der, all be it wythout note of reproche or dishonestie. Also a decree the same time was made, that as well wythin the Citie of Basill, as wythout, through all theyr iurisdiction, the Masse with all Idols shoulde be abandoned:* 1.65 and fur∣ther, that in all suche matters and cases as concerned the glory of God, and the affaires of the publique wealth, be∣sides the number of the other Senators two hundreth and three score of the Burgers or Citizens shoulde be appoyn∣ted out of euery warde in the Citie, to sit with them in coū∣sell. These decrees being established, after they had kepte watch and warde about the Citie 3. daies and 3. nightes, e∣uery one retourned againe to his house, quiet and ioyfull, without any bloud or stroke geuen, or anger wrcked, but onely vpon the Images.

On the thirde day, which was Ash wednesday (as the Popes ceremoniall Church doth call it) all the wooden I∣mages were distributed among the poore of the Citie,* 1.66 to serue them for fire woode. But when they coulde not well agre in diuiding the pray, but ••el to brawling among them selues, it was agreed that the saide images should be brent all together: so that in nine great heapes all the stocks and Idolles there, the same day were brent to ashes before the great Church doore. And thus by Gods ordinance it came to passe, that the same day, wherein the Popes priestes are wont to shew forth all their mourning, & do marke mens foreheades wyth ashes, in remembraunce that they be but ashes, was to the whole citie festiuall & ioyfull, for turning theyr Images to ashes, and to is obserued and celebrate

euery yere stil vnto this present day, with al mirth, playes and pastimes,* 1.67 in remembraunce of the same ashes, whych day may there be called a ryghte Ash wednesday of Gods owne making. The men of Zurike, of Berne, and of So∣lodure hearing what busines was at Basill, sent their am∣bassadors to be a meane betwene them, but before the am∣bassadors came, all was ceased and at quiet.

All this meane space, the Emperor & the French king were together occupied in warres and strife. Whych as it turned to the great dammage and detriment of the French king,* 1.68 who in the sayde warres was taken prisoner by the Emperor, so it hapned commodious and oportune for the successe of the Gospell: for els it is to be thought that these Heluetians and other Germanes shuld not haue had that leisure & rest to reforme religion, and to linke them selues in league together, as they did. But thus almightie God of his secret wisdome disposeth times & occasions, to serue his wil & purpose in al things. All be it Ferdinandus the Emperours brother, & deputie in Germanie, remitted no time nor diligence to do what he could in resisting the pro∣cedings of the protestants, as appeared, both by the decree set foorth at Ratis••one, and also at Spires. In the whych Councel of Spires, Ferdinandus at the same time, whych was the yeare of our Lorde 1529. had decreed agaynste the protestants, in effect as followeth.

* 1.69First, that the edict of the Emperour made at Wormes, should stand in force through all Germanie, till the time of the general councel, which should shortly folow. Also, that they whiche alredy had altered their religion, & now could not reuoke the same again, for feare of sedition, should stay themselues and attempt no more innouations heereafter, till time of the generall Councell.

Item, that the doctrine of them which hold the Lordes Supper otherwise then the Church doth teach, should not be receiued, nor the masse shuld be altered: and there where as the doctrine of religion was altered, shuld be no impe∣diment to the contrary, but that they which were disposed to come to Masse, might safely therein vse their deuotion: against Anabaptists likewise: and that all ministers of the Church should be enioyned to vse no other interpretation of holy Scripture, but accordyng to the exposition of the Church doctors: other matters that were disputable, not to be touched. Moreouer, that all persons and states shuld keepe peace, so that for Religion neither the one part shuld inferre molestation to the other, nor receiue anye confede∣rates vnder theyr protection and safegarde: All whych de∣crees, they which shoulde transgresse, to be outlawed and exiled.

Unto this sitting at Spires first the Ambassadours of Strausburgh, were not admitted, but repelled by Ferdi∣nandus, because they had reiected the masse: and therefore the sayd citie of Strausburgh denied to pay any contribu∣tion against the Turk, except they wyth other Germanes, might be likewise admitted into their counsels. The other princes which were receiued and not repelled,* 1.70 as the duke of Saxonie, George of Brandeburgh, Ernestus, & Fran∣ciscus Earles of Luneburgh, Lantgraue, Anhaldius, did vtterly gainstand the decre, & shewed their cause in a large protestation written, why they so did: which done, all such cities which subscribed and consented to the sayd protesta∣tion of the princes, eftsones conioyned them selues in a cō∣mon league with them, whereuppon they had their name, called thereof Protestants. The names of the Cities were these.* 1.71 Argentina, or Strausburgh, Noriberge, Vlmes, Constance, Rutelinge, Winssemium, Meminge, Lindauia, Campodunum, Ha∣ilbrunum, Isna, Wisseburgum, Norlinge, Sangallum.

Furthermore, as touching the Heluetians (from whēce we haue somewhat digressed) howe the Citie of Berne and Zurick had consented and ioyned together in reformation of true religion, ye hard before. Wherfore the other Pages in Heluetia,* 1.72 which were of contrary profession, in like ma∣ner confederated them selues in league with Ferdinādus: the number and names of which Pages, especially were 5. to witte, Lucernates, Vraui, Suitenses, Vnterualdij, and Tugiani, whych was in the yeare aboue sayd: to the intent, that they conioyning their power together, might ouerrunne the religion of Christ, and the professours of the same. Who al∣so for hatred & despite, hanged vp the Armes of the fore∣saide cities of Zuricke and of Berne, vppon the gallowes, beside many other iniuries and greeuaunces, whych they wrought against them. For the which cause the said Cities of Berne and Zuricke raised their power, intending to set vpon the foresaid Suitzers, as vpō their capital enemies. But as they were in the field ready to encoūter, one army against y^e other, through the meanes of the citie of Straus∣burgh, and other intercessours, they were parted for that time, and so returned.

As touching the Councell of Auspurge,* 1.73 which followed the next yeare after the assemble of Spires, An. 1530. howe the Princes and Protestantes of Germanie, in the same Councell exhibited their confession, and what labour was sought to confute it, and how constantly Duke Fridericke persisted in defence of his conscience against the threatning woordes, and replications of the Emperour: also in what danger the said princes had ben in, had not the Lantgraue priuily by night slipt out of the citie, parteineth not to thys place presently to discourse.

To returne therefore vnto Zuinglius and the Helue∣tians, of whome we haue heere presently to intreate, you heard before howe the tumulte and commotion betweene the two Cities of Zuricke and Berne, and the other v. Ci∣ties of the Cantons, was pacified by the meanes of inter∣cession, which peace so continued the space of two yeares. After that the olde wound waxing rawe againe, began to burst out, & gather to an head: which was by reason of cer∣taine iniuries, and opprobrious words and contumelies, which the reformed cities had receiued of the other: wher∣fore the Tigurines and the Bernates stopping al passages and streits, would permit no corne nor victual to passe vn∣to them. This was in the yeare of our Lord. 1531,

And when great trouble was like to kindle therby, the Frenche king with certaine other towneships of Suitzer∣land, as the Glarians, Friburgians, Soloturnians,* 1.74 and other comming betweene them, laboured to set them at a∣grement, drawing out certain cōditions of peace betwene them. Whyche conditions were these, that all contumelies & iniuries past should be forgotten. That hereafter neither parte shoulde molest the other. That they which were ba∣nished for religion, should againe be restored. That the v. Pages might remaine without disturbaunce in their reli∣gion, so that none should be restrained amongst them from the reading of the olde and new Testament.* 1.75 That no kind of disquietnesse should be procured against them of Berne and Zuricke: and that either part should conferre mutuall helpes together, one to succour the other, as in times past. But the fiue Pagemen wold not obserue those couenants made,* 1.76 neither would their malicious hearts be brought to any conformitie. Wherfore the Bernates and Tigurines, shewing & declaring first theyr cause in publicke wryting, to purge and excuse the necessity of their warre, being pres∣sed wyth so many wrongs, and in manner constrained to take the sword in hande, did as before, beset the hye wayes and passages, that no furniture of victuall or other forage could come to the other Pages. By reason whereof when they of the fiue towns began to be pinched with want and penurie. they armed themselues secretly, and set forewarde in warlike aray toward the borders of Zuricke, where as then was lying a garrison of the Zuricke menne, to the number of a thousande and more. Whereupon worde was sent incontinent to the Citie of Zuricke, to succoure theyr men with speede, but their enemies approched so fast, that they coulde hardly come to rescue them. For when they were come to the toppe of the hille, whereby they muste needes passe, they sawe their fellowes being in greate di∣stresse in the valley vnder them: whereupon they encoura∣ging themselues, made downe the hil with more hast then order, who might goe fastest:* 1.77 but the nature of the hill was such, that there could but one go down at once. By reason wherof, for as much as they could not keepe their rankes, to ioyne all together, it folowed that they being but few in number, were discomfited and ouermatched of the multi∣tude, which was the 11. day of October, the yeare aboue∣sayde. Among the number of them that were slayne, was also Uldricus Zuinglius the blessed seruaunt & S. of God.* 1.78 Also the Abbotte of Capella, and Commendator Kunacensis, wyth 13. other learned and worthy men were slaine, being as is thought, falsly betraied, and brought into the handes of theyr enemies.

As touching the cause which moued Zuinglius to goe out with his citizens to the warre, as is sufficiently decla∣red and excused both by Iohn Sleidan,* 1.79 and especially by Oecolampadius, in his Epistle (ad Mart. Frechtum, and So∣mium. Epist. Lib. 4. where first is to be vnderstande, that it is an old receiued maner among the Zuricke men,* 1.80 that when they go foorth in warfare, the chief minister of theyr church goeth with them. Zuinglius also of him selfe beyng a man (saith Sledanus) of a stoute and bolde courage, considering if he should remaine at home when warre should be attēp∣ted against his citizens, and if he which in his sermons did so encourage other, should now faint so cowardly, and ta∣rye behinde at home, when time of daunger came, what shame and disdaine might worthily rise to hym thereby, thoughte not to refuse to take suche parte as his brethren did.

Oecolampadius moreouer addeth, that hee went not out as a captaine of the field, but as a good citizen with his citi∣zens,* 1.81 and as a good shepheard ready to die with his flocke. And which of them all (sayeth he) that most cry out against Zuinglius, can shew any such noble heart in him, to do the like? Againe, neither did he go out of his owne accorde, but rather desired not to goe, foreseeing belike, what daunger thereof woulde ensue. But the Senate being importune vpon him, would haue no nay, vrging and enforcing hym most instantly to goe: among whom were thought to haue bene some false betraiers, saying and obiecting to him that he was a dastarde, if he refused to accompany his brethren, as well in time of daunger, as in peace. Moreouer the said Zuinglius among other seculare artes, had also some skill in such matters of warfare. Haec Oecolampad. Whē he was slaine,* 1.82 great crueltie was shewed vppon his deade corpes▪ such was their hatred toward him, that their malice could not be satisfied, vnlesse also they shoulde burne hys bodie being dead. Ex comment. Ioan. Sled Lib. 8.

The report goeth, that after his body was cut first in 4. peeces,* 1.83 and then consumed with fire, three daies after hys death, his frēds came to see whether any part of him was remaining, where they found his hart in the ashes, whole and vnburned: in much like maner as was also the hart of Cranmer Archbishop of Canterburie, which in the ashes also was founde and taken vp vnconsumed, as by credible information is testified.

Furthermore, suche was then the rage of these 5. pages against the foresaid Abbot Capellensis, that they tooke him being slain, and putting out both his eies, they clothed him in a monkes coule, and so set him in the pulpite to preache, railing and iesting vpon him in most despiteful maner. Ez Epist. Oecolamp. ad Wolfgangum Capitonem. lib. 4. Uldericke Zuinglius was when he died, of the age of 44. yeres, yon∣ger then M. Luther by 4. yeares.

The Bernates, who were purposed the same time to atchieue warre against the Unterualdians bordering near vnto them, when they heard of this discōfiture of the Ti∣gurines, to comfort them againe, desired thē to be of good cheare and courage, promising that they woulde not faile but come and reuenge their quarrell. Againe, when the Tigurines had assembled theyr power together, whyche was the 8. day after the battell, and had receiued aide from the Schaffusians, Mullusians, Sangalles, and frō Basil, (the Bernates at this time were nothing hastie) out of the whole number they chose out certaine ensignes, whyche setting foorth in the night, lay in the hil beside Mecinge, in∣tending when the moone was vp, to take the town of Tu∣gie lying neare at hand,* 1.84 vpon the sodain. Which whē their ennemies had perceiued, which were encamped not farre from them, with all speede and moste secrete manner came vpō them being at rest, the 24. day of October, and putting them in more feare, made a wonderful clamorous outcrie: so it fell out in conclusion, that many on both parties were slaine. And all be it the 5. pagemen had the vpper hand, yet would they of Zuricke nothing relent in theyr religion. At the laste throughe mediation, a peace was concluded, and thus the matter agreed, that the Tigurines, Bernates, and Basilians,* 1.85 shoulde forsake the league which they had lately made wyth the Citie of Strausburgh, and the Lant∣graue: likewise shoulde the 5. Page men geue ouer theyr league and composition made wyth Ferdinandus: and hereof obligations were made and sealed in the latter ende of Nouember.

Oecolampadius the preacher of the citie of Strausburgh aboue recorded,* 1.86 hearing of y^e death of Zuinglius his deare frend, tooke thereat inward griefe and sorrowe, in so much that it is thought to haue encreased his disease, and so hee also departed this life, the same yeare and moneth of No∣uember aboue mentioned, being of the age of 49. yeres, el∣der then M. Luther by one yeare.* 1.87 Although this Oecolam∣padius then died, yet his learned & famous Commentaries vpon the Prophets, with other worthy workes, which he left behinde him, liue still, and shall neuer die.

The next yere folowing, which was, anno. 1532. in the moneth of August, died also the woorthy and memorable prince Iohn Fridericke Duke of Saxonie, who for testi∣monie of Christe and of his Gospel, susteined such trials, so many bruntes,* 1.88 and so vehement conflicts with the Empe∣rour, and that especially at the Councell assembled at Aus∣purge, that vnlesse the almighty hand of the Lorde had su∣steined him, it had not bene possible for him or any prince to haue endured so constāt and vnremoueable, against so ma∣ny perswasions, and assaults, as hee did to the ende. After him succeeded Iohn Fridericke his sonne. &c.

And thus haue ye the historie of Zuinglius, and of the church of Suitzerlande, with their proceedings and trou∣bles, from the first beginning of their reformation of reli∣gion, set forth and described. Whereunto we will adde one certaine Epistle of y^e said Zuinglius, taken out of his other Epistles, and so therewith close vp hys storie. Which Epi∣stle I thought here to record, especially for that in the same among other maters, profitably is expounded y^e true mea∣ning of the Apostle, wryting to the Corrinthians, concer∣ning how to iudge the Lordes body, to the entent that the simple thereby may the better be informed. The words of his letter be these, as folowe.

Huldricus Zuinglius N. fratri in Domino.

GRatiam & pacem in Domino.

Accipe igitur chariss. frater. &c.

In English thus.

Vnto your questions propounded to me in your former let∣ters (well be loued brother.* 3.1) I haue sent you heere mine aun∣swere. First I am also in the same minde with you, that the Lordes supper is a verye thankes geuing: for so the Apostle him selfe meaneth, saying: Yee shall shewe foorth the Lordes death.* 3.2 Where the woorde of shewing foorth, signifieth as much as praising, or thankes geeuynge. Wherefore, seeinge it is an Euchariste, or a thankes geuing, in my iudgement no other thing ought to bee obtruded to mens consciences, but onely with due reuerence to geue thankes. Neuerthelesse, yet this is not t•• be neglected, that euery man doe prooue and examine him selfe, for so wee oughte to search and aske our owne consciences, what faith wee haue in Christ Iesus, which if it be sounde and sincere, we may approche without stay, to this thankes geuing. For he that hath no faith, & yet faineth or pretendeth to haue, eateth his owne iudgement: for he lieth to the holy Ghost. And whereas you suppose, that Paul in this place doth not reprooue them which sit at the table eating of meates offered to Idols, I dissent from you therein. For Paule a li∣tle before wryteth vehemently against those arrogante persones which bragging vpon their knowledge, thought they might law∣fully eate of such meates offered to Idols, sitting and eating at the Lordes table: You can not (sayeth he) be partakers bothe of the Lordes table, and the table of deuils. &c. Wherefore Saint Paules meaning is, that euery one should trie and examine hym∣selfe what faith he hath. Whereuppon it foloweth, that he which hath a right faith, must haue no parte nor fellowship wyth those things, which be geuen to Idols, for he is nowe a member of ano∣ther body, that is, of Christe:* 3.3 so that hee can not ioyne him selfe nowe to be one body with Idolaters. And therefore those be they which doe not iudge or discerne the Lordes body, that make no difference betwene the Church of Christ, and the Church of Ido∣laters. For they which sit at the Lordes table eating of Idolmeates, do make no difference at all betweene the Lordes supper,* 3.4 and the supper of the deuill, which be they whom Paul sayth, not to iudge the bodye of the Lorde, that is, which make no discrepance, nor geue any more regard to Christes Church, then to the church of deuils. Whereas if we would iudge our selues, that is, if we would thorowly search and examine our own consciences as we shuld, in comming to the table of the Lorde, we finding any faith in vs, would neuer goe to the table, or make therof the feast of deuilles. Wherefore your iudgement heerein is not amisse in expounding the word of iudging in S. Paule, to signifie as much, as, cōsidering,* 3.5 perpending, and inquiring.

To your seconde question I aunswere, that Iesus tooke bread, and brake, &c. Also, he tooke the cuppe, &c. Ista verba sunt pecu∣liariter agentis, non hospitaliter inuitantis: that is, these woordes declare the action of one which properly doeth a thing, and not the hospitalitie of one which inuiteth another to eate. Touching your third question out of the 6. chap. of Iohn:* 3.6 Doeth this offende you? herein I doe full agree with you.

As for this word Ostren, which is your fourth question, I vn∣derstād therby, the time of the great feast or solemnitie, which we kepe in remembrance of the great deliueraunce of Gods people, from the thraldome nowe of Satan, before from the thraldome of Pharao. Neither is it greatly materiall with what woorde we ex∣presse the thing, so the thing it selfe be one, and the analogie and consonancie of the Scripture be kept: For the Scripture calleth Christ bothe the Lambe, and S. Paule calleth him our Easter or Passeouer. Now your worde wanderfest well pleaseth me,* 3.7 for the Passeouer, or Paesah.

To your fifth interrogation, of Christ descending into Hell, I suppose this particle was inserted into the Creede, by the sen∣tence of the Fathers, to declare how the fathers were redemed by the death of Christ, which died in the faith. For Christ ledde away captiuitie wherewith they were holden, with him vp into heauen:* 3.8 so that hys going downe into Hell, non sic intelligatur, quasi cir∣cumscriptiuè, sed potentionaliter: that is, be not so vnderstanded, as circumscriptiuely, which is, when a thynge is present by cir∣cumscription of any one place: but by power, which is, by the o∣peration of his spirit, which is not cōprehēded in any certenty of place, but without prescription of certain place, is diffused euery

so that the article of Christes descending into hell, importeth as much, as that his death redemed them, which were in hell. Wher∣unto S. Peter also seemeth to haue respect, where he sayeth: * 3.9 The Gospell also was preached to them which were deade: that is, that they also did feele the good tidings of the Gospell, their redemp∣tion by the sonne of God: and that they which rose againe wyth Christ in spirite, be nowe with him in heauen, who neuerthelesse in flesh shalbe iudged, what time the sonne of God and of man shal come to iudge both the quicke & dead. Returne to the places of Peter, the one in his first Epistle, the other in the latter: and so be you contented with this present answer rashed vp in haste. Fare ye hartily wel. And comfort my William, the good aged father, by the grace of God which is in you. Commende me to Iohn Eggen∣berge. From Zuricke the 1. day of September. An. 1527.

FRom the first beginning of this whole booke and histo∣rie hitherto (good reader) thou hast hearde of many and sundry troubles, & much businesse in the church of Christe, concerning the reformation of diuers abuses and great er∣rors crept into the same, namely in the Churche of Rome, as appeareth by the doings of them, in diuers and sundry places, wherof mention hath bene made heretofore in this said historie. For what godly man hath there bene wythin the space of these 500. yeares,* 3.10 either vertuously disposed, or excellently learned, which hath not disprooued the misor∣dred doings and corrupt examples of the See and Bishop of Rome, from time to time, vnto the cōming of this Lu∣ther? Wherin this appeareth to me, & may also appeare no lesse to al godly disposed mē, to be noted, not without great admiration, that seeing this foresaid Romish Bishop hath had great ennemies and gainsaiers continually from time to time, both speaking & working, preaching and wryting against him, yet notwithstanding neuer any could preuail before the comming of this man. The cause whereof, al∣though it be secretely knowen vnto God, and vnknowen vnto men: yet so farre as men by cōiectures may suppose, it may thus not vnlikely be thought: That whereas other men before him, speaking against the pomp, pride, whore∣dom, and auarice of the Bishop of Rome, charged him on∣ly or most specially with examples and maners of life: Lu∣ther went further with hym, charging him not wyth life, but with his learning: not with doings, but with his doc∣trine: not picking at the rine, but plucking vp the roote: not seeking the man, but shaking his seate, yea & charging him with plaine heresie,* 3.11 as preiudicial and resisting plain∣ly against the bloud of Christ, cōtrary to the true sense and direct vnderstanding of the sacred testament of Gods holy woord. For whereas the foundation of our faith grounded vpon the holy scripture, teacheth & leadeth vs to be iustifi∣ed onely by the worthines of Christ, & the onely price of his bloud:* 3.12 the Pope proceeding with a contrary doctrine, tea∣cheth vs otherwyse to seeke our saluation, not by Christ a∣lone, but by the way of mennes meriting and deseruing by works: Wherupon rose diuers sorts of orders & religious sects amongst men, some professing one thing, and some an other, & euery man seeking his owne vnrighteousnes, but few seking the righteousnes of him which is set vp of God to be our righteousnes, redemption, and iustification.

Martin Luther therefore vrging & reducing things to the foundation and touchstone of the Scripture,* 3.13 opened the eyes of many, which before were drowned in darknes. Whereupon it can not be expressed what ioy, comforte, and consolation came to the hearts of men, some lying in dark∣nes and ignoraunce, some wallowing in sinne, some being in despaire, some macerating them selues by woorkes, and some presuming vppon their owne righteousnesse, to be∣holde that glorious benefite of the greate libertie and free iustification set vp in Christ Iesus. And briefly to speake, the more glorious the benefite of this doctrine appeared to the world after long ignoraunce, the greater persecuti∣on followed vppon the same. And where the elect of God tooke most occasion of comfort and of saluation, thereof the aduersaries tooke moste matter of vexation & disturbance: As commonly we see the true woord of God to bring with it euer dissention and perturbation, and therefore truely it was sayde of Christ, That he came not to send peace on earth, but the swoorde.* 3.14 And this was the cause, why that after the doctrine and preaching of Luther, so great troubles and persecutions followed in all quarters of the world:* 3.15 wher∣by rose great disquietnesse among the Prelates, and many lawes and decrees were made, to ouerthrowe the same by cruell handling of many good and Christian men. Thus while authoritie armed wyth lawes and rigour, did striue againste simple veritie, lamentable it was to heare, howe many poore men were troubled and went to wracke, some tost from place to place, some exiled out of the land for fear, some caused to abiure, some driuen to caues in woodes, some racked wyth torment, and some pursued to deathe wyth fagot and fire. Of whom we haue nowe (Christ wil∣ling) in this hystorie following to entreat, first begynning with certaine that suffered in Germanie, & then to returne to our owne stories, and Martyrs here in England.

Henry Voes and Iohn Esch, Friers Augustines.

IN the yeare of our Lorde. 1523. two young menne were burnt at Bruxelles, the one named Henry Uoes,* 3.16 being of the age of 24. yeares, and the other Iohn Esch, whych before had bene of the order of the Augustine Friers. They were disgraded the first day of Iulie, and spoiled of theyr friers weede, at the suite of Egmondanus the Popes In∣quisitour, and the diuines of Louaine,* 3.17 for that they would not retracte and deny their doctrine of the Gospell, which the Papistes call Lutheranisme. Theyr examiners were Hochestratus and other, who demaunded of them, what they did beleeue? They sayde, the bookes of the olde Testa∣ment, and the newe, wherein were contained the Articles of the Creede. Then were they asked whether they beleued the decrees of the Councels and of the Fathers? They sayde, such as were agreeing to the Scripture,* 3.18 they belee∣ued. After thys they proceeded further, asking whether they thought it any deadly sinne, to transgresse the decrees of the fathers, and of the bishop of Rome? That (said they) is to be attributed onely to the precepts of God, to binde the conscience of man, or to loose it. Wherein when they cō∣stantly persisted, and would not turne, they were condem∣ned and iudged to be burned. Then they beganne to geue thanks to God their heauenly father, which had deliuered them through his great goodnes, from the false and abho∣minable priesthoode, & had made of them priests of his holy order, receiuing thē vnto him as a sacrifice of sweete odor. Then there was a bill written, which was deliuered vnto them to read opēly before the people, to declare what faith and doctrine they helde.* 3.19 The greatest error that they were accused of, was that men ought to trust only in God, for so much as men are liers and deceitful in all their words and deedes, and therefore there ought no trust or affiance to be put in them.

As they were ledde vnto the place of execution, which was the first day of Iulie, they went ioyfully and merily, making continual protestation that they died for the glory of God, and the doctrine of the gospell, as true Christians, beleuing & following the holy church of the sonne of God, saying also that it was y^e day which they had long desired. After they were come to the place where they shoulde bee burned, and were dispoyled of their garments, they taried a great space in their shirtes, & ioyfully embraced the stake that they should be bound to, paciently and ioyfully endu∣ring what so euer was done vnto thē, praising God wyth Te Deum laudamus, and singing Psalmes, and rehearsing

[illustration]

The burning of Henry Voes and Iohn Esch, Friers Augustines.

the Creede, in testimonie of their faith. A certaine Doctour beholding their iolitie & mirth, said vnto Henry, y^t he shuld take heede so foolishly to glorifie himselfe. To whome he answered, God forbid that I shoulde glory in any thyng, but onely in the crosse of my Lord Iesus Christ. Another coūselled him to haue God before his eies: vnto whom he answered, I trust that I cary him truly in my hart. One of them seeing that fire was kindled at his feete, said: Me thinkes ye do straw roses vnder my feet.* 3.20 Finally, y^e smoke and the flame mounting vp to their face, choked them.

Henry being demaunded amongst other things, whe∣ther Luther had seduced him or no: yea (said he) euen as Christ seduced his Apostles. He said also, that it was con∣trary to Gods law, that y^e Clergy should be exempted frō the power & iurisdictiō of the magistrate ordeined of God, for such as were ordeined in office by the bishops, haue no power but onely to preach the worde of God, and to feede their flocke therewithall. After their death, their monaste∣rie was dissolued at Antwarpe. The President wherof, by the Papistes called Iacobus Lutherianus, after diuers and many troubles & afflictions, was forced to recant at Brux∣els, but afterward his mind being renued by y^e holy ghost, embracing that againe which before he had renounced, he fled vnto Luther. Ex 6. tomo M. Lutheri. fol. 397.

Henry Sutphen Monke put to death in Diethmar.

THe next yeare after the burning of those two Christian martyrs at Bruxels aboue mentioned,* 3.21 with like tyran∣nie also was martired & burned without all order of iudg∣ment or iust condemnation, about the Citie of Diethmar, in y^e borders of Germany, one Henry of Sutphen monke, an. 1524. of whom mention is partly touched in the Com∣mentaries of Ioh. Sledan. Lib. 4. but his historie is more amply described of Luther,* 3.22 of Paulus Eberus in his Ca∣lēdar, of Ludou. Rabus Crispinus, and other. This Sut∣phen had bene before with M. Luther, and afterward cō∣ming to Antwarpe, was frō thence excluded for the Gos∣pell, and so came to Breme, not to y^e intent there to preach, but for that he was minded to go to Wittenberge, beeing driuen from Antwarpe, as is abouesaide. Who beeing at Breme, was there required by certaine godly Citizens of Breme, to make one or two briefe exhortations vpon the Gospel. Wherunto, through the earnest loue and zeale that was in him, he was easily allured & perswaded. He made his first Sermon vnto the people, the sonday before Saint Martins daye.* 3.23 When the people heard him preache the word of God so sincerely, they desired him againe the se∣cond tyme, and were so in loue with his doctrine, that the whole parish required him to tary amōgst them to preach the Gospell: which thing, for feare of daunger, for a time he refused. When the religious rout had vnderstanding here∣of, specially the Canons, Monkes, and priests, they went about with al endeuour, to oppresse him, & thrust both him out of the citie, and also the Gospel of Christ (for that was their chiefe seeking:* 3.24) whereupon they went vnto the Se∣nate, desiring that such an heretique might be banished the towne, which in his doctrine preached against y^e catholike Church. Upon the complaint of the Canons, the Senate sent for the wardens, and head men of the parish where Henry had preached, who being come together, the Senat declared vnto them the cōplaint of the Canons, and al the other religious men. Wherunto the citizens of Breme ta∣king their preachers part,* 3.25 answered, that they knew none other, but that they had hired a learned and honest man, to preach vnto thē, which should teach them sincerely & truly the word of God. Notwithstanding, if the Chapterhouse or any other man could bring testimoniall or witnes, that the Preacher had taught any thing, which either sauored of heresie, or were repugnant to the word of God, they were ready (they said) with the Chapterhouse to persecute him: for God forbid that they shoulde mainteine an here∣tique. But if contrarywise the Canons of the Chapter∣house, and the other Religious men will not declare and shew that the preacher whome they had hyred, had taught any errour or heresie, but were set only of malice, by vio∣lence to driue him away, they might not (said they) by any meanes suffer the same. Whereupon they desired the Se∣nate with all humble obedience, that they woulde not re∣quire it of them, but graunt them equitie and iustice, say∣eng,* 3.26 that they were minded to assist their preacher always, and to pleade his cause.

This answere the Senate commanded to be declared to the Chapterhouse. When as the religious sort vnderstoode that they coulde preuaile little or nothyng wyth theyr words, bursting out in a furie, they began to threaten, and there withall went straight vnto the Archbyshop, to certi∣fie him how y^e Citizens of Breme were become heretikes, & would no lōger obey their religious sort, with many o∣ther lyke thynges in their complaynt, so that it was to be feared, least the whole Citie shortly should be seduced.

When the Byshop heard tell of these thyngs,* 3.27 straight∣wayes he sent ij. which were of his counsell, vnto Breme, requiryng that Hēry should be sent vnto him without de∣lay. Whē they were demaūded why they would haue him sent, they aunswered, because he preached agaynst the holy Church. Being agayne demaūded, in what pointes or ar∣ticles, they had nothyng to say. One of these counsellers was the Byshops Suffragan,* 3.28 a naughty pernitious hy∣pocrite, which sought all meanes possible to cary away the sayd Henry captiue. Finally they receiued this aunswere of the Senators, that for somuch as the preacher being hy∣red by the Church wardens,* 3.29 had not hetherto bene cōuict for an hereticke, & that no mā had declared any erroneous or heretical article that he had taught, they sayd, they could by no meanes obteine of the Citizēs that he should be ca∣ryed away: Wherefore they earnestly desired the Byshop that he would speedely send his learned mē vnto Breme,* 3.30 to dispute with him, & if he were cōuinced, they promised, without any delay that he should be iustly punished, and sent away: if not, they would in no wise let him departe. Whereunto the Suffragan aunswered with a great prote∣station, requiryng that he might bee deliuered into his handes, for the quietnesse of the whole countrey, takyng God to his witnesse, that in this behalfe, he sought for no∣thyng els, but onely the commoditie of his countrey. But for all this, they could preuayle nothyng, for the Senate continued still in their former mynde.* 3.31 Wherupō the Suf∣fragan beyng moued with anger, departed from Breme, and would not confirme their children.

When he came vnto the Byshop he declared the aun∣swere of the Senate, and what he had heard and learned of the Priestes and Monkes there. Afterward whē dayly newes came,* 3.32 that the preacher did still more & more preach & teach more heynous matter agaynst the religious rout, they attempted an other way, suborning great men to ad∣monish the Citizens of Breme into what ieopardie their common wealth might fall by meanes of their Preacher, preachyng contrary to the decree of the Pope and Empe∣rour. Besides that, they sayd, that he was the prisoner of the Lady Margaret, for which cause they had gotten Let∣ters of the Lady Margaret, requiring to haue her prisoner sent vnto her agayne.

All these craftes and subtilties did nothyng at all pre∣uayle, for the Senate of Breme aunswered all thynges without blame. When as the Byshop saw this his enter∣prise also frustrate, he attempted an other way, whereby he had certaine hope, that both he, & also the word of God with him should be wholy oppressed. Whereupō they de∣creed a Prouinciall counsaile, not to be holden at Breme,* 3.33 as it was accustomed, but at Bucstade, whiche place they thought most meete for their purpose.

To this Councell were called all the Prelates & lear∣ned men of the Dioces, to determine what was to be be∣leeued, and whereto to trust.

Also to the sayd Councell was Henry called, notwith∣stādyng that they had already decreed to proceede agaynst him, as agaynst a manifest hereticke,* 3.34 albeit he was not yet conuict, nor had pleaded his cause before. Wherfore the ru∣lers of the Citie, together with the commonaltie, deteyned him at home, foreseyng and suspectyng the malice of the Councell.* 3.35 Then the sayd Henry gathered a summe of his doctrine into a fewe Articles, and sent it with his letters, vnto the Archbyshop, excusing his innocēcie, offering him selfe to be ready, if he were conuict of any errour by the te∣stimony of y^e holy Scripture, he would be ready to recāt y^e same: notw^tstanding earnestly requiryng, that his errours might be cōuicted by y^e holy Scriptures, by the testimony wherof he had hetherto approued his doctrine & doubted not hereafter to cōfirme the same: but this tooke no place amongest those annoynted prelates. What y^e determinatiō of their iudgemēt was, it may hereupon wel be gathered, in that shortly after they set vp vpō the Church porche the Bull of Pope Leo the x. & decree of the Emperour made at Wormes. Wherupon Henry contēnyng their madnes,* 3.36 proceeded dayly in preaching the Gospel, adding alwayes this protestatiō, y^t he was ready willingly to geue account touchyng his fayth & doctrine, to euery mā that would re∣quire the same. In the meane tyme the holy Catholickes could not be idle, but sent their chapleines vnto euery ser∣mon, to trappe him in his wordes. But God,* 3.37 whose foote pathes are in y^e middest of y^e floudes, would haue his mar∣ueilous power to be sene in thē, for he cōuerted many of

them: in so much that the greater part of those that were sent to hearken, did opēly witnes his doctrine to be Gods truth, against which no man could contend, and such as in all their liues before they had not heard, perswading them likewise, that they forsaking all impietie, should folow the word of God, and beleeue the same, if they would be saued. But the chiefe priests, canons and monkes, were so indu∣rate and blinded with Pharao, that they became the worse for these admonitions. When as God saw the time conue∣nient that Henry should confirme the veritie that he had preached, he sente him among the cruell murtherers ap∣pointed for that slaughter, by this occasion as followeth.

It happened in the yeare of our Lord 1524. that thys Henry was sent for by letters,* 3.38 by Nicholas Boye parish priest, and other faithfull Christians of the parish of Mel∣dorph, which is a towne in Diethmar, to preach the Gos∣pel vnto them, and deliuer them out of the bondage of An∣tichrist, which in that place had full dominion.

These letters being receiued vpon S. Catherines euen, calling together sixe breethren, honest Citizens, he opened the matter vnto thē, how y^t he was sent for by them of Di∣ethmar, to preach y^e Gospel: adding moreouer that he was not only a debtour vnto thē, but to all other which requi∣red his ayde. Wherfore he thought good to go vnto Dieth∣mar, to see what God would worke by him, requiring also that they woulde helpe him with their aduice, by what meanes he might best take his iourney, that no mā should know of it, that thereby he might not be letted or stopped: which thing without doubt had come to passe, if his pur∣pose had bene knowne to the people. Unto whom the citi∣zens answered,* 3.39 desiring him that he would not depart for a time, for so much as y^e Gospell had not yet taken so deepe roote in y^e people, but was as yet weake, & specially in the villages therabout, & that the persecution was very great, willing him also to haue respect vnto this, that he was by them called to the office of preaching, and if they of Dieth∣mar desired a preacher, he shoulde send some other in hys place, for they had before perceiued the disposition and vn∣trustines of them of Diethmar: besides that, it was not in their power to geue him free liberty to depart, without the consente of the whole communaltie. Whereunto Henry made answere in this manner,* 3.40 that albeit he could not de∣nie but that he was sent for by them: yet now there were many godly & learned men at Breme, whose labour they might vse in his absence, in preaching of the Gospell. Be∣sides that, the Papistes were for the most parte vanqui∣shed and ouerthrowne, and their follie knowne, euen vnto women and children, adding thereunto, that he had nowe preached the Gospell by the space of two yeares at Breme, and that they of Diethmar liued without a pastour euen in the middest of the woolues, wherefore he could not with safe conscience denie theyr request. And whereas they al∣leged that they could not licence him without the consente of the whole congregation, that (said he) was but of small effect, for so much as he would not vtterly forsake them, but determined only to remaine with them of Diethmar, for a moneth or two, to lay a foundation, and then to re∣turne againe, desiring them, that after his departure, they would declare vnto the cōgregation, how he was sent for by them of Diethmar, to whom he could not say nay: wil∣ling them also to excuse his sodeine departure, for that he was forced to departe secretly, because of his aduersaries priuily lyeng in waite in euery place for him, thinking that he should scarsely auoyde them, which had alwayes gone about to bring him to his death.* 3.41 Finally, they should pro∣mise to the congregation in his name, that when he had perfourmed his enterprise, he woulde straight returne a∣gaine. They being perswaded with these words, cōsented vnto him, stedfastly hoping that they of Diethmar should be conuerted vnto the true faith: which people aboue all other, haue alwaies bene most geuen to Idolatrie.

Hauing prepared all things toward his setting foorth, the xxij. day of October, he tooke his iourney, and came to Meldorphe, whither he was sent for: wheras he was ioy∣fully receiued of the parish priest and other, as soone as he was come thither. Albeit he had not yet preached, the Di∣uell with his members by and by began to freat and fume for anger. Aboue all other, one Augustine Torneborch, Prior of the Blacke friers, began to fume, who went out of hand vnto maister Iohn Swicken his companion, and Commissary to the Officiall of Hamburge, to take coun∣sell what was to be done, least they should loose their king∣dome.* 3.42 Finally it was decreed by them, aboue all things to withstand the beginnings, that he should not haue licence to preach: for if by any meanes it happened that he prea∣ched, and the people should heare him, it was to be feared that the wickednes and craft of the Priestes and Monkes should be opened, which being made manifest, they knew plainely that it would be but a folly to resist, remembring what had happened lately before in Breme. This deter∣mination had, the Prior the next day early in the morning, (for he had not slept well all night for cares) wente wyth great speede vnto Heyda to speake with the 48. Presidēts of the countrey: vnto whome with great complaintes he shewed, how that a seditious felow a Monke, was come from Breme, which would seduce all the people of Dieth∣mar, as he had done the Bremers.* 3.43 There was moreouer that did assist this Prior, maister Gunterus, Chauncelour of that countrey, and Petrus Hannus, both enemies vn∣to the Gospell. These two stoutly assisted the Prior, per∣swading the other 46. being simple and vnlearned men, that they should obteine great fauour and good will of the Bishop of Breme, if they would put this hereticke monke to death. When these poore vnlearned men heard these words, they decreed that this Monke shoulde be put to death, neither heard, nor seene, much lesse conuict.

Furthermore, this Prior obteined letters from the 48. Presidents vnto the parish priest, commanding him vn∣der great penaltie, that he shoulde put the Monke out of his house, and commaunde him to depart without prea∣ching. With these letters he came speedily vnto Mel∣dorphe,* 3.44 and deliuered the letters ouernight vnto the pa∣rish Priest, trusting that by their threatnings and com∣mandement, the sayd Henry should be feared from prea∣ching, diligently watching whether he did preach or not.

When as the parish priest had read ouer the letters, he marueyled not a little at that proud commaundement, for that it had not bene heard of before, that the xlviij. Presi∣dents should meddle with Ecclesiasticall matters, and that it had bene of long time vsed, that the ruling therof should be in the hands of the parish priest: and long time before it was decreed by the whole prouince, and customably vsed, that in euery church y^e parish priest should haue free liber∣tie to receiue or put out the preacher. These letters the pa∣rish priest deliuered vnto Henry: which when he had dili∣gently looked ouer, he answeared, that for so muche as he was come, being sent for by y^e whole cōgregatiō to preach the Gospell of Christ, he would satisfie that vocation, be∣cause he saw it would be acceptable vnto the whole cōgre∣gation, and that he ought rather to obey the word of God, then mā: Also y^t if it pleased God that he should lose his life in Diethmar, there was as neare a way to heauen,* 3.45 as in any other place, for that he doubted nothing at all, y^t once he must suffer for y^e Gospels sake. Upon this courage and boldnes, the next day Henry went vp into the Pulpit, and made a Sermon, expounding the place of Paul, which is, Rom. 1. Testis est mihi Deus, &c. That is, God is my witnes: and the Gospell of the day. After the Sermon was done, the whole congregation being called together, the Prior deli∣uered the letters that were sent by the 48. Presidents, the tenor whereof was this: that they of Meldorph should be fined with a fine of a thousand gildrens, if they suffered the Monke to preach: and commaunded moreouer, that they should send ambassadours vnto Heida, with full power and authoritie. When they heard these letters read, they were much moued, because they were so charged contrary to the custome of the countrey, for so much as euery parish priest hath alwaies had authority, according to his discre∣tion, to choose or put away the preacher. Briefly they all determined with one voice, to keepe Henry for their prea∣cher, and to defend him: for when they had heard the Ser∣mon, they were greatly offended with the Prior.

After dinner Henry preached againe,* 3.46 expoūding y^e place of S. Paule Rom. 15. Debemus nos qui potentes sumus, &c. We ought which are strong, &c. The next day the Citizens of Meldorphe sent their messengers vnto Heyda, offering to aunsweare in all causes before all men, for their preacher, whome they had receiued. Besides that, the messengers declared what christian & godly Sermons they heard him preach. The parish priest also wrote letters by the said Le∣gates vnto the 48. rulers, wherin he excused himselfe, that it was neuer his mind, nor the intent of the said Henry to moue sedition, but only sincerely to preach y^e word of God, and offred himselfe ready to answer for the said Henry to al mē, whensoeuer he should be called, most earnestly desi∣ring them not to geue credite vnto y^e Monks, which being blinded with hatred & auarice, had fully determined to op∣presse y^e truth: saieng moreouer, that it was against all rea∣son, that a man should be condemned, before the truth be tried out, and his cause declared, and if after due inquisitiō had, he should be cōuict, then he should suffer cōdigne pu∣nishment. This submission with y^e publique testimoniall, was nothing esteemed or regarded, neither was there any answeare geuen therunto, but euery man repined & mur∣mured

thereat. Last of all, one Peter Dethleues, one of the Seniors answered:* 3.47 that albeit there were diuers dissensi∣ons in euery place about the Christian faith; and that they as men ignorant, could not redresse the same, yet this their sentence should be holden and ratified: which was, that the iudgement of determining this dissension, should be reserued to the next Councell, which by the report of mai∣ster Chauncelour, was now in hand to be called and ga∣thered. Also vntill all discord and dissension should be ap∣peased, whatsoeuer was receiued and beleeued by theyr neighbours, he promised in the name of the rest, that they would willingly receiue and beleeue the same: So that if the word of God hath not hitherto bene clearely and sin∣cerely preached (as they said) vnto y^e people, and that there be now some which can teache and preach the same more sincerely, it is not their mind or intent to withstand or re∣sist their good doings, but that the presidents would wish this one thing diligently to be taken heede of, that there be no occasion geuen by any man to moue sedition, and in the meane time he commaunded all men quietly to geue ouer all matters vntill Easter nexte, and by that time it shoulde be made euident what shoulde be receiued, and what left vndone. With this answere they were all very well con∣tented, and the messengers returned againe to Meldorphe with great ioy and gladnes, declaring to the whole con∣gregation what answere was made, cōceiuing a sure hope that the matter would shortly come to passe.

Upon S. Nicholas daye, thys Henry preached twise, first vpon the Gospell Homo quidam nobilis, &c. A certaine noble man,* 3.48 &c. Secondly vpon this text, Plures facti sunt sa∣cerdotes, &c. There are many made Priestes, &c. with suche a spirit and grace,* 3.49 that all men had him in admiration, prai∣eng God most earnestly that they might long haue such a preacher. Upon the day of the conception of our Lady, he also made two Sermons vpon the first chapter of Ma∣thew, expounding the booke of the generation, wherein he rehearsed the promises made by God vnto oure forefa∣thers, and vnder what faith our fathers that then were, had liued, adding also that all respect of works being set a∣part, we must be iustified by the same faith. All these things were spoken with such boldnes of spirit, that al mē great∣ly maruelled at him, geuing thankes to God for his great mercy, that had sente them such a Preacher, desiring hym moreouer that he would tarrie with them al Christmas to preach, for they feared least he should be sent for to some o∣ther place.

In the meane space, the Priour and maister Iohn Schinke were not idle,* 3.50 for when the Prior perceiued that his malitious enterprise tooke no good successe, he adioy∣ned vnto him a companion, William, a Doctour of the Iacobines, and so went vp to Laudanum, to the Monks, Franciscanes, and Minors, for helpe and counsaile. For those kindes of Friers aboue all other, are best instruct by their hypocrisie, to deceiue the poore and simple people. These Friers streightwaies sent for certaine of the rulers, which had all the rule and authoritie, and specially Peter Hannus, Peter Swine, and Nicholas Roden, vnto whome they declared, after their accustomed maner, with great complaintes, what an heretique Monke had prea∣ched, and how he had obteined the fauour almost of all the simple people, which if they did not spedily prouide for and withstand the beginnings, and put the heretique to death, it would come to passe, that shortly the honour of our La∣dy and all Saints, together with the two Abbeys, shoulde vtterly come to ruine and decay.

When these simple & ignorant men heard these wordes, they were greatly moued. Whereunto Peter Swine aun∣swered thus, that they had before written vnto the parish priest & to Henry, what was best to be done, notwithstan∣ding if they thought good, they would write againe. No, said y^e Prior, this matter must be attempted another way, for if you write vnto the heretike, he wil by and by answer you againe. And it is to be feared, least the contagion of his heresie do also infect you, being vnlearned men: for if you geue him leaue to speake, and to answere, there is no hope that you shall ouercome him.* 3.51 Wherefore they finally deter∣mined to take this Henry by night, and burne him, before the people should know it, or he come to his defence to an∣swere. This deuise pleased all mē, but specially the Fran∣ciscane Friers. Petrus Hannus the Priors chiefe frend, wil∣ling to get the chiefe praise and thankes of this matter, by the help of maister Gunter, did associate vnto him certaine other rulers of the townes neere adioining, whose names are heere not to be hidden, because they so much affected praise and glorye.* 3.52 The names of the Presidentes were these, Petrus Hannus, Peter Swines sonne, Hennicke Lū∣dane, Iohn Holneus, Laurence Hannemanus, Nicholas Weslingbourgus, Ambrose & Iohn Brenthusius, Mar∣quardus Kremmerus, Henstedanus Ludekus, Iohānes Weslingus, and Petrus Grossus, President of Himmig∣state. All these Presidentes & all other that were of Coun∣cell to this pretēce, assembled together in the Parish of the new Church, in the house of maister Gunter, where also the Chauncelour was consultyng together with thē, how they might burne the sayd Henry, secretly comming vpon him without any iudgement or sentence. They concluded the next day after the conception of our Lady, to meete at Hennyng, which is v. myle frō Meldorphe, with a great band of husbādmen. This determination this made, they layd scoutes in euery place, that there should no newes of their pretēsed mischiefes come vnto Meldorphe, cōmaun∣dyng that as soone as it began to waxe darke, they should all gather together. There assembled aboue v. C. mē of the countrey, vnto whom was declared the cause of their as∣semble, & also they were instructed what was to be done, for before no mā knew the cause of the assemble, but onely the Presidentes. When the husbandmē vnderstood it, they would haue returned backe agayne, refusing to do such a detestable and horrible deede. The Presidentes with most bitter threates, kept them in obedience,* 3.53 & to the intent they should be the more couragious, they gaue them three bar∣rels of Hamborow beere to drinke.

About midnight they came in armour to Meldorphe. The Iacobines and Monkes prepared torches for them, that Henry should not slip away sodēly in the darke. They had also with them a false betrayer, named Hennegus,* 3.54 by whose treason they had perfect knowledge of all thynges. With great violēce they burst into the house of the Parish Priest, breakyng & spoylyng all thynges, as the maner of that dronken people is. If they found either gold or siluer, they tooke it away. When they had spoyled all things, they violently fell vpon the Parish Priest, & with great noyse cried out, kill the theefe, kill the theefe.* 3.55 Some of them tooke him by the heare of the head and pulled him out into the durt, forcyng him to go with them as prisoner: other some cried out, saying that y^e Parish Priest was not to be med∣led withall, for they had no commission to take him. After they had satisfied their lust vpon the Parishe Priest, with great rage and furie they ranne vpō Henry, and drawyng him naked out of his bed,* 3.56 bound his handes hard behinde him: whō beyng so bounde, they drewe to and fro so long, that Peter Hannus, which otherwise was vnmercyfull & a cruell persecuter of the word of God, willed thē that they should let him alone, for y^t without doubt, he would folow of his owne mynde. Then they committed the guidyng of him to Iohn Balco, who rather drew him by violence, thē led him. When he was brought to Hemmingsted, they as∣ked of him how and for what intent he came to Diethmar. Unto whom he gently declared the whole cause of his cō∣myng: but they all in a rage cryed out. Away with him,* 3.57 a∣way with him, for if we heare him talke any longer, it is to be feared, that he will make vs also heretickes. Then he beyng marueilous weary and faynt, required to bee set a horsebacke, for his feete were all cut and hurt with the yse, because he was led all night barefoote. When they heard him say so, they mocked & laughed at him, say••ng, must we hyre a horse for an hereticke? He shall go a foote whether he will or no. Because it was night,* 3.58 they caried him naked vnto Heyda. Afterward they brought him to a certaine mās house named Calden, & bound him there with chay∣nes in the stockes. The maister of the house seyng the cru∣ell deede, takyng compassion vpon Henry, would not suf∣fer it to bee done. Wherefore hee was caried away to the Priestes house, the Officials seruaūt of Hamburge, & shut vp in a cupbord, & was kept by the rude people, which all the night mocked & scorned him. Amongest all other there came vnto him, Symon in Altenuord, & Christian Parish Priest of the new Church, both alike ignoraunt & wicked persecutors of the word of God, demaundyng of him why he had forsaken his holy habite. Unto whom he frendly aunswered by the Scriptures, but those ignoraūt persons vnderstood nothyng what he sayd. Maister Gunterus also came vnto him, enquiring whether hee had rather to bee sent to the Byshop of Breme, or receiue his punishmēt in Diethmar. Unto whom Henry aūswered, if I haue prea∣ched any thyng contrary to Gods word, or done any wic∣ked act, it is in their handes to punish me therfore. Gun∣terus aunswered. Harke I pray you frendes, barke, he de∣sireth to suffer in Diethmar. The common people all the night continued drinkyng and swillyng.

In the mornyng about viij. of the clocke, they gathered together in y^e market place to cōsult what they should do.* 3.59 There the rusticall people boyling with drinke, cryed out, burne him, burne him, to the fire with the hereticke. With∣out

doubt, if we do it, we shall this day obtaine great glo∣rie and praise both of God and man, for the longer he li∣ueth, the more he will seduce with his heresie. What neede many words? Sure he was to die, for they had condemned this good Henry without any iudgement, (his cause not being heard) to be burned. At last they commaunded the Crier to proclaime, that euerye man that was at the ta∣king of him, should be readie in armour to bring him forth to the fire.* 3.60 Amongest all other, the Frier Franciscanes were present, encouraging the dronken rude people, say∣eng, now ye go the right way to worke. Then they bound the saide Henry, hands, feete, and necke, and with great noyse brought him forth to the fire.* 3.61 As he passed by, a cer∣taine woman standing in her dore, beholding that pitifull sight, wept aboundantly. Unto whome Henry turnyng himselfe, saide, I pray you weepe not for me. When he came to the fire, for very weakenes he sate downe vpon the ground. By and by there was present one of the Presi∣dents named Maye, which was euidently knowne to be corrupted and bribed with money, to this purpose: he con∣demned the said Henry to be burned, pronouncing thys sentence vpon him.

* 3.62For so much as this theefe hath wickedly preached a∣gainst the worship of our blessed Lady, by the commaun∣dement and sufferance of our reuerend father in Christ, the Bishop of Breme, and my Lord, I condemne him heere to be burned and consumed with fire. Unto whome Henry answered, I haue done no such thing: and lifting vp hys eies towards the heauen, he said, O Lord forgeue them, for they offend ignorantly, not knowing what they do. Thy name, O almighty God, is holy.

* 3.63In the meane time, a certaine woman, the wife of one Iunger, sister of Peter Hannus, offered hir selfe to suffer a thousand stripes, and to geue them much money, so that they would pacifie the matter, and keepe him in prison, vntill that he might pleade his matter before the whole cō∣uocation of the countrey. When they heard these wordes, they waxed more mad,* 3.64 and threw the woman downe vn∣der feete, and trode vpō her, and beate the said Henry vn∣mercifully. One of the rusticall sort, strake him behinde on the head with a sharpe daggar. Iohn Holmes of the new Church strake him with a Mace. Othersome thrust hym in the backe, and in the armes. And this was not done once or twice, but as often as he began to speake. Maister Gunter cried out, encouraging them, sayeng: Go to bold∣ly good felowes, truely God is with vs present.

* 3.65After this he brought a Franciscane Frier vnto Henry, y^t he should be confessed. Whom Henry demaunded in this maner: Brother, when haue I done you iniurie, either by word or deed, or when did I euer prouoke you to anger? Neuer, saide the frier. What should I then confesse vnto you, said he, that you thinke you might forgeue me? The Frier being moued at these words, departed. The fire as often as it was kindled, would not burne. Notwithstan∣ding they satisfied their minds vpon him,* 3.66 striking & prick∣ing him with all kind of weapons. The saide Henry stan∣ding in the meane time in his shyrt before all this rude people, at the last they hauing gotten a great ladder, bound him hard thereunto, and cast him into the fire. And whē he began to pray, & to repeate his Creede, one strake him vpō the face with his fist, saieng, thou shalt first be burnt, and afterward pray & prate as much as thou wilt.* 3.67 Then ano∣ther treading vpon his brest, bounde his necke hard to a step of the ladder, that the bloud gushed out of his mouth and nose. This was done to strangle him withall, for they saw, that for all his sore woundes, he would not die.

After he was bound to the ladder, he was set vpright. Then one running vnto him, set his halbard for the lad∣der to leane against (for those countreymen vse no commō hangman, but euery mā exerciseth the office without diffe∣rence) but the ladder slipping awaye from the point of the halbard, caused that the halbard strake him through the body. Then they cast this good man with ladder and all vpon the wood, which tumbling downe, light vpon the one side. Then Iohn Holmeus ranne vnto him, & strake him with a mace vpon the brest, till he was dead, and stir∣red no more. Afterward they rosted him vpon the coles, for the wood as aftē as it was set on fire, would not burne out. And thus this godly preacher finished his martyr∣dome,* 3.68 which was, ann. 1524. Ex Epist. Mart. Luth.

About the same time, many other godly persons, & such as feared God, for the testimonie of the Gospell, were throwne into the riuer of Rhene, and into other riuers, where their bodies afterward were found,* 3.69 and taken vp. Also in the saide Towne of Diethmar, another faithfull Saint of God, named Iohn, suffered the like martirdome. Thus these two blessed and constant Martyrs, as two shining lights set vp of God, in testimonie of his truth, offered vp the sacrifice of their confession, sealed with their bloud, in a sweete odor vnto God.

At the Towne of Hala, likewise another preacher, na∣med M. George, for ministring in both kindes,* 3.70 was mar∣tired and slaine of a like sort of cutchrotes, set vp by monks and friers to murther him, neere to the towne called Has∣chemburge. Ex Crisp. & Pantal.

At Prage also in Bohemia, another for changing hys Monkerie into Matrimonie, did suffer in like maner. Ex Lud. Rab.

Furthermore, in the same yeare of our Lord aboue men∣tioned 1524. and 22. of Octob. the Towne of Miltenberge in Germany was taken and ransackt,* 3.71 and diuers of the inhabitants there slaine, and many imprisoned for main∣teining and keeping with them Carolostadius, to be theyr preacher. Ex Raba. & Pantal.

In the same catalogue of holy Martirs, likewise is to be placed Gaspar Tamber. Also another called Georgius,* 3.72 a Scriuener, which both wer burned at Uienna in Austria.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The letter of the Tigurines, aunswering a∣gaine the letter of the Heluetiās.
• * 1.2

  If the scope of doctrine be well marked betwene the Papistes and the Protestātes' it will not be hard for any mā to iudge which is the truer doc∣trine. For the whole ende and scope of the Popes doctrine, tendeth to set vp the honour and wealth of man, as may appeare by the doctrine of supremacy, of confession, of the masse, of the Sacramēt of the aultar, &c. all which do tend to the magnyfi∣yng of the Priests: like as Purgatory, ob∣sequies, pardons, and such other, serue for their profite. Contra∣rywise the tea∣ching of the Protestantes, as well touching iustification, o∣riginall sinne▪ as also the Sa∣cramentes and inuocation, and all other such like, tende onely to the setting vp of Christ alone, and casting downe of man. No iniurye to Saints if Christ onely be wor∣shipped.
• * 1.3

  Who be they that wraste the scripture.
• * 1.4

  Errour many times obiected where none can be proued.
• * 1.5

  Bishops neither will feede the flocke, nor yet suffer them to feede thēselues.
• * 1.6

  It was the Popes law then, that in Lent no man should eate fleshe nor egges, nor any white meate: wherein it may seeme to be verefied which S. Paule doth prophesie. 1. Thess. 4. In the latter dayes cer∣taine shall de∣parte from the faith, harkening to the doctrine of deuils, forbid∣ding to marry & to eate. &c. Priests mariage. Vowes of chas∣tity, not agreing to Gods lawe.
• * 1.7

  Monasteries first geuen to the poore, but now serue to feede the rich.
• * 1.8

  Goods of mo∣nasteries con∣uerted to the re∣liefe of the poore.
• * 1.9

  Ornaments of churches better bestowed vpon the poore.
• * 1.10

  Good priestes not to be contē∣ned: the rable of them to be di∣minished.
• * 1.11

  Confess••ō to the prie•••• Confessiō to Christ.
• * 1.12

  The order of Monkrey.
• * 1.13

  The vse of Sacraments.
• * 1.14

  False tale carriers.
• * 1.15

  The onely way of true reformation is, that the worde of God onely be receaued.
• * 1.16

  The Pope cā not abide the prea∣ching of the word, and why?
• * 1.17

  The Tygu∣rines will be iudged by the scrip∣tures.
• * 1.18

  The B. of Constance aunswereth the Tygu∣rines by wryting.
• * 1.19

  A Popishe distinction betweene the Images of the Gen∣tiles, and Images of of the Christians. Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 4.
• * 1.20

  The booke of the By∣shop of Constance written to the Senate of Zuricke in defence of the Masse and Images. The aun∣were of the Tigurines, to the By∣shops booke.
• * 1.21

  Images a∣bolished within all the dominiō of Zuricke.
• * 1.22

  Certaine Pages or townes of the Suitzers complayne against the Tigurines.
• * 1.23

  False mat∣ter of accu∣sation laide against the Tigurines by the other Pages.
• * 1.24

  What slaūn∣derous tongues can doe.
• * 1.25

  The Tigu∣rines aun∣swer againe to the com∣plaint of the Pages.
• * 1.26

  Iohn Oxli∣nus a prea∣cher, appre∣hended for religion.
• * 1.27

  What loue and hatred doth among men.
• * 1.28

  The Masse with all his ceremo••e•• put downe in Zuricke.
• * 1.29

  A law in Zurick made against adulterers.
• * 1.30

  Disputation at Badē in Helue∣tia.
• * 1.31

  Theames or propositions propounded in the disputation at Baden.
• * 1.32

  Eckius defēded.
• * 1.33

  Oecolampadius against Eckius·
• * 1.34

  Zuinglius excu∣seth himself for not comming to the disputation.
• * 1.35

  The disputation at Berne.
• * 1.36

  Disputation at Berne in Hel∣uetia.
• * 1.37

  Godly lawes of a disputation.
• * 1.38

  Theames to be disputed.
• * 1.39

  The lettters and aunswere of the Suitzers to the Senate & people of Berne.
• * 1.40

  Ex Comment. Ioan. Sled. lib. 6.
• * 1.41

  The disputation beginneth.
• * 1.42

  The part defen∣dent.

  The part oppo∣nent.

  The Popes doc∣trine cannot a∣bide the triall of the Scripture.
• * 1.43

  Reformation of religiō in Berne.
• * 1.44

  Masses & Ima∣ges put downe at Berne.
• * 1.45

  The Popes clergy cānot abyde to be restrayned from forni¦cation and adulterye. Ambrose Blaurerus preacher at Constance.
• * 1.46

  Reformatyō of religion at Cōstāce Reformati•• of relion at Geneua.
• * 1.47

  The Lance-knightes of Berne and Zuricke for∣sake their league with the Erench king.
• * 1.48

  Victory of the Gospell an. 1528.
• * 1.49

  Reformatiō of religion in Strau••∣burgh.
• * 1.50

  The Bishop of Straus∣burgh to the Senate▪
• * 1.51

  The Senate of Straus∣burgh re∣plieth to the byshop.
• * 1.52

  The Bishop of Straus∣burgh cō∣playneth to the Coūcell of Spires.
• * 1.53

  The mes∣sage from the Coūcell of Spires, to the Citie of Straus∣burgh.
• * 1.54

  The bishops of Hildes∣seme and of Strausburgh trauaile to keepe the Citye of Strausburgh in their olde religion.
• * 1.55

  Reformatiō of religiō at Straus∣burgh.
• * 1.56

  The Masse ouerthrown at Straus∣burgh.
• * 1.57

  The bishops patience perforce.
• * 1.58

  Reformatiō beginneth at Basill.
• * 1.59

  Ioannes Oecolam∣padius
• * 1.60

  The Popishe Senatours dis∣placed at Basill.
• * 1.61

  Religion in Ba∣sill defended by the commons.
• * 1.62

  Gods handy work in throw∣ing downe Ima∣ges in Basill.
• * 1.63

  Images throwē downe at Basill.
• * 1.64

  12. Senatours displaced at Ba∣sill.
• * 1.65

  Masse put downe at Basill.
• * 1.66

  Ex Farrag. Epist. Era••.
• * 1.67

  Ashe wensday at Basill, a day of all pastime. A true Ashwēs∣day of Gods owne making.
• * 1.68

  Gods prouidēce to be noted for the successe of the Gospell.
• * 1.69

  The decree made at Spyres by Ferdinandus.
• * 1.70

  The decree of Spires resisted by the Prote∣stantes.
• * 1.71

  The name of Protestantes, how it first be∣ganne. Sancto gallum.
• * 1.72

  Quinque pag. The popish Pa∣ges in Heluetia cōfederate with Ferdinandus.
• * 1.73

  The Cou••••cell of A••••••purge. The con∣fessiō of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Protesta•••• at Auspu••••••
• * 1.74

  Warres be∣tweene the Gospelle•••• and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Popishe townes of Suitzerlād.
• * 1.75

  Condition of peace drawen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not kepte.
• * 1.76

  The Tygu∣rines prouo∣ked and ••••∣pelled to warre a∣gainst their enemies.
• * 1.77

  The Tigu∣rines ouer∣matched & ouercome.
• * 1.78

  Vldricus Zuinglius slaine.
• * 1.79

  Ex Ioan. Sled. lib. 8.
• * 1.80

  Ex epist. Ioan. Oe∣colampadij. Lib. 4.
• * 1.81

  Zuinglius excused for his going out to warre.
• * 1.82

  Zuinglius his dead bo∣dy burned.
• * 1.83

  Ex Oswal∣do Miconio de vita et o∣bitu Zuin∣glij. The hart of Zuinglius, foūd whole in the ashes. The cruell handling of the Abbot Cappellen∣sis. Ex Epist. Oecola. ad wolfgangū Capitonem lib 4. The age of Zuinglius & of Luther reckned.
• * 1.84

  An other skirmish betweene the Tigu∣rines & the fiue Page∣men, in Su∣itzerland.
• * 1.85

  Peace con∣cluded be∣tweene the Protestants and the Pa∣pistes, in Suitzerland.
• * 1.86

  The death of Oecolā∣padius, anno 1531.
• * 1.87

  The Com∣mentaries of Oecolam∣padius vpon the Pro∣phets.
• * 1.88

  The death of Iohn Fri∣dericke Duke of Saxonie.
• * 3.1

  A letter of Vl∣dricus Zuingli∣us.
• * 3.2

  2. Cor. 10.
• * 3.3

  The place of S. Paule of iudging the Lords body, expounded.
• * 3.4

  Who be they that iudge not the Lords body.
• * 3.5

  Iesus tooke bread.
• * 3.6

  The word Easter.
• * 3.7

  The descending of Christ into hell, expound••d.
• * 3.8

  Circūscriptiuè, Potētionaliter. Vt mors illius eos, qui erant a∣pud inferos, re∣dimeret.
• * 3.9

  1. Pet. 3.
• * 3.10

  The corruption of the Sea of Rome, continu∣ally cryed out a∣gainst.
• * 3.11

  The Pope char∣ged with heresie by Luther.
• * 3.12

  The foundation of the Popes doctrine contra∣rye to Christen faith.
• * 3.13

  Iustification by faith, reuiued by Luther.
• * 3.14

  Math. 10.
• * 3.15

  Great persecuti∣on after the doc∣trine of Luther.
• * 3.16

  Two Fryers burned at Bruxelles.
• * 3.17

  Egmonda∣nus, and Hochestra∣tus, doctors of Louain, persecuters.
• * 3.18

  Their exa∣mination.
• * 3.19

  The cause of their ac∣cusation & Martirdōe.
• * 3.20

  Beholde how con∣stantly and ioyfully, these Mar∣tirs take their death. Against all reason that the Clergie should be exempted from the ci∣uill Magi∣strate. Iacobus Lu∣therianus.
• * 3.21

  Henry Sut∣phen Mar∣tir.
• * 3.22

  Ex Com∣ment. Sled. Lib. 4.
• * 3.23

  Henry Sut∣phen prea∣cheth at Breme.
• * 3.24

  Monkes and Priestes conspire a∣gainst Hen∣rye.
• * 3.25

  The Citizēs of Breme, excuse their preacher.
• * 3.26

  The Mōkes and priestes cōplaine a∣gayne of the preacher to the Archbi∣shop of Breme.
• * 3.27

  The preacher cited to appeare before the Archbishop.
• * 3.28

  False accusatiō.
• * 3.29

  The Senate de∣nieth to send the preacher to the Bishop.
• * 3.30

  The Senate of Breme require a disputatiō of the Archbishop.
• * 3.31

  The Suffragan•• would not con∣firme their chil∣dren for anger.
• * 3.32

  Whē the prelat•• cannot preuayle by power, they fall to practise.
• * 3.33

  An other prac∣tise of the Archbishop.
• * 3.34

  A Councell of priestes called a∣gainst Henry Sutphen.
• * 3.35

  Hēry gathereth the sūme of his doctrine in wri∣ting.
• * 3.36

  Vide supra pag 847.849. The Catholike proceding of the Popes Clergy.
• * 3.37

  They that wen•• about to take him, were taken▪
• * 3.38

  Henry Sutphen sent for to preach at Mel∣dorph.
• * 3.39

  The Citizens of Breme per∣swade Henrye not to go to Di∣ethmar.
• * 3.40

  The causes mo∣uing He••ry to goe to Dieth∣mar.
• * 3.41

  In this rude coū∣try of Diethmar, Maister Rogers our coūtreyman was superinten∣dent in tyme of the 6. articles where he with great daunger of his life, did very much good. Henry taketh his iourney to Meldorph.
• * 3.42

  The Prior of of the Blacke Fryers, with the 48. Presidentes, conspireth the death of Henry.
• * 3.43

  The chiefe doers of thi•• conspiracye.
• * 3.44

  Nicolas Boyes pa∣rish priest of Meldorph commaūded to put away Henry.
• * 3.45

  The constā∣cy of Henry in his voca∣tion.
• * 3.46

  Henry prea∣cheth at Meldorph. The Citi∣zens of Meldorph write in de∣fence of their prea∣cher.
• * 3.47

  Good coun∣saile of Pe¦ter Deth∣leues.
• * 3.48

  Luke 19.
• * 3.49

  Heb. 7.
• * 3.50

  The Prier and the Monkes a∣gaine con∣spired. a∣gainst the Gospell.
• * 3.51

  The death of Henry conspired by the Monkes and Friers.
• * 3.52

  The names of the con∣spirators & persecutors.
• * 3.53

  A droncken murther.
• * 3.54

  Hennegus the betrayer of the preacher.
• * 3.55

  The parish priest violently taken in his house by night.
• * 3.56

  Henry Sutphen taken and caried away of the murtherers.
• * 3.57

  Henry brought to Hēmingsted.
• * 3.58

  The cruel hand∣ling of Gods Martyr.
• * 3.59

  A droncken cō∣sultation. Crucifige. Crusifige.
• * 3.60

  The bloudy broode of Friers, helpe forward.
• * 3.61

  Henry brought for 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the fire.
• * 3.62

  A false sentence of a corrupte iudge.
• * 3.63

  The tender compassion of a godly woman.
• * 3.64

  The tiranny & fury of the peo∣ple against this blessed Martyr.
• * 3.65

  Where the of∣fēce is not done to man, cōfessiō to man there needeth not.
• * 3.66

  The fire would not kindle.
• * 3.67

  The martyrdom of Hen. Sutphē.
• * 3.68

  Ex Epist. Mart. Lut.
• * 3.69

  Diuers Martyrs secretly drow∣ned in riuers. Iohn of Dieth∣mar, Martir.
• * 3.70

  M. George of Hala preacher, in Saxony, Martyr.
• * 3.71

  The towne of Milten∣berge.
• * 3.72

  Gasper Tā∣bar, George a Scriuener of Vienna, Martirs.