Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

¶ The talke betweene the French king, the king of England, and Becket.

After the Cardinals were returned: the French king seeing the king of England disquieted and solicitous to haue peace (or at least wise pretending to set agreeme••t betweene them) brought the matter to a communication among them. In which communication the French king made himselfe as umpeare betweene them. The King of England hearing that the Archb. would commit himselfe to his arbitrement, was y^• more willing to admit his pre∣sence. Whereupon, many being there present, the Archb. prostrating himselfe at the Kings feete, declared vnto him kneeling vpon his knees that he would cōmit the whole cause (whereof the dissention rose betwene them) vnto his owne arbitrement:* 1.1 adding thereto (as he did before) Saluo honore Dei, that is, sauing the honour of God. The king, who (as is said before) being greatly offēded at this word: hearing & seeing the stiffenesse of the man sticking so much to this worde Saluo honore. &c. was highly therewith dis∣pleased: Rebuking him with many grieuous words as a man proude and stubburne,* 1.2 and also charging him with sondry & great benefites bestowed vpon him, as a person vnkinde & forgetting what he had so gently done and be∣stowed vpon him.

And speaking to the French king there present: See sit (if it please you, sayth the king of England) whatsoeuer displeaseth this man: that he sayeth, to be contrary to the honor of God. And so by this meanes, he will vendicate & chalenge to himselfe both that is his and mine also. And yet notwithstanding: for that I will not seeme to doe any thing contrary or preiudiciall to Gods honor, this I offer him. There hath bene kings in England before, both of greater and les puissance then I am: Likewise there hath bene bishops of Cant. many,* 1.3 both great & holy men: what the greatest and most holiest of all his predecessours before him hath done to the least of my progenitors and predeces∣sors before me, let him do the same to me & I am content. They that stoode by hearing these wordes of the king, cry∣ing all w^t one voice: the king hath debased himselfe inough to the byshop. The Archb. staying a little at this with si∣lence: what (saith the French king to him) my lorde Arch∣bishop, will you be better then those holy men? will ye be greater then Peter? What stand you doubting? Here now haue you peace & quietnes put in your owne handes, if ye will take it.* 1.4 To this y^• Archb. answered againe: truth it is (sayth he) my predecessors before me were much both bet∣ter and greater then I, and of them euery one for his time (although he did not extirpe and cut off all) yet something they did plucke vp and correct which seemed aduerse & re∣pugnant against Gods honor. For if they had taken alto∣gether away: no such occasion then had bene left for any man to raise 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fire of temptation now against vs, as is nowe raised to proue vs with all: that we being so pro∣ued w^t them might also be crowned with them being like∣wise partakers of praise and reward, as we are of their la∣bour and trauaile. And though some of them haue bene slacke, or exceeded in their duetie doing: in that we are not bounde to follow their example.

Peter, when he denied Christ, we therfore rebuke him: but whē he resisted y^e rage of Nero, therin we cōmēd him. And therfore, because he could not finde in his cōscience to cōsent vnto y^t he ought in no wise to dissemble: neither did he: by reason thereof he lost his life.* 1.5 By such like oppressi∣ons the church hath alwaies growne. Our forefathers & predecessors, because they would not dissemble the name & honor of Christ, therfore they suffred. And shall I, to haue the fauour of one man, suffer the honor of Christ to be sup∣prest? The nobles standing by (hearing him thus speake) were greatly agreeued with him: noting in him both ar∣rogancy & wilfulnes,* 1.6 in perturbing and refusing suche an honest offer of agreemēt. But specially one among the rest

was most agreeued, who their openly protested: that seing the Archbishop so refused the counsaile and request of both the kingdome, he was not worthye to haue the helpe of eyther of them: but as the kingdome of Englande had reiected, so the kingdome of Fraunce shoulde not enter∣tayne him.

Alanus, Herbertus, and certayne other of his Chap∣laines that committed to story the doynges of Becket, doe record (whether truely or no I cannot say) that the French king sending for him as one much sorrowing and lamen∣ting the wordes that he had spoken: at the cōming of Bec∣ket did prostrate hymselfe at his feete: confessing his fault in geuing counsel to him in such a cause (pertayning to the honor of God) to relent therein & to yeld to the pleasure of mā: wherfore declaring his repentance, he desired to be absolued thereof. So that after this, the French king and Becket were great frendes together: in so much, that kyng Henry sending to the king to entreate him, and desire him that he would not support nor maintayn his enemy with∣in his Realme: the French king vtterly denyed the kinges requeste, taking part rather with the Archbishop then with him.

Besides these quarrels and grudges betwixt the kyng and the Archbishop aboue mentioned: there followed yet moreouer an other, which was this. Shortly after this cō¦munication recited betweene the king and Becket: the K. of England returning againe frō Normandy to England (which was the yeare of our Lord, 1170. and the 16. yeare of his raigne) about Midsomer,* 1.7 kept his court of Parlia∣ment at Westminster, In y^e which Parliament he (through the assent both of the Clergy, and the Lordes temporall) caused hys sonne Henry to be crowned king. Which coro∣nation, was done by the hands of Robert Archb. of York with the assistāce of other bishops ministring to the same, as Gilb. of Londō, Goceline of Salisbury, Hugo of Du∣resme and Gualter of Rochester. By reason whereof Bec∣ket of Cant. beyng there neither mentioned nor called for, took no little displeasure: and so did Lodouike the French king, hearing that Margaret hys daughter was not also crowned w^t her husband. Whereupon he gathering a great army forthwith marched into Normādy. But the matter was soone cōpassed by the king of England, who sending hys sonne to him in Normandy, intreated there and con∣cluded peace with him: promising that his sonne should be crowned agayne, & then hys daughter to be crowned also. But the Archb. not ceasing his displeasure and emulatiō, sent vnto the Pope complaining of these four bishops, es∣pecially of the Archb. of Yorke, who durst be so bold in his absence & without his knowledge or his licence, to inter∣medle to crowne the king, being a matter proper and pe∣culiar to his iurisdiction.* 1.8 At the instaunce of whom the P. sent downe y^e sentnce of excommunication against y^e B. of London. The other 3. bishops with the Archb. of York, he suspended: whose sentence and letters thereof, for auoy∣ding prolixitie, I here omit.

Besides these foresayd bishops excommunicated diuers other clerks also of the court he cited to appeare before him by vertue of his large commission whiche he gate from the Pope, to whō they were bound to obey, by reason of their benefices, And some he commanded in vertue of obediēce, to appeare in payne of forfeting their order and benefices. Of which, whē neyther sort would appeare, he cursed thē openly. And also some lay men of the court & the kings fa∣miliars: some as intruders, and violent withholders of Church goodes, he accursed: as Richard Lucy, and Ioce∣lin Balliot, and Rafe Brocke which tooke bels and goods that belonged to the Church of Caunterburye, and Hugh Sainctcleare, and Thomas the sonne of Bernard, and all that should hereafter take any church goodes without hys consent, so that almost all the court was accursed eyther by the name, or as pertakers.

This being done, the Archb. of Yorke with the foresaid bishops, resorted to the king with a greuous cōplaint: de∣claring how miserably their case stood, and what they had sustayned, for fulfilling his commaundement. The kyng hearing this,* 1.9 was highly moued as no maruell was. But what remedy. The tyme of the ruine of the Pope was not yet come? and what Prince then might withstand the in∣iurious violence of that Romish potestate?

In the meane season the Frenche King for his parte his clergy, and courtiers, stackt no occasion to incite, and sollicite Alexander the Pope agaynst the king of England to excōmunicate him also: seeking thereby and thinking to haue some vauntage agaynst the realme. Neither was the king ignorant of thes, which made him more ready to ap∣ply to some agreement of reconciliation. At length cōmeth downe from the Pope two Legates (the Archb. of Rho∣tomage and the Byshop of Nauerne) with direction and full commission eyther to driue the king to be reconciled, or to be interdicted by the popes cēsures out of the church. The king vnderstanding himselfe to be in greater straites then he coulde auoyde: at length (through the mediati∣on of the Frenche king, and of other Prelates and great Princes) was content to yeld to peace and reconciliation with the Archbishop whome he receaued both to hys fa∣uour, and also permitted and graunted him free returne to his Church agayne. Concerning hys possessions and landes of the Churche of Canterburye, although Becket made great labour therefore: yet the king (being then in Normandy) would not graunt him, before he should re∣payre to England, to see how he would there agree with hys subiectes.* 1.10

Thus, peace after a sort concluded betwene the king & him, the Archb. after sixe yeares of his banishment, retur∣ned to England: where he was right ioyfully receiued of the church of Cant. albeit, of Henry the yong king he was not so greatly welcomed. In somuch that comming vp to London to the king,* 1.11 he was returned back to Canter∣burye and there bid to keepe hys house, Roger Doueden maketh mention in hys Chronicle, that the Archbishop (vpō Christmas day) did excōmunicate Robert de Broke, for cutting of the tayle of a certayne horse of hys the day be∣fore. In the meane tyme, the foure bishops before mentio∣ned whom the Archb. had excōmunicate (sent to him, hū∣bly desiring to be released of their censure. To whō when the archb. would not graunt clearly and simplye, without cautels and exceptions: they went ouer to the king, decla∣ring to him and complayning of their miserable state and vncurtuous handling of the archbishop, wherupō the K. conceaued great sorrow in hys minde,* 1.12 and displeasure to∣ward the party. In so much, that he lamented oft & sundry times to thē about him, that (amōg so many y^t he had done for) there was none that would reuenge him of his enemy by the occasion of which wordes, certayne that were about the king (to the number of foure) hearing him thus to cō∣playne and lament: addrest thēselues in great heat of hast, to satisfye the agreeued minde and quarrell of their prince.* 1.13 Who within foure dayes after the sayde Christenmas day (sayling ouer to England, & hauing a forward and a pros∣perous wynde in their iorney, being in y^e deepe of winter) came to Caunterbury, where Becket was commaunded to keepe. After certayne aduisement and consultation had among themselues, they preased at length into the pallace where the archbishop was sitting with his companye a∣bout hym: first to assay hym with wordes, to see whether he would relent to the kinges minde, & come to some con∣formitie. They brought to him (sayd they) commaunde∣ment from the king: whiche whether he had rather open∣ly there in presēce, or secretly to be declared to him, they had hym chuse. Then the company being bid to auoyde, as hee sat alone, they sayd: you are commaunded from the Kyng beyond the sea, to repayre to the king here is sonne, and to do your duety to him: answering to him your fidelitie, for your baronage and other things, & to amend those things wherein you haue trespassed agaynst him, whereupon, the archbishop denying to sweare, and perceauing their intēt,* 1.14 called in his company again, and in multiplying of words to and fro, at length they came to the bishops which were excommunicate for the coronation of the king, whom they commaunded in the kinges name, he shoulde absolue and set free agayne. The archbishop answered, that he neither suspended nor excommunicated them, but the pope: wher∣fore, if that were the matter that greued them, they should resort to the Pope, he had nothing to doe with the matter. Then sayd Reignald, one of the foure: although you in your own persō did not excommunicate them, yet through your instigation it was done. To whom the Archbishop sayd againe: and if the Pope (said he) tendring the iniuries done to me and my Church, wrought this reuenge for me: I confesse it offendeth me nothing. Thus then (sayd they) it appeareth wel by your own words, that it pleaseth you right well (in contempt and contumely of the kinges ma∣iesty) to sequester his bishops from their ministery, who at the commaundement of the king did seruice in the corona∣tion of hys sonne. And seeing ye haue so presumed thus to stād against the exaltation of this our soueraigne, our new K. it seemeth likely that you aspired to take his crown frō him, & to be exalted king your selfe. I aspire not sayd he, to y^e crown & name of the K. But rather if I had 4. crownes (to geue him more) I would set them all vpon him: suche good will I doe heare him, that onely (his father the king excepted) there is none, whose honour I more tender and loue. And as concerning the sequestring of those Bishops this I geue you to vnderstand: that nothing was done in

that behalfe, without the knowledge & assent of the king himselfe. To whom when I had made my complaynt, at the feast of Mary Magdalen, of the wrōg and iniury done to me and my Church therein: he gaue me his good leaue to obtayne at the Popes hand suche remedy therein as I could, promising moreouer his helpe to me in the same. What is this, quoth they, that thou sayest? Makest thou the king a trator, and betrayer of the king his owne son? that when he had commaunded the bishops to crown his sonne, he would geue thee leaue afterward to suspend thē for so doyng? certes it had bene better for you not to haue accused so the king of this prodition. The Archb. sayde to Reignald, that he was there presēt at that tyme, and hard it himselfe. But that he denyed, and swore it was not so: and thinke you (say they) that we the kinges subiectes wil or ought to suffer this? And so approching nearer to hym, sayd: he had spoken inough agaynst hys own head, wher∣upon followed great exclamation and many threatning wordes. Then sayd the archb. I haue syth my comming ouer, sustayned many iniuries and rebukes, conceruyng both my selfe, my men, my cattel, my wynes, and all other goodes: notwithstanding, the kinge (writinge ouer to hys sonne) required hym that I shoulde lyue in safe∣ty and peace: and now besides all other, you come hither to threaten me. To this Reignald answering agayn said: if there be any that worketh you anye iniury otherwise then right is, the law is open: why do you not complayn▪ To whom, said Becket should I complaine? To the yong king sayd they. Then sayd Becket, I haue complayned i∣nough if that would helpe, and haue sought for remedy at the kinges handes, so long as I could be suffered to come to his speach: but now seeing that I am stopt from y^t, nei∣ther can find redresse of so great vexations and iniuries as I haue and do dayly sustayne: nor can haue the benefite of y^• law or reason: such right and law as an archb. may haue that will I exercise, and let for no man. At these wordes one of thē bursting out in exclamation, cryed, he threatneth he threatneth, what, will he interdict the whole realme & vs altogether? Nay y^t he shall not sayth an other, he hathe interdicted to many already. And drawing more neare to hym, they protested and denounced him to haue spoken wordes to y^t ieoperdy of hys own head. And so departing in great fury and many high words, rushed out of y^t dores: who by the way returning to the Monkes, charged them in the kings name to keep him forth comming, y^t he shold not escape away. What quoth the archb. thinke ye I wyll flee away? Nay neyther for the king, nor any man alyue, will I stirre one foot from you.* 1.15 No say they thou shalt not anoyd, though thou wouldest, and so the departing with many wordes, the arch. followeth them out of the cham∣ber dore crying after them: here, here here, shall you finde me, laying his hand vpon hys crowne.

The name of these foure souldiours aboue mentioned were these. 1. Reignald Beresō. 2. Hugh Morteuil. 3. Wil∣liam Thracy, and 4. Richard Brito: who going to har∣nesse themselues, returned the same day agayne. But fin∣ding the hall dore of the palace of Canterbury shut against them: they went to an inward backe dore leading into the Orcharde: there brake they vp a window and opened the dore, and so issued into the place. The Monkes (beyng about Euensong tyme) had got the Archbishop into the Church:* 1.16 who beying perswaded by them, caused hys crosse to be borne before hym, and so through the Cloyster (by a doore which was broke vp for him) proceeded into the quire. The harnest men following after, at length came to the Church doore:* 1.17 whiche doore the monkes woulde haue shut agaynst them, but (as the story sayth) the Arch∣bishop would not suffer them. So they approching into y^e Church, and the Bishop meeting them vpon the stayres, there was slayne: euery one of the foure souldiors striking him with his sword into the head. Who afterward flying into the North, at length with much adoe obtayning their pardon of the Pope (through the kinges procurement, as some storyes recorde) went to Ierusalem.* 1.18

Thus you haue heard the life and death of this Tho. Becket: of whom what is to be iudged, let his owne actes and facts declare. And albeit the scripture ought to be one∣ly the rule to vs to iudge all thinges by: yet if any shall re∣quire farther testimony (partly to satisfy their minds ther∣in) ye shal heare the iudgementes of certayn men, in yeres and tymes almost as auncient as himself, what they writ, and affirme of him.* 1.19

And first to begin with the testimony of one of his owne religion, and also not farre (as it appeareth) frō hys owne tyme: who writing of his martyrdome & myracles, thus testifieth of the iudgement and sentence of diuers cō∣cerning his promotion and behauiour. The Chronicle be∣ing written in lattin, & hauing the name of the author cut out, thus beginneth:

Quoniam verò multi. &c. And in the first booke, cap. 8. it follo with in this maner: Nonnullis ta∣men id circa promotionem eius visum est minus canonicū, quòd ad eam magis operata est regis instantia, quàm cleri vel populi vota. Praesumptionis quo{que} vel indiscretionis fuisse notatum est, quòd qui remū tenere vix idoneus videbatur, primum guberna∣culi locum suscepit, &c. & mox: magis etiam secularia tū sapiens, tam sanctum tantae dignitatis fastigium non horrens renuiise, sed vltroneus ascendisse creditus.* 1.20 Aliter dei amicus Moses &c. With much more as in latine insueth, whiche for the Englishe Reader here foloweth translated. Diuers notwithstāding there be, which as touching his promotion, suppose the same not to be canoni∣call. For that it was wrought rather by the instance of the king (thinking him to be a man ready and inclinable to his vtilitie) then by the assent eyther of the clergy or of the people.* 1.21 Farther it is noted in him for a poynt of presumption, and lack of discre∣tion: for that he beyng scarce worthy to take the Ore in hand and play the boteswane, would take vpō him to sit at the healm, and guide the ship: namely in that church, where the Couent be∣ing in gesture and vesture religious, be wont to haue their pre∣late taken out of the same profession. Where as he, scant bearing the babite of a Clarke,* 1.22 and goyng in hys chaunges and soft ap∣parell, is more conuersaunt among the delicate rufflers in the court, sauoring rather of wordly thinges: not refusing moreouer without any dread, to clime vp to the high preferment of suche an holy dignitie, but rather willingly of hys owne accord, to as∣pire vnto it. Moles, we read did otherwise, who beyng the frend of God and sent of him to cōduct his people Israell out of Egipt, trembled at the message, and sayd. Who am I Lord, that I shoulde goe to Pharao: and bring thy people Israell out of Egipt? And a∣gayne, I pray thee (sayth hee) O Lorde: I am nothing elo∣quent, send him whome thou wilt send. Likewise Ieremias al∣so being sent to the Lord to prophecy agaynst Ierusalem, was a∣bashed to take the office vpon hym, answering agayn with much dread of hart, A, a, a. Lorde I cannot vtter my minde for I am a Childe.

After like maner we reade of the saintes of the newe testament,* 1.23 wherof many were preferred oftētimes to their bishopriks, and functions of the Churche by meere ••orce∣ment and compulsion rather of other, then by their owne willes. So was blessed Gregory after hys flight, and go∣yng away, brought backe agayne, and placed in the sea & chayre of Rome. Likewise S. Ambrose fore agaynst hys mynde, who also of purpose accusing and contessing hys owne defectes, because he would be repealed: yet by the cō∣maundement of Valentinian the Emperour was infor∣ced to take the burden vpō him, which he could by no wise shake of S. Martine in like sorte vnknowing of any such matter: was circumuented by a certayne godly trayne and wile of the Citizens, before he could be brought to hys cō∣secration, which he did not so much take, as he was thrust into it, with much pensiuenes and sorrow of hart. By these and such other exāples this Chancellour likewise shoulde haue rather excused himselfe as vnworthy and vumeet for that romthe, shewing himselfe more willing to refuse then to take it. To the which this archbishop is iudged to doe cleane contrary, &c. Haec ex Chronico. Cui tutulus. De passio∣ne & miraculis beati Thomae.

And although scarcely any testimony is to be taken of that age (being all blinded and corrupted with superstittiō) yet let vs heare what Neuburgensis an auncient Historio∣grapher sayth: who in the dayes of the sonne of thys K. Henry the ij. prosecuting his history vnto King Richard the first hath these wordes:* 1.24 writing of Thomas Becket:

Sanè cum pleri{que} soleant in his quos amant & laudant affec••u quodam propensiori, sed prudentia parciori, quicquid ab eis ge∣ritur, approbare: planè ego in viro illo venerabili ea quae ita ab ipso acta sunt,* 1.25 quum nulla exindè proueniret vtilitas sed feruor tantùm accenderetur regius, ex quo tot mala postmodum pul∣lulasse noscuntur, laudanda nequaquam césuerim, licet ex lau∣dabilizelo processerint: Sicut in beatiff▪ apostolorum principe, quòd gentes suo exemplo iudaizare coegit: in quo eum doctor gentium reprehensibilem declaret fuisse, licèt cum constet Lau∣dabili hoc pietate fecisse &c.

That is in English.

Whereas many be wont, in them whome they loue or prayse (iudging them more by affection, then prudence) to allow & approue, what soeuer they do: yet for me to iudge vpon this reuerend man: verily I think not his doings & acts to be prayse worthy, or to be allowed. Forasmuch as therof came no vtilitie but onely the anger and stirring vp of the king, whereupon afterwarde sprong so great mis∣chiefes (although the king that he did, might proceede of a certayne laudable zeale) like as in the blessed Prince of the Apostles, in that he taught the Gentiles by his example to play the Iewes: Paule the doctor of the Gentiles, did de∣clare him therein to be rebukeable: albeit it cannot be de∣nyed

but that he did it of good affection, &c.

And in the same author, in an other place it followeth to the like effect, in these wordes:

Literas has in Angliam ad suspensonem E∣piscoporum praemissas ipse sequebatur, zelo iustitiae feruid••s, v••∣rùm an plene secundum scientiam nouit Deus: Nostrae enim par∣uitati nequaquam conceditur, de tanti viri actibus temerè iudica∣re. Puto enim quòd in molli ad huc tenera{que} regis cōcordia mi∣nus prouidè egisset, & ea quae sine fidei Christianae periculo tole∣rari potuissent, ratione temporis & cōpēsatione pacis dissimu∣landa dixisse+, iuxta illud propheticum: prudens in tempore illo tacebit, quia tempus malum est. Ita{que}, quod a venerabli pontifice tunc actum est, nec laudandum esse iudico, nec vituperare prae∣sumo: sed dico si vel modice in huiusmodi a sancto viro per zeli immoderatiorē impetū est excessū, hoc ipsū est sacrae, quae cōse∣cata noscitur, igne passionis excoctū. Ita quippe sāccti viri vel a∣mādi vel laudādi sūt a nobis, qui nos illis lōgè impares esse cog∣noscimus, vt ea, in quibus homines fuerunt, vel fuisse noscuntur nequaquam vel amemus vel laudemus: sed ea tantū, in quibus eos sine scrupulo imitari debemus. Quis enim eos dicat in omnibus, quae ab ipsis fiant, esse imitabises? Non igitur in omnibus, quae faciūt, sed sapientèr & cautè debent laudari, vt sua Deo prae∣rogatina seruetur, in cuius vti{que} laudib{us} nemo potestesse nimius, quantumcun{que} laudare conetur &c.

That is in English.

The letters which were sent before for the impending of the Bishops, hee pursued with burning zeale of iustice but whether according to knowledge, god knoweth it. It is not for my rude and slender witte to iudge of the doings of such a periō. But yet thys I suppose: that he did not be∣haue himselfe so circumspectly as hee ought (considering the tyme) and that the concorde betwene him and the king as yet was but soft and tender. Who for the consideration of the time, and for the recompēce of peace: might haue for∣borne or dissembled such things, which without any perill of Christian religion might be tollerate wel inough accor∣ding to the propheticall saying: A wise mā in his time wil keepe silence, because y^e tyme will not serue him, wherfore, as the doings of that reuerend Prelate I iudge in that be∣halfe not to be commēded: so neither did I presume to dis∣commend them. But this I say, that if that holy man tho∣rough immoderate violence of zeale, did exceede in a part therin: the same was excocted again and purged by the fire of his suffering: which afterward ensited. And so far, holye mē are to be loued or praised of vs, which know our selues much inferiour to their vertues: that in such things wher∣in they haue bene men & also knowne to be men: therein, we neyther hold with them nor commend them, but onely such thinges wherein without all daunger or scruple we ought to imitate thē. For who is able to say, that they are to be imitated in all that they doe, and therefore are not to be esteemed and praysed in al things generally whatso∣euer they do: but considerately & with aduisement: wherin they deserue prayse: so that the onely prerogatiue in this behalfe be reserued to God, in whose prayse no man can exceede how seruent foeuer he be in his praysing. &c.

And heare yet more what the sayde author writeth in the same cause of the kinges wrath & Beckets faults.

Plus∣quam 100. homicidia a clericis commissa sub Hen, ij. dicuntur. In quibus plectendis rex aliquanto vehementior. Sed huius immo∣derationis regiae, nostri temporis Episcopos tantum respicit cul∣pa, quantum ab eis processit & causa. Cumenim sacri praecipiūt canones, clericos nō solùm facinorosos & grauioribus irretitos, criminibus, verùm etiam leuiorum criminum reos degradari, & tot millia talium, tanquam innumeras inter pauca grana paleas Ecclesia Anglicana contineat, tamen quam paucos a multis retro annis clericos in anglia contigit officio priuari. Nempe Episcopi dū defendendis magis clericorum libertatibus vel dignitatibus quam corum vitijs corrigendis tesecandisque inuigilant••arbitrā∣tur obsequiū se praestare Deo & Ecclesiae, sifacinorosos clericos quos pro officij debito canonicae vigore censurae coercere debe∣ant, contra publicam tucantur disciplinam. Vndē clerici qui in sortem domini vocati, tanquam stellae in firmamento coeli posi∣tae, vita & verbo lucere deberent super terram, habentes pro im∣punitate agendi quodcunque libuerit, licentiam & libertatem, neque Deum, cuius iudicium tardare videtur, nēque homines potestatem habētes reuerentur, cum & Episcopalis circa eos sol∣licitudo sit languida, & seculari eos iurisdictioni sacri eximat or∣dinis praerogatiua.

That is.

More then 100. murders are sayd to be committed by the Clergy vnder king Henry the 2. In punishing of whō the king was somewhat to vehement: but the fault (sayth he) of this immoderate dealing of the king resteth most in the Bishops of our tyme: for as much as the cause thereof proceedeth of them. For where it is de creed and commaū∣ded by the Canon law (concerning the spirituall men of y^e clergy) that not onely such as be notorious, but suche as be spotted with lighter crunes should be disgraded: wher∣of, haue we so many thousandes and whole swarmes of such now in England, as innumerable chasse among the little good grayne? and yet how few do we see these many yeares in England depriued of their office? For why? the Byshops while they labour more to mayntayne the liber∣ties and dignities of Church men, then to correct their vi∣ces: thinke they do God and the Churche great seruice, if they rescue and defend the enormities of the Church men agaynst publike discipline, whome they ought rather to punish by the vertue of the censure ecclesiasticall. Where∣upon, the Church men: such as be sorted peculiarly to the Lord, and ought like starres to shyne in earth by worde & example, taking licence and libertie to doe what they iust: neyther reuerence god (whose iudgement seemeth to tary) neyther men set in authoritie: when as both the Bishops are slacke in their charge doyng, and also the prerogatiue of their order exempteth thē frō the secular iurisdictiō. &c. And thus much out of Nuburgensis.* 1.26

To this matter also pertayne the words of Cesarius the monke, in hys 8. booke of Dialogues cap. 69 about the 48. yeare after the death of Thomas Becket, which was the yeare of the Lord.* 1.27 1220. whose wordes in summe come to this effect.

Quaestio Parisijs inter magistros ventilata fuit, v∣trum damnatus an saluatus effet ille Thomas. Dixerat Rhogerius tunc Normānus, fuiffe illum morte ac damnatione dignum, quòd contumax esset in dei ministrum regem. Protulit econtra Petrus Cantor Parisiensis quòd signa saluationis, & magne sāctitatis es∣sent eius miracula:* 1.28 & quòd martirium probasler Ecclesiae causa pro qua mortem subierat. &c.

In English.

There was a question moued among the maisters of Paris, whether Tho. Becket were saued or damned. To this question answereth Roger a Norman: that he was worthy death and damnation, for that he was so obstinate agaynst Gods minister hys K. Contrary, Peter Cantor a Persian disputed, saying & affirming that his miracles were great signes and tokens of saluatiō, and also of great holines in that man: affirming moreouer that the cause of the Church did allow and confirme hys martyrdome, for the which Church he dyed.

And thus haue ye the iudgement, and censure of the schole of Paris touching this question, for the saincting of Thomas Becket. In which iudgement for so much as the greatest argumēt resteth in the miracles wrought by him after hys death: let vs therefore pause a little vpon y^• same, to try and examine these his miracles. In the tryall wher∣of we shall finde one of these two to be true, that eyther if they were true, they were wrought not by God, but by a cōtrary spirit: of whō Christ our Lord geueth vs warning in his gospell, saying: whose comming shal be with lying signes and wonders to deceiue,* 1.29 if it were possible, the elect. Math 24. for els we shall finde that no suche were euer wrought at all, but fayned and forged of idle Monkes and religious bellies for the exaltatiō of their churches, & pro∣fit of their powches: whiche thing in deede seemeth rather to be true: And no lesse may appeare by the miracles thē∣selues, set forth by one of his own Monks & of his owne time, who in fine solemne books hath comprehended all the reuelation, vertues, and miracles of this archb. the which bookes (as yet remayning in the hands of William Stephenson Citizen of London) I haue seen and perused: wherein is contayned the whole summe of all his mira∣cles to the number of 270, being so far of from all trueth & reason, some ridiculous, some monstrous, vayne, absurd, some also blasphemous & some so impudēt:* 1.30 that not onely they deserue no credit (altogether sauoring of mere forge∣ry) but also for very shame will abash an honest penne to write vpō thē. First if miracles serue for necessity & for in∣fidels: what cause or necessity was there (in a Christian realme hauing the word of God) for God to worke such miracles after his death, who neuer wrought any in all his life? Thē to consider the end of these miracles: whether do they tend, but onely to bring men to Canterbury, with their vowes and offeringes to enrich the couent?

Beside the nūber of the miracles which he sayd so ma∣ny, that they lose theyr owne credit: what disease is there belonging to man or woman in the curing whereof, some miracle hath not bene wrought by this 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: as fe∣uers, fistula, the gout: toothache: palsey, consumption, fal∣ling sicknesse,* 1.31 leprosie, headache, broken armes, maymed legs, swelling throates, the raysing vp of the dead, which haue bene two dayes departed, with infinite other. And as all these haue healed (for the most part) by one kinde of salue (as a certayne panacea) which was, with the water onely of Caunterbury, like as a cunning Smith which should open with one key all maner of lockes: so agayne in reading of the story of these miracles, ye shall finde the matter so conueyed, that the power of this dead Saynt, was neuer twise shewed vpon any one disease, but euery

diuers disease to haue a diuers miracle.

To recite in order all these prodigious reuelatiōs and phātasticall miracles, falsely imagined and ascribed to this archbishop: were nothing els, but to write a legend of lies, & to occupy the people with tristes. Which, because it per∣taineth rather so y^e idle professiō of such dreaming monks and cloysterers, that haue nothing els to maintain that re∣ligion withal: I will not take their profession out of theyr hands. Wherfore, to omit all suche vayne & lying appari∣tions and miracles, as how this angry sainct (3. dayes af∣ter his death) appeared by vision at the altar in his pon∣tificalibus, commaunding the quere not to sing,* 1.32 but to say this office of his masse: Exurge, quare obdormis Domine. &c. Which vision the author himselfe of y^e book doth say he did see. To omit also y^e blasphemous lye, how in other vision the sayd Archbishop should say: that hys bloud did cry out of the earth to God,* 1.33 more then the bloud of iust Abell. Itē, in an other visiō it was shewed to a monk of Lewes, how S. Thomas had hys place in heauen appoynted with the Apostles: aboue Stephen, Laurence, Uincent, and al the other Martyrs.* 1.34 whereof of this cause is rendered, for that ••. Stephen. Laurence, and such other, suffered only for their own cause. But this Th. suffered for the vniuersal church. Item, how it was shewed to a certayne young man (Or∣mus by name) xij. yeares before the death of this Becket:* 1.35 that among the Apostles & martyrs in heauen, there was a vacaunt place left, for a certayne priest, as he sayd of Eng∣land: which was credibly supposed to be this Tho. Bec∣ket. Item, how a certain knightes sonne being two dayes dead, was reuiued agayne so soone as he had the water of Caunterbury put in his mouth, & had by his parentes 4. peeces of siluer bended, to be offered in Caūterbury in the childes behalfe. All these, I say, with such other like, to o∣mit (the number wherof commeth to an infinite varietie) onely this one story or an other that followeth shall suffice to expresse the vanitie and impudent forgery of all the rest.

* 1.36In the fourth book of this fabulous author, and in the 3. chap. a miracle is there contayned of a certayn country∣man of Bedfordshire in kinges Weston, whose name was Gilwardus: which Gilwardus in his dronkēnes brusting into an other mans house,* 1.37 which was his debter, took out of his house a great whetstone, & a paire of hedging gloues: The other party seyng this value not sufficient for hys cō∣demnation (by the councell of the towneclerk) entred an a∣ction of felony agaynst him for other thinges besides, as for stealing his wimble, his axe, nette, and other clothes. Wherupon, Gilwardus being had to y^t Iaile of Bedford, and afterward condemned for y^e same: was iudged to haue both his eyes put out, & also those members cut of, which nature with secret shame hath couered. Which punishmēt by the malice of his aduersary being executed vpon him, he lying in great danger of death by bleeding, was coūsayled to make his prayer to this Tho. of Caunterbury. Whiche done (sayth the myracle) appeared one to him by night, in white apparell, bidding him to watch and pray, & put his trust in God, and our Lady, and holy S. Thomas. In conclusion,* 1.38 the miracle thus sel out: the next day at the eue∣ning, y^e man rubbing his eye lids began to feele hys eyes to be restored agayne: first in a litle, after in a greater mea∣sure: so y^t one was of a gray colour, y^e other was of a black. And here was one miracle rong. After this folowed an o∣ther miracle also vpon the same person. For going but the space of 4. myles whē his eyes were restored, he chaunced (in like maner) to rubbe the place,* 1.39 where his secret partes were cut of. And immediately vpon the same, his pendēda (to vse the wordes of my story) were to him restored, Prin∣cipio parua quidem valdè, sed in maius proficientia, whiche he permitted euery one to feele, that woulde and shamed not to deny. In so much that he comming vp to S. Thomas: first at London was receaued with ioy of the B. of Dirchā, who then sending to the burgers of Bedford for the truth of the matter, receaued from thē again letters testimonial: wherein the Citizens there (sayth this fabulous festiuall) confirmed first to the byshop, thē to the couent of Canter∣bury, the relation of this to be as hath bene told. This one miracle (gentle reader) so shamelesse & impudēt, I thought here to expresse, that by this one, thou mightst iudge of all y^e residue of his miracles: & by the residue thereof mightst iudge moreouer of al the filthy wickednes of all these lying monks and cloysterers, which count it a light sport so im∣pudently to deceiue the simple soules of Christes Churche with trifling lyes and dreaming fables. Wherefore, (as I sayd) if the holy saynting of Thomos Becket, standeth vp∣on no other thing but vpon his miracles: what credite is to be geuen thereto, & vpon what a weak groūd his shrine so lōg hath stand, by this may easily be seen. Furthermore, an other fable as notable as this, and no lesse worthy of y^e whetstone, we read in the story of Geruasius: That Tho∣mas Becket appearing to a certayne priest, named Tho∣mas, declared to him that he had so brought to passe, that all the names of the Monks of the Church of Caunterbu∣ry, with the names of the priestes and Clerkes, & with the families belonging to that citty and church of Cant. were written in the booke of lyfe, Ex Geruas. fol. 6.

But whatsoeuer is to be thought of hys miracles, or how soeuer the testimony of the schole of Paris, or of these auncient tymes went with him or agaynst hym: certayn it is, that this Antheme or Collect lately collected & prime∣red in hys prayse, is blasphemous, and derogateth frō the prayse of him, to whome al prayse onely and honor is due, where it is sayd.

* 1.40Tu per Thomae sanguinem quem pro te impedit, Fac nos Christe scandere quò Thomas ascendit.

That is. For the bloud of Thomas, which he for thee did spend, Graunt vs (Christ) to climbe, where Tho. did ascend.

Wherein is a double lye contayned: first, that he dyed for Christ. Secondly, that if he had so done, yet that his bloud could purchase heauē. Which thing, neyther Paul nor any of the apostles durst euer chalēge to themselues. For if any mans bloud could bring vs to heauen, then the bloud of Christ was shed in vayne.

And thus much touching the testimony or censure of certayne auncient tymes concerning the cause of Thomas Becket. In the explication of whose history I haue stoode now the longer (exceding peraduenture in ouermuch pro∣lixitie) to the intent that his cause beyng fully opened to the world and duely weyed on euery part: mens mindes (therby long deceiued by ignoraunce) might come vnto the more pexiect certayntie of the truth therof, and thereby to iudge more surely what is to be receaued, and what to be refused.

Wherby the way is to be noted out of the testimony of Rob. Crikeladensis, which in him I finde: that the Pieres and nobles of this land neere about the king, gaue out in straight charge vpon payne of death, and confiscating of al their goodes, no man to be so hardy to name Tho. Becket to be martyr, or to preach of hys miracles. &c. Ex Crike∣ladensi.

After the death of Thomas Becket,* 1.41 the king fearing y^t Popes wrath and curse to be layd vpon him (whereunto Ludouike the French king also helped what he could to set the matter forward) sent to Rome the archb. of Rotomage with certayn other bishops and Archdeacons vnto the P. with hys excuse, which, the Pope would in no wise heare. And after other messengers beyng sent, whome some of the Cardinals receaued, it was shewed to them that on good Friday (beyng then nye at hand) the pope of custome was vsed to assoyle or to curse, & that it was noysed, how the king of Englād with his bishops should be cursed and his land interdicted,* 1.42 and that they should be put in prison. After this certaine of the Cardinals shewed the pope, that the messengers had power to sweare to the Pope, that the king should obey his punishment and penaunce. Whiche was taken both of the King and the Archb. of Yorke. So that in the same day the pope cursed the deede doers, with such as were of their consent, eyther that ayded or harbou∣red thē. Concerning these deede doers it is touched briefly before:* 1.43 how they fled vnto Yorkeshire lying in Gnarsbo∣borough. Who after hauing in penaunce to go in their li∣nen clothes barefoot (in fasting and prayer) to Ierusalem: by reasō of this hard penance are sayd to dye in fewe yeres after.

The kinges Ambassadours lying as is said in Rome: could finde no grace nor fanor a long tyme at the Popes handes. At length with much ado it was agreed, that two Cardinals shuld be sent down to enquire out the matter, concerning them that were consenting to Beckets death. The king perceauing what was preparing at Rome, nei∣ther being yet certayne: whereto the intent of the Pope, & comming down of the Cardinals would tend: in y^e incane tyme addressed hymselfe with a great power to enter into Ireland,* 1.44 geuing in charge and commaundement (as Ho∣uedenus writeth) that no bringer of any brief or letter shuld come ouer into England or passe out of y^e realme (of what degree or condition so euer he were) without special licēce and assuraunce to bring nothing that should be preiudici∣all to the realme.

This order being set and ordained,* 1.45 the king with 400. great shippes taketh hys iourney to Irelande: where he subdued in short tyme the whole land vnto hym, which at that tyme was gouerned vnder diuers kings to the num∣ber of v. Of whome foure submitted themselues vnto the sayd kyng Henry; onely the fifth (who was the kyng of

Ionacta) denyed to be subdued, keeping him in woodes and Marishes.

In the meane season while the king was thus occu∣pied in Ireland,* 1.46 the two Cardinals that were sent from y^e Pope (Thedinus and Albertus) were come to Normā∣dy. Unto whom, the king the next yeare following resor∣ted, about the month of October, an 1172. But before (du∣ring the time of the kinges being in Ireland) the Bish. of London, and Ioceline v. of Salisbury, had sent to Rome, and procured their absolution from the pope. The K. re∣turning out of Ireland by Wales into England, & from thence to Normandy: there made his purgation before the Popes legates, as touching the death of the foresayd Bec∣ket: to the which he sware he was neither ayding or con∣senting, but onely that he spoke rigorous wordes against hym, for that his knightes would not auenge him against the sayd Thomas. For the which cause, this penaunce was ouioyned him vnder his othe.

* 1.47First, that he should send so much to the holy lande, as would find two C. knightes or souldiours for the defence of that land.

Also, that frō Christmas day next folowing, he should set forth hys owne person to light for the holy land y^t space of 3. yeares together, vnlesse he should be otherwise dispe∣sed withall by the Pope.

Item, that if he would make hys iorney into Spaine (as hys present necessitie did require) there he to fight a∣gaynst the Saracens: And as long tyme as he shuld there abide, so long space might he take in prolonging his iorney toward Ierusalem.

Item, y^• hee should not hinder nor cause to be hindred by hym, any appellations made to the Pope of Rome.

Item, that neyther he nor hys sonne, should depart or disseuer from pope Alexander, or from his catholicke suc∣cessors: so long as they should recount him or his sonne for kinges catholike.

Item, that the goodes and possessions taken from the Church of Caunterbury, should be restored agayne (fully and amply) as they stode the yeare before Thom. Becket departed the realme, and that free libertie should be graū∣to all such as were outlawed for Beckets cause to returne agayne.

Item, that the foresayd customes & decrees by him esta∣blished against the Church, should be extinct and repelled (such onely except, y^t concerned his own person) &c besides other secret fastinges and almes enioyned hym.

All these former conditions, the king with his sonne did both agree vnto: debasing himselfe in such sorte of sub∣mission before the two Cardinals: by the occasion wherof, the Cardinall took no little glory, vsing thys verse of the Psalme:* 1.48 Qui respicit terram, & facit eam tremere: qui tangit montes & fumigant. That is, which looketh vpon the earth, and maketh it to tremble: which toucheth the hilles, and they smoke &c. Moreouer it is mētioned in histories of the sayd king:* 1.49 that a little after William king of Scots with hys army had made a rode into y^e realme, he returning out of Normandy into England, came first to Caunterbury: who by the way (so soone as he came to the sight of Bec∣kets church, lighting of his horse and putting of hys shoes went barefoote to his tombe: whose steppes were found bloudy through the roughnes of the stones. And not onely y^t, but also receaued further penance by euery mōke of the cloyster certayn discipline of a rod. By whiche so great de∣iection of the K. (if it were true) y^u mayest see the blind and lamentable superstition and ignorance of those daies. If it were pretensed (as might so be in tyme of warre, to get the hartes of the people) yet mayest thou learned Reader see,* 1.50 what slauery kinges and Princes were brought into at y^t tyme, vnder the popes Clergy. The same yeare (as Houe∣den writeth) which was 1174. the whole citty of Caunter∣bury, was almost al consumed with fire, and the sayd min∣ster Church cleane burnt.

The next yeare insuing, which was 1175. a conuocati∣on of Bishops was holden at Westminster by Rich. arch∣bishop of Cant. In which conuenticle, all the byshops & Abbots of the prouince of Canterbury and of Yorke being present,* 1.51 determined (as it had done a little before in king Henry. 1, dayes, an. 1113.) about the obedience that Yorke should doe to Caunterbury. That is, whether the Archb. of Yorke might beare hys Crosse in the diocesse of Cant. or not: whereof something was touched before in the for∣mer processe of this history. Also about the Bishopricke of Lincolne, of Chichister, of Worcester, & of Herford: whe∣ther these churches were vnder the iurisdiction of the see of Yorke or not, &c. Upon these and other like matters: rose such controuersie betweene these 2. seas, that the one ap∣pealed the other to the presence of the Bishop of Rome.

In these and suche causes like, howe much better had it bene, if the supremacy had remayned more nere in the kinges handes at home, whereby not onely much labour & trauell had bene saued, but also the great and was••full ex∣pences bestowed at Rome, might with muche more fruite and thanke haue beene conuerted to their cures and flockes committed vnto thē, and also percase their cause no lesse indifferently heard (at least more speedely might haue bene decided) but to the purpose again. In this cōtrouersie diuerse of y^t bishop of Yorks clergy (such as were of Glou∣cester,* 1.52 belong to the church of S. Oswald) were excōmu∣nicate by the Archb. of Cant. because they being sommo∣ned, refused to appeare before hym. &c. At length the same yeare which was 1175. there was a Cardinall sent downe from Rome by the kinges procurement: who studyed to set a peace betwene the two archbishops.* 1.53 Whereupon, this way of agreement was takē (by the meanes of the king) at Winchester: that as touching the church of S. Oswald at Glocester, the Archbishop of Canterb. should cease of hys clayme therof, molesting the see of Yorke no more therein. Also should absolue agayne the Clerkes thereof, whom he had excommunicated before. And as concerning the bea∣ring of the crosse and all other matters: it was referred to the Archbishop of Rhotomage, and of other Bishops in Fraunce: so that for fiue yeares, a league or truce was ta∣ken betwixt them, till they should haue a full determina∣tion of their cause.

The next yeare following,* 1.54 the foresayd king Henry the 2. (deuiding the realme of England into 6. partes) ordey∣ned vpon ouery part 3. Iustices of assise. The circuit or li∣mitation of which Iustices was thus disposed. The first vpon Northfolke,* 1.55 Suffolke, Cantebridshire, Huntendū∣shire, Bedfordshyre, Buckinghamshire, Essex, Hert∣fordshire. 2. Vpon Lincolnshire. Notinghamshire, Dar∣bishire, Stamfordshyre, Warwickshire, Northampton∣shire, Leicestershire. 3. Upon Kent, Surrey, Southamp∣tonshyre, Southsaxe, Barkeshire, Oxfordshire. 4. Upon Herefordshyre, Gloucestershyre, Wyrcestershyre, Salops¦shyre. 5. Upon Wiltshyre, Dorcetshyre, Somercetshyre, Deuonshyre, Cornwall. 6. Euerwickshire, Richmond∣shire, Lancaster, Copland, Weshnarland, Northumber∣land, Cumberland.

In the which yeare also,* 1.56 Richard Archb. of Caunter∣bury, made 3. Archdeacons in his dioces, where as before there was but one. About which tyme also it was graun∣ted by the kyng to the popes legate, that a Clerke shoulde not be called before a temporall iudge, except for offence in the forest, or for hys say see that he holdeth.

Item,* 1.57 that no Archbishop or Bishoprick, nor Abbey should remayne in the kings handes ouer one yeare w^tout great cause. It chaunced the same yeare, y^t this was done there was at Canterbury one elected to be Abbot in the house of S. Austen named Albert: who made great labor and sute vnto the Archbishop that he would come to hys Church, and there consecrate him Abbot of S. Austens. To whome the archb. sent word agayne, that he was not bound to come to him but rather the other should repayre to the Metropolitane church of Caunterbury, there to re∣ceiue hys consecration. Whereupon (controuersie rising be∣twene them) the foresaid new Elect appealed vp to the au∣dience of the Pope, and so laboured vp hymselfe to Rome. Where, he so handled the matter (by what meanes I can∣not tell, vnles with his golden bottle, wherewith he quē∣ched the popes thirsty soule, for Abbots neuer trauel light∣ly without far purses to Rome) that with short dispatche he procured letters from Alexander the pope,* 1.58 to Roger bi∣shop of Worcester: Signifying to hym, that he had geuen in charge and commaundement to the archb. of Cant. (in the behalfe of hys deare sonne Albert) that he should con∣secrate hym within hys own monastery: which monastery properly and soly without mediation, belonged to the iurisdiction of Rome, and so likewise should do to his suc∣cessors after him, without any exaction of obedience of thē. Which thing further he sayd if the archb. woulde refuse to do, within the terme appoynted: that then he the foresayd B. of Worcester (should by the authoritie committed vnto him) execute the same, al maner of appellatiō or other de∣cree whatsoeuer should come notwithstāding. This letter being obtayned, the Abbot (that would be) returneth home supposing with hymselfe all things to be sure. The archb. vnderstanding the case, and seeing hymselfe so straightly charged, and yet lothe to yeld and stoupe to the Abbot, took to him pollicy where authoritie would not serue: and both to saue himselfe, and yet to disapoynt the Abbot, he wat∣cheth a tyme when the Abbot was about busines of hys house. And comming the same tyme to the monastery (as he was cōmaunded to do) with all things appointed, that

to suche a busines appertayned: called for the Abbot, pre∣tending no lesse but to geue him his consecration. The Abbot beyng called for, was not at home. The archb. fay∣ning hymselfe not a little agreued at his labour & good wil so lost departed, as one in whome no redy diligence was lacking: if in case that the Abbot had bene at home. Wher∣upon, the Abbot (being thus disapoynted) was fayne to fill his siluer stagon a fresh, & make a new course to Rome to hys father the pope, of whome he receiued his consecra∣tion, and so came home agayne with as much witte as he went forth: but not with so much mony perad••enture as he went withall.

We haue declared a little aboue, pag. 175. touching the actes and doynges of this Pope Alexander the 3. howe he had brought the Emperours head vnder hys foote in S. Markes Church at Uenice: at which time and place peace was concluded, and a composition made betweene the P. and the sayd Fredericke the Emperor. Which pacificatiō, Rog. Houedenus,* 1.59 and Gualterus Gisburgensis, referre to this tyme beyng the yeare of our Lord. 1177. bringing in two seuerall letters sent from the sayd Pope to Richard Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and to Roger Archbishop of York, and Hugh byshop of Duresme. Out of the whiche letters (so much as serueth to our purpose) I haue taken and here inserted.

The letter of Pope Alexander, sent to Roger Arch∣byshop of Yorke, and to the Byshop of Duresme.

ALexander, seruaunt of the seruaunts of God, to his reuerend brethren Roger Archbishop of Yorke, and Hugh Byshop of Duresme greeting, and Apostolicall blessing.

The obsequy and seruice of your kinde deuotion, which hitherto you are knowne to haue geuen, bothe deuoutly and laudably to vs and to the Church: requireth that we should describe to you as to our spe∣ciall frendes, the prosperous successe of the Churche: and to let you know as spirituall children of the Churche, what hath hap∣pened to the same: For meete it is, conuenient and also honest, that you whome we haue had so firme, and sure in our deuotion: should now be cherished and made ioyous in the prosperitie of vs, and of the Churche. And about the end of the Epistle it followeth thus.

The next day following, which was the feast of S. Iames (the sayd Emperour so requesting) we came to the foresayd Churche of S. Marke,* 2.1 there to celebrate our solemne Masse: where (as we were comming in the way) the sayd Emperor met vs without the Church, and placing vs agayne on his right hand, he brought vs so into the sayd Church. After the masse was done, placing vs a∣gayn on his right hand,* 2.2 he brought vs to the Church dore. And moreouer, when we should take our palfrey: he held our stirrup: exhibiting to vs such honor and reuerence as hys progenitours were wont to exhibite to our predecessors. Wherefore these shal be to incite your diligence and study towardes vs: that you re∣ioyce with vs and the Church in these our prosperous successes, and also that you shall open the same effect of peace to other de∣uout childrē of the church: that such as be touched with the zeal of the house of the Lord, may congratulate & reioyce also in the Lord, for the great working of peace which he hath geuen.

Geuē at Venice in the deepe riuer, the xxvi. of Iuly.

This yeare the contention reuiued agayne, spoken of little before, pag. 173. betwene the 2. archbishops of York and Canterb. The occasion whereof was this. The ma∣ner and practise of the pope is, when he beginneth to lacke money, he sendeth some limitting Cardinall abroad, to fetch his harnest in. So there came this yeare into Englād (as lightly few yeares were without them) a certayn Car∣dinall from Rome called Hugo, or as Houedenus nameth him, Hugezun, who would needes keepe a Councell at Westin. To this Councel resorted a great cōfluence (about middle of Lent) of Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Doctors, & such other of the Clergye. As euery one was there placed in his order, and after his degree: first commeth the archb. of Yorke named Roger:* 2.3 who (thinking to present y^e other Archbishop) came something sooner, & straighway pla∣ced hymselfe on the right hand of the Cardinall. Richard y^e Archbishop of Cant. following shortly after: and seing the first place taken vp, refuseth to take the second: complay∣ning of the Arch. of York, as one preiudicial to his sea. So, while the one wold not rise, & the other part not sit down, rose no small contention betweene them two. The archb. of Canterb. claymed the vpper seate by the preheminence of hys church. Contrary y^e archb. of York alledged for hym the old decree of Gregory, wherof mētion is made before, pag. 118. By which this order was taken betweene the 2. Metropolitanes of Canterbury and York: that, which of them two should be first in electiō, he should haue the pre∣heminence in dignitie, & goe before the other. Thus they contending to and fro, waxed so warme in wordes, that at last they turned to hote blowes. Now strong the Archbi∣shop of Yorke was in reason and argument I cannot tell: but the Archbish. of Cant, was stronger at the armes end. whose seruauntes beeing moe in number (like valiaunt men) not suffering their maister to take such a foyle: so pre∣uailed agaynst York (sitting on the right hand of the Car∣dinall) that they pluckt him downe from the hand, to the foote of the Cardinall vpon the ground: treading & tram∣pling vpon him with their feete, that maruel it was he es∣caped with life. His Casule, Chimer, and Rochet, were all to be rent and torne from his backe. Here no reason woulde take place, no debating would serue, no praying could be heard, such clamour and tumulte was there in the house among them: much like to the tumulte, which Uir∣gill describeth.

Ac veluti in magno populo, cum saepe coorta est Seditio, saeuit{que} animis ignobile vulgus, Iam{que} faces & saxa volant, furor arma ministrat.

Now, as the first part of this description doth well a∣gree, so some peraduenture will looke agayne, that accor∣ding to the latter part also of the same: my Lord Cardinall with sagenesse and grauitie (after the maner of the olde Romaynes standyng vp) should haue ceased and aley∣ed the disturbaunce: according to that whiche followeth in the Poete.

Tum pietate grauem meritis si fortè virum quem Conspexêre, silent, arrectif{que}, auribus astant: Ille regit mentes dictis, & pectora mulcet. &c.

But what did the noble Romaine Cardinall: Like a pretty man of hys handes (but a pretier man of hys seete) standing vp in the midst, & seing the house in such a broyle, committed himselfe to flight, and (as Houedenus writeth) abscondit se a facie illorum. The next day after, the Arch∣bishop of Yorke bringeth to the Cardinall his Rochet, to beare witnes what iniury and violence he had sustayned: appealing and citing vp the Archbishop of Caunterbury with certayne of hys men, to the Bishop of Rome. And thus the holy counsell (the same day it was begon) brake vp and was dissolued.

Under the raygne of this K. Henry the 2. the domini∣on and crowne of England extended so farre as hath not bene seene in this realme before him,* 2.4 whome histories re∣corde to possesse vnder hys rule and iurisdictiō, first Scot∣land, to whom William king of Scots, with all the lords temporall and spiritual did homage,* 2.5 both for them and for their successors (the seale where of remayneth in the kyngs treasury) as also Ireland, England, Normandy, Aqui∣tane, Gaunt, &c. vnto the moūtaynes of Pireney, which be in the vttermost partes of the great Ocean in the Brit∣tish sea:* 2.6 being also protector of Fraunce, to whom Phillip the French king yelded both himselfe and Realme wholy to his gouernaunce, an. 1181. Moreouer, he was offred al∣so to be the king of Ierusalem, by the Patriarch & maister of the hospital there:* 2.7 who then being distressed by the Sol∣dane, brought him the keyes of their Citty, desiring hys ayd agaynst the infidels: which offer he thē refused, alled∣ging the great charge which he had at home, & the rebelliō of hys sonnes, which might happen in hys absence.

¶ And here, the olde historyes finde a great fault with the king for hys refusall, declaring that to be the cause of Gods plagues, which after ensued vpon him, by his chil∣dren: as the Patriarche (in hys Oration, beyng offended with the king) prophecied should so happen to him for the same cause. Which story if it be true, it may be a lesson to good Princes:* 2.8 not to deny their necessary helpe to their di∣stressed neighbors, especially the cause appertayning vn∣to God.

The wisedome, discretion, manhood, and riches of thys Prince was so spred and renoumed through all quarters: that messages came from Emanuell Emperour of Con∣stantinople, Fredericke Emperour of Rome, and Willi∣am Archbishop of Treuer in Almayne, & Duke of Sax∣on, and from the Earle of Flaunders, and also from the French K. (vpon determination of great questions and strifes) to aske councell & determination therof, of this K. Henry: as of one most wise and scholemayster of al wise∣dome & iustice, to haue solutiō of their questions & doubts. Moreouer, Alphonsus king of Castile, and Sauncius king of Nauerue, being in strife for certayne Castels, and other possessions: submitted them (of their free accord) and by their othe, to abide the award of this king Henry: who

* 2.9made 〈…〉〈…〉 whereby it is to be 〈…〉〈…〉 resort, as to they arbitrer & 〈…〉〈…〉 to any 〈…〉〈…〉 the acres of this 〈…〉〈…〉 kish writers 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Among many other thinges 〈…〉〈…〉 this one is to be 〈…〉〈…〉 35. yeares: and hauing such warres with his enemies 〈◊〉〈◊〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon his subiectes put any 〈…〉〈…〉 vpon the spiritualty, first unites, and appropriations 〈◊〉〈◊〉 benefices, 〈…〉〈…〉 And yet his treasure 〈…〉〈…〉 chard his sonne) 〈…〉〈…〉 safid pound,* 2.10 〈…〉〈…〉 furniture. Of the which 〈…〉〈…〉 thousand pound came do him by the death of 〈…〉〈…〉 who had practiced a 〈…〉〈…〉* 2.11 〈…〉〈…〉 dyed within 〈…〉〈…〉 haue all his goods. And shortly after the Archbishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the king had all his goods 〈…〉〈…〉 to eleuen thousand pound beside plate 〈…〉〈…〉

But as there is no felicitye•••• or wealth in this mortall world so perfect, which is not darkenes 〈…〉〈…〉 of incombraunce and aduersity: So it happened to this king, y^e among his other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 successours: this incom∣modity followed him withal: that his sonnes rebelled & stood in armor agaynst him, taking the part of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king against theyr father. First 〈◊〉〈◊〉 coronation of Henry his sonne, whom the Father ioyned with him as king, he being both Father and king, tooke vpon him (that not∣withstanding) as but a steward: and set downe the first dish as Shower vnto his sonne: renouncing the name of a king. At what time, the foresayd Archbishop of Yorke, sitting on the right hand of y^e young king sayd: sir ye haue great cause this day to ioy.* 2.12 For there is no Prince in the world that hath such an officer this day, &c. And the yong king disdayning his wordes, said: my father is not disho∣nored in this doing. For I am a king and a Queenes sonne, and so is not he. And not onely this, but after he al∣so persecuted his father. And so in his youth, whē he had raigned but a few yeares, dyed: teaching vs what is the price and reward of breaking the iust commaundement of God.

* 2.13After him likewise Richard his sonne (who was cal∣led Richard Coeur de Lyon) rebelled agaynst his father: And also Iohn his youngest sonne did not much degenerate from the steps of his brethren. In somuch that this fore∣sayd Richard (like an vnkinde childe, persecuting and ta∣king part agaynst his father) brought him to such distresse of body and minde? that for thought of hart he fell into an ague, and within foure dayes departed, after he had raig∣ned 35. yeares, whose corps as it was caried to be buried, Richard his sonne cōming by y^e way & meeting it, & begin¦ning for compassion to weepe:* 2.14 the bloud brast incontinent out of the nose of the king at the comming of his sonne: geuing therby a certayne demonstration how he was the onely author of his death.

After the death and raigne of which king: his children after him (worthely rewarded for their vnnaturalnesse a∣gainst their father) lacking the successe which their father had: lost all beyond the sea that their father had got before.

And thus much concerning the raign of Henry the se∣cond, and the death of Thomas Becket: whose death (as is aforesayd) happened in the dayes of pope Alexander the thyrd: which pope vsurping the keies of Ecclesiasticall re∣giment 21. yeares (or as Gisburgensis writeth, 23. yeares) gouerned the Church with much tumult: striuing and contending with Fredericke the Emperour not shaming like a most proud Lucifer, to tread with his foote vpon the necke of y^e sayd Emperour, as is aboue described pag. 205.

* 2.15This Pope among many other his acres, had certain Councels (as is partly before touched) some in Fraunce, some at Rome in Laterā, by whom it was decreed: that no Archbishop should receiue the palle, vnlesse he should first sweare. Concerning the solemnity of which palle: for the order and maner of geuing and taking the same with obe∣dience to the pope, as it is cōteined in their own words: I thought it good to set it forth vnto thee, that thou mayest well consider and vnderstand their doings therein.

¶ The forme and maner how and by what wordes the Pope is wont to geue the p••lle vnto the Archbyshop.

* 3.1AD honorem omnipotentis Dei, & beatae Mariae virginis & beatorum Petri & Pauli, & Domini nostri N. Papae, & sanctae Romana Ecclesiae see non N. Ede•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 tradimus 〈…〉〈…〉 pon∣〈…〉〈…〉 diebus, qui 〈…〉〈…〉 concessis.

That is in English.

To the honor of almighty God, and of blessed Mary the virgine, and of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••. Peter and Paule, and of our Lord Pope ••. and of the holy Church of Rome, and also of the Church of •• committed to your charge, we geue to you the 〈…〉〈…〉 frō the body of S. Peter, as a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the office 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which you may weare ••in your owne church, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 dayes, whiche be expressed in the priuiledges of the sayd church, graunted by the sea Apo∣stolicke.

¶ Notes vpon the same.

¶To the honour. &c. with what confidence durst the Pope ••••uple the honor of almighty God, and the honor of Mary. of S. Peter, and of the Pope, and of the Romish Church altogether if he had not bene a presumptuous Lucifer, equalling himselfe not onely with faith Saints, but also euen with him which is God a∣len̄e, to be blessed for euer.

Taken from the body. &c. If S. Peters body be not all consu∣med, let him shew it if he can•• if he can not shew ••t, how then is this palle t••••en from the body of S. Peter ••or if he meane it to be of S. Peters owne wearing the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 S Peter had a godly war∣drop of palles, when euer Archbishop in all Christondome re∣ceiueth from the Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 palle.

As a fulnes of the office &c. Rather he might say, the fulnesse of his owne purfe, when as Archbishops payd so sweetly for it. In so much that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Archbishop of Mentz, as is aboue tou∣ched pag. 172. a litle before in the councell of Basile where the price was wont to be but a thousand florences, could not obtein it without 26. thousand florences.* 4.1

Vpon certayne dayes. &c. This difference there was betwene the Pope and other Archbyshops. For the Pope might weare the palle at all times and in all places at his pleasure. Archbishoppes might not weare it, but vpon certayne dayes, and in their church onely within their prouince. Moreouer, this posse should not be asked but with great instaunce, and within three monethes with out which palle he is not to be named. Archbishop, But may be deposed, hauing it not after three monethes. And the same palle must also be buried with him when he dieth And when it is geuē, some priuiledge must be geuen withall, or the olde renued.

In like-maner proceedeth the othe of euery By∣shop swearing obedience to the Pope, in like wordes as followeth.

EGo N Episcopus N ab hac hora in a••tea fidelis & obediēs e∣ro beato Petro,* 5.1 sanctaequè Apostoneae Romanae Ecclesiae, & Domino meo. D N. Papae, suis{que} succelloribus canonicè intran∣tibus. Non ero in consilio, seu auxilio, cōsensu, vel faeto, vt v••am perdant, aut membrum, seu capiantur mala capatione. Consiltrum verò quod mihi credturi sunt, per se aut per ••uncium, feu literas corum,* 5.2 me sciente nemini pandam. Papatum Romanum & Rega∣lia S. Petri adiutor eis ero ad retinendum & defendendum saluo meo ordine, contrá omnem hominem. Legatum Apostolicae sedis in cundo & redeundo honorificè tractabo, & in suis necessitati∣bus adiuu••bo. Vocatus ad synodum veniam, nisi praepeditus fue∣ro canonica praepeditione Apostolorum limina singulis trenni∣is visitabo, ••ut per me, aut per meum nunclum, •••••• Apostolica absoluar licentia. Possessiones verò ad mensam mei Episcopatus pertinentes non-vendam, ne{que} donabe, ne{que} oppignorabo, ne{que} de nouo infeudabo, nec aliquo modo alienabo, inconsulto Rom. pontifice, sic me Deus adiuuel, & sancta Dei Euangelia.

That is in English.

IN. Bishop of N. from this houre henceforth, wilbe faythful and obedient to blessed S. Peter, and to the holye Apostolicke Churche of Rome, and to my Lord N. the pope. I shalbe in no councell, nor help, either with my cō∣sent or deed: whereby either of them or any member of thē may be unpayred, or wherby they may be taken with any euill taking. The councell which they shall commit to me, either by thēselues or by messenger or by their letters, wit∣tingly or willingly I shall vtter to none, their hindraūce and damage. To the remining and maintening the papa∣cy of Rome, and the regalities of S. Peter I shalbe an ar∣der (so mine order be salued) agaynst all persons. The Le∣gate of the Apostolicke sea both in going and comming, I shal honorably entreat and help him in all necessities, Be∣ing called to a ••••hode I shalbe ready to c••me, vnlesse I be let by some lawfull & canonicall ••••peehment. The pa∣lace of the Apostles onery thied yeare I shall visi••e either by myselfe, or my messenger, except other wise being licen∣sed by the sea Apostolicke, All such possessio••s as belōg to

the table and dyet of my Bishopricke:* 6.1 I shall neither sell, nor geue, nor lay to morgage, nor lesse out, or ••••••due a∣way by any maner of meanes, without y^t consent & know¦ledge of the Byshop of Rome, so God help me and the ho∣lie Gospels of God.

A note vpon the same

¶Hereby thou hast by the way (gentle Reader) to note and consider among other thinges which here may be vnderstand, that since the time the othe began to be layd and must vpō By∣shops, all generall Coūcels began to loose they robery. For how could any freedome remayn for men to speake theyr knowledge in redresse of things: being by their othe so bound to the▪ Pope to speake nothing but on his side, to maintayne the Papacy and the church of Rome in all times and places? Coniecture by thy selfe (Christen Reader) what is more hereby to be considered.

BEsides this it was also decreed in the sayd Councell at Rome of 310. Byshops, by pope Alexander: that no mā should haue any spirituall promotion, except he were of lawful age, and born in wedlock. That no parish Church should be voyd aboue 6. moneths. That none within or∣ders should meddle with temporall busines. That priests should haue but one benefice. And that the Bishop should be charged to finde the priest a liuing till he be promoted.

That open vsurers should not cōmunicate at Easter, ••or be buried within the Churchyard.

That nothing should be taken for ministring Sacra∣ments, or burying.

Item, that euery cathedrall church should haue a ma∣ster to teach children freely, without taking any thing for the same.

* 7.1In this councell the vow of chastitye was obstruded & layd vpon Priestes. Thomas Becket also, and Bernard were canonised for Saintes.

During the raigne and time of this king Henry the second: the City of Norwich was destroyd and burnt by the men of Flaunders. Also the town of Lecester. Noting∣ham wasted, and the Burgeses slayne by the Earle of Fe∣rers. The towne of Barwick destroyd by the Scots. The king of Scottes was taken in warre by Englishmen, an. 1174. The towne of Huntington taken and burned. The towne of Canterbury by casualty of fire, burnt with all y^e Churches, specially with the Trinity church, where Bec∣ket was worshipped. an.eod. The yeare of our Lord. 1170 Willia king of Scots with Dauid his brother, and all the Barons of the realm did homage to the king of England. Ireland made subiect to England. Decreed in a councell in Normandy, that no boyes or childrē should posses any benefice. A coūcell of Lateran was holdē at Rome, where were 33. articles cōcluded. an. 1179. The French king came in pilgri••nage to Thomas Becket, the king of England meeting him by the way. an. 1184. After the death of Ri∣chard Archbishoppe of Caunterbury,* 7.2 who followed after Thomas Becket, succeeded Baldwinus, who of a Cister∣cian monk being made a byshop, is sayd neuer to eat flesh in his life. To whom a certein poore woman (bare & lean) meeting him in the street: desired to know of him whether it were true that was sayd of him, that he neuer eat flesh. Which thing when he had affirmed to be true: Nay, sayth she that is false: for ye haue eaten my flesh vnto the bone. For I had but one cow wherewith I was sustayned, and that hath your Deanes taken from me. True, true sayd the Bishop and thou shalt haue an other Cow as good as that. &c. Iornalens.

Moreouer, in the raigne of y^e sayd king Henry, about the yeare of our Lord. 1178. I find in the story of Rog. No∣ueden and other, that in the city of Tholouse was a great multitude of men and womē, whom the popes Commis∣sioners, to wit, Peter Cardinal of S. Crisogoim, and the Popes Legate: with the Archbishops of Narbone & By∣turiensis: Reginald Bishop of Bathe, Iohn Bishoppe of Pictauia, Henry Abbot Clareuallēsis. &c. did persecute & condēne for hereticks: Of whom some were scourged na∣ked, some chased away, some compelled to abiure. Concer∣ning whose articles & opinions I haue no firme groūd to make any certain relation: for so much as I see y^e Papistes many times so false in their quareling accusatiōs, vntruly collecting mens sayinges, not as they ment, & meanings, not as they sayd: but wresting and deprauing simple mēs assertions after such a subtle sort as they iust themselues to take them. But this I finde how one of the sayd com∣missioners or Inquisitors (Henry the Abbot) in a certaine letter of his, writ thus of them: Nam & panem sanctum vitae aeternae sacerdotis ministerio in verbo Domini consecratum non esse corpus Domini, nouo dogmate contendebat asserere. That is: After a new 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he affirmed, that the holy bread of eternall life, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the ministery of the Priest, was not the body of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

In the time of this Alexander Sprung vp the doctrine and name of them: which were then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Pauperes de Lug∣duno which of one waldus a chiefe Se••••tour in Lyons were named Wilden ••item Leonishae & Infabbatati:* 7.3 about the yeare of our Lord, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 (as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 us writeth) an. 1170.

Not long before this time (as is exprest aboue) rose •••• Gratianus maister of the decrees, & Petrus Lombardus, mai••••er of the sentence, both arch••ilers of all papistry. Af∣ter whom followed also two as cuill, •• worse then they, Franci••eus and Domi••cus, maintayning blinde hypo∣crisie, no lesse thē the other maintayned proud prelacy. As these labored one way, by superstition and worldly aduaū cement to corrupt the sincerity of Religion: So it pleased Christ the contrary way, laboring against these, to cause vp therfore the sayd Maldēsians, against he pride and hy∣pocrisy of the other.

Thus we neuer see any great corruptiō in the church, but that some sparkle, yet of the true light of the Gospell, by Gods prouidence doth remayne. Whatsoeuer Doctor Augustinus, Remerius, Siluius, Cranzius with other in their popish histories, do write of them (defaming them through misreport) and accusing them to Magistrates, as disobedient to orders, rebels to the Catholick church, and contemners of the virgin Mary: yee they that cary iudge∣ment indifferent, rather trusting trueth then wauer••ng with times, in weying their Articles, shall finde it other∣wise: that they mayntayned nothing els, but the same do∣ctrine, which is now defended in the Church. And yet I suppose not contrary, but as they did with the Articles of Wickliffe, and Hus: so the Papists did in like maner with their articles also, in gathering and wrasting them other∣wise then they were ment.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Becket cō∣meth in with his 〈◊〉〈◊〉 addition. Saluo hono∣re Die.
• * 1.2

  Becket ••••••∣ged with vnkinden••.
• * 1.3

  The kings offer to Bec∣ket both charitable and reaso∣nable,
• * 1.4

  The words of the Frēc•• king.
• * 1.5

  This maior if it had bin ioyned with a good Mi∣nor had made a good argument.
• * 1.6

  Exqua••i∣logo.
• * 1.7

  Anno. 1170.
• * 1.8

  The Bishop of London excommu∣nicated, with foure other By∣shops suspē∣ded.
• * 1.9

  The cause of the kinges wrath a∣gainst Bec∣ket.
• * 1.10

  Becket retur∣neth out of ba∣nishment.
• * 1.11

  Ex Rogerio Houedono.
• * 1.12

  The wordes of the king, which were the cause of Beckets death
• * 1.13

  If the Papistes will needes measure the suc∣cesse of things by seasons and wether: then must they by that reason con∣demne the cause of Becket, his aduersaries ha∣uing such for∣wardnes of we∣ther in doing their feate.
• * 1.14

  The talke be∣twene the foure souldiers and Tho. Becket.
• * 1.15

  The stout heart of Becket.
• * 1.16

  Anno. 1171.
• * 1.17

  The death of Tho. Becket.
• * 1.18

  What is to be thought or iud∣ged of Thomas Becket.
• * 1.19

  What is to be thought whe∣ther Thomas Becket dyed a sainct or not.
• * 1.20

  The pu••••∣tion of ••••••∣ket iud•••• not cau•••• call.
• * 1.21

  Becket ••••••¦ged with presump••••, and la•••••• diser••tion.
• * 1.22

  Ambi•••••• noted in Becket •••• not res•••••• but ta••ing his promo∣tion.
• * 1.23

  Byshop•• a∣gainst 〈◊〉〈◊〉 wils th•••••• into their byshop••••••,
• * 1.24

  Ex chro••••¦co Nen••••••∣gensit.
• * 1.25

  Acta Bec∣kets impro∣bat••.
• * 1.26

  Ex Caesario Monacho. lib. 8. dialo. cap. 69.
• * 1.27

  Whether Tho. Becket be saued or damned.
• * 1.28

  If God in these latter dayes ge∣ueth no mir••cles to glorifie the glory of his own sonne: much lesse wil he giue myracles to glo∣rifie Thomas Becket.
• * 1.29

  Liber de mira∣culis b. thomae autore monacho quodam Cantu∣ar.
• * 1.30

  Miracles of Be••: considered.
• * 1.31

  Aqua Cantua∣riensis.
• * 1.32

  Singing at the masse forbidden by Tho. Becket after his death.
• * 1.33

  A blasphemous lye.
• * 1.34

  Beck. aboue the Martirs in hea∣uen.
• * 1.35

  A place prepa∣red in heauen for Becket xii. yeares before his death.
• * 1.36

  An impudent and a lying my∣racle.
• * 1.37

  Ex historia mo∣nachs Canti••a. de miraculiib. Thomae.
• * 1.38

  A blasphemous vision.
• * 1.39

  A false and im∣pudent myracle.
• * 1.40

  The blasphe∣mous an∣theme 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Becket. Tu per Tha∣masangm∣nem, quten prote impi∣des: Fat nos Chrihe scādere qu Thomas •••• cendi••.
• * 1.41

  The king sendeth •••• Rome.
• * 1.42

  Ex librio notatio•••• histeru••i manuscrip to ••. Skeng.
• * 1.43

  The penit of the four knightes.
• * 1.44

  Ex Houe•••• no.
• * 1.45

  Ireland 〈◊〉〈◊〉 subdued to England.
• * 1.46

  Anno. 1172.
• * 1.47

  The kings penance for the death of Becket.
• * 1.48

  Exquadri∣logo.
• * 1.49

  K. Héry the 2. goeth on pilgrimage with blou∣die steps to Tho. Bee. Ex Rogero Houdeno & quadri∣logo & alijs. Anno. 1174.
• * 1.50

  The citie of Canterbury almost con∣sumed with fire. Ex Houede∣no parte. 1. continua∣ta historiae. Anno. 1175.
• * 1.51

  Controuer∣sie betwene the sea of Can. & the sea of York. Archbishop of Yorke appealed the Archb. of Canter∣terbury to the byshop of Rome.
• * 1.52

  The clerkes of S. Oswald in Glocester ex∣communicated.
• * 1.53

  Agreement be∣tweene the Archb. of Cant. and of Yorke.
• * 1.54

  Anno. 1176.
• * 1.55

  Iustices of assise deuided into vj. circuites.
• * 1.56

  Ex Epitome Math. Parisen∣sis & alsarum historiarum.
• * 1.57

  A friuolous cō∣tention betwene the Archb. and the Abbot of Canterbury. Where was here the precept of the gospel: he that wil be grea¦test amōgst you, let him be an vnderling to other.
• * 1.58

  The tenor of the popes letter to the Byshop of Worcester.
• * 1.59

  Houedenus Gis∣bergensis. Anno. 1177.
• * 2.1

  A meeke Empe∣rour & a proude Pope.
• * 2.2

  The Emperour holdeth the Popes stirrup.
• * 2.3

  Contention be∣tweene two Archbishops who should sit on the right hand of the Cardinal.
• * 2.4

  The large dominion of K. Henry the 2.
• * 2.5

  Homage of Scotland in paine of in∣terdiction.
• * 2.6

  K. Hēry the 2. protection of Fraunce.
• * 2.7

  K. Henry chosen king of Ierusale •• & refused ••.
• * 2.8

  Ayde not to be denied to our neigh∣bours the cause being godly. Ex Poly•••••••• Ex Gira•••••• Cambrica••••.
• * 2.9

  ••ing Henry ••osen arbi∣••er by two ••nges.
• * 2.10

  The treasure of K. Henry the ••.
• * 2.11

  A couetous Archbishop.
• * 2.12

  Pride de∣stroyeth all.
• * 2.13

  K. Henry the 2. persecuted by his sonnes
• * 2.14

  The death of K. Henry the second. Howe the kyng being being dead bled at the comming of his sonne.
• * 2.15

  Anno. 1179.
• * 3.1

  Geuyng of the pall.
• * 4.1

  Ex libro gra∣uaminum nati∣onis germanic••.
• * 5.1

  The solemne oth of Byshops made to the Pope.
• * 5.2

  Saluo me•• ord. This was the clause that made Becket to be ba∣nished and to be slaine.
• * 6.1

  And howe be not those By∣shops then persured which at the death of Q. Mary, set and let out a great part of their possessions, frō their successors.
• * 7.1

  The vowe of chastitie layde vpon priestes.
• * 7.2

  Richardus Bald∣winus Archb of Canterb.
• * 7.3

  Valde•••••• seu paup•••••• do 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Leon•••••• Insabbate 4. Arch p••∣lers 〈◊〉〈◊〉 papist••y.