Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

The prophecie of Hildegardis, of the ruine of Rome, and agaynst the begging Friers.

HIldegardis a Nonne, and (as many iudged a prophe∣tisse) liued in the yeare 1146. In her prophecies she doth most greeuously reprehend, not only the wicked and abhominable lyfe of the spirituall papistes: but also the cō∣tempt of ecclesiasticall office, & also the horrible destruction of the church of Rome. In a certayne place shee hath these wordes. And now is the law neglected among the spiri∣tuall people, which neglecte to teach and doe good things The mayster lykewise and the prelates do sleep: despising iustice & laying it aside. In a certayne vision: the Churche appeared to her in the shape of a woman, complayning y^t the priestes had berayed her face with dust, & rent her coat &c. and that they did not shyne ouer the people, neyther in doctrine, neyther in exāple of lyfe: but rather contrariwise, that they haue driuen the innocent lambe from them. She sayd moreouer, that all ecclesiasticall order did euery daye become worse and worse, and that priestes did not teache but destroy the law of God. And for these horrible crimes and impieties, she threatneth and prophecieth vnto them Gods most heauy wrath and displeasure, and dolefull pu∣nishmentes. There is no cause why the spirituall papists should flatter themselues vpon this: that she promised a∣gayne to the ministers of the Church those good things to follow, lyke as Ioannes de Rupe scissa doth, and other suche like prophetes: for they say it will come to passe, that they must repent before the tymes be amēded. By which thing (vndoubtedly) they meane, the godly ministers in y^e re∣formed Churches, which for the most part were of the spi∣rituall nūber, and yet did forsake the dishonest lyfe, & those wicked idolatries. Now, where as the priestes & monks, that is, the whole rable and spiritualtie doe account Hil∣degard for a true prophetisse: howe they ought to consider that by her they are more seuerely accused: not as by a wo∣man, but as by God hymself. And I pray you, what abho∣mination, impiety, and idolatry hath bene committed since that tyme by the spiritualitie? I wil note heare a certaine prophecy of hers, taken out of the common places of Hen∣ry Token▪* 1.1 because we see it manifestly fulfilled in our time. She prophecieth of the reformation of religion, and sayth that it shall be most godly.

Then shall the crowne of Apostolicall honour be deui∣ded, because there shalbe found no religion among the A∣postolicall order, & for that cause shall they despise the dig∣nitie of that name, and shal set ouer them other men and o∣ther Archbish. In so much, that the Apostolike sea of that tyme (by the diminution of hys honour) shall haue scarse Rome, and a fewe other Countryes thereabout vnder hys crowne. And these thinges shall partly come to passe by incursion of warres, and partly also by a common coū∣cell, and consent of the spiritual and seculer persons. Then shall iustice florish, so that in those dayes men shall honest∣ly apply themselues to the ancient customes and dicipline

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of auncient men, and shall obserue them as the auncient men did. The glose agreeth &c.

These things thus premised, now will we come to the prophec••e or the foresaid Hildegard concerning the foresaid begging Friers aboue metioned: reciting her words: not only as they are printed in a book, printed of late in Ger∣many, but also as my selfe haue seene and read, agreeing to the same booke word for worde, and yet haue the same to shew: written in old partchment leaues, in such sort as the thing it selfe most euidently declareth a great iniquitie of tyme. The wordes of her prophecie be these.

In those dayes shal rise a senceles people, proud, gree∣dy, without fayth,* 1.2 & subtile, the which shall eare the sinnes or the people, holding a certayne order of foolish deuotion vnder the tayned cloke of beggery: preferring themselues aboue all other, by their fayned deuotion: arrogant in vn∣derstanding, and pretending holines: walking without shamefastnes, or the feare of God: in inuenting many new mischiefes strong and stout. But this order shall be accur∣sed of all wyse men, and faythfull Christians: they shall cease from all labour, and geue themselues ouer vnto idle∣nes: chusing rather to liue through flattery, and begging. Moreouer, they shall together study, how they may per∣••er••y resist the teachers of the truth, & stay them together to the noble men. How to seduce and deceiue the no••ilitie, for the necessitie of their liuing, and plesures of this world, for the deuill will graft in them foure principall vices (that is to say) flattery, enuy, hipocrisie, and ••launder. Flattery, that they may haue large giftes geuen them. Enuy, when they see giftes geuen vnto other, and not vnto them. Hy∣pocrisie, that by false dissimulation, they may please men. Detraction, that they may extoll and commend them∣selues, and bacbite others, for the prayse of men, and se∣ducing of the simple. Also, they shall instantly preache, but without deuotion or example of the Martyrs: and shall ••etracte the secular Princes, taking awaye the Sa∣cramentes of the Church from the true pastors, receauing almes of the poore, diseased, and miserable, and also asso∣ciating themselues with the common people: hauing fa∣miliaritie with women, instructing them how they shall deceiue their husbandes and friendes by their flattery and deceitfull wordes, and to robb their husbandes to geue it vnto them: for they will take all these stolne and euill got∣ten goodes, and say: geue it vnto vs, and we will pray for you, so that they being curious to hide other mens faults, do vtterly forget their owne. And alas, they will receaue all thinges, of rouers, pickers, spoylers, theeues and rob∣bers, of sacrilegious persons, vsurers, adulterers, here∣tickes, schismatickes, apostataes, whores and baudes, of noble men, periurers, marchantes, false iudges, souldiors tyrauntes, Princes, of such as liue contrary to the lawe, & of many peruerse and wicked men, following the perswa∣sion of the deuill, the sweetenes of sinne, a delicate & tran∣sitory life, and fulnes euen vnto eternall damnation.

All these thinges shall manifestly appeare in them vn∣to all people, and they (day by day) shall waxe more wicked & hard harted: and whē as their wickednes & deceits shal be found out, then shall their giftes cease, & then shal they goe about their houses hungry, & as mad dogges looking down vpō the earth, & drawing in their neckes as doues, that they might be satisfied with bread: then shall the peo∣ple cry out vpon them. Wo be vnto you ye miserable chil∣dren of sorrowe, the world hath seduced you, and the deuill hath bridled your mouthes, your fleshe is frayle, and your hartes without fauour, your mindes haue bene vnstedfast and your eyes delited in much vanitie & folly, your dainty bellies desire dellicate meates, your feet are swift to runne vnto mischiefe. Remember when you were apparantly blessed, yet enuious: poore in sight, but rich, simple to see to, but mighty flatterers: vnfaythfull betrayers: peruerse de∣tracters: holy hipocrites: subuerters of the truth: ouer∣much vpright: proud, vnshamefast, vnstedfast teachers, delicate martyrs, confessors for gayne: meeke, but slaun∣derers: religious, but couetous: humble, but proud: piti∣full, but hard harted lyers: pleasaunt flatterers, peacema∣kers, persecuters, oppressors of the poore, bringing in new sectes newly inuented of your selues: mercifull thought but found wicked, louers of the world, sellers of pardons, spoylers of benefices, vnprofitable orators, seditious con∣spirators, dronkardes, desirers of honours, maintainers of mischiefe, robbers of the worlde, vnsatiable preachers, men pleasers, seducers of women, and sowers of discord, of whom Moyses the glorious prophet, spake very wel in his song. A people without counsell or vnderstanding: would to God they did know, and vnderstand and foresee the end. You haue builded vp on high, and whē you could ascend no higher, then did you fall euen as Simon Ma∣gus, whome God ouerthrew, and did strike with a cruell plague, so you likewise through your false doctrin, naugh∣tines, lyes, detractions, & wickednes, are come to ruine. And the people shall say vnto them, goe ye teachers of wickednes, subuerters of truth, brethrē of the Sunamite, fathers of heresies, false Apostles, which haue fayned your selues to follow the lyfe of the Apostles, and yet haue not fulfilled it in part: ye sonnes of iniquity, we will not folow the knowledge of your wayes, for pride and presumption hath deceiued you, and insatiable concupiscence hath sub∣uerted your erroneous hartes. And when as you would ascend higher then was meete or comely for you (by the iust iudgement of God) you are fallen backe into perpetu∣all opprobry and shame.

This Hildegardis whose prophecie we haue mentio∣ned, lyued about the yeare of our Lord. 1146. as was read in Chronico Martini.

About the same tyme that these Franciscans, and Do∣minicke Friars began (which are aboue mentioned) sprāg vp also the crossebearers,* 1.3 or crouched Friers, taking their originall & occasion or Innocent y^e third: which Innocent raysed vp an army (signed with a Crosse on their 〈◊〉〈◊〉) to fight agaynst the Albingenses, whom the pope and his sect accompted for heretickes, about the partes of Tholouse. What these Albingenses were,* 1.4 it cannot be well gathered by the olde popish historyes: For if there were any that did hold, teach, or mayntayne agaynst the Pope, or his papal pride: or withstand & gainsay his beggarly traditiōs, ••••es and religions. &c. the historicians of that time (for the most part in writing them) do so repraue and misreporte them (suppressing the truth of their articles) that they make thē and paynt them forth to be worse then Turkes and Infi∣dels. And that as I suppose, caused Mathew Parisiensis and other of that sort, to write so of thē as they did: Otherwise, it is to be thought (and so I finde in some reco••e••••) that the opinions of the said Albingenses were sound inough: hol∣ding and professing nothing els, but only agaynst the wā∣ton wealth, pride, and tyranny of the Prelates: denying the Popes authoritie to haue gro••••d of the Scriptures: neyther coulde they away with their ceremonies and tra∣ditions, as Images, Pardons, Purgatory of the Romish church, calling them (as some say) blasphemous occupy∣inges. &c. Of these Albingenses were slayne (at times) and burned, a great multitude, by the meanes of the Pope, and Symon Ecclesiasticus with other moe. It seemeth that these Albingenses were chiefly abhorred of the Pope, because they set vp a contrary Pope against him, about the coastes of Bugarorum. For the which cause, the Byshop called Portinensis beyng the popes Legate in those quar∣ters, writeth to the Archbishop of Roan and other By∣shops in this wise.

VEnerabilibus patribus Dei gratia Rothomagensi Archiepis∣copo & eius suffraganeis Episcopis. Sal. in Domino Iesu Christo.* 2.1

Dum pro spōsa veri crucifixi vestrum cogimur auxilium implorare, potiùs compellimur lacerari singultibus & plorare. Ecce quòd vidimus loquimur, & quod scimus testificamur. Ille homo perditus qui extollitur super omne quod colitur, aut dici∣tur Deus, iam habet persidiae suae praeambulum haeresiarcam, quē haereteci Albingenses Papam suum nominant, habitantem fini∣bus Bugarorum & Croaticae, & Dalmitiae, iuxta Hungariorum nationem. Ad eam confluunt haeretici Albingenses, vt ad eorū consulta respondeat. Etenim de Carcasona oriundus vices illius Antipapae gerens Bartholomaeus, haereticorum Episcopus, fune∣stam ei exhibendo reuerentiam, sedem & locum cōcessit, in villa que Porlos appellatur, & seipsum transtulit in partes Tholosa∣nas. Iste Bartholomaeus in literarum suarum vndique discurren∣rentium tenore, se in primo salutationis alloquio, intitulat in hūc modum: Bartholomaeus seruus seruorum. M••sanctae fidei salutē. Ipse etiam inter alias enormitates creat Episcopos, & Ecclesias perfidè ordinare contendit. Rogamus igitur attentiùs, & per a∣spertionem sanguinis Iesu Christi, & propensiùs obsecramus, au∣thoritate Domini Papae qua fungimur, in hac parte districtè prae∣cipientes, quatenus veniatis Senonas in oct. Apostorum Petri & Pauli proximè futuris, vbi & alij praelati Franciae, fauente Domi∣no congregabuntur, parati consilium dare in negotio praedicto, & cum alijs qui ibidem aderunt prouidere super negotio Albin∣gensi. Alioqui inobedientiam vestram. D. Papae curabimus signi∣ficari.

Datum Apud Plauuium. 6. Nonas Iulij.

For somuch as mention is here made of these supersti∣tious sectes of Fryers, and such other beggerly religions, it might seeme not much impartinent, being moued by the occasion hereof, as I haue done in Hildegardis before: so now to annexe also to the same, a certayne other auncient

treatise compyled by Geoffray Chawcer by the way of a Dialogue or questions moued in the person of a certayne vplandish and simple ploughman of the country. Whiche treatise for the same,* 2.2 the author intituled Iacke vpland: wherein is to be seene and noted to al the world, the blind ignoraunce and variable discord, of these irreligious reli∣gions, how rude and vnskilfull they are in matters and principles of our Christian institution. As by the contents of this present Dialogue appeareth, the wordes wherof in the same old English, wherein first it was set forth, in this wise doe proceede. Wherein also thou mayst see, that it is no new thing that theyr blasphemous doyngs hath by di∣uers good men in old tyme bene detected, as there are ma∣ny and diuers other olde bookes to shew.

A treatise of Geoffrey Chawcer Intituled Iacke vpland. (Book Jack Upland)

* 3.1I Iacke vpland make my mone to very God and to all true in Christ, that Antechrist and his Disciples (by co∣lour of holines) walking and deceauing Christes Church by many false figures: where through (by Antechrist and hys) many vertues bene transposed to vices.

But the felliest folke that euer Antechrist found, bene last brought into the church and in a wonder wise: for they bene of diuers sectes of Antechrist, sowne of diuers coun∣treys and kindreds.* 3.2 And all men knowne well, that they be not obedient to Byshops, ne liege men to kinges: ney∣ther they tyllen, ne sowne, weden, ne repen, woode, corne, ne grasse, neither nothing that man should helpe: but one∣ly themselues their lyues to sustayne. And these men han all maner power of God as they seyn in heuyn & in yerth, to sell heuyn and hell to whom that them liketh, and these wretches were neuer where to bene themselfes.

* 3.3And therfore (Frere) if thine order & rules bene groun∣ded on Goddys law, tell thou me Iacke vpland: that I aske of thee: and if thou be or thinkest to be on Christes side keepe thy paciens.

SAint Paule teacheth, that all our deedes should be do in charite:* 3.4 and els it is nought worth, but displeasing to God and harme to our owne soules. And for that Freres challenge to be greatest Clerkes of the Churche, and next following Christ in liuing: men should for charite axe thē some questions, and praye them to grounde theyr aun∣sweres in reason and in holy write, for els their aunswere woulde nought bee worth, be it florished neuer so fayre and as mehinke men might skilfully axe thus of a Frere.

1. ¶ Frere, how many orders be in erth: and which is the perfitest order? of what order art thou? who made thyne order?* 3.5 what is thy rule? Is there any perfecter rule then Christ himselfe made? If Christes rule be most perfite why rulest thou thee not therafter? without more why, shall a Frere be more punished if he breke the rule that hys patron made, then if he breke the heestes that God hym∣sefe made?

2. Approueth Christ any more religions then one, that S. Iames speaketh of?* 3.6 If he approueth no more, why hast thou left his rule and takest an other? why is a Frere apo∣stata that leuyth his order & taketh an other sect, sith there is but one religion of Christ.

* 3.73. Why he ye wedded faster to your habites then a man is to hys wife: For a man may leaue hys wife for a yeare or two as many men done, and if you leue your abitea quar∣ter of a yeare, ye shuld beholden apostatase.

4. Makith your habite you men of Religion or no? If it do,* 3.8 then euer as it wereth, your religion wereth, and after that that your habite is better, your religion is better: and when ye haue liggin it beside, then lig ye your religion be∣side you, and byn apostatase, why bye ye you so precious clothes, sith no man seekith such but for vayne glory, as S. Gregory sayth.

What betokeneth your great hood, your scaplery, your knotted girdle, and your wide cope?

5. Why vse ye all one colour, more then other Christen mē do? what betokeneth that ye bene clothed all in one maner clothing?

If ye say, it betokenith loue and charite: certes, then ye be oft hipocrites,* 3.9 whē any of you hateth other, and in that that ye woole be sayd holy by your clothing.

Why may not a Frere weare cloathing of an other sect of Freres, sith holines stondeth not in the clothes.

6. Why hold ye silence in one house more then an other, sith men ought ouer all to speke the good & leaue the euil?

Why eate you flesh in one house more then in an other? if your rule and your order be perfite, and the patron that made it?

7. Why gete ye your dispensatiōs to haue it more esy:* 3.10 cer∣tes, other it seemeth that ye be vnperfite, or he that made it so hard: that ye may not hold it. And seker, if ye holde not the rule of your patrons, ye be not then her Fryers and so ye lye vpon your selues.

8. Why make ye you as dede men,* 3.11 when ye be professed, and yet ye be not dede, but more quicke beggers then ye were before? and it seemeth euill a dede man to goe about and begge.

9. Why will ye not suffer your Nouices, heare your coū∣sels in your chapter house ere that they haue bene professed if your counsels byn true and after Gods law?

10. Why make ye you so costly houses to dwell in? sith Christ did not so,* 3.12 and dede men should haue but graues, as falleth it to dead men, and yet ye haue more Courtes then many Lordes of England. For ye mowe wenden through the realme, and each night well nigh lyg in your owne courts, and so mow but right few Lordes do.

11. Why heyre ye to ferme your limitors, geuing therefore ech yeare a certayne rent, and will not suffer one in an o∣thers limitation, right as ye were your selfes Lordes of countreys.

Why be ye not vnder your Bishops visitations,* 3.13 and liege men to our king.

Why are ye no letters of brether heds of other mens prayers, as ye desire that other men shoulde aske letters of you?

If your letters be good, why graunt ye them not ge∣nerally to all maner of men for the more charitie?

12. Mow ye make any man more perfite brother for your prayers then God hath by our beleeue?* 3.14 by our baptisme and hys owne graunt? if ye mow, certes then ye be aboue GOD.

Why make ye men beleue that your golden trentall song of you to take therefore x.s. or at the least. v.s. wole bring soules out of hel,* 3.15 or out of purgatory? if this be soth, certes ye might bring al soules out of payne, and that wull ye nought, and then ye be out of charitie.

13. Why make ye men beleue, that he that is buryed in your habite shall neuer come in hell, and ye wyte not of your selfe whether ye shall to hell or no: and if this were sothe, ye shuld sell your hye houses to make many habites, for to saue many mens soules.

14. Why steale ye mens Children for to make hem of your sect sith that theft is against Gods hestes,* 3.16 and sith your sect is not perfite: ye know not whether the rule that ye bynde hym to, be best for him or worst.

15. Why vnderneme ye not your brethrē for their trespas after the law of the Gospell: sith that vnderneming is the best that may be. But ye put them in prison oft when they do after Gods law, and by Saint Augustines rule: if anye did amisse and would not amend him, ye should put hym from you.

16. Why couete ye shrifte and burying of other mens pa∣rishens, and none other Sacrament that falleth to Chri∣sten folke.* 3.17

Why bussy yee not to here to shrift of pore folk as wel as of rich Lords and Ladyes? sith they mowe haue more plē∣ty of shrift fathers then poore folke mow.

Why say ye not the gospell in howses of bededred men? as ye do in riche mens that mow go to Churche and heare the Gospell.

Why couete you not to bury poore folke among you?* 3.18 sith that they bene most holy (as ye sayne that yee, beene for your pouerty.)

17. Why will ye not be at her diriges as ye haue bene at rich mens? sithe God prayseth him more then he doth o∣ther men.

What is thy prayer worth?* 3.19 sithe thou wilt take there∣fore: for of all chapmen ye nede to be most wise for dread of simonie.

What cause hast thou that thou wilt not preach the gos∣pell, as God sayth that thou shouldst? sith it is the best lore and also our beleue.

Why be ye euill apayd that secular priests shuld preach the Gospell? sith God himselfe hath bodden hem.

18. Why hate ye the gospell to be preached, sithe ye be so much hold therto: for ye wyn more by yere with In princi∣pio, then with all the rules that euer your patrons made, and in this minstrels bene better then ye, for they contra∣rien not to the mirthis that they maken, but ye contrarien the Gospell both in word and deede.

19. Frere, when thou receiuest a peny for to say a Masse: whether sellest thou Gods body for that peny, or thy pray∣er or els thy trauell? if thou sayest thou wolt not trauell for

to say the Masse,* 3.20 but for the peny, that oertes if this be soth then thou louest to little mede for thy soule, and if thou sel∣lest Gods body, other thy prayer: then it is very simonie, and art become •• chapman worse then Iudas that solde it for thirty pence.

20. Why writest thou her names in thy tables that yeueth the mony? sith God knoweth all thing: for it seemeth by thy writing:* 3.21 that God would not reward him, but thou write in thy tables, God wold els forgetten it.

Why bearist thou God in honde and s••laundrest hym, that he begged for hys mete? sithe he was Lorde ouer all, for then had he bene vnwyse to haue begged, and haue no neede thereto?

Frere after what law rulest thou thee? where findest thou in Gods law that thou shouldest thus beg?

21. What maner men needeth for to beg?

For whom oweth such men to beg? Why beggest thou so for thy brethren?

If thou sayest, for they haue neede, then thou doest it for the more perfection, or els for the lest, or els for the meane. If it be the most perfection of all: then should al thy brethren do so, and then no man needed to beg but for himselfe: for so should no man beg but him neded. And i•• it be the lest per∣fection, why lonest thou then other men more then thy self▪ For so thou art not wel in charitie, sith thou shouldst seeke the more perfection after thy power, liuing thy selfe most after God: and thus leauing y^t imperfectiō thou shouldest not so beg for them. And if it is a good meane thus to beg as thou doest, then should no man do so, but they bene in this good meane, and yet suche a meane graunted to you may neuer be grounded on Gods law: for then both ler•••• and lewd that bene in meane degre of this world,* 3.22 shoulde goe about and beg as ye do. And if all shoulde doe so, cer∣tes well nigh all the world should goe about and beg as ye done, and so should there be ten beggers against one ye••••

Why procurest thou men to yeue thee their almes, and sayest it is so needefull, and thou wilt not thy selfe wynne thee that mede?

22. Why wilt not thou beg for poore bedred men that ben•• poorer then any of youe sect: that liggen and mow not goe about to helpe himselfes, sith we be all brethren in God, & that bretherhed passeth any other that ye or any mā coulde make, and where most neede were, there were most per∣fection, either els ye hold them not your pure brethren but worse: but then ye be vnperfite in your begging?

Why make ye so many maysters among you: sithe it is agaynst the teaching of Christ and his Apostle.

23. Whose bene all your rich courtes that ye han and all your rich inells? sith ye seyne that ye han nought ne in pro∣perue in common. If ye sayne they bene the popes? why gether ye then of poore men and Lords so much out of the kinges hand to make your pope riche.* 3.23 And sithe ye sayne that it is great perfection to haue nought in proper ne in commen? why be ye so fast about to make the Pope that is your father rich, and put on him imperfection? sithen ye sayne that your goodes bene all hys, and he should by rea∣son be the most perfite man, it seemeth openlich that ye ben cursed children so to sclaunder your father and make hym imperfect.* 3.24 And if ye sayne that the goodes be yours, then do ye ayenst your rule: and if it be not ayenst your rule, thē might ye haue both plough and cart and labour as other good men done, and not so to beg by losengery, and idle as ye done. If ye say, that it is more perfection to beg them to trauell or worch with your hand, why preach ye not o∣penly and teach all men to doe so? sithe it is the best & most perfite life to the helpe of their soules, as ye make children to beg that might haue bene riche heyres.

23. Why make ye not your festes to poore men and yeueth hem yeftes, as ye done to the rich? sith poore men han more nede then the rich.

What betokeneth that ye go tweyne and tweyne toge∣ther? If ye be out of charitie, ye accord not in soule.

Why beg ye and take salaries thereto more then other priestes? sith he that most taketh, most charge hath.

24. Why hold ye not S. Frauncis rule and his testamēt? sith Frauncis sayth,* 3.25 that God shewed him this liuing and this rule: and certes if it were Gods will, the Pope might not fordoe it: or els Frauncis was a lyer that sayd on this wise. And but this testament that he made, accorde with Gods will: or els erred he is a lyer that were out of chari∣tie, and as the law sayth, he is cursed that letteth the right∣full last will of a dead man. And this testament is the last will of Frances that is a dead man: it seemeth therefore that all his Freres bene cursed.

25. Why will ye not touch no coyned mony with the crosse ne with the kings hed, as ye done other iuels both of gold and siluer? Certes if ye despise the Crosse or the kinges h••d then ye be worthy to be despised of God and the king:* 3.26 and sith ye will receiue mony in your harts, and not with your handes, and it seemeth that ye holde more holines in your hands than in your hartes, and then be false to God.

26. Why haue ye exempt you from our kinges lawes, and visiting of our byshops more then other Christen men that liuen in this realm: if ye be not gilty of traitory to our realme,* 3.27 or trespassors to our Bishops? But ye will haue the kinges lawes for the trespasse do to you, and ye wyll haue power of other Byshops more then other priestes, and also haue leaue to prison your brethren as Lordes in your courtes more then other folkes hau••, that bene the kinges liege men.

27. Why shall some sect of you Freres pay eche a yeare a certayne to her generall prouinciall or minister,* 3.28 or els to her souereignes: but if he steale a certayne number of chil∣dren (as some men sayne) and certayne if this bene sothe, then ye be constre••••ed vpon certayne payne to do theft a∣gaynst Gods commaundement. Non furtum facies.

28. Why be ye so hardy to graunt by letters of fraternitie to men and women,* 3.29 that they shall haue part and merite of all your good dedes, and ye witen neuer whether God be apayd with your dedes because of your sinne? Also ye witten neuer whether that man or woman be in state to be saued or damned, then shall he haue no merite in heuyn for hys owne dedes ne for none other mans. And all were it so, that he should haue part of your good dedes: yet shuld he haue no more then God woulde geue him after that he were worthy:* 3.30 and so mich shal ech man haue of Gods yeft without your limitation. But if ye will say that ye bene Gods fellowes, and that he may not doe without your as∣sent, then be ye blasphemers to God.

29. What betokeneth that ye haue ordeyned, that whē such one as ye haue made your brother or sister,* 3.31 and hath a let∣ter of your scale, that letter mought be brought in your holy chapter, and there be rad, or els ye will not praye for him. And but ye willen pray especially for all other that were not made your brethren or sistren? then were ye not in right charitie: for that ought to be commen, and name∣ly in Ghostly thinges.

30. Frere, what charitie is this to ouercharge the people by mighty begging vnder color of preaching, or praying, or masses singing? sith holy write biddeth not thus, but euen the contrary: for all such ghostly dedes shuld be done freely, as God yeueth them freely.

31. Frere, what charitie is this to beguile children or they commen to discretion, and bynde hym to your orders that byn not grounded in Gods law, against her frendes will: sithen by this folly bent many Apostataes both in wil and dede,* 3.32 and many bene Apostataes in her will, during al her lyfe that would gladly be discharged if they wist how, and so many bene Apostataes, that shoulden in other states haue byn true men.

32. Frere, what charitie is this to make so many Freres in euery country to the charge of the people: sith persons & vicares alone, ye secular priests alone, ye monkes & Cha∣nons alone, with bishops aboue them: were inough to the church to doe priestes office? And to adde moe then inough is a foule error, and great charge to the people, and this o∣penly agaynst Gods will that ordayned all thinges to be done in weight,* 3.33 number and measure, and Christ himselfe was apayd with 12. Apostles and a few disciples to preach and doe priestes office to all the whole worlde, then was it better do then is now at this tyme by a thousand dele: and right so as foure fingers with a thumbe in a mans hand helpeth a man to worch, and double number of fingers in one hand should let hym more: and so the more number y^e there were passing the measure of Gods ordinaunce, the more were a man letted to worke. Right so (as it seemeth) it is of these new orders that ben added to the church with∣out grounde of holy write and Gods ordinaunce.

33. Frere,* 3.34 what charitie is this to the people to lye and say that ye follow Christ in pouerty more then other mē done, and yet in curious and costly howling, and fine and preci∣ous clothing, and delicious and liking feeding, & in trea∣sure and iewels, & rich ornamentes, Freres passen Lordes and other rich worldly men: and soonest they shold bryng her cause about (be it neuer so costly) though Gods lawe be put abacke.

34. Frere what charitie is this to gather vp the books of holy write and put hem in treasory,* 3.35 and so emprison them from secular priestes and curates, & by this cautell let hem to preach the Gospell freely to the people without world∣ly mede, and also to defame good priestes of heresie & lyen on hem openly for to let hem to shew gods law by the ho∣ly gospell to the Christen people?

35. Frere, what charitie is thys to fayne so much holines

in your bodely clothing (that ye clepe your habite) that ma¦ny blynd fooles desiren to die therein more then in an o∣ther: and also that a Frere that leuith his habite late foun∣den of men,* 3.36 may not be assoyled till he take agayne, but is Apostata as ye seyn, and cursed of God and mā both. The Frere beleueth truth, and patience, chastitie, meeknes and sobriety:* 3.37 yet for the more part of his life, he may soone be assoyled of his Prior, and if he bring home to his house mich goad by the yeare (be it neuer so fal••y begged & pilled of the poore and nedy people in in countries about) he shal behold a noble Frere,* 3.38 O Lord whether this be charitie?

36. Frere, what charitie is this to prease vpon a rich•• man, and to entice him to be buryed among you from hys parish Church, and to such riche men geue letters of fra∣ternitie confirmed by your generall seale, and thereby to beare him in hand that he shall haue part of all your mas∣ses, mattens, preachinges, fastinges, wakinges, and al o∣ther good dedes done by your brethren of your order (both whiles he liuith, and after that he is dead) and yet ye wyt∣ten neuer whether your deedes be acceptable to God, ne whether that man that hath that letter be able by good li∣uing to receiue any parte of your deedes: and yet a poore man (that ye wyte well or supposen in certaine to haue no good of) ye ne geuen to such letters, though he be a better man to God then such a rich man: neuerthelesse this poore man doth not retche thereof.* 3.39 For as men supposen suche letters and many other that Freres behotten to men, be full false deceites of Fryers: out of all reasō, and gods law and christen mens fayth.

37. Frere, what charitie is this, to be Confessours of Lordes and Ladies and to other mighty men, and not a∣mend hem in her liuing: but rather as it seemeth, to be the bolder to pill her poore tenauntes, and to liue in lechery, & there to dwell in your office of confessour for wynning of worldly goodes,* 3.40 and to be holde great by colour of suche ghostly offices: this seemith rather pride of Freres than charitie of God.

38. Frere, what charitie is this to sayne, that who so li∣uith after your order, liuith most perfitely, and next follo∣weth the state of Apostles in pouertie and penaunce: & yet the wisest and greatest clerkes of you, wend or sēd or pro∣cure to y^e court of Rome to be made Cardinals, or bishops or the popes chaplaines, and to be assoyled of the vowe of pouertie and obedience to your ministers in the which (as ye sayne) standeth most perfection and merite of your or∣ders: and thus ye faren as Phariseis that sayen one and do an other to the contrary.* 3.41

Why name ye more the Patrone of your order in your Confiteor when ye beginne masse: then other Sayntes, A∣postles or Martyrs, that holy Churche hold more glori∣ous, then hem? and clepe hem your Patrons and your auowries.

Frere, whether was S. Frauncis in making of hys rule, that hee set thine order in, a foole & a lyer, or els wyse and true?* 3.42 If ye sayne that he was not a foole, but wise, ne a lyer, but true: why shewe ye contrary by your doyng? whan by your suggestion to the pope ye sayde, that your rule that Fraunces made was so harde, that ye might not liue to hold it, without declaration and dispensation of the pope. And so, by your deede: ne lete your Patrone a foole that made a rule so harde, that no man may well keepe: and eke your dede proueth him a lyer, where he saith in his rule, that he tooke and learned it of the holy Ghost. For how might ye for shame pray the Pope vndoe that the ho∣ly ghost bit, as when ye prayed him to dispense with the hardnes of your order.* 3.43

Frere, whiche of the foure orders of Friers is best to a man that knoweth not which is the best, but would fayne enter into the best, and none other? If thou sayst that thine is the best, then sayst thou that none of the other is as good as thine: and in this ech Frere in the 3. other orders wolle say that thou lyest, for in the selfe maner eche other Freere woll say that hys order is best. And thus to eche of the 4. orders bene the other three contrary in this poynt: in the which if anye sayth sooth, that is one alone, for there may but one be the best of foure: so followeth it that if each of these orders aunswered to this question as thou doest, iij. were false, and but one true: and yet no man should wyte who that were.* 3.44 And thus it seemeth, that the most part of Freeres, byn or should be lyers in this poynt, and they should aunswere thereto. If you say that an other order of the Freres is better then thine, or as good: why tooke ye nat rather therto as to the better, when thou mightst haue chose at the beginning: And eke why shouldest thou be an Apostata to leaue thine order, and take thee to that is bet∣ter, and so why goest thou not from thine order into that?

Frere, is there any perfiter rule of religion than Christ Gods sonne gaue in his Gospell to his brethren? Or then that religion, that Sainct Iames in his Epistle maketh mention of? If you say yes, then puttest thou on Christ (that is the wisedome of God the father) vnkunning,* 3.45 vn∣power, or euill will: for than he could not make his rule so good as an other did his. And so he had be vnkunning, that he might not so make his rule so good as an other man might, and so were he vnmighty, and not GOD, as he would not make his rule so perfite as an other did his, and so he had bene euill willed, namely to himselfe.

For if he might, and could, and would haue made a rule perfite without default, & did not: he was not Gods sonne almighty. For if any other rule be perfiter then Christes, then must Christes rule lack of that perfection by as much as the other weren more perfiter, and so were default, and Christ had fayled in making of his rule: but to put any de∣fault or failing in god is blasphemie. If thou say y^t Christs rule, and that religion of that S. Iames maketh mention of, is the perfitest: why holdest thou not thilke, rule w^tont more. And why clepest thou the rather of S. Fraunces or S. Dominikes rule or religion, or order, then of Christes rule, or Christes order?

Frere, canst thou any default or assigne in Christs rule of the Gospell (with the which he taught al men sekerly to be saued) if they kept it to her ending? If thou say it was to hard,* 3.46 then sayest thou Christ lyed: for he sayd of his rule: My yoke is soft, and my burthen light. If thou say Chri∣stes rule was to light, that may be assigned for no default, for the better it may be kept. If thou sayest that there is no default in Christes rule of the Gospell, sith Christ himselfe saith it is light and easy: what neede was it to patrons of Freres, to ad more thereto? and so to make an hardar re∣ligion to saue Fryers, then was the religion of Christes Apostles and his disciples helden and were saued by. But if they wolden that her Freres saten aboue the Apostles in heauen for the harder religion that the kepen here: so wold they sitten in heauen aboue Christ himself,* 3.47 for they mo and straight obseruations: than so should they bee better then Christ himselfe with mischaunce.

Goe now forth & frayne your Clerkes, and ground ye you in Gods law, & gyf Iack an aunswere: and when ye han assoiled me that I haue sayd sadly in truth, I shal so••e thee of thine ordes, and saue thee to heauen.

If Freres kun not or mow not excuse hem of these que¦stiōs asked of hem: it seemeth that they be horrible gilty a∣gainst God, and her euen Christen. For which g••tes & de∣faultes, it were worthy that the order that they call theyr order were fordone. And it is wonder that men sustayne hem or suffer hem lyue in such maner. For holy writ bid∣deth that thou doe well to the meke, and geue not to the wicked, but forbed to geue hem bread, least they be made thereby mightier through you.

After these digressions, now to returne to the course of our story agayne. As Henry this king succeeded K. Iohn his father,* 3.48 so after Innocent the Pope, came Honorius 3. then Gregorius 9. &c. And after Otho the Emperoure (whom the Pope had once set vp, & after depriued agayn) succeeded Fredericke the second, as is partly before tou∣ched. In the dayes of these kinges, popes and Emperors: it were to long to recite al that happened in England, but especially in Germany, betwixt Pope Honorius, Grego∣rius and Fredericke the Emperour: the horrible tragedy wherof, were inough to fill a whole booke by it selfe. But yet we meane God willing, somewhat to touche concer∣ning these Ecclesiastical matters, first beginning with this realme of England.

After that the kingdome of England had bene subiec∣ted by K. Iohn, as hath bene sayd, and made tributary to the pope and the Romish Church: it is incredible how the insatiable auarice and greedines of the Romaines did op∣presse and wring the commons and all estates & degrees of the realme, especially beneficed men and such as had a∣ny thing of the Church. Who, what for theyr domesticall charges within the realme, what for the pope, what for the Legates, what for contributing to the holy land, what for relaxations, and other subtile sleightes to get away theyr money, were brought into such slauery, captiuitie, and pe∣nury, that where as the king neyther durst nor might re∣medy their exclamations by himselfe: yet notwithstanding by his aduise, Symon Mounfort, and the Earle of Leicei∣ster, and other noble men (not forgetting what great gre∣uances and distresses the realme was brought into by the Romaines) thought to worke some way, how to bridle & restrayne the insatiable rauening of these greedy wolues. Wherefore they deuised their letter, geuing straight com∣mandement to the religious men, and to such as had their churches to terme: that hēceforth they should not answere

the Romaynes of such fermes and rentes anye more, but should pay the sayd fermes or rents vnto their own proc∣tors appoynted for the same purpose, as by their writings sent abroad to byshops or chapters, & other Ecclesiasticall houses, may appeare in this forme and effect as followeth.

TO such and such a byshop, and suche a chapter: all the vni∣uersitie and company of them, that had rather dye then to be confounded of the Romaines, wisheth health. How the Romaines and their Legates haue hitherto behaued themselues toward you, and other Ecclesiasticall persons of this realme of England,* 3.49 it is not vnknowne to your discretions, in disposing and geuing a∣way the benefices of the Realme after their owne lust, to the in∣tollerable preiudice and greuaunce both of you and all other Englishmen. For where as the collation of benefices shoulde and doe properly belong to you and other your fellow byshops (Ec∣clesiasticall persons) they thundring agaynst you the sentence of excommunication, that you should not bestow them vppon anye person of this Realme, vntill in euery Diocesse and Cathedrall Churche within the Realme, fiue Romaines (such as the Pope shall name) be prouided for, to the value of euerye man an hun∣dred poundes by yeare. Besides these, many other greuaunces the sayd Romanistes doe inflicte and inferre, both to the Laitie and Nobles of the Realme, for the patronages and almoise bestowed by them and their auncestours: for the sustentation of the poore of the Realme, and also to the Clergy and ecclesiasticall persons of the Realme, touching their liuinges and benefices. And yet the sayd Romanistes not contented with the premisses, do also take from the Clergy of this Realme, the benefices whiche they haue, to bestow them vpon men of their owne country. &c.

Wherefore, we considering the rigorous austeritie of these foresayd Romanistes, which once comming in but as straungers hether, nowe take vpon them not onely to iudge but also to cō∣demne vs, laying vpon vs vnportable burdens, whereunto they will not put to one of their owne fingers to moue: laying ther∣fore our heades together vppon a generall and full aduise had a∣mong our selues concerning the same, haue thought good (al∣though very late) to resist and withstand them: rather, then to be subiect to their intollerable oppressions, & greater slauery more hereafter to be looked for. For the which cause, we straitly charge and commaund you, as your friendes (going about to deliuer you the Church, the king, and the kingdome from that miserable yoke of seruitude) that you doe not intermedle or take any part, con∣cerning such exactions or rentes to be required or geuen to the sayd Romaynes. Letting you to vnderstand for trueth, that in case you shall (which God forbid) be found culpable herein: not onely your goodes and possessions shall be in daunger of burning, but also in your persons shall incurre the same perill and punishmēt, as shall the sayd Romish oppressors themselues.

Thus fare ye well.

* 3.50¶ Thus much I thought here to insert and notifie cō∣cerning this matter, for that not onely the greedy and a∣uaritious gredines of the Romish church might the more euidently vnto al Englishmen appeare: but that they may learne by this example: how worthy they be so to be serued & plagued with their owne rod, which before would take no part with their naturall king, agaynst forreine power, of whom now they are scourged.

To make the story more playne. In the raygne of thys Henry the third (who succeding as is said, after king Iohn his father raygned sixe and fifty yeares) came diuers Le∣gates from Rome to Englande: First Cardinall Otho sent from the Pope with letters to the king,* 3.51 lyke as o∣ther letters also were sent to other places for exactions of money.

The king opening the letters and perceiuing the con∣tentes: aunswered that he alone coulde say nothing in the matter, which concerned all the clergye and commons of the whole Realme. Not long after, a Councell was called at Westminster, where the letters beyng opened the forme was this.

Petimus imprimis ab omnibus Ecclesijs Cathedrali∣bus duas nobis praebendas exhiberi,* 3.52 vnam de portione Episcopi, & alteram de capitulo. Et similiter de Coenobijs vbi diuersae sunt portiones Abbatis & conuentus: a conuentibus quantum perti∣net ad vnum Monachum, aequali facta distributione honorum su∣orum, & ab Abbate tantundem

. That is:

We require to be geuen vnto vs first, of all Cathedrall Churches two Prebendes, one for the Byshops part, one other for the Chapter. And likewise of Monasteryes, where be diuers portions, one for the Abbot, an other for the Couent: Of y^• Couent, so much as appertayneth to one Monke, y^• por∣tion of the goods beyng proportionly deuided: Of the Ab∣bot likewise as muche.

The cause why he required these prehendes was this. It hath bene (sayth he) an old slaun∣der, and a great complaynt agaynst the Church of Rome, to be noted of insatiable couetousnes,* 3.53 which as ye knowe is the roote of all mischiefe: and al by reason that causes be wont commonly not to be handeled, nor to proceed in the Church of Rome without great giftes and expense of mo∣ny. Wherof, seyng the pouerty of the Churche is the cause, and why it is so slaundered and ill spoken of: it is therefore conuenient, that you (as naturall children) should succour your mother. For vnlesse we should receaue of you and of other good men as you are: we shoulde then lacke necessa∣ryes for our lyfe, whiche were a great dishonour to our dignitie. &c.

When those petitions and causes of the Legate were propounded in the foresayde assembly at Westminster on the Popes behalfe (the Bishops & Prelates of the realme beyng present) aunswere was made by the mouth of mai∣ster Iohn Bedford on this wise: that the matter there proponed by the Lord Legate, in especiall concerning the kyng of England, but in generall it touched all the arch∣bishops with their Suffraganes, the Byshops, and al the prelates of y^e realm. Wherfore, seing both the king by rea∣son of his sickenes is absent, and the Archbishop of Caun∣terbury with diuers other Bishops also were not there: therefore in the absence of them they had nothing to say in the matter, neyther could they so doe without preiudice of thē which were lacking. And so the assembly for that tyme brake vp.

Not long after, the sayd Otho Cardinall De carcere Tul∣liano, comming agayne from Rome cum autentico plenariae potestatis,* 3.54 indicted an other Councell at London: caused all Prelates, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and o∣ther of the clergy to be warned vnto the same Councell, to be had in the Church of S. Paules at London, about the feast of S. Martin: the pretence of whiche Councell was for redresse of matters concerning benefices and religion, but the chiefe & principal was to hunt for money. For put∣ting them in feare and in hope, some to lose, some to obtein spirituall promotiōs at hys hand, he thought gayn would rise thereby, and so it did. For in the meane time (as Parisi∣ensis in vita Henrici. 3. writeth) diuers pretious rewardes were offered him in Palfreis, in rich plate and iewels, in costly and sumptuous garments richly furred, in coyne, in vitals, &c. In so much that onely the bishop of Wintchester (as the story reporteth) hearing that he woulde winter at London,* 3.55 sent him L. fat Oxen, an C. come of pure wheat, 8. tunne of chosen wine, toward hys house keeping. Like∣wise other byshops also for their part offred vnto the Car∣dinals boxe, after their habilitie.

The time of the Councell drawing nye: the Cardinall commanded at the West end of Paules Churche an high & solēne throne to be prepared, rising vp w^t a glorious scaf∣fold vpon mighty and substantiall stages strongly builded and of a great height. Thus agaynst y^• day assigned, came the sayd archbishops, Bishops, Abbotes and other of the prelacy, both farre and neare throughout al England, we∣ried and vexed with the winters iorny, bringing their let∣ters procuratory. Who being together assembled, the Car∣dinall beginneth his sermon.* 3.56 But before we come to y^• ser∣mon, there happened a great discord betweene the 2. arch∣bishops of Caunterbury and of Yorke, for sitting at y^e right hand and left hand of the glorious Cardinal: for the which the one appealed agaynst the other. The Cardinall to pa∣cifie the strife betwene thē both, so that he would not dero∣gate from eyther of them, brought forth a certayne Bull of the Pope: in the middest of which Bull was pictured the figure of the crosse. On the right side of the crosse stoode the image of S. Paule, and on the left side, S. Peter. Loe saith the Cardinall (holding open the Bull with the crosse) here you see S. Peter on the left hand of the crosse, and S. Paul on the right side, and yet is there betwene these two no cō∣tention. For both are of equall glory.* 3.57 And yet S. Peter for the prerogatiue of his keyes, & for the preheminence of his Apostleship and Cathedral dignitie seemeth most worthy to be placed on the right side. But yet, because S. Paul be∣leued on Christ, when he saw him not, therfore hath he the right hand of the Crosse: for blessed be they, sayth Christ, which beleue and see not. &c. And from that tyme forth, the Archbishop of Canterbury inioyed the right hand, & the archbishop of Yorke, the left. Wherein yet, this Cardinall is more to be commended then the other Cardinall Hugo mentioned a little before, pag. 208. whiche in the like con∣tention betwene these Archbishops, ran his way.

Thus the controuersie ceased,* 3.58 and composed betweene these two: Otho the Cardinall sitting aloft betweene these 2. archbishops beginneth his sermon, taking the theame of the Prophet. In medio sedis, & in circuitu eius quatuor ani∣malia plena oculis ante & retro. &c. That is.

In the midst of the seat, and in the circuit about the

seate, were foure beastes full of eyes before and behind. &c. Upon this theme,* 3.59 the Cardinall proceeded in hys sermō, sitting like a God in the middest. He compared thē about him, to y^t foure beastes about the seate, declaring how they ought to haue eyes both before & behind (that is) that they must be prouident in disposing of secular thinges, and cir∣cumspect in spiritual matters, continuing & ioyning wise∣ly things past with thinges to come, & this was the grea∣test effect of this Clerkly Sermon. That done, he geueth forth certayne statutes for odering of Churches: as for the dedication of temples, for seuen sacramentes, for geuing of orders, for ferming of benefices, collations and resignati∣ons of benefices and vicarages, priestes apparell, & single life, for eating of flesh in religious houses, for archdeacons bishops, proctors, and such other lyke matters. But the chiefest intent of all his proceeding was this, y^t they should be vigilant, prouident, and circumspect, with all their eyes (both before and behynd) to fil the popes pouch: as appea∣red not onely by this, but all theyr other trauailes besides. Insomuch, that the kyng dreading the displeasures of his commons for the doyngs of the Legate, willed hym to re∣payre home to Rome agayne: but yet could not so be rid of him, For he, receiuing now commaundementes from the Pope: applyed hys haruest, still glening and raking what soeuer he might scrape, writing and sending to Byshops and archdeacons in this forme and tenour.

* 4.1OTto miseratione diuina &c. discreto viro N. Episcopo vel N. Archidiacono sal. Cum necesse habeamus de mandato sum∣mi pontificis moram trahere in Englia longiorem nec possimus proprijs stipendijs militare, discretionem vestram, qua fungimur autoritate rogamus, vt procurationes vobis debitas in Episcopa∣tu, vel Archidiaconatu vestro colligi faciatis nostro nomine dili∣genter, eas quàm citius poteritis nobis transmissuri, contradicto∣res per censuram Ecclesiasticam compescendo. Prouiso, quòd quaelibet procuratio summam 4. mercarum aliquatenus non ex∣cedat, & vbi vna Ecclesia non sufficiet ad procurationem huius∣modi habendam,* 4.2 duae pariter vnam soluant.

Datum. Lond. 15. Kal. Mar Pont. D. Grego Papae. 9.

And moreouer, note agayn the wicked & cursed traines of these Romish rakehels:* 4.3 who to picke simple mens pur∣ses, first send out their Friers and preachers to stirre vp in al places and countryes men to go fight against y^e Turks. Whom, when they haue once bound with a vowe, & signe them w^t the crosse: thē send they their bulles to release them both of their labour, and their vow for mony. As by theyr owne stile of writing is here to be seene, thus proceeding.

N. Episcopus dilectis in Christo filijs omnibus Archidiaco∣nis per Diocesim suam constitutis sal Literas Domini Legati su∣scepimus in haec verba. Otto miseratione diuina. &c. Cum sicut intelleximus nonnulli cruce signati regni Angliae, qui sunt inha∣biles ad pugnandum, ad sedem Apostolicam accedant: vt ibidem a voto crucis absolui valeant, & nos nuper recipimus a summo pontifice in mandatis, vt tales non solùm absoluere, verùm & ad redimenda vota sua* 4.4 compellere debeamus, volentes eorum par∣cere laboribus & expensis, fraternitatem vestram qua fungimur, monemus, quatenus partem praedictam a summo pontifice nobis concessam faciatis in nostris diocesibus sine mora qualibet pub∣licari, vt prefati cruce signati ad nos accedere valeant,* 4.5 beneficiū super his iuxa formam nobis traditam accepturi. Datum Londini xv. kal. Marc. Pont D N. Papae Grego. 9.

The cause why the pope was so greedy & needy of mo∣ny was this: because he had mortall hatred, & waged con∣tinuall battaile the same time against the good Emperour Fredericke the 2. who had to wife king Iohns daughter,* 4.6 and sister to this king Henry thee 3. whose name was Isa∣bell. And therefore because the popes warre could not be susteined without charges: that made the pope, the more portimate to take vp mony in all places, but especially in Englād.* 4.7 Insomuch that he shamed not to require the fifth part of euery ecclesiasticall mans liuing, as Parifiensis wri∣teth. And not onely that but also the sayde Pope Gregory (conuenting with the Citizens of Rome) so agreed with them: that if they would ioyne with him in vanquishing y^t foresayd Fredericke, he would (and so did) graūt vnto thē, that all the benefices in England which were or should be vacant (namely pertayning to religious houses) shuold be bestowed at their owne will & commaundement to their children & kinsfolkes. Whereupon it followeth in the fore∣named history,* 4.8 vnde infra paucos dies misit D. Papa sacra prae∣cepta sua Domino Cant. Archiep. Eliensi. & Lincol. & Salisb. E∣piscopis vt trecentis Romanis, in primis beneficijs vacantibus prouiderent, scientes se suspensos a beneficiorum collatione do∣nec tot competenter prouideretur. That is.

The Pope sent in commaundement to the Archbishop of Cant. and 4. other Byshops: that prouision shoulde be made for 3. hundred Romanes in the chiefest & best benefi∣ces in all Englād, at the next voydance. So that the fore∣sayd Aarchb. and byshops should be suspēded in the meane time frō all collation or gift of the benefite, vntill these fore∣sayd 3. hundred were prouided for-whereupon the Archb. the same tyme seeing the vnreasonable oppression of the Church of Englād, left the realme and went into Fraūce.

Agayne,* 4.9 marke an other as much or more easie sleight of the pope in procuring mony: he sēt one Petrus Rubeus the same tyme, with a new deuise, which was this: not to work anything openly,* 4.10 but priuily to go betwixt Bishop and Bishop, Abbot and Abbot &c. telling in theyr eares such a Byshop, such an Abbot hath geuen so muche and so much vnto the Popes holines, trusting that you also will not be behinde for your part &c. By the meanes whereof it is incredible to thinke what a masse of money was made out of the Realme vnto the pope.

At length the foresayd bishops, Abbots, and Archdea∣cons feeling their owne smart, came to the king (whose fa∣ther before, they did resist) with their humble suite lamēta∣bly complaining of the vnmeasurable exactions of y^• pope: and especially agaynst Petrus Rubeus and hys fellowe Otto the Legate, desiring the K. that seing the matter ton∣cheth not themselues alone, but the whole church, and se∣ing the valuation of Churches was knowne better vnto their archdeacōs then to themselues: therfore they desired a generall calling and talke to be had in the matter. In the Octaues of S. Iohn the Baptist, the day and place was assigned where they should talke. At which day, and place the Prelates of England conuenting together, durst not geue any direct denay of that contribution, but after a mo∣dest sort did insinuate certayne acceptions agaynst y^e same.

• 1. First they say, that forsomuch as the contribution is de¦maunded to warre agaynst hym,* 4.11 who was ioyned to ma∣trimony with their prince, they were not bound so to doe.
• 2. Secondly, for that the sayd contribution tended to the shedding of Christen bloud: for so the forme of the bill pre∣tended, to fight agaynst the Emperour.
• 3. Thirdly, beeause it was agaynst the libertie of the Churche: for so it is in the bill: that they that woulde not, should be excommunicate.
• 4. Fourthly, because that when a late they gaue the tenth part of their goods, it was with this protestatiō, that they should contribute to the pope no more hereafter.
• 5. Item, because they had cōtributed before, if they should now contribute againe, it were to be feared least an action twise done should grow into a custome, as is in the lawe. Lege nemo &c.
• 6. Item forasmuch as they shall haue causes continually to seeke to Rome through the Emperours land: it were to be feared, least the sayd Emperour by the way woulde worke theyr annoyance.
• 7. Item, because the king hath many enemies abroad, & for his warres hath need of much mony at home: it is not conuenient that the goods of the realme should be aliena∣ted out of the Realme.
• 8. Item, because that coulde not be done without preiu∣dice to the patrones of their churches, not knowing whe∣ther their patrons did or would agree vnto the same.
• 9. Lastly, because they heare say, that the generall state of the Church is in daunger: for the whiche they vnderstand there shall be shortly a generall Councell, wherein suche matters shall be determined: and therefore if they shoulde contribute nowe, it should be to the hinderance and dam∣mage of the Church.

The Legate and hys fellow hearing these allegations, seing their owne confusion were the lesse importunate.

Not long after this, followed a general Councel at Li∣ons, called by Pope Innocentius 4. in the which Coun∣cell the Englishe nation did exhibite certayne articles of their greuāces, not vnworthy to be knowne. Grauatur reg∣num Angliae eo quòd D. Papa non est contentus subsidio illo quòd vocatur denarius be. Petri. &c. In English thus.

• 1. The kingdome of England is greued that the pope be∣ing not contented with his Peter pence,* 4.12 requireth and ex∣torteth from the Clergy great exactions, and (more is like) without the consent both of the king, and agaynst the cu∣stomes of the realme.
• 2. Item, the church and kingdome of England is greued, that the patrons of the same, cannot present as they were wont into their Churches, for the popes letters. But the churches are geuen to Romaines, which knowe neyther the realme, nor the toung therof, both to the great perill of soules and robbing away the mony out of the realme.
• 3. Item,* 4.13 it is greued, for that the Pope promising by the

• tenor of his letters, that in requiring of pensions and pro∣uisions in the realme of England, he woulde require but onely twelue benefices▪ now contrary to the tenour ther∣of, many more benefices and prouisions are bestowed a∣way by him.
• * 4.144. Item, the realme is greeued and complayneth, that in the benefices in Englād, one Italian succeedeth an other, the English men being not onely excluded, but also cōpel∣led (for y^• determining of their matters) to seke to Rome: contrary both to the customes of the Realme, and also to the priueledges graunted by the popes predecessors to the king and kingdome of England.
• * 4.155. The fift greuance is, for y^e oft recourse of that infamous Legate, by whom both fayth and fidelitie, the auncient cu∣stomes of the realme, the authoritie of olde grauntes, sta∣tutes, lawes, and priuiledges, are imbeseled and abrogate: whereby an infinite number in Englande be greeuously afflicted and oppressed.
• * 4.166. The sayd realme is also greued in generall tallages, collections, and assises, made without the kings consent, the appellation and contradiction of the kinges Proctors to the contrary notwithstanding.
• * 4.177. Seuenthly, the foresayd realme complayneth and is greeued: that in the benefices geuen to Italians, neither y^• old ordinaunces, nor reliefe of the poore, nor hospitalitie, nor any preaching of Gods word, nor care of mens soules, nor seruice in the Church, nor yet the walles of the Chur∣ches be kept vp and mayntayned, as the maner & custome of the same realme requireth. Ouer and aboue these fore∣sayd greuances, there came moreouer from the pope other fresh letters,* 4.18 charging and commaunding the prelates of England to finde of their proper costes and charges, for one whole yeare, some ten armed souldiours, some 5. some 15. to be ready at the popes commaundement there, where he should appoynt.

After these and other greuances & enormities of Rome the states of England consulting together, direct their let∣ters to the pope for reformation therof: first the Abbots & Priors, then the byshops and Suffraganes, after the No∣bles and Barons, last of all the king himselfe. But as the prouerbe is, venter non habet aures. so the popes purse had no eares to heare. And as our common saying goeth, as good neuer a whit, as neuer the better, so went it with the pope. Who not long after the same, sent ye for new tallage and exactions to be collected: which thing when it came to the kings eare, he being moued and disturbed vehement∣ly withall, writeth in this wise to the bishops, seuerally to euery one in hys diocesse.

* 5.1HEnricus tertius dei gratia. &c. Venerabili in Christo N E∣piscopo Salutem. Licet aliàs vobis. &c. In Englishe thus.

Henry the third by the grace of GOD, to the reuerend in Christ byshop of N. Whereas we haue heretofore written vnto you once.* 5.2 twice, thrice, as well by our priuy seales, as also by our letters patentes, that you shoulde not exact or collecte for the popes behalfe, any tallage or other helpe of our subiectes eyther of the Clergy or of the Laity, for that no suche tallage nor help, either can or is vsed to be exacted in our realm without the great preiudice of our princely dignitie, which we neither wil nor can suffer or sustayne: yet you contemnyng and and vilepending our commaundement, and contrary to the prouision made in our last Councell at London (graunted and agreed vpon by our prelates, Earles, and Barons) haue that notwithstanding, proceeded in col∣lecting the sayd your taxes and tallages. Whereupō we do great∣ly maruell and are moued (especially seeyng you are not ashamed to doe contrary vnto your own decrees) whereas you and other prelates in the sayd Councell in this did all agree and graunt, that no such exactions should be hereafter, vntill the returne of our & your Ambassadours from the court of Rome, sent thither purpose¦ly of vs, and in the name of the whole realme for the same, for to prouide redresse agaynst these oppressions. Wherefore, we strait∣ly will and command you, that from henceforth you do not pro∣ceede any more in collecting and exacting such tallages or helps, as you will enioy our fauour, and suche possessions of yours, as within this our Kingdome you haue and hold. And if you haue already procured or gathered any such thing: yet that you suffer not the same to be transported out of our realme, but cause it to be kept in safe custody, till the returne of the sayd Ambassadors, vnder the payne of our displeasure in doyng of the contrary: and also of prouoking vs to extend our hand vpon your posessions, farther then you will thinke or beleue. Moreouer, willing & char∣ging you, that you participate & make common this our inhibi∣tion, with your Archdeacons and Officials, which we here haue set forth for the liberties of the clergy and of the people, as know∣eth God. &c.

At length, the Ambassadours whiche were at Rome, came home about the latter end of December, bringing word,* 5.3 that the pope hearing what was done in the Coun∣cell of Winchester and of the king, was greatly displeased with him and the realme, saying:

Rex Anglorum qui iam re∣calcitrat et frederisat suum habet consilium; ego verò & meum habeo, quod & sequar. &c.

Whereupon, when the Ambassa∣dours began to speake in the kinges behaue: frō that time, they were halfe counted for schismatickes, & could no more be heard in y^• court of Rome.* 5.4 The king hearing this, was maruelously incensed therwith, commaunding by general proclamation through all this realme: that no mā should hereafter cōsent to any taxe or subsidie of mony for y^e court of Rome. When this came to the popes eare, vpon a cruell rage,* 5.5 he directed hys letters to the Prelates of England, charging that vnder paine of suspence or interdiction, they should prouide the same summe of mony to be collected a∣gaynst the feast of the Assumption, the charge being geuen to the Bishop of Worcester to be executor of the said cursse. The king, that lately entended to stand to the liberties of the Church: now for feare of the pope, and partly for per∣swasions of the sayd Byshop of Worcester and other Pre∣lates, durst not stand to it,* 5.6 but gaue ouer. Moreouer, the greedy gulfe of the Romish auarice waxt so vnmesurable, that at length the pope shamed not vpō the censure of hys cursse, to aske the third part of the Church goodes, and the yearely fruite of all vacant benefices,* 5.7 The chiefe doers and Legates in England, were Otho, Stephanus Capel∣lanus, Petrus Rubeus nuncius, Mag. Martin. & Mag. Marinus, Ioannes Anglicus Episcopus Sabi••ensis. Of whom to speake further (for that I haue matter much more to write) for this present tyme I thinke beast to sur∣cease: least in opening all the detestable doyngs and pesti∣lent workinges of those men, I might perhaps not onely molest good cares: but also infect the ayre. Yet one thing concerning the sayd Otho, I cannot well ouerpasse.

This Otho, as he left no place vnsought, where anye vauntage might be got:* 5.8 so amongst all other he came to Oxford. Where lying in the house of Osney, he was recea∣ued w^t great honor: the schollers presenting him honoura∣bly with suche dishes and rewardes as they had, thinking to gratifie the Cardinall after the best maner. This beyng done before dinner, & the dinner ended, they came reuerēt∣ly to see and welcome him, supposing y^t they also should w^t like curtesy agayn of hym be intertayned. As they came to y^e gate, the porter (being an Italian) with a loud voyce as∣keth what they woulde haue. They sayd they came to see the Lord Legate. But Cerberus the porter holding the dore halfe open, with proud and contumelius language thrust them out,* 5.9 and would not suffer them to enter. The Shollers seeyng that, by force thrust open the gate and came in: whome when the Romaynes which were with∣in would haue repelled with their fistes, and suche staues as they had in their handes, they fell to alar•••• and by the eares together, with much houing and shouing and ma∣ny blowes on both sides. In the meane tyme while some of the schollers ran home for their weapons, their chaun∣ced a poore scholler (an Irishman) to stand at the gate wai∣tyng for hys almes. Whom when the mayster Cooke saw at the gate, he taking whote skalding water out of the pan where the meate was sodden: did cast it in hys face. One of the schollers a Welchman, that came wyth hys Bowe and shaftes, seing that: letteth driue an arrow, and shoo∣teth this Nabuzardan (that mayster of Cokes) cleane through the body, and slayeth hym out of hand. The Cooke falling dead: there was a mighty broyle, & a great clamor,* 5.10 throughout all the house. The Cardinall hearing the tumult and great noyse about him, lyke a valiant Ro∣mayn runneth as fast as as he could into the steple & there locket y^• dores fast vnto him, where he remained till mid∣night. The schollers in y^e meane while not yet all pacified sought all corners about for the Legate, exclayming & cry∣ing out: wher is that vsurer, y^t symoniack, that piller & po∣ler of our liuinges, y^t proyler and extortioner of our mony which peruerteth our king: and subuerteth hys kingdom; enriching himselfe with our spoyles. &c. all this heard the Cardinall, and held his peace. When the night approching had broken vp the field: the Cardinall comming out of his forte, and taking his horse (in silence of the night) was pri∣uily conueyed ouer the riuer toward the king, conueying himselfe away as fast he could. After the king heard thys, he sendeth to Oxford a garrison of armed men, to deliuer y^• Romaines which were there hidden for feare of schollers. Then was maister Odo a lawer,* 5.11 with 30. other schollers apprehended, & caryed to Walingford Castle: & frō thence had in Cartes to London, where at length through much entreaty of the byshops) being brought barefoote to y^• Le∣gates dore, had their pardon, & the Uniuersitie released of

interdiction. And thus much concerning the Popes Le∣gates in England.

Thus partly you haue heard, & do vnderstand the mi∣serable thraldome and captiuitie of this realme of Eng∣land and the clergy of the same: who before refused to take part with king Iohn their naturall Prince, agaynst the forreigne power of the pope: and nowe how miserably they are oppressed and scourged of the same pope. Whose insatiable extortion & rapacity, did so exceede in pilling & poling of this realme long after this, that neyther the K. now could help thē, neither could the pope with any rea∣sonable measure be contēt. In so much (as writers record) in the dayes of Sudbury Archb. of Canterbury an. 1360. the pope by hys proctors gat from the Clergy in lesse then one yeare,* 5.12 more then lx.M. florences, of mere contributiō: besides hys other auayles & common reuenues out of be∣nefices, prebendaries, first fruites, tributes, Peter Pence, collatiōs, reseruatiōs, relaxations, & such marchandise. &c.

Mention was made a little before pag. 231. and 239. of Albingenses keeping about the City of Tholouse. These Albingauses because they began to smell the pope, and to controle the inordinate proceedinges and discipline of the sea of Rome: the Pope therefore recounting thē as a peo∣ple hereticall, excited and stirred vp, about this presēt time & yeare an. 1220.* 5.13 Ludouick the yong French king through the instance of Phillip his Father: to lay siege agaynst the sayd City of Tholouse, to expugne & extinguishe these Al∣bingenses hys enemies.* 5.14 Wherupon Ludouicke (according to his fathers commaundement) reared a puissant and a mighty army, to compasse about and beset the forenamed city: and so did. Here were the men of Tholouse in great daunger.* 5.15 But see how the mighty protection of God figh∣teth for hys people, agaynst the might of man. For after that Ludouicke (as Mathew Paris. testifieth) had long we∣ryed himselfe and hys men in waste, and could do no good with all their ingines and artilery agaynst the City: there fell moreouer vpon the French hoste by the hand of God, such famine, and pestilence both of men and horses, beside the other dayly slaughter of the souldiours: that Ludouick was enforced to retyre, and with suche as were left to re∣turne agayne home to Fraunce from whence he came. In the slaughters of whiche souldiours besides many other,* 5.16 was Erle Simon de monti forte, generall of y^e army, to whō the landes of the Erle of Tholouse was geuē by the pope, who was slayne before the gate of the Citty with a stone. And so was also the brother of the sayd Symon the same time in besieging a castell neare to Tholouse slayne with a stone in like maner.* 5.17 And so was the siege of the French∣men agaynst Tholouse broke vp. Ex Mat. Par.

As the siege of these French men could doe no good a∣gainst the Citty of Tholouse:* 5.18 so it happened the same time that the christiās marching toward the holy land, had bet∣ter luck by the way in laying their siege to a certaine tow∣er or castle in Egipt, neare to the city Damieta: which see∣med by nature, for the situation and difficultie of the place, inexpugnable: as which being situate in the middest of the great floud Nilus (hard by the citty called Damieta) could neither be come to by land, nor be vndermined for the wa∣ter, nor by famine subdued for the nearenes of the citty, yet notwithstanding, through the helpe of God and policy of man, in erecting scaffoldes and Castles vppon tops of mastes,* 5.19 the Christians at last conquered it: and after that the Citty also Damieta, albeit not without great losse of Christen people. In the expugnation of this City or forte, among other that there died, was the Lantgraue of Thu∣ring named Ludouicke,* 5.20 the husband of Elizabeth, whom we vse to call S. Elizabeth. This Elizabeth (as my sto∣ry recordeth) was the daughter of the kyng of Hungary, and maryed in Almayne, where she liued with the forena∣med Ludouicke Lantgraue of Thuringe. Whom she tho∣rough her perswasions prouoked and incēsed to take that vyage to fight for the holy land, where he in y^e same vyage was slayne. After whose death, Elizabeth (remaynyng a widow (entred the profefliō of cloysterly religion, & made her selfe a Nunne. So growing and increasing from ver∣tue to vertue, that after her death, all Almayne did sounde with the fame of her worthy doynges. Mat. Paris. addeth this more,* 5.21 that she was the daughter of that Queene, who being accused to be naught with a certayne Archbishop: was therfore condemned w^t this sentence pronounced a∣gaynst her.

Reginam interficere nolite temere bonum est: etsi omnes consenserint non ego contradico

. That is (although it be hard in English to be translated as it standeth in La∣tine) To kill the Queene will ye not to feare that is good: And if all men consent thereunto, not I my selfe do stand agaynst it &c. The which sentence beyng brought to Pope Innocent, thus in poynting the sentence which otherwise seemeth to haue a double vnderstanding,* 5.22 so saued the Queene: thus interpreting and poynting the sentence:

Reginam interficere nolite, timere bonum est: & si omnes con∣senserint, non ego. Contradico

. That is: To kill the Queene will ye not: to feare, that is good. And if all doe consent thereto, yet not I: I my selfe do stand agaynst it: And so escaped she the daunger.* 5.23 This Queene was the mother as is said, of Elizabeth the Nunne, who for her holy Nun∣ny shenes was canonised of the popes church, for a Sainct in Almanie, about the yeare. 1220. Ex Mat Parisiens.

And this by the way, nowe to proceede farther in the yeares and life of this king Henry. The next yeare follo∣wing which was an. 1221. the king went to Oxford:* 5.24 where he had something to do with William Earle de Albemar∣tia, who had taken the Castle of Biham: but at last for hys good seruice he had done in the realme before,* 5.25 was released of the king with all his men, by the intercession of Walter Archbishop of York, and of Pandolphe the Legate. About which present yeare, entred first the Friers Minorites, or gray friars into England, and had their first house at Cā∣terbury: whose first patron was Fraunciscus, which dyed an. 1127. and hys order was confirmed by the pope Hono∣rius 3. an. 1224.

About the first comming of these Dominicke and gray Friers Franciscane into the Realme (as is in Nic. Triuet testified) many Englishmen y^• same time entred into their orders. Among whome was Iohannes de sancto Egideo, a man famously expert in the science of Phisicke and Astro∣nomy. And Alexander de Hales both Englishmen and great diuines.* 5.26 This Iohannes making hys Sermon ad clerum, in the house of the Dominick Fryers: exhorted his auditory with great perswasiōs vnto wilful pouerty. And to confirme his words the more by hys owne example, in the middest of his sermon he came downe from the pulpite and put on hys Fryers habite: and so returning into the pulpite agayne made an end of hys Sermon. Likewise A∣lexander Hales entred the order of the Fraunciscanes, of whom remayneth yet the booke intituled De. Summa Theo∣logiae in old Libraries.

Moreouer,* 5.27 not long after by William de longa spata, which was the Bastard sonne of K. Henry 2. and Earle of Salisbury: was first founded the house of the Carthusian monkes at Heytrope. an. 1222. After whose death his wife Ela was translated to y^e house of Hentone in Barkeshyre, an. 1227. which Ela also founded the house of Nunnes at Lacockes, and there continued her self Abbes of the place. The Byshop of London named William, the same tyme gaue ouer his byshopricke: after whom succeeded Eustace in that sea. Flor. hist.

In the towne of Oxforde aboue mentioned, where the king kept his Courte: Symon Langton Archbishop of Canterbury held a Councell,* 5.28 where was condemned and burned a certayne Deacon, as Nic. Triuet sayth, for aposta∣sie. Also an other rude country man who had crucified him selfe, & superstitiously bare about the woundes in his feete & handes, was condemned to be closed vp perpetually w^t∣in walles.* 5.29 Ex Nic. Triuet. About which yeare also Alexāder kyng of the Scots maryed Iohanne sister to king Henry.

Not long after, began the new building of the minster of Salisbury. Whereat Pandulphus the Popes Legate, layd the fiue first stones: One for the Pope (suche was the fortune of that Churche to haue the Popes stone in hys foundation) the second for the yong king Henry: the third, for the good Earle of Salisbury. The fourth for the Coun∣ties: The fift for the Byshop of Salisbury. &c. Which was about the same yeare aboue mentioned. an. 1221. Ex Chron. Do. Sal.

In the same yeare about S. Iames tyde,* 5.30 fell a dissen∣tion betwene the Citizens of London, & men of Westmin∣ster, the occasiō wherof was this. A certein game betwene these two parties was appoynted to try whether parte in wrastling could ouercome the other. Thus in striuing for maistry, ech part contending agaynst the other (as the ma∣ner is in such pastime) it happened the Lōdiners to get the uictory, and the other side was put to foyle, but especially the stuard of the Abbot of Westminster. Who beyng not a litle confounded therwith, begā to forethinke in his minde how to be reuenged agayne of the Londiners. Wherupō, an other day was set, which was at Lāmas, that the Lō∣diners should come agayn to wrastle: and who so had the victory, should haue the belweather, which was the price of the game appointed. As the parties were thus occupied in their play, y^e stuard sodenly bringeth vpon y^e Londiners vnwares a company of haruest mē, prepared for the same before, & letteth driue at the Londiners. Who at length be∣yng wounded and greeuously hurt, after much bloudshed were driuen backe agayne into the Citie. This contumely

thus beyng receaued, the Citizens egerly stroken with ire and impacience, ran to the common vell: and by y^t ringing therof, assembled their commons together to consult with themselues, what was to be done in the case so contumeli∣ous,* 5.31 wherin, when diuers sentences were giuen diuersly Serle the same tyme Maior of London (a wise & discrete man) gaue this counsaile, that the Abbot of Westminster should be talked withal: who if he would rectifie the iniu∣rie done, and satisfie for the harme receiued, it should be to them sufficient. But contrary, on•• Constantine a great mā then in the Little of London, in much heat exciting y^t peo∣ple, gaue this sentence: that all the houses of the Abbot of Westminster, but especially the house of the steward, shold be cast downe to the ground. In fine, that which he so vn∣aduisedly counsailed, was as madly performed: for the fu∣rious people, according to his coūsaile so did. This tumul¦tuous outrage, as it coulde not be priuye, comming to the knowledge of Hubert de Burgo Lord chief iustice of eng∣land aboue mentioned, he comming w^t a sufficient strēgth of armed souldiours to the City of London, sēt to the Ma∣ior & Aldermen of the city to will them to come vnto him. Who so obeying his commaundement, required of thē the principall beginners of the ryot. To whome Constantine there being present answered, that he woulde a warrant y^t which was done:* 5.32 sorrowing moreouer, that they had not done more then they did, in y^t matter. The iustice vpon the same his confession, commaunded him with 2. other, w^tout any further tumult to be taken. And so, with the same two was hāged, offering for his life, xv. thousand markes. &c.

The sayd Hubert Erle of Kent, & Lord chiefe iustice, although he was a faythfull & trusty officer to hys prince,* 5.33 & had the whole guiding of the realme in his own hands, the king as yet beyng in hys minoritie: yet afterwarde, what indignation he sustained for this his seuerit••e and o∣ther thinges, both of the nobles & of the commons: & how sharpely he was tossed and trounsed of hys prince, wōder it is to see,* 5.34 as in his due place & time (by the Lords leaue) hereafter shall appeare. Haec'ex Mat. Parisiens.

And for somuch as mētion hath bene made of the wrā∣gling betwene the cōmoners of Londō & of Westminster:* 5.35 both time & occasion bringeth me in remembraunce, som∣thing to speake likewise of the Ecclesiasticall conflictes a∣mong churchmē, nothing inferiour, in my minde, nor lesse worthy to be noted,* 5.36 then the other. For so I read in Mat. Parisiens. and in Flor histor. that at what time this wrasf∣ling was among the Citizens for the sheep: the like contē∣tion kindled & flamed betweene Eustace Byshop of Lon∣don,* 5.37 & the chapter of Paules on the one side: & the Abbot of Westminster with his Couent on the other side about spirituall iurisdiction & subiectiō: to wit, whether the mo∣nastery of Westminster were exempted from the subiection & iurisdiction of y^e B. of Londō, or not. Which controuersie at last cōming into comprimis was cōmitted to the arbi∣trement of Stephen Archb. of Canterbury, Phillip Bi∣shop of Wintchester, Thomas of Merton, & Richard pri∣or of Dunstable. And at length was thus agreed, that the monastery of Westminster should be vtterly exempted frō the iurisdiction of the bishop of London. And that Stanes with the appurtenaunce therto belonging, should apper∣tayn to the Monastery of Westminster. Also, that the Ma∣nure of Sunnebury should be due & proper to the Church of S. Paule, and also the Church of S. Margarite with all the landes belonging to the same, to be exempted from all other iurisdiction, but onely to the Bishop of Rome. And so was this matter decided. an. 1222.* 5.38 Ibidem Floro histor.

The same yeare, as writeth Mat Parisiens. horrible tem∣pestes,* 5.39 with such thrundring & lightning, & whirlewindes went through all the land, that muche harme was done, Churches, steeples, towers, houses, & diuers trees w^t the violēce of winds were blown vp by the rootes. In War∣wickeshyre, a certeine wife with eight other in her house were slayne. In Grantham the Church was set on fire by lightning most terrible. with suche a stincke left there behinde, that no man could after a long tyme abide it. The author addeth,* 5.40 that manifest markes of the tempest did re∣mayne long after in that Monastery to be seene. Some al∣so write, that firie Dracons and spirites were seene then flying in the ayre.

An. 1223.* 5.41 Phillip the French king dyed, after whō hys sonne Ludouicke succeeded in the crown.* 5.42 To whom kyng Henry sēding his message, and desiring him to remember his promise and couenaunt made in rendring agayne the landes lost in Normandy, coulde obtayne nothing at hys hands. Whereupō Richard Earle of Cornewale, also Wil∣liam the kinges vncle Earl of Salisbury, with diuers o∣ther nobles, made ouer into Fraunce: where they recour∣red Poytiers, & kept Gascoine vnder the kinges obediēce. Ex Mat. Parisiens. Triuet. Flor hist.

In the same yeare,* 5.43 or as Fabian geueth, the next follo∣wing which was. 1224. by the vertue of a certayn Parlia∣ment:* 5.44 was graunted of the Lordes and Baronie of the lād the king and his heyres, to haue the ward and maryage of theyr heyres: which thē was called, & after so proued, to be Initium malorum, the beginning of harmes.

In the same yeare,* 5.45 by the count of Gisburne and other writers, the said king ho••ding an other Parliamēt at Ox∣ford, by the aduise of his counsaile & of his clergy: did graūt and confirme vnder his great seale, two chartes of the old liberties and customes of this realme, for euer to be kept & obserued,* 5.46 the one called Magna Charta: the other Charta de foresta. The contentes whereof, fully in the forenamed au∣thor be expressed. For the which cause, was graūted agayn by the whole Parliament a Quindecim, or a fifteene of all his subiectes as well of lay men, as also of the Clergy.

¶ Where is to be noted, y^t these liberties were afterwarde broken, and confirmed agayne by the sayd king. an. 1236.

An. 1226. dyed pope Honorius a great aduersary against Fredericke the Emperor, after whom succeeded Gregory the ix. more greeuous then hys predecessor. In the whiche yeare also dyed Ludouick the periured French king, at the siege of Auinion. Whom the pope now the second or thyrd tyme had set vp to fight agaynst Reimund the good Erle of Tholouse, and the heretickes Albingensis of that coun∣try▪ For so the pope calleth all them, which h••ld not in all pointes, with his glorious pride, & vsurped power & vn∣godly proceedings. The origine whereof was this, as in Mat. Parisiens. appeareth. In the daes of Phillip the Frēch king, this Reimundus Earle of Tholouse was disdayned of the Pope for holding w^t the Albingenses: & therefore by the instigation of the pope, the landes of the Earle were taken from him & geuen to Simon Montfort▪ and instru∣mentes made vpō the same. But when the sayd Erle Rei∣mundus would not be remoued frō the right of his posses∣sions by vnrighteous dealing: then the pope setteth Phil∣lip the Frēch king, to make open war against him. Wher∣upō, Lewes the Frēch kings sonne was sent with a great power (as is aboue declared) to besiege the City of Tho∣louse.* 5.47 But beyng repulsed from thence, by the merueilous band of God fighting for hys people, could not preuayle, & so returned home, after he had lost the most part of hys ar∣my by pestilence, and other calamitie as hath bene before described. And thus continued the good Earle still in quy∣et possession,* 5.48 till this present time. an. 1226. In the whiche yeare, the pope not forgetting his olde malice agaynst the Earle,* 5.49 and no lesse enflamed with insatiable auarice, direc∣teth downe his Legate master Romanus to the partes of Fraunce, for 2. seueral purposes. One to extirye the Erle, the other to enlarge his reuenewes. Thus the Legate be∣ing entred into Fraunce, beginneth to summone a Coun∣cell, willing the French king with the Archbishops, By∣shops, & Clergy of Fraunce to appeare before him at Bi∣tures. To whom estsoones repayred vi. Arcbishops with the bishops & Suffragans of ix. prouinces, to the nūber of 100. besides the Abbates,* 5.50 Priours, & Proctors of al the co∣uentes of Fraunce, to heare the popes wil & commaunde∣ment: but because there was a discorde feared to ryse (sayth Mathaeus) about preheminence of sitting, for that the Arch∣bishop of Lyons challenged the superiour place aboue the Archbishop of Sene. Also the archbishop of Roane, aboue the archbishop of Britures, and aboue the Archbishop of Harbone. &c. Therfore the session was holdē there, not in maner and forme of a Councell, but of a certayne parlie, or consultation. Thus the meke and holy Councel being set, & the popes maiesties letters read & declared: appeareth before them Reimund Earle of Tholouse of the one part.* 5.51 And Simon Mountfort on the other part. Which Symon required to be restored vnto him the lands and possessions of the sayd Reimund, which the pope & Phillip the French king, had geuen to him & to hys father before: hauing good euidences to shew for the same, confirmed by the donation of the pope, and of the kyng. Adding moreouer, that the Earle Reimund was depriued and disherited in the gene∣rall Councel at Rome for heresie, which is called the here∣sie of Albingenses. At least if he might not haue the whole yelded vnto him, yet the most part of hys Lordships he re∣quired to be graunted him.

To this the Earle Reimund aunswered agayne,* 5.52 offe∣ring himselfe ready to all duetyes & office both toward the French king, and to the church of Rome, whatsoeuer due∣ly to him did appertein. And moreouer touching the here∣sie, wherwith he was there charged: he did not onely there offer himselfe in that Councell before the Legate but most humbly did craue of him, that he would take the paynes to come into euery Citty within hys precinct to enquire of

euery person there the articles of his beliefe: and if he foūd any person or persōs,* 5.53 holding that which was not Catho∣like, he would see the same to be corrected and amēded, ac∣cording to the censure of holy Church to y^t vttermost. Or if he should finde any citty rebelling agaynst hym, he to the vttermost of his might with the inhabitance therof, would compell them to doe satisfaction therfore. And as touching himselfe, if he had committed or erred in any thing (which he remembreth not to haue done) he offered their full satis∣faction to God & Church, as becommed any faithfull chri∣sten man to doe,* 5.54 requiring moreouer therefore the Legate to be examined of his fayth. &c. But all this (sayth Mathae∣us) y^e legate despised: neither could the catholike Erle (saith he) there find any grace, vnlesse he would depart from hys heritage: both from himselfe and from his heires for euer. In fine, when it was required by the cōtrary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii. peeres of France: to that Reimundus answered, that if the French king would receaue his homage, which he was redy at al times to ex∣hibite, he was cōtented therewith. For els they would not (sayd he) take him, as one of their society & fellowe subiect.

After much altercatiō on both sides about the matter, the Legate willeth euery archbishop to call aside his Suf∣fraganes, to deliberate with them vpon the cause: and to geue vp in writing what was concluded. Whiche being done accordingly, the Legate denounceth excommunicati∣on to all such as did reueale any peece of that whiche was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelli∣gence there of.

These things thus in hudder mutter among thēselues concluded, the Legate gaue leaue to al proctors of couents and chapters to returne home, onely reteining with him y^t Archbishops, bishops, and Abbots, & certayne simple pre∣lates, such as he might be more hold withall to opē, and of thē to obtaine the other part of his commissiō: which was in deed to obtein of euery cathedral church 2. prebendships one for the bish. the other for the chapter. And in monaste∣ries also after y^t like sort, where the Abbot and the Couent had diuers and seueral portions: to require two churches, one for y^e Abbot, the other for the couent, keeping this pro∣portion: that how much should suffice for the liuing of one Monk, so much y^e whole couent should find for their part, and as much the Abbot likewise for his. And for so muche as he would not seeme to demaūd this without some color of cause, his reason was this: that because the Courte of Rome had long bene blotted w^t the note of auarice, whiche is mother of all euil, for that no man could come to Rome for any busines, but he must solfe for the expedition of the same: therfore for the remouing away of the occasiō of that slaunder: the publike helpe of the Churche therefore must necessarily be required. &c.

The proctors and parties thus sent home by the Le∣gates, merueiling w^t themselues why the Bishops & Ab∣bots should be stayd & they sent home,* 5.55 & suspecting no les but as the matter was in deed: conferred their counsailes together, & deuised w^t themselues to send certain vnto him in the behalfe of all the cathedrall & conuentuall Churches in Fraunce, & sent to the sayd Legate the message, to signi∣fie vnto him: That they were credibly informed, that he came w^t special letters from the court of Rome, for the ob∣teining of certein prebendaries w^tin euery cathedrall and conuētuall church. Which being so, they much merueiled y^t he would not in the publike counsaile,* 5.56 make manifest to thē those letters which specially cōcerned thē as much as the others. Wherfore their request was to him in y^• Lord, that no such offensiue matter might rise by him in y^t Frēch church: knowing this that the thing which he enterpriseth could not be brought to effect, without great offence ta∣ken, and inestimable damage to the Churche of Fraunce. For graunt sayde they, that certayne will assent vnto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect, concerning such matters as touch the whole: especially, seeyng both the states of the Realme with all the inferior subiectes, yea and the king himselfe, they are sure, will withstand the same: to the venture nōt onely of their honour, but of their lyfe also, considering the case to be suche, as vpon the offence whereof, standeth the subuersion both of the realme publike, and of the whole Church in generall. Declaring moreouer the cause of this feare to rise hereof, for that in o∣ther realmes such communicatiō hath bene with byshops & prelates, for the procuring of such prebendships, where as neither the prince nor the subiectes, were made anye thing priuy therto.

* 5.57In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the Legate, the obiections of the inferior parties, agaynst the cruell exaction, were these in briefe effect, as is in Pari∣siens. noted.

First they alledged their great damag••s and expences whiche they were like to sustayne thereby by reason of the continuall procurators of the Pope,* 5.58 whiche in euery dio∣cesse must liue not of their owne, but must be susteined vp∣on the charges of the cathedrall Churges, and other chur∣ches also: and many times they being but procurators wil be found as Legates.

Item, by that meanes, they sayd great perturbations might ensue to the couentes and Chapters of Cathedrall churches in their elections: for so muche as the Popes a∣gents and factors being in euery cathedrall church & chap∣ter house, percase the pope woulde commaund hym in hys person to be present at their elections, and so might trou∣ble the same: in delaying and deferring till it might fall to the court of Rome to gene. And so shoulde be placed moe of the Popes clientele in the churches of Fraunce, then of the proper inhabitance of the land.

Item, by this meanes they affirmed, that al they in the court of Rome should be richer and shoulde receiue more for their proportion, then the king of the realme: by reason of whiche aboundaunce of riches, it was like to come to passe, that as the worm of rich men is pride: so by the mea∣nes of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay & driue of great suites, and scarce would take any paynes w^t small causes: the experiment whereof is euident, for that now also they vse to delay their matters whē they come w^t their giftes, and being in assuraunce to receiue. And thus should iustice stand aside, and poore suters dye at y^e gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in ful aboundance of all treasure and riches.

Item, for somuch as it is mete and conuenient to haue friendes in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes: therefore they thought to keepe them needy, whereby their giftes may be the sweeter and their causes sooner dispatched.

Item, when as it is impossible the fountaine of greedy desire to be stopped, it was to be feared, that eyther they would do that by other, which they were wont to doe by themselues: or els they should be enforced to geue greater rewardes then before. For smal giftes in the sight of great rich men are not looked vpon.

Item, where he alledged the remouing awaye of the slāder which goeth on the court of Rome: By this means rather the contrary were to be feared: wherein they allea∣ged the sentence of the verse, that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mynde contented with a little.

Quòd virtus reddit, non copia sufficientem. Et non paupertas sed mentis hiatus agentem.

Farther they alledged that great riches woulde make the Romaines mad: and so might kindle among thē sides and partes taking: so that by great possessions sedition might follow, to the ruine and destructiō of the city: wher∣of some experiment they had already.

Item, they added that although they woulde conde∣scend and oblige themselues to that contribution, yet their successors would not so be bound, nor yet, ratifie the bond of theirs.

Lastly thus they conclude the matter, desiring him that the zeale of the vniuersall Churche, and of the Churche of Rome would moue him. For if this oppression of y^e church should be vniuersall: it were to be doubted,* 5.59 least any vni∣uersall departing might follow from the Church of Rome (which God forbid say they) should happen.

The Legate hearing these words, being therwith som∣thing moued, as seemed, thus excused himself, that he being in the court, neuer agreed in this exaction. And that y^t let∣ters hereof came not to hym before he was in Fraunce,* 5.60 whereat he sayd was greatly sory. Adding this withall, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them, thus to be vnderstand and taken: so farre forth as the Empire and other realmes would agree vnto y^e same. And as for hym, he would stirre no more in the matter, be∣fore it were proued, what other countryes would say and doe therein.

And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this Legate, touching his exaction of pre∣bendships in euery Cathedrall and conuentuall Churche, wherin as ye heare,* 5.61 he was repulsed. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 62. •• How to returne to the first part of his commissiō again which was cōcerning Reimundus y^e godly Erle of Tho∣louse, thus y^e story proceedeth. That while the legate was in hand with this matter of the popes mony, in the meane season certayn preaching Fryers were directed by the said Romannes the Popes Legate, into all France: to incite & stirre vp the Frenchmen to take the crosse vpon them, and to war agaynst the Erle of Tholouse, and the people ther∣of

of whome they accounted then for heretickes. At the prea∣ching wherof, a great number of prelates and lay mē sig∣ned themselues w^t the crosse, to fight against the Tholosi∣ans, being therto induced as the story sayth, more for feare of the French king, or fauor of the legate, then for any true zeale of iustice. For so it followeth in the woordes of Paris.

Videbatur enim multis abusio,* 5.62 vt hominem fidelem Christianum infestarent: praecipuè cum constaret cunctis eum in concilio nuper Bituriensi, multis precibus persuasisse leg••to, vt veniret ad singulas terrae suae ciuitates, inquirens a singulis articulos fidei: & si quempiam contra fidem iuueniret▪ &c. i. For to many, sayeth he, it seemeth an abuse to moue warre against a faithful Christen man: especially seeing in the councell of Bitures (before all men) he intreated the Legate with great instance, that he would come into euery Citie within his dominions. And there to require of euery person the articles of his faith. Where, if he founde any man to holde any thing contrary to the Catholicke faith, he promised a full satisfaction to be had thereof according to the censure of the Church, to the vttermost. &c.

Yet all this notwithstanding, the proude Legate con∣temning this so honest & reasonable purgation of the earl Reimundus,* 5.63 ceases not by all maner meanes, to prosecute the Popes fury against him and his subiectes, stirring vp the king and the French men vnder paine of excommuni∣cation, to warre against them. Ludouick the French king thus being enforced by the Legate, answered againe, that he for his owne safety would not atchiue that expeditiō or aduenture against the Earle, vnles it were first obtained of the Pope, to wr••te to the king of England: commaun∣ding him, that during y^e tune of that expedition, he should inuade and molest no peece of his landes and possessions, which he the same present time did hold, whether by ryght or by wrōg, or howsoeuer they were holden, while y^e time of the said warre against the heretickes (as they were then termed) did indure: but rather should aide and assist hym with counsaile and money in that enterprise. All which being done and accomplyshed, the French King and the Legate (crossing themselues to the field) appoynted a day peremptory, for the French army to meete together at Li∣ons,* 5.64 vnder paine of the popes excōmunication, and wyth horic and harnes to set vpon the Tholosians, against the Ascension day next ensuing.

When the Ascension day was come, which was y^e day peremptory appoynted.* 5.65 The French king hauing prepa∣red at Lyons all things necessary for his armie, marcheth forward with a great and mighty hoste: after whome also commeth the Legate, with his Bishops & Prelates. The number of fighting men in his armie besides the vitlars and wagoners were 50000. men. The Legate by the way openly excommunicated the Earle of Tholouse, & all that tooke his parte, & furthermore interdicted his whole land. Thus the king came marching forwarde, till he came into the prouince of Tholouse,* 5.66 & the first citie which they came vnto there of the Earles, was Auinion. Which Citie they thought first to haue besieged, and so in order after, as they went to haue destroied and wasted all the whole prouince belonging to the Earle. And first the King demaunded of them to haue hys passage through their citie, faining him∣selfe in peaceable wise for the expedition of his iourny, but to passe through the same. The Citizens consulting with themselues what was to be done, at length gaue aunswer that they mistrusted their comming,* 5.67 and supposed that in deceit they required the entrance of their Citie, and for no necessity of their iourney.

The king heere at being much offended, sware an othe that he would not depart thence till he had taken the citie, & immediatly in those places where he thought most mete he began to geue sharpe assaults, withall maner of saulta∣ble engins: The Citizens againe within, manfully defen∣ded themselues, casting stone for stone, and shooting shot for shot, and slew and wounded many of the French men. Thus, when they had lōg besieged the citie and could not winne the same: at length vittailes in the French campe began to faile, and many of them died for hunger. For the Earl of Tholouse as a wise man of warre,* 5.68 hearing before of their comming, tooke into the Towne, all the prouision that was abroade, and left nothing w^tout to serue for theyr defence and succour, he plowed vp the fieldes, that there should no stouer be found to serue their horses, be put out of the towne all the olde people, & yong children, least they should want vittailes that kept the towne, & before theyr comming sent them farre away. So that within y^e towne they had plenty, and without they died for famine: and be∣sides in seeking farre for their forage, many fell into the hands of them that kept the citie, who secretly lay in wait for them abroad and slewe many of them. Besides a great number of cattell and horses died for want of forage: and poore souldiours that had no great store of money,* 5.69 died for want of vittailes. By which mortalitie and stench both of men and cattel, grew great infection & pestilence amongst them, insomuch that the king himselfe and also the Legate were greatly dismayed, thinking it to be no litle shame as well to the realme of Fraunce, as also to Rome, that they shoulde so depart and breake vp their siege. Thus againe thought the souldiours, that much better it were for them to ende their liues by battel, then so to die like dogges and sterue: wherfore with one consent they purposed to geue a new assaut at the bridge that goeth ouer the floude Roda∣nus into the towne, to which place they came in such nō∣ber, that either by the debilitye of the bridge, or subtiltyé of the souldiours that kept the towne:* 5.70 3000. of them wyth bridge and all, fell armed into the violent streame & were browned▪ What was there then but ioy and gladnes of the Citizens part, and much lamentation & heauinesse on the other part. Then shortly after, the Citizens of Auinion (when they saw a conuenient time whilest their enemyes were in eating meate) came sodenly vpon them out of the towne, and slew of them 2000, and tooke the towne againe with safety. But the Legate with his company of prelates (like good men of warre) practised none other Martiall feats, but all to be cursed the Earle of Tholouse, hys Ci∣ties, and his people.* 5.71 Ludouicus the king, to auoyde the pestilence that was in the campe, went into an Abbey not far off, where shortly after he died, of whose death are son∣dry opinions, some saying that hee was poysoned, some that he died of a bloudy flixe.

Whose death notwithstanding, the Legate thought to kepe secret & conceale, till that the towne might be rende∣red and geuen vp:* 5.72 for he thought himself shamed for euer, if he should depart before the towne were won: wherfore, after he had encouraged the souldiours a fresh, and yet af∣ter many sharp assaults could not preuaile: He bethought him how by falshode he might betray them, and sent vnto them certaine Haroldes, to will them that they should a∣mongst themselues consult vpon articles of peace, & bring the same to their camp, whose safe conduite they faithfully promised and warrāted both of comming and going. And when they had geuen their pledges for y^• same, the messen∣gers from the Citizens talked with the Legate: who pro∣mised them if they would deliuer vp their city, they should haue their liues, goodes, & possessions in as ample maner as now they enioyed the same. But the citizens and soldi∣ors refused to be vnder the seruitude of the French kyng, neither wold so deliuer vp their citie, to those of whose in∣solent pride they had so good experiment. After much talke on both sides, & none like to take effect: the Legate reque∣sted them and frendly desired, y^t he and his Prelates which were about him, might come into their Citie to examine what faith & beliefe they were of, and y^t he neyther sought nor ment any other thing therby, but their owne safeties, as well of body as soule, which thing hee faithfully sware vnto: for (sayeth he) the brute of your great infidelitie hath come to the lord popes eare,* 5.73 & therefore desired he to make true certificate therof. Wherupon the citizens not mistru∣sting his faithfull othe and promise made to them, graun∣ted entrance to him and the residue of the clergy, bringing with them no weapon into the towne. The souldiours of y^e campe as it was agreed before,* 5.74 made them ready: so that at the entraunce of the prelates in at the gate, nothing re∣garding their oth & fidelitie: The other sodenly were rea∣dy, and with violence rushed in, slew the porter and war∣ders, and at length wanne the city and destroied the same, & slue many of them that were within. Thus by falshoode and policie, when they had got this noble citie, they caried the kings corps to Paris where they buried the same.* 5.75 Of the whole number of the French souldiours which in this siege were destroyed by famine, pestilence, & drowning, be recounted mothen 22000. Whereby sayth the story of Mat. Pariens. it may euidently appeare the warre was vniustly taken in hand. &c. Ex Mat. Parisiens.

After these things finished,* 5.76 and after the funerall of the king celebrated at Paris, it followeth more in the sayd hi∣story of Pariens. that the sayde Legate Romanus was ve∣hemently suspected, & greuously infamed to abuse himselfe with Blauca the kings mother.

Sed impium est (sayeth he) hoe credere, quia aemuli eius hoc disseminauerunt. Benignus au∣tem animus dubia in melius interpretatur. i.

But it is vngod∣ly to suspect any such thing of him, because his enemies so rumored the same abroad, but a gentle minde expoundeth things doubtfull in the better part.

To passe further to the yere next folowing,* 5.77 which was 1227. of the Lorde: first is to be noted, that in thys yeare king Henry beginning to shoote vp to the 20. yeare of hys age, came frō Reding to Londō, where he began to charge

the Citizens of London for old reeknings, namely for ge∣uing or lending 1000. markes to Lewes the French king at his departing out of the Realme, to the great preiudice of him & of his kingdom. For the recompen••e wherof, they were constrained to yelde to the king the full summe of the like money.* 5.78 That done, he remoued to Oxforde, where he assembled a great counsail, there denouncing & protesting before them al, that he was come to sufficient age, no more to be vnder tutors & gouernours but to be his own man, requiring to be freed from y^e custody of other. Which thing being protested, and contraried forthwith: he, by the coun∣saile of Hubert the chiefe iustice (whome hee made then the Earle of Kent) remooued from his company, the bishop of Winchester, and other vnder whome he was moderated. And immediatly in the same counsaile,* 5.79 by the sinister per∣suasion of some, doth adnihilate & make void the charters, & liberties before by him graūted, pretending this colour: for that they had bene graunted & scaled in the time of his minoritie, at what time he had the rule neither of himselfe, nor of his seale. Whereupon much muttering & murmu∣ring was among the multitude. Who did all impute the cause to Hubert the iustice. Moreouer it was y^e same time proclaimed,* 5.80 that whosoeuer had any charter, or gift sealed vnder the time of the kings minoritie, they shoulde come and renew the same againe vnder the new seale of y^e king, knowing otherwise that the thing should stande in no ef∣fect. And finally for renewing of their Seales, were taxed not according to their habilitie, but according as it pleased the iustice and other to leuie them.

Moreouer beside this generall subsidie of the fifteene graunted to the king through the whole Realme, & beside also y^e contribution of the Lōdiners, diuers other parcels and paunents he gathered through seuerall places: as of the Burgesses of Northampton he required a 1000. & 200. markes, for his helping of them, and so of other likewise. All this preparation of money was made toward the fur∣nishing of his vyage to recouer Normandy.* 5.81 And yet be∣cause he would gratifie the Citie of London againe wyth some pleasure: he graunted the citizens therof should passe tole free (saith Fabian) through all England. And if or any Citie, borough, or towne they were cōstrained at any time to pay their tole,* 5.82 then the Shyriffes of London to attache euery man cōming to London of the sayd city, borough, or towne, and him & his goods to withhold, til the Lōdiners were againe restored of al such mony paid for the said tole, w^r all costes and damages susteined for the same.* 5.83 Ex Fabia.

I declared before, howe after the death of Honorius, succeded pope Gregory the 10. betwene the which Grego∣ry & the people of Rome, this yere, fel a great sedition. In so much y^t about the feast of Easter,* 5.84 they thrust the Pope out of the Citie, pursuing him vnto his Castel at Witerbi∣um. Where also they inuaded hym so valiauntly, that they chased him to Perusium. Then hauing no other remedie wherewith to reuenge his persecutors, fiersly did excom∣municate them. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 69.

¶ Heere, by the way, is to be obserued and considered Christian reader,* 5.85 not only by this sedition, but by so many other schismes, diuisions, tumults, fightings, braules and contentions, in the Church of Rome from the first begin∣ning of the popes vsurped power, & that not only within the Citie of Rome, but vniuersally almost in all Popish Monasteries, Collegies, Churches, and Couents vnder the Pope subiected,* 5.86 continually raigning amongst them, what is to be thought of their religion & holines, hauing so litle peace, so great disquietnes, dissentions, and wrang∣ling amongst them, as in stories both manifest it is to be∣hold, and wonderous to consider.

And for as much, I haue eutred here into the mention of this schisinatical commotion betwene the none and his citizens:* 5.87 it followeth moreouer in the history of Parisiensis, who maketh relation of a like brawling matter, which be∣fell the same yeare & time. An. 1228. betwene the prior and couent of Durham, and this king Henry the ••▪ vpon this occasion. After the death of Richard Bishop of Durham, the Prior and Chapter of the said church, came to the king to obteine license for the electing of their bishop. The king offered to them one Lucas a Chaplaine of hys, requiring them instauntly to elect him for their Bishop. To this the Monkes answered, that they would receaue no man, but by their order of Canonicall election. Meaning belike by their Canonical election,* 5.88 that is, when as they elect either some Monke out of their own company, or els some mon∣kish priest, after their owne liking▪ Contrary, the king a∣gaine sendeth word vnto them, and bound it with an oth, that they should tary 7. yeares without a Byshop, vnlesse they would admit the foresayd Lucas to that place of that dignitie. All which notw^tstanding, the monkes proceding in their election, refused the sayde Lucas, and preferred an other clerk of theirs, named William archdeacon of Wor∣cester,* 5.89 and him they presented to the king. But the King bringing in exceptions and causes against y^e party, would not admit him. Then the monkes in al hasty ••pede sent vp to Rome certain of their Couent, to haue their electiō ra∣tified, by the authoritie Apostolicall. On the other side the king likewise hearing, sendeth also to Rome against the Monkes: the Bishop of Chester, and the Prior of Lento∣nie on his behalfe, to withstande the purpose of y^e monks. And so the matter being trauised with great alteration on both sides,* 5.90 did hang in suspense, sayeth mine author till at length thus it was coucluded, betwene both that neither master William, nor yet Lucas shoulde be taken, but that Richard Byshop of Sarum should be translated to Dur∣ham,* 5.91 and be Byshop there. An. 1228. ex Mat. Parisiens.

The like stirre also happened, both the same yeare and for the like matter,* 5.92 betwene the monkes of Couentry, and the Canons of Lichfield, about chusing of theyr Byshop, which of them should haue the superior voyce, in the elec∣tion of their Prelate. Aftermuch a doe, the cause at length being hosted vp to Rome, had this determination: y^t the monks of Couentry, and the Church of Lichfield shoulde chuse their Bishop by course, eche part keeping his turne the one after the other: prouided notwithstadyng, that the Prior of Couentry should alwaies haue the first voyce in euery election, where as the old custome was, sayth mine author,* 5.93 that the Couent wyth the Prior of Couentry was wont to haue the whole election of the bishop without the Canons. This was. An. 1228. Ex Parisiens. pag. 68.

In the which yeare died Stephen Langton Archb. of Cant. by whome (as is recorded by Nic. Triuet.) the Chap∣ters of the Bible, in that order and number, as we nowe vse them were first distincted: The sayde Langthon a••so, made Postiles vpon the whole Bible. The same moreo∣uer builded the new hall in the palace of Canterbury.

After the death of thys Langthon, insued an other va∣riance about the election of the Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry betwene the monkes of Canterbury and the k••ng. The purturbation whereof as it was no lesse seditious, so the determination of y^e same was much more costly. After the death of Stephen Langthon, the monkes of Canterbury obtaining licence of the king to procede in the election of a new archbishop,* 5.94 did chuse one of their own society named master Walter Demesham. Whom when the monks had presented to the King, he after long deliberation, began to obiect against y^t election, saying: first, that the monkes had elected such one as neyther was profitable to hym nor to his kingdom. Secondly, he obiected against y^e party elect, that his father was conuict of felony, & hanged for y^• same. Thirdly, that he stode in causes against his father k. Iohn in the time of the interdict. Moreouer the bishops his suf∣fraganes charged the partie elect, that hee had lien wyth a certaine Nunne, and had children by her: adding farther, that the election of the archbishop was without their pre∣sence, which ought not to be. &c. But y^e archbishop againe stoutly standing to his electiō,* 5.95 appealed vp to Rome, and estsoones taking with him certaine monks, presented him selfe to the popes owne proper person, there to sue his ap∣peale: instantly intreating, that hys election might stande confirmed by his authority pontificall. But the pope, vn∣derstanding that the said election was resisted by the king & the bishops, differred the matter, till he did heare farther of the certeinty therof. The king & the bishops hauing in∣telligence that the Archb. with hys monkes were gone to Rome, thought good to articulate the foresayd obiections aboue alledged or wryting: and sealing the same wyth the seales both of the king and of the bishops to exhibite them to the Bishop of Rome.* 5.96 The messengers of these letters were the Byshop of Rochester, of Chester, and the Arch∣deacon of Bedforde maister Iohn. &c. who comming to Rome, and exhibiting their message w^t their letters vnto the Pope (consideration being had vppon the same) were commanded to wait attendance against the next day after Ash wednesday: then to haue a resolute answer cōcerning the cause, which was the 2. day of March, the yere next fo∣lowing. videlic. An. 1229. In the meane season, the kings proctors ceased not w^t all instance to labour the Pope and his Cardinals to be fauorable to the kings side.* 5.97 But fine∣ding them somewhat hard & straite in the matter (as is the guise of that Court) they began to misdout their speeding. Wherfore consulting together with themselues vpon the premisses, they came 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope, promising in the kings behalf, to be geuen and granted to him out of the realmes both of England and Scotland, the rith or tenth part of al the goods within the sayd Realmes mooueable, to susteine his warres against the Emperor, so that he would incline

fauorably to the kings sute and petition herein.* 5.98 At Dominus Papa (sayth Pariens.) qui rebellem Imperatorem super omnia ae∣stuabat deijcere, tantis promissionibus exhileratus trahitur ad consensum. That is. But the pope (sayeth the author) which boyled with desire aboue all measure, to haue the Empe∣rour his ennemie cast downe: being cheared wyth so great promises, graunted his consent to them, who sitting then in his consistorie had these wordes, as here followe.

There hath come a late to our intelligence,* 5.99 the election of a certaine Monke named Walter, to be Archb. of Cant. whereupon after that we hard and aduised as wel those things, which the said Monke hath saide for himselfe, and for his election: as also on the contrary side, the obiections & exceptions of the bishops of Eng∣land alleaging against him, and against his election: Namely of the bishop of Chester, the bishop of Rochester, and Iohn Archdeacon of Bedforde: We vpon the same committed the examination tou∣ching the person of the man, vnto our reuerende brethren Lorde Cardinall Albany, L. Cardinall Thomas de Sabina, and master Pe∣ter. And when the foresaid elect comming before them was asked of them,* 5.100 first concerning the Lordes descending into hel, whether he descended in flesh, or without his flesh, he aunswered not well. Item, being asked touching the making of the body of Christ on the aultar, he answered likewise not soundly: Being asked more∣ouer, howe Rachell wept for her children, shee being deade before, hee aunswered not well. Item, being asked concerning the sentence of excommunication denounced against the order of law, he answered not well. Againe being required of matrimo∣nie, if one of the maried parties be an infidel, and do depart, he an∣swered therto not well. Vpon these articles he was (as is sayd) di∣ligently examined of the Cardinals, to the which (we say) he aun∣swered not only not well, but also very ill. For so much therefore, as the Church of Cant. is a noble churche, and requireth a noble prelate, a man discrete and modest, and such as ought to be taken out of the bosome of the church of Rome: and forasmuch as this new elect (whom not onely here we pronounce to be vnworthy,* 5.101 but also should say more of him, if we would proceede with hym by the rigour of the law) is so insufficient, that he ought not to be admitted to such a roume: we do vtterly infringe, annihilate, and euacuate his election alwaies referuing to our selues the prouisi∣on of the sayd church. Haec ex Math. Paris. ad verbum.

Thus the election of Walter being frustrate and dissol∣ued, the kings procurators bringing forth the letters of the king,* 5.102 and of the suffraganes of the Church of Cant. presen∣ted the same vnto the pope for the ratification of Richarde Chancellor of Lincolne, to be appoynted Archb. of Cant. whome they with great commendation of woordes did set forth to be a man of profound learning and knowledge: of an honest cōuersation, & which was greatest of al, y^t he was a man much for the profite of the church of Rome, as also for the realme of England. And thus the saide Richard be∣ing commended to the Pope by the letters procuratorie of the king and of the bishops,* 5.103 had the consent of the pope and of the Cardinals, and so was made Bishop of Cant. before he was elected. Whereupon the said pope Gregory in his behalfe, directeth downe his letters to all and singular suf∣fraganes of the church of Cant. declaring thus, and begin∣ning first with a lie, that for so much as by the fulnes of ec∣clesiastical power, the charge of pastorall office is commit∣ted to him in general vpon al churches: he therefore for the sollicitude he beareth as wel to all other churches in gene∣rall, as in speciall to the Metropolitan church of Cant.* 5.104 re∣pudiating and disanulling the former election of Walter the Monke vpon iust causes, hath prouided for that See, a man as in all other good giftes perfect and excellent, by the report of them that know him: so for that function very fit and commodious: and willeth and commādeth them, and all other by his authority Apostolicall, with all deuout re∣uerence to receiue him, and humbly to obey him, &c. which was An. 1229. Ex Paris.

These things thus finished at Rome, the pope not for∣getting the sweete promises made of the English siluer,* 5.105 which he so greedily gaped for, omitting neither time nor diligence in all spedy wise sendeth to the king of England M. Stephen his own chaplein & trusty Legate, to require & collect the foresaide tithes of all the moueable goods both of England, Ireland and Wales, which were promised to him before, therew^t to maintaine his warre against Frede∣ricke the Emperor. And to the intent he might inflame all christē realmes wyth the like hatred which he bare against Frederike the Emperor, sendeth also w^t the sayde Stephen special letters ful of manifold complaints and greuous ac∣cusations against the said Emperor, whereof more (Christ graunting) shall be shewed hereafter. Upon the comming of this Stephen the legate, the king assembled all his erles and barons, wyth the Archbishops, byshops, abbots, pri∣ors, templaries, hospitalers, parsons & vicares, and other such as held of him in capite, to appear before him at West∣minster, to heare and to common of the matter.* 5.106 In the as∣sembly of whome, the Popes patent letters were brought forth and red, wherin he required y^e tenths of all the moue∣ables in England, Wales and Ireland, as wel of the cler∣gy as of the laitie, to maintaine his expedition against the foresaid Frederike the Emperor. The which expedition as he pretended to atchieue & to take in hande for the cause of the vniuersall Church, and happely had begon the matter already: and for so much, as the richesse of the Apostolicke See did not suffice, for the accomplishing of so great an en∣terprise: he therfore enforced by mere necessity, did implore the aide and helpe of all the true obedient and natural chic∣kens of the church of Rome, least the members thereof to∣gether with the head should be subuerted. These letters of the Pope, to this effect, being openly recited and explaned by the Popes chaplaine, which hee with much more alle∣gation and perswasion of words did amplifie to his vtter∣most,* 5.107 the king (sayth mine author) in whō al men did hope an helpe to their defence, became then as a staffe of reede. For as much as he had obliged himselfe to the same before, for the election of his archb. now could say nothing against it,* 5.108 but held his peace. The Earles, Barons, & all the laitie vtterly refused so to bind their Baronies to the Church of Rome: but the Bishoppes, Abbots, Priors, wyth other Prelates of the Church, first requiring space and respite to deliberate for 3. or 4. dayes: at length for feare of the popes cursse (although they durst not vtterly wythstande) had brought to passe to haue concluded for a summe of money much lesse, had not Stephen Segraue, one of the kings counsailers, ••raftily conuented w^t the Legate: and by sub∣tile meanes brought it so to passe, that the whole tenthes was gathered and paide, to the inestimable damage (sayth Pariens.) both of the Ecclesiasticall and Temporall state. The meanes whereof (sayeth the authour) was this. The Legate shewing to the prelates his procuratory letters to collect and gather vp all the foresayde tenthes in the name and authoritie of the Pope,* 5.109 declared moreouer full autho∣ritie to him graunted by the vertue of hys commission, to excommunicate all such, and to interdicte their Churches, who soeuer did gainstand or go contrary to the said collec∣tion. Whereupon by the said vertue legantine, he sendeth to euery shire, his Proctors to gather the Popes money, or els to excommunicate them which denied to pay:* 5.110 and for so much as the present nede of the pope required present help without delay, he sendeth moreouer to the byshops & pre∣lates of the Realme, in paine of interdiction foorthwith to procure and send to him either of theyr owne, or by loue, or vsance, or by what meanes so euer, so much money in all post spede, for the present vse of the pope. And after to take vp agayne the said money of the tenthes of euery singular person, by the right taxing of their goodes. Upon this, the Prelates to auoide the daunger (hauing no other remedy) were driuen to sel their chalices, cruets,* 5.111 copes, iewels, and other church plate: and some to lay to morgage such things as they had, some also to borowe vpon vsance, to make the money which was required. Moreouer, the sayd Stephen the Popes chaplaine (as reporteth Paris.) brought w^t hym into England for the same purpose, such bankers and vsu∣rers, who lending out their money vpon great vsurie, did vnreasonably pinch the English people, which marchant vsurers were then called Caursini. Briefly suche straight exaction was then vppon the poore English men, that not onely theyr present goodes were valued and taxed, but also the corne yet growing in the field,* 5.112 against the next haruest was tithed, &c. Only the Earle of Chester named Ranul∣phus, stood stoutly against the Pope, suffring none within his dominion either lay man or clearke to yeld any tenths to the popes proctors. Ex Math. Paris. pag. 74. And thys was the end of the strife betwene the Monkes of Caunterbury, & the king for the election of their Archbyshop which was about the yeare of our Lord 1229.* 5.113 In the which yere was finished the new Church of Couētry, by Alexander bishop of the sayd Citie, and partly by the helpe of the king:* 5.114 which Church, Richard his predecessor bishop before him of Co∣uentrie had begon.

The French men about thys time againe prepared themselues towarde Prouince, to warre against the fore∣sayde Reimundus Earle of Tholouse,* 5.115 and to expulse him out of his possessions. And hearing that he was in his Ca∣stle of Saracene, they made thither all their power, thin∣king there to enclose and compasse him about: but the erle being priuie of their conspired purpose, set for them by the way, appointing certaine bushments in woodes, not so se∣cretly as strongly, there to waite and receiue the comming of the Frenchmen, and to geue them their welcome. Thus when the French were entred the woode, the Earle wyth his traine of wel armed and able warriors, sodenly did flie

vppon them vnwares, and gaue them a bitter meeting, so that in that conflict 500. of the French soldiors were taken, and many slaine. Of their seruitures to the nūber of 2000. men with their armor were takē. Of whom some lost their eyes, some their noses, some their eares, some their legs, and so sent home. The rest were caried away prisoners in∣to the castel. And to be brief saith the history, thrise the same sommer, were the Frenchmē discomfited, put to flight, ta∣ken and imprisoned by the foresayd Reimundus the godly erle. Ex Paris. pag. 69. Wherin is to be sene, and to be praised, the gracious protection of the Lorde our God against the furious papists, which is glorious alwaies in hys saints.

¶ The same yeare the king being at Portesmouth, had assembled together all his Nobility, Earles, Barons, and knightes of England with such an armye of horsemen and footemen, as hath not ben lightly sene, thinking to recouer againe the Countrey of Normandie, of Gaunt, and other possessiōs which king Iohn his father before had lost. But when the captaines and marshals of the fielde should take shipping,* 5.116 there were not halfe ships enough to receiue the host. Wherupon the king was vehemently inflamed with anger, laying all the fault to Hubert, the Lorde chiefe Iu∣stice (who vnder the King had all the gouernement of the Realme) calling him olde traitour, charging him that hee should be the let of his voyage, as he was before, when hee toke of the French Duene 5000. markes, to stay the kings iourney into Normandy. In so much the rage of the king was so kindled against him, y^tdrawing his sword, he made at him to runne him through, had not the Earle of Chester Ranulph stopt the king. Hubert withdrew himselfe away till the kings rage was past. This was about the time of Michaelmas, at which time arriued Henry Earle of Nor∣mandie in the hauen of Portesmouth in the month of De∣to••. Who shuld haue conducted the king vpon his allege∣ance & othe into Normandie. But he w^t other of the kings armie counsailed the king not to take that voyage toward winter, but rather to defer it to the Easter next following: wherwith the king was staid and well contented, and pa∣ci••ied againe with Hubert the Iustice. &c. Ex Mat. Paris.

Fabian recordeth this yeare the liberties and fraunchise of the Citie of London to be confirmed by the king, and to enerich of the shriues to be graunted two clerkes, and two officers without moe. Ex Fabia.

* 5.117Then followed the yeare 1230. In which, vpon the day of the conuersion of S. Paule (as sayeth Paris.) as a great multitude of people for solemnitie of the day were congre∣gate in the Temple of S. Paule: the Bishop then being at hys Masse, a sodaine darkenes w^t such thicknesse of clouds fell in the aire, that vnneth one man might see an other in the Church.* 5.118 After that followed cracks of thunder & light∣ning so terrible, leauing such a sent in the Church, that the people loking for doomes day, thought no lesse but that the steeple and whole Church woulde haue falne vppon theyr heads. In so much that they running out of the church, as people amased, fell downe together by thousands, as men amased: not knowing for the time where they were, onely the Bishop & his Deacon stood still at their masse, holding the aulter fast. Ex Paris.

* 5.119Of the death of Steuen Langton, & of the troublesome election of the next Archbishop: also of the costly & charge∣able bringing in of Richard to succede in the roume, which did cost the whole realme of England the tenths of al their moueables, sufficient hath bene declared before. Thys Ri∣chard being nowe confirmed in his seat,* 5.120 came to the King complaining of Hubert the Lord chief Iustice, oft mentio∣ned before, for withholding him from the castle and towne of Tunebrydge with the appurtenance to the same belon∣ging, and other landes of the Earle of Clare late deceased: which landes appertained to the right of his seat, & to the church of Cant. for the which the said Earle with his aun∣ceters were bound to do homage to him and to his prede∣cessors: and therfore required the keping of the foresaid ca∣stle, with the demaines therof to be restored vnto him. To this the king answered againe,* 5.121 that the sayd Erle did hold of hym in Capite, and that the Castles being vacaunt of Earles and Barons with theyr heyres, did belong to hys crowne, till the lawfull age of the sayd heires. The Archb. when he could get no other answer of the king, did excom∣municate all such as inuaded the foresaid possessions wyth all other that tooke their parte,* 5.122 the king onely excepted. Which done, eftsoones speedeth himselfe to Rome, there to prosecute his sute before the pope. The king hearing ther∣of, not long after sendeth vp maister Roger Cantelu wyth certaine other messengers to Rome against the Archb.* 5.123

Thus Richard the Archb. comming before the Popes presence, beginneth first to complaine of his king, for that he committed all the affaires of the realme to the dispositi∣on and gouernement of Hubert his iustice, vsing only his counsaile, all his other nobles despised.

Against the sayde iustice moreouer he complained, lay∣ing to his charge: First, that he had maried a wife, being the kinswomā of her whom he had maried before: also that the said Hubert the iustice did inuade, hold and wrongful∣ly deteine such possessions as belonged to the see & Church of Canterburie.

¶ As touching the wife of this Hubert, heere is to be noted, that he maried the elder sister of the king of Scottes which semeth could be of no great kinne to her whome hee maried before.

Farther, he complained of certaine Bishops his Suf∣fraganes, who neglecting their pastorall function, did sit on Checker matters belonging to the King, and exercised sessions and iudgements of bloud.

Ouer and besides,* 5.124 he complained of beneficed persons, and clerks within orders, for hauing many benefices, ioy∣ned with cure of soule: And that they also taking example of the Bishops, did intermeddle in secular matters, and in iudgements of lay men.

Of these and such other defaults, he required redresse to be had. The Pope weying and considering the cause of the Archb. to stand vpon right & reason (at least wise seeming so to his purpose) commaunded incontinent his petitions and requests to be dispatched according to iustice.

Against these complaints of the Archbishop, the kings atturneis alledged and defended,* 5.125 in as much fauour of the king, as they might, but coulde doe no good. Such fauour found the archbishop in the popes sight, being (as the sto∣ry reporteth) of a comely personage, & of an eloquēt tonge, that he obtained whatsoeuer he asked. Thus the Archby∣shop with all fauourable speede being dispatched at Rome after his owne will and desire, returned homewarde: who in his iourney within 3. daies of his setting forth, departed in the house of the gray Friers at S. Gemmes, and so hys cause departed with him: who winning his sute, lost hys life, for whome it had bene better I suppose to haue taried at home. And here of him and end, with all his complaintes also. Ex Paris.

After the death of this Richarde, the monkes of Cant. (according to the manner) addresse them selues to a newe election: at which was chosen Radulfe Neuill, Byshop of Chichester, who was the kinges Chauncelor, much com∣mended in stories,* 5.126 to be a man faithfull, vpright, and con∣stant: which from the way of iustice declined neither to the right hand nor to the left. But vpright and sincere both in word and deede. This Rauffe (thus chosen of the monks) was presented to the king to be their Archbishop, where∣with the king was right well contented, and glad also of this election: and foorthwith inuested him for Archbyshop of the Church of Canterb. But this inuesting of the King was not inough, vnles he should also be confirmed by the pope. Wherefore, the Monkes ready to take their iourney vnto Rome, came to the newe Archb. requiring hys helpe for their expenses by the way, and to know what seruice he would commaunde them to the Court of Rome. But hee fearing in his mind the same not to be without some scru∣ple of sunonie & ambition,* 5.127 said he would not geue an half∣penie, and holding vp his handes to heauen, thus prayed, saying: O Lorde God, if I shall be thought worthy to be called (although in deede vnworthy) to the seat & office of this church:* 5.128 so be it as thou shalt dispose it. But if otherwise in this troublesom office of Chancerie, and this my inferior ministerie, whereunto I haue bene assigned, I shall seme more necessary for this thy king∣dome and people: I refuse not my labour: thy will be done.

The monks beholding the constancie of the man, not∣w^tstanding they had of him no money, yet refused not their trauail and iourny to Rome, to haue their election confir∣med by the Popes authoritie.* 5.129 The Pope inquiring of Si∣mon Langhton (brother of Stephen Langhton Archb. of Cant. before mentioned) of the person of this man: it was reported againe to him by the sayde Simon (maliciously deprauing the good man behind his backe) declaring to the Pope, that he was a courtier, vnlearned, hasty and feruent in his doings, and such one: who if he should be promoted to that dignitie, would go about with the help of the king, and of the whole realme, to remooue and bring the realme of England from vnder the yoke of the Pope, and of the Churche of Rome. And so to bereeue the See of Rome of the tribute, vnder which king Iohn had once subiected himselfe and his realme, at what time he yelded his crown to the handes of Pandolfus the Legate. &c. with these and such other words Simon Langhton falsly and maliciously depraued the godly bishop. The pope hearing w^t one care, & crediting what he heard, w^tout farther inquisition made of the other party accused, sendeth incontinent to y^e monks

of Cant. to procede in a new election,* 5.130 and to chuse them an other Arch. such as were an wholesome pastour of soules, profitable to the church of England, & deuout to the church of Rome. And thus was the lawfull election of thys good Archb. made frustrate, too good peraduenture to serue in that place, whereunto he was elected.

After the repulse of thys Radulphe, the Caunterburie Monkes entring a new election, agreed vpon Iohn their prior, to be their Metropolitane. Who going vp to Rome to haue his election confirmed by the Pope, was 3. dayes together examined of the cardinals. And when they could finde no insufficiency in him, touching these things, wher∣in they tried him: yet notwithstanding, the pope finding a fault with his age (he peraduenture being more aged him∣selfe) repealed him, for that he sayd, he was too old and sim∣ple, to susteine that dignitie. Ex Paris.

¶ What was the age of this person, I find it not in the authour expressed: yet it is to be supposed, that hee which was able to take that iourney to Rome, and home againe: was not so greatly to be cōplained off for hys age, but that he was able sufficiently to take paines in keping the chaire of Canterburie.

In the former parts of this story proceding, partly be∣fore hath bene declared,* 5.131 partly hereafter more shal appeare (Christ willing) how the Church of England & commons of the same was grieued & miserably afflicted, by the intol∣lerable oppressions of the Pope: who through his violent extortion had procured the best benefices to be giuen to his Romanes and the chiefe fruites of them to be reserued to his owne coffers. And what complaints therof haue bene made, ye heard before, pa. 255. But yet no redresse could be had. Such was the insatiable auarice of these Romaines rakehels, proiling & polling wheresoeuer they came, wyth their prouisions & exactions out of measure, and neuer sa∣tisfied. In somuch, that here in England whosoeuer lackt: their barnes were alwaies full of corne: and what penury so euer pinched the people, they were sure to haue inough. And these unportunate exactions & contributions of these Italian harpies: beside the peterpence, beside the common tribute, daily more & more increased, to the great greuance of the Realme: in somuch that the wealth of this land was almost cleane suckt vp, & translated to the court of Rome. Neither was the king ignorant hereof, but could not help the matter. Wherfore it was deuised by some of the nobles (as appeareth in the story of Pariensis) this foresayde yeare,* 5.132 An. 1231. that certaine letters vnder the pretensed colour of the kings authority, should be sent abroad: willing & com∣maunding, that suche corne & graine, and other reuenues, as were taken vp for the Pope, should be staied and foorth cōming, by a certain day in the sayd letters appoynted, the which letters are thought to procede chiefly by the means of Hubert Lorde chiefe Iustice of England,* 5.133 who then next vnder the king, ruled the most affaires of the realme. The wordes and contents of the letters be these.

AFter diuers & sondry griefs & oppressions which this realm, as you know, hath sustained by the Romanists and yet doth: as well to the preiudice of the king himselfe, as also of the nobili∣tie of the same, concerning the aduowsons of their Churches, and about their tythes: who also go about to take from the clerks and spirituall men their benefices, & to bestow them vpon their owne nation and countreimen, to the spoile and confusion both of vs and our realm: we therfore by our cōmon consents haue thought good (although very late) now yet rather, then any lōger to suffer their intollerable oppressions and extortions, to resist and with∣stande the same. And by the taking from them their benefices through all Englande, in like maner to cut short and bridle them, as they had thought to haue kept vnder & brideled others: wher∣by, they may desist any lenger to molest the Realme. Wherfore, we straitly charge and commaund you, that as touching the ferming of their churches, or els the rents belōging to them, which either you haue presently in your hands, or els do owe vnto the said Ro∣manists: that from henceforth you be no more accoumptable vn∣to them, or els pay vnto them from henceforth the same. But that you haue the sayde your rents and reuenues ready, by such a day, to pay and deliuer vnto our procurators thereunto by our letters assigned. And that all Abbates and Priors haue the same in a rea∣dinesse at the time appoynted, in their owne Monasteries: and all other Priestes, Clerkes, and laimen, at the Churches of the Roma∣nists there ready to pay. And farther, knowe ye for certaintie that if ye refuse thus to doe: that all that you haue besides, shalbe by vs brent and spoiled. And besides, looke what daunger we purpose shall fall vpon them, the same shall light vpon your neckes, if you refuse thus to do. Farewell.

When this was done, they sent their letters abroad by certaine souldiours therunto appoynted: to the which let∣ters they had deuised a new seale with two swords ingra∣ued, & betwene the swords was writtē. Ecce gladij duo, &c. Beholde these two swordes ready to take vengeance of all those that shall wythstand the forme and order in these let∣ters contained.

At that time the 16. day before the Kalends of Ianua∣ry,* 6.1 about the beginning of the yere 1232. there was kept at S. Albons a great consistory of Abbots, Priors, Archdea∣cons, with diuers both of the nobilitye and clergye by the popes commandement, for the celebration of a diuorce be∣twene the Countes of Essex and her husband. At the brea∣king vp of which consistorie, when euery man was about to depart thence. There was a certain clerke whose name was Cincius a Romane, and also a Chauon of Paules in London: taken by some of the sayde Uniuersitie not farre off from S. Albons, and was caried away from his com∣pany by the souldiours. But maister Iohn Archdeacon of Norwich a Florentine, hardly escaping from that compa∣ny, gate to London where he did himselfe, and durst not be seene. Cintius after 5. weekes, when they had well emp∣tied hys bagges, was safely sent againe without any more hurt to London.

Not long after this,* 6.2 about the beginning of Ianuarie, the barnes of a certaine beneficed man, a Romane, & per∣son of Wingham, being ful of corn, were broke vp by a like company of armed souldiours. And the corne brought out to be sold and geuen away to the poore people. The farmer seeing this and not able to resist, complaineth to the shirife of the shire, of this iniurie done to his master, and of brea∣king the kings peace: whereupon, the shirife sent certaine of his mē to see what was done. Who cōming to the emp∣tie barnes, & there finding the foresaid souldiours to them vnknowen,* 6.3 who had sold away the most part of the corne vpon easie price, and some for charity had geuen to the po∣uertie of the countrey about: required of them whot they were, that so durst presume to breake the Kings peace. Whom the other then called secretly a part, & shewed them the kings letters Patentes (pretending at least the kings name and seale) wherin was forbidden that no man shuld presume to stoppe or let them in that purpose. Whereof the Sheriffes seruaunts being certified, quietly returned from whence they came.

This comming to the knowledge of Roger byshop of London, he (wyth the assistance of other Bishops) procee∣deth in solemne excommunication, first against them that robbed Cintius the Romane: then of them which spoyled the barnes of the parson of Wingham, an other Romaine: thirdly he excommunicated them that forged y^• letters and seale of the king aboue specified.

Neither yet for all that, that did so cease, but the same yeare, about Easter next folowing, al the barnes in Eng∣land,* 6.4 which were in the hands of any Roman or Italian, were likewise wasted, and the corne solde to the best com∣modity of the poore commons. Of the which, great almose was distributed: and many times, money also wyth corne together was sparsed for the needy people to gather vppe. Neither was there any, that would or durst stand against them. As for the Romaines & Italians themselues, were stricken in suche feare, that they hid themselues in Mona∣steries and celles, not daring to complaine of their iniu∣ries receiued: but helde it better, to lose rather their goods, then to loose their liues. The authors and workers of thys feate were to the nomber of 80. armed soldiours, of whom the principall captaine, was one naming himselfe W. Wy∣therse, surnamed Twing.* 6.5

This comming to the Popes knowledge, he was not a little stirred therewith, & sendeth his letters immediatly to the king vppon the same: with sharpe threatnings, and imperious commaundements,* 6.6 charging him for suffering of such villany within his realme: straitly enioyning hym vnder paine of excommunication, to searche out the doers hereof with all diligence, & so to punish them that all other by them may take example. Likewise, hee sendeth the same charge to Peter bishop of Winchester, and to the Abbot of S. Edmunde, to inquire in the South partes. Also to the Archb. of Yorke, and to the bishop of Durham, and to ma∣ster Iohn Chanon of Yorke a Romaine, to inquire in the North partes for the sayde malefactors: and after diligent inquisition made, to send vp y^• same to Rome, there needes to appeare before him. &c.* 6.7

Thus after earnestly inquisition made of all parties, & witnesses sworne and examined: many were foūd culpable in the matter, some y^t were factours, some that were con∣senters, of whom some were Bishops, and Chaplaines to the King: some Archdeacons, & Deanes, with other soul∣diours and lay men. Among whom certaine sheriffes and vndersheriffs with their seruitures vnder them, were ap∣prehended and cast into prison by the king. Many for feare fled and escaped away, who being sought for coulde not be

founde:* 6.8 but the principall of this number (as is aforesaid) was supposed to be Hubertus Lord chief iustice: who both with the kings letters & his own, fortified the doers ther∣of, that no man durst interrupt them.* 6.9 Moreouer in y^t same society of them, which were noted in these doings, was the same Robert Twing, aboue mentioned, a comely young man and a talle souldiour: who of his own voluntary ac∣corde, with 5. other seruitures, whome hee tooke wyth him abroad to worke that feat, came to the king: openly prote∣sting himselfe to be the author of that deede doing, and said, he did it for hatred of the pope and the Romaines: because that by the sentence of the bishop of Rome, and fraudulent circumuention of the Italians, he was bereeued of the pa∣tronage of his benefice, hauing no more to geue but that one. Wherefore to be reuenged of that iniurie, he enterpri∣sed that which was done: preferring rather vniustly to be excommunicate for a season, then to be spoiled of his bene∣fice for euer. Then the King, and other executours of the Popes commandement gaue him counsaile, that seeing he had so incurred the danger of the Popes sentence, shoulde offer himselfe to the pope to be absolued of him againe, and there to make his declaration vnto him, that he iustly and canonically was possessed in that church. The king more∣ouer with him sent his letters testimoniall vnto the pope, witnessing with the saide souldiour, and instantly desiring the Pope in his behalf, that he might with fauor be heard. At the request wherof, Pope Gregory afterward, both re∣leased him of the sentence, and restored him to his patro∣nage: wryting to the Archb. of York, that he might againe inioy the right of his benefice in as ample maner, as he did before it was taken from him.

* 6.10Hubert de Burgo Lorde chiefe Iustice, being one of them which helde against the Romish Priestes, as is afore signified: was therfore not a litle noted of y^e bishops, who to require him with like despite againe (after their accusto∣med maner of practise) went about by subtile working, to shake him out of the kings fauour. And first commeth Pe∣ter Bishop of Winchester, to the king greuously complai∣ning of certaine about the King, but especially of the fore∣saide Hubert the kings iustice: in so much, that he caused him to be remoued from his office, notwythstāding he had the kings seale and wryting for the perpetuity of the same, & procured Steuen Segraue to be placed in his function. And after a few daies,* 6.11 the king more and more incensed a∣gainst hym, called him to a counte of all the treasure which he was countable for by his excheker office: also of all suche debts by him due frō the time of his father, vnto hys time. Also of all the Lordships, whych were in the possession of William Earle of Pēbroke, chief iustice before him. Item, of the liberties which he did holde at that time, in forestes, warrens, shires, and other places, how they were kept, or howe they were made away. Of Prices likewise: Also of losses committed through hys negligence: And of wastes made contrary to the kings profite: of his liberties, howe he did vse them. Item, of iniuries and damages wrought against the clearkes of Rome, and other Italians, and the Popes Legates: for the redresse whereof, he woulde neuer adioyne his coūsail, according as appertained to his office, being then chief iustice of England. Also of scutagies, gifts presents, scapes of prisonners. Item, of maritagies which king Iohn cōmitted to his keeping at the day of his death, and which were also in his time committed vnto him. To these Hubert answered, y^t he had king Iohns owne hand to shewe for his discharge: who so approoued his fidelitie, that he neuer called him to any,* 6.12 but clerely discharged him from all such counts. Wherunto answered againe the Bi∣shop of Winchester, saying: the Charter of king Iohn hath no force after the death of him, but that ye may now be cal∣led to a reckoning of this king for the same.

Ouer and besides these, other greater obiections were laid to his charge by the King:* 6.13 as for sending and wryting to the duke of Austria, that he might marry hys daughter, to the preiudice of the King and of the Realme, dissuading that she myght not be geuen to him. Item, for counsailing the king not to enter into Normandie w^t his armie which he had prepared for the recouerie of lands there belonging to his right, wherby great treasure was there consumed in vaine. Item, for corrupting the daughter of the King of Scottes, whome king Iohn his father committed to his custody, for him to mary. Item, for stealing frō him a pre∣tious stone, which had a vertue to make him victorious in warre, & for sending the same to Leoline Prince of Wales. And that by his letters sent to the sayde Leoline William Brues a noble man was caused there traitrously to be hā∣ged. &c. These wyth other crimes (whether true or false) were suggested to the king against the sayd Hubert by his aduersaries. Wherunto he was required to answere by or∣der of law. Hubert then seing himselfe in such a strait, refu∣sed to answer presently, but required respite thereunto, for that the matters were weighty which the king obiected to him, which was graunted to hym till the 14. day of Sep∣tember: but in the meane time, Hubert being in fear of the king, fled from London to the priory of Merton. And thus Hubert, who before for the loue of the king, and defence of the realme (sayth mine author) had got the hatred of all the nobles of England, now being out of the kings fauor was destitute of comforte on euery side: saue onely that Lucas Archbishop of Dubline,* 6.14 wyth instant prayers and teares, laboured to the king for him. By this example & many like is to be sene, howe vnstable and variable a thing the fauor of mortall & mutable princes is: To teach all such as haue to doe about princes, howe to repose and plant their trust not in man, but in their Lord God: by him to finde help in Christ the true Prince of all Princes, which neuer faileth. By like example was Clito serued of king Alexander, Io∣ab of king Dauid, Bellisarius of Iustiniane, Harpagus of Astiages, Cromwell of king Henry, w^t innumerable moe, which in histories are to be found.

When the day was come, that this Hubert should an∣swer, keeping among the monks of Merton, he durst not appeare.

Then was it signified to him from the King, that hee should come vp and appeare in the court, there to answer to his charge. Wherunto he answered againe, that he mis∣douted the kings anger,* 6.15 & therfore he did flie to the church as the vttermost refuge to all such as suffer wrong. From whence he would not stirre, till he heard the kings wrath to be mitigated towards him. With this, the king mooued & sore displeased, directed his letters in all hast, to the ma∣ior of London,* 6.16 commanding him at the sight therof to mu∣ster and take vp all the citizens that could beare harneis in the Citie, and to bring to him by force of armes the foresaid Hubert either quicke or dead, out of Merton. Wherupon, the Maior immediately causing the great bell to be ronge: assembled together the people of Lōdon, and opening be∣fore them the kings letters, commaunded them to prepare and arme themselues in al readines to the executing of the kings will and message.

The Citizens hearing this,* 6.17 were therewith right glad and ready, for they were all in great hatred wyth Hubert: because of the execution of Constantine their citizen aboue mentioned, pag. 269. Notwithstanding, certaine of y^e citi∣zens,* 6.18 namely Andrew Bukerel, Iohn Trauers & other mo, men of more graue & sage discretiō (wisely pondcrying with themselues, what inconuenience might rise heereof) went in haste to the Byshop of Wintchester, lying then in Southwarke: and waking him out of hys sleepe, desired him of his counsaile in that so sodeine and daungerous di∣stresse:* 6.19 Declaring to him, what perill might thereby ensue as well to the church of Merton, as also to the citie, by the fury of the vnordinate & fierce multitude, which wil hard∣ly be brideled from robbing and spoiling,* 6.20 neither wil spare sheding of bloud. &c. Unto whō againe the bloudy byshop gaue this bloudy counsaile (sayth Pariensis.) Daungerous it is (quod he) both heere and there, but yet see y^t you obey and execute the precept of the king, I counsaile you plaine∣ly. At the which counsail of the bishop they being amased, went with an euill will about the businesse enioyned. But the people inflamed w^t hatred, gladly coueted to be reuen∣ged and to shed the bloud of the sayd Hubert.

¶ The cause why Peter Byshop of Wint. was so cru∣elly set against the Iustice,* 6.21 was partly for the damages hee had done to the Romane Priestes, as is before touched: Partly also for the olde grudge, because the king comming to his lawful age before (through the counsail of this Hu∣bert) losed himselfe frō the gouernment of the sayd B. who had him then in custodie. And thus rose vp the grudge and displeasure of this bishop him.

On the next morowe, the Londiners issuing out of the citie to the number of xx. M. setfoorth toward the Abbey of Merton,* 6.22 where Hubert was lying prostrate before the al∣tar, commending himselfe to God.

In the meane season, while the Citizens were in their iourney, raging against the poore erle of Kent: it was sug∣gested to the king by Radulfe B. of Chichester, and Lorde Chauncelor, that it was daungerous to excite vp the vul∣gare and vnruly multitude, for feare of sedition: le••t perad∣uenture, the rude and heady people being stirred vp,* 6.23 will not so soone be brought downe againe, when the K. would haue them. Moreouer, what shalbe sayd (quod he) among the French men and other nations, which of great things loue to make them greater, & of euill things to make them worse then they are: but thus iestingly & mockingly: See what a kind bird is the yong king of England, whych see∣keth

to deuour his old nurse vnder whose wings he had ben brought vp and nourished in his youth.* 6.24 And thus the king by the perswasion hereof, chaūging his councell, sēt in all hasty wise after the army againe, willing them to re∣tract theyr iourney, and to retire, And thus the Londiners (although much agaynst their wils) returned home, mis∣sing of theyr purpose. Wherein is to be obserued another notable example of Gods working prouidence. For when y^• king (sayth the history) had sent by 2. messēgers or purse∣uants to reuoke and call back again the army of the Lon∣diners, going with gredy mindes to shed the bloud of the innocent Iustice: One of the messengers posting with all speed possible, with the kinges letters, ouertook the army: and comming to the foreward, where the Captains were by vertue of the kings letters staied their course and blou∣dy purpose, wherby they could proceed no farther. But the other messēger crafty and malicious, who bearing hatred to the sayd Hubert, rather wishing him to be slayne, then to be deliuered: lingred by the way of purpose (although being commaunded to make haste) & when he came, went onely but to the middle sort. More like a messēger meet to serue a dead mans arrant,* 6.25 then to serue the turne of them which be aliue. And ••o in like maner by the iust hand of God it fell vpon him. For the same messenger stombling with his horse, riding but a soft or a foote pace, and rather walking then riding: fell down backward from his horse backe, and there brake his necke and dyed. This mercifull message of the king was, as is said, sent by the instigation of Radulph B. of Chichester Lord Chaunceller (a vertu∣ous and a faythfull man) and one that coulde skill to haue compassion on the miseries of men.* 6.26 Of whom was decla∣red before, that he being elected Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry, would not get one halfe peny to theyr expenses by the way, to geue his election cōfirmed by the Pope: and after∣ward by the sayd Pope was defeited and frustrated of his election, as relation was made before pag. 274. And thus through Gods prouidēce by the meanes of the kings let∣ters the army returned: and Huberts life (contrary to hys expectation) was preserued.

* 6.27After this, the Archbishop of Dubline with much la∣bour and great fute intreated and obteined of the king to graunt vnto the sayd Hubert respite till the twelfe day of Ianuary, to prouide himself of his answere to such things as were commensed agaynst him. Then Hubert trusting to enioy some safety by the kings permission to him graū∣ted, to breath himselfe a litle and to walke abroad, took his iourny towardes S. Edmūdesbury, where his wife was. And passing through the countrey of Essex, was Inned there in a certaine towne belonging to the bishop of Nor∣wich. Wherof when the king was certified, fearing lest he would raise vp some commotion in the Realme: sēdeth in hasty anger after him Syr Godfred Cranecombe knight, with 300. men: commaunding vnder payne of hanging, that they should apprehend him, & bring him to the tower of London. Which commaundement to accomplish, there lacked no haste. Hubert hauing intelligence of their com∣ming (rising out of his bed naked as he was) ranne to the chappel standing nere to the Inne,* 6.28 where he holdeth with the one hand the crosse, with the other hand the Sacramēt of the Lordes body. Then Godfride with his foresayd ar∣med souldiours entring into the Chappell, willed him to come out.* 6.29 Which when he would not: with violent hands he drew him out of the Chappell, and taking the Crosse & Sacrament out of his hands, fast bound him with fetters and giues vnder the horse belly, and brought him as they were commaunded, to the Tower. And so certifying the king what they had done (who then taried vp waking for them) he reioyced not a little thereat, and went mery to his bed.

* 6.30The next morrow following after, Roger Byshop of London had knowledge, how and in what order he was taken violently out of the Chappell, he commeth to the king blaming him boldely for violating the peace of holy church, and protested that vnlesse the partye were loosed a∣gayne, & sent to the Chappel from whence he was drawn, he would enter sentente of excommunication agaynst all the deed doers,

* 6.31The king as he did not deny his transgression herein, so sendeth him, (albeit agaynst his will) out of the Tower to the said Chappell agayn & by the same souldiors which brought him out before. Which done, he geueth in straight charge and commaundement vnder payne of hanging to the Shiriffes of Herforde and of Essex, that they in theyr owne persons with the strength of both Shyres shoulde watch and compasse about the Chappell, and see that the sayd Hubert no wayes might escape. Which commaunde∣ment of the king was accōplished with all diligence. But Hubert took all this patiently, and continued in the chap∣pell praying both night and day, & commending his cause vnto the Lord, whom he desired so to deliuer him from that instant daunger, as he alwayes sought the kings ho∣nor by his faythfull and trusty seruice. And as he continu∣ed in his prayer, so the king continuing in his rage, com∣maunded that no man should intreat for him, or make any mention of him in his presence. Notwithstanding, yet Lucas Archbishop of Dubline,* 6.32 his true and almost onely friend, ceased not to pray and weepe to the king for hym, desiring the king at least to intimate to him, what he pur∣posed should be done with Hubert. Whereun•••• the King answering, sayd: that of three things one he should choose:* 6.33 whether he woulde abiure the Realme of England for e∣uer, or be condemned to perpetuall prison, or els confesse himselfe openly to be a Traytour. But Hubert hereun∣to sayde, that he woulde choose none of these Articles, as who knew himselfe neither guiltye, nor worthye of anye suche confusion: but to satisfye somewhat the minde of the Kyng, he woulde be content to departe the Realme for a season, but to abiure the Realme, he woulde not so doe.

In this meane time it befel, that Ranulphus Earle of Chester and of Lincoln, one of his sorest enemies died. Hu¦bertus all this while, remayned in the Chappell inclosed & garded about with the power, as is sayd, of two shires, & so continued til at length by the cōmaūdement of the king his two seruitours whiche ministred to him within the Chappell,* 6.34 were taken from him. Then Hubert seeing no other remedy but there to sterue for famine, offered hym∣selfe of his owne accorde to the Shiriffes, saying that he would put himselfe rather in the kinges mercy, then there desperately to perish for hunger.* 6.35 And so was he takē, and being fast bound in fetters, was brought agayne & clap∣ped by the Kinges commaundement, in the Tower of London.

Not long after this, word was brought to the king by certaine, that the said Hubert had muche treasure lying in the house of the new Templaries in London. Wherupon the king to try out the trueth thereof sendeth for the Prior or maister of y^t house, who not daring to deny, confessed y^t there was in deed treasure brought into the house, but the quantity and number thereof he could not tell. The King desirous to season vpō the treasure, required and charged the maister with his brethren, with threatning wordes, to bring forth the treasure to him, saying, that it was taken and stolne out of his treasury.* 6.36 But they answered againe that the treasure was committed with trust and sayth vn∣to theyr hands: and therfore they would nor ought to let it go out of theyr hands, being trusted withall, without the assent of him which committed the same vnto them. When the king could get no other answere at their hands, nei∣ther durst shew any further violēce against thē, he sendeth to Hubert in y^e Tower, requiring of him the foresaid trea∣sures. To whom he aunswering agayne mildely, yelded both himselfe, his treasures & all that euer he had vnto the kings will & pleasure, & so sending word to the maister & brethren of the Temple, willeth them to take al the keyes, and deliuer the goods, with all that there was to the king, who receiuing the same,* 6.37 and taking an Inuentory of that which was receiued, caused it to be brought to his trea∣sure, wherof the number both of the plate, of coyne, and of the iewels was of price vnknown.* 6.38 The enemies of Hub. supposing thereby to take aduaūtage against him to bring him to his end came with open complaynt to the king, cri∣yng out against Hubert, that he was a thief, a traitor, and a robber of the kings treasure, and therefore by right was worthy to be hanged, and thus cried his accusers dayly in the kinges eare.* 6.39 But the hartes of kinges (sayth the wise man) are in the handes of the Lord, to be ruled not after mans will, but as it pleaseth God to direct them. And so this king hauing now his will & fill vpon poore Hubert & somwhat cōming more vnto himselfe, answered againe in this wise: that there was no such need to deale so strait∣ly with him, who from the time of his youth first serued mine vncle King Richard,* 6.40 then my father king Iohn, in whose seruice, (as I heard say) beyond the Seas he was driuen to eat his horse, Parisies. pag. 81. and in my time hath stand so constantly in defence of the Realme agaynst for∣reine nations, who kept the castle of Douer agaynst king Lewes, and vanquished the Frenchmen vpon the Seas, also at Bedford, and at Lincolne hath done suche seruice. And though agaynst me he hath dealt any thing vntruely, which yet is not euidentlye proued, yet he shall neuer be put by me to so villanous death.* 6.41 I had rather be counted a king foolish and simple, then to be iudged a tyraunt or a seeker of bloude, especiallye of such as haue serued me

and mine auncesters in many perils so daūgerously, wey∣ing more the few euilles which yet be not proued, then so many good desertes of his euident & manifest seruice done both to me and to the whole realm. &c. And thus the king somewhat relenting to poore Hubert his olde seruaunt, graunted vnto him all such landes as he had geuen by K. Iohn his father, and whatsoeuer els he had by his owne purchase.

* 6.42Thus Hubert after long trouble, a little chered wyth some peece of comfort, set Laurence his trustye friend that neuer left him, one that belonged to S. Albons, to be hys Stuard and ouerseer of those possessions graunted to him by the king. And shorely vpon the same, after the kinges minde was seene thus something to relent, the enuy also of the nobles being now partly satisfied: began to turne to mercy▪* 6.43 In so much that 4. Earles, to witt Earle Richard the kinges brother, William Earle of Warrtine, Richard Earle Marshall, and William Earle of Ferrys, became sureties to the king for him. Upon whose surety he was transferred to the Castle of Deuizis:* 6.44 where he was vnder the keeping of 4. souldiours by them appoynted, hauing the liberty of the Castle. But the Byshopp of Winchester, who alwayes hunted after the life of Hubert, craftely cō∣meth to the king,* 6.45 and desireth the custodye of that Castle, making no mention of Hubert, to the intent that by the keeping thereof, he might the sooner dispatch him. Hubert hauing therof some inkling, breaketh the matter to two of his seruants, who with compassion tendering his misery, watched their time (the kepers being a sleep) and conueied by might vpon theyr backes,* 6.46 fettered as he was, into the parish Church of the Towne, and there remayned wyth him. The keepers when they mist theyr prisoner, were in great perplexity, and after diligent searche finding hym at length where he was in the Churche, with violent force drew him from thence to the Castle againe. For the which iniury to the Church, the Bishop of Sarum, vnderstan∣ding the order of the matter, commeth to the Castle where the keepers were, and required that Hubert shoulde be brought againe into the Church, from whence he was ta∣ken. Which whē the keepers denied to do, saying that they would rather he should hang then they: then the Byshop gaue sentence agaynst them of excommunication. Which done,* 6.47 he with the Bishop of London and other Byshops, goeth immediately to the king, complayning of the iniury done to Hubert, and especially of the contiunely agaynst holye Churche: neither woulde they leaue the King before they had obtayned that hee shoulde bee reduced agayne into the Churche, and so he was. It was not long after, but the king in great displeasure sendeth to the Sheriffe of the shyre to keepe him well watched in the Churche, till either he came forth, or there perished wyth famine.

* 6.48It befel in the meane season that great dissention rose betwene the king and the nobles of the Realme, by reason whereof Hubert was taken and caried away by Richard Earle Marshall into Wales, and there remayned till the king at length was reconciled with his nobles, and so receiued with the rest the sayd Hubert agayne into hys fauour. Ex Math. Parisiens. Ex Flor. Historiarum. Of the which dissention more shall be shewed (Christ willing) here∣after.

* 6.49As the beginning of this trouble of Hubert first sprang of vexing the Hopes barnes: so likewise Roger bishop of London suspected for the same cause, was enforced to tra∣uell vp to Rome, there to purge himselfe before the Pope. Where after much money consumed, & robbed also by the way, he gat nothing els, but lost his labour, and so came home agayne. Who then doing the part of a good Bishop, after his returne from Rome, attempted to expell and ex∣clude out of his Dioces all these Italian vsurers called, as is before sayd Caursini.* 6.50. These Caursinites comming with the Popes Legats into England, and lending their money to Religious houses, to Colleges and Churches, had their debters to them boūd in such sort, as was much vntageable to them, & much iniurious vnto the other, as in the forme of theyr obligations in the storyes of Mathew Parisiens. is largely expressed fol. 65. Against these Caursi∣nites the Bishoppe of London being worthely inflamed with zeale of iustice,* 6.51 first with louing admonition, went about to reclayme them, for the wealth of theyr soules, af∣terward with sharpe wordes began to charge them. But they neither regarding Christian councell, and despising the Bishops threatnings, would not leaue the sweetnesse of their occupation. Wherfore the Bishop proceding to the sentence of excommunication,* 6.52 precisely and districtly char∣ged them to depart his Dioces. But they agayne being confident & emboldned vpon the popes defence, not one∣ly set at light his excommunication, but also wrought such wayes with the Pope, that they caused the sayd B. of Lō∣don, being both aged and sickely, to be cited peremptoryly to appeare beyond the Seas, there to answere to such ob∣iections as they should inferre agaynst him. And thus the Byshop minding rather to couer, then to open the faults of the Church, and partly being let with infirmitye & age, was compelled to let the cause fall.

And thus much of the popes marchants here in Eng∣land, which were not so busye here for theyr part, but the Pope the great maister of these marchaunt vsurers, was as busy for hys. And although his barnes here in Eng∣land were destroyed, and his banke something decayed, yet he thought to winne it vp an other way: for he proclai∣med the same yere a generall visitation through all the re∣ligious houses exempt or not exempt vniuersally pertey∣ning to his iurisdiction,* 6.53 where by the cruell dealing of the visitours, many were compelled to appeale and to trauell vp to Rome, to the great expenses of their mony, and fil∣ling the Popes coffers. But as touching this visitation, to make short (sayth the story) it tended not to any refor∣mation so much, as to the deformatiō of the vniuersal or∣der, Dum omnes qui in diuersis or bis partibus vnicam Benedi∣cti secuti fuerant regulam,* 6.54 per nouas constitutiones ita inueni∣antur vbi{que} discordes, quòd ex omnibus coenobijs, vel alijs reli∣giosorum Ecclesijs vix duo habeantur in norma viuendi cōcor∣des. i. While all they, which before through all partes of the world followed onely the rule of Benedict, now through new deuised constitutions are found in all places so deui∣ded & diuers,* 6.55 that of all monasteryes, and other churches of religion, scarse may two be foūd, which do agree in one rule and institution of life.

All this while that Hubert aboue mentioned was se∣cluded from the king, Peter B. of Winchester bare all the rule, and aboue al other alone was accepted. This bishop being in such principall fauor with the king, as by whose councell all thinges were administred, remoued the natu∣rall seruitours that were Englishmen, out of their offices, and placed other straungers, namely of Pictauia, and of other countryes in theyr roome. Amōg whom was thrust out William the Undermarshall,* 6.56 which supplyed y^e roome of Richard Lord great Marshall of England: for y^e which cause, the sayd Lord Richard was mightely offended. Al∣so Walter Treasurer of the kinges house, was not onely expelled, but also mersed at an hundreth pound, & put frō all his holdes and munitions, which he had by the kinges patent graunted to him.

Moreouer by the counsell of the sayd Bishop of Win∣chester, all the olde councellers as well Bishops, as other Earles and Barons, and all the nobles were reiected frō the king in such sort, that he would heare & folow no mās councell, but onely the sayd Peter Bishop of Winchester, and his cosin Peter de Riuallis. Whereby it came to passe that all the greatest holdes and munitions in the Realme were taken from the old kepers and committed to the cu∣stodye of the sayd Peter. Then the Bishop of Winchester, to plant and pitch himselfe more strongly in the kings fa∣uor, adioyned to his felowship Stephen Segraue succee∣ding in the place of Hubert the iustice: also Robert Passe∣lew, who had the keeping of the treasure vnder the fore∣sayd Peter Riuall. So by these three all the affayres of the realme were ordred. Moreouer to make theyr party more sure,* 6.57 by them was prouided, that souldiours and serui∣tors from beyond the Sea, as Pictauians and Britans were sent for, to the number of two thousand, which were placed partly about the king, partly were set in Castles & holdes within the Realme, and had the ouersight and go∣uernment of Shyres and Baronies, who then oppressed the nobles of the land, accusing them to the king for tray∣tours: whom the simple king did lightly beleue, commit∣ting to them the custodye of his Treasures, the sitting in iudgements, and the doing in all thinges: And when the nobles thus oppressed, came to complayn of their iniuries to the king, by the meanes of the Byshop of Winchester, theyr cause was nothing regarded. In so muche that the sayd Winchester moreouer accused certayne Bishops also to the king, so that he did flee and shunne them as open traytors and rebels.

These things standing thus out of order,* 6.58 Richard the noble Marshal of England, with other of the nobles ioy∣ning with him, seing these oppressions and iniuries day∣ly growing contrary to the lawes and wealth of y^e realm, came to the king, and blamed him for retayning such per∣uerse counsell about him of the Pictanians and other fo∣reners, to the great preiudice of his naturall subiects, and of the liberties of the Realme, humbly desiring and besee∣ching him, that he with as much speed as might be, would

reforme & redresse such excesses, whereby the whole realme seemed to lie in daunger of subuersion. Otherwise, if he re∣fused to see correction thereof, he with other peeres and no∣bles, would withdraw themselues from his counsell, so long as he maintayned the societie of those foreners and strangers about him.

* 6.59To this Peter Winchester aunswering agayne, sayde: that the king right wel might cal vnto him what foreners and straungers him listed, for the defence both of his king∣dome and of his crowne: and what number of them he would, as by whom he might be able to bridle his proude and rebellious subiectes, and so to keepe them in awe and good order, Whē the Earle and the nobles could get no o∣ther aunswere of him, in great perturbatiō they departed, promising among themselues, in this cause which so tou∣ched the state of the whole Realme, the would constantly ioyne together to the parting of their life.

* 6.60After this, the foresayd Petrus Bishoppe of Winchester with his cōplices, ceased not by all meanes to inflame the kinges hart to hatred and contempt of his naturall peo∣ple, whom they so vehemently peruerted, that he coūting them no other then his enemies, sought by all diligence y^c vtter destruction of thē: sending dayly for moe garisons of the Pictauians, that in short space they replenished wei∣neare the whole land,* 6.61 whose defence the king onely trusted vnto: neither was any thing disposed in the Realme, but through the guiding of this Peter, and of the Pictauians.

The king thus garded and strengthened with these fo∣reine aliens and straungers, proclaimed aparliamēt to be holden at Oxford, where the nobles were warned to be present. They considering the indignation of the king cō∣ceiued, would not appeare. Agayn they were required the first, second, and third tune to present themselues. The assembly proceeded, but they came not for whom the king looked. In this assembly or Parliament, it was playnely told the king by a Dominick Fryer preaching before him, that unlesse he remoued from him the Bishop of Winche∣ster and Peter Riuall his kinsma, he should, neither could long enioy peace in his kingdome. This although it was bluntly spoken of the Frier against the Bishop: yet this remedy he had: the frier had nothing to lose. Yet was ther another Chaplein of the Court, who preceiuing the king somewhat instigated by the former preaching, and after a courtlike dexterity handling his matter, being a pleasaunt conceited man,* 6.62 thus merely came to the king asking a que∣stion, what was the thing most pernitious & daungerous of all other thinges to them that trauaile by y^c seas? That, sayd the king, is best knowne to suche as trauayle in that kinde of trafficke. Nay, sayth he, this is easy to be folde. The king demaunding what it was: forsooth (quoth he) stones and rockes, alluding merely, but yet truely to the Bishop of Winchester, whose name and surname was Pe∣trus de Rupibus. For so Petrae in Latine signifieth stones, & Rupes rockes. Notwithstanding the king either not per∣ceiuing the meaning, or not amending the fault, again sig∣nifieth to his nobles to speake with him at Westminster. But they fearing some trayne to be layd for them, refused to appeare:* 6.63 sending playne word to the king by solemne message, that his grace without all delay should seclude frō him Peter B. of Winchester and other aliens of Pictauia, or if he would not, they with the common assent of the re∣alme, would displace him with his wicked councellours from his kingdome, and haue within themselues tracta∣tion for choosing a new king.

The king at the hearing of this message being mighte∣ly moued, partly to feare, partly to indignation, especally hauing y^c late example of king Iohn his father before his eyes,* 6.64 was cast in great perplexity, doubting what was best to be done. But Winchester with his wicked councell so wrought with the king, that he proceeded with all seue∣rity agaynst them: In so much that in short time the spar∣kles of poisoued coūcell kindling more and more, grew to a sharpe battayle betweene the king, and Richard Earle Marshall, with other nobles, to the great disquietnesse of the whole Realme. The which warre before was presig∣nified by terrible thundering and lightning heard al eng∣land ouer in the moneth of march, with such aboundaūee of raine and flouds growing vpon the same,* 6.65 as cast down milnes, ouercouered the fields, threw downe houses, and did much harine through the whole Realme.

To prosecute here at large the whole discourse of thys warre betwene the king and Earl Marshall, which con∣tinued neare the space of two yeares, to declare all y^c parts and circumstances thereof, what trouble it brought, what damage it wrought to y^c whole realm, what traines were layd, what slanghter of men, what waste of whole coun∣tryes ensued from Wales vnto Shrewsbery, how y^c mar∣shall ioyned himselfe with Leoline Prince of Walles, how the Pictauians were almost all slayne & destroyd, how the king was distressed, what forgery wily wint. wrought by the kings letters to entrap the Marshall & to betray him to the Irishmen, among whom he was at length slayne, all this I referr to other authors. Who at large do entreat of the same, as Math. Parisiens. Florilegus & such other. This is to be noted and obserued (whithe rather perteineth to our Ecclesiasticall history) to see what sedition and conti∣nuall disquietnes was in those dayes among all Christen people almost, being vnder the popes Catholick obediēce. But especially to marke the corrupt doctrine then reig∣ning, it is to be maruelled, or rather lamented, to see the king and the people then so blinded in the principall point and article of their saluation, as we finde in storyes, which making mention of a house or Monastery of Conuertes builded the same yeare by the king at London, do expres in playne wordes, that he then did it Pro redemptione ani∣mae suae,* 6.66 & Regis Ioannis patris sui, & omnium antecessorum su∣orum. i. For the redemptiō of his soule, of the soule of king Iohn his father, & for the soules of all his auncieers. &c. Whereby may be vnderstand in what palpable darknes of blind ignoraunce the sely soules redeined by Christ, were then inwrapped, which did not know nor yet wee taught the right doctrine and first principles of their redemption. Ex Math. Parisien sipag. 86.

Mention was made a litle before pag. 275.* 6.67 of dissol∣uing the election of Iohn Prior of Cāterbury, which was chosen by the Monkes to be Archbishop of y^c sayd churche of Canterbury, but by the pope was defeited. After whom one Iohn Blūd was elected, who trauelling vp to Rome this yeare an. 1233. to be confirmed of the Pope, was also repealed and vnetected agayne, for that it was thought in England, & so complayned of to the Pope, that he had re∣ceiued of Peter Bishop of Winchester a thousand markes and had another thousand promised him of the sayd Win∣chester. who by his mony thought to make him of his side and also wrote to the Emperor to helpe forward his pro∣motion in the court of Rome.* 6.68 Notwithstanding, both he with his geuing, and the other with his taking of bribes were both detected and disapoynted of theyr purpose. For the Pope hating then the Emperour, for the same cause admitted not the election, pretending the cause, for that he was proued to holde to benefices without his dispensati∣on.* 6.69 After whom by the commaundement of the Pope one Edmund Chanon of Salisbury was ordeyned Archby∣shop, and had his Palle sent to him from the Pope, which Edmunde after for his vertues was Canonised of the Popishe Monkes there for a Saynte,* 6.70 and called S. Ed∣mund. About which time also Robert Brosted was made B. of Lincolne.

This Edmund accompanied with other Byshoppes, during this trouble betwene the king and his nobles, be∣ing in councell at Westminster,* 6.71 in the yeare next ensuing, which was 1234. came vetering their minde boldely in the name of the Lords, & declaring vnto the king as became his saythfull seruantes, that his councell which then he folowed, was not found, nor safe, but cruell and daunge∣rous both to him and to the state of the Realme, meaning the councell of Peter Winchester and of Peter Riuall, with other adherentes.

1. FIrst and in primis,* 6.72 for that they hate and contemne the English nation, calling them traitours and rebels: and tur∣ning the kings heart from the loue of hys naturall subiectes, and the hartes of them from hym, as appeareth by the Earle Marschal and other, sowing discorde among them.

2. Item, by the sayd Counsaile, to wit, by the foresaid bishop and his fellowes, king Iohn the kings father lost first the heartes of his Barons, after that lost Normandy, and afterward other landes al∣so, and in the end wasted all hys treasure, so that since that tyme the regiment of England had neuer no quiet after.

3. By the sayd Counsayle also, in their time and memorye, the kingdome of England had bene troubled and suspended, and in conclusion, became tributary, she that was before the Prince of Prouincies, and so warre insuing vpon the same, the sayd Kyng Iohn his father incurred great daunger of death and at last was extinguished, lacking both peace of hys kingdome and of his own heart.

4. Item, by the sayd counsayle the Castle of Bedford was kept long tyme agaynst the king, to the great losse both of men & trea∣sure, beside the losse of Rupella, to the shame of the Realme of England.

5. Moreouer, through their wicked counsayle, at this present, great perturbation seemed to hang ouer the whole realme, for els if it had not bene for their counsayle, and that true iustice and iudgement might haue bene ministred vnto the kinges subiects,

these tumultes had neuer bene stirred, and the king might haue had his land vnwasted, and his treasure vnconsumed.

6. Item, in that sayth and alleageance wherwith they were obli∣ged vnto him, they protested vnto him that the sayd his councell was not a councell of peace, but of deuision and disquietnesse, to the end that they which otherwise by peace could not aspire, by disturbing and disheriting other might be exalted.

7. Item, for that all the castles, fortes, munitions, also all the of∣fices of the Eschequer, with all other the greatest exchetes of the realme were in their handes, of the which, if the king would de∣maund a count, he should proue how true they were.

8. Item for that neither by the kinges seale, nor commaunde∣ment, except it bare withall the seale of Peter Riuall, almost no busines of any weight could be dispatched in the realm, as thogh their counted the king for no king.

9. Furthermore, by the foresayd councell, the naturall subiectes and nobles of the realme were banished the Court, which was to be feared would grow to some inconuenience both to the kyng and to the Realme, for so muche as the king seemed more to be on their side then they of his, as by many euident coniectures may appeare.

10. Item, it was not well to be taken and liked, the sayd councell standing of straungers and aliens, to haue in theyr power both the kinges sister, and many other noble mens daughters and o∣ther women mariageable, with the kinges wardes and mariages, which they bestowed and deuided among themselues, and men of their affinity.

11. Also, the sayd councell regarding neither the lawes, nor li∣berties of the Realme confirmed and corroborated by excom∣munication, did confound and peruert all iustice. Wherefore it was to be feared they would runne vnder excommunication, and the king also in communicating with them.

12. Item, because they kept neither promise nor sayth, nor oath with any person, neither did obserue an instrument made neuer so formall by law, nor yet did feare any excommunication. Wher fore they were to be left for people desperate, as which were de∣parted from all truth and honesty.

These thinges (sayd the Bishops) we as your sayth∣full subiects before God, & men, do tell and aduertise your grace, desiring and beseching you, that you will remoue & seclude from you such councell, and as the custome is of all other kingdoms to do, that you will so gouern in like ma∣ner your kingdome by your owne natural liege people, & such as be sworne vnto you of your own realm. For thus (said they) in verity we denounce vnto you,* 6.73 that unles in short time you will see these thinges reformed, we accor∣ding to our duety, will proceed by y^• consure of the church agaynst you, and all other that gaynstand the same: tary∣ing no other thing, but onely the consecration of this our reuerend Archbyshop.

* 6.74These wordes of the Bishops thus sayd and finished, the king required a little time of respite, wherein to aduise with himselfe aboue the matter, saying, that he could not in such a sodeine remoue from him his counsell, before he had entred with them a coūt of his treasure committed to them, and so that assemble brake up.

It followed then after this communication so broken vp, that the king resorted to the parts of northfolk, where cōming by S. Edmunds bury, where the wife of Hubert y^• Iustice was,* 6.75 he being moued with zeale of pity toward the woman, who very humbly behaued her self to y^• king, did graunt vnto her 8. manor places, which her husband before with his mony had purchased, being then in the cu∣stody and possession of Robert Passelew, one of the kings new counsellors aboue specified.* 6.76 It was not long after this, but Edmund the Archbishop was inuested and con∣secrated in the church of Caunterbury, who shortly after his consecratiō, about the moneth of April, comming with his Suffraganes to the place of counsell, where the kyng with his Earles and Barons was assembled, opened to him the cause and purpose of his comming & of the other Prelates, which was to put him in remembrance of their former talke had with him at Westminster: Denouncing moreouer to him expresly, that vnles with speed he would take a better way, & fall to a peaceable and godly agremēt w^t the true & faithfull nobles of his realme,* 6.77 he incontinent with the other Prelates there present, would passe with the sentence of excommunication against him, and against all them that should be enemies to the same peace, & main teiners of discord.

* 6.78The king after he heard the meaning of the Bishops, with humble and gentle language answered them again, promising to condescend to them in all things, whereupon within few dayes after, the king comming to some better remembrauce of himselfe, cōmaunded the forenamed by∣shop of Winchester to leaue the court, and return home to his Bishoprick,* 6.79 there to attend vnto the spiritual charge and care of his flocke committed to him. Moreouer he cō∣manded Peter Riual the Bishops cosin (some storyes say his sonne) who had then the disposing of all the assayres of the Realme, to render vnto him his castles, and to geue a count of all his treasures, whereof he had the keeping, and so to voyd the Realme, swearing moreouer vnto him, but for that he was benefised, and was within orders of the Churche, else he woulde haue caused both his eyes to be pluckt out of his head.

He expelled likewise the Pictauians out of the court, and from the custody of his munitions,* 6.80 sending thē home into theyr coūntry and bidding they should no more see his face. And thus the king wisely dispatching himselfe of his wicked counsellers, first did send Edmund the Archby∣shop, with the bishops of Chester and of Rochester, into Wales to Leoline, and to Richard Earle Marshal and o∣ther, to intreat with them of peace. Also he receiued to hys seruice agayne men of his naturall countrey, to attend a∣bout him, offering himself willing to be ruled by the coun∣sell of the Archbishop and the Bishops, by whose prudēce he trusted his Realme should be reduced agayne to a bet∣ter quietnes.

But in the meane time, while these thinges were do∣ing in England, the foresayd Richard Earle Marshall by the falshood of the bishop of Winchester and Peter Riuall,* 6.81 forging the kinges letters to the Irishmen against him, & partly by the conspiracy of Gilbert de Marisco, was cir∣cumuented by the Irishmen in war, and there taken and wounded, was by them through the meanes of his Sur∣gean slayne.

Great slaughter the same tune was of thē which were called Latini, about the partes of Almaine. These Latini were estemed of pope Gregory and the Papistes to be he∣retickes. But what their opinions were I finde it not ex∣pressed. In Parisiení.

In like sort the Albigenses afore mentioned, recoun∣ted also of the popes flocke to be heretickes, with theyr bi∣shops, & a great number and company of thē were slaine by the commaundemēt of pope Gregory at the same time in a certayne playne in Spayne. Ex Ma. Priens. fol. 87.

Now the Archbishop of Canterbury with other two Byshops, were sent into Wales for intreatye of peace, ye heard before. At whose returne agayne after the time of Easter, the king going toward Glocester to meet them by the way, as he was in his iourney at woodstocke, came messengers from Ireland, declaring to y^• king the death of Richard Earle Marshall,* 6.82 and the order thereof, through y^• forged letters of Winchester and other, whereat the king made great lamētation and mourning, to the great admi∣ratiō of all them that were by, saying & complayning, that he left not his like in all the realine agayne.

After this the king proceeding in his iourney came to Glocester. Where the Archbish, with the other Bishops comming to the king, declared to him the forme and condi¦tiō of peace which they had cōcluded with Leoline, which was this: If the king would be reconciled before with the other nobles with whom he was confederate, such as the king had banished out of his realm: to the end that the cō∣cord might be the more firme betweene them.* 6.83 Thus (sayd they) was Leoline contented, although with much a do & great difficulty, to receiue y^• league of peace, saying & pro∣testing thus vnto them, that he feared more the kings al∣mose, then all the puisaunce both of him and of all his cler∣gy within England.

This done the king there remaining to the Bishops, directed his letters to all the exiles and banished Lords & to all his nobles, that they should repayre to him about y^• beginning of Iune, at Glocester,* 6.84 promising to thē his full fauour & reconcilement to them and to their heyres, & that they should suspect no fraud therin, they should haue their safeconduct by the Archbishop and Bishops.

Whereupon through the mediation of the sayd Archbi∣shop and the Bishops, first commeth to the king Hubert Earle of Kent, offering himself to the kings good will and fauor.* 6.85 Whom the king with chearefull countenance recei∣ued and embraced, restoring him not onely to his fauour, but also to his household & councell, with his liuings and possessions frō which he had bene deseised before. Thē Hu∣bert lifting vp his eies to heauen, gaue prayse and glory to God,* 6.86 by whose gracious prouidēce he so merucilously be∣ing preserued frō so great distresses & tribulatiōs, was a∣gayne so happely reconciled to the king, and his faythfull frends. After him in like sort came in Gilbert Basset a no∣ble mā, Richard Suard: also Gilbert the brother of Rich. Marshall that was slain, which Gilbert recouered again his whole inheritance as wel in England as in Ireland,

doing his homage to the king and his seruice due for the same. To whom also was graunted the office of the high Marshall court, belonging before to his brother Richard.

In the same councell or communication continuing then at Glocester, the sayd Edmund Archbishop of caun∣terbury, bringing the forged letters, wherein was betraied the life of Richard Earle Marshall, sealed with the kings seale,* 6.87 and sent to the great mē of Ireland, read the same o∣penly in the presence of the king and all the nobles. At the hearing wherof, the king greatly sorrowing and weeping confessed there in truth that being forced by the Bishop of Winchester and Peter De Riuallis, he cōmanded his seale to be set to certayne letters presented vnto him, but the te∣nor thereof he said & sware he neuer heard, whereunto the Archbishop aunswering agayn, desired the king to search well his conscience, & said, that all they which were procu∣rers of knowledge of those letters, were gilty of the death of the Earle Marshall, no lesse then if they had murdered him with theyr owne handes.

* 6.88Then the king calling a councell, sent his letters for the bishop of Winchester, for Peter Riuall, Stephen Se∣graue, and Robert Passeiew to appere and yeld accoūt for his treasures to them committed and for his seale by them abused. But the Byshop and Riuall keeping themselues in the sanctuary of the minster Church of Winchester, nei∣ther durst nor would appeare. Stephē Segraue who suc∣ceded after Hubert the Iustice and was of the Clergy be∣fore, after became a layman, and now hiding himself in S. Maryes Church in the Abbey of Lecester, was turned to a Clerke agayne, Robert Passelew couertly hid himself in a certain celler of the new tēple, so secretly that none could tell where he was, but thought he was gone to Rome. At length through the foresaid Edmund Archbishop of Can∣terbury, meanes was made, y^• a dilatory day was graun∣ted by the king, for them to aunswere. At which day first appeared Peter De Riuallis,* 6.89 then Stephen Segrane, af∣ter him Robert Passelew, ech of them seuerally one after another shewed themselues, but not able to aunswere for themselues like traitors were reproued, and like villanes were sent away. Ex Mat. Parisiens. fol. 91.

Notes

• * 1.1

  A prophe•• for the dee•• of the Re∣mish church
• * 1.2

  ••ildegardis ••••ophecying ••rier, and ••onkes.
• * 1.3

  Crossebearer Fryer••.
• * 1.4

  Albingenses.
• * 2.1

  A letter of the Bishop Porti∣nensis concer∣ning the Albin∣genses.
• * 2.2

  The blind igno∣rance of fryers described.
• * 3.1

  The fruites of Antichrist.
• * 3.2

  Antichrist his broode.
• * 3.3

  Patience pro∣ueth M. Fryer.
• * 3.4

  The Fryer must answere accor∣ding to Gods worde.
• * 3.5

  Friers may bet∣ter breake Gods law then mans lawe.
• * 3.6

  There is but one religion.
• * 3.7

  The Frier more bound to his habite then the man to his wife.
• * 3.8

  If the habite make the Fryer religious, as his habit weareth so doth his reli∣gion.
• * 3.9

  Holines of all hipocrites con∣sisteth in clo∣thing and out∣ward appearāce
• * 3.10

  All Fry•• found 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.11

  Fryers be dead men and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 begga••.
• * 3.12

  Gra••es 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for de•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and no•• courtly 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.13

  Friers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the king•• liege 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Friers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no m••s p••∣ers.
• * 3.14

  Friers gra••∣ter and be∣ter thé 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 3.15

  O vnch•••• table Fri••••
• * 3.16

  Friers stea∣lers of me•• children.
• * 3.17

  Shrift, an•• burials 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more ga••∣full then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ministring of the sacr••∣ments.
• * 3.18

  Poore 〈◊〉〈◊〉 haue no soules says my fello•• Fryer.
• * 3.19

  These be they that will not ••••∣ter them∣selues no•• suffer othe•• men that would. The Frier getteth by In prine•••• & yet hateth the Gospe•• Iudas for; •• pence, but the priest •• Frier for 4. pence sel∣leth Christ.
• * 3.20

  A compari∣••on betwene ••u••as & the ••rier.
• * 3.21

  The Frier writeth be∣••ause God ••orgetteth.
• * 3.22

  •• is better •• labour & ••eue: then •• loiter and ••g M. Frier.
• * 3.23

  ••lers begge ••om al men 〈◊〉〈◊〉 make the ••ope rich.
• * 3.24

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 it be im∣••erfectiō to ••e rich, why ••o the friers ••esire to ••ake the ••ope vnper∣••••ct.
• * 3.25

  Fraunces ••der be cō∣••ary to Christ his ••••stament, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 is Fran∣••s accursed.
• * 3.26

  He that is more holy in hand th•• in heart, is false to God.
• * 3.27

  A subiect to ex∣empt him selfe from the lawes of his prince smelleth o•• trea∣son.
• * 3.28

  Friers are forced to be theeues.
• * 3.29

  Workes of su∣pererogation.
• * 3.30

  God is the limi∣ter of n••eede and reward, and not the Frier.
• * 3.31

  Friers will not pray, but for them that be of their fraternitie.
• * 3.32

  Friers doe make Apostataes.
• * 3.33

  The number of Friers are super∣fluous & as ne∣cessary as ten fingers on one hande.
• * 3.34

  See so fast the Frier followeth Christ in his pouertie.
• * 3.35

  Friers are the letters of prea∣ching the Go∣spell.
• * 3.36

  What holynes is in a friers coat
• * 3.37

  The stouter beg¦ger the nobler Fryer.
• * 3.38

  Why fryers so much desire to haue rich men buryed in their frieries.
• * 3.39

  Friers behestes are false deceits.
• * 3.40

  Friers desire to be Lordes and Ladies confes∣sors.
• * 3.41

  Fryers and Pha∣rises say one and doe another.
• * 3.42

  Dilemma.
• * 3.43

  Which is the best order of Friers.
• * 3.44

  Friers neuer a∣gree one with an other.
• * 3.45

  The Frye•• thinkes: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rule pe••••∣ter the ••••∣stes, bee•••• be lea•••• the one 〈◊〉〈◊〉 follow 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the other.
• * 3.46

  Dilemma.
• * 3.47

  Fryers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sit in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aboue the Apostles.
• * 3.48

  Otho the Empero•• set vp 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deposed a∣gaine by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope.
• * 3.49

  A complaint of the nobles of England against the couetousnes of Rome.
• * 3.50

  Example rea¦ching neuer to take part against their king with foreigne po∣wer.
• * 3.51

  Cardinall Otho Legat
• * 3.52

  The pope re∣quireth two prebēdships in euery ca∣thedrall Church.
• * 3.53

  Note the cause why the pope is compelled to craue money of other countries.
• * 3.54

  A councell at London called.
• * 3.55

  Great rewardes giuen to the Cardinall.
• * 3.56

  Contention for sitting on the right hand of the Cardinall.
• * 3.57

  Why Saint Paul standeth on the right hand of the popes crosse Why the archb. of Cant. hath the right hand and the archb. of Yorke the left hande.
• * 3.58

  Note the theam of the Cardi∣nall applyed to
• * 3.59

  God, howe he applyeth it to him selfe. Scripture clerk∣ly applyed.
• * 4.1

  A letter of the Cardinal to bi∣shops and arch∣deacons. Censure of the Church well applyed.
• * 4.2

  Foure markes to be paide to the Pope of euery procuration.
• * 4.3

  Note the craftie practise of the Romish prelats to proyle for money.
• * 4.4

  Note the stile of Rome.
• * 4.5

  mmo malesi∣cium & nau∣fragiū pecuniae.
• * 4.6

  Fredericke the Emperour mari∣ed king Iohns daughter.
• * 4.7

  The fifth part of euery spirituall mans liuing gi∣uen to the Pope
• * 4.8

  Three hundred Romanes to be placed in the best benefices of England.
• * 4.9

  Petrus R••∣beus the Popes age••
• * 4.10

  A Romish sleight of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pope to ge•• English m••∣ney.
• * 4.11

  Exceptio•••• alledged fo•• not contri∣buting to the Pope.
• * 4.12

  Articles ex∣hibited in the councel of Lugdun•• for the gre∣uances su∣steined by the pope. The 1. gre∣uance. The secon••.
• * 4.13

  The third.
• * 4.14

  The fourth.
• * 4.15

  The fifth. He meaneth ••ercase O∣••ho or mai∣••er Marti∣••••s.
• * 4.16

  The sixte.
• * 4.17

  The seuenth
• * 4.18

  The Babilo∣••icall capti∣••••tie & sla∣••ery of Eng∣lande vnder the Pope.
• * 5.1

  The letter of K. Hēry the third to the Byshops.
• * 5.2

  K. Henry the ••. commaun∣deth no taxe nor tallage to be sent to the pope.
• * 5.3

  The popes say∣ing against kyng Henry.
• * 5.4

  K. Henry againe restraineth the popes taxes.
• * 5.5

  The pope taketh against the king.
• * 5.6

  The kyng com∣pelled for feare to gyue ouer to the pope.
• * 5.7

  The pope asketh the 3 part of the church goods.
• * 5.8

  A story of Car∣dinall Otho at Oxford.
• * 5.9

  A skirmish be∣twene the scho∣lers of Oxford and the Cardi∣nals men.
• * 5.10

  The Cardinall runneth away.
• * 5.11

  Thirtie scholers taken and had to prison.
• * 5.12

  Three score thousand Flo∣rens contributed to the pope in one yeare of the clergic.
• * 5.13

  Ludouicke the French kyng.
• * 5.14

  Ludouicke figh∣teth against Al∣bingenses.
• * 5.15

  Ludouicke be∣siegeth Tho∣louse. The hand of God fighting for his people. Ex Mat. Pari∣ensian vita Henrici. 3.
• * 5.16

  The generall of the army slaine.
• * 5.17

  The siege against Albingenses broke vp.
• * 5.18

  The expugnati∣on of a certaine strong castle of Dami••ta in E∣gypt by the Christians.
• * 5.19

  Damieta taken by the christiās.
• * 5.20

  The story of S. Elizabeth. Elizabeth daugh¦ter of the kyng of Hungary. S. Elizabeth prouoketh her husband to goe and fight for the holy lande.
• * 5.21

  The mother of S. Elizabeth ac∣cused of adulte∣rye. The sentence of a double mea∣ning.
• * 5.22

  The 〈…〉〈…〉 of a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sentence.
• * 5.23

  Elizabe•••• Can•••••• Saint 〈◊〉〈◊〉 mayne.
• * 5.24

  Ann. 1221.
• * 5.25

  Ex 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pens•••• dius 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The gray••••∣ers ••••tred into England The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gray 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first c••••∣med.
• * 5.26

  Ioannes o•• Egideo. Alexan•••• de Ha••••.
• * 5.27

  Charter∣house 〈◊〉〈◊〉 founded by Williā 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ela so••dre 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of La••••••••
• * 5.28

  Two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ned at 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cell in Ox∣ford.
• * 5.29

  Ex Nic. ••••∣uet.
• * 5.30

  Dissent•••• betweene the Citiz•• of London, & of Wes∣minster.
• * 5.31

  Wholsome counsayle of the Maior of London refused of wilde heads
• * 5.32

  Constantine executed at London for ryot.
• * 5.33

  Hubert lord chiefe iustice of England.
• * 5.34

  Ex Math. Parisiensi.
• * 5.35

  Discord and contention amōg church men.
• * 5.36

  Ex Math. Paris. & ex Florilego.
• * 5.37

  Whether the monastery of Westmin∣ster be ex∣emted from the subiecti∣on of the bish. of Lon∣don or not.
• * 5.38

  Anno. 1222.
• * 5.39

  horrible tē∣pest in Eng∣lande. A woman with 8. of her householde slaine with thunder.
• * 5.40

  Grantham church bur∣ned with lightning.
• * 5.41

  Anno. 1223.
• * 5.42

  Lewes king of Fraunce. The French king false of his promise.
• * 5.43

  Anno. 1224.
• * 5.44

  Wardship first graunted to the kyng.
• * 5.45

  Ex Gisburnensi. & aelijs.
• * 5.46

  Magna Charta▪ Charta de fo∣resta.
• * 5.47

  The Pope rai∣seth warre.
• * 5.48

  Anno. 1226.
• * 5.49

  The popes wic∣ked malice a∣gainst the Chri∣stian Earle of Tholouse.
• * 5.50

  Marke reader the right nature of pharisies stri∣uing for the chiefe place.
• * 5.51

  The Pope ge∣ueth the right possessions a∣way from the owners. Reimundus wrongfully dis∣herited by the Pope.
• * 5.52

  Reimundus the good Earle of Tholouse an∣swereth for him selfe.
• * 5.53

  Albingenses falsly suspected for heresie.
• * 5.54

  The proud vi∣lanie of the Popes Legate.
• * 5.55

  Marke reader the practise here of prelates, for thy learning
• * 5.56

  The clergie of Fraunce answe∣ring to the le∣gate.
• * 5.57

  Inferiors euer∣more bolde to speake in diffi∣cult causes of trueth, then the rich.
• * 5.58

  The obiect••∣ons of the clergie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fraunce, a∣gainst the Popes 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 5.59

  God graunt say we.
• * 5.60

  The Card••∣nall repul∣sed, and de∣feyted of hi•• purpose in Fraunce.
• * 5.61

  Ex Math. Parisiensi. Pag. 63. The Pope rayseth was against the Earle & the people of Tholouse.
• * 5.62

  ••e••timony 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the autor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the cl••a∣••nge 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Reimun∣••s and of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Albin∣••oles.
• * 5.63

  ••he vnrea∣••••nable ty∣••••nny of the ••ope against 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Tholos∣••ins.
• * 5.64

  ••••commu∣••••cation a∣••••sed.
• * 5.65

  ••wes the ••••ench king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Romanus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Popes ••••gate, mar∣••ing against ••lbingenses
• * 5.66

  ••eimundus, ••••le of Tho¦••••use excom¦••unicated.
• * 5.67

  ••he citie of ••uinion be∣••••eged.
• * 5.68

  Po••licie of ••arre.
• * 5.69

  Famine and pe∣stilence in the French campe.
• * 5.70

  The frēch soul∣diours destroied at the siege of Auinion.
• * 5.71

  Lewes the frēch kyng dyeth at the siege of A∣uinion.
• * 5.72

  The false dea∣ling of the popes Legate, in betraying the citie of Auini∣on.
• * 5.73

  The popes Le∣gate wickedly periured.
• * 5.74

  Periury of the papistes. The citie of A∣uinion taken by treason and per∣iury of the popes Legate.
• * 5.75

  The number of the French sol∣diours in this siege destroyed.
• * 5.76

  The incontinent lyfe of these Romish prelate•• to be noted.
• * 5.77

  Anno. 1227.
• * 5.78

  The kyng clay∣meth to be fre∣ed from gouer∣nours and to be his owne man.
• * 5.79

  Hubert the iu∣stice made Earle of Kent. The kyng vndo∣eth and dissol∣ueth the liber∣ties which be∣fore he graunted
• * 5.80

  Practises of prin¦ces to set in mo∣ney.
• * 5.81

  The citizens of London freed frō tole through all England.
• * 5.82

  Anno. 1228.
• * 5.83

  Ex Fabiae. part 7
• * 5.84

  Seditiō betwene the Romanes and the Pope.
• * 5.85

  The Popes Church may be iudged by their dissentions and schismes.
• * 5.86

  No peace in the Popes Church.
• * 5.87

  Dissention be∣tweene the pri∣or an•• couent of Durham, & the kyng.
• * 5.88

  Canonicall e∣lection.
• * 5.89

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sende••▪ Rome ••∣gains•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kyng.
• * 5.90

  Appel•••••• to Rome ••▪ gaynst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 kyng.
• * 5.91

  Ex Math. Paris.
• * 5.92

  Another ••••▪ tention ••••∣tweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monkes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Couent•• & the C••∣nons of L••••∣field.
• * 5.93

  Ex Mat••. Parisien••. pag. 68. Stephe•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ate••o 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The ch••••∣t••rs of the bible 〈◊〉〈◊〉 stinc•••••• by Stephen Langhto••
• * 5.94

  An other conte•••••• disten••••r. 〈…〉〈…〉 Monkes of Cante••bu•••• and K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the third. Obiection laide ag•••••• the new. Archb.
• * 5.95

  Appea•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to R••••.
• * 5.96

  K. Henr. se••∣deth to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope.
• * 5.97

  Tithe of a∣moueable goods in England 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ireland pr••∣mised to the Pope for grauntin•• the kin••••s sute.
• * 5.98

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 sacra 〈◊〉〈◊〉. ••••pitie the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 will 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 5.99

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 t•• the election of Walter Archb. of C••••t.
• * 5.100

  No, but whē your darling Tho. Becket came, hee wa•• heard without such communica∣t••••ns.
• * 5.101

  The election of Walter Archb. of Cant dissol∣••••e•• of the P••pe for the kings mony.
• * 5.102

  Richarde chācelour of Lincolne ••ommended ••o the Pope ••o be Archb. ••f Cant.
• * 5.103

  Richarde ••ade archb. ••f Cant. by ••he Pope without e∣lection.
• * 5.104

  The effect of the Popes letters to the ••uffraganes of Cant. The pope beginneth first with a 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Ex Math. Paris.
• * 5.105

  This was a deare archb. of Cant. bought with ••he tythes of ••ll England.
• * 5.106

  The Pope re∣quireth the t••nthes of all the moueables in Englande, Wales, and Ire∣lande. The contentes of the Popes letters, to the kyng. The false pre∣tēce of the pope vnder the name of the church, wrekyng his owne cankered malice.
• * 5.107

  The kynges mouth stopped.
• * 5.108

  The Earles and Barons refused payment to the Pope. The prelates in feare of the Popes curse.
• * 5.109

  Excommunica∣tion abused.
• * 5.110

  The Popes ex∣tortion.
• * 5.111

  Vsurers brought into England by the Pope to serue him with money.
• * 5.112

  Co••ne vpon the ground tythed to the Pope. Ranulphus Erle of Chester de∣nyeth to paye the Popes te••••hs
• * 5.113

  Anno. 1229.
• * 5.114

  The Church of Couentry fini∣shed.
• * 5.115

  The popes frēch army thinking to destroy Rei∣munde is de∣by the way.
• * 5.116

  The inconstant loue of Princes toward them that be chiefe a∣bout them.
• * 5.117

  Anno. 1230.
• * 5.118

  A soden terrour among the peo∣ple in Paules church by thun∣der and light∣ning. Ex Paris. Pag. 75.
• * 5.119

  Anno. 1231. Richard Archb. of Cant.
• * 5.120

  The complaint of Rich. Archb. of Cant. against Hubert L••rd chiefe iustice.
• * 5.121

  The kinges an∣swere to Rich. the Archb.
• * 5.122

  Excommunica∣tion abused.
• * 5.123

  Richard the archb. complai∣neth to the pope of his ••ing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of other matter 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 5.124

  Plurali•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 benefi••es complained of by the Archbish. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cant.
• * 5.125

  The king•• ••▪ tournie•• coulde 〈◊〉〈◊〉 speede 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope. Respect of person 〈◊〉〈◊〉 much with the Pope. Richard the Archb. in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iourney 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rome, 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 5.126

  Raffe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 B. of Chi∣chester e••e••∣ted Archb. of Cant. The K. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cant. Ex Math. Paris.
• * 5.127

  A rare ••••∣ample of •• good 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 5.128

  The pra•••• of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 elect.
• * 5.129

  Simō L••••••∣tō Arch••. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Yorke, a ••∣licious ••••∣biter of ••••∣dolphus Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 5.130

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 she 〈…〉〈…〉 the pope. ••••cclection Radulfe ••rchb. elect ••••et••d by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pope. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cant. e∣••••ted & 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 5.131

  ••he popes ••ollerable ••actions ••pon Eng∣••••nd.
• * 5.132

  ••x Math. ••aris pa. 79.
• * 5.133

  Hubert lord ••••hief Iustice 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worker a∣••ainst the ••ope. ••he copy of ••he letter written vn∣••er the kings ••uthoritie ••o restraine ••he benefices of the Ro∣••••ns with∣••n the realm.
• * 6.1

  Anno. 1232. A Romayne priest, Chanon of Paules taken and robbed by souldiours.
• * 6.2

  The barnes of a Romane parson broke vp and the corne distri∣buted to the poore.
• * 6.3

  The Romanes and Italian par∣sons in England robbed of their rents and corne.
• * 6.4

  A general spoile of the Romayne parsons in Eng∣land.
• * 6.5

  The popes cho∣lar stirred vp a∣gainst England.
• * 6.6

  A furnish vicare of milde Christ.
• * 6.7

  Inquisitiō made for the spoyling of the popes corne.
• * 6.8

  Hubert de Bur∣go.
• * 6.9

  Robert Twing, spoyled of his benefice by the Romaines.
• * 6.10

  The Byshops go about to bring Hubert out of the kings fauor.
• * 6.11

  Obiections laid against Hubert, by the kyng.
• * 6.12

  Note, that with Wint. the kyngs charter is no lō∣ger in force then whilest he li∣ueth.
• * 6.13

  Other crimes obiected to Hu∣bert by the king.
• * 6.14

  Princ•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 be tru••••
• * 6.15

  The kings disple•••••• against ••••∣bert.
• * 6.16

  The king•• messag•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Mar•• of London
• * 6.17

  Old 〈◊〉〈◊〉 borne ••n minde.
• * 6.18

  Some wi•••• then 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 6.19

  Good 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of ••••••∣creet C••••••∣zens.
• * 6.20

  Cruel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 saile 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Peter's of Wint.
• * 6.21

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of disple•••• betweene Hubert an•• the bi••t••s of Wint.
• * 6.22

  Hubert ••••••∣strate vpo•• the grou•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 himselfe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 God.
• * 6.23

  Sage coun∣saile of an Erle giuē to the kyng.
• * 6.24

  ••he marue∣••••us wor∣••ng of the ••ords helpe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time of ••eed, Iuxta ••••rsum saith ••he storie: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ales, alis ••lium ne lō∣••us ales. ••x addita ••entis Mat. ••arisiensi. ••ag. 81.
• * 6.25

  A notable ••xample of Gods iust ••unishment ••triking with ••eath him ••hat seeketh ••he death of ••nother.
• * 6.26

  Cōmendati∣on of Radulf B. of Chi∣chester.
• * 6.27

  The Archb. of Dubline againe ma∣keth inter∣••ession for Hubert.
• * 6.28

  Hubert fly∣eth to the Church for his refuge.
• * 6.29

  Hubert vio∣lētly draw∣en out of the Church. Hubert cast into the tow¦er of Londō
• * 6.30

  The kyng blamed for breaking the peace of ho∣ly Church.
• * 6.31

  The Kyng compelled to send Hu∣bert againe to his sanc∣tuary.
• * 6.32

  Example of a constant friend in the time of need.
• * 6.33

  Three things put to Hubert to chuse.
• * 6.34

  Hubert yeldeth himselfe to the Sheriffes.
• * 6.35

  Hubert reduce•• again to the Tower.
• * 6.36

  Faithfull dep••••∣sitaries.
• * 6.37

  Hubert berest of all his trea∣sures.
• * 6.38

  Anno. 1232.
• * 6.39

  God ruleth the heartes of kings.
• * 6.40

  The kings an∣swere in defence of Hubert.
• * 6.41

  A worthy w••rd of a kyng.
• * 6.42

  The kings mynd relenteth to∣ward Hubert.
• * 6.43

  Foure Earles sureties for Hu∣bert.
• * 6.44

  Hubert put in the Castle of Denisis.
• * 6.45

  Anno. 1233.
• * 6.46

  Hubert conuey∣ed out of the Castle into the Parish Church.
• * 6.47

  Hubert againe taken out of the church, and brought backe to the Castle.
• * 6.48

  Hubert deliue∣red out of prison and caried into Wales.
• * 6.49

  Roger B. of Lō∣don goeth to Rome to purge himselfe before the Pope.
• * 6.50

  Against Vsurers
• * 6.51

  Vsurers excom∣municated and expelled by the Byshop of Lon∣don.
• * 6.52

  Excommunica∣tion well vsed against vsurers.
• * 6.53

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 visitation 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope, through 〈◊〉〈◊〉 religious houses.
• * 6.54

  Ex Parien••••
• * 6.55

  The grea•• diuersitie ••∣mong all re∣ligious o••∣ders noted.
• * 6.56

  Olde ••e••∣tures of the kyng p••••tect and discha••∣ged.
• * 6.57

  The King forsaketh 〈◊〉〈◊〉 nobles and sticketh to straungers▪
• * 6.58

  Richard 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Marschal•• admoni∣sheth the kyng.
• * 6.59

  The disdaynfull answere of the B. of Wint. to the nobles.
• * 6.60

  Wicked coū∣saile about a kyng.
• * 6.61

  Petrus de Rupibus B. of Wint. per∣ter of the kyng.
• * 6.62

  A mery A∣pothegma of the kinges Chaplain.
• * 6.63

  The message of the nobles to the kyng.
• * 6.64

  Warre rai∣led by the kyng against his nobles.
• * 6.65

  Great thun∣ders & flouds in England.
• * 6.66

  Monasteries builded pro re∣demptione animae.
• * 6.67

  Iohn Archb. of Cant. elected by the Chap∣ter, againe vne∣lected by the Pope.
• * 6.68

  Corruption of bribes.
• * 6.69

  Edmund archb. of Canterbury.
• * 6.70

  Saint Edmund Canonysed, Robert Grosted made Byshop of Lincolne.
• * 6.71

  Anno. 1231. Faithfull coun∣saile of the By∣shops geuen to the kyng.
• * 6.72

  The counsaile of Winchest, and such other By∣shops about the kyng disproued for certayne causes.
• * 6.73

  Excōmunicatiō denounced by the Bishops a∣gainst the kyng.
• * 6.74

  The kyngs an∣swere to the by∣shops.
• * 6.75

  The pitie of the kyng toward the wife of Hu∣bert.
• * 6.76

  Edmund conse∣crated Archb. of Cant. which was afterward canonised by Pope Innocent the fourth for a Sainct.
• * 6.77

  Example of ex∣communication rightly practi∣sed.
• * 6.78

  The kyngs pro∣mise to the By∣shops.
• * 6.79

  Peter Bi••, of Wi••t•••• charge the Court. Peter K•••• called to a count of the kings tr••∣sures.
• * 6.80

  Pictauian•• & strange•••• sent home by the king into their countrey, Reconcilia∣tion sought betwene the king and the nobles.
• * 6.81

  Richard Earle Mar∣shall frau∣dulently ti cumu••nized and slaire •• Ireland, Catini 〈◊〉〈◊〉 about Al∣maine, iud∣ged of the Papistes for hereticker. Albinger•••••• slaine in Spaine by the Popes setting on
• * 6.82

  The Kli∣menteth the death of Ri∣chard Earle, Marshall.
• * 6.83

  The saying of Leonline kyng of Wales, The almost of K. Henry more feared thē his p•• saunce.
• * 6.84

  Peace cōclu∣ded between the king and the nobles.
• * 6.85

  Hubert Earle of Kent re∣stored agayn to the kings fauour.
• * 6.86

  Hubert ge∣ueth thanks to God.
• * 6.87

  ••lihood & murder com¦much out. Kings many ••imes abused by wicked ••ounsaile.
• * 6.88

  The Bish. of Winchester called to his answere.
• * 6.89

  Peter Riual, Stephē Se∣graue, Rob. Passelew, called to their answer