Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

¶ King Edgar.

* 1.1EDgar the second sonne of Edmund, and brother to Edwine being of the age of xvj. yeares, began his raygne ouer the realme of England, in the yeare of our Lord, 959. but was not crowned till 14. yeares after:* 1.2 the causes whereof here vnder follow (Christ willing) to be declared. In the beginning of his raigne he called home Dunstane, whome king Edwine before had exiled. Then was Dunstane, which before was Abbot of Glastenbury,* 1.3 made bishop of Worce∣ster, & then of London. Not long after, this Odo the Arch∣bishop of Cant. deceaseth, after he had gouerned y^e Church 24. yeares. After whom Brithelinus bishop of Winchester, first was elected. But because he was thought not sufficiēt to furnish y^e roome: Dunstane was ordained Archb. and the other sent home agayne to his old Church. Where note by the way, how in those dayes the donatiō and assignyng of ecclesiasticall dignities remayned in the kings hand, onely they fet their palle frō Rome, as a token of the Popes con∣firmation. So Dunstane beyng by the kyng made Archb. tooke hys iourny to Rome for his palle of Pope Iohn the 13. which was about the beginning of the Kings raygne. Thus Dunstane obtayning his palle, shortly after his re∣turne agayne from Rome,* 1.4 entreateth King Edgar, that Oswaldus (who, as is said, was made monke at Floriake, and was nephew to Odo late bishop of Cant.) might bee promooted to the bishoprike of Worcester, which thyng to him was granted. And not long after, through the means of the sayd Dunstane, Ethelwoldus (whom stories doe fayne to be the great patrone of Monkery) first Monke of Gla∣stenbury, thē Abbot of Abbendon, was also made Bysh. of Winchester. Of this Ethelwold, Gulielmus libro de gestis pō∣tificum recordeth, that what tyme he was a Monke in the house of Glastenbury, the Abbot had a vison of him which was this. How that there appeared to him in hys sleepe a certayne great tree, the branches wherof extended through out all the foure quarters of the Realme, which branches were al couered with many little Monkes coules, where, in the top of the tree was one great maister coule, which in spreading it selfe ouer the other coules, inclosed all the rest, which maister coule in the tree top, myne Authour in the interpretation applyeth to the lyfe of this Ethelwold.* 1.5 Of such prodigious fantasies, our monkish histories bee full, and not onely our histories of England, but also the Hea∣then histories of the Gentiles be stuffed with such kynd of dreames of much like effect.

Of such a lyke dreame we read of the mother of Ethel∣stane, how the Moone did spring out of her wombe, & gaue light to all England. Also of king Charles the Emperour, how he was led by a threed to see the torments of hel. Like wise of Furceus the Heremite mentioned in the third booke of Bede, who sawe the ioyes of heauen and the 4. fires that should destroy the world: the one of lying, for breakyng our promise made at Baptism. The second fire was of co∣uetous. The third of dissention. The fourth was of the fire of impietie and wrongfull dealing. Item, in like sort of the dreame of Dunstane, and of the same Ethelwold, to whom ap∣peared the three bishops, Bristanus, Birinus, and Swithinus, &c. Itē, of the dreame of the mother of this Ethelwold, who beyng great with him, did see a golden Egle flee out of her mouth, &c. Of the dreame likewise, or the vision of Kyng Edgar concerning the falling of the two apples,* 1.6 and of the pots, one being full of water, the other empty, &c. Also of king Edward the Confessor, touching the ruine of the lande by the conquest of the Normands. We read also in the hi∣story of Astiages, how he dreamed of Cyrus. And likewise of many other dreames in the bookes of the monkes, & of the Ethnike writers. For what cannot either the idle vanitie of mans head, or the deception of the lying spirite worke by man: in foreshewing such earthly euentes as happen commonly in this present world? But here is a difference to be vnderstood betwene these earthly dreames, speaking of earthly things,* 1.7 and matters of humaine superstition, & betwene other spiritual reuelations sent by God touching spirituall matters of the Church, pertayning to mans sal∣uation. But to our purpose, by this dreame, and by the e∣uent which followed after, it may appeare how & by what meanes the multitude of Monkes began first to swarme in the Churches of England (that is) in the dayes of this Edgar, by the meanes of these three Bishops, Dunstane, E∣thelwold and Oswold. Albeit Dunstane was the chiefest ring leader of this race, yet Ethelwold beyng now Bishop of Winchester, & Oswald bishop of Worcester, were not much behind for their partes. By the instigation and counsail of these three aforesaid, king Edgar is recorded in histories to build either new out of the ground, or to reedifie monaste∣ries decayed by the Danes, mo then xl. As the house of E∣ly, Glastenbury, Abington, Burgh by Stamford, Thor∣ney, Ramsey, Wilton, Wenton, Winchtombe, Thamstock in Deuonshire, with diuers other moe▪ In the settyng vp and building of the which, the foresayde Ethelwold was a great doer and a founder vnder the king. Moreouer, tho∣rough the motion of this Dunstane and his fellowes, kyng Edgar in diuers great houses and Cathedrall Churches, where Prebendaries and priestes were before,* 1.8 displaced the priests, and set in Monkes. Whereof we read in y^e chro∣nicle of Rog. Houeden, in wordes and forme as followeth: Hic nam{que} Ethelwoldus Regem cuius eximius erat consiliarius, ad hoc maximè prouocauit, yt clericos à Monasterijs expelleret, & monachos sanctimoniales{que} in eis collocaret, &c. That is, E∣thelwold bishop of Winchester, who was then one of the kings coūsaile, did vrge the K. chiefly to expel Clerks out of Monasteries, and in their rowmes to bestow Monks and Nunnes, &c. whereunto accordeth likewise Historia Iornalensis, containing the like effect in these wordes: Hoc anno Ethelwoldus Wint. & Oswaldus Wygornensis Episcopi, iussu Regis Edgari (clericis de quibusdam maioribus Ecclesijs expulsis) Monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis & alijs monachos in eisdem fecerunt. Gulielmus also writing of the tyme of Dunstane, maketh the matter somwhat more plain

where he sayth: Ita{que} clerici multarum Ecclesiarum data opti∣one, vt aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedicerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes. Surgebant itaque in tota insula, reli∣giosorum monasteria, cumulabātur mole pretiosi metalli sancto∣rum altaria, &c. Thus the secular priests being put to their choise, whether to chaunge their habite, or to leaue theyr roumes, departed out of their houses, geuing place for o∣ther better men to come in. Then the houses & Monaste∣rics of Religious men through all the Realme, went vp apace, &c.

After the kings mynd was thus perswaded and inci∣ted by these bishops to aduance Monkery, then Oswaldus bishop of Worcester, & also made Archbishop of Yorke, af∣ter the decease of Oskitellus,* 1.9 sui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 compos effect{us} (as Houe∣den writeth) hauing his sea in the cathedrall Church there of S. Peter, began first with faire perswasions to assay the myndes of the Canons and priests, whether they could be content to change their profession, and to be made monks, or no: which when he saw it would not take effect, he pra∣ctised this pollicie with thē. Nere to the said Church of S. Peter, within the churchyard he erected an other Church of our Lady, which when he had replenished w^t Monkes, there he continually frequented, there he kept, there he sat, and was euer there conuersant.* 1.10 By reason whereof, the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the peo∣ple gathered there where the bishop was.* 1.11 The priests se∣yng themselues so to be left and neglected both of the Bi∣shop and of the people, to whome nothing remayned but shame and contempt, were driuen of shame either to relin∣quish the house (such as would not enter the Monkish profession) or els to become monkes, such as had nothyng els to stay vpon. After the like superstition (although not after the same subtletie) did Ethelwold also driue out the Canons and priests from the new Monastery in Winche∣ster, afterward called Hida,* 1.12 and placed his monkes. So in Oxford and in Mildune, with diuers other places moe: the secular Priests with their wiues were expelled to geue place to Monkes. The cause wherof is thus pretended in certaine story writers, whom I see also Fabian to folow, for that the priests and Clerkes were thought slack and neg∣ligent in their Church seruice, and set in Uicares in theyr stead, while they liued in pleasure, and mispent the patri∣mony of the Church after their owne lust. Then king Ed∣gar gaue to the Uicars the same land which before belon∣ged to the Prebendaries, who also not long after shewed themselues as negligent as the other.* 1.13 Wherfore king Ed∣gar (as mine authors write) by the consent of Pope Iohn, 13. voyded clerely the priests, and ordained there monkes. Although certaine of the nobles, and some of the Prelates were therewith not well contented, as in the chapter fol∣lowing, may partly appeare.

But for so much as we haue entred into the mention of Monkes & Nunnes,* 1.14 and of their profession, which I see so greatly in our Monkish stories commended: lest perhaps the simple Reader may be deceiued thereby, in hearing the name of monkes in all histories of tymes to be such an an∣cient thing in Christian life (euen frō the primitiue church after the Apostles tyme) both commonly recited and well receiued: therfore to helpe the iudgement of the ignorant, and to preuent all errour herein, it shall not be vnprofita∣ble in followyng the present occasion here geuen (by way of a little digression) to entermedle somewhat concerning the originall institution of monkes, what they were in the old tyme, which were called Monachi, wherin the monkes of the primitiue tyme, did differ from the Monkes of the middle time, and from these our Monkes now of this lat∣ter age. Moreouer, wherein all these three do differ from Priests (as we call them) and frō men of the clergy. Wher∣fore to aunswer to the superstitious scruple of such, which alledge the old antiquitie of the name and title of monks: first I graunt, the name and order of Monkes to be of old continuance, during neare from the tyme of 300. yeares af∣ter Christ. Of whom diuers old authors do record, as Au∣gustinus, Hieronymus, Basillus Magnus, who was also himself one of the first institutors and commenders of that super∣stition. Chrysostomus,* 1.15 Nazianzenus, Euagrius, Sozomenus, Di∣onysius, and diuers other. In the number of these monkes (which then were deuided into Her••mites or Anachorites and into Coenobites) wexe Antonius, Paulus, Ioannes, wyth diuers other recluses. Among the which was Hierome, Ba∣sile, Macarius, Isidorus, Pambus, Nilammon, Simeon, with infi∣nite other, both in Palestina, Syria, Thebaide, Mesopotamia in Egypt, in Africa and Scythia. In so much that Cassianus, Lib. 2. cap. 4. de Canon. Noctur. orat. maketh mention of a certaine Monastery in Thebaide, wherin were aboue 5000. monks, vnder the gouernment of one Abbot. And here also in En∣gland mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were two thousand & two hundred Monkes vnder one mans ruling, in the yeare of our Lord, 596. wherby it appeareth that Monkes were then, and 2000. yeares before in the pri∣mitiue tyme of the Church. But what monks these were, is to be considered. Such as either by tiranny of persecuti∣on were driuen into solitary and desert places, or els such as not constrained of any, but of their owne voluntary de∣uotion (ioyned with some superstition among, for the loue they had to spirituall contemplation, and for hatred of the wicked world) withdrewe themselues from all company, either hauyng nothyng to themselues proper,* 1.16 or els all things common with other. And all these were then no∣thing els but lay men. Of which lay men there were two sundry sortes, one of the vulgare & common people, which onely were pertakers of the Sacraments, the other in fo∣lowing a Monasticall kynde of lyfe, were called Monkes (beyng nothing but lay men) leadyng a more seuere and straighter trade of lyfe, then the other, as may sufficiently appeare by August. Lib. de moribus Ecclesiae cap. 13. Item, Lib. de operibus Monachorum. Item Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Hierome ad Heliodorum, writing these wordes: Alia Mona∣chorum est causa, alia clericorum. Clerici pascunt oues, ego pa∣scor, &c. That is, One thing pertaineth to Monkes, an o∣ther thing to them of the Clergy. They of the Clergy feede their flocke. I am fed, &c. Et ex Dionysio. Also the same ap∣peareth likewise by the 4. Canon of the Councel of Chal∣cedone, where it is prouided, Ne Monachi se Ecclesiasticis ne∣gocijs immisceant. That is, That Monkes should not in∣termedle with matters of the Church. &c. Et Leo Epistola 62 vetat Monachos & laicos, etsi scientie nomine glorientur, admit∣ti ad officium docendi & concionandi.

By these foresayd authors alledged,* 1.17 it is euident: that Monkes in the former age of the church, albeit they lyued a solitary life, yet they were then no other but only lay mē, differing from priests, & differing from the other monkes, which succeeded them afterward in the middle age of the Church, and that in iij. pointes. First, they were tyed and bound to no prescript forme eyther of diet or apparel, or a∣ny thing els, as we may see testified by the wordes of S. Augustine, which be these:

Ne{que} inter haec nemo vrgetur in a∣spera, quae ferre non potest: Nulli quod recusat imponitur. Nec ideo contemnitur à caeteris, in quod eis imitandis se fatetur in∣ualidum. Meminerunt enim quantoperè commendata sit in Scri∣pturis charitas. Meminerunt omnia munda mundis, &c Nō quod intrat in os coinquinat hominem, sed quod exit. Ita{que} non reijci∣endis generibus ciborum, quasi pollutis, sed concupiscentiae per∣domandae, & dilectioni fratrum retinendae,

* 1.18 inuigilat omnis indu∣stria. And Sozomenus, Lib 3. cap. 16. speaking of the Monkes of the same time, which in cities had seuerall mansions frō other, sayth: Alij in turba ciuitatum conuersabantur, sic seipsos gerentes, vt nullius momenti viderentur, & à multis nihil differ∣rent, &c. 1. Some liued in cities, so behauing themselues, as seeming nothing worth,* 1.19 and they differed nothyng from the multitude, &c. The second point wherin they were dis∣crepant from the latter Monkes: was, in that they remai∣ned no other but in the order of lay men (onely beyng of a straighter lyfe then the rest) and had nothing to do in mat∣ters & charges Ecclesiasticall.* 1.20 Which was afterward bro∣ken, by Pope Bonifacius the 4. as followeth more (the lord willing) to be sene and sayd. Thirdly, the foresaid monkes of that age (albeit the most part of them liued sole & single from wiues) yet some of them were maried: certes none of them were forbidden or restrayned from mariage. Of such as were maried,* 1.21 speaketh Athanasius in Epistola ad Dra∣contium, qui ait se nouisse & Monachos & Episcopos coniuges & liberorum patres, &c. That is, which sayth that he knew both Monkes and Bishops maried men, and fathers of children, &c.

And yet the said Monkes of the old tyme,* 1.22 though they were better then the other which folowed them: yet al that notwithstanding, superstitiō with them and among them begā then to creepe into the church, through the crafty sub∣tilty of Sachan, and all for the ignorance of our free iusti∣fication by faith in Iesus Christ. Examples do declare the vaine and prodigious superstitiō of these Monasticall sort of men, which examples do not lacke: if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rather did not lacke to bring them in. But ij. or iij. shal suffice for ma∣ny, which I purpose (the Lord willing) here to insert: to the intent the mind of the godly reader may the better con∣sider and vnderstand,* 1.23 how shortly after the tyme of Christ and his Apostles, the doctrine of christian iustification be∣gan to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, & the price of Christes passion to bee obscured through the vayne opinion of mens merites,* 1.24 &c. A certaine Abbot na∣med Moses thus testifieth of himselfe in the Collations of Cassianus, that he so afflicted himselfe with much fastyng and watching, that sometimes for ij. or iij. dayes together,

not onely he felt no appetite to eate, but also had no remē∣braunce of any meat at all, and by reason thereof was dri∣uen also frō sleepe. In so much, that he was caused to pray to God, but for a little refreshing of sleepe to be geuen him some piece of the night. In the same author, mention is made of a certaine old man an Hermite, who because hee had conceiued in himselfe such a purpose neuer to eat meat without he had some guest or strāger with him, sometyme was constrained to abstaine v. daies together vntil Son∣day, while he came to the Church and there brought some stranger or other home with him.

* 1.25Two other examples yet more will I adde out of the said Cassianus, to declare how the subtiltie of Sathan, tho∣rough superstition and false colour of holynes, blindeth y^e miserable eyes of such which rather attend mens traditi∣ons, then the word of God. In the xl. chap. of the sayd au∣thor in his booke de Gastrimargia, is told of a certain Abbot named Ioannes, in the desert of Scythia, who sent ij. of hys Nouices with figs vnto one that was sicke in the wilder∣nes 18. miles off from the Church. It chaunced these two yong Nouices missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wildernes, and could not find the Celie, that for emptines and wearines they waxed faint & tired. And yet rather would they die then tast the figs committed to them to cary,* 1.26 and so dyd, for shortly after they were found dead, their figges lying whole by them.

An other story he also reciteth of two Monasticall bre∣thren, who making their progresse, in the desert of The∣baide: purposed with thēselues,* 1.27 to take no sustenance, but such as the Lord should minister himselfe vnto them. It happened, as they were wandering desolate in the desert, and faynting almost for penury, certayne Mazices, a kinde of people by nature fearce and cruel: notwithstanding, be∣ing sodenly altered into a new nature of humanitye, came forth and of their owne accord offered bread vnto them. Which bread the one thankfully receaued, as sent of God. The other as counting it sent of man and not of God, re∣fused it, and so for lacke perished.

Hereunto might I also annexe the story of Mucius, who to declare his obedience, did not sticke at the commaunde∣ment of his Abbot, to cast his sonne into the water, not knowing whether any were appointed there ready to re∣scue him from drouning, so far were the Monkes in those dayes drouned in superstition. What is this, but for mans traditions and commaundements, to transgresse the com∣maundement of God, which saith: Thou shalt do no mur∣ther. Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God?* 1.28 What man is so blynd, that seeth not by these & infinite examples mo: what pernitious superstition hath begun by reason of this Monkery, almost from the beginnyng to creepe into the Church? Wherfore I cannot maruell inough, seeyng that age of the Church, had in it so many learned and famous Doctors, who not onely did approue and allow these mo∣nasticall sectes of life: but also certaine themselues were the authors and institutors of the same, yea and of mens traditions made the seruice of God. In number of whome may be reckoned Basilius Magnus, & Nazianzenus, who with immoderate austeritie did so plucke downe themselues,* 1.29 that when they were called to the office of Bishops, they were not able to sustaine the labour therof.

After these foresayd monkes of that time aboue recited, followed other Monkes of the middle age of the Church:* 1.30 who as in multitude, so also in superstition increasing, be∣gan by little and little from their desolate dens in the vaste wildernes, to approch more neare to great towns, where they had solemne Monasteries founded by Kinges and Queenes, and kings daughters, and other rich Consuls, as is partly before touched. And the causes also touched withall, for the which they were first founded, as these: pro remedio animae meae,* 1.31 pro remissione peccatorum meorum, pro redemptione peccatorū meorum, & pro salute regnorum, qui{que} meo subiacent regimini populorum. In honorem glorlosae virgi∣nis, &c. For all these impious, and erroneous titles, and causes, we finde alleaged in storyes, as in Malmes beriensis, Iornalensis, Henricus, and other moe. In which histories I also note, that the most part of these foresayd monasteries were erected first vpon some great murther, either by war in the field, or priuately committed at home: as shall well appeare to them which read the bookes whom I haue al∣ledged. But to returne to our Monks agayn, who (as is sayd) first began to creepe from the cold field into warme townes and cloysters:* 1.32 from townes, then into citties, and at length from their close cellors and citties, vnto Cathe∣drall Churches (as here appeareth by this storye of King Edgar) where not onely they did abound in wealth and riches (especially these Monkes of our latter tyme) but much more did swimme in superstition, and Pharisaicall hipocrisie, beyng yoked and tied in all their doings, to cer∣taine prescript rules and formal obseruances: in watching in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walkyng, in talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in their vestures, euery mā apparailed, not as the proper condition of other would require, nor as the season of the yeare did serue, but as the coacted rules & or∣der of euery sect did inforce them. The number of which sectes was infinitely diuers: some after Basilius rule, went in white: some after Benets rule in blacke: some Cluniacē∣sis, first set vp by Otho in the tyme of this king Edgar,* 1.33 wea∣ring after the rule of Benets order: some after Hieroms rule leather girdled and coped aboue their white coate: some Gregorians copper coloure••: Some de valle vmbrosa, graye Monkes: Some Grand••montenses, wearing a coate of mailes vpon theyr bare bodyes, with a black cloake there∣vpon: Some Cistercianes, who had white rochets on a blacke coate: Some Celestines, all in blew, both cloake, coule, and cap: Some Charter Monkes, wearing heare∣cloth next their bodyes:* 1.34 Some Flagellants, going bare∣foot in long white linnen shirtes, with an open place in the backe, where they beat themselues with scourges on the bare skinne euery day, before the peoples eyes, till the bloud ranne downe: saying that it was reuealed to them by an Angell, that in so scourging themselues, within 30. dayes and 12. houres, they should bee made so pure from sinne, as they were whē they first receiued baptisme: some starred Monkes: Some Iesuites, with a white girdle & a russet coule. Briefely, who can recken vp the innumera∣ble sectes and disguised orders of their fraternities? Some holding of S. Benet, some of S. Hierome, Some of S. Basill, Some of S. Barnard: Some of S. Bridget: Some of S. Bru∣no: Some of S. Lewes: as though it were not enough for Christen men to holde of Christ onely: so subiect were they to seruile rules, that no part of Christen liberty remayned among them. So drowned and sunck in superstition: that not onely they had lost Christes religion, but also almost the sense and nature of men. For where men naturally are and ought to be ruled by the descrete gouernment of reasō, in all outward doynges, wherein no one rule can serue for all men:* 1.35 the circumstaunce of tyme, place, person, and bu∣sines being so sundry and diuers. Contrary, among these, not reason but onely the knock of a bell, ruled all their do∣inges: their rising, their sleeping, theyr praying, their ea∣ting, their comming in, their going out, their talking, their silēce, & altogether like insensible people, either not hauing reason to rule themselues, or els as persons vngrateful to God, neyther enioyning the benefite of reason created in them, nor yet vsing the grace of Christes libertie, wherun∣to he redemed them.

Thus thou seest (gentle Reader) sufficiently declared, what the monkes were in y^e primitiue time of the Church,* 1.36& what were the Monkes of the middle age, and of these our latter dayes of the church. Wherunto ioyne this with all, that where the Monkes of elder tyme (as is sayd) were meere lay men and no spirituall ministers. Afterward Bo∣nifacius the 4. made a decree, an. 606. that Monkes might vse the office of preaching, of Christening, of hearing con∣fessions, & also of assayling them of their sinnes, &c. So thē monkes, who in the beginning were but lay men, and no spirituall ministers, forbidden by the generall Councell of Chalcedon (as is aboue related) to intermeddle with mat∣ters ecclesiasticall: afterward in proces of time did so much incroch vpon the office of spirituall ministers, that at lēgth the Priests were discharged out of their Cathedrall chur∣ches, & monkes set in their places. Because that Monkes in those dayes leading a straighter lyfe,* 1.37 and professing cha∣stitie, had a greater countenance of holynes amōg the peo∣ple, then the Priests, who then in the dayes of king Edgar had wiues (at least so many as would) no law forbidding them to the contrary, till the tyme of Hildebrand, now cal∣led Gregory the 7. whereof more shall be sayd (Christ wil∣ling) in the booke next followyng.

And thus much by the way as touching the order and profession of Monkes.* 1.38 Nowe to turne in agayne from whence we digressed (that is) to the matter of kyng Edgar, who followyng the counsaile and leading of Dunstane, and the foresayd Ethelwold Bishop of Winchester, was some∣what thereby inclined to superstition. But otherwyse of his owne nature, well geuen to all vertues and princely actes worthy of much commēdation,* 1.39 and famous memo∣ry. So excellent was he in iustice, and sharpe in correctiō of vices (as well in his magistrates, as other subiectes) that neuer before his dayes was lesse felony by robbers, nor lesse extortion or bribery by false officers. Such Pro∣uinces & lordships as were not yet come vnder the kings subiection, he vnited and adioyned to his dominion. And

so made one perfect monarchy of the whole realme of En∣gland, with all the Ilelands and borders about the same. Such as were wicked, he kept vnder, he repressed thē that were rebels, the godly he maintayned, he loued the mo∣dest, he was deuout to God, and beloued of his subiects, whom he gouerned in much peace and quietnes. And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did blesse hym with much aboundaunce of peace and rest from all warres: so that as the history recordeth of hym,* 1.40 Nullas insidias domesti∣corum, nullum exterminium alienorum sen serit, for the which he was called Pacificus. He neyther tasted of any priuy tre∣son among his subiectes, nor of any inuasion of foraine e∣nemies. So studious he was of the publike profite of hys Realme, and fruitfull in his gouernment, that as the sayd story testifieth of him, Nullus ferè annus in Chronicis praete∣rijt, quo non magnum & necessarium patriae aliquid fecerit: No yeare passed in all the tyme of his raigne,* 1.41 wherein he dyd not some singular and necessary commoditie for the com∣mon wealth, &c. A great mainteyner he was of Religion and learning, not forgetting herein the foresteps of Kyng Alfred his predecessor. Among his other princely vertues this chiefly is to be regarded, that where as other princes commonly in much peace and quietnes, are wont to grow into a dissolute negligence of life, or obliuiō of their charge committed vnto them. This king in continuance of peace (that notwithstanding) kept euer with him such a watch, & a vigilant seueritie ioyned with a seemely clemency, that I cannot here but recite the witnesse of our story writers, testifiyng of his diligent care ouer the common wealth: which was so great, Vt nullum cuiuscun{que} dignitatis hominé, leges eludere impunè permitteret i.* 1.42 That he would suffer no man of what degree of nobilitie so euer he were, to dally out his lawes without condigne punishment, &c. And fo∣loweth more in the same author. Nemo eius tempore priua∣tus latro, Nemo popularis praedo, nisi qui mallet in fortunas alie∣nas grassari propriae vitae dispendio,* 1.43 &c. In all his tyme there was neither any priuy picker nor open thiefe, but he that in stealing other mens goods, would venter and suffer (as he was sure) the losse of his owne lyfe, &c. Guliel. de Reg.

Moreouer, as the studious industrie of this Prince was forward in all other points, so his prudent prouision dyd not lacke in this also,* 1.44 in driuing out the deuouring & raue∣ning Wolues, throughout all his land. Wherein he vsed this pollicie, In causing Ludwallus Prince or Kyng of Wales, to yelde to him yearely by way of tribute, 300. Wolues. By meanes whereof, within the space of 4. yeres after in England and Wales, might scantly be founde one Wolfe alyue.

* 1.45This Edgar among other of his politike deedes, had in readines 3600. ships of warre, to scoure the Seas in the Sommer tyme, wherof 1200. kept the East seas, as many to defend the Westside, againe, as many on the Southseas to repulse the inuasion of foraine enemies. Moreouer, in Winter season, the vse and maner of this vertuous Kyng was this: During all the tyme of his life, to ride ouer the land in progresse,* 1.46 searching and inquiring diligently (to vse here the wordes of mine author.) Quomodo legum iu∣ra, & suorum statuta decretorum obseruarentur: & ne pauperes à potentibus praeiudicium passi opprimerentur. That is, How his lawes and statutes by him ordeined were kept, & that the poore should suffer no preiudice or he oppressed any ma∣ner of wayes by the mightier, &c. Briefly, as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended, so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phenix to flee alone, that of all his posteritie so few there bee that seeke to keepe him company. And although I haue shew∣ed more already of this king, then I thinke will wel be fo∣lowed, yet this more is to be added to the worthines of his other acts.* 1.47 That where as by the multitude of the Danes dwelling in diuers places of Englād much excessiue drin∣king was vsed, wherupon ensued dronkennes, and many other vices, to the euill example and hurt of his subiects: he therfore to preuent that euill, ordeined certaine cuppes with pinnes, or nailes set in them, adding therunto a law, that what person dranke past that marke at one draught, should forfaite a certaine peny. Whereof one halfe should fall to the accuser, and the other half to the ruler of the bo∣rough or towne, where the offence was done.

It is reported of this Edgar by diuers authors, that about the 13. yere of his raign, he bring at Chester, a kings (called in histories Subreguli) to wit petykings, or vnder∣kings, came & did homage to him. Of whom the first was the king of Scots, called Kinadius: Macolinus of Cumber∣land. Mackus or Mascusinus king of Moniae, and of diuers o∣ther Ilands,* 1.48 & all the kings of Wales, the names of whō were Dufuall, or Dunewaldus; Sifreth, Hu••••all, Iacob, Vikyll, Iu∣chell. All which kings after they had geuen their fidelitie to Edgar:* 1.49 the next day following (for a pompe or royaltie) he entred with these aforesaid kings into the riuer of Dee. Where he sitting in a boate tooke the rule of the helme, and caused these 8. kings, euery person taking an ore in hys hand,* 1.50 to row him vp and downe the riuer to and from the Church of S. Iohn vnto his palace agayne, in token that he was maister and Lord of so many prouinces: whereupō he is reported to haue sayd in this maner: Tunc demum pos∣se successores suos gloriari, se Reges Angliae esse, cum tanta prae∣rogatiua honorum fruerētur. But in my mynd this king had sayd much better, if he had rather said with S. Paule, Absit mihi gloriari,* 1.51 nisi in cruce Domini nostri Iesu Christi.

And thus ye haue heard hetherto touching the cōmen∣dation of king Edgar, such reportes as the old Monkish writers thought to bestow vpon him, as vpon the great patron of their monkish religion, who had builded so ma∣ny monasteries for them, as were Sondayes in the yeare, (as some say) or, as Edmer reporteth, but 48.

Now on the other side,* 1.52 what vices in him were raig∣ning, let vs likewise consider, according as we find in the sayd authors described, which most write to his aduance∣ment. Wherof, the first vice is noted to be crueltie, as well vpon others, as namely vpon a certaine Erle being of his secret counsaile called Ethelwold. The story is this, Ord∣garus Duke of Deuonshire, had a certaine daughter na∣med Elfrida, whose beautie beyng highly commended to the king, he being inflamed therwith, sent this foresaid E∣thelwold (whom he especially trusted) to the partie, to see and to bring him word againe, & if her beautie were such as was reported,* 1.53 willing him also to make the match be∣twene them. Ethelwold wel viewing the partie, and seing her beautie nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking first to serue his owne turne, tolde all things contrary to the king. Wherupon the king withdrawing his mynd other∣wise, in the ende it came to passe that Ethelwold hymselfe did marry her.

Not long after, the king vnderstanding further by the complaints and rumors of certayne, how he was preuen∣ted and beguiled, set a faire face vpon the matter before E∣thelwold, and merily iesting with hym, tolde hym how he would come and see his wyfe, & in deed appointed the day when he would be there. Ethelwold the husband percea∣uing this matter to go hardly with hym, made hast to hys wife, declaring to her the comming of the king, and also o∣pening the whole order of the matter how he had done, de∣sired her of all loue, as she would saue his life, to disgrace & deforme her selfe with garmentes and such attyre, as the king might take no delighting in her. Elfrida hearing this what did she, but contrary to the request of her husband, & promise of a wife, against the kings commyng trimmed her selfe at the glasse,* 1.54 & decked her in her best aray. Whom when the king beheld, he was not so much enamoured w^t her, as in hatred with her husband who had so deceaued him. Wherupon the king shortly after making as though he would goe to hunt in the forest of Harwood, sent for E∣thelwold to come to him vnder the pretence of huntyng, & there ran him thorow and slew him. After this the bastard sonne of Ethelwold comming to him, the king asked hym how he liked that hunting. Who aunswered againe, that which pleaseth the king, ought not to displease him. For the death of which Ethelwold, Elfrida afterward builded a Monastery of Nunnes in remission of sinnes.* 1.55

An other fault which Malmesbury noteth in hym, was the comming in of strangers into this land, as Saxones, Flemmings, & Danes, whome he with great familiaritie retained, to the great detriment of this land, as the forsaid story of Malmesbury recordeth, whose wordes be these. Vn∣dè factum est, vt fama eius per ora omnium volitante, alienige∣nae, Saxones, Flandritae, ipsi etiam Dani huc frequenter annaui∣garent, Edgaro familiares effecti: quo rum aduentus magnū pro∣uincialibus detrimentum peperit. Inde meritò iure{que} reprehen∣dunt eum literae, &c. That is, wherby it happened, that di∣uers straungers out of foraine countreys▪* 1.56 allured by hys fame, came into the land, as Saxones, Flemmings, and Danes also, all which he retained with great familiaritie. The comming of which straungers wrought great dam∣mage to the realme, and therfore is Edgar iustly blamed in stories, &c. with the which reprehension all the Saxone stories also do agree.

The third vice to him obiected,* 1.57 was his incontinent & lasciuious lust in deflouring maides, as first of a Dukes daughter being a Nūne, and a virgin named Wilfrida, or Wilftrude, of which Wilfride was borne Editha, a bastard daughter of Edgar. Also of an other certaine virgin in the town of Audeuar. who was priuily conueied into his bed by this meanes. The lasciuious king commyng to Ande∣uar, not farre from Winchester, and thinking to haue his

pleasure of a certayne Dukes daughter, of whose beautie he heard much speaking, commaunded the mayde to bee brought vnto him. The mother of the virgine grieued to haue her daughter made a concubine, secretly by night cō∣ueyed to the kings bed in stead of her daughter, an other mayden of beauty and fauour not vncomely: who in the morning rising to her worke, and so beyng known of the king what she was, had graunted vnto her of y^e king such libertie and freedome, that of a seruant she was made mi∣stresse both to her maister, and also to her mistresse. Ex Mat. Paris. lib. de Regib.

* 1.58An other concubine he had also besides these aforesaid, which was Egelfleda or Elfleda, called Candida y^e white daughter of duke Ordinere (as Guliel. Malmesb. recordeth) she beyng also a professed Nunne, of whom he begot Ed∣ward in bastardy. For the which he was enioined by Dū∣stane 7. yeares penance. After which penance beyng com∣plete, then he tooke to him a lawfull wyfe (as Malmesbury sayth) Elfritha, the mother of Edmund and Ethelred, or otherwise called Egelred, whereof more shall be sayd (the Lord willing hereafter.

* 1.59Ouer and besides all these vices noted and obiected to king Edgar in our monkish storywriters, I also obserue another no lesse, or rather greater vice then the other afore recited, which was blynd superstition and idolatrous mō∣kery brought into the church of Christ, with the wrong∣full expulsing of lawful maried priests out of their houses. Whereupon, what inconueniences ensued after in this realm, especially in the house of the Lord, I leaue it to the consideration of them which haue heard of the detestable enormities of these religious votaries. The occasiō wher∣of, first and chiefly began in this Edgar through the insti∣gation of Dunstane and his fellowes, who after they had inueigled the kyng & had brought him to their purpose, they caused him to call a Councell of the Clergy, where it was enacted and decreed,* 1.60 that the Canons of diuers Ca∣thedral churches, Colleginars, Persons, Uicars, Priests and Deacons, with their wiues and childrē, either should geue ouer that kind of life, or els geue roume to Monkes, &c. For execution of which decree, two principall Uisitors were appointed, Athelwold or Ethelwold, bishop of Win¦chester, and Oswold bishop of Worcester, as is partly be∣fore touched.* 1.61 Osbernus in vita Dunstani, Malmesb. De vit. pon∣tif. Rog, Houed.

And thus much concerning the history of king Edgar and of such things as in his tyme happened in the church. Which Edgar after he had entred into the partes of Bri∣tannie, to subdue the rebellion of the Welchmen, and there had spoiled the coūtrey of Glamorgan, & wasted the coun∣try of Ono within x. dayes after, when he had raigned the space of xvj. yeares, died, and was buried at Glastenbury, leauing after him two bastards,* 1.62 to witte, Editha and Ed∣ward, and one sonne lawfully begottē, named Ethelred, or otherwise by corruption called Egelred: For Edmund the elder sonne died before his father.

Ye heard before how king Edgar is noted in all stories to be an incontinent liuer in deflouring maydes and vir∣gines. Of which virgins iij. notoriously are expressed in authors, to witte, Wlftrude or Wlfride: The second, was the dukes maid at Andeuar, nie to Winchester: The third, was Elflede mother of Edward, for the which Elflede he was stayd and kept backe from his Coronation by Dun∣stane Archbishop of Cant. the space of 7. yeares, and so the sayd kyng beginning his raigne in the 16. yeare of his age beyng the yeare of the Lord,* 1.63 959. was crowned at his age 31. An. dom. 974. as is in the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester church to be prooued. For the more euident declaration of which matter concerning the coronation of the kyng, re∣strained, and the presumptuous behauiour of Dunstan a∣gainst the king:* 1.64 and his penance by the sayd Dunstane en∣ioyned, ye shall heare both Osborne, Malmesb. and other authors, speake in their owne wordes as followeth, Per∣petrato ita{que} in virginem velatam peccato, &c. After that Dun∣stane had vnderstanding of the kings offence perpetrated with the professed Nunne, and that the same was blased a∣mongst the people, with great ire and passion of mynde he came to the king. Who seing the Archb. comming, eftsones of gentlenes arose from his regall seate towards hym, to take him by the hand,* 1.65 and to geue him place. But Dunstan refusing to take him by the hand, and with sterne counte∣nance bending his browes, spake after this effect of words (as stories import) vnto the king: You that haue not feared to corrupt a virgine mayde handfast to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated handes of a bishop? you haue defiled the spouse of your maker, & thinke you by flattring seruice to pacifie the friend of the bridegrome? No sir, his frend will not I be, which hath Christ to his enemy, &c. The king terrified with these thundring wordes of Dunstan, and compuncted with in∣ward repentance of his crime perpetrated, fel down with weping at the feete of Dunstane. Who, after he had raysed him vp from the ground againe, began to vtter to him the horriblenes of his fact,* 1.66 and finding the king redy to receiue whatsoeuer satisfaction he would lay vpon him, enioyned him this penance for 7. yeres space, as followeth: That hee should weare no crowne all that space, that he should fast twise in the weeke, he should distribute his treasure left to him of his aun∣cesters, liberally vnto the poore, he should build a Monasterie of Nunnes at Shaftsbury, that as he had robbed God of one virgine through his transgression, so should he restore to him many a∣gain in tymes to come: Moreouer, he should expell Clerkes of e∣uil life (meaning such priests as had wiues and children) out of churches, and place Couents of Monkes in their rowme, &c.

It followeth then in the story of Osborne,* 1.67 that whē the 8. yeres of the kings penance were expired: Dunstan cal∣ling together all the pieres of the Realme, with Bishops, Abbots, and other ecclesiasticall degrees of the Clergy, in the publike sight of all the multitude,* 1.68 set the crowne vpon the kings head at Bathe, which was the 31. yeare of hys age, and the 13. yeare of his raigne, so that he raigned only but 3. yeares crowned king. All the other yeares besides, Dunstan belike ruled the land as he listed. Furthermore, as touching the sōne of the sayd Elfled, thus the story wri∣teth: Puerum quo{que} ex peccatrice quondam progenitum, sacro fonte regeneratum lauauit, & aptato illi nomine Edwardo in fili∣um sibi adoptauit. i. The child also, which was gotten of the harlot, he baptised in the holy fountaine of regeneration, and so geuing his name to bee called Edward, did adopt him to be his sonne, &c. Ex Osberno.

By the which narration of Osberne,* 1.69 agreing also with the story of the Saxon booke aboue mentioned, is conuin∣ced a double vntruth or error, eyther negligently ouerseen or of purpose dissembled in our latter Monkish storywri∣ters, as in Malmesbury, Math. Paris. Math. Westm. & other mo. Who to conceale the fault of king Edgar, or to beare with Dunstans fact, in setting vp Edward for the maintenance of their monkish order, first doe falsly affirme, that Editha the daughter of Ulfride was borne after Edward, & that for her this penance was enioyned to king Edgar, which neither is, nor can be so, as in processe hereafter (the Lorde willing) shall appeare.

Secondly, they are deceiued in this, that they affirme king Edgar to haue two wiues, and that Elfleda the mo∣ther of Edward was not a professed Nunne in deede, but dissembled so to be, to auoid the violēce of the king: where as in deede the truth of the story both geueth her to bee a Nunne, and her sonne to be base, and she her selfe neuer to be maried vnto the king.

Now,* 1.70 forasmuch as we haue hitherto entred mention of Elfleda and Editha, also of Wlfrede and Dunstane, here would not be let passe to speake something of their lying miracles, falsly forged to the great seductiō of christen peo∣ple by superstitious Monkes, who cared not what fables and lyes they brought into the church, so they might haue the vantage of poore mens purses and oblations. And first here commeth in the fabulous myracles wrought at the tombe of Elfleda the kings concubine, which W. Malmesb. in these verses expresseth:* 1.71

Nam nonnullis passa annis morborum molestiam. Defecatam & excoctam Deo dedit animam. Functas ergo vitae futo beatas exuuias. Infinitis clemens signis illustrauit Deltas. Inopes visus & auditus si adorant tumulum. Sanitati restituti probant sanctae meritum. Rectum gressum refert domum, qui accessit loripes. Mente captus redit sanus, boni sensus locuples.

The English of which verses is needelesse here to bee recited. Briefly, the effect is this: That both the blynde, deafe, halte, and such as be mad, receiue their health agayne, if they wor∣ship the tombe of this Elfleda, &c.

The like fainings and monstrous miracles we reade also in chronicles of doting Dunstane,* 1.72 drowned in all su∣perstition, if he were not also a wicked sorcerer: First, how he beyng yet a boy, chased away the deuil, set about with a great company of dogs, and how the Angels did open the church dore for him to enter.* 1.73 Then how the Lute or Harpe hanging vpon the wall, did sing or play without any fin∣ger these wordes: Gaudent in coelis animae sanctorum, qui Christi vestigi•• sunt sequuti, & qui pro eius amore sanguinem suum suderunt: ideo cum Christo regnabunt in aeternum. Item where a certayne great beame or maisterpost was ••••••ed out of the place:* 1.74 he with making the signe of a Crosse, set it in right frame agayne. Moreouer, how the sayd Dun∣stane being tempted vpon a tyme of the deuil with the co∣gitation

of women,* 1.75 caught the deuill by the nose with a whore paire of tongs, and helde him fast. Item, how ofte heauenly spirits appeared to him, and vsed to talke with him amiliarly. Item, how he prophesied of the birth of king Edgar, of the death of king Egelred, of the death of Editha, and of Ethelwood bishop of Winchester. Also how our Lady with her fellowes appeared visibly to hym, sin∣ging this song: Cantemus Domino sociae, cantemus hono∣rem. Dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio. Agayne, how the Angels appeared to him, singing the Hymne called Kyr•••• Rex splendens, &c And yet these prodigious fantasies with other mo, are written of him in Chronicles, and haue bene beleued in Churches.

Among many other false and lying miracles, forged in this corrupt tyme of Monkery, the fabulous or rather fil∣thy legēd of Editha were not to be ouerpassed, if for shame and honesty it might well be recited. But to cast the dyrt of these Pope holy monkes in their owne face, which so im∣pudently haue abused the church of Christ, and simplicitie of the people with their vngratious vanities, let vs see what this miracle is, & how honestly it is told. Certayne yeres after the death of Editha, saith Will. of Malmes. which yeres Capgraue in his new Legend reckoneth to be thir∣tene, the said Editha & also S. Denys holding her by the hand, appeared to Dunstan in a vision, willing and requi∣ring him that the body of Editha in the church of Wilton, should be taken vp & shrined, to the entent it might be ho∣nored here in earth of her seruants, according as it is wor∣shipped of her spouse in heauen. Dunstan vpon this, com∣ming from Salisbury to Wilton, where Editha was in∣terred, commaunded her body to be taken vp with much honor & solemnitie. Who there in opening her tombe (as both Malmes. and Capgraue with shame enough recorde) found all the whole body of this Editha cōsumed to earth, saue only her thombe, her belly, & the part vnder the belly. Wherof the said Editha expounding the meaning, decla∣red that her thombe remained found, for the much crossing she vsed with the same. The other partes were incorrup∣ted for a testimony of her abstinence, and integritie, &c. Ex Malmes. & Capgrauo. What Sathan hath so enuied the true sinceritie of christian faith and doctrine, so to contaminate the same with such impudent tales, such filthy vanities, & Idolatrous fantasies as this? Such Monkes with theyr detestable houses,* 1.76 where Christes people were so abho∣minably abused and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and women, whether they deserued not to bee rased, and pluckt downe to the ground, let all chaste Readers iudge. But of these matters enough and to much.

¶ Here followeth the Epitaphe written by Henricus Archdeacon of Huntington,* 1.77 vpō the prayse and commen∣dation of king Edgar.

* 1.78Autor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum, Septiger Edgarus regna superna petit. Hic alter Salomon, legum pater, orbita pacis, Quod caruit bellis, claruit inde magis. Templa Deo, templis monachos, monachis dedit agros, Nequitiae lapsum, iustitiae{que} locum Nouit enim regno verum perquirere falso, Immensum modico, perpetuum{que} breui.

* 1.79Among his other lawes, this king ordained that the Sonday, should be solemnised from Saterday at ix. of the clocke, till Monday morning.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Anno. 959.
• * 1.2

  K. Edgar called Pacificus.
• * 1.3

  Dunstane made Bysh. of Worce∣ter, and of Lon∣don.

  Ex hist. Rog. Houenden. Spirituall li∣uinges geuen by the king, and not by the Pope.
• * 1.4

  Oswald•••• byshop of Worceter and after •• Yorke, E∣thelw•••••• byshop of Wint. a great ••••••tayner of Monkery.

  An. 96••.

  Ex Guliel. Malm••s••••rie•••• de go∣stis pon•••••• A••g.
• * 1.5

  Monkishe dreames.
• * 1.6

  Dreames not necessa∣ry to be re∣garded. Difference of dreames.
• * 1.7

  How and whē monks first began to swarme in England, Dunstane, Ethelwold, Oswald, three set∣ters vp of Monkishe religion. 40. Mona∣steries buil∣ded and re∣payred by K. Edgar. Priestes thrust out of Cathe∣drall hou∣ses, and monkes set in.
• * 1.8

  Roger Ho∣ueden lib. Continua∣tionum, post Bedā. Chronicon Iornalense▪ Guliel. de gestis pon∣tifi. lib. 1.
• * 1.9

  Oswald Byshop of Wytceter. and Archb. of Yorke.

  The pollicy of Oswald in driuing out priestes to place in Monkes.
• * 1.10

  An 969.
• * 1.11

  Galiel. lib. 3. de. Gest. pontifi. Chr. Iornalense. in vita Ed∣gar••.
• * 1.12

  Prebenda∣ries and Priestes slacke in their duety.
• * 1.13

  Priestes voyded of Cathedrall Churches, and monkes set in.
• * 1.14

  The diffe∣rence order, and institu∣tion of Monkes ex∣amined.
• * 1.15

  Two sortes of Monkes in the pri∣mitiue Church.

  Cassianus. lib. 2. cap. 4. de canon. N••ctor. orat.
• * 1.16

  Two sortes of lay men.

  Monkes in the olde tyme were no other but lay men, leading a stricte lyfe.

  August. de. mor▪ ecclesia. Hieron. ad Heliodor. Dionysius. Concilium Chalced. Can. A.

  Monkes forbid∣den to inter∣meddle with matters ecclesi∣asticall.
• * 1.17

  Monkes diffe∣ring frō Priests. Monkes in the primitiue tyme differyng from Monkes in the ij. age of the Church.

  August de in∣stitutis mona∣chorum.
• * 1.18

  Zozomen lib. 3. cap. 16.
• * 1.19

  Monkes of the primitiue time were no clerks, but mere lay men.
• * 1.20

  Monkes of the old tyme some marryed, none restrayned from mariage.
• * 1.21

  Athanasius epi∣stola ad Dracō.
• * 1.22

  Superstition crept in with monkery.

  The ignoraunce of our free iusti∣fication by Christ, is the cause of all su∣perstition.
• * 1.23

  Ex Cassia cap. 17. collat. 2. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 1.24

  Example •• de∣claring the blinde supersti∣tion of the Monkes of the olde tyme.
• * 1.25

  Cassianus lib. de spiritu Gastri∣marg. cap. 40.
• * 1.26

  Superstition.
• * 1.27

  Cassian. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 1.28

  Monkery mo∣ther of supersti∣tion and hipo∣crisie.
• * 1.29

  Basilius Mag∣nus. Nazianzenus.
• * 1.30

  Monkes of the middle and lat∣ter age of the church descri∣bed.
• * 1.31

  Causes of the founding of monasteries and Nunneries ten∣ding to the de∣rogation of Christes passion and Christian fayth.
• * 1.32

  Most part of monasteries were builded vpon some murther.
• * 1.33

  The order of Monkes Cluniac••. by Otho•• vp in King Edgars time.
• * 1.34

  Monarch flagellants▪
• * 1.35

  Monkes are subiect and ruled by the knocke of a bell.
• * 1.36

  Monkes made spiri∣tuall mini∣sters contra∣trary to the old decrees and custome of the Church.
• * 1.37

  Priestes is King Ed∣gars tyme had wyues.
• * 1.38

  The worthy actes of K. Edgar.
• * 1.39

  The King a good iusti∣ciarie. England re∣duced into one full and perfect mo∣narchie.
• * 1.40

  ••dgerus Rex Pacifi∣cu••.
• * 1.41

  King Edgar and King Alfrede compared together.
• * 1.42

  A note for men of no∣bilitie to marke.
• * 1.43

  A notable example of a prince to admonishe all princes what to do.
• * 1.44

  Wolues first driuen out of Englend.
• * 1.45

  The proui∣sion of kyng Edgar in keeping the seas.
• * 1.46

  A notable example in a prince, for all good princes to marke and to follow.
• * 1.47

  The deuise of K. Edgar to auoyde dronkennes.
• * 1.48

  Vlij. kinges do homage to K. Edgar
• * 1.49

  The Glory of king Edgar re∣prehended.
• * 1.50

  Wherein kinges ought to glory.
• * 1.51

  K. Edgar a su∣perstitious vp∣holder of Mon∣kery. Ex Edmero.
• * 1.52

  Vices noted in King. Edgar.
• * 1.53

  King Edgar cir∣cumuented by one of hys own counsell.
• * 1.54

  Cruelty in king Edgar noted.
• * 1.55

  Great detri∣ment happening in this Realme by King Edgar.
• * 1.56

  W. Malmesb.
• * 1.57

  The incontinent life of King Ed∣gar. Editha base daughter of Wilfrede the kinges lemman.
• * 1.58

  Edward borne in bastardie of Elflede. King Edwardes con∣cubine.
• * 1.59

  King Edgar a great mayn∣tayner of mon∣kery.
• * 1.60

  K. Edgar sedu∣ced by Dunstane and Ethelwold bishop of Win∣chester.
• * 1.61

  Ex Osberno in vita Dunstani Fol. 27. Mal∣mesb. Houeden & alijs.
• * 1.62

  The death of K. Edgar.
• * 1.63

  Ex Chronico Saxonico Eccle∣sia Wigornensis.
• * 1.64

  Ex Osberno in vita. Dunstani.
• * 1.65

  Dunstane refu∣seth to take the king by the hand.

  The wordes of Dunstane to K. Edgar.
• * 1.66

  Penance enioyned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 K. Edgar 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dunstane.
• * 1.67

  K. Edward raygned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three years crowned king.
• * 1.68

  Elflede pro∣ued a Nūne and Ed∣ward her sonne a ba∣stard.
• * 1.69

  Errours in Malmesbe∣ry, and re∣tayne other Monkes ••••∣r••••s.

  The 1. error. The kinges penaunce not enioy∣ned for E∣dith but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Edward.

  The 2. error. Elflede the mother of Edward proued to be a profes∣sed Nunne.
• * 1.70

  The lying myracles of Elflede, Dunstane and Editha reproued.
• * 1.71

  Idolatrous worship∣ping the tumbe of Alflede.
• * 1.72

  The idle phantasies and forged myracles of Dunstane.
• * 1.73

  A doubt whether Dunstane was a sorce∣rer.
• * 1.74

  Dunstane a post ••etter.
• * 1.75

  Dunstane caught the deuill by the nose with an hote payre of tonges. Our Lady appeareth t•• Dun∣stane.

  What mar∣uell if cer∣tayn bookes and epistles be falsly in∣tituled to the Do∣ctours whē the papistes shame not to ascribe other mens verses also to the vir∣gin Mary her selfe. A foule fil∣thy Mon∣kish myra∣cle in the story of E∣ditha.

  An other dreame of Dunstane.
• * 1.76

  Ex. W. Mal∣mesteriensi & Capgra∣uo in legend ••oua.
• * 1.77

  The death of K. Edgar.
• * 1.78

  An Epitaph commenda∣torie of king Edgar, written by H. Hunting∣ton.
• * 1.79

  Sonday first halowed from sater∣day at ix. of the clocke, to monday morning.