Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

The life and history of Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury.

* 1.1IF the cause make a Martyr (as is sayd) I see not why we should esteeme Tho. Becket to dye a martyr, more then any other whome the Princes sword doth here tem∣porally punish for their temporall desertes. To dye for the Church,* 1.2 I graunt is a glorious matter. But the Church, (as it is a spirituall and not a temporal Church) so it stan∣deth vpon causes spirituall, and vpon an heauenly foun∣dation, as vpon sayth, religion, true doctrine, sincere dis∣cipline, obedience to Gods cōmandements. And not vpō things pertaining to this world, as possessions, liberties, exemptions, priuileges, dignities, patrimonies, and su∣periorities. If these be geuen to the Churche, I pray God churchmen may vse them wel, but if they be not geuen, the church cannot clayme thē: or if they be takē away, that sta∣deth in the princes power. To contend to Princes for the same, it is no matter (in my minde) materiall, to make a martyr, but rather a rebellion agaynst them, to whom we owe subiection. Therfore as I suppose Tho. Becket to be far frō the cause and title of a Martyr (neyther can he be ex∣cused, from a playne rebell against his prince) so yet would I haue wished agayne, the lawe rather publikely to haue found out his fault: then the swords of men (not biddē not sent) to haue smitten him, hauing no speciall commande∣ment, neyther of the prince nor of the lawe so to doe. For though the indignation of the Prince (as the wise Prince sayth) is death: yet it is not for euery priuate persō straght∣wayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his Prince, ex∣cept he be publikely authorised thereunto. And thus had bene (as I suppose) the better way, the lawes first to haue executed their iustice vpon him. Certes, it had bene the sa∣fest way for the king, as it proued after: who had iust mat∣ter inough, if he had prosecuted his cause agaynst him. And also thereby, hys death had bene without all suspicion of martirdome, neyther had their followed this shrining and fainting of him as there did. Albeit, the secret proui∣dence of God (whiche gouerneth all thinges) did see this way percase to be best, and most necessary for those dayes. And doubtles (to say here what I thinke, and yet to speak nothing agayne charitie) if the Emperours had done the like to the Popes, contending agaynst them what tyme they had cooke them prisoners: that is, if they had vsed the lawe of the sword against them, and chopped off the heads of one or two, according to their trayterous rebellion: they had broken the necke of much disturbaunce, whiche long tyme after did trouble the Churche. But for lacke of that, because Emperours hauing the sword, and the trueth on their side, woulde not vse their sworde: but standing in awe of the Popes vayne curse, and reuerencing his seat for Saint Peters sake, durst not lay hand vppon hym: though he were neuer so abhominable and trayterous a maletactour. The Popes perceauing that, tooke so much vpon them (not as the scripture would geue) but as much as the superstitious feare of Emperors and kings woulde suffer them to take: which was so much, that it past all or∣der, rule, and measure. And all because the superior pow∣ers (eyther would not, or durst not) practise the authoritie geuen to them of the Lord, vpon those inferiours, but suf∣fered them to be their maisters.

But as touching Thomas Becket, what soeuer is to be thought of them that did the acte: the example therof yet bringeth this profite with it, to teach all Romish Pre∣lates not to be so stubborne (in such matters not pe••tay∣ning to them) against their Prince, vnto whom God hath subiected them.

Now to the story, which if it be true that is set forth in Quadrilogo, by those source who tooke vpon thē to expresse the life and processe of Thomas Becket: it appeareth by al coniectures that he was a man of a stout nature,* 1.3 seuere, & inflexible. What perswasion or opinion he had once cōcea∣ued: from that he would in no wise be remoued, or very hardly. Threatnings & flatterings were to him both one. In this poynt singuler, following no mans counsayle so much as hys own. Great helpes of nature were in him (if he could haue vsed them well) rather then of learning. Al∣be it, somewhat skilful he was of y^e ciuile law, which he stu∣died at Bonomie. In memory excellent good, and also wel broken in courtly and worldly matters. Besides this, he was of a chaste and straite lyfe, if the historyes be true. Al∣though in the first part of hys life (being yet Archdeacon of Canterbury and after Lord Chauncellor) he was very euill, courtlike, pleasaunt, geuen much both to hunting & hauking, according to the guise of the court. And highly fauored he was of his prince, who not only had thus pro∣moted him: but also had committed hys sonne & heyre to hys institution and gouernaunce. But in this his first be∣ginning he was not so wel beloued: but afterwarde hee was again as much hated (& deseruedly) both of the king, and also of the most part of his subiects: saue onely of cer∣tayne Monke•••• and priestes, and suche other as were per∣swaded by thē: who magnified him not a little, for vphol∣ding the liberties of the church (that is) the licentious life and excesse of Churchmen. Amongest all other, these vices he had most notable, & to be rebuked. Full of deuotion, but wythout all true Religion. Zelous, but cleane without knowledge. And therfore as he was stiffe and stubborn of nature, so (a blinde conscience being ioyned w^tall) it turned to playne rebellion.* 1.4 So superstitious he was to the obedi∣ence of the pope, that he forgot his obedience to hys natu∣rall and most beneficiall king. And in mayntayning (so cō∣tentiously) the vayne constitutions and decrees of men: be neglected the commandementes of God. But herein most of all to be reprehended, that not onely (contrary y^e kings knowledge) he sought to conuey himselfe out of the realme (being in that place and calling) but also (being out of the realme) set matter of discord betweene the Pope & hys K. and also betwene the French king and him: contrary to al honesty, good order, naturall subiection, and true christia∣nitie. Wherupon folowed no little disquietnesse after, both to the king and damage of the realme, as here (in processe and in order following by the grace of Christ) we will declare. First beginning with the first rising vp of hym, & so consequently to prosocute in order hys storye as fol∣loweth.

And first here to omitte the progenie of him and of his mother named Rose, whom Polyd. Virgilius fasly nameth to be a Saracen: when in deede she came out of the partes bordering neer to Normandy. To omit also the fabulous vision of his mother,* 1.5 mentioned in Rob. Crikeladensis, of a burning torche issuing out of her body and reaching vp to heauen: his first preferment was to the Church of Bran∣field, which he had by the gift of S. Albous. After that, he cutred in the seruice of the Archb. of Cant. by whō he was then preferred to be his Archdeacon. And after by the sayd Theobald was put (as a mā most metest for his purpose) to K. Hen. to bridle the young K. y^e he should not be fierce agaynst the clergy: whom in processe of time, the K. made lord Chauncellor, and then he left playing the archdeacon, and began to play the Chauncellor. He facioned his con∣ditions like to the kinges both in waighty matters & tri∣fles. He would hunt with him, and watch the tyme when the Kyng dyned and and slept. Furthermore hee began to loue the mery gessinges of the court, to delight himselfe in the great land of mē & prayse of the people. And y^e I may passe ouer hys houshold stuffe, he had his bridle of siluer, & the bosses of his bridle were worth a great treasure. At his table and other expences, he passed any earle: That on the one side, men would iudge him little to consider the office of an Archdeacon: and on the other side would iudge hym to vse wicked doyngs. He played also the good souldiour vnder the K. in Gascon, and both wan and kept townes. When the K. sent Thomas being Chancellor home into Englād (ambassador with other nobles after the death of the Archb.) he willed Rich. Luci (one of the chiefest) to commend in his name, this Thomas to the couent of Cā∣terbury, that they might chose him archbish. Which thing he did diligētly. The monks sayd, it was not meet to chuse a courtier and a souldior to be head of so holy a company, for he would spend (sayd they) all that they had. Other had this surmise also, because he was in so great fauour with the prince, the kinges sonne, & was so sodenly discharged. of the Chancellorship which he had borne fiue yeares. In the 44. yeare of hys age (on the Saterday in the Whitson∣weeke) he was made priest, and the next day consecrated Byshop.

As touching the priesthoode of this man, I finde the histories to vary in thēselues,* 1.6 for if he were beneficed, and chaplaine to Theobald, & afterward archdeacon (as some say) it is no other like, but that he was priest before, & not (as our most English storyes say) made priest in one day, and archbishop the next.

But howsoeuer this matter passeth, here is in y^e meane tyme to be seene, what great benefites the K. had done for him, and what great loue had bene betweene them both. Now after that Becket was thus promoted, what vari∣aunce and discord happened betweene them, remayneth to be shewed: The causes of which variaunce were diuers and sondry.

As first when (according to the custome) the Kinges officers gathered,* 1.7 of euery one, hyde mony through the Realme, for the defence of their owne country: the Kyng would haue taken it to hys cofers. But the Byshop sayd, that which euery man gaue willingly, he should not co••••t as his proper rent.

An other cause was, that where a Priest was accused of murther, and the kinges officers and the friendes of the dead, accused the priest earnestly afore the bishop of Salis∣bury his Diocesan to whō he was sent, desiring iustice to be done on him: the priest was put to his purgation. But when he was not able to defend himselfe, the Byshop sent to the archbishop to aske what he should do. The Archb. commaunded he should be depriued of all ecclesiastical be∣nefices, & shut vp in an abbey to doe perpetuall penance. After the same sort were diuers other handled for like cau∣ses, but none put to death, nor lost ioynt, nor burned in the hand, or the like payne.

The third cause was, that where a Chanon of Bruis did reuile the kinges iustices: the king was offended with the whole clergy. For these and such lyke, the Archbishop (to pacifie the kinges anger) commaunded the Chanon to be whipped, & depriued of his benefices for certain yeares. But the king was not content with this gentic punishe∣ment, because it rather increased their boldnes: and ther∣fore he called the Archbishop, bishops, and all the clergy to assemble at Westminster. Whē they were assembled toge∣ther: the king earnestly commaunded, that suche wicked Clerkes should haue no priuilege of their Clergy, but he deliuered to the Iaylers, because they passed so little of y^e spiriturll correction: and this he sayd, also their own Ca∣nons and lawes had decreed. The Archbishop counsai∣ling w^e his bishops and learned men, answered probably: and in the end he desired hartely the kinges gentlenes (so: the quietnes of himselfe and his realme) that vnder Christ our new king, and vnder the new law of Christ, he would bring in no new kind of punishment into his Realm (vp∣on the new chosen people of the Lord) agaynst the old de∣crecs of the holy fathers: And oft he sayd, that he neyther ought nor could suffer it. The king moued therwith (and not without cause) alledgeth agayne and exacteth the olde lawes and customes of his grandfather, obserued and a∣greed vpō by archbishops, bishops, prelates, & other pri∣uileged persons: inquiring likewise of hym, whether hee would agree to the same, or els now (in his raigne) would condēne that which in the raigne of his graūdfather was well allowed. To which lawes & customes, the said Tho∣mas did partly graunt, and partly not graunt. The copy of the which foresayd lawes are contayned in the number of xxviii. or xxix. whereof I thought here to recite certain, not vnworthy to be knowne.

The copy of the old lawes and customes, wher∣unto Thomas Becket, did graunt.

1. That no order should be geuen to husbande mennes children and bondmens Childrē,* 2.1 without the assent or testimoniall of them which be the Lordes of the country where they were borne and brought vp: & if their sonnes become Clerkes, they shall not receaue the order of priest∣hoode without licence of their Lordes.

2. And if a man of holy Churche, hold any lay fee in hys hand:* 2.2 he shall do therefore, the king the seruice that belon∣longeth therto, as vpon iuries, assise of landes, and iudge∣mentes: sauing onely, at execution doing of death.

3. If any man were the kinges traytour, and had taken the Church: that it should be lawfull to the king and hys officers to take him out.

4. Also if any felons goods were brought to holy church,

that there should none such keepe there: for euery fellons goodes bene the kinges.

5. That no land should be geuen to the Church, or to any house of religion, without the kinges license.

These articles folowing, Thomas agreed not vnto.

1. IF that betweene a clerke and a lay man, were anye striuing for Church goodes: they would y^e ple should he done in the kinges court.

2. That there should neyther bishop nor clerke, go out of the land without the kinges licence: And then hee shoulde sweare vpon a booke, he should procure no hurt agaynst the king nor none of his.

3. If any man were denounced accursed, and were come agayn to amendment: the king would not that he should be sworne, but onely finde sureties to stand to that, y^e holy Church should award.

4. The fourth, that no man that held of the king in chiefe or in seruice, should be accursed without the kings licence.

5. That all the Bishopprickes & Abbayes that were va∣cant, should be in the kings handes, vntill suche time that he should chuse a prelate thereto: and he should be chosen out of the kinges chappels, and first before he were confir∣med, he should doe his homage to the king.

6. If any ple were to consistory brought, they should ap∣peale from thence to the archdeacon: and from thence to y^e Byshops court: and from the Byshops court, to the arch∣byshops: and from thence to the king, and no further: So that in conclusion the complayntes of holy Church, must come before the king and not the pope.

7. That all debtes, that were owing through trouth∣plyght, should not be pleaded in spiritual but in temporal Court.

8. That the Peter pence, which to the Pope were gathe∣red should be taken to the king.

9. If any clerke for felony were taken, and so proued: he should be first disgraded, and then through iudgement, to be hanged, or if he were a traytour to be drawne.

Other lawes and constitutions made at Clare∣doun in Normandy, and sent to England, wherunto Becket and the Pope would not agree. He be∣ing then fled out of the Realme.

1.* 4.1IF any person shall be found to bring from the Pope, or from the Archbish. of Canterb, any writing, con∣teining any indicte or cursse agaynst the realme of Eng∣land: the same man to be apprehended without delay, for a traytour, and execution to be done vpon the same.

2. That no monke, nor any Clerke shall be permitted to passe ouer into England, without a passport from the king or his Iustices: who so doth the contrary, that man to be tached and imprisoned.

3. No man to be so bould once to appeale to the Pope, or to the Archbishop of Canterbury, out of England.

4. That no decree, or commandement proceeding from y^e authoritie of the pope or the Byshop of Canterbury, to be receaued in Englād vnder payne of taking & imprisoning.

5. In generall, to forbid any man to cary ouer anye com∣maundement or precept (eyther of clerke) or layman to the Pope or to the archbishop of Canterbury, vnder payn of imprisonment.

6. If any Bish., clerke, abbot, or lay man shal do contra∣ry to this inhibitiō: or wil keep the sentence of interditing: the same incontinent to be thrust out of the land, with all their kinred, and to leaue all their goodes behinde them.

7. All the possessions, goodes & cartell of such as fauour the pope, or the Archbishop of Cāterbury, to be ceased and confiscate for the king.

8. All such of the clergye, as be out of the realme hauyng their contes and profites out of the land: to be sommoned and warned through euery shyre, within three mōthes to repayre home: eyther els their rentes and goods to re∣turne to the king.

9. That S. Peters pence, should be no more payd to the Apostolicall see: but to be reserued diligently in the kinges cofers, and there to be at hys cōmmaundement. Arq•• haec ex Quadrilogo.

10. That the Byshops of Salisbury and Norwicht, be at the kings mercy: and be somoned by the Sheriffe and be∣dels, that they before the kings iustices, do right to the K. and hys iustices: because, (contrary to the statutes of Cla∣rendon) by commaundement they interdicted the land of Hugh Earle, and published the same in their Dioces with out licence of the kinges iustices.

By these and such other lawes and decrees it may ap∣peare that the abolyshing of the pope, is no newe thing in the realme of England. This onely difference there is, y^e the P. being driuen out then, could not be kept out so long as now he is. The cause is, that y^e tyme was not yet come, that antechrist should so fully be reueled. Neither was his wickednes then so fully ripe in those dayes, as it hath bene now in our time. Nowe these premised, let vs returne where we left, to the matter betwixt the king and Tho∣mas becket.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Tho. Becket Archb. at Cant.
• * 1.2

  Becket no martyr.
• * 1.3

  Herberturde busebam. Ioan. Charnot. A lanus Abbot of Tenchbury. Gulselmus Can∣tuariensis. Tho. Becked described.
• * 1.4

  What commeth of blinde zeale destitute of right know∣ledge.
• * 1.5

  The life of Tho. Becket. Polydorus mis∣taketh the mo∣ther of Becket. Ex Roberto Cri∣••eladensi. Ex Florilego.
• * 1.6

  〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.7

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of van•••• recited be∣tweene 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Archb.
• * 2.1

  The kings custome.
• * 2.2

  Out of an Englishe Chronic•••• as it appear∣reth, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 en cured French•••• Erle ••••∣lord 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 4.1

  The lawes of Clare∣doun.