Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

THE THIRD BOOKE CONTEINING THE next 300. yeares, from the raigne of King Egbertus, to the tyme of William Conquerour. (Book 3)

NOW remayneth likewise as before I did in describing, the discent and di∣uersitie of the seuen kings altoge∣ther raigning and ruling in this land, so to prosecute in like order the lineal succession of them, which after Egbert king of Westsaxones, gouerned and ruled soly, vntill the conquest of William the Normand: first expressing their names, & af∣terward importing such acts as in their tyme happened in the Church worthy to be noted. Albeit, as touchyng the actes and doyngs of these kings, because they are suffici∣ently and at large described, and taken out of Latine wri∣ters into the English tong by sondry authors, and name∣ly in the story or Chronicle of Fabian. I shall not spende much trauaile therupon, but rather referre the reader, to him or to some other: where the troublesome tumulis be∣twene the Englishmen and the Danes at that tyme may be seene, who so listeth to read them. Onely the Table of their names and raigne, in actes done vnder their raigne, I haue compendiously abridged, vsing such breuitie, as the matter would suffer.

¶ A Table of the Saxon Kings, which ruled alone from King Egbert, vnto William Conquerour.

• Egbertus raygned 37. yeares and had issue.
  • Athelwulfus raigned 20. yeares had by his wife Os∣burga.
    • Ethelbaldus raigned 5. yeares.
    • Ethelbertus raigned 6. yeares.
    • Etheldredus raigned 5. yeares.
    • Aluredus or. Alfredus raigned 28. yeares
      • Edwardus raigned 24. yeares.
        • Adelstanus raigned 16. yeares.
        • ...Elfrede and Ethelwald••
        • Edmond raigned 6. yeares.
          • Edwin raigned 4. yeares.
          • Edgar raigned 16. yeares.
            • Edwardus raigned 4. yeares.
            • Ethelredus raigned 36. yeares.
              • Edmond I∣renside raig∣ned 2. yeres.
              • ...Alfredus.
              • Edward the Confessor who raigned 24. yeares.
        • Edredus raigned 9. yeares.
      • ...Egelwardu••

Here is to be noted, that before the raigne of Edward the confessor, the Danes obtayned the crowne vnder their captaine Canutus who raigned yeares

19

Haraldus Harefoote, sonne of Canutus.

4

Hardeknoutus sonne of Canutus.

2

Edwar. the confessor, an englishmā, sonne of Etheldred.

24

Haraldus sonne of Erle Godwine an vsurper.

1

William Conqueror a Normand.

¶ King Egbertus.

IN the raigne of Brigthricus a little before mentioned,* 1.1 a∣bout the yere of grace 7••5. there was in his dominion a noble personage, of some called Egbert, of some Ethelbert, of some Athelbright, who being feared of the same Brigthricus, because he was of a kingly bloud, & nere vnto the crowne, was by the force & conspiracie of the forenamed Brigthri∣cus, chased & pursued out of the land of Britam into Frāce, where he endured till the death of the sayd Brigthricus.* 1.2 Af∣ter the hearing whereof, Egbert sped him eftsoones out of Fraunce, vnto his countrey of Westsaxe, where he in such wise behaued himselfe, that he obteined the regiment and gouernance of the abouesaid kingdom.

Bernulphus king of Mercia aboue mentioned, with o∣ther kings, had this Egbert in such decisiō, that they made of him diuers scoffing gestes,* 1.3 and scorning rimes, at which he susteined for a time. But when he was more established in his kingdome, & had proued the mindes of his subiects and especially God working withall:* 1.4 he afterward assem∣bled his knights, and gaue to the saide Bernulphus, a bat∣taile in a place called Elindē, in the prouince of hāton. And notwithanding in that fight was great oddes of number, as 6. or 8. against one, yet Egbert (through the might of the Lord which giueth victory as pleaseth him) had the better and wan the field:* 1.5 Which done he seased that Lord∣ship into his hand. And that also done, he made war vpon the Kentish saxons, and at length in likewise, of them ob∣tained the victory.* 1.6 And as it is in Polychronicon testified, he also subdued Northumberland, and caused the kings of these three kingdomes to liue under him as tributaries or ioyned them to his kingdome. Ex Flor. Hist. This Egbert, also wan from the Britons or Welshinē, the town of Che∣ster, which they had kept possession of, till that daye. After these & other victories, he peaceably enioying the land, cal∣led a Councell of his Lords at Winchester, where by their aduises he was crowned king & chief Lord ouer this land.* 1.7 which before that day was called Britaine: but thē he sent out into all coasts of the land his commaundements and cōmissions, charging straightly y^t from that day forward the Saxons should be called Angles, and the land Anglia.

About the 30. yeare of the raigne of Egbert,* 1.8 the heathe∣nish people of the Danes, which a little before had made horrible destruction in Northumberland, & especially in y^e Ile of Lindesarue, where they spoyled the Churches, and murthered the ministers,* 1.9 with men, women, and children, after a cruell maner, entered now the second tyme with a great host into this land, and spoyled the Ile of Shepy in Kent, or nere to Kent, where Egbert hearing therof, assem∣bled his people and met with them at Carrum. But in that conflict sped not so well as he was woont in tymes before, but with his knights was compelled to forsake the field. Notwithstanding in the next battail, the sayd Egbert with a small power ouerthrew a great multitude of them, and so droue them backe. The next yeare followyng, the sayd Danes presuming vpon their victory before, made theyr

return again into the land Westward,* 1.10 where ioining with the Britaines, by the helpe and power of them, they assay∣led the landes of Egbert,* 1.11 & did much harme in many places of his dominion, and els where, so that after this day, they were continually abiding in one place of the realme of en∣gland or other▪ till the time of Hardeknutus, last king of the Danes bloud, so that many of them were maried to Eng∣lish women, and many that now be, or in times past were called Englishmen, are descended of them. And albeit that they were many and sundry times driuen out of the land, & chased from one countrey to an other, yet that notwithstā∣ding, they euer gathered new strengthes and power, that they abode still within the land.

And thus (as by the storyes appeareth) this trouble∣some land of Britaine,* 1.12 now called England, hath bene he∣therto by v. sundry outward nations plagued. First, by the Romains, then by the Scots & Pictes, 3. by the Saxons, 4. by the Danes, of whose outragious cruelty & hostilitie, our English histories do most exclayme & complayne:* 1.13 fift∣ly by the Normanes, which I pray God be the last.

Thē it followeth in the story, that the time of this per∣secution of the foresayd Paganes and Danes continuing, king Egbert when he had ruled the Westsaxons, and ouer the more part of England, by the terme of xxxvij. yeares, dyed, and was buried at Winchester, leauing to his sonne Ethelwolfe his kingdome, which first was Byshoppe of Winchester (as Houeden recordeth) and after vpon neces∣sity made king, leauing withal and pronouncing this say∣ing to his sonne: Foelicem fore, si regnum, quod multa rexerat industria, ille consueta genti illi non interrumperet ignauia.

* King Athelwolfus.

* 1.14AThelwulfus, the sonne of Egbert, in his former age had entred into the order of Subdeacon, and as some other say was made Byshop of Winchester. But afterward be∣ing the onely sonne of Egbert was made king through the dispensation (as Fabian sayth) of Pope Paschalis,* 1.15 but that can not be: for Paschalis then was not Byshopp: so that by the computation of tyme, it should rather seeme to be Gre∣gory the 4. This Athelwulfe (as being himself once nuseled in that order) was alwayes good and deuoute to holye Church and religious orders.* 1.16 In so much that he gaue to them the rythe of all his goods and landes in Westsaxons, with liberty and freedome from all seruage and ciuil char∣ges. Whereof, his charte instrument beareth testimony af∣ter this tenour proceeding: much like to the donation of E∣thelbaldus king of Mercians, aboue mentioned.

* The Priuiledges and donations geuen by king Ethelwulfus to the Clergie.

REgnante Domino nostro imperpetuum. Dum in nostris tem∣poribus per bellorum incendia, & direptiones opum nostra∣rum, nec non & vastantium crudelissimas depredationes hostiū,* 1.17 barbarum, paganarum{que} gentium, multiplices tribulationes ad affligendum vsque ad internecionem,* 1.18 tempora cernimus incum∣bere periculosa. Quamobrem, ego Ethelwulfus Rex occidentali∣um Saxonum, cum consilio Episcoporum & principum meorum, consilium salubre, & vniforme remedium affirmaui: vt aliquam portionem terrarum haereditariam, Deo & sanctae Mariae, & om∣nibus sanctis iure perpetuo possidendam concedam, scilicet par∣tem terrae meae,* 1.19 vt sit tuta & immunis ab omnibus secularibus seruicijs, nec non regalibus tributis maioribus & minoribus siue taxationibus, quod nos dicimus Wittereden: sit{que} libera omni∣um rerum,* 1.20 pro remissione animarum & peccatorum nostrorum, ad Deo soli deseruiendum, sine expeditione, & pontis constructi∣one, & arcis munitione: vt eo diligentiùs pro nobis ad Deum preces sine cessatione fundant, quo eorum seruitutem in aliqua parte leuigamus, &c.

Hereby may it appeare, how when the Churches of England, began first to be indued with temporalties and lands: also with priuileges & exemptiōs enlarged. More∣ouer (and that which specially is to be considered & lamen∣ted) what pernicious doctrine was this, wherewith they were led: thus to set remission of their sinnes, and remedy of their soules: in this donation and such other deedes of their deuotion, cōtrary to the information of Gods word, and no small derogation to the Crosse of Christ?

These thinges thus done within the Realme, then the sayd Ethelwulfus the king, taking his iourney to Rome, with Alured his youngest sonne, committed him to the bringing vp of Pope Leo the iiij. where he also reedified the English schole at Rome: which being founded by king Offa, or rather by Iue king of Mercians (as in the flowers of Hist. is affirmed) was lately in the tyme of king Egbert his father,* 1.21 consumed with fire. Farther and besides, th••s king gaue and graunted there vnto Rome, of euery fire house a peny to be payd through his whole land, as king Iue in his dominion had done before. Also he gaue & graū∣ted yearely to be payd to Rome. 300 markes, that is to the mainteining of the light of S. Peter .C. markes: to y^e light of S. Paul .C. markes: to the vse of the Pope also an other hundreth. This done, returning home through Fraunce, maried their Iudith the daughter of Carolus Caluus, y^e ••rēch king: whom he restored afterward, contrary to the lawes of Westsaxons, to the title and throne of a Queene. For be∣fore, it was decreed among the Westsaxons (by the occasi∣on of wicked Ethelburga, who poisoned Brigthricus her owne husband) that after that, no kinges wife there should haue the name or place of a Queene.

And forsomuch as I haue here entred into the mention of Iudith, daughter of Carolus Caluus: the occasion thereof putteth me in memory, here to insert by the way a matter bone, although not in this Realme, yet not impertinent to this ecclesiasticall history. And first to deduct the narration hereof from the first originall. The father of this Carolus Caluus, whose name was Ludouicus, first of that name, cal∣led Pius king of Fraunce, had two wiues: whereof by the first, he had iij. sonnes, Lothary, Pipin, and Lewys. Which iij. sonnes vnnaturally and vnkindly, cōspiring against their father,* 1.22 and his second wife, with her sonne, their youngest brother, persecuted him so, that through a certaine councell of Lordes spirituall and temporall, they deposed the same their naturall and right godly father, dispossessing and dis∣charging him of all rule and dominion. Moreouer, caused him to renounce his temporal habite, inclosing him in the Monastery of S. Marke, for a monke or rather a prisoner. All which done, they deuided his Empire and kingdome among themselues.

Thus was Ludouicus Pius,* 1.23 of impious sonnes left de∣solate. But the power of God, whiche worketh when all earthly power ceaseth, of hys deuine mercy so ayded and recouered him out of all this tribulation to this Imperial dignitie agayne: that it was to all his enemyes confusion, and to all good men a miracle. But this by the way. By his 2. wife whose name was Iudith, he had this Charles the Bald here mentioned. Which Iudith was thought and so ac∣cúsed to the Pope, to be within such degree of aliance, that by the Popes law, she might not continue hys wife with∣out the popes dispensation.* 1.24 It so fell out in the meane time that this Ludouicus the Emperour, had promoted a young man named Frederick to be Bishop of Utricke••and to hym had geuen sad and good exhortation, that he remembring and following the constancy of his predecessours, woulde mayntayne right and trueth without all exception of anye person, & punish misdoers with excommunication, as wel the riche as the poore, with such like wordes of godly coū∣saile. Fredericke hearing the king thus to say, sitting at din∣ner with him, as the manner was beyng newly inuested, in these words answered to the Emperor again. I thanke your maiestie saith he, which with your so wholesome ex∣hortation putteth me in mind of my profession. But I be∣seech you of your benigne fauour & patience, that I may freely disclose, that which hath long encombred and pier∣ced my conscience. To whō leaue being geuen, thus he be∣gan.* 1.25 I pray you (Lord Emperor) to shew me herein your mynd (pointing to the fish before him) whether is it more according, to attain this fish here present, beginning first at the head or at the taile? What a tale is this, quoth the Em∣peror, of the taile & of the head: At the head quoth he. Then Frederike taking thereof his occasion, proceedeth: Euen so let it be (Lord Emperour) sayth he, as you haue sayd. Let Christian fayth and charitie first begin with your selfe, as with the head, admonishing you to cease frō your face, and error, that your subiects by your example be not boldned to follow your misdoing. Wherefore first forsake you, your vnlawful wedlock,* 1.26 which you haue made with Iudith your neare kinswoman. These wordes of the new Bishop, al∣though they moued Ludouicus the Emperor not a litle, yet he, with a gentle modestie, and modest silence was conten∣ted, suffring the bishop to go home in peace. But the word beyng vttred in such an audience, could not so be concealed but spread and brast out in much talke in the whole court, and especially among the Bishops, consultyng earnestly with themselues about the matter. Through whose coun∣sail and labour so at length it fell, that the Emperour was constrained to leaue the company of his wife, till hee had purchased a licence of the bishop of Rome, to retaine her a∣gain, who then forgaue the said bishop all that was past. But the woman hired two knights that slew him in hys vestimentes, when he had ended his masse. Ranulphus, and Guliel Libro de pontificib, geue forth this story in his great

commendation to dye a Martyr.* 1.27 Whereof I haue not to iudge, nor here to pronoūce: but that rather I think him to be comended in his dying, then the women for her killing.

And for asmuch as mention hath bene made of Ludo∣uicus Pius, here is to be noted, that in Fraunce then was vied of Priestes and Churchmen, precious and shewing vestuce, and golden, and rich staring girldles, with rings and other ornamentes of golde. Wherefore the sayd Lewes purchased of the Bishop of Rome a correctiō, for all such as vsed such disordinate apparell, causing them to weare browne and sad colours, according to their sadnes. Fab.

Of this Lewes the Papistes doe fayne, that because he conuerted certayne of their Church goodes and patrimo∣nie to y^e wages of his souldiours, his body (say they) was caryed out of his tombe by deuils, and was no more seene.

And thus a little hauing disgressed out of our course, now let vs returne out of Fraunce into England agayne:* 1.28 kyng Ethelwulfus, who comming from Rome by the coū∣trey of Fraunce, was now returned agayne into his own dominion, where he continued not long after.

This Ethelwulfus, had especially about him two Bi∣shops, whose counsell he was most ruled by, Swythinus Byshop of Winchester, and Adelstanus Byshop of Syre∣borne. Of the which two, the one was more skilfull in tē∣porall and ciuill affayres touching the kings warres, and filling of hys coffers,* 1.29 and other furniture for the king. The other (whiche was Swythinus) was of a contrary sorte, wholly disposed and enclined to spirituall meditation, and to minister spirituall coūcel to y^e king: who had ben schole∣maister to the king before. Wherein appeared one good cō∣dition of this kings nature, among his other vertues, not onely in following the preceptes and aduertisementes of his old schoolemaister:* 1.30 But also in y^t he like a kinde & thāk∣full pupille did so reuerence hys bringer vp, and old schol∣maister (as he called him) that he ceased not, till hee made hym Byshop of Winchester, by the consecration of Celnoch then Archbishop of Canterbury. But as concerning the miracles which are read in the Churche of Winchester,* 1.31 of this Swythinus, them I leaue to be read together with the Iliades of Homere, or tales of Robenhood.

This Gregory the fourth here in this present Chapter aboue mentioned: was the third pope which succeeded af∣ter Paschalis the first, being but. 4. yeares betwixt them, which Paschalis succeeded after Steuen the 4. who followed after Leo the 3. next Pope vnto Hadrian aboue in our histo∣ry mentioned, whereas we intreated of Charles the great. From the tyme of that Hadrian the first, vnto Pope Hadrian the 3. The Emperours had some stroke in the election (at lest in the confirmation) of the Romaine Pope. Notwith∣standing, diuers of those foresayd popes in the meane time began to work their practises to bring that purpose about. But yet all their deuises could take no full effect, before the sayd Hadrian the iij. as hereafter (Christ willing) shalbe de∣clared. So that the Emperours all this while bare some rule in chusing the Popes, and in assembling generall Councels. Wherfore by the commaundement of Ludouicus the Emperour, in the tyme of this Gregory the iiij. a gene∣rall Synode was commensed at Aquisgraue, where it was decreed by the sayd Gregory and his assistaunce: first that euery Church should haue sufficient of his owne pro∣per landes and reuenewes, to finde the Priestes thereof: that none should need to lacke or go about a begging. Itē thatnone of the Clergy of what order or degree soeuer he be, should vse any vesture of any precious or scarelet cou∣lour. Neither shall weare ringes on their fingers, vnlesse it be when Prelates be at Masse, or geue their consecrati∣ons. Item that Prelates should not keepe to great portes or families, nor keepe great horse, vse dice, or harlots. And the Monkes should not exceed measure in glotony or riot. Item that none of the Clergye being either annoynted or shauen: should vse either golde or siluer in their shooes, slippers, or girdles, like to Heliogabalus. By this it may be coniectured, what pompe and pride in those daies was crept into the Clergy. Moreouer, by the sayd pope Grego∣ry the 4. at the commaundement of Ludouicus Emperour, the feast of all Saintes was first brought into the Church.

After this Pope, came Sergius the second which first brought in the altering of the Popes names, because hee was named before os porci, that is, Swines snout: which also ordayned the Agnus thrice to be song at the Masse, and the hoast to be deuided into three partes.

After him, was Pope Leo the iiij. to whom this kyng Ethelwulfus (as in this present chapter is aboue specified) did commit the tuition of his sonne Alured. By this Pope Leo, it came in, and was first enacted in a Counsell of hys, that no Bishop should be condemned vnder 72. witnesses, according as ye see in the witnesses, at the condemnation of Stephen Gardiner, orderly practised.* 1.32

Item contrary to the law of Gregory the iiij. his pre∣dicessor: this Pope ordayned the crosse (all let with golde & precious stone) to be caried before him, like a Pope.

And here next now followeth & commeth in, the whore of Babylon (rightly in her true colours by the permission of God and manifestly without all tergiuersation) to ap∣peare to the whole world: and that not only alter the spi∣ritual sense, but after the very letter, and the right forme of an whore in deed. For after this Leo aboue mentioned, the Cardinals proceeding to their ordinary electiō (after a so∣lemne Masse of the holy Ghost,* 1.33 to the perpetuall shame of them & of that sea) in stead of a mā Pope, elected an whore in deed to minister Sacraments, to say masses, to geue or∣ders, to constitute Deacons, Priests, and bishops, to pro∣mote Prelates, to make Abbots, to consecrate Churches and altars, to haue the raigne and rule of Emperors and kings: And so she did in deede, called by name Ioan. the 8. This womans proper name was Gilberta (a Dutch wo∣man of Magunce) who went with an english monke out of the Abbey of Fulda in a mans apparell vnto Athens, and after through her dexteritie of wit and learning, was promooted to the Popedom, where the sate two yeres & 6. monthes. At last openly in the face of a general procession, fell in labour & trauail of child, & so died. By reason wher∣of, the Cardinals yet to this day do auoid to come nere by that streete where this shame was taken.* 1.34 By Benedictus the iij. who succeeded next in the whorish sea, was first or∣dained (as most writers record) the Dirge to be sayd for the dead. Albeit before him, Gregory the iij. had done in that matter, worthily for his part already.

After him sate Pope Nicholas the first,* 1.35 who enlarged the Popes decrees with many constitutions, equallyng the authoritie of them, with the writings of the Apostles. He ordayned that no secular Prince, nor the Emperour himself, should be present at their Councels, vnles in mat∣ters concerning the fayth: to the end that such as they iud∣ged to be heretikes, they should execute and murther. Al∣so, that no lay men should sit in iudgement vpon the cler∣gy men, or reason vpon the Popes power. Item that no Christian Magistrate should haue any power vpon any Prelate, alledging that a Prelate is called God. Item that all Church seruice should be in Latine: yet notwithstan∣ding, dispensing with the Sclauonians, and Polonians, to re∣taine still their vulgar language. Sequences in the Masse were by him first allowed. By this Pope, Priestes began to be restrained and debarred from marrying:* 1.36 whereof Hulderike Bishop of Ausbrough (a learned & an holy man) sending a letter vnto the Pope, grauely and learnedly re∣futeth and reclaimeth against his vndiscret proceedings touching y^t matter. The copy of which letter, as I thought it vnworthy to be suppressed, so I iudged it here worthy & meete for the better instruction of the Reader, to bee inser∣ted. The wordes whereof here follow out of Latine into English translated.

* 2.1 A learned Epistle of Hulderike bishop of Ausbrough, sent to Pope Nicholas the first, proouing by probations sub∣stantiall, that Priestes ought not to bee restrayned from Mariage.

Nicolao Domino & patri, peruigili sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae prouisori, Huldericus solo nomine Episcopus, amorem vt filius, timorem vt seruus. Cum tha (O pater & Domine) decre∣ta super clericorum continentian, &c.* 2.2

¶ The same in English.

Hulderike bishop onely by name, vnto the reuerend father Nicholas the vigilant prouisor of the holy church of Rome: with due commendation sendeth loue as a sonne, and feare as a ser∣uaunt. Vnderstanding reuerend father your decrees which you sent to me concerning the single lyfe of the Clergy, to be far dis∣crepant from all discretiō, I was troubled partly with feare, part∣ly with heauinesse. With feare, (for that, as it is sayd) the sentence of the pastor, whether it be iust or vniust, is to be feared.

For I was afrayde for the weake hearers of the Scripture (which scarsely obey the iust sentence of their Pastour) much more despissing this vniust decreement, through the onerous and importable transgression of their Pastor, should shew themselues disobedient. With heauines I was troubled, and with compassi∣on for that I doubted how the members of the body should doe (their head being so greatly out of frame) For what can be more greuous or more to be lamēted, touching the state of the church then for you, being the Bishop of the principall seat, to whom ap∣pertaineth the regiment of the whole church, to swarue neuer so little, out of the right way Certes, in this you haue not a little er∣red, in that you haue gone about to constraine your Clergy to singlenes of life, through your imperious tiranny: whom rather

ye ought to stirre vp to the continency of mariage. For is not this to be counted a violence and tiranny to the iudgement of all wise men: when a man is compelled by your decrees to doe that which is against the institution of the Gospell,* 2.3 and the procee∣ding of the holy Ghost? Seyng then there be so many holy exam∣ples both of the olde and new Testament, teachyng vs (as you know) due information: I desire your patience not to thinke it greuous for me to bryng a few here out of many.

First in the olde law, the Lord permitteth mariage vnto the Priestes, which afterward in the new law, we doe not read to bee restrayned, but in the Gospel thus he sayth: There bee some Eu∣nuches which haue gelded themselues for the kingdome of hea∣uen, but all men do not take this word, he that can take it, let him take it. Wherfore the Apostle sayth, concerning virgins I haue no commaundement of the Lord, but onely I geue counsell. Which counsaile also all men do not take, as in the commaundement of the Lord before, but many there be, false dissemblers and flatte∣rers,* 2.4 goyng about to please men and not God, whome we see vn∣der a false pretence of continencie, to fall into horrible wicked∣nesse: Some to lye with their fathers wiues, some to bee Sodo∣mites, and not to abhorre to play the beastes with bruite beastes. And therfore, least through the infection of this wicked pestilēce, the state of the Church should too much go to ruine: therfore he sayd, because of fornication, let euery man haue his owne wyfe. Touching which saying, our false hypocrites falsly do lye, & faine: as though onely it pertayned to the laitie, and not to them. And yet they themselues seming to be set in the most holy order, are not afrayd to abuse other mens wiues, and as we see with (wee∣ping eyes) all they do outrage in the foresayd wickednes.

These men haue not rightly vnderstanded the Scripture, whose brestes while they sucke so hard (in stead of milke) they suck out bloud.* 2.5 For the saying of the Apostle: let euery man haue his own wife: doth except none in very deede, but him onely which hath the gifte of continency, prefixing with himselfe to keepe and to continue hys virgine in the Lord. Wherfore (O reuerend father) it shalbe your part to cause & ouersee, that whosoeuer, either with hand or mouth, hath made a vowe of continencie, and afterward would forsake, either should be compelled to keepe his vowe, or els by lawfull authoritie should be deposed from his order.

And to bring this to passe, ye shall not onely haue me, but also all other of my order, to be helpers vnto you. But that you may vnderstand, that such which know not what a vowe doth meane, are not to be violently compelled thereunto: heare what the A∣postle sayth vnto Timothie. A Bishop (sayth he) must be irrepre∣hensible, the husband of one wife. Which sentence, least ye should turne and apply onely to the Church, marke what he inferreth af∣ter: he that knoweth not (sayth he) to rule his owne householde and familie, how should he rule the Church of God? And likewise the Deacons (sayth he) let them be the husbandes of one wyfe, which haue knowledge to gouerne their owne house and chil∣dren. And this wyfe, how she is woont to bee blest of the Priest, you vnderstand sufficiently: I suppose, by the decrees of holy Sil∣uester the Pope.

To these and such other holy sentences of the Scripture, agre∣eth also,* 2.6 he that is the writer of the rule of the Clergy, writing af∣ter this maner. A Clarke must be chaste and continent, or els let him be coupled in the bandes of Matrimony, hauing one wyfe. Wherby it is to be gathered, that the Bishop and Deacon, are no∣ted infamous and reprehensible, if they be deuided in mo women then one: otherwise, if they do forsake one vnder the pretence of Religion, both they together, as well the Bishop as the Deacon bee here condemned by the Canonicall sentence, which sayth: Let no Bishop or Priest forsake his owne wife, vnder the colour and pretence of Religion. If he doe forsake her, let hym bee ex∣communicate. And if he so continue, let hym bee disgraded. Saint Augustine also, a man of discrete holynesse, sayth in these wordes: There is no offence so great or grieuous, but it is to a∣uoyd a greater euill.

Furthermore, we read in the second booke of the Tripartite history: That when the Councell of Nice, goyng about to esta∣blish the same decree, would enact that Bishops, Priests, and Dea∣cons, after their consecration, either should abstaine vtterly from their own wiues, or els should be deposed. Then Paphnutius (one of those holy Martyrs, whom the Emperor Maximus had put out the right eie, & hockt their left legs) rising vp amongst the, with∣stood their purposed decreement: confessing Mariage to be ho∣nourable, and calling the bed of matrimony to be chastitie, and so perswaded the Councell from making that law, declaring thereby what occasion might come to themselues & their wiues of forni∣cation. And thus much did Paphnutius (being vnmaried himself) declare vnto thē. And the whole Councell commending his sen∣tence, gaue place thereto, & left the matter freely without cōpul∣sion, to the will of euery man, to do therein as he thought.

Notwithstanding there be some, which take S. Gregory for their defence in this matter, whose temeritie I laugh at, & igno∣rance I lament, for they know not, being ignorauntly deceiued, how daungerously the decree of this heresie was (being made of S. Gregory) who afterward well reuoked the same, with condign fruit of repentaunce.

For vpon a certaine day as he sent vnto his fishpond to haue fish,* 2.7 and did see more then sixe thousand infants heades brought vnto him, which were taken out of the same pond or mote: did greatly repent in himselfe the decree made before, touchyng the single lyfe of Priests, which he confessed to be the cause of that so lamentable a murther. And so purging the same with condigne fruite of repentaunce, altered agayne the things which he had de∣creed before, commending that counsaile of the Apostle, which sayth: It is better to marry then to ••urne. Adding moreouer of himself thereunto, and saying: It is better to marry, then to giue occasion of death.

Peraduenture if these men had read with me this, which so happened: I thinke they would not be so rash in their doing and iudging, fearyng at least the Lordes commaundement: Doe not iudge, that ye be not iudged. And S Paule sayth: Who art thou that iudgest an other mans seruant? Either he standeth or falleth to his owne maister, but he shall stand, for the Lord is mighty and able to make him stand. Therfore let your holynes cease to com∣pell and enforce those, whom onely ye ought to admonish: least through your owne priuate commaundement (which God for∣bid) you be found contrary, as well to the olde Testament, as to the new. For as S. Augustine sayth to Donatus: this is onely that we do feare in your iustice, lest (not for the consideration of chri∣stian lenitie,* 2.8 but for the grieuousnes and greatnesse of transgres∣sions committed) you be thought to vse violence in executyng punishment of that which onely we do desire you (by Christ) not to do. For transgressions are so to be punished, that the lyfe of the transgressours may repent. Also an other saying of Augustine we would you to remember,* 2.9 which is this: Nil nocends fiat cupidi∣tate, omnia consulendi charitate, & nihil fiat imman••ter, nihil in∣humaniter. That is: Let nothing be done through the greedines of hurting, but all things through the charitie of profiting: Nei∣ther let any thing be done cruelly, nothing vngently. Item of the same Augustine it is written. In the feare and name of Christ I exhort you, which of you soeuer haue not the goods of this world be not greedy to haue them.* 2.10 Such as haue them, presume not to much vpon them. For I say, to haue them is no damnation, but if ye presume vpon them, that is damnation, if for the hauing of thē ye shal seeme great in your owne fight, or if ye do forget the cō∣mon condition of man through the excellencie of any thing you haue. Vse therfore therin due discretion, tempered with modera∣tion, the which cup of discretion is drawen out of that fountaine of the Apostolike preaching which sayth: Art thou loose frō thy wife? Do not seeke for thy wife. Art thou bound to thy wife? Seke not to be loosed from her? Where also it followeth, Such as haue wiues, let them be as though they had them not, and they that vse the world,* 2.11 let them be as not vsing it.

Item concerning the widow he sayth: Let her marry to whō she wil, only in the Lord. To marry in the Lord, is nothing els but to attempt nothing in cōtracting of matrimony, which the Lord doth forbid, Ieremy also saith: Trust not in the words of lies, say∣ing, The temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord, the temple of the Lord. The which saying of Ieremy, Hierome expounding, saith thus: this may agree also, & be applied vnto such virgins, which brag & vaunt their virginitie with an impudent face, pretending chastitie, when they haue an other thing in their conscience, and know not how the Apostle defineth the virgin,* 2.12 that she should be holy in body, and also in spirit. For what auayleth the chastitie of the body, if the mind inwardly be defloured? Or if it haue not the other vertues, which the prophetical Sermon doth describe? The which vertues, for as much as we see partly to be in you, and be∣cause we are not ignorant, that this discretiō (although neglected in this part, yet in the other actiōs of your life to be kept honest∣ly of you) do not dispaire, but you dispaire, but you wil also soone amend the little lacke which is behind. And therfore with as much grauitie as we can, we cease not to call vpō you, to correct and amend this your negligēce. For although according to our common calling, a bi∣shop is greater then a Priest, yet Austen being lesse then Hierome (notwithstāding the good correctiō proceeding frō the lesser to the greater) was not to be refused or disdained, especially when he which is corrected, is found to striue against the truth to please mē.* 2.13 For as S. Austen faith, writing to Boniface: the disputatiōs of all mē, be they neuer so Catholick or approued persōs: ought not to bee had in stead of the Canonicall Scriptures. So that we may disprooue or refuse (sauing the honor & reuerence which is due vnto thē) any thing that is in their writings: if any thing there be found, contrary to trueth: and what can be found more contrary to the trueth then this? When as the trueth him selfe speaking of continency, not of one onely, but of all men together, (the num∣ber onely excepted of them which haue professed continencye) sayth: He that can take, let him take: the which saying, these men (mooued, I cannot tell by what occasion) doe turne and say: he that cannot take, let him be accursed. And what can bee more foolishe amongest men, then when anye Byshoppe or Archdea∣con, runne themselues headlong into all kinde of lust, to adultery

and incest, and also Sodomitry: yet shame not to say, that the chaste mariage of Priestes doe stincke before them. And as voyde of all compassion of true righteousnesse, doe not desire or admonish their Clerkes, as their fellow seruauntes to abstayne, but commaund them and enforce them as seruauntes, violentlye to abstayne:* 2.14 Vnto the whiche imperious commaundement of theirs or counsell (whether you will call it) they adde also thys foolishe and filthy suggestion, saying: that it is more honest, pri∣uily to haue to doe with many women, then apertly in the sight and consciences of many men, to bee bounde to one wife. The whiche truely they would not say, if they were eyther of hym, or in him, which saith, wo to you Phariseis which do all thinges be∣fore men. And by the Psalmist: because they please men, they are confounded: for the Lord hath despised them. These be the men, who rather ought to perswade vs, that we should shame to sinne priuily in the sight of him, to whē all things be open, thē to seeme in the sight of men for to be cleane. These men therfore, although through their sinful wickednes, deserue no counsell of godlines to be giuen thē: yet we not forgetting our humanitie, cease not to giue them counsell by the authoritie of Gods word, which seketh al mens saluation, desiring thē by the bowels of charitie, & saying with the wordes of Scripture: Cast out thou hypocrite first the beame out of thine owne eye, and then thou shalt see to cast out the mote of the eye of thy brother.

Moreouer, this also we desire them to attend, what the Lord saith of the aduouterous woman: which of you that is with∣out sinne let hym cast the first stone against her. As though hee would say, if Moses bid you, I also bid you. But yet I require you that be the competent ministers and executors of the law: Take heede what yee adde thereunto, take heede also I pray you, what you are your selues: for if (as the Scripture saith) thou shalt well consider thy selfe, thou wilt neuer defame or detract an other.

Moreouer it is signified to vs also, that some there be of them,* 2.15 which (when they ought like good shepherds to giue their liues for the Lordes flocke) yet are puffed vp, with such pride: that without all reason they presume to rent and teare the Lords flocke, with whippings and beatings, whose vnreasonable doo∣ynges Saint Gregory bewailing,, thus saith: Quid fiat de ouibus quando pastores lupi fiunt? That is, what shall become of the sheepe when the pastors themselues be Woolues? But who is o∣uercome but he which exerciseth cruelty,? Or who shall iudge the persecutor, but he which gaue patiently his backe to stripes? And this is the frute which commeth to the Church by such per∣secutors, also which commeth to the clergy, by such despitefull handling of their Byshoppes or rather Infidels. For why may ye not call them Infidels,* 2.16 of whome Saint Paule thus speaketh and writeth to Tymothie? that in the latter dayes there shall cer∣taine depart from the faith, geue heede to spirits of errour and doctrine of deuils, of them that speake false through hypocrisie, and hauing their consciences marked with an hote yron, forbid∣ding to marry, and commaunding to abstaine from meates. &c. And this is if it be well marked, the whole handfull of the darnell and cockell growing amongest the corne: this is the couente of all madnes, that whiles they of the Clergye, be compelled to re∣linquish the cōpany of their own lawful wiues: they become af∣terward fornicators and adulterers with other women, and wic∣ked ministers of other sinnefull filthinesse. These bee they which bring into the Church of God this heresie (as blinde guides lea∣ding the blinde) that it might be fulfilled which the Psalme spea∣keth of: as foreseeing the errors of such men, & accursing thē af∣ter this maner, let their eyes be blinded that they see not, & bow down alwais their backe. For as much then (O Apostolical Sir) as no man which knoweth you, is ignorant, that if you, through the light of your discretion had vnderstanded and seene, what poy∣soned pestilence, might haue come into the Churche thorough the sentence of this your decree: they would neuer haue consē∣ted to the suggestions of certaine wicked persons. Wherefore we counsell you by the fidelitie of our due subiection, that wyth all diligence, you would put away so great slaūder from the Church of God: and through your discret discipline, you will remooue this Pharisaicall doctryne from the flocke of God: so that thys onely Sunanite of the Lords (vsing no more adulterous husbāds) do not separate the holy people, and the kingly Priesthoode from her spouse which is Christ▪ through an vnrecouerable diuorse∣ment: seing that no man without Chastitie (not only in the vir∣gines state,* 2.17 but also in the state of matrimony) shall see our Lord, who with the father and the holy ghost, lyueth and raigneth for euer, Amen.

¶By this Epistle of Byshop Huldericke, aboue prefixed, the matter is plaine (gentle Reader) to conceiue, what was then the sentence of learned men, concerning the ma∣riage of ministers, but that here by the way, the Reader is to be admoninished. that this Epistle which by errour of the writer is referred to pope Nicholas y^e first, in my mind is rather to bee attributed to the name and tune of Nico∣las the 2. or 3.

After this pope, Nicolas succeded Hadrianus. 2. Ioannes ix. Martinus. ij. After these came Hadrian the third and Stephē the v. By this Hadrian it was first decred, y^t no Emperour after that time should intermedle or haue any thing to do in the election of the Pope. And thus began the Empe∣rors fyrst to decay,* 2.18 and the Papacie to swell and ryse a∣loft. And thus much concerning Romish matters for this time.

Then to returne where we lefte, touching the storye of King Ethelwolfe. About the latter ende of his reigne, the Danes which before had inuaded the Realme, in the time of king Egbert, as is aboue declared: now made there reen∣tre againe, with 33. shippes arriuing aboute Hamshyre: through the barbarous tyranny of whō, much bloudshed and murther happened here among englishmen, in Dor∣cet shire, about Pourtchmouth in Kent, in Eastangle, in Lindesey, at Rochester, about London, and in Wests••xe▪ where Ethelwolfe the king was ouercome, besides diuers other vnder kings and dukes, whome the Danes dayly approching, in great multitudes in dyuers victories had put to flight. At length king Ethelwolfe, with his sonne E∣thelbaldus, warring against them in Southrey, at Oclea, draue them to the sea, where they houering a space, after a while brast in againe with horrible rage and crueltie, as hereafter (Christ willing) shall be declared, so much as to our purpose shall serue, professing in this history, to write not of matters externe and politike, but onely pertaining to the Church. The cause of this great affliction sent of God vnto this realme thus I found expressed and collect∣lected in a certayne olde wrytten storye,* 2.19 which hath noe name: the wordes of which writer, for the same cause as he thought to recite them, writing as he saith (ad cautelam, futurorum) I thought also for the same here not to be omit∣ted, albeit in all partes of his commendation I doe not fully with him accorde. The wordes of the writer be these.

In Anglorum quidem Ecclesia primitiua,* 3.1 religio clarissime, respēduit: ita vt Reges & Reginae et Principes ac Duces, Consu∣les, & Barones &c.

In English thus.

In the primitiue Church saith he of the Englishmen, Rely∣giō did most clerely shine, in so much that kings Queenes, Prin∣ces and Dukes, Consuls, Barons, and Rulers of Churches, incen∣sed with the desire of the kingdome of heauen, laboring and stry∣uing among themselues to enter into Monkery, into voluntarye exile and solitary life, forsoke all and followed the Lord. Where in processe of time, all vertue so much decayed among them, that in fraude and trechery none seemed like vnto them: Neither was to them any thing odious or hatefull but pietie and iustice Nei∣ther any thing in price or honor, but ciuill warre and sheddyng of innocent bloud. Wherfore almighty God sent vpon them pa∣gane and cruell nations, like swarmes of Bees, which neyther spa∣red women, nor children, as Danes, Norwagians, Gothes, Sueui∣ans, Vandals, and Fresians. Who from the beginning of the reigne of king Ethelwolfe till the comming of the Normandes, by the space neere of 230. yeares, destroyed their sinfull land from the one side of the sea, to the other, from man also to beast. For why? they inuading England oft times, of euery side, went not about to subdue and possesse it, but onely to spoyle and destroy it. And if it had chanced them at any time to be ouercome of Englishmen, it auailed nothing, when as other nauies still with greater power in other places were ready vpon a sodaine and vnawares to ap∣proche vpon them, &c. Historia Cariana.

Thus farre haue ye the wordes of mine author, decla∣ring the cause, which prouoked Gods anger, whereunto may be adioyned the wickednes, not onely of them but of their forefathers also before them, who falsely breaking the faith and promise made wyth the Britanes, did crueliye murther their nobles, wickedly oppressed their cōmons, impiously persecuted the innocent Christians, milicious∣ly possessed their land and habitation: chasing the inhabi∣taunts out of house and country, besides the violent mur∣ther of the Monkes of Bangor, and diuers soule slaugh∣ters against the poore Brytaines, who sent for them to be their helpers. Wherefore, Gods iust recompence fallyng vpon them from that time, neuer suffered them to be quiet from forreine enimies, till the comming of William the Normande &c.

Moreouer,* 3.2 concerning the outward occasiōs giuē of the Englishmens parts, mouing the Danes first to in∣uade the Realme, I find in certain stories two most espe∣cially assigned. The one ••••iustly giue, & iustly takē. The other not giuen iustly, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 taken. Of the which two, the first was giuen in Northumberland, by meanes of Osbryght,* 3.3 reigning vnder king of Westsaxons, in the North partes. This Osbright vppon a time iourneyng by the way, turned into the house of one of his nobles called Bruer. Who hauing at home a wife of great beautie (he be∣yng

absent abrod) the king after his dinner (allured wyth the excellency of her beautie) tooke her to a secret chamber,* 3.4 where he forceablye contrarye to her will did rauishe her, whereupon she being greatly dismaied, and vexed in her minde, made her mooue to her husband returning, of thys violence and iniury receaued. Bruer consulting with his frindes, first went to the king, resigning to his hands, all suche seruice and possessions which he did hold of him: that done tooke shipping and sailed into Denmarke, where he had great friends: and had his bringing vp before. There making his mone to Codrinus the king,* 3.5 desired his aide in reuenging of the great vilany of Osbryght against him and his wife. Codrinus hearing this, and glad to haue some iust quarell to enter that land: leuied an army with al spede: & preparing all things necessary for the same, sendeth foorth Inguar and Hubba two brethren,* 3.6 his chief Captaines, with an innumerable multitude of Danes into England. who first arriuing at Holdernesse, there brent vp the country, & killed without mercy both men, women, and chidrē, whō they could lay hāds vpon. Then marching toward York, entred their battaile, with the foresayde Osbryght, where he with the most part of his armye was slaine. And so the Danes entred the possession of the Citie of Yorke. Some other say, and is by the most part of storye writers recor∣ded, that the chiefe cause of the comming of Inguar & Hubba with the Danes,* 3.7 was to reuenge king Edmund reygnyng vnder the Westsaxons ouer the Eastangles in Nothfolke and Southfolk: for the murdering of a certaine Dane be∣ing father to Inguar and Hubba which was falselye impu∣ted to king Edmund. The story is thus told.

* 3.8A certaine noble man of the Danes of the kings stock called Lothebrocus father to Inguar and Hubba entring vp∣pon a time with his hauke into a certaine schaffe or cocke∣bote alone: by chaunce through tempest was driuen with his hauke to the coast of Nothfolke named Rodhā, where he being found and detained was presented vnto the king. The king vnderstanding his parentage, & seing his case: entertained him in his court accordingly. And euery daye more and more perceiued his actiuities, and great dexte∣ritie in hunting & hauking, bare speciall fauour vnto him. In so much that the kinges faukener,* 3.9 or maister of game, bearing priuy enuy against him, secretly as they were hū∣ting together in a woode, did murther him, & threw him in a bush. This Lothebroke, being murthered, within two or three daies began to be missed in the kinges house: of whō no tidings could be heard, but onely by a dogge or spaniel of his,* 3.10 which continuing in the wood with the corps of his maister, at sondry times came and fauned vpon the king: so long that at length they folowing the trase of the hound were brought to the place where Lothebroke laye. Where∣vpō inquisition made, at length by certeine circumstances of words and other euidences, it was knowne how & by whom he was murthered, that was by the kings huntes∣man name•• Berike. Who thereupon being conuicted, was set into the same bote of Lothebroke, alone and without any takeling to driue by seas, either to be saued by the weather or to be drowned in the deepe. And as it chaunced Lothe∣broke from Dennemarke to be driued to Northfolke, so it happened that from Northfolke he was caried into Den∣marke. Where the bote of Lothebroke being well knowen, hands were laid vpon him, & inquisition made of the par∣ty. In sine in his torments, to saue himselfe, he vttered an vntruth of king Egmund, saying, that the king had put him to death in the country of Northfolke. Wherupon grudge first was conceiued, thē an army appointed, & great mul∣titude sent into England, to reuenge that fact: where first they arriuing in Northumberland, destroyed (as is sayd) those parties first. From thence sayling into Northfolke they exercised the like tyranny there, vpon the inhabitaūts therof, especially vpon the innocent prince, & blessed mat∣ter of God, king Edmund. Cōcerning the farther declarati∣on wherof, hereafter shal follow (Christ our Lord, so per∣mitting) more to be spoken, as place and obseruation of time and yeares, shall require.

* 3.11In the meane seasō, king Ethelwulphe, in this chapiter here presently touched, when he had chased y^e foresaid Da∣ues (as is aboue rehearsed from place to place, causing thē to take the Sea, he in the meane while departeth him selfe both from land and life: leauing behinde him foure sons, which reigned euery one in his order, after the discease of their father. The names of whom were Ethelbaldus, Ethel∣brightus, Ethelredus, and Aluredus.

¶King Ethelbalde.

KIng Ethelbald the eldest sonne of Ethelwulfe, succeeding his father in the prouince of Westsaxe: and Ethelbright in the prouince of Kent: reigned both togither, the terme of v. yeares,* 3.12 one with the other. Of the which two, Ethel∣bald, the first le••t this infamie, behinde him in storyes, for marrying and lying with his stepmother,* 3.13 wife to hys owne father named Iudith. After these two succeded Ethel∣red, the thirde sonne, who is his time was so encombred with the Danes, brusting in on euery side: especiallye a∣bout Yorke, (which Citie they then spoyled and brent vp) that he in one yeare stoode in ix. battailes against them,* 3.14 w^t the helpe of Alured his brother. In the beginning of thys Kinges reigne, the Danes landed in East Englande, or Northfolke & Southfolke. But (as Fabian writeth) they were compelled to forsake that country,* 3.15 and so toke again shipping, and sayled Northward, and landed in Northū∣berlande: where they were met of the Kinges then there reigning, called Osbright, and Ella, which gaue to them a strong light. But notwithstanding the Danes, with help of such as inhabited the country, wanne the City of York, and helde it a certaine season as is aboue foretouched.

In the reigne of this Ethelred, the Northumberlan∣ders rebelling against the king,* 3.16 thought to recouer again the former state of their kingdome out of the Westsaxons hand, by reason of which discord (as happeneth in al lāds where dissention is) the strength of the Englishe nation was thereby not a litle weakned,* 3.17 and the Danes the more thereby preuailed.

About the latter time of the reigne of this Etheldred▪ which was about the yeare of our Lord. 870. certayne of the foresaide Danes being thus possessed of y^e north coun∣try: after their cruel persecution and murther done there, (as partly is touched before) tooke shipping frō thence, in∣tending to saile toward the Eastangles, who by the way vpon the sea, met with a flot of Danes: whereof the Cap∣taines or leaders were named Inguar & Hubba. Who ioy∣ning altogether in one counsel, made al one course, & last∣ly landed in East England, or Northfolke, & in proces of time came to Thetior••. Thereof hearing Edmund, then vnder king of that prouince: assembled an host, that gaue to them battall. But Edmund and his company was for∣ced to forsake the field, & the king with a few persons fled vnto the castle of Framingham,* 3.18 whō the Danes pursued. But he in short while after, yelded himselfe to the persecu∣tion of the Danes: aunswering in this maner to y^e messē∣ger, that told him in the name of Inguar Prince of the Da∣nes:* 3.19 which most victoriously (saith he) was come with in∣numerable legions, subduing both by sea and land manye nations vnto him: & so now arriued in those parts, requi∣reth him likewise to submit himself, yelding to him his hid treasures, and such other goods of his auncetors, and so to reign vnder him, which thing if he would not do, he shold (said he) be iudged vnworthy both of life & reigne. Edmūd hearing this proud message of y^e Pagane, consulted wyth certayne of his fryends: and amongest other, with one of his bishops being thē his Secretary, who seyng the pre∣sent daunger of the king: gaue him counsell to yeeld to the conditions. Upon this the king pausing a little with him self, at length rendred this aunswere: Bidding the messen∣ger go to tell his Lord in these words.* 3.20 That Edmūd a chri∣stian king, for the loue of temporall life, will not submitte himselfe to Pagane Duke, vnlesse he before woulde bee a Christian Incontinent vpon the same, the wicked & craf∣ty Dane approching in most hasty speede vpon the King, encountred with him in battell (as some say) at Thetford: where the king being put to the worse, & pittieng the ter∣rible slaunghter of his men: thinking with himselfe rather to submit his owne person to daunger, then his people should be slaine did flye (as Fabian sayth) to the Castle of Framingham:* 3.21 or (as my author writeth to Halesdō, now called S. Edmundesbury, where this blessed man, being on euery side cōpassed of his cruel enimies, yelded himself to their persecution. And for that he would not reny or de∣ny Christ and his lawes, they therfore most cruelly bound him vnto a tree, & caused him to be shot to death: and last∣ly caused his head to be smitten from his body,* 3.22 & cast into the thicke bushes. Which head and body at the same time was by his frendes taken vp, and solemnely buried at the sayd Halesdon, otherwise now named S. Edmunds bu∣ry. Whose brother named Edwoldus (notwithstanding of ryght, the kingdome fell next vnto him) setting a part the lyking & pleasure of the world, became an Hermite at the Abbey of Cerum, in the Countrey of Dorset.

After the Martirdome of this blessed Edmund,* 3.23 when the cruell Danes had sufficiently robbed and spoyled that country: they tooke agayne their shippes, and landed in Southrey, & continued their iourney till they came to the towne of Reading,* 3.24 & there wan the towne with the castle where (as Cambrensis saith) within three dayes of their thether comming, the foresayde Inguar and Hubba Cap∣taines

of the Danes, as they went in purchasing of theyr prayes or booties: were slaine at a place called Englefelde. Which Princes of the Danes thus slaine, the rest of them kept whole together, in such wise that y^e Westsaxons might take of them none aduantage. But yet within fewe dayes after the Danes were holden so short, that they were for∣ced to issue out of the castle, & to defend them in plain bat∣taile. In the whiche (by the industry of king Ethelred and of Allured his brother) the Danes were discomfited, & ma∣ny of them slaine: which discomfort made them flie againe into the castle, and there kept them for a certain time. The King then committing the charge of them to Ethelwolde Duke of Baroke or Barkshire,* 3.25 so departed. But whē the Danes knew of the kings departure, they brake sodeinly out of their hold, and tooke the Duke vnprouided, & slewe him, and much of his people. And so adioyning thēselues with other that were scattered in the countrey, enbattelled them in such wise, that of them was gathered a strōg host.

As the tidings hereof was brought to king Etheldred, (which put him in great heauines) word also was brought the same time of the landing of Osrike,* 3.26 king of Denmarke: who with assistence of the other Danes had gathered a great host, and were enbattelled vpō Ashdowne. To this battaile king Ethelred with his brother Alured (forced by great neede) sped them selues to withstand the Danes. At which time, the king a litle staying behind being yet at his seruice,* 3.27 Alured which was comen before, had entred alrea∣dy into the whole fight with the Danes: who strake toge∣ther with huge violēce. The king being required to make speede (hee being then at seruice, and meditations) such was his deuotion: that he would not stirre out one foote, before the seruice was fully cōplete. In this meane while, the Danes so fearsly inuaded Alured and his mē, that they wanne the hill: and the Christen men were in the valley, and in great daunger to loose the whole fielde. Neuerthe∣lesse through the grace of God, and their godly manhoode, the king comming from his seruice, with his fresh souldi∣ours recouered the hill of the infidels: and so discōfited the Danes that day,* 3.28 that in fleing away not only they lost the victory, but most part also of them their liues. In so much that their Duke or king Osride or Osege, and fiue of their Dukes, with much of their people were slain, and the rest chased vnto Reding towne.

After this, the Danes yet resembled their people, and gathered a new host, so that within xv. dayes, they mete at Basingstoke,* 3.29 and there gaue battaile vnto the king, & had the better. Then the king againe gathered his mē, which at that field were disparkled, and with fresh souldiours to them accompanied, mete the Danes within two moneths after at the towne of Merton, where hee gaue to them a sharpe battaile: so that much people were slaine as well of the Christen, as of the Danes, but in the ende, the Danes had the honour of the fielde, and king Ethelred there was wounded, and therefore faine to saue himselfe.

After these ij. fields thus won by the Danes, they ob∣tained great circuit of groūd, and destroyed man & childe, that would not yeld to them. And Churches and temples they turned to the vse of stables, & other vile occupations.

Thus the king beset with enemies on euery side, seing the land so miserably oppressed of the Danes: his knights and soldiours consumed: his owne land of Westsaxons in such desolation: he being also wounded himself: But espe∣cially for that he sending his commissions into Northum∣berland, into Mercia, and Eastanglia, could haue of them but smal or litle comfort (because they through wicked re∣bellion, were more willing to take the part of the Danes, then of their king) was sore perplexed therewithall,* 3.30 as the other Kinges were both before him and after him, at that time. So that, as Malmesbury witnesseth, magis optarēt ho∣nestum exitium, quàm tam acerbum imperium. That is, They rather wished honestly to die, then with such trouble and sorrow to reigne. And thus this King not long after de∣ceased, when he had reigned, as Fabian sayth viij. yeres, as Malmesbury wryteth,* 3.31 but v. yeares. During which time of his reigne, notwithstanding hys so great troubles and vexations in martiall affaires, (as is in some stories men∣tioned) he founded the house or college of Chanōs at Exe∣ter, and was buried at the Abbey of Winborn or Woborn.* 3.32 After whose decease, for lacke of issue of his body, the rule of the land fel vnto his brother Alured.

* King Alured otherwise called Alfrede.

* 3.33AMong the Saxon kinges hetherto in this historie a∣fore mentioned: I finde fewe or none to be preferred (or almost to be compared) to this Alured,* 3.34 or Alfrede for the great and singulare qualities in this king worthy of high renowne and commendation. Whether we behold in him the valiant actes, and manifold trauailes which he conti∣nually from time to time sustained against his ennemies in warres, during almost all the time of his raigne, for the publicke preseruation of his people: Or whether we con∣sider in him, his godly and excellent vertues, ioyned with a publicke and tender care, and zealous study; for the com∣mon peace and trāquility of the weale publike: appearing as wel in his prudēt lawes by him both carefully set forth, and with the like care executed, as also by his own priuate exercises touching the vertuous institution of his life. Or whether we respect that in him, which with equall praise matcheth with both the other before: That is, his notable knowledge of good letters, with a feruēt loue and Prince∣ly desire, to set foorth the same through all his Realme (be∣fore his time being both rude and barbarous) All whych his heroical properties, ioyned together in one Prince, as it is a thing most rare, and seldome seene in Princes now a daies: so I thought the same the more to be noted and ex∣amplefide in this good king. Therby either to moue other rulers and Princes in these our daies, to his imitation: or els to shew them what hath ben in times past, in their an∣ceters, which ought to be, and yet is not founde in them. Wherefore of these three partes to discourse either part in order, first we wil enter to entreat of his actes and paine∣full trauailes sustained, in defence of the Realme publicke: against the raging tyrannie of the Danes, as they be des∣cribed in the Latin histories of Rog. Houeden, and Hunting∣ton:* 3.35 whome Fabian also seemeth in this part somewhat to follow. King Alfred therfore, first of al the English kings, taking his crowne and vnction at Rome of Pope Leo (as Malmesberiensis and Polycronicon do recorde) in the begin∣ning of his raigne, perceauing his Lordes & people much wasted and decaied, by the reason of the great warres of Ethelred, had against the Danes: yet as well as he coulde, gathered a strength of men vnto him, and in the secōd mo∣neth that he was made King, he met with the Danes be∣side Wylton, where hee gaue to them battaile. But being farre ouermatched, through the multitude of the contrary part, was put there to the worse: although not wythout a great slaughter of the Pagane army. Which army then of the Danes, after that victorie, by compaction made wyth King Alfrede, to depart out of his dominion of Westsaxe: remoued from Reading to London, where they abode all that winter.* 3.36 Where Halden their king, taking truse wyth Burhered, King of Mercians, the next yeare followinge voyded those partes, and drewe to Lyndesey: in robbing and spoyling the townes and villages as they went, and holding the common people vnder their seruage. From thence after to Repyngdon: where they ioyning wyth the three other Kings of the Danes (called Surdrim, Osketel, and Hamond) grewe thereby in mighty force and strength. Who then deuiding their armie in two partes, the one halfe remained wyth Halden in the countrey of Northum∣berland: the residue were with the other three kings, win∣tering and soiourning all the next yeare at Grantbrige, which was the fourth yeare of King Alfred. In the which yeare King Alfred his men had a conflict on the Sea, with sixe of the Danes shippes, of which one they tooke, the o∣ther fled away.* 3.37 In this yeare went Rollo the Dane into Normandie, where hee was Duke thirtie yeare, and af∣terwarde was Baptised in the faith of Christ, and named Robert The foresayde armie of the three Dane Kinges a∣boue mētioned frō Grantebryge, returned again to West∣saxonie, and entred the Castle of warrham: where King Alfrede with a sufficiēt power of men, was ready to assault them. But the Danes seeing his strength durst not attēpt with him, but sought delaies, while more ayd might come. In the meane season they were constrayned to intreat for truce: leauing also sufficient pledges in the Kinges hand, promising moreouer vpon their othe, to voyde the coun∣try of the westsaxons. The king vpon the surety let them go. But they falsely breaking their league, priuely in the night brake out, taking their iourny toward Exceter. In which iourny, they lost vi. score of their small ships, by a tempest at Sandwych (as Henry Huntington in hys storye recordeth.) Then kyng Alfrede followed after the horsmen of the Danes, but coulde not ouertake them, before they came to Exceter, where he tooke of thē pledges and fayre promises of peace, and so returned. Notwithstanding the number of the Pagāes did dayly more and more increase, in so much (as one of my authors sayth) that if in one day 30. thousand of them were slayn, shortly after they increa∣sed double as many agayne. After this truce taken with King Alfrede, the Danes then voyded to the land of Mer∣cia, whereof part of that kingdome they kept themselues, part they committed to one Ceolulphus: vppon condition

that he should be vassall to them, and at their commande∣ment, with his people at all times.

* 3.38The next yere insuing, which was the vij. yeare of the raigne of Alfred, the Danes; who nowe hauing all the rule of the Northpart of Englande, from the riuer of Tames, with Mercia, London, and Essex: disdained that Alfrede shoulde beare any dominion on the other side of Tames southward. Whereupon the foresayde three kings with all the force and strength they coulde make, marched towarde Chippenham in Westsexe,* 3.39 with such a multitude, that the king w^t his people was not able to resist them. In so much that the people which inhabited there, some fled ouer the sea, some remained with the king, diuers submitted them∣selues to the Danes. Thus King Alfrede being ouerset w^t multitude of enemies, and forsaken of hys people, hauing neither lād to hold, nor hope to recouer that which he had lost:* 3.40 withdrew himselfe w^t a fewe of his nobles about him, into a certaine wood countrey in Somersetshire, called E∣thelyng: where he had right scant to liue with, but suche as he and his people might purchase by hunting and fishing. This Edelyng or Ethelying or Ethelyngsey, standeth in a great Maresse or Moore, so that there is no accesse vnto it, without ship or boate: and hath in it a great woode called Selewood, and in the midle a litle plaine, about of two a∣cres of ground. In which Ile is veneson. and other wilde beastes, with soule and fishes, great plenty. In this wood, King Alured at his first comming, espied a certaine deserte cotage of a poore Swynarde, keeping swine in the woode, named Dunwolphus: of whome the King then vnknowen was entertained and chearished, with such poore fare as he and his wife could make him.* 3.41 For the which, King Alfrede afterwarde, set the poore Swinarde to learning, and made him Bishop of Winchester.

In the meane season, while King Alfrede accompanied with a few, was thus in the desert wood, waiting the euent of these miseries: certaine stories recorde of a poore beggar, which there came and asked hys almes of the King. And the night folowing he appeared to the King in hys sleepe: saying his name was Cutbert, promising (as sent frō God, vnto him for his good charitie) great victories against the Danes. But to let these dreaming fables passe, althoughe they be testified by diuers authours, both Wilielmus Lib. de Reg. Polychronicon, Rog. Houeden, Iornalensis, and other mo. Notwythstanding the king in processe of time, was strēg∣thened and cōforted more,* 3.42 through the prouidence of God: respecting the miserable ruine of the Englishmen. First the brother of King Haldene the Dane before mentioned, comming in with xxiij. ships, landed about Deuonshire: where by chaunce being resisted by a bushment of king Al∣fredes men (who for their safegarde there lay in garyson) were slaine to the number of 1300. men,* 3.43 and their ensigne called the Ranen was taken. Houedenus in hys booke of Continuationis wryteth, that in the same cōflict both Inguar and Hubba were slain among the other Danes. After this, King Alfrede being better cheared, shewed him selfe more at large: so that daily resorted to him, men of Wiltshyre, Somersetshyre, and Hamshyre, till that hee was strongly accompanied.

* 3.44Then the King put himselfe in a bold and dangerous venture (as wryteth Wilelmus Lib. de Reg. Polychron. and Fabian which followeth them both) for he apparelling him in the habite of a Minstrell (as hee was very skilfull in all Saxon Poemes) with his instrument of Musike, entred in the tentes of the Danes, lying then at Eddendime: and in shewing there his interlude and songs, espied all theyr slouth and ydlenes,* 3.45 and heard much of their counsell. And after returning to hys companie, declared vnto them the whole manner of the Danes. Shortly vpon the same, the King sodainly in the night fell vpon the foresaid Danes, & distressed and slewe of them a great multitude, chased them from that coast. In so much that through hys strong & va∣liaunt assaultes vpon his enemies, out of his tower of E∣delyng newly fortified: he so encōbered them, that he clear∣ly voyded the countrey of them, betweene that and Sel∣woodes. His subiectes eftsones, hearing of these hys vali∣aunt victories, and manful deedes, drewe to him daily out of all coasts. Who through the helpe of God, and their assi∣stānce, helde the Danes so short, that he wanne from them Winchester, & diuers other good townes. Briefly, at lēgth he forced them to seeke for peace:* 3.46 the which was concluded vpon certaine couenaunts. Whereof one and the principal was, that the forenamed Gutrum their King shoulde be Christened. The other was, that suche as woulde not be Christened, should depart and voide the countrey.

* 3.47Upon these couenants, first the sayde Gutrum the Da∣nish Prince cōming to Winchester, there was Christened with xx. of his greatest Dukes or Nobles. To the whyche Gutrum King Alured being hys Godfather at hys Bap∣tisme, named hym Athelstane. Who after a certaine season that he had feasted the said Danes: he according to his pro∣mise before made, gaue vnto theyr King the countrey of Eastanglia, containing Northfolke & Suffolke, and part of Cambridshire. Moreouer (as saith Polychron.) he graū∣ted to the Danes that were Christened, the Countrey of Northumberland. So the residue that wold not be Chri∣stened, departed the land, and sailed into Fraunce▪ where, what vexation and harme they wrought, the Chronicles of Fraunce do partly comprehend.

King Athelstane thus hauing the possession of these countreis,* 3.48 had all Eastangles vnder his obedience. And albeit that he held the sayd prouince as in fee of the king, & promised to dwel there as his liege mā: yet that notwith∣standing, hee continued more like a tyrant, by the terme of xj. yeare and died in the xij. yere. During the which space, King Alfrede hauing some more rest and peace, repaired certain townes and strong holds afore by the Danes em∣paired. Also he builded diuers houses of religiō,* 3.49 as y^e house of Nunnes at Shaftesbury. An other religious house at Ethelyng he foūded. Item an other in Winchester, named the new monastery. Item, he endewed richly the Churche of S. Cutbert in Dyrham. He sent also to India, to pay and performe his vowes to S. Thomas of Inde, which he made during the time of his distresse against the Danes.

About the xv. yeare of the reigne of Alfred, the Danes returning from France to England, landed in Kent, and so came to Rochester, and besieged that City: and there lay so long, that they builded a Tower of tymber against the gates of the Citie. But by strength of the Citizens, that tower was destroyed, and the Citie defended t•• King Al∣frede came and reseued them. Whereby the Danes were so distressed, and so nere trapped: that for feare, they left their horses behind them, and fled to their ships by night. But the King, when he was thereof ware: sent after them and tooke xvj. of their shippes, & slew many of the said Danes. This done, the King returned to London, & repaired the same honorably (as sayth Houedenus) & made it habitable, which before was sore decaied and febled by the Danes.

The third yeare after this,* 3.50 which was the xix. yeare of the raigne of king Alfred: the foresayd Athelstane the Da∣nish king of Northfolke (which by Alfred was Christened before) deceased. Not lōg after this, about the xxj. yeare of this kinges reigne, the Danes agayne landed in foure places of this land: which was, in Eastinglande: in the North: and in the West, in two places. Before the lan∣dyng of these Danes, it chaunced king Elfred, hearing of the death of King Athelstane, and of other complayntes of the Danes, was then in Eastengland, when these tidings c••me to him.

When King Alfrede was hereof ascertained: forsomuch as some of the Danes were landed in that coast, thincking with themselues the further they wēt in those parties, the lesse resistaunce to haue,* 3.51 and the more speede, as they were wont to haue before: Alfride therefore sending messengers in all hast to Etheldred Duke of Mercia, to assemble to him an host, to withstand the Danes which landed in y^e West, made forth toward hys enemies there, where hee was in Eastanglia, whom he pursued so sharpely, that hee droue them out from those parties. They then landed in kent, whether the king with his people sped him, and in lyke maner draue the Danes from thence, without anye great fight,* 3.52 so farre as in our authors we can see. After this, a∣gayne the Danes tooke shipping, and sayled into North∣wales, and there robbed and spoyled the Britones, & from thence returned by the sea into Eastanglia, with an hun∣dreth ships, and there rested them, for so much the king then was gone Westward.

The fourth host of the Danes, the same yeare came to Chester, which at length they won, but then, the countrey adioyning pressed so sore vpon them, and besieged them so long,* 3.53 keeping them selues wythin the City, that at the last the Danes weryed with the long siege, were compelled to eat their owne horses for hunger. But by appointment, at last they gaue ouer the towne, and went about by North∣wales to Northumberland, whyche was about the xxiij. yeare of king Alfrede: Which Alfrede in the meane while with his host, sped him thetherward. Thē the Danes, lea∣uing their strong holdes and Castles garnished with men and vitaile: tooke againe shipping, and set theyr course in such wise that they landed in Sussex, & so came to the porte of Lewes: and from thence towarde London, and builded a Tower or Castle neare vnto the riuer of Ley,* 3.54 xx. mile frō London. But the Londiners hearing therof, manned out a certaine number of men of armes, who w^t the assistence of them of that countrey, put the Danes from that tower:

and after beat it downe to the groūd. Soone after the king came downe thether. And to preuent the daungers that might ensue,* 3.55 commaunded the riuer of Luye to be deuided in iii. streames: so that where a shyp might sayle in times before, then a litle boate might scantly row. Frō thence the Danes, leauing their shippes & wiues, were forced to flie that countrey, and tooke their way againe toward Wales, and came to Quadruge neare to the Riuer of Seuerne. Where, vpon the borders therof, they builded then a castle, there resting themselues for a time: whome the King eft∣soones wyth his armie pursued. In the meane tyme, the Londiners at Luye taking the Danes shippes: some of them they brought to London, the rest they fired. During all these three yeres, from the first comming of the Danes to Luye, Englande was afflicted with three maner of sor∣rowes: with the Danes,* 3.56 wyth pestilence of men, and mor∣reine of beasts. The which troubles notwithstanding, yet the King manfully resisted the malice of his enemyes, and thāked God alway, what trouble soeuer fel to him, or vn∣to his Realme, and susteined it wyth great pacience & hu∣militie. These three yeares ouerpast,* 3.57 the next yeare folow∣ing, which was the xxviij. of the reigne of Alfrede: the Da∣nes deuided their hoste: of whom part went to Northum∣berland, some to Northfolke, part sailed ouer to Fraunce, some other came to Westsaxe.* 3.58 Where they had diuers con∣flictes with the Englishmen, both by lande and especially vpon the Sea: of whome some were slaine: many by shyp∣wracke peryshed, diuers were taken and hanged, and xxx. of their shippes were taken.

* 3.59Not long after this, king Alfred, when he had reigned xxix. yeares, and vj. monethes, chaunged this mortall life. And thus much (and more peraduēture, then will seeme to thys our Ecclesiasticall storie appertaining) touching the painfull labours and trauailes of this good king: which he no lesse valiantly atcheued, then paciently susteined, for the necessary defence of his Realme and subiects.

* 3.60Now if there be any Prince, who listeth to see and fol∣low the vertuous and godly disposition of this king: both touching the institution of his owne life, & also concerning his carefull gouernement of the cōmon weale: thus the hi∣stories of him do record. That at what time he being yōg, perceaued hymselfe somewhat disposed to the vice of the flesh, & thereby letted from many vertuous purposes: did not as many young Princes,* 3.61 and Kinges sonnes in the world be now wont to do: that is to resolue thēselues into all kind of carnal licence, and dissolute sensualitie, running and folowing without bridle, whether soeuer their licence geuen doth leade them (as therefore not without cause the common prouerbe reporteth of them) that Kings sonnes learne nothing well els, but onely to ride. Meaning ther∣by, that Princes and Kinges sonnes hauing about them flatterers, whych bolster them in theyr faultes: onely their horses geue to them no more, then to any other: but if they sit not fast, they wil cast them. But this young king seeing in him selfe the inclination of his fleshly nature, minding not to geue hym selfe so much as he might take,* 3.62 but rather by resistence to auoid the tentation thereof: besought God that he wold send to him some continual sicknes, in quen∣ching of that vice, whereby he might be more profitable to the publike busines of the cōmon wealth, and more apt to serue God in his calling. Cestrens. Lib. 5. cap. 1. Fab. cap. 17.

Then at Gods ordinance, he had the euill called Ficus, til he came to the age of xx. yeres,* 3.63 wherof at length he was cured (as is sayd in some stories) by the virgin called Mod∣wen, an Irishwoman. After this sicknesse being taken a∣way, to him fell an other: which continued with him from the xx. yeres of his age, to xlv (according to his own peti∣tion & request made vnto God) wherby, he was the more reclaimed & attempered from other more great incōueni∣ences, and lesse disposed to that which he did most abhorre.

Moreouer to beholde the bountiful goodnes ioyned w^t like prudence in this man:* 3.64 in the ordering & disposing hys riches and rents, it is not vnworthy to be recited. How he deuided his goods in two equall partes: the one appertei∣ning to vses secular, the other to vses spirituall or Ecclesi∣asticall. Of the which two principall partes, the first he de∣uided into three portiōs: the first to the behofe of his house and family,* 3.65 the second vpon his workmen and builders of his new works, whereof he had great delight & cunning: the third vpon strangers. Likewise the other second halfe, vpon spirituall vses, he did thus diuide in foure portions: One to the releuing of the poore: An other to monasteries: The iij. portion to the schooles of Oxforde,* 3.66 for the maintei∣ning of good letters: The iiij. he sent to foreine Churches, without the Realme. This also is left in stories written to his commendation, for his great tolerance and sufferance: that when he had builded the new Monastery at Winche∣ster, and afterward hys sonne Edward had purchased of the Byshop and the Chapter a sufficient peece of grounde for certaine offices to be adioyned vnto the same, & had geuen for euery foote of ground, mancam auri pleni ponderis (which was as I thynke a marke of golde) or more: yet Alfrede therwithal was not greatly discontented to see his coffers so wasted.

Ouer and besides,* 3.67 how sparing and frugall hee was of time (as of a thing in this earth most pretious) and howe farre from al vain pastimes and idlenes he was: this doth well declare, which in the storie of William de Reg. & other wryters is tolde of hym. That hee so deuided the day and night in three parts, if he were not let by warres, or other great busines: that eight houres hee spent in studie & lear∣ning: and other eight houres he spent in praier and almes dedes: and other eight houres he spent in his natural rest, sustenance of his body, and the needes of the realme. The which order he kept duely by the burning of waxen tapers kept in his closet by certaine persons for the same purpose. Guliel.

How studious he was & carefull of the commō wealth and maintenance of publike tranquillitie:* 3.68 his lawes most godly set forth and diuised by him may declare. Wherein es∣pecially by him was prouided, for the extirping and aboli∣shing all theft and theeues out of the Realme. Wherby, the Realme through his vigilant care,* 3.69 was brought into such trāquillitie or rather perfection, that in euery crosse or tur∣ning way, he made be set vp a golden brouch at least of sil∣uer gilded, through his dominiōs: and none so hardy nei∣ther by day nor night to take it downe: for the more credit wherof, the wordes of the Latin story be these: Armillas au∣reas iuberet suspendi, quae viantium auiditatem irritarent, dum non essent, qui eas abriperent. &c. Guliel. Lib. de Regibus Angl. And no great maruel therein, if the Realme in those dayes was brought in such an order, and that iustice then was so well ministred, when the king him selfe was so vigilant in ouerseeing the doings of his iudges and officers. Whereof thus also we read in the saide author testified: Iudiciorum a suis hominibus factorum, inquisitor, perperam actorum asperri∣mus corrector. 1. he was (sayeth mine author speaking of the king) a vigilant inquisitor of the doings of his iudges, and a strict punisher of theyr misdoinges.* 3.70 Iornalensis also wry∣ting vpon the same, thus sayth: Facta ministrorum suorum, & potissimè iudicum diligenter inuestigauit, adeo vt quos ex aua∣ritia aut imperitia errare cognosceret, ab officio remouebat, that is, he did diligently search out the doings of his officers, & especially of his iudges: so that if he knewe any of them to erre eyther through couetousnes, or vnskilfulnes: them he remooued from their office.

And thus much concerning the valiant actes, and no∣ble vertues of this worthy Prince: whereunto although there were no other ornamēts adioyning besides: yet suf∣ficient were they alone to set foorth a Prince worthy excel∣lent commendation. Nowe besides these other qualities & gifts of Gods grace in him,* 3.71 aboue mentioned: remayneth an other part of his no litle praise & commendation, which is his learning and knowledge of good letters: wherof he not onely was excellently expert hym selfe, but also a wor∣thy mainteiner of y^e same through al his dominiōs:* 3.72 where before, no vse of Grammer or other sciences was practised in this Realme, especially about the Westparts of the lād: there through the industrie of this king, schooles began to be erected, and studyes to florish. Although amōg the Bri∣taynes in the towne of Chester in Southwales lōg before that,* 3.73 in kyng Arthurs tyme, as Galfridus writeth: both Grammer, and Philosophy with other tongues was thē taught. After that some writers record, that in the tyme of Egbert kyng of Kent, this Ilande began to florishe with Philosophy. About which tyme some also thinke: that the Uniuersitie of Graūtechester,* 3.74 neare to that which nowe is called Cambrige, began to be founded, by Bede: following this coniecture therein, for that Alcuinus (before mētioned) which after went to Rome, & from thence to Fraunce in the tyme of Charles the great, where he first began the U∣niuersitie of Paris: was first traded vp in the exercise of studies, at the same schoole of Graūtechester. Beda Lib. 111. cap. 18. writing also of Sigebert king of Eastangles,* 3.75 decla∣reth how the sayd Sigebert returning out of Fraunce into England (according to the examples whiche hee did there see) ordered and disposed schooles of learning, through the meanes of Felix then Bishop: and placed in them maisters and teachers,* 3.76 after the vse and maner of the Cantuarites. And yet before these times, moreouer is thought to be two schooles or vniuersities within the realme: the one Grek, at y^e town of Greglade, which afterward was called Kyrk¦lade: The other for Latine, whiche place was then called Latinelade: afterward Letthelade neare to Oxford.

But howsoeuer it chāced that the knowledge and stu∣dy of good letters being once planted in this realme, after∣warde went to decay: yet King Alfrede deserueth no little praise, for restoring or rather increasing the same. After whose time they haue euersince continued, albeit not con∣tinually through euery age in like perfection. But this we may see, what it is to haue a Prince learned him selfe, who feeling and tasting the price and value of science & know∣ledge, is thereby not only the more apt to rule, but also to instruct & frame his subiectes, from a rude barbaritie, to a more ciuile congruencie of life, & to a better vnderstanding of thinges: as we see in this famous Prince to happen. Cōcerning whose first education & bringing vp, although it was somewhat late before he entred any letter: yet suche was the apt towardnesse & docilitie of his nature, that be∣ing a childe, he had the Saxon Poemes (such as were vsed then in his owne toung) by hart and memory. Who after∣ward with yeares and time grewe vp in such perfection of learning and knowledge, in so much, that as mine author sayeth, Nullus Anglorum fuerit vel intelligendo acutior, vel in interpretando elegantior. The which thing in him the more was to be marueiled, for that he was xij. yeares of age be∣fore he knew any letter. Then his mother, careful and ten∣der ouer him, hauing by chance a booke in her hand, which he wold faine haue:* 3.77 promised to geue him the same, so that he wold learne it. Wherupon he for greedines of the booke, eftsoones learned the letters, hauing to his Scholemaister Pleimundus, after bishop of Canterbury. And so daily grew more and more in knowledge, that at length, as mine au∣thor sayth,* 3.78 Plurimam partem Romanae bibliothecae, Anglorum auribus dedit, optimam praedam peregrinarum mercium, ciuium vsibus conuertens. That is. A great part of the Latin Libra∣rie hee translated into English, conuerting to the vses of his Citizens, a notable pray of forein ware & marchādise. &c. Of which bookes by him and through him translated, was Orosius: Pastorale Gregorij. The historie of Bede: Boëtius de consolatione Philosophiae.* 3.79 Also a booke of his owne ma∣king and in his owne toung, which in the English speach he called a hādbooke, in Greke called it Enchiridion, in La∣tine a Manuel. Besides the historie of Bede translated into the Saxons toung▪ he also himselfe compiled a story in the same speach, called the storie of Alfrede &c. which both boo∣kes in the Saxons tounge I haue seene, though the lan∣guage I do not vnderstād. And as he was learned himself excellently well, so likewise did he inflame all his countrey men to the loue of liberall letters, as the wordes of the sto∣rie reporteth, Illos praemijs, hos minis hortando, neminem illi∣teratum, ad quamlibet curiae dignitatem aspirare permittens.* 3.80 That is. He exhorted and stirred his people to the studie of learning, some with giftes, some by threates, suffering no man to aspire to any dignitie in the Court, except he were learned. Moreouer an other storie thus sayth, speaking of his nobles: Optimates quo{que} suos ad literaturam addiscendam in tantum prouocauit, vt sibi filios suos, vel saltem si filios nō ha∣berent, seruos suos, literis commendarent. That is. Also his nobles so much hee did allure to the embracing of good let∣ters, that they set all their sonnes to schoole: or if they had no sonnes, yet their seruauntes they caused to be learned. Whereby the common prouerbe may be found not so com∣mon, as true. Such as is the Prince, such be the subiectes. He began moreouer to translate the Psalter in English,* 3.81 & had almost finished the same, had not death preuēted him. Guliel. de Regib Angl. In the Prologue of the booke intitu∣led Pastorale Grego. thus hee wryteth: declaring the cause why hee was so earnest and diligent in translating good bookes from Latine into English, shewing the cause ther∣of, why he so did, as foloweth: Quòd Ecclesiae in quibus in∣numerae priscae bibliothecae continebantur, cum libris a Danis incensae sint: quod{que} in tota insula studium literarum ita abolitū esset vt quis{que} minus timeret capitis periculum, quam studiorum exercitia adire. Qua propter se in hoc, Anglis suis consulere &c. That is. The cause was, for that innumerable auncient Libraryes which were kept in Churches,* 3.82 were consumed with fire by the Danes: And that men had rather suffer perill of their life, thē to follow the exercise of studyes: And therefore he thought thereby to prouide before for the peo∣ple of the English nation. &c.

It is tolde of him both in Polychron Malmesb. Ironalen∣sis, and other storyes mo, whereof I haue no names: that he seing his countrey (namely Westward) to be so desolate of scholes and learning, partly to profite himselfe, partly to furnish his countrey & subiectes with better knowledge, first sent for Grimboldus a learned Monke out of Fraunce,* 3.83 to come into England. Also sent for an other learned man out from the partes of Wales, whose name was Asserion, whome he made Byshop of Shyreborne. Item out of Mercia, he sent for Werefrithus, bishop of Worcetor: to whō he put the Dialogues of Gregoy to be translated.* 3.84 But chie∣fly he vsed the Counsell of Neotus, who then was counted for an holy man, and Abbot of a certaine Monasterie in Cornwal. By the aduisement of which Neotus, hee sent for these learned men aboue recited: and also ordained certaine scholes of diuers artes, first at Oxforde, and also fraunchi∣sed the same with many great liberties. Guliel. Iornalens. Fa∣bi. cap. 171. Wherof perhaps the schole, now called the new Colledge (first then begon of this Neotus) myght take hys name: which (afterwarde peraduenture) the Byshops of Winchester after a larger manner did reed••fie, and inlarge wyth greater possessions.

Moreouer, amōg other learned men which were about king Alfrede: histories make mention of Iohannes Scotus (a godly Diuine, and a learned Philosopher) but not that Scotus, which nowe we call Duns. For that Iohannes Sco∣tus came after this, many yeares. This Iohannes is descri∣bed to be a sharpe wit, of great eloquence, and well expert in the Greeke toung: pleasant and mery of nature and cō∣ditions, as appeareth by diuers his doings & aunsweres. First he comming to Fraunce out of his owne countrey of Scotland, by reason of the great tumultes of warre, was there worthily intertained:* 3.85 and for hys learning had in great estimation of Carolus Caluus the French king, whom he commonly and familiarly vsed euer to haue about him, both at table, and in chamber. Upon a time the King sit∣ting at meate, and seeing something (belike in thys Iohn Scot) which semed not very courtly: cast forth a mery word asking of him, what difference there was betwixt a Scot, & a Sot. Whereunto the Scot sitting ouer against the King, somewhat lower, replied againe sodainly, rather then ad∣uisedly (yet merely) saying: Mensa tantùm, that is, the table onely: importing thereby himself to be the Scot, and so cal∣ling the king a Sot by craft. Which word howe other prin∣ces would haue taken to stomake, I knowe not: but thys Charles, for the great reuerēce he bare to his learning, tur∣ned it but to a laughter among his nobles, & so let it passe.

An other time, the same king being at dinner, was ser∣ued wyth a certaine dish of fish: wherein, were two great fishes, and a litle one. After the king had taken thereof his repast, setteth downe to Iohannes Scotus the foresayde fish, to distribute vnto the other ij. Clarkes sitting there wyth him: which were two tall and mighty persons, he himselfe being but a litle man. Iohannes taketh the fish, of the which the two great, he taketh and carueth to himself: the litle fish he reacheth to the other two. The king perceiuing this his diuision thus made, reprehended the same. Then Iohannes, whose maner was euer to finde out some honest matter to delite the King, answered to him againe, proouing his diuision to stand iust and equal. For here (sayth he) be two great, and a little, poynting to the two great fishes & him∣selfe: And likewise here again is a litle one and two great, pointing to the litle fish, & two great persons, I pray you (sayeth hee) what oddes is there, or what distribution can be more equall? Whereat the King with his nobles, being much delighted, laughed merely.

At the request of thys Charles surnamed Bawld, the Frenche king, this Scotus translated the booke of Dionysius, intituled De Hierarchia, from Greeke into Latin, worde for worde, quo fit (as my author sayth) vt vix intelligatur Latina litera,* 3.86 quum nobilitate magis Graeca, quam positione construitur Latina. He wrote also a Booke De corpore & sanguine Domi∣ni, whych was afterward condemned by the Pope In Con∣cilio Vercellensi.

The same Iohannes Scotus moreouer compiled a booke of his own, geuing it a greeke title, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, De naturae diuisione. In which booke (as sayeth my foresayd author) is contained the resolution of many profi∣table questions (but so) that he is thought to followe the Greeke Churche,* 3.87 rather then the Latine, and for the same was counted of some to be an hereticke: because in that booke some thinges there be, which in all poyntes accorde not with the Romish Religion. Wherfore the Pope, wry∣ting to the saide king Charles of thys Scotus, complayneth, as in his owne wordes here followeth:

Relatū est Apstolatui nostro, quòd opus Dionysij Areopagitae, quod de diuinis nominibus, & de caelestibus ordinibus, Graeco descripsit eloquio, quidam vir Ioannes (genere Scotus) nuper transtulit in Latinum. Quod, iuxta morem Ecclesiae, nobis mitti, & nostro iudicio debuit approbari•• praesertim quum idem Ioan∣nes (licèt multae scientiae esse praedicitur) olim non sane sapere, in quibusdam frequenti rumore dicatur. &c. That is: Relation hath bene made vnto our Apostleship, that a certaine man called Iohannes a Scottish man, hath translated the booke of Dionysius the Areopagite: of the names of God, and of the heauenly orders, from Greeke into Latin. Which Booke, according to the custome of the Church, ought first to haue

bene approued by our iudgement: namely seeing the sayde Iohn (albeit he be sayde to be a man of great learning and science) in time past hath bene noted by common rumour, to haue bene a man, not of vpright or sounde doctrine, in certaine pointes. &c. For this cause the sayde Scotus, being constrained to remoue from Fraūce,* 3.88 came into England, allured (as some testifie) by the letters of Alured or Alfrede, of whom he was with great fauour entertained. and con∣uersant a great space about the king: til at length (whether before or after the death of the king it is vncertaine) he wēt to Malmesbery, where he taught certaine scholers a fewe yeares, by the which Schollers at laste most impiously he was murthered and slaine with their penkniues,* 3.89 and so died, as stories say, a Martyr, buried at the sayd monaste∣ry of Malmesbury with this Epitaph.

Clauditur in tumulo sanctus sophista Ioannes, Qui ditatus eratiam viuens dogmate miro. Martyrio tandem Christi condescendere regnum Qui meruit, regnans secli per secula cuncta.

King Alfrede hauing these helpes of learned men a∣bout him,* 3.90 & no lesse learned also himself, past ouer his time not onely to great vtilitie and profite of his subiectes, but also to a rare & profitable example of other Christen kings and Princes, for them to follow. This foresaid Alfrede had by his wife called Ethelwitha, two sonnes: Edwarde and E∣thelward, and three daughters: Elflena, Ethelgora, and Ethel∣guida: Quas omnes liberalibus fecit artibus erudiri. That is, Whome he set all to their bookes and study of liberall arts: as my storie testifieth. First Edward his eldest sonne succee∣ded him in the kingdome,* 3.91 The second sonne Ethelward di∣ed before his father. Ethelgora hys middle Daughter was made a Nunne. The other two were married, the one in Marceland, the other to the earle of Flanders. Thus king Alfrede the valiaunt, vertuous and learned Prince, after he had thus Christianly gouerned the realme the terme of 29. yeares & 6. monethes,* 3.92 departed this life. v. Kal. Nou. and lyeth buried at Winchester. An Dom. 901. Of whome thys I finde moreouer greatly noted and commended in histo∣rie, and not here to be forgotten, for the rare example ther∣of touching this Alfrede: that wheresoeuer he was, or whe∣thersoeuer he went, he bare alwaies about him, in his bo∣some or pocket, a litle booke cōtaining the Psalmes of Da∣uid, and certaine other Orasons of his owne collecting. Wherupon he was continually reading or praying when soeuer he was otherwise vacant,* 3.93 hauing leisure therunto. Finally what were the vertues of this famous king, thys litle table here vnder written, which is left in ancient wri∣ting, in the remembraunce of his worthy and memorable life: doth sufficiently, in fewe lines containe.

In Regem Alfredum, & virtutum illius claram memoriam.

FAmosus, Bellicosus, Victoriosus: Viduarum, pupillorum, & orphanorum pauperumque prouisor studiosus, Poetarum Saxonicorum peritissimus: Suae genti Chatissimus: Affabilis omnibus: Liberalissimus: Prudentia, fortitudine, temperantia, Iustitia praeditus: in infirmitate, qua continuè laborabat pacien∣tissimus: In exequendis iudicijs indagator discretissimus: In ser∣uicio Dei vigilantissimus & deuotissimus: Anglosaxonum Rex Alfredus, pi••ssimi Ethelulfi filius. 29. annis sexque mensibus regni sui peractis mortem obijt. Indict. 4. Quinto Kalend. Nouemb. feria quarta, & Wintoniae in nouo monasterio sepultus immorta∣litatis stolam, & resurrectionis gloriam cum iustis expectat. &c.

Moreouer in the Historie of Henricus Huntingtonensis, these verses I finde wrytten in the commendation of the same Alfrede: made (as I suppose and as by his words ap∣peareth) by the sayd author, whereof I thought not to de∣fraude the reader: the wordes whereof here follow.

Epitaphium Regis Alfredi.

Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem, Armipotens Alfrede dedit, probitasque laborem. Perpetuum{que} labor nomen, cui mixta dolori Gaudia semper erant, Spes semper mixta timori. Si modò victor eras, ad crastina bella pauebas: Si modò victus eras, ad crastina bella parabas. Cui vestes sudore iugi, cui sica cruore. Tincta iugi, quantum sit onus regnare probarunt. Non fuit immensi quisquam per climata mundi, Cui tot in aduersis nil respirare liceret. Nec tamen aut ferro contritus ponere ferrum, Aut gladio potuit, vitae finisse dolores. Iam post transactos vitae regni{que} labores, Christus ei sit vera quies, sceptrum{que} perenne.

In the storie of this Alfred,* 4.1 a little aboue, mention was made of Pleimundus Scholemaster to the sayde Alfrede, and also Byshop of Caunterbury, succeeding Etheredus, there Byshoppe before him. Which Pleimundus gouer∣ned that Sea, the number of xxxiiij. yeares. After Plei∣mundus succeeded Athelmus; and sate xij. yeares. After him came Ulfe••mus xiij. yeares. Then followed Odo a Dane borne, in y^e sayd Sea of Caunterb. and gouerned y^e same xx. yeares, being in great fauoure with King Athel∣stane, king Edmund, and Edwine, as in processe hereafter (Christ willing) as place & order doth require, shall more at large be expressed.

As touching the course and proceedings of the Romish Bishoppes there:* 4.2 where I last entered mention of them pag. 139. I ended wyth Pope Stephen the fifth. After hys time was much broyle,* 4.3 in the election of the Byshops of Rome: one contending against an other: in so much that wythin the space of ix. yeares, were ix. Byshops. Of the which, first was Formosus, who succeeded next vnto the forenamed Stephen 5. being made pope against the mind of certaine in Rome: that wold rather Sergius then dea∣con of the church of Rome, to haue bene Pope. Notwyth∣standing, Mars and money preuailed on Formosus part. This Formosus, of whome partly also is mentioned in other places, of this Ecclesiastical historie, being before bi∣shop of Portuake:* 4.4 had in time past (I knowe not vpon what causes) offended Pope Iohn the viij. of that name. By reason whereof for teare of the Pope, he voided away, and left his Bishopprike. And because hee being sent for a∣gaine by the Pope, woulde not returne: therefore was ex∣communicated. At length comming into France, to make there his satisfaction vnto the Pope, was degraded from a Byshop into a secular mans habite, swearing to the Pope that he would no more reenter into the City of Rome, nor claime his Bishoprike againe: subscribing moreouer with his owne hand to continue from that time in the state of a secular person. But then, Pope Martin (the next Pope af∣ter Iohn) released the saide Formosus of his othe, and re∣stored him againe vnto his Bishoprike. Whereby Formo∣sus entred not onely into Rome againe, but also obtained shortly after y^e papacie. Thus he being placed in the pope∣dome, arose a great doubt or controuersie among the Di∣uines, of his consecration, whether it was lawfull or not: some holding against him, that for so much as he was so∣lemnly deposed, degraded, vnpriested, and also sworne not to reiterate the state Ecclesiastical: therefore he ought to be taken no otherwise, then for a seculare man. Other alled∣ged againe, that whatsoeuer Formosus was, yet for the dignitie of that order,* 4.5 and for the credite of them, whom he ordered: all his consecrations ought to stand in force, espe∣cially, seeing the sayd Formosus was afterwarde receiued and absolued by Pope Martin, from that his periury and degradation. &c. In the meane time (as witnesseth Sige∣bertus) this Formosus sendeth for King Arnulphus for aide against his aduersaries. Who then marching toward Rome, was there resisted by the Romaines from entring. But in the siege (sayeth the author) the Romaines within so playd the Lyons, that a poore Hare (or such a like thing) comming towarde the Citie: the hoste of Arnulphus fol∣lowed after with such a maine crie, that the valiaunt Ro∣maines vpon the walles for very feare, (where there was no hurt) cast themselues desperately ouer the walles: so that Arnulphus with little laboure scaled the walles, and gate the Citie. Thus Arnulphus obtaining the Citie of Rome, rescueth Pope Formosus, and beheadeth hys ad∣uersaries, whome the Pope, to gratifie wyth like recom∣pence againe, blesseth and crowneth him for Emperoure. Thus Formosus sitting fast about y^e space of 4. or 5. yeres followed his predecessours: after whose time (as I sayde) within the space of ix. yeares were ix. Bishops as follow∣eth. But in the meane time concerning the storie of thys Formosus declared by Sigebert, and many other Chroni∣clers: this thing woulde I gladly aske, and more gladly learne of some indifferent good Catholike person, whyche not of obstinacie, but of simple errour being a papist wold aunswere his conscience. Whether doth he thinke the holy order of Priesthoode, which hee taketh for one of the seuen Sacramentes, to be Character indelebilis or not? If it be not indelebilis,* 4.6 that is, if it be such a thing, as may be put of: why then doeth the Popes doctrine so call and so hold the contrary, pretending it to be indelebile, vnremoueable? If it be in deede, so as they teach and affirme, indelebilis chara∣cter, why then did Pope Iohn, or could Pope Iohn, adni∣chilate & cuacuate one of his vij. Popeholy Sacraments: making of a Priest a non Priest, or a layman: vncharacte∣ring hys owne order, which is (as he sayeth) a Character, which in no wise may be blotted out, or remoued? Againe,

how soeuer Pope Iohn is to be iudged in this matter, to do either wel or not wel,* 4.7 this wold I know, if he did well in so dispriesting and discharactering Formosus, for suche priuate offences? If yea, how then stādeth his doing wyth his owne doctrine, which teacheth the contrary? If he did not well, how then standeth his doctrine with his doings to be true, which teacheth that the Pope with his Sy∣node of Cardinals can not erre? Moreouer if this Pope Iohn did not erre in his disordering Formosus: howe then did Martinus hys successoure not erre, in repealing the sayd doing of hys predecessour? Or how did not Pope Formosus erre hymselfe, who beyng vnpriested by Pope Iohn: afterwarde wythout reiterating the Character or order of Priesthoode, tooke vppon hym to be Pope, and made actes and lawes in the Churche? Againe, if Formo∣sus nowe Pope did not erre, how then did Pope Stephen hys successoure afterwarde not erre: who did annihilate the consecration, and all other actes of the said Formosus, as erroneous? Or againe, if we say that this Stephen with his Synode of Cardinalles did right: then howe could it be, that Pope Theodore, & Pope Iohn the tenth, which came after the foresayde Stephen, did not plainely erre? Who approuing the consecration of Formosus: did condemne, and burne the acts Synodale, of Stephen and his Cardinals, which before had condemned Formosus: according as in storie here consequently may appeare?

After Formosus had gouerned the Sea of Rome fiue yeres,* 4.8 succeded first Bonifacius the vj. who continued but 25. dayes, then came Stephen the vj. which so enuyed the name of his predecessor Formosus: that he abrogated and dissolued his decrees: And taking vp his bodye, after it was buried, cut two fingers of his right hande, and com∣manded them to be cast into Tiber, & then buried the body in a priuate or laymans sepulchre.

Thus Stephen after he had sat in the chaire of pestilēce one yeare: succeeded in the same chaire, Pope Rhomanus, and sate iij. monthes: repealing the actes decreed by Ste∣phen his predecessor, against Formosus. Next to whome came Theodorus 2. who likewise taking parte with For∣mosus against the foresaid Stephē,* 4.9 reigned but 20. dayes. Then sate Pope Iohn the 10. who did fight and repugne against the Romanes. And to confirme the cause of For∣mosus more surely, did holde a Sinode at Rauenna of 74. Bishops, w^t the French king Endo and his Archbishops being present at the same. At the which councel, were rati∣fied all the decrees and doings of Formosus: and the con∣trary acts of the Synode of Stephen the vj. were burned.* 4.10 This Pope liued not Pope fully two yeares: after whom succeeded Benedictus the 4. which kept the chaire three yeares. After whom Leo the 5. was next Pope, who with in 40. daies of his papacie, was with strong hand taken & cast in prison by one Christopher his own houshold chap∣lain, whō he had long norished before in his house. Which thing (sayeth Platina) could not be done without great con∣spiracie and great slaughter of men.* 4.11 Which Christofer be∣ing Pope about the space of seuen monthes, was likewise himselfe hoisted from his Papall throne by Sergius, like as he had done to hys maister before. And thus within the space of 9. yeares, had bene 9. Popes one after an other. Then Sergius after he had thrust downe Pope Christo∣fer, and shorne him Monke into a Monasterie,* 4.12 occupied the roume 7. yeares. This Sergius a rude man, and vn∣learned, very proude and cruell: had before bene put backe from the Popedome by Formosus aboue mentioned. By reason whereof,* 4.13 to reuenge Formosus againe being nowe in his papacie, caused the body of Formosus, where it was buried to be taken vp: and afterwarde set in the Papall sea (as in his pontificalibus) first disgraded him, then com∣manded his head to be smitten off, w^t the other thre fingers that were left (as Sigebertus writeth) which done, he made his body to be throwne into Tiber, deposing likewise all such, as by the said Formosus before had bene consecrated and inuested. This body of Formosus thus throwne into Tiber, was afterward (as our writers say) found & taken vp by certaine fishers,* 4.14 and so brought into s. Peters tem∣ple. At the presence whereof (as they say) certaine images there standing by, bowed downe themselues, and reuerē∣ced the same, with lie and all. But such deceiueable mira∣cles of stocks and images in monkish and frierly tēples, be to vs no newes, especially here in England: where we haue bene so inured with the like, & so many, that such wi∣ly practises cannot be to vs inuisible: though this crown∣shorn generation, thinke themselues to daunce in a nette. But the truthe is,* 4.15 while they thinke to deceaue the simple, these wily beguily most of all deceiue themselues, as they will finde except they repent. By this Pope Sergius, first came vp to beare about candels on Candelmas day: for y^e purifying of the blessed virgine. As though the sacred con∣ception of Iesus the sonne of God, were to be purified as a thing vnpure, and that with candell light.

After Sergius,* 4.16 entred pope Anastasius, in whose time the body of Formosus forenamed, is thought to be foūd of fishermen in the riuer of Tiber, & so brought, as is said, in∣to the temple to be saluted of the images, which thing may quickly be tainted as a lie. For how it is to be thought that the body of Formosus so long dead before, and now lying 7. yeares in the riuer: could remaine whole all that while, that Fishers might take it vp, & discerne it to be the same? After Anasius had sate two yeres,* 4.17 folowed Pope Lan∣do, the father (as some stories think) of pope Iohn, which Iohn is sayde to be the paramour of Theodora'a famous harlot of Rome,* 4.18 & set vp of the same harlot eyther against Lando, or after Lando his father to succede in hys roume. There is a storie writer called Liuthprandus, who wryting de Imperatoribus.* 4.19 Lib. 2 cap. 13. maketh there mention of this Theodora, and Pope Iohn xj. and sayeth moreouer, that this Theodora had a daughter named Marozia: which Marozia had by pope Sergius aboue mentioned, a sonne which afterward was Pope Iohn the 12. The same Ma∣rozia afterward it chāced to marry with Guido Marques of Tuscia: through the meanes of which Guido and hys frends at Rome, she brought to passe that this pope Iohn the 11. was smothered with a pillow laid to his mouth, af∣ter he had reigned 13. yeares. And so the foresayd Iohn the 12. her sonne, to succede next after him. But because y^e cler∣gie and people of Rome did not agre to his election, ther∣fore was Pope Leo the 6. in his place set vp.* 4.20 Thus Pope Iohn the sonne of Sergius and Marozia being deiected, reigned Pope Leo 7. moneths. After him Pope Stephen 2 yeares. Who being poysoned, then was Pope Iohn the 12. aboue rehearsed, the sonne of Sergius and Marozia, set vp againe in the Papacie, where hee reigned neare the space of 5. yeres. Of the wickednesse of this strompet Ma∣rozia, howe she maried two brethren, one after the death of the other: And howe she gouerned all Rome, & the whole church at that time, I let it passe. Although the latin verses wherewith the sayd Liuthprandus, doeth inuey against such women as marie two brethren,* 4.21 were neither worthy here to be recited, and perhappes might be further applied then to that Marozia of Rome, but for shortnesse I let them also passe.

After Ioan. 12. followed Pope Stephen three yeares.* 4.22 Pope Leo 3. yeares and 4. monethes. Pope Stephen the eight 3. yeres and 4. moneths. Pope Martine 3. yeres and 6. monthes. After him Pope Agapetus 8. yeres and 6. ••nethes. About whose time or a little before began first the order of monkes called Ordo Cluniacensis, &c.

But nowe to leaue of these monstruous matters of Rome,* 4.23 and to returne againe to our country of England, where we last left before.

King Edward the elder.

AFter the reigne of the famous king Alfred, hys sonne Edward succeeded,* 4.24 surnamed the elder. Where first is to be noted, that before the Conquest of the Normandes, there were in England 3. Edwardes, first this Edwarde the elder. 2. Edward the martyr. 3. Edward the confessor. Whereof hereafter (by the grace of Christ) shall followe in order, as place shall geue to be declared. This Edwarde began his reigne,* 4.25 the yeare of our Lord. 901. and gouerned the land right valiantly and nobly 24. yeares. In know∣ledge of good letters and learning, he was not to be com∣pared to his father▪ Otherwise, in princely renowne, in ci∣uile gouernment,* 4.26 and such like martiall prowesse, he was nothing inferior, but rather excelled him. Through whose valiant actes, first the princedome of Wales, and kingdom of Scotland, with Constantine king thereof were to hym subdued. He adioyned moreouer to his dominion the coū∣trey of Eastanglia, that is, of Norfolke, Suffolke and Es∣sex. All Merceland also he recouered and Northumberlād out of the hands of the Danes. In all his warres he neuer lightly wēt without victory. The subiects of his prouin∣ces and dominions were so inured, and hardened in conti∣nuall practise and feates of warre:* 4.27 that when they hearde of any ennemies comming (neuer tarying for any bidding from the king, or from his dukes) straight wayes they en∣countred wyth them: both in number, and in knowledge of the order of warre excelling alwayes their aduersaries. Guliel. de Regi. Ita hostes militibus contemptui, Regi risui erant. To meane, So was the comming and assaulting of theyr ennemyes to the people and common Souldiours but a trifle, to the king but a ridicle. Among other aduersaries which were busie rather then wise, in assailing this king:

was one called Clito Ethelwoldus a yong man, king Ed∣wardes vncles sonne. Who first occupying the Towne of W••nborne (taking thence a Nonne rb him,* 4.28 whome then he had maried) fled oc by night to Northumberland, to ad∣ioyne himself vnto the Danes, who was made chiefe king and captaine ouer them. Then chased from thence, hee fled ouer into France, but shortly returning againe into En∣gland, landed in Eastengland, where the saide Clyto wyth a company of Danes of that countrey gathered vnto him, destroied and pilled much of the countrey about Crekin∣ford and Crikeland. And so passing ouer Thamis after he had spoyled the lande there to Bradeuestocke: returned a∣gaine to Northfolke and Suffolke, where he meting with a bushment of Kentish men, which dragged & taried after the maine hoste of Edwarde, contrary to his commaunde∣ment, inclosed them in, and slewe the moste parte of them. Soone after the two hostes meeting together, betwene the two diches of S. Edmunds lād, after a long fight, Clyto with many of the Danes were slaine, and the remnaunte were constrained to seeke for peace, which vpon certaine condi∣tions, and vnder a tribute was to them graunted.

* 4.29In processe, about the 12. yeare of his reygne, the Danes repenting them of their couenants, and minding to breake the same: assembled an hoste and met w^t the king in Staf∣fordshire at a place called Totenhall, & soone after at wod∣nefield: at which two places the king slew two kings, two erles, & many thousand of Danes, that occupied the coun∣trey of Northumberland.

Thus the importunate rage of the Danes being as∣swaged, King Edwarde hauing nowe some leysure geuen from warres,* 4.30 to other studies: gaue his minde to the buil∣ding or repairing of cities, townes, and castles, that by the Danes were rased, shatred, and broken. As first of Che∣ster, which citye he double enlarged to that it was before: compassing the castle within the walles of the same, which before stood without. That done, the king builded a strong castle at Herford in the edge of Wales. Also for the streng∣thening of the Countrey, he made a Castle at the mouth of the water of Auene, and an other Castle at Buckingham, and the third fast thereby vpon the riuer of Owse. Moreo∣ouer he builded or reedified the townes of Towsetor, and Wigmore, & destroied the castle that the Danes had made at Demes••ord. Likewise vpon the riuer of Trent against the old towne of Notingham, he builded a new towne on the southside, and made a bridge ouer the riuer, betweene the said ij. townes. Also by the riuer of Merce, he builded a citie or towne, in the North end of Mercia, and named it Thilwall, and after repaired the citie of Manchester, that sore was defaced with warre of the Danes.

In this renuing and building of townes and Castles for the more fortifying of his Realme: his Sister Elfleda, daughter of king Alfrede, & maried to the Duke of Mer∣cia (as is afore mentioned) was no small helper. Of this Elfleda it is firmely of wryters affirmed that shee being as is sayde maried to Ethelrede Duke of Mercia, after she had once assayed the paines of women in traueling wyth her childe: so much shee abhorred euer after the embracing of her husbande, that it seemed to her (she sayde) not seemely for a noble womā to vse such fleshly liking, wherof so gret sorow and trauaile should ensue. And yet notwithstāding the same Elfleda, for all her delicate tendernesse in eschew∣ing the natural passion, which necessity geueth to women: so hardy she was in warlike daungers, which nature ge∣ueth not to women, that fighting against the Danes, so venturous shee was of stomacke,* 4.31 that foure of her nexte knights, which were gardeius of her body, were slain fast by her. This Elfleda among her other noble actes, where∣by she deserued praise, was a great helper and stirrer vp of her brother Edward: who builded and newly repaired ma∣ny Castels and townes, as Toniworth, beside Lichfielde, Stafforde, Warwike, Shrowesbury, Watrisbury, Eldis∣bury, besides Chester in the forrest now destroyed. Also in the North ende of Mercia, vpon the riuer of Merce, a ca∣stle called Rimcorne, also a bridge ouer Seuerne named Brimmisbury bridge.

As touching the lawes and statutes of thys Edwarde, as also of his father Alfrede made before him, I omit heere to recorde them for length of matter and wast of time: yet notwithstanding, this admonition by the way I thinke good to note: that in those dayes of these auncient Kinges reigning in Englande, the authoritie then both of confer∣ring Bishoprickes,* 4.32 and spirituall promotions, and also of prescribing lawes as well to the church men▪ as to the la••∣tie, and of ordering and intermedling in matters mere spi∣ritual, was then in the hands of kings, ruling in the land, and not onely in the hande of the Pope, as appeareth by these lawes of Alfred.

Si quis fornicetur cum vxore aliena, &c,

Si quis in quadragesima sanctum velum in publico vel in le∣cto. &c.

Vt Christiani Deum diligant & paganismo renuncient. &c.

Si quis Christianitatem mutet. &c.

Si quis ordinatus sacris furetur. &c.

Si praesbyter ad rectum terminum sanctum Chrisma. &c.

Si duo fratres, vel cognati cum vna aliqua fornicentur. &c.

By these and other such like constitutions of King Al∣frede,* 4.33 it may appeare: how the gouernaunce and direction of the church in those daies, depended not vpon Monsieur le Pope of Rome: but vpon the kings which here in their time (vnder the Lorde) did gouerne the land. To this also the example of King Edwardes time geueth testimonie: which Edward wyth Pleimundus (aboue mentioned) Arch∣bishop of Canterbury, and with other bishops in a sinode assembled: assigned and elected 7. Byshops in 7. Metro∣politane churches of the realme. Which were, 1. Fridestane. 2. Adelstane. 3 Werstane▪ 4. Adelelme. 5. Edulfus 6 Dernegus. 7 Kenulphus. In which election the kings authoritie semed then alone to be sufficient. &c.

This Edward (as in the beginning was sayd) reigned 24.* 4.34 yeares. Who had three wiues, Egwine, Elfled, and Ethel∣wide. Of Egwine hee had hys eldest ••onne Adelstane, who next succeeded in the kingdom, and a daughter maried af∣ter to the duke of Northumberland. Of Elflede, he receiued two ionnes,* 4.35 and vj. daughters, to witte Ethelward and Ed∣wyne. Ethelward was excellently well seene in all know∣ledge of learning: much resembling both in countenance and conditions his grandfather Alfrede, and died soone af∣ter his father.* 4.36 Of his vj. daughters, two of them. 1 Elflede and Ethelhilda, were made nonnes. The other foure were maried. Edgina to Charles the French King, in hys fathers time. Ethilda by King Ethelstane was maryed to Hugo, the sonne of Duke Robert. Edgitha and Algina, were both sent to Henricus Prince of Almaines. Of which two sisters the seconde, the sayd Henricus, maried to hys sonne Otho, who was the first Emperour of the Almains. The other sister which was Edgitha, the foresayde Henticus, maried to a cer∣taine Duke about the border of the Alpes, in Italie. Of his thirde wife Ethelwide, he receiued two sonnes, Edmund, and Edred: which both reigned after Adelstane. And two daughters, Egburga whome hee made a Nonne, and Ead∣guina who was married to Ludouicus, Prince of Aquitania in Fraunce.* 4.37 These sonnes and daughters Kyng Edwarde thus brought vp: Hys daughters hee set to spinning, and to the needle. Guliel. de Reg. His sonnes he set to the studie of learning, vt quasi Philosophi ad gubernandam remp. non iam tudes procederent: that is, to the ende, that they being as first made Philosophers, should be the more expert there∣by to gouerne the common wealth.

¶ King Ethelstane, or Adelstane.

EThelstane or Adelstane,* 4.38 after the death of Edwarde hys fa∣ther: began his reigne in England, and was crowned at Kingstone. He was a prince of worthy memorie, valy∣ant and wise in all his actes, nothing inferiour to hys fa∣ther Edwarde, In like worldly renowne of ciuile gouer∣nance, ioyned with much prosperous successe, in reducing this realme vnder the subiection of one monarchie. For he both expelled the Danes, subdued the Scottes, and quie∣ted the Welshinē, as wel in Northwales, as also in Corn∣wale. The first enemie against this Ethelstane, was one El∣fredus: who, with a faction of seditious persons conspiring against the saide Ethelstane at Winchester, continently after the death of hys father, went about to put out his eyes. Notwithstanding the king escaping that danger: through the helpe of God, was at that time deliuered. Elfrede vpon the same being accused, fled to Rome: there before y^e Pope to purge himselfe by hys othe. Who being brought to the Churche of S. Peter, and there swearing (or rather for∣swearing himself to be cleare,* 4.39 which in deede was guiltie thereof: sodenly vpon his othe fell downe, and so brought to the English house in Rome within 3. daies after depar∣ted. The Pope sending worde to king Ethelstane, whether he would haue the sayde Eldred buried among Christians or not: at length through the perswasions of his friendes and kinsfolkes, it was concluded that he should be buryed in Christen buriall. This storie although I finde in no o∣ther writers mentioned,* 4.40 but only in the Chronicles of Gu∣liel. Lib. de Regi. yet forasmuch as it heareth the witnesse and wordes of the king himselfe, as testified in an old dede of gift, giuen to the monastery of Malmesbury: I thought the same the more to be of credite. The wordes of the king procede in this tenor as followeth.

¶The copie of an olde writing of king Ethel∣stane, testifying of the miraculous death of Duke Elfrede, sodenly stroken by the hande of God for periurie.

SCiant sapientes regionis nostrae, non has praefatas terras me iniustè rapuisse, rapinamque Deo dedisse. Sed sic eas accepi, quemadmodum iudicauerunt omnes optimates regni Anglo∣rum.* 5.1 Insuper & Apostolicus Papa Romanae ecclesiae Ioannes (El∣fredo defuncto) qui nostrae foelicitati & vitae aemulus extitit, ne∣quitiae inimicorum nostrorum consentiens: quando me volue∣runt (patre defuncto) coecare in vrbe Wintonia, si non me Deus sua pietate eripuisset. Sed denudatis eorum machinamentis, re∣missus est ad Romanam ecclesiam, vt ibi se, coram Apostolico Io∣anne iureiurando defenderet. Et hoc fecit coram altare sancti Pe∣tri. Sed facto iuramento, cecidit coram altare, & manibus famu∣lorum suorum portatus est ad scholam Anglorum, & ibi tertia nocte vitam finiuit. Et tunc Apostolicus ad nos remisit, & quid de eo ageretur a nobis consuluit, an cum caeteris Christianis corpus illius poneretur. His peractis, & nobis renunciatis: optimates regionis nostrae cum propinquorum illius turma efflagitabant omni humilitate, vt corpus illius per nostram licentiam cum cor∣poribus poneretur Christianorū. Nosque flagitationi illorum cō∣sentientes Romam remisimus: & Papa consentiente, positus est ad caeteros Christianos, quamuis indignus. Et sic iudicata est mi∣hi tota possessio eius in magnis & in modicis. Sed & haec apicibus literarum praenotauimus, ne quando aboleatur, vnde mihi prae∣fata possessio, quam Deo & sancto Petro dedi, donatur. Nec iusti∣ùs noui, quám Deo & sancto Petro hanc possessionem dare, qui aemulum meum in conspectu omnium cadere fecerunt, & mihi prosperitatem regni largiti sunt. &c.

In the second yeare of the reigne of King Adelstane, for an vnitie and a peace to be had betwene the King and the Danes of Northumberlande: hee marryed to Sythericus their king his sister, whereof mention is made before. But shortly after,* 5.2 within one yeare this Sythericus died. After whose death King Ethelstane seazed that prouince into hys owne hande, putting out the sonne of the foresayde Sythe∣ricus called Alanus:* 5.3 who wyth his brother Godfridus fledde the one into Irelande, the other to Constantine King of the Scottes. And when he had thus accorded with the Danes of Northumberlande, hee shortly made subiect vnto him Constantine King of Scottes. But the sayde Constantine meeked himselfe so lowly to the King, that he restored him to his former dignitie, saying, that it was more honour to make a king, then to be a king.

Not long after, the sayde Constantine King of Scottes did breake couenaunt with king Ethelstane. Wherefore hee assembled his Knights, & made toward Scotland. Where he subduing his enemies, and bringing them againe vnto due subiection, returned into England with victory. Here by the way in some storie wryters (who forgetting the of∣fice of historicians, seme to play the Poetes) is written and recorded for a maruell, that the sayde Ethelstane, returning out of Scotland into England, came to Yorke, and so into the Churche of S. Iohn of Beuerly,* 5.4 to redeeme his knife, which before hee had lefte there for a pledge at hys going forth. In the which place he praying to God & to S. Ihon of Beuerley, that he might leaue there some remembrance wherby they that came after, might know, that the Scots by right should be sudbued to the English mē: smote with sword (they say) vpon a great hard stone standing nere a∣bout the castle of Dunbar, that with the stroke thereof the stone was cut a large elne deepe (with a lie no lesse deepe also, then was the stroke in the stone.) But of this poeti∣cal or fabulous storie, albeit Polychronicon, Fabian, Iornalen∣sis, and other mo constantly accorde in the same: yet in Gu∣liel and Henricus, no mention is made at all. But perad∣uenture hee that was the inuentour first of this tale of the stone, was disposed to lie for the whetstone: Wherefore in my minde he is worthy to haue it.

Of like truth & credite seemeth also to be this that fol∣loweth,* 5.5 about the same yeare and time, vnder the raigne of King Ethelstane, being the viij. yeare of hys raigne, of one Bristanus Bishop of Winchester,* 5.6 who succeeded Frithstanus in the same sea, and gouerned that Bishoprike iiij. yeares. This Bristanus being a deuout Bishop in prayer and con∣templation:* 5.7 vsed much among his solitary walkes, to fre∣quent late the churchyard, praying for the soules there, and all christen soules departed. Upon a time, the sayde Brista∣nus after hys wonted maner proceding in hys deuotions, when he had done, came to requiescant in pa••e. Whereunto, sodainly a great multitude of soules aunswering together with one voyce, said Amen. Of thys miracle, albeit I haue not much to say (hasting to other matters) yet this questi∣on wold I aske of some indifferent papist, which were not wilfull, but of ignorance deceiued: if this multitude, which here answered Amen, were the soules of them buried in the churchyard or not?* 5.8 If yea, then howe were they in purga∣torie, what time they were hearde in that place answering Amen▪ Except we shoulde thinke Purgatorie to be in the churchyarde at Winchester, where the soules were hearde then so many answering and praying Amen. And yet thys storie is testified by the accord of wryters of that time, Gu∣liel. Polychron. Houedenus, Iornalensis, and other moe. Much like miracles and Prophecies also wee reade of Elphegus, which succeeded him: but because we haste to other things let these fables passe.

Ye heard a little before, howe king Ethelstane after the death of Sythericus King of Northumberland, seazed that land or prouince into his owne hand, & put out hys sonne Alanus: who after flying into Scotland, maried the daugh∣ter of Constantine King of Scots. By whose stirring and exhortation, he gathered a company of Danes, Scots, and other, and entred the mouth of Humber with a strong na∣uie of 615. ships.

Whereof King Ethelstane wyth his brother Edmunde hauing knowledge: prepared his army, and at length ioy∣ning in fight with him & his people, at a place called Bri∣mābruch or Brimford:* 5.9 where he fighting with them from morning to euen, after a terrible slaughter on both sides (as the like hath not bene sene lightly in England) had the victorie. In which battaile were slaine fiue small and vn∣der kings, with Constantine king of Scots: and xij. Dukes with the more part of all the strangers which at that time they gathered to them.* 5.10 Here also our wryters put in an o∣ther miracle in this battaile: howe king Ethelstanes sworde miraculously fell into his sheath through the prayer of O∣do, then Archbishop of Canterburie.

Concerning this battaile, I finde in a certaine written Chronicle these verses:* 5.11 which because they shoulde not be lost, I thought not vnworthy here of rehearsall.

Transierat quinos, & tres, & quatuor annos, Iure regens ciues, subigens virtute tyrannos: Cum redit illa Lues Europae noxia labes. Iam cubat in terris fera barbaries Aquilonis, Et lacet in campis pelago pirato relicto, Illicitas toruasque minas Analanus anhelans,* 5.12 Bacchanti furiae, Scotorum rege volente, Commodat assensum Borealis terrae serenum. Etiam grande tument, iam terrent aera verbis. Cedunt indigenae, cedit plaga tota superbis. Nam quia rex noster fidens alacrisque iuuenta, Emeritus pridem detriuerat ocia lenta, Illi continuis foedabant omnia praedis, Vrgentes miseros iniectus ignibus agros. Marcuerant totis viridantia gramina campis, Aegra seges votum deluserat agricolarum. Tanta fuit peditum, tam barbara vis equitantum, Innumerabilium, concursus quadrupedantum. Exciuit tandem famae querimonia regem, Ne se cauterio tali pateretur inuri. Quod sua barbaricae cessissent arma securi, Nec mora, victrices ducentia signa cohortes, Explicat inuentum vexilla ferocia centum, Iuncta virum virtus, decies bis milia quina, Ad stadium belli comitantur prae uia signa. Hicque clet strepitus armatorum legiones. Terruit insignis venientum fama latrones. Vt posita proprias praeda repetant regiones. At vulgus reliquum miseranda strage peremptum, Infecit bibulas terris nidoribus auras. Fugit Analasus de tot modo millibus vnus &c.

After thys victorie thus obtained of the Danes and Scottes:* 5.13 King Ethelstane also subdued (or at least quieted) the North Brytaines. Whome he conuenting together at Herforde (or there about) forced them to graunt vnto him as a yerely tribute, xx. pound of gold: three hundreth poūde of siluer: and of heades of neate xxv. hundred: with haukes and dogs,* 5.14 to a certaine number. This done, he wēt to Ex∣ceter, and there likewise subduing the South Brytaines about Exceter and Cornewall: repaired the walles of Ex∣ceter with sufficient strength, and so returned.

Among these victorious and noble actes of this King: One blot there is of him written and noted, wherein he is as much worthy to be reprehēded, as in the other before to be commended (that is) the innocent death and murther of his brother Edwyne. The occasion thereof was this: King Edwarde aforenamed their father, in the time of his youth, cōming by a certaine village or grange, where he had bene nursed and brought vp of a child: thought of curtesy to goe

see howe his nurse did. Where hee entring into the house, espied a certaine yong damsel beautifull and right seemely attired, Egwina by name. This Egwina before being a pore mans daughter, had a vision by night, y^t of her body sprang such a bright light of the Moone, that the brightnes therof gaue light to the Realme of England. By reason wherof, she was taken into the foresaide house, & daintely brought vp in stead of their owne daughter: for hope of some com∣moditie to ensue thereby, as afterwarde it came to passe. For King Edward (as it is declared) comming into the house,* 5.15 and rauished with the beautie of the maiden: begate of her the same night this Ethelstane. Wherefore the sayd E∣thelstane being thus vasely borne of Egwina, the first wife to Edward (as is sayd) before he was married to her: and fea∣ring his next brother Edwyne, which was rightly borne (especially being stirred therunto through the sinister sug∣gestion of his Butler) did cast such displeasure to the fore∣sayde Edwine hys brother, being yet but young, that (not∣w^tstanding hys innocent submission and purgation made against his accusers) he caused him to be set in an old rottē boate in the broade Sea (onely with one Esquier w^t hym) w^tout any tackling or other prouision to the same. Where the young and tender Prince being dismaid with the rage of windes and of the floudes, and nowe weary of his l••••e, cast himselfe ouer board into the sea, and so was drowned. Notwithstanding the Esquire shifting for himselfe as he could, and recouering the body of his master, brought it to Sandwich, where it was buried. Which done, the king af∣terwarde comming to the remembraunce of himselfe, was stroken with great repentaunce the space of vij. yeares to∣gether. And at length was reuenged of him that was the accuser of his brother. This accuser (as is sayde) was the kings cupbearer, who (as God the righteous iudge of all things woulde haue it) vpon a certaine solemne feast, bea∣ring the cuppe vnto the king, chanced in the middle of the floure to stumble with one foote, helping and recouering himselfe with the other, saying in these wordes: Thus one brother (as ye see) helpeth an other.* 5.16 These wordes being thus spokē in the hearing of the king, so moued his mind, that forthwith he commaunded the false accuser of his bro∣ther to be had out to execution. Whose iust recompence I would wish to be a warning to all men, what it is to sowe discorde betwixt brother and brother.

King Ethelstane (besides his vij. yeares lamentation, for this acte) builded the two Monasteries of Midletone, and of Michelenes, for hys brothers sake (or as the stories say) for his soule. Whereby it may appeare, what was the cause most speciall in those daies,* 5.17 of building monasteries, to wit, for releasing the sinnes both of them departed, and them aliue, which cause howe it standeth wyth the grace and veritie of Christes Gospell, and of his passion, let the Christen reader trie & examine with himselfe. This cruell fact of the king towarde Edwyne, caused him afterwarde, to be more tender and careful toward his other brethren and sisters left in his handes vnmarried. Which sisters, as is partly in the Chapter before declared, he richly bestowed, in great mariages: As one to the king of Northumberlād Sithericus:* 5.18 an other he gaue to Lewes King of Aquitania, the thirde to Henricus Duke of Almaine for hys sonne Otho: who was the first Emperour of the Germanes. Whereby it is to be vnderstand, that the Empire at this time began first to be translated from Fraunce (where it remained a∣bout C. yeares and halfe) vnto Germanie where it hath euer since continued.

The fourth of his sisters, being a virgine of singulare benty Hugo y^e French king required to be geuen vnto him: sending to King Ethelstane pretious and sumptuous pre∣sents,* 5.19 such as were not before seene in England. Among the which presents & gifts, besides the rare odours of sondry fauours & fine spices: and besides the precious & cost∣ly gemmes, namely of Smaradges of most redolēt grene, besides also many and great coursers and palfries richly trapped, especially of one iewell (as wryters make inenti∣on) which was, a certaine vessell finely and subtilly made of the precious stone Onichinus so radiantly wrought, y^t in it appeared the liuely corn growing, and mens images walking. &c. Ouer and besides was sent also the sworde of Constantine the great, w^t the name of the possessor wryt∣ten in golden letters, where in the hast of the same al beatē in gold,* 5.20 was one of the yron nailes, wherwith our Saui∣our on the crosse was nailed. Of the veritie whereof I am not disposed at thys present muche to say what I suspect, but that this in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Eusebius, is eui∣dēt. That two of the foresaid nailes of Christ, was spēt on the bridle of Constantine: the 3. he cast into the Sea in a ra∣ging tempest. Wherfore, if Christ were nailed w^t 4. nailes, perhappes this naile might be one. If he were nailed but with iij. I see not how this storie can stand with other sto∣ries, neither howe this fourth naile can stand with truthe. Among the rest moreouer, was the speare (as is reported) wherwith the side of our Sauiour was opened: which al∣so the sayd Constātine was wōt to cary in the field against his enemies: with a portion likewise of the holy crosse in∣closed in Cristall: Also a part of the crowne of thorne in like maner inclosed. &c. Of the whych Reliques, part was geuen to Winchester, part to the Church of Malmesbury, where king Ethelstane was buried. As this King was in∣dued and enlarged, by the gift of God (the serter vp & dis∣poser of all kings) w^t great victories of worldly renowne: hauing vnder hys subiection both the Scottes, and Bri∣tons, and the whole Monarchie of the land: So he deuised diuers good and holesom lawes for the gouernment of the same, as wel concerning the state of the orders Ecclesiasti∣call, as also of the secular or lay people. Whereby it is to be vnderstād, that the vsurped power of the bishop of Rome, did not then extend it selfe so largely, nor so proudly to de∣rogate frō the authority of kings & princes: but that euery one in his owne dominion, had (vnder God, and not vn∣der the Pope) the doing of all matters within the same his dominion contained: whether they were causes tēporal, or spiritual.* 5.21 As by the decrees and constitutions of this king (& also of other as well before him, as after him) may eui∣dently be testified: as where hee among other lawes, thus ordeineth ••ouching the bishop, in wordes as folowe.

Episcopo iure pertinet, omnem rectitudinem promouere Dei videlicet,* 5.22 ac seculi. In primis, debet omnem ordinatum in∣struere, quid ei ••it agendum iure, & quid hominibus secularibus iudicare debeant.

Debet etiam sedulò pacem & concordiam operari cum se∣culi iudicibus: qui rectum velle diligunt, & in compellationum allegationem edocere, ne quis alij perperam agat, in iureiurando, vel ordalio.

Nec pati debet aliquam circumuentionem iniustae mensurae, vel iniusti ponderis. Sed conuenit vt per consilium & testimoniū eius, omne legis rectum, & burgi mensura, & omne pondus sit se∣cundum * 5.23 ditionem eius, institutum valde rectū: ne quis proxi∣mum suum seducat, pro quo decidat in peccatum.

Et semper debet Christianis prouidere contra omnia, quae praedicta sunt, & ideo debet se de pluribus intromittere: vt sciat quomodo grex agat, quem ad Dei manum custodire suscepit, ne diabolus cum dilaniet, nec malum aliquod superseminet. Nun∣quam enim erit populo benè consultum, nec dignè Deo conuer∣sabitur, vbi lucrum impium & magis falsum diligitur. Ideo debent omnes amici Dei quod iniquum est eneruare, & quod iustum est eleuare, nec pati vt propter falsum, & pecuniae questum ho∣mines se forisfaciant erga verè sapientem Deum, cui displicet omnis iniustitia.

Christianis autem omnibus necessarium est, vt rectum dili∣gant, & iniqua condemnent & faltem sacris ordinibus euecti iu∣stum semper erigant, & praua deponant.

Hinc debent Episcopi cum iudicibus, iudicia dictitare & in∣teresse, ne permittant (si possint) vt illinc aliqua prauitatū gra∣mina pullulent. Et sacerdotibus pertinet in suo Dioecesi, vt ad rectum sedulò quemcumque muent, nec patiantur (si possint) vt Christianus aliquis alij noceat, non potens impotenti, non sum∣mus infirmo, non praelatis * 5.24 subditis, non Dominus hominibus suis, seruis, aut liberis. Et secundum * 5.25 ditionem, & per mensuram suam, conuenit per rectum, vt necessaria * 5.26 serui operentur super omnem scyram cui * 5.27 praeest.

Et rectum est vt non sit aliqua mensurabilis virga longio•• quàm alia, sed per * 5.28 Episcopi mensuram omnes institutae sint, & exequatae per su••m * 5.29 dioecesin. Et omne pondus constet secun∣dum dictionem eius, & si aliquid cōtrouersiarum intersit, discer∣nat Episcopus.

Vniuscuius{que} Domini proprium est & necesse, vt seruis con∣descendat,* 5.30 & compatiatur, sicut indulgentius poterit: Quia Do∣mino Deo viuenti sunt aeque chari seruus, & liber. Et omnes vno & eodem pretio redemit, & omnes sumus Deo necessariò serui: Et sic iudicabit nos, sicut antè iudicauimus eos, in quos potesta∣tem iudicij in terris habebimus. Et ideo opus est vt eis parcamus qui nobis parere debent & tunc manutenebimur in Dei omni∣potentis proprio iudicio. Amen.

The sayde Ethelstane besides, prescribed other consti∣tutions also, as touching tithes geuing: where hee sayeth and proclaimeth. Ego Ethelstanus Rex, consilio V••felmi Ar∣chiepiscopi mei & aliorum Episcoporum, mando praepositis om∣nibus in regno meo, in nomine Domini & sanctorum omni∣um, vt inprimis reddant de meo proprio decimas Deo, tam in viuente capitali, quàm in mortuis frugibus terrae: & Epi∣scopi mei similiter faciant de suo proprio, & Aldermanni mei & praepositi mei, &c. That is, I Ethelstane King, charge and commaund all my officers through my whole Realme, to

geue tithes vnto God of my proper good, as wel in liuing cattel, as in the corne and fruites of the groūd, and that my Byshops likewise of their proper goods, and mine Alder∣men, and my officers and headmen shal do the same. Item this I wil: that my Bishops & other headmen doe declare the same,* 5.31 to suche as be vnder their subiection, & that to be accomplished at the terme of S. Iohn the Baptist. Let vs remember what Iacob said vnto the Lord: Of all things that thou geuest to me, I wil offer tithes vnto y^e Lord. &c. Also what the Lord sayeth in the Gospel of S. Mathewe. To him that hath, it shalbe geuen: and he shall aboūd. We must also cōsider how terribly it is written in bookes, that if we will not offer our tenths, from vs ix. partes shall be taken away, and only the x. part shalbe left vs. &c. And in the same place, after that he hath assigned y^e Church rightes to be paide in the place, whereto they belong: it followeth thus.* 5.32 Facite etiam vt mihi mea propria cupiatis, quae mihi pote∣ritis recté acquirere. Nolo vt aliquid mihi iniuste cóquiratis. Sed omnia vestra concedo vobis eo tenore, quo mihi mea similiter exoptetis. Cauete simul & vobis, & eis quos admonere debetis, ab ira Dei, & transgressione mea.

Among his other lawes & ordinances, to the nūber of xxxv. diuers things be comprehended pertaining as well to the spirituall,* 5.33 as also to the temporall iurisdiction.

Out of the lawes of this King, first sprang vp the at∣tachement of theeues, such as stoale aboue xij. pence, and were aboue xij. yeares old, should not be spared.

And thus much briefly concerning the historie of King Ethelstane, & things in his time done: who reigned about the space of xvj. yeares. And because he died without issue, therfore after him succeeded his brother Edmund, the yere of our Lord. 940. who reigned vj. yeares.

King Edmund.

* 5.34EDmund the sonne of Edwarde the elder, by his thirde wife (as is declared) and brother of Ethelstane, being of the age of xx. yeares, entred his raigne: who had by hys Queene Elgina,* 5.35 two sonnes, Edwyne, and Edgarus, surnamed Pacificus, which both reigned after him, as fol∣loweth. This Edmund continued his reigne vj. yeares & a halfe. By him were expulsed the Danes, Scottes, Nor∣mandes, and all foreine enemies out of the land. Such Ci∣ties and Townes which before were in the possession of strangers: as Lyncolne, Nottingham, Derby, Stafforde, and Leycetour, he recouered out of their hands. Thus the realme being cleared of foreine power, for a time: then the king set his study and mind in the redressing and maintai∣ning the state of the Church: which all stoode then in buil∣ding of Monasteries, and furnishing of Churches, eyther with newe possessions,* 5.36 or w^t restoring the olde which were taken away before. In the time of thys Edmund, thys I find in an old written story, borowed of W. Cary: a citizen of London, a worthy treasurer of moste worthy Monu∣ments of antiquitie. The name of the author I can not al∣ledge: because the booke beareth no title, lacking both the beginning, and the latter end. But the words therof faith∣fully recited, be these: Huius regis tempore, facta est dispersio Monachorum Eushmensis coenobij,* 5.37 cum substitutione Canoni∣corum per Althelmum, & Vlricum laicos, & Osulphum Episco∣pum. &c. That is: In the time of this King, there was a scattering or dispersion made of the Monkes out of the Monastery of Eusham, and Canons substituted in theyr place: through the doing of Athelmus, & Ulricus lay men, and of Osulfus Byshop. &c.

Where, as concerning this matter betwene Monkes and other of the clergie, first it is to be vnderstande: that in the realme of England,* 5.38 heretofore before the time of Dun∣stane: the Byshops seas and cathedrall churches were re∣plenished with no monkes, but wyth priestes and canons (called then clerks or men of the clergy) After this begin∣neth to rise a difference or a sect betwixt these two parties, in straitnesse of life and in habite:* 5.39 so that they which liued after a straiter rule of holines, were called monkes, & pro∣fessed chastitie: that was, to liue from wiues, (for so was chastitie then defined in those blinde daies) as though holy matrimony were no chastitie, according as Paphnutius did well define it in the councel of Nice. The other sort whych were no monkes but priests or men of the clergy called, li∣ued more free from these monkish rules and obseruances: and were then commōly (or at least lawfully) maryed,* 5.40 and in theyr life and habite, came nearer to the secular sorte of other christians. By reason wherof great disdaine & emu∣lation was among them: in so much that in many Cathe∣dral churches, where as priests were before, there monks were put in. And contrary, sometime where as Monkes were intruded, there priests and canons againe were pla∣ced, and monkes thrust out: wherof more shal appere here after (by the grace of Christ) when we come to the lyfe of Dunstane. In the meane time, something to satisfie the co∣gitation of the reader, which peraduenture either is igno∣rant, or els would know of the first cōming in of monks, into this realme and Church of England in the Saxones time:* 5.41 this is to be noted, according as I finde in old Chro∣nicles, namely in the latine history of Guliel. de gestis ponti∣ficum Angl. recorded, touching the same. That about thys time of king Edmund or shortly after, when hardnes and straitnesse of life, ioyned with superstition, was had in ve∣neration, and counted for great holinesse: Men therefore, either to winne publique same with men, or merites with God, gaue themselues to lead a straite life: thinking there∣by, the stranger their conuersation was,* 5.42 and farther from the common trade of vulgar people, the more perfect to be toward God and mā. There was at that time (and before that) a monastery in France named Floriake, after the or∣der and rule of Benedict: from the which Monasterie did spring a great part of our english mōks. Who being there professed, and afterward returning into England, did cō∣gregate men daily to theyr profession. And so, partly for strangenesse of theyr rule: partly for outwarde holinesse of their strait life: partly for the opinion of holinesse that ma∣ny had of them, were in great admiration: not onely with the rude sort, but with kinges and princes: who founded their houses, maintained their rules, and enlarged them with possessions. Among the which order of monks com∣ming from Floriake, especially was one Oswaldus, first a monke of Floriake, then bishop of Wirceter and of Yorke: a great patrone and setter vp of monckery.* 5.43 Touching the which Oswaldus, William in his booke, De pontific. writing of his historie, hath these woordes: Familiaris per id temporis Anglis consuetudo fuit, vt si qui boni afflati essent desiderio, in beatissimi Benedicti monasterio caenobialem susciperet habitū: a quo, religionis huiusce manauit exordium, &c. That is, It was a common custome at that time amōg English men, that if any good men were well affected or minded toward religiō, they went to the Monasterie of blessed S. Bene∣dict in France, and there receiued the habite of a Monke: Wherupon the first origine of this religion began,* 5.44 &c. But of this Oswald bishop of Yorke, and Dunstane bishop of Canterburie, and Ethelwold bishop of Winchester, howe they replenished diuers Monasteries, & Cathedral Chur∣ches with Monkes: and howe they discharged maryed Priestes and Chanans out of their houses, to plante in Monkes in their celles: more shall be spoken (by the grace of Christ) heereafter. Nowe let vs returne againe to the matter where we left, of king Edmund: who besides his noble victories against his enemies, and recouering the Cities aboue expressed into his own hāds: did also subdue the prouince of Cumberland. And after he had put out the eyes of the two sonnes of Dunmail king of Cumberland,* 5.45 he committed the gouernance therof to Malcolinus king of Scots: vpon promise of his trustie seruice & obedience, when the king should stande in any neede of him. In the time of this king, Dunstane was not yet Archbi. of Can∣terbury, but onely Abbot of Glastenbury:* 5.46 of whom many fabulous narrations passe among the wryters, importing more vanity then verity. Wherfore this is one of the first: what time Edgarus called Pacificus was borne,* 5.47 Dun∣stane being the same time Abbot of Glastenbury (as the monkish fables dreame) heard a voyce in the ayre of cer∣taine Angels singing after this tenour, and saying: Nowe peace commeth to the church of England in y^e time of this child and of our Dunstane, &c. This I thought to recite, that the christian reader might the better pōder wyth him∣selfe, the impudent and abhominable fictions of this Ro∣mish generation. Out of the same mint also haue they for∣ged, how the sayd Dunstane should heare the aungels sing the Kyrieeleyson, vsed to be song at euensong in the church. Guliel de pontif. lib. 1. Which is as true as that the Harpe hanging in a womans house, played by it selfe the time of the Antheme, called Gaudent in coelis, &c. What would not these deceiuers faine in matters something likely, whych in thinges so absurde and so inconuenient, shame not to lie and to forge so impudently & also so manifestly? Through the motion of this Dunstane: King Edmund builded and furnished the monasterie of Glastenbury, & made the sayd Dunstane Abbot thereof.

Concerning the ende and death of this King, sundrye opinions there be, Alfridus and Marianus say: that while this King Edmund endeuored hymselfe to saue his sewer from the daunger of his enemies, which would haue slaine him at Pulcherchurch: the king in parting of the fray was wounded, and died shortly after. But Guliel. de Regibus. lib. 2. sayeth, that the king being at a feast at Pulcherchurch

vpon the day of S. Augustine, espied a fellon sitting in the hall, named Leof, whom he before for his fellony had exi∣led. And leaping ouer the table did flie vpon him, & pluc∣ked the thiefe by the haire of the head to the ground. In which doyng, the fellon with a knife wounded the king to the death, and also with the same knife wounded many o∣ther of the kings seruants, and at length was all to hew∣en, and died forthwith.

* 5.48By the lawes of king Edmund (ordeyned and set forth, as well for the redresse of church matters, as also of ciuile regiment) it may appeare, that the state both of causes temporal & likewise spiritual, appertained then to y^e kings right (the false pretensed vsurpatiō of the bishop of Rome notwithstanding) as by these lawes is to be seene: where he by the aduise of his lordes and bishops, did enact & de∣termine concerning the chastitie & pure life of ecclesiastical ministers, and such as were in the orders of the Church, w^t the penalties also for them which transgressed the same.

Item, for tithes to be payd of euery christian man, and for the church fees, and alme fees, &c.

Item, for deflouring of womē professed, which we call Nunnes, &c.

Item, for euery bishop to see his churches repaired, of his owne proper charge, and boldly to admonish the king whether the houses of God were well maintayned, &c.

Item, for flying into the church for sanctuary, &c.

Item, concerning cases and determinations spousall, or matrimoniall, &c.

All which constitutions declare, what interest kings had in those days in matters as wel ecclesiastical as other, within their dominion, and that not only in disposing the ordinances and rites, such as appertained to the institutiō of the church: but also in placing and setting Bishops in their sens, &c.

In the tyme of this Edmund, was Ulstanus Archb. of Yorke,* 5.49 and Odo Archbishop of Canterbury, which O∣do beyng a Da••e borne (as is before touched) was pro∣moted to that sea by king Ethelstane, for that (as they say) hee being first bishop of Witone, & present with kyng E∣thelstane in the field against Analafus before mentioned, what time the said Ethelstane had lost his sword, he tho∣rough his intercession vp to heauen, did see a sworde from heauen, come downe into the sheath of the kyng. Whereof relation beyng made to the kyng by the foresayd Byshop,* 5.50 Ethelstane vpon the same was so affected toward Odo, that not onely he counted him for a Patrone of his life, but also made him Primate of Canterbury after the decease of Ulfelmus. This Odo was the first from the commyng of the Saxons, till his tyme which was Archbishop of Can∣terbury being no mōke.* 5.51 For all the other before him were of the profession of Monkes, of whō a great part had bene Italiās vnto Berctualdus. Notwithstanding this Odo, beyng also a stranger borne, after he was elected into the bishoprike, to aunswer to the old custome of others before him, sayled ouer into France, and there at Floriake (after the vsuall maner aboue mentioned of Englishmen) recei∣ued the profession and habite of monkish religion, as sayth my foresayd author. And like as the sayd Odo first beyng no monke, was made Archbishop of Canterbury. So al∣so Ulstanus the same tyme, beyng bishop of Yorke and of Worcester,* 5.52 differed from diuers his predecessours before him in profession and in habite: of whome the forenamed author thus writeth in his iij. booke, speaking of Ulstanus qui sanctitate discrepabat & habitu, that is, he differed in sanc∣timonie and in habite.* 5.53 Whereby is to be collected, that in those dayes was a difference in habite & garment, not on∣ly betwene monkes & bishops, but also betwene one Bi∣shop and an other. Albeit what difference it was yet, I do not finde. But I returne agayne to Odo, who by the de∣scription of his maners, might seeme not to be the worste that occupied that place, were it not that our lying histo∣ries faining false miracles vpon him (as they do of other) make him in deede to seeme worse then he was.* 5.54 As where they imagine that he should see from heauen a sworde fall into the scabberd of king Ethelstane. Itē, where he should couer and defend the church of Canterbury with his prai∣ers from raine.* 5.55 And also where he should turne the bread of the aulter (as the writer termeth it) into liuely fleshe, & from flesh into bread againe, to confirme the people which before doubted in the same. Where note agayn (good Rea∣der) that albeit this miracle were true, as no doubt it is vntrue: yet is it to be noted, y^t in those dayes was a great doubt among englishmen of the popish sacrament,* 5.56 & that transubstantiatiō was not receiued into the christiā creed. The like iudgement is to be geuē also of that, where our English writers testifieng of the same Odo, say that hee should prophesie long before of Dunstan, to be his succes∣sor in the church of Canterbury. But to let these fantasies and idle stories passe, this which we find of Odo, his own writing is certain, that the said Odo in the raigne of kyng Edmund, had a synode commensed of the chiefe Prelates and mē of the clergy in his time, to whom he directed this letter here following: the copy whereof I thought to ex∣presse, for the Reader to see what zelous care raigned in Archbishops then toward the Church of the Lord. The wordes of his epistle proceed in this tenour.

The letter or an Epistle of Odo Archbishop of Caunterbury, sent to the other Bishops and men of the Clergy.

MIrabili cunctipotentis polorum praesulis clementia opitu∣lante: Ego Odo,* 6.1 ecclesiae Saluatoris Domini nostri Iesu Christi Archiepiscopus, Douerniensis ciuitatis Metropolitanus, coepiscopis fidei catholicae compagatoribus spirituali charitatis rigore meis confratribus. Praesentium prosperitatem aetherei{que} decoris beatitudinem, &c.

The same in English.

By the deuine grace of God, I Odo of the church of our lord and sauiour Iesus Christ, Archbishop & Metropolitane of the ci∣tie of Douer, to my fellow bishops, and fellow planters of the ca∣tholike fayth, and my fellow brethren in the spirituall bonde of charitie, with greeting, wish prosperitie in this world present, & in the world to come felicitie. If it were so, or by any meanes could be, that all the riches of this world were layd before myne eyes, so that I beyng Emperour had all things vniuersally vnder my subiection, all those things gladly would I geue, yea and my selfe also would offer willingly for the health of your soules, as which also do desire and trust likewise my self to be strengthened with the feruencie of your holynesse, as appertayning to those things wherin the Lord our God hath set vs to be workmen, &c.

And after a few other wordes of like effect, wherein he doth declare the heauy burden of his office, it followeth af∣ter this maner.

Wherfore most humbly and one vnworthy, but yet a deuou•• fellow brother of yours, I beseech and exhort your holines: that you will not shew your selues cold and negligent in the cure and regiment of soules, so that in the tyme of the feareful iudgement, the Lord doe not complaine of you, saying, my shepeheards did not feed my flocke, but they fed thēselues And agayne they were princes of my flocke, and I knew not of it. But rather let vs take heede, and be diligent ouer the houshold of the Lord, ouer which he hath set vs to be the leaders: to geue them meate & true mea∣sure of corne in tyme conuenient: that is to say, wholesome do∣ctrine. And although vpon myne owne demerites or worthinesse I do not presume to comfort or exhort any man: but as one be∣yng vnworthy & faultie in transgressions innumerable, am glad, and stand in neede, rather to be strengthened by your brotherly admonitions: yet for the auncient authoritie of my predecessors as of Augustine, of happy memory, and also of all other saintes by whose industrie the rule of christianitie did first florish and spring from this Metropolitane sea, vnto all quarters of England. There∣fore I haue thought good to direct vnto you these my letters to the profit of you all: especially, for that our renowmed & prince∣ly king Edmond, with all his people doth ioy to folow that which he heareth in you, and of you: and also, forsomuch as all his sub∣iectes which be vnder his Imperiall dominion, doe loue and de∣light to follow most ioyfully, the same and report of your sincere conuersation, &c.

This Odo continued bishop the space of 20. yeres. Af∣ter whom Elsinus was elected and ordained by the kyng to succeede through fauour and money:* 7.1 but in goyng to Rome for the Popes palle, in his iourney thorough the Alpes, he decayed and died for cold. Whereupon succeeded Dunstane▪ as in tyme and place (by the leaue of Christ) fo∣loweth to be declared.

This Edmund gaue to S. Edmund the Martyr before mentioned, the towne of Bredrich••ehworth, which is now called S. Edmondesbury, with great reuenues and lands appertainyng to the same. But concerning the friuolous miracles which our Monkish storywriters here ••ayne of this good Edmund, by the way (or rather out of the way) I let them passe.

And thus much concerning the raign of king Edmūd,* 7.2 who after he had raigned vj. yeres and half, was slaine as is sayd at Pulchorchurch, and buried at Glastenbury of Dunstane:* 7.3 leauing behynd him two children, Edwine & Edgar, by his wife Elgina. But because the foresaid chil∣dren were yet yong & vnder age, therfore Edrede brother to king Edmund, and vncle to the children, gouerned as Protector about the space of 9. yeres and halfe,* 7.4 til Edwine the eldest sonne came to age. This Edrede with great mo∣deration, and fidelitie to the young children, behaued him∣selfe

during the tyme of his gouernement.* 7.5 In his tyme, Dunstane was promooted through the means of Odo the Archbishop, from Abbot of Glastenbury, to be Bishop of Wirceter, and after of London. By the counsayle of this Dunstane, Edrede was much ruled, and too much thereto addicted: In so much that the sayd Edrede is reported in stories to submit himselfe to much fond penance, and casti∣gations inflicted to him of the said Dunstane. Such zelous deuotion was then in princes, and more blynd superstiti∣on in bishops. And here agayn is an other miracle as fan∣tasticall as the other before, forged of Dunstane. That whē that Edrede beyng sicke, sent for Dunstane to be hys con∣fessor by the way: Dunstane should heare a voyce decla∣ring to him before, that Edrede was already departed, at the declaring wherof Dunstans horse fel immediately dead vnder hym,* 7.6 with lye and all.

* King Edwine.

* 7.7EDwine the eldest sonne of king Edmund afore mētioned, after his vncle Edrede, began his raigne about the yere of our Lord,* 7.8 955. being crowned at Kingston by Odo the Archbishop of Caunterbury. Of this Edwine it is reported of diuers writers, that the first day of his coronation, sit∣ting with his Lordes, brake sodainly from them & entred a secrete chamber, to the company of a certaine woman, whom he inordinately retained (being as some say an o∣ther mans wife) whose husband he had before slayne, as o∣ther say being of his aliance, to the great mislikyng of hys Lordes, and especially of the Clergy. Dunstane was yet but Abbot of Glastenbury, who following the king into the chamber, brought him out by the hand, and accused him to Odo the Archbishop,* 7.9 causing him to be separate from the company of the foresayd partie, by the which Odo, the king was for his fact suspended out of the Church. By reason whereof the king beyng with Dunstane displeased, bani∣shed him his land, & forced him for a season to flee to Flan∣ders where he was in the monastery of S. Amandus. A∣bout the same season the Monasticall order of Benedict Monkes or blacke monkes (as they were called) began to multiply and encrease here in England.* 7.10 In so much, that where before tyme other priestes & Canons had bene pla∣ced. there monkes were in their roumes set in, and the se∣cular priests (as they then were called) or Canōs put out, But king Edwine for the displeasure he bare to Dunstan, did so vexe all the order of the said monkes, that in Malmesbury Glastenbury, & other places mo, he thrust out the monkes, and set in secular priestes in their stead.

Notwithstanding it was not long, but these priestes and Canons were agayne remooued, and the said monkes in their stead restored, both in the foresayd houses, and in diuers other Churches Cathedrall besides, as in the next story of Kyng Edgar (Christ willyng) shall at more large appeare.

* 7.11In fiue kyng Edwine beyng hated by reason of certaine his demeanours, of all his subiectes (especially the Nor∣thumbrians and Mercians) was by them remooued from his kingly honour, and his brother Edgar in his steade re∣ceiued: so that the Riuer of Thamis deuided both theyr kingdomes. Which Edwine after he had raigned about the terme of foure yeares departed, leauing no heyre of hys bodye. Wherefore the rule of the lande fell vnto Edgar his younger brother.

¶ King Edgar.

* 7.12EDgar the second sonne of Edmund, and brother to Edwine being of the age of xvj. yeares, began his raygne ouer the realme of England, in the yeare of our Lord, 959. but was not crowned till 14. yeares after:* 7.13 the causes whereof here vnder follow (Christ willing) to be declared. In the beginning of his raigne he called home Dunstane, whome king Edwine before had exiled. Then was Dunstane, which before was Abbot of Glastenbury,* 7.14 made bishop of Worce∣ster, & then of London. Not long after, this Odo the Arch∣bishop of Cant. deceaseth, after he had gouerned y^e Church 24. yeares. After whom Brithelinus bishop of Winchester, first was elected. But because he was thought not sufficiēt to furnish y^e roome: Dunstane was ordained Archb. and the other sent home agayne to his old Church. Where note by the way, how in those dayes the donatiō and assignyng of ecclesiasticall dignities remayned in the kings hand, onely they fet their palle frō Rome, as a token of the Popes con∣firmation. So Dunstane beyng by the kyng made Archb. tooke hys iourny to Rome for his palle of Pope Iohn the 13. which was about the beginning of the Kings raygne. Thus Dunstane obtayning his palle, shortly after his re∣turne agayne from Rome,* 7.15 entreateth King Edgar, that Oswaldus (who, as is said, was made monke at Floriake, and was nephew to Odo late bishop of Cant.) might bee promooted to the bishoprike of Worcester, which thyng to him was granted. And not long after, through the means of the sayd Dunstane, Ethelwoldus (whom stories doe fayne to be the great patrone of Monkery) first Monke of Gla∣stenbury, thē Abbot of Abbendon, was also made Bysh. of Winchester. Of this Ethelwold, Gulielmus libro de gestis pō∣tificum recordeth, that what tyme he was a Monke in the house of Glastenbury, the Abbot had a vison of him which was this. How that there appeared to him in hys sleepe a certayne great tree, the branches wherof extended through out all the foure quarters of the Realme, which branches were al couered with many little Monkes coules, where, in the top of the tree was one great maister coule, which in spreading it selfe ouer the other coules, inclosed all the rest, which maister coule in the tree top, myne Authour in the interpretation applyeth to the lyfe of this Ethelwold.* 7.16 Of such prodigious fantasies, our monkish histories bee full, and not onely our histories of England, but also the Hea∣then histories of the Gentiles be stuffed with such kynd of dreames of much like effect.

Of such a lyke dreame we read of the mother of Ethel∣stane, how the Moone did spring out of her wombe, & gaue light to all England. Also of king Charles the Emperour, how he was led by a threed to see the torments of hel. Like wise of Furceus the Heremite mentioned in the third booke of Bede, who sawe the ioyes of heauen and the 4. fires that should destroy the world: the one of lying, for breakyng our promise made at Baptism. The second fire was of co∣uetous. The third of dissention. The fourth was of the fire of impietie and wrongfull dealing. Item, in like sort of the dreame of Dunstane, and of the same Ethelwold, to whom ap∣peared the three bishops, Bristanus, Birinus, and Swithinus, &c. Itē, of the dreame of the mother of this Ethelwold, who beyng great with him, did see a golden Egle flee out of her mouth, &c. Of the dreame likewise, or the vision of Kyng Edgar concerning the falling of the two apples,* 7.17 and of the pots, one being full of water, the other empty, &c. Also of king Edward the Confessor, touching the ruine of the lande by the conquest of the Normands. We read also in the hi∣story of Astiages, how he dreamed of Cyrus. And likewise of many other dreames in the bookes of the monkes, & of the Ethnike writers. For what cannot either the idle vanitie of mans head, or the deception of the lying spirite worke by man: in foreshewing such earthly euentes as happen commonly in this present world? But here is a difference to be vnderstood betwene these earthly dreames, speaking of earthly things,* 7.18 and matters of humaine superstition, & betwene other spiritual reuelations sent by God touching spirituall matters of the Church, pertayning to mans sal∣uation. But to our purpose, by this dreame, and by the e∣uent which followed after, it may appeare how & by what meanes the multitude of Monkes began first to swarme in the Churches of England (that is) in the dayes of this Edgar, by the meanes of these three Bishops, Dunstane, E∣thelwold and Oswold. Albeit Dunstane was the chiefest ring leader of this race, yet Ethelwold beyng now Bishop of Winchester, & Oswald bishop of Worcester, were not much behind for their partes. By the instigation and counsail of these three aforesaid, king Edgar is recorded in histories to build either new out of the ground, or to reedifie monaste∣ries decayed by the Danes, mo then xl. As the house of E∣ly, Glastenbury, Abington, Burgh by Stamford, Thor∣ney, Ramsey, Wilton, Wenton, Winchtombe, Thamstock in Deuonshire, with diuers other moe▪ In the settyng vp and building of the which, the foresayde Ethelwold was a great doer and a founder vnder the king. Moreouer, tho∣rough the motion of this Dunstane and his fellowes, kyng Edgar in diuers great houses and Cathedrall Churches, where Prebendaries and priestes were before,* 7.19 displaced the priests, and set in Monkes. Whereof we read in y^e chro∣nicle of Rog. Houeden, in wordes and forme as followeth: Hic nam{que} Ethelwoldus Regem cuius eximius erat consiliarius, ad hoc maximè prouocauit, yt clericos à Monasterijs expelleret, & monachos sanctimoniales{que} in eis collocaret, &c. That is, E∣thelwold bishop of Winchester, who was then one of the kings coūsaile, did vrge the K. chiefly to expel Clerks out of Monasteries, and in their rowmes to bestow Monks and Nunnes, &c. whereunto accordeth likewise Historia Iornalensis, containing the like effect in these wordes: Hoc anno Ethelwoldus Wint. & Oswaldus Wygornensis Episcopi, iussu Regis Edgari (clericis de quibusdam maioribus Ecclesijs expulsis) Monachos instituerunt, aut de eisdem clericis & alijs monachos in eisdem fecerunt. Gulielmus also writing of the tyme of Dunstane, maketh the matter somwhat more plain

where he sayth: Ita{que} clerici multarum Ecclesiarum data opti∣one, vt aut amictum mutarent, aut locis valedicerent, melioribus habitacula vacuefacientes. Surgebant itaque in tota insula, reli∣giosorum monasteria, cumulabātur mole pretiosi metalli sancto∣rum altaria, &c. Thus the secular priests being put to their choise, whether to chaunge their habite, or to leaue theyr roumes, departed out of their houses, geuing place for o∣ther better men to come in. Then the houses & Monaste∣rics of Religious men through all the Realme, went vp apace, &c.

After the kings mynd was thus perswaded and inci∣ted by these bishops to aduance Monkery, then Oswaldus bishop of Worcester, & also made Archbishop of Yorke, af∣ter the decease of Oskitellus,* 7.20 sui 〈◊〉〈◊〉 compos effect{us} (as Houe∣den writeth) hauing his sea in the cathedrall Church there of S. Peter, began first with faire perswasions to assay the myndes of the Canons and priests, whether they could be content to change their profession, and to be made monks, or no: which when he saw it would not take effect, he pra∣ctised this pollicie with thē. Nere to the said Church of S. Peter, within the churchyard he erected an other Church of our Lady, which when he had replenished w^t Monkes, there he continually frequented, there he kept, there he sat, and was euer there conuersant.* 7.21 By reason whereof, the other church was left naked and desolate, and all the peo∣ple gathered there where the bishop was.* 7.22 The priests se∣yng themselues so to be left and neglected both of the Bi∣shop and of the people, to whome nothing remayned but shame and contempt, were driuen of shame either to relin∣quish the house (such as would not enter the Monkish profession) or els to become monkes, such as had nothyng els to stay vpon. After the like superstition (although not after the same subtletie) did Ethelwold also driue out the Canons and priests from the new Monastery in Winche∣ster, afterward called Hida,* 7.23 and placed his monkes. So in Oxford and in Mildune, with diuers other places moe: the secular Priests with their wiues were expelled to geue place to Monkes. The cause wherof is thus pretended in certaine story writers, whom I see also Fabian to folow, for that the priests and Clerkes were thought slack and neg∣ligent in their Church seruice, and set in Uicares in theyr stead, while they liued in pleasure, and mispent the patri∣mony of the Church after their owne lust. Then king Ed∣gar gaue to the Uicars the same land which before belon∣ged to the Prebendaries, who also not long after shewed themselues as negligent as the other.* 7.24 Wherfore king Ed∣gar (as mine authors write) by the consent of Pope Iohn, 13. voyded clerely the priests, and ordained there monkes. Although certaine of the nobles, and some of the Prelates were therewith not well contented, as in the chapter fol∣lowing, may partly appeare.

But for so much as we haue entred into the mention of Monkes & Nunnes,* 7.25 and of their profession, which I see so greatly in our Monkish stories commended: lest perhaps the simple Reader may be deceiued thereby, in hearing the name of monkes in all histories of tymes to be such an an∣cient thing in Christian life (euen frō the primitiue church after the Apostles tyme) both commonly recited and well receiued: therfore to helpe the iudgement of the ignorant, and to preuent all errour herein, it shall not be vnprofita∣ble in followyng the present occasion here geuen (by way of a little digression) to entermedle somewhat concerning the originall institution of monkes, what they were in the old tyme, which were called Monachi, wherin the monkes of the primitiue tyme, did differ from the Monkes of the middle time, and from these our Monkes now of this lat∣ter age. Moreouer, wherein all these three do differ from Priests (as we call them) and frō men of the clergy. Wher∣fore to aunswer to the superstitious scruple of such, which alledge the old antiquitie of the name and title of monks: first I graunt, the name and order of Monkes to be of old continuance, during neare from the tyme of 300. yeares af∣ter Christ. Of whom diuers old authors do record, as Au∣gustinus, Hieronymus, Basillus Magnus, who was also himself one of the first institutors and commenders of that super∣stition. Chrysostomus,* 7.26 Nazianzenus, Euagrius, Sozomenus, Di∣onysius, and diuers other. In the number of these monkes (which then were deuided into Her••mites or Anachorites and into Coenobites) wexe Antonius, Paulus, Ioannes, wyth diuers other recluses. Among the which was Hierome, Ba∣sile, Macarius, Isidorus, Pambus, Nilammon, Simeon, with infi∣nite other, both in Palestina, Syria, Thebaide, Mesopotamia in Egypt, in Africa and Scythia. In so much that Cassianus, Lib. 2. cap. 4. de Canon. Noctur. orat. maketh mention of a certaine Monastery in Thebaide, wherin were aboue 5000. monks, vnder the gouernment of one Abbot. And here also in En∣gland mention is made before of Bangor, wherein were two thousand & two hundred Monkes vnder one mans ruling, in the yeare of our Lord, 596. wherby it appeareth that Monkes were then, and 2000. yeares before in the pri∣mitiue tyme of the Church. But what monks these were, is to be considered. Such as either by tiranny of persecuti∣on were driuen into solitary and desert places, or els such as not constrained of any, but of their owne voluntary de∣uotion (ioyned with some superstition among, for the loue they had to spirituall contemplation, and for hatred of the wicked world) withdrewe themselues from all company, either hauyng nothyng to themselues proper,* 7.27 or els all things common with other. And all these were then no∣thing els but lay men. Of which lay men there were two sundry sortes, one of the vulgare & common people, which onely were pertakers of the Sacraments, the other in fo∣lowing a Monasticall kynde of lyfe, were called Monkes (beyng nothing but lay men) leadyng a more seuere and straighter trade of lyfe, then the other, as may sufficiently appeare by August. Lib. de moribus Ecclesiae cap. 13. Item, Lib. de operibus Monachorum. Item Epistola ad Aurelium. Also by Hierome ad Heliodorum, writing these wordes: Alia Mona∣chorum est causa, alia clericorum. Clerici pascunt oues, ego pa∣scor, &c. That is, One thing pertaineth to Monkes, an o∣ther thing to them of the Clergy. They of the Clergy feede their flocke. I am fed, &c. Et ex Dionysio. Also the same ap∣peareth likewise by the 4. Canon of the Councel of Chal∣cedone, where it is prouided, Ne Monachi se Ecclesiasticis ne∣gocijs immisceant. That is, That Monkes should not in∣termedle with matters of the Church. &c. Et Leo Epistola 62 vetat Monachos & laicos, etsi scientie nomine glorientur, admit∣ti ad officium docendi & concionandi.

By these foresayd authors alledged,* 7.28 it is euident: that Monkes in the former age of the church, albeit they lyued a solitary life, yet they were then no other but only lay mē, differing from priests, & differing from the other monkes, which succeeded them afterward in the middle age of the Church, and that in iij. pointes. First, they were tyed and bound to no prescript forme eyther of diet or apparel, or a∣ny thing els, as we may see testified by the wordes of S. Augustine, which be these:

Ne{que} inter haec nemo vrgetur in a∣spera, quae ferre non potest: Nulli quod recusat imponitur. Nec ideo contemnitur à caeteris, in quod eis imitandis se fatetur in∣ualidum. Meminerunt enim quantoperè commendata sit in Scri∣pturis charitas. Meminerunt omnia munda mundis, &c Nō quod intrat in os coinquinat hominem, sed quod exit. Ita{que} non reijci∣endis generibus ciborum, quasi pollutis, sed concupiscentiae per∣domandae, & dilectioni fratrum retinendae,

* 7.29 inuigilat omnis indu∣stria. And Sozomenus, Lib 3. cap. 16. speaking of the Monkes of the same time, which in cities had seuerall mansions frō other, sayth: Alij in turba ciuitatum conuersabantur, sic seipsos gerentes, vt nullius momenti viderentur, & à multis nihil differ∣rent, &c. 1. Some liued in cities, so behauing themselues, as seeming nothing worth,* 7.30 and they differed nothyng from the multitude, &c. The second point wherin they were dis∣crepant from the latter Monkes: was, in that they remai∣ned no other but in the order of lay men (onely beyng of a straighter lyfe then the rest) and had nothing to do in mat∣ters & charges Ecclesiasticall.* 7.31 Which was afterward bro∣ken, by Pope Bonifacius the 4. as followeth more (the lord willing) to be sene and sayd. Thirdly, the foresaid monkes of that age (albeit the most part of them liued sole & single from wiues) yet some of them were maried: certes none of them were forbidden or restrayned from mariage. Of such as were maried,* 7.32 speaketh Athanasius in Epistola ad Dra∣contium, qui ait se nouisse & Monachos & Episcopos coniuges & liberorum patres, &c. That is, which sayth that he knew both Monkes and Bishops maried men, and fathers of children, &c.

And yet the said Monkes of the old tyme,* 7.33 though they were better then the other which folowed them: yet al that notwithstanding, superstitiō with them and among them begā then to creepe into the church, through the crafty sub∣tilty of Sachan, and all for the ignorance of our free iusti∣fication by faith in Iesus Christ. Examples do declare the vaine and prodigious superstitiō of these Monasticall sort of men, which examples do not lacke: if 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rather did not lacke to bring them in. But ij. or iij. shal suffice for ma∣ny, which I purpose (the Lord willing) here to insert: to the intent the mind of the godly reader may the better con∣sider and vnderstand,* 7.34 how shortly after the tyme of Christ and his Apostles, the doctrine of christian iustification be∣gan to be forgotten, true religion turned to superstition, & the price of Christes passion to bee obscured through the vayne opinion of mens merites,* 7.35 &c. A certaine Abbot na∣med Moses thus testifieth of himselfe in the Collations of Cassianus, that he so afflicted himselfe with much fastyng and watching, that sometimes for ij. or iij. dayes together,

not onely he felt no appetite to eate, but also had no remē∣braunce of any meat at all, and by reason thereof was dri∣uen also frō sleepe. In so much, that he was caused to pray to God, but for a little refreshing of sleepe to be geuen him some piece of the night. In the same author, mention is made of a certaine old man an Hermite, who because hee had conceiued in himselfe such a purpose neuer to eat meat without he had some guest or strāger with him, sometyme was constrained to abstaine v. daies together vntil Son∣day, while he came to the Church and there brought some stranger or other home with him.

* 7.36Two other examples yet more will I adde out of the said Cassianus, to declare how the subtiltie of Sathan, tho∣rough superstition and false colour of holynes, blindeth y^e miserable eyes of such which rather attend mens traditi∣ons, then the word of God. In the xl. chap. of the sayd au∣thor in his booke de Gastrimargia, is told of a certain Abbot named Ioannes, in the desert of Scythia, who sent ij. of hys Nouices with figs vnto one that was sicke in the wilder∣nes 18. miles off from the Church. It chaunced these two yong Nouices missing the way, wandered so long in the wild forest or wildernes, and could not find the Celie, that for emptines and wearines they waxed faint & tired. And yet rather would they die then tast the figs committed to them to cary,* 7.37 and so dyd, for shortly after they were found dead, their figges lying whole by them.

An other story he also reciteth of two Monasticall bre∣thren, who making their progresse, in the desert of The∣baide: purposed with thēselues,* 7.38 to take no sustenance, but such as the Lord should minister himselfe vnto them. It happened, as they were wandering desolate in the desert, and faynting almost for penury, certayne Mazices, a kinde of people by nature fearce and cruel: notwithstanding, be∣ing sodenly altered into a new nature of humanitye, came forth and of their owne accord offered bread vnto them. Which bread the one thankfully receaued, as sent of God. The other as counting it sent of man and not of God, re∣fused it, and so for lacke perished.

Hereunto might I also annexe the story of Mucius, who to declare his obedience, did not sticke at the commaunde∣ment of his Abbot, to cast his sonne into the water, not knowing whether any were appointed there ready to re∣scue him from drouning, so far were the Monkes in those dayes drouned in superstition. What is this, but for mans traditions and commaundements, to transgresse the com∣maundement of God, which saith: Thou shalt do no mur∣ther. Thou shalt not tempt the Lord thy God?* 7.39 What man is so blynd, that seeth not by these & infinite examples mo: what pernitious superstition hath begun by reason of this Monkery, almost from the beginnyng to creepe into the Church? Wherfore I cannot maruell inough, seeyng that age of the Church, had in it so many learned and famous Doctors, who not onely did approue and allow these mo∣nasticall sectes of life: but also certaine themselues were the authors and institutors of the same, yea and of mens traditions made the seruice of God. In number of whome may be reckoned Basilius Magnus, & Nazianzenus, who with immoderate austeritie did so plucke downe themselues,* 7.40 that when they were called to the office of Bishops, they were not able to sustaine the labour therof.

After these foresayd monkes of that time aboue recited, followed other Monkes of the middle age of the Church:* 7.41 who as in multitude, so also in superstition increasing, be∣gan by little and little from their desolate dens in the vaste wildernes, to approch more neare to great towns, where they had solemne Monasteries founded by Kinges and Queenes, and kings daughters, and other rich Consuls, as is partly before touched. And the causes also touched withall, for the which they were first founded, as these: pro remedio animae meae,* 7.42 pro remissione peccatorum meorum, pro redemptione peccatorū meorum, & pro salute regnorum, qui{que} meo subiacent regimini populorum. In honorem glorlosae virgi∣nis, &c. For all these impious, and erroneous titles, and causes, we finde alleaged in storyes, as in Malmes beriensis, Iornalensis, Henricus, and other moe. In which histories I also note, that the most part of these foresayd monasteries were erected first vpon some great murther, either by war in the field, or priuately committed at home: as shall well appeare to them which read the bookes whom I haue al∣ledged. But to returne to our Monks agayn, who (as is sayd) first began to creepe from the cold field into warme townes and cloysters:* 7.43 from townes, then into citties, and at length from their close cellors and citties, vnto Cathe∣drall Churches (as here appeareth by this storye of King Edgar) where not onely they did abound in wealth and riches (especially these Monkes of our latter tyme) but much more did swimme in superstition, and Pharisaicall hipocrisie, beyng yoked and tied in all their doings, to cer∣taine prescript rules and formal obseruances: in watching in sleeping, in eating, in rising, in praying, in walkyng, in talking, in looking, in tasting, in touching, in handling, in their gestures, in their vestures, euery mā apparailed, not as the proper condition of other would require, nor as the season of the yeare did serue, but as the coacted rules & or∣der of euery sect did inforce them. The number of which sectes was infinitely diuers: some after Basilius rule, went in white: some after Benets rule in blacke: some Cluniacē∣sis, first set vp by Otho in the tyme of this king Edgar,* 7.44 wea∣ring after the rule of Benets order: some after Hieroms rule leather girdled and coped aboue their white coate: some Gregorians copper coloure••: Some de valle vmbrosa, graye Monkes: Some Grand••montenses, wearing a coate of mailes vpon theyr bare bodyes, with a black cloake there∣vpon: Some Cistercianes, who had white rochets on a blacke coate: Some Celestines, all in blew, both cloake, coule, and cap: Some Charter Monkes, wearing heare∣cloth next their bodyes:* 7.45 Some Flagellants, going bare∣foot in long white linnen shirtes, with an open place in the backe, where they beat themselues with scourges on the bare skinne euery day, before the peoples eyes, till the bloud ranne downe: saying that it was reuealed to them by an Angell, that in so scourging themselues, within 30. dayes and 12. houres, they should bee made so pure from sinne, as they were whē they first receiued baptisme: some starred Monkes: Some Iesuites, with a white girdle & a russet coule. Briefely, who can recken vp the innumera∣ble sectes and disguised orders of their fraternities? Some holding of S. Benet, some of S. Hierome, Some of S. Basill, Some of S. Barnard: Some of S. Bridget: Some of S. Bru∣no: Some of S. Lewes: as though it were not enough for Christen men to holde of Christ onely: so subiect were they to seruile rules, that no part of Christen liberty remayned among them. So drowned and sunck in superstition: that not onely they had lost Christes religion, but also almost the sense and nature of men. For where men naturally are and ought to be ruled by the descrete gouernment of reasō, in all outward doynges, wherein no one rule can serue for all men:* 7.46 the circumstaunce of tyme, place, person, and bu∣sines being so sundry and diuers. Contrary, among these, not reason but onely the knock of a bell, ruled all their do∣inges: their rising, their sleeping, theyr praying, their ea∣ting, their comming in, their going out, their talking, their silēce, & altogether like insensible people, either not hauing reason to rule themselues, or els as persons vngrateful to God, neyther enioyning the benefite of reason created in them, nor yet vsing the grace of Christes libertie, wherun∣to he redemed them.

Thus thou seest (gentle Reader) sufficiently declared, what the monkes were in y^e primitiue time of the Church,* 7.47& what were the Monkes of the middle age, and of these our latter dayes of the church. Wherunto ioyne this with all, that where the Monkes of elder tyme (as is sayd) were meere lay men and no spirituall ministers. Afterward Bo∣nifacius the 4. made a decree, an. 606. that Monkes might vse the office of preaching, of Christening, of hearing con∣fessions, & also of assayling them of their sinnes, &c. So thē monkes, who in the beginning were but lay men, and no spirituall ministers, forbidden by the generall Councell of Chalcedon (as is aboue related) to intermeddle with mat∣ters ecclesiasticall: afterward in proces of time did so much incroch vpon the office of spirituall ministers, that at lēgth the Priests were discharged out of their Cathedrall chur∣ches, & monkes set in their places. Because that Monkes in those dayes leading a straighter lyfe,* 7.48 and professing cha∣stitie, had a greater countenance of holynes amōg the peo∣ple, then the Priests, who then in the dayes of king Edgar had wiues (at least so many as would) no law forbidding them to the contrary, till the tyme of Hildebrand, now cal∣led Gregory the 7. whereof more shall be sayd (Christ wil∣ling) in the booke next followyng.

And thus much by the way as touching the order and profession of Monkes.* 7.49 Nowe to turne in agayne from whence we digressed (that is) to the matter of kyng Edgar, who followyng the counsaile and leading of Dunstane, and the foresayd Ethelwold Bishop of Winchester, was some∣what thereby inclined to superstition. But otherwyse of his owne nature, well geuen to all vertues and princely actes worthy of much commēdation,* 7.50 and famous memo∣ry. So excellent was he in iustice, and sharpe in correctiō of vices (as well in his magistrates, as other subiectes) that neuer before his dayes was lesse felony by robbers, nor lesse extortion or bribery by false officers. Such Pro∣uinces & lordships as were not yet come vnder the kings subiection, he vnited and adioyned to his dominion. And

so made one perfect monarchy of the whole realme of En∣gland, with all the Ilelands and borders about the same. Such as were wicked, he kept vnder, he repressed thē that were rebels, the godly he maintayned, he loued the mo∣dest, he was deuout to God, and beloued of his subiects, whom he gouerned in much peace and quietnes. And as he was a great seeker of peace, so God did blesse hym with much aboundaunce of peace and rest from all warres: so that as the history recordeth of hym,* 7.51 Nullas insidias domesti∣corum, nullum exterminium alienorum sen serit, for the which he was called Pacificus. He neyther tasted of any priuy tre∣son among his subiectes, nor of any inuasion of foraine e∣nemies. So studious he was of the publike profite of hys Realme, and fruitfull in his gouernment, that as the sayd story testifieth of him, Nullus ferè annus in Chronicis praete∣rijt, quo non magnum & necessarium patriae aliquid fecerit: No yeare passed in all the tyme of his raigne,* 7.52 wherein he dyd not some singular and necessary commoditie for the com∣mon wealth, &c. A great mainteyner he was of Religion and learning, not forgetting herein the foresteps of Kyng Alfred his predecessor. Among his other princely vertues this chiefly is to be regarded, that where as other princes commonly in much peace and quietnes, are wont to grow into a dissolute negligence of life, or obliuiō of their charge committed vnto them. This king in continuance of peace (that notwithstanding) kept euer with him such a watch, & a vigilant seueritie ioyned with a seemely clemency, that I cannot here but recite the witnesse of our story writers, testifiyng of his diligent care ouer the common wealth: which was so great, Vt nullum cuiuscun{que} dignitatis hominé, leges eludere impunè permitteret i.* 7.53 That he would suffer no man of what degree of nobilitie so euer he were, to dally out his lawes without condigne punishment, &c. And fo∣loweth more in the same author. Nemo eius tempore priua∣tus latro, Nemo popularis praedo, nisi qui mallet in fortunas alie∣nas grassari propriae vitae dispendio,* 7.54 &c. In all his tyme there was neither any priuy picker nor open thiefe, but he that in stealing other mens goods, would venter and suffer (as he was sure) the losse of his owne lyfe, &c. Guliel. de Reg.

Moreouer, as the studious industrie of this Prince was forward in all other points, so his prudent prouision dyd not lacke in this also,* 7.55 in driuing out the deuouring & raue∣ning Wolues, throughout all his land. Wherein he vsed this pollicie, In causing Ludwallus Prince or Kyng of Wales, to yelde to him yearely by way of tribute, 300. Wolues. By meanes whereof, within the space of 4. yeres after in England and Wales, might scantly be founde one Wolfe alyue.

* 7.56This Edgar among other of his politike deedes, had in readines 3600. ships of warre, to scoure the Seas in the Sommer tyme, wherof 1200. kept the East seas, as many to defend the Westside, againe, as many on the Southseas to repulse the inuasion of foraine enemies. Moreouer, in Winter season, the vse and maner of this vertuous Kyng was this: During all the tyme of his life, to ride ouer the land in progresse,* 7.57 searching and inquiring diligently (to vse here the wordes of mine author.) Quomodo legum iu∣ra, & suorum statuta decretorum obseruarentur: & ne pauperes à potentibus praeiudicium passi opprimerentur. That is, How his lawes and statutes by him ordeined were kept, & that the poore should suffer no preiudice or he oppressed any ma∣ner of wayes by the mightier, &c. Briefly, as I see many things in this worthy prince to be commended, so this one thing in him I cannot but lament, to see him like a Phenix to flee alone, that of all his posteritie so few there bee that seeke to keepe him company. And although I haue shew∣ed more already of this king, then I thinke will wel be fo∣lowed, yet this more is to be added to the worthines of his other acts.* 7.58 That where as by the multitude of the Danes dwelling in diuers places of Englād much excessiue drin∣king was vsed, wherupon ensued dronkennes, and many other vices, to the euill example and hurt of his subiects: he therfore to preuent that euill, ordeined certaine cuppes with pinnes, or nailes set in them, adding therunto a law, that what person dranke past that marke at one draught, should forfaite a certaine peny. Whereof one halfe should fall to the accuser, and the other half to the ruler of the bo∣rough or towne, where the offence was done.

It is reported of this Edgar by diuers authors, that about the 13. yere of his raign, he bring at Chester, a kings (called in histories Subreguli) to wit petykings, or vnder∣kings, came & did homage to him. Of whom the first was the king of Scots, called Kinadius: Macolinus of Cumber∣land. Mackus or Mascusinus king of Moniae, and of diuers o∣ther Ilands,* 7.59 & all the kings of Wales, the names of whō were Dufuall, or Dunewaldus; Sifreth, Hu••••all, Iacob, Vikyll, Iu∣chell. All which kings after they had geuen their fidelitie to Edgar:* 7.60 the next day following (for a pompe or royaltie) he entred with these aforesaid kings into the riuer of Dee. Where he sitting in a boate tooke the rule of the helme, and caused these 8. kings, euery person taking an ore in hys hand,* 7.61 to row him vp and downe the riuer to and from the Church of S. Iohn vnto his palace agayne, in token that he was maister and Lord of so many prouinces: whereupō he is reported to haue sayd in this maner: Tunc demum pos∣se successores suos gloriari, se Reges Angliae esse, cum tanta prae∣rogatiua honorum fruerētur. But in my mynd this king had sayd much better, if he had rather said with S. Paule, Absit mihi gloriari,* 7.62 nisi in cruce Domini nostri Iesu Christi.

And thus ye haue heard hetherto touching the cōmen∣dation of king Edgar, such reportes as the old Monkish writers thought to bestow vpon him, as vpon the great patron of their monkish religion, who had builded so ma∣ny monasteries for them, as were Sondayes in the yeare, (as some say) or, as Edmer reporteth, but 48.

Now on the other side,* 7.63 what vices in him were raig∣ning, let vs likewise consider, according as we find in the sayd authors described, which most write to his aduance∣ment. Wherof, the first vice is noted to be crueltie, as well vpon others, as namely vpon a certaine Erle being of his secret counsaile called Ethelwold. The story is this, Ord∣garus Duke of Deuonshire, had a certaine daughter na∣med Elfrida, whose beautie beyng highly commended to the king, he being inflamed therwith, sent this foresaid E∣thelwold (whom he especially trusted) to the partie, to see and to bring him word againe, & if her beautie were such as was reported,* 7.64 willing him also to make the match be∣twene them. Ethelwold wel viewing the partie, and seing her beautie nothing inferior to her fame, and thinking first to serue his owne turne, tolde all things contrary to the king. Wherupon the king withdrawing his mynd other∣wise, in the ende it came to passe that Ethelwold hymselfe did marry her.

Not long after, the king vnderstanding further by the complaints and rumors of certayne, how he was preuen∣ted and beguiled, set a faire face vpon the matter before E∣thelwold, and merily iesting with hym, tolde hym how he would come and see his wyfe, & in deed appointed the day when he would be there. Ethelwold the husband percea∣uing this matter to go hardly with hym, made hast to hys wife, declaring to her the comming of the king, and also o∣pening the whole order of the matter how he had done, de∣sired her of all loue, as she would saue his life, to disgrace & deforme her selfe with garmentes and such attyre, as the king might take no delighting in her. Elfrida hearing this what did she, but contrary to the request of her husband, & promise of a wife, against the kings commyng trimmed her selfe at the glasse,* 7.65 & decked her in her best aray. Whom when the king beheld, he was not so much enamoured w^t her, as in hatred with her husband who had so deceaued him. Wherupon the king shortly after making as though he would goe to hunt in the forest of Harwood, sent for E∣thelwold to come to him vnder the pretence of huntyng, & there ran him thorow and slew him. After this the bastard sonne of Ethelwold comming to him, the king asked hym how he liked that hunting. Who aunswered againe, that which pleaseth the king, ought not to displease him. For the death of which Ethelwold, Elfrida afterward builded a Monastery of Nunnes in remission of sinnes.* 7.66

An other fault which Malmesbury noteth in hym, was the comming in of strangers into this land, as Saxones, Flemmings, & Danes, whome he with great familiaritie retained, to the great detriment of this land, as the forsaid story of Malmesbury recordeth, whose wordes be these. Vn∣dè factum est, vt fama eius per ora omnium volitante, alienige∣nae, Saxones, Flandritae, ipsi etiam Dani huc frequenter annaui∣garent, Edgaro familiares effecti: quo rum aduentus magnū pro∣uincialibus detrimentum peperit. Inde meritò iure{que} reprehen∣dunt eum literae, &c. That is, wherby it happened, that di∣uers straungers out of foraine countreys▪* 7.67 allured by hys fame, came into the land, as Saxones, Flemmings, and Danes also, all which he retained with great familiaritie. The comming of which straungers wrought great dam∣mage to the realme, and therfore is Edgar iustly blamed in stories, &c. with the which reprehension all the Saxone stories also do agree.

The third vice to him obiected,* 7.68 was his incontinent & lasciuious lust in deflouring maides, as first of a Dukes daughter being a Nūne, and a virgin named Wilfrida, or Wilftrude, of which Wilfride was borne Editha, a bastard daughter of Edgar. Also of an other certaine virgin in the town of Audeuar. who was priuily conueied into his bed by this meanes. The lasciuious king commyng to Ande∣uar, not farre from Winchester, and thinking to haue his

pleasure of a certayne Dukes daughter, of whose beautie he heard much speaking, commaunded the mayde to bee brought vnto him. The mother of the virgine grieued to haue her daughter made a concubine, secretly by night cō∣ueyed to the kings bed in stead of her daughter, an other mayden of beauty and fauour not vncomely: who in the morning rising to her worke, and so beyng known of the king what she was, had graunted vnto her of y^e king such libertie and freedome, that of a seruant she was made mi∣stresse both to her maister, and also to her mistresse. Ex Mat. Paris. lib. de Regib.

* 7.69An other concubine he had also besides these aforesaid, which was Egelfleda or Elfleda, called Candida y^e white daughter of duke Ordinere (as Guliel. Malmesb. recordeth) she beyng also a professed Nunne, of whom he begot Ed∣ward in bastardy. For the which he was enioined by Dū∣stane 7. yeares penance. After which penance beyng com∣plete, then he tooke to him a lawfull wyfe (as Malmesbury sayth) Elfritha, the mother of Edmund and Ethelred, or otherwise called Egelred, whereof more shall be sayd (the Lord willing hereafter.

* 7.70Ouer and besides all these vices noted and obiected to king Edgar in our monkish storywriters, I also obserue another no lesse, or rather greater vice then the other afore recited, which was blynd superstition and idolatrous mō∣kery brought into the church of Christ, with the wrong∣full expulsing of lawful maried priests out of their houses. Whereupon, what inconueniences ensued after in this realm, especially in the house of the Lord, I leaue it to the consideration of them which haue heard of the detestable enormities of these religious votaries. The occasiō wher∣of, first and chiefly began in this Edgar through the insti∣gation of Dunstane and his fellowes, who after they had inueigled the kyng & had brought him to their purpose, they caused him to call a Councell of the Clergy, where it was enacted and decreed,* 7.71 that the Canons of diuers Ca∣thedral churches, Colleginars, Persons, Uicars, Priests and Deacons, with their wiues and childrē, either should geue ouer that kind of life, or els geue roume to Monkes, &c. For execution of which decree, two principall Uisitors were appointed, Athelwold or Ethelwold, bishop of Win¦chester, and Oswold bishop of Worcester, as is partly be∣fore touched.* 7.72 Osbernus in vita Dunstani, Malmesb. De vit. pon∣tif. Rog, Houed.

And thus much concerning the history of king Edgar and of such things as in his tyme happened in the church. Which Edgar after he had entred into the partes of Bri∣tannie, to subdue the rebellion of the Welchmen, and there had spoiled the coūtrey of Glamorgan, & wasted the coun∣try of Ono within x. dayes after, when he had raigned the space of xvj. yeares, died, and was buried at Glastenbury, leauing after him two bastards,* 7.73 to witte, Editha and Ed∣ward, and one sonne lawfully begottē, named Ethelred, or otherwise by corruption called Egelred: For Edmund the elder sonne died before his father.

Ye heard before how king Edgar is noted in all stories to be an incontinent liuer in deflouring maydes and vir∣gines. Of which virgins iij. notoriously are expressed in authors, to witte, Wlftrude or Wlfride: The second, was the dukes maid at Andeuar, nie to Winchester: The third, was Elflede mother of Edward, for the which Elflede he was stayd and kept backe from his Coronation by Dun∣stane Archbishop of Cant. the space of 7. yeares, and so the sayd kyng beginning his raigne in the 16. yeare of his age beyng the yeare of the Lord,* 7.74 959. was crowned at his age 31. An. dom. 974. as is in the Saxon Chronicle of Worcester church to be prooued. For the more euident declaration of which matter concerning the coronation of the kyng, re∣strained, and the presumptuous behauiour of Dunstan a∣gainst the king:* 7.75 and his penance by the sayd Dunstane en∣ioyned, ye shall heare both Osborne, Malmesb. and other authors, speake in their owne wordes as followeth, Per∣petrato ita{que} in virginem velatam peccato, &c. After that Dun∣stane had vnderstanding of the kings offence perpetrated with the professed Nunne, and that the same was blased a∣mongst the people, with great ire and passion of mynde he came to the king. Who seing the Archb. comming, eftsones of gentlenes arose from his regall seate towards hym, to take him by the hand,* 7.76 and to geue him place. But Dunstan refusing to take him by the hand, and with sterne counte∣nance bending his browes, spake after this effect of words (as stories import) vnto the king: You that haue not feared to corrupt a virgine mayde handfast to Christ, presume you to touch the consecrated handes of a bishop? you haue defiled the spouse of your maker, & thinke you by flattring seruice to pacifie the friend of the bridegrome? No sir, his frend will not I be, which hath Christ to his enemy, &c. The king terrified with these thundring wordes of Dunstan, and compuncted with in∣ward repentance of his crime perpetrated, fel down with weping at the feete of Dunstane. Who, after he had raysed him vp from the ground againe, began to vtter to him the horriblenes of his fact,* 7.77 and finding the king redy to receiue whatsoeuer satisfaction he would lay vpon him, enioyned him this penance for 7. yeres space, as followeth: That hee should weare no crowne all that space, that he should fast twise in the weeke, he should distribute his treasure left to him of his aun∣cesters, liberally vnto the poore, he should build a Monasterie of Nunnes at Shaftsbury, that as he had robbed God of one virgine through his transgression, so should he restore to him many a∣gain in tymes to come: Moreouer, he should expell Clerkes of e∣uil life (meaning such priests as had wiues and children) out of churches, and place Couents of Monkes in their rowme, &c.

It followeth then in the story of Osborne,* 7.78 that whē the 8. yeres of the kings penance were expired: Dunstan cal∣ling together all the pieres of the Realme, with Bishops, Abbots, and other ecclesiasticall degrees of the Clergy, in the publike sight of all the multitude,* 7.79 set the crowne vpon the kings head at Bathe, which was the 31. yeare of hys age, and the 13. yeare of his raigne, so that he raigned only but 3. yeares crowned king. All the other yeares besides, Dunstan belike ruled the land as he listed. Furthermore, as touching the sōne of the sayd Elfled, thus the story wri∣teth: Puerum quo{que} ex peccatrice quondam progenitum, sacro fonte regeneratum lauauit, & aptato illi nomine Edwardo in fili∣um sibi adoptauit. i. The child also, which was gotten of the harlot, he baptised in the holy fountaine of regeneration, and so geuing his name to bee called Edward, did adopt him to be his sonne, &c. Ex Osberno.

By the which narration of Osberne,* 7.80 agreing also with the story of the Saxon booke aboue mentioned, is conuin∣ced a double vntruth or error, eyther negligently ouerseen or of purpose dissembled in our latter Monkish storywri∣ters, as in Malmesbury, Math. Paris. Math. Westm. & other mo. Who to conceale the fault of king Edgar, or to beare with Dunstans fact, in setting vp Edward for the maintenance of their monkish order, first doe falsly affirme, that Editha the daughter of Ulfride was borne after Edward, & that for her this penance was enioyned to king Edgar, which neither is, nor can be so, as in processe hereafter (the Lorde willing) shall appeare.

Secondly, they are deceiued in this, that they affirme king Edgar to haue two wiues, and that Elfleda the mo∣ther of Edward was not a professed Nunne in deede, but dissembled so to be, to auoid the violēce of the king: where as in deede the truth of the story both geueth her to bee a Nunne, and her sonne to be base, and she her selfe neuer to be maried vnto the king.

Now,* 7.81 forasmuch as we haue hitherto entred mention of Elfleda and Editha, also of Wlfrede and Dunstane, here would not be let passe to speake something of their lying miracles, falsly forged to the great seductiō of christen peo∣ple by superstitious Monkes, who cared not what fables and lyes they brought into the church, so they might haue the vantage of poore mens purses and oblations. And first here commeth in the fabulous myracles wrought at the tombe of Elfleda the kings concubine, which W. Malmesb. in these verses expresseth:* 7.82

Nam nonnullis passa annis morborum molestiam. Defecatam & excoctam Deo dedit animam. Functas ergo vitae futo beatas exuuias. Infinitis clemens signis illustrauit Deltas. Inopes visus & auditus si adorant tumulum. Sanitati restituti probant sanctae meritum. Rectum gressum refert domum, qui accessit loripes. Mente captus redit sanus, boni sensus locuples.

The English of which verses is needelesse here to bee recited. Briefly, the effect is this: That both the blynde, deafe, halte, and such as be mad, receiue their health agayne, if they wor∣ship the tombe of this Elfleda, &c.

The like fainings and monstrous miracles we reade also in chronicles of doting Dunstane,* 7.83 drowned in all su∣perstition, if he were not also a wicked sorcerer: First, how he beyng yet a boy, chased away the deuil, set about with a great company of dogs, and how the Angels did open the church dore for him to enter.* 7.84 Then how the Lute or Harpe hanging vpon the wall, did sing or play without any fin∣ger these wordes: Gaudent in coelis animae sanctorum, qui Christi vestigi•• sunt sequuti, & qui pro eius amore sanguinem suum suderunt: ideo cum Christo regnabunt in aeternum. Item where a certayne great beame or maisterpost was ••••••ed out of the place:* 7.85 he with making the signe of a Crosse, set it in right frame agayne. Moreouer, how the sayd Dun∣stane being tempted vpon a tyme of the deuil with the co∣gitation

of women,* 7.86 caught the deuill by the nose with a whore paire of tongs, and helde him fast. Item, how ofte heauenly spirits appeared to him, and vsed to talke with him amiliarly. Item, how he prophesied of the birth of king Edgar, of the death of king Egelred, of the death of Editha, and of Ethelwood bishop of Winchester. Also how our Lady with her fellowes appeared visibly to hym, sin∣ging this song: Cantemus Domino sociae, cantemus hono∣rem. Dulcis amor Christi personet ore pio. Agayne, how the Angels appeared to him, singing the Hymne called Kyr•••• Rex splendens, &c And yet these prodigious fantasies with other mo, are written of him in Chronicles, and haue bene beleued in Churches.

Among many other false and lying miracles, forged in this corrupt tyme of Monkery, the fabulous or rather fil∣thy legēd of Editha were not to be ouerpassed, if for shame and honesty it might well be recited. But to cast the dyrt of these Pope holy monkes in their owne face, which so im∣pudently haue abused the church of Christ, and simplicitie of the people with their vngratious vanities, let vs see what this miracle is, & how honestly it is told. Certayne yeres after the death of Editha, saith Will. of Malmes. which yeres Capgraue in his new Legend reckoneth to be thir∣tene, the said Editha & also S. Denys holding her by the hand, appeared to Dunstan in a vision, willing and requi∣ring him that the body of Editha in the church of Wilton, should be taken vp & shrined, to the entent it might be ho∣nored here in earth of her seruants, according as it is wor∣shipped of her spouse in heauen. Dunstan vpon this, com∣ming from Salisbury to Wilton, where Editha was in∣terred, commaunded her body to be taken vp with much honor & solemnitie. Who there in opening her tombe (as both Malmes. and Capgraue with shame enough recorde) found all the whole body of this Editha cōsumed to earth, saue only her thombe, her belly, & the part vnder the belly. Wherof the said Editha expounding the meaning, decla∣red that her thombe remained found, for the much crossing she vsed with the same. The other partes were incorrup∣ted for a testimony of her abstinence, and integritie, &c. Ex Malmes. & Capgrauo. What Sathan hath so enuied the true sinceritie of christian faith and doctrine, so to contaminate the same with such impudent tales, such filthy vanities, & Idolatrous fantasies as this? Such Monkes with theyr detestable houses,* 7.87 where Christes people were so abho∣minably abused and seduced to worship dead carcases of men and women, whether they deserued not to bee rased, and pluckt downe to the ground, let all chaste Readers iudge. But of these matters enough and to much.

¶ Here followeth the Epitaphe written by Henricus Archdeacon of Huntington,* 7.88 vpō the prayse and commen∣dation of king Edgar.

* 7.89Autor opum, vindex scelerum, largitor honorum, Septiger Edgarus regna superna petit. Hic alter Salomon, legum pater, orbita pacis, Quod caruit bellis, claruit inde magis. Templa Deo, templis monachos, monachis dedit agros, Nequitiae lapsum, iustitiae{que} locum Nouit enim regno verum perquirere falso, Immensum modico, perpetuum{que} breui.

* 7.90Among his other lawes, this king ordained that the Sonday, should be solemnised from Saterday at ix. of the clocke, till Monday morning.

King Edward called the Martyr.

AFter the death of Edgar no smal trouble arose amōgst the Lordes and Bishops for succession of the crowne:* 7.91 the principall cause wherof rose vpon this occasion, as by the story of Symon of Durham,* 7.92 and Roger Houeden, is de∣clared. Immediately after the decease of the king, Alferus Duke of Mercia, and many other nobles, which held with Egelrede or Ethelrede the onely right heyre and lawfull sonne of Edgar, misliking the placing and intrudyng of Monkes into churches, & the thrusting out of the seculare Priestes, with their wiues and children out of their aunci∣ent possessions, expelled the Abbots and Monkes, and brought in againe the foresayd priestes with theyr wyues. Against whom, certayne other there were on the contrary part, that made resistance, as Ethelwine Duke of Eastan∣gles, Elfwoldus his brother, and the Erle Brithnothus, saying in a councell togither assembled, that they would neuer suffer the religious Monkes to be expulsed and dri∣uen out of the Realme, which held vp all Religion in the land, and therupon eftsoones leuied an army, whereby to defend by force the Monasteries, such as were within the precinct of Eastanglia.

In this hurly burly amongst the Lordes about the pla∣cing of Monkes and putting out of Priests,* 7.93 rose also the contention about the crowne, who should be their king: the bishops and such lordes as fauoured the Monkes, see∣king to aduance such a king as they knew would inclyne to their side, so that the lordes thus deuided, some of them would haue Edward, and some consented vpon Egelred the lawfull sonne. Then Dunstane Archb. of Cant. & Os∣wold Archb. of Yorke, with other their fellowbishops, Abbots, and diuers other Lordes and Dukes assembled in a councel together.* 7.94 In the which councell Dunstan cō∣myng in with his crosse in his hand, & bringyng Edward before the Lords, so perswaded them that in the ende Ed∣ward by Dunstans meanes was elected, consecrated, and annointed for theyr kyng.

And thus hast thou (good Reader) the very truth of this story, according to the writing of authors of most an∣tiquitie which liued nerest to that age,* 7.95 as Osberne and o∣thers, which Osberne liuyng in the dayes of William Con∣querour, wrote this story of Dunstan through the motiō of Lanfran••us, and alledgeth or rather translateth the same out of such Saxon stories as were writtē before his tyme. Besides which Osberne, we haue also for witnesse hereof, Nic Trinet, in his English story written in French, and al∣so Ioannes Paris, in his French story written in the Latine tong, where he plainly calleth Edward, non legitimum fi∣lium, that is, no lawfull sonne. Whereunto adde moreouer the testimony of Vincentius and Antoninus, who in playne termes likewyse report the same.

Nowe hauing sayd the foundation for the truth and ground of this matter,* 7.96 let vs come to examine how truely our latter writers do say, which write that Editha, and not Edward was the child for whom Dunstane enioined to the king 7. yeares penaunce, and also how truely they report Edward to be a lawfull heyre, and Elflede to bee a lawfull wyfe to king Edgar.

For first touching Editha, this is confessed by the sayd writers themselues, that she was of good yeares, at what tyme Edgar her father was enioyned his penaunce. After the which seuen yeares of his penaunce expyred, he lyued at the most but in yeares and a halfe. Which seuen yeares and 3. yeares and a halfe, make in all but x. yeres & a halfe. But now the said authors themselues do graunt, that she was made Abbas by her father, he beyng then alyue. And how can this then stand with her Legend, which sayth that she was not lesse then 15. yeares of age? By which ac∣count it must needes fall out, that she could not be so little as v. yeres old, before the birth of that chyld for whom the kyng did penaunce.

And thus much touching Editha. Now in like maner, to consider of the tyme of Edward. First, this by all wri∣ters is graunted,* 7.97 that he was slayne in the 15. yeare of his age. Which yeares do well agree to that chyld which king Edgar begate in bastardy, & for the which he did hys pe∣nance. For the more euidence whereof, let vs come to the supputation of yeares in this sort.

First, the penaunce of the king, after the byrth of this child, lasted 7. yeres. Then the king after the same lyued 3. yeres & a halfe. After whose death Edward raigned other 3. yeres and a half, which in all make the full summe of 14. yeres. About the count of which age, the said Edward go∣yng on his 15. yeres, by their owne reckoning was slaine.

And thus haue ye by manifest demonstration prooued by the right casting of the yeres, after their owne graunt & rekoning, that Editha daughter of Wlfride in no case can be the child which was borne after Edward, & for whom the king was enioyned penance, but that Edward rather was borne after Editha, and was the childe for whom the penance was enioined, contrary to the opinion commōly receiued in the church, which for ignorance of y^e story hath hetherto holden Edward to be an holy Martyr,* 7.98 and right heyre vnto the crowne. Which error and opinion, how it first sprang and by whom, albeit it pertaine not to my sto∣ry to discusse, yet were it no hard matter to coniecture.

First, after that Dunstane and Oswolde, wyth other Bishops,* 7.99 Abbots, and certayne Lordes & Dukes of that faction, for the maintenaunce of Monkery, had aduaunced Edward to be king against Queene Alfrith mother of E∣thelred, & Alferus duke of Mercia, and certaine other No∣bles, which held with the contrary side of the Priestes a∣gaynst the Monkes. In processe of tyme the monkes that came after to write stories, perceiuing Dunstane to be re∣puted in the Church of Rome for an holy Saint, and the sayd king Edward for an holy Martyr, and partly also to bolster vp their owne religion of Monkery so muche as they could: to the intent therfore they would saue the cre∣dite both of Dunstane and of the kyng, and especially bea∣ring

fauour to their owne religion, and partly that the re∣putation of the church of Rome should not be disteined by opening y^e truth of this matter, either did not see, or would not confesse herein what they knew, but rather thought best to blanch the story, and colourably to hide the simple truth therof, making the people falsly beleue, that Elfleda the mother of Edward was wife to king Edgar, and Ed∣ward to be lawfully borne, and also that Editha was born after Edward, & to be the child for which the king was en∣ioyned penance. All which is false and cōtrary both to the order of tyme aboue declared, and also to the plaine words of Malmesbury, which speaking of king Edgars last con∣cubine, sayth in plaine wordes:* 7.100 Dilexit vnicè, integram lecto vni deferens sidem, quoad legitimam vxorem accepit Elfthride, filiam Ordgari. That is, he had a concubine whom he loued entirely, keping true faith of his bed to her alone, vntil the tyme he maried for his lawfull wife Elfride the daughter of duke Ordgare, &c. Wherby we haue to vnderstand that whatsoeuer concubine this was which Malmesbury spea∣keth off, certaine it is, that Edgar liued in whoredome till tyme he maried his lawfull wyfe. Furthermore, and final∣ly to conclude, beside these arguments and allegations a∣boue recited,* 7.101 let this also be perpended, how the said Dun∣stan with his complices, after the killing of king Edward, leauing the right heyre of the crowne (which was Ethel∣red) went about, as Capgraue and their owne Legend cō∣fesseth, to set vp Editha the other bastarde to possesse the crowne, but that she more wise then her brother Edward, refused the same. Wherby what is to be thought of the do∣yngs of Dunstane, and what should be the cause why hee preferred both Edward and Editha to the crowne rather then the lawfull heyre, I leaue to all indifferent Readers therof to iudge.

After that Dunstane and his fellowes had thus set vp Edward for their king, they were now where they would be, supposing all to be sure on their side, and that they had established the kingdom of Monkery for euer, through the helpe of the young king, and the Duke of Eastangles, and certaine other nobles whom they had drawn to their part. Howbeit this matter passed not so wel with them, as they hoped.* 7.102 For shortly after the coronation of this yong king. Alferus duke of Mercia, who folowed much the deedes of the Queene with other great men, stoutly standing on the contrary side, droue out the Monkes from the Cathedrall churches,* 7.103 which king Edgar before had set in, and restored agayne the Priests (as Ranulphus sayth) with their concu∣bines: but in the historie of the Librarie of Iornall, I find it plainly expressed with their wiues. The wordes of the ve∣ry author be these: Alferus princeps Merciorum, caeteri{que} plu∣res, eiectis monachis de magnis monasterijs, quos rex Edgarus nuper instituerat, clericos cum vxoribus reduxerunt: That is, Alterus duke of Mercia,* 7.104 with other great men mo, droue out the Monkes from the great monasteries, whom king Edgar had there set in before, & restored againe the priests with their wyues.

Wherby it doth euidently appeare, that priests in those dayes were maried and had their lawfull wiues.* 7.105 The like before that in king Inas tyme is plaine, that Bishops then had wiues and children, as appeareth by the words of the lawe then set forth, extant in the history of the said Iornalen∣sis, which be these: Si quis filiolum alterius occidat vel patri∣num, sit simile cognationi, & crescat emendatio secundum We∣ram eius Regi,* 7.106 sicut cognationi. Si de parentela sit qui occidit eum, tunc excedat emendatio patrini, sicut manbota Domini. Si Episcopi filiolus sit, sit dimidium hoc, &c. And thus much by the way for Priestes wyues and their children.

Now to the purpose agayne of our matter, which is to declare how the Duke and Nobles of England expul∣sed the Monkes out of the Monasteries after the death of kyng Edgar. Whereof let vs heare what the Monkish story of the Abbey of Crouland recordeth. Monachis de qui∣busdam Monasterijs eiectis, clerici sunt introducti, qui statim monasteriorum maneria ducibus terrae distribuebant, vt sic in su∣as partes obligati, eos contra monachos defensarent. Tunc de monasterio Eueshamensi, monachis expulsis, clerici fuerant in∣troducti. Terrae{que} tyranni de terris Ecclesiae praemiati sunt, qui∣bus Regina nouercali nequitia,* 7.107 stans cum clericis in regis op∣probrium, fauebat. Cum monachis autem Rex, & sancti Episco∣pi persistebant. Sed tyranni fulti Reginae fauore & potentia, su∣per monachos triumphabant. Multus inde tumultus in omni an∣gulo Angliae factus est. Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abbatis de Crou∣land, &c. That is, The Monkes beyng expelled out of certayne Monasteries, the Clarkes agayne were brought in, who distributed the Manors or Fermes of the sayde Monasteries, to the Dukes and Lordes of the land, that they beyng obliged to them should defēd them against the Monkes. And so were the monkes of Euesham thrust out and the seculare Clarkes placed,* 7.108 & the landes of the church giuen to the Lordes, with whom the Queene, the Kings stepmother holding the same time, tooke part also with the sayd Clerkes against the king. On the contrary part stood the king & the holy bishops, taking part with the monkes. Howbeit, the lordes & pieres of the Realme staying vpon the fauour and power of the Queene, triumphed ouer the monkes, &c.

Thus as much ado there was through all quarters of the realme,* 7.109 about the matter among the Lordes, so arose no lesse contention betwene the priests & monkes of Eng∣land. The Priestes complainyng to the Kyng and Dun∣stane, layd for themselues that it was vncomely, vnchari∣table, yea and vnnaturall, to put out an old known dwel∣ler for a new vnknowen: and that God was not pleased, that to be taken from the auncient possessor which by God was geuen him, neither that it could be to any good man accepted, to suffer any such iniury to be done, least peraduē∣ture the same thing wherein he was preiudiciall to an o∣ther, might after reuert & redound vpon himself at length. The monkes on the other side, layd for their part, y^e Christ allowed neither the old dweller, nor the new commer, nor yet looked vpon the person, but who so would take y^e crosse of penaunce vpon him, and follow Christ in vertuous li∣uing, should be his disciple.

These & such other were the allegations of the monkes. But whether a monkes coule or a wiueles life, make a suf∣ficient title to enter into other mens possessiōs or no, I re∣ferre it to the iudgemēt of the godly. The troublous cares in mariage, the necessary prouision for house keepyng, the vertuous bringing vp of children,* 7.110 the daily helping of po∣uertie and bearing of publike charges, with other mani∣fold perturbations and combraunces daily incident to the state of matrimony, might rather appeare to godly wyse men, to come nearer to the right crosse of penance, then the easie & loytring idlenes of monkery. In the end, vpō this controuersie was holden a Councell of Bishops, & other of y^e Clergy. First, at Reading or at Winchester as Guliel. saith, where the greater part both of the nobles & commōs iudged the priestes to haue great wrong, and sought by all meanes possible,* 7.111 to bring thē agayne to their old possessi∣ons and dignities. Iornalensis here maketh rehearsall of an Image of the Crucifixe, or a roode standing vpon the fra∣ter wall, where the Councell was holden. To this roode Dunstane requireth them all to pray, beyng belike not ig∣norant of some spiritual prouisiō before hand.* 7.112 In the mid∣dest of their prayer the roode, or els some blind monke be∣hynd him in a trūke through the wall, is reported to speak these words: Absit hoc vt fiat, absit hoc vt fiat: iudicastis benè, mutaretis non benè. In remembraunce whereof, these ver∣ses were written vnder the roodes feete.

Humano more crux praesens aediditore. Coelitus affata, quae perspicis hic subarata. Absit vt hoc fiat,* 7.113 vt cae tera tunc memorata.

Of this Dunstanicall, or rather Satanical oracle, Hen∣ricus maketh no mention, nor Ranulphus, nor yet Houede∣nus, nor Fabian in their histories. Gulielmus in his booke de Regibus, reporteth it but by hearesay, in these wordes say∣ing: Aliae literae docent, &c. Wherfore the lesse it seemeth to be of credite. Albeit if it were of credible truth, yet it proo∣ueth in this matter nothing els, but Dunstan to be a Sor∣cerer, as Polydorus Virgilius, also himselfe seemeth to smell something in this matter.

Notwithstanding for all this, yet the strife ceased not. In so much that a new assembly of the Clergy and other,* 7.114 was appointed after at a place called the streete of Calue, where the Councell was kept in an vpper lofte. In this Councell many grieuous complaints were obiected (as Malmes buriensis saith) against Dunstane. But yet he kept his opinion, and would not remooue from that which hee began to maintaine. And while they were there in great contention and argument which way should be admitted and allowed,* 7.115 (if it be true that in the stories is written) so∣denly the ioyses of the lof•• failed, & the people with the no∣bles fell downe, so that certaine were slaine, & many hurt. But Dunstane (they say onely, standing vpon a poast of the sollar,* 7.116 which remained vnbroken) escaped without dā∣ger. Which thing, whether it so happened to portend be∣fore the ruine of the Realme and of the nobles (as Henry Hunting. doth expoūd it) which after ensued by the Danes, or whether it was so wrought by Dunstanes sorcerie (as was not vnpossible) or whether it were a thing but fained of the monkish writers, and not true, all this I leaue to the Readers, to thinke therein what them liketh. The sto∣ries say further, that vpon this the matter ceased, and Dū∣stan had all his will.

These things thus done at Calue, it hapned not long

after the same, that king Edward, whom the writers de∣scribe to be a vertuous and a meeke prince, much pitifull & beneficiall to the poore, about the iiij. yeare of hys raigne, came vpon a season from hunting in the forest alone, with out the company of his seruaunts, to the place in the West countrey,* 7.117 where Alfeith his mother, with her sonne Egel∣red did lye. When the Queene the mother was warned of his comming by her men, anone she calleth a seruaunt of hers, which was of her speciall trust, opening to hym all her conceiued counsaile, & shewyng him all pointes how & what to do for the accomplishing of her wicked purpose. Which thing so done, she made towards the king, and re∣ceaued him with all curtesie, desiring him to tary y^e night. But he in like curtesie excused himselfe, and for speede desi∣red to see his brother, and to drinke, vpō his horse sitting, the which was shortly brought.

* 7.118And while the cup was at his mouth, the seruaunt of the Queene (before informed) strake him in the body with a long two edged dagger. After the which stroke the king took the horse with the spurres, and ran toward the way, where he supposed to meete with his company. But he bled so sore, that with faintnes he fell from hys horse, hys one foote beyng in the styrrup.* 7.119 By reason whereof, he was drawen of his horse ouer fieldes and landes, till he came to a place named Coryfgate, where he was found dead. And for that, neither the maner of his death, nor yet he himselfe, for the king was knowen, was buried vnhonourably at the towne of Warham, where the body remayned y^e space of iij. yeares, and then after was taken vp by Duke Al••ere aboue mentioned,* 7.120 and with pompe and honor according∣ly, was remoued to the Minster of Shaftsbury, and there bestowed in the place called Edwardstow. Many tales runne (moe perchaunce then be true) concerning the fin∣ding and taking vp of his body, which our most common histories ascribe to myracles and great wonders, wrought about the place where the king was buried. As first how a poore woman borne blynde, receyued her sight by the meanes of S. Edward, there where he did lye. Also how a piller of fire from heauen, descended ouer the place of his buriall. Then how the foresaid Queene Alfrith taking her horse to goe to the place, was stopped by the way, that nei∣ther her horse could be driuen by any meanes, nor she her selfe on foote was able to approch neare to the place where the corpes of S. Edward was. Furthermore, how the sayd Queene in repentaunce of her facte,* 7.121 afterward buil∣ded two Nunneries, one at Amesbury by Salisbury, the other at Werewell, where she kept her selfe in continuall repentaunce all the dayes of her lyfe. And thus as ye haue heard, was this vertuous yong king Edward murthered when he had raigned almost iiij. yeares, leauing no issue behynd him, wherby the rule of the land fell to Egelredus his brother.* 7.122

¶But here by the way is to be noted (vpon the name of this Edward) that there were three Edwardes before the conquest.* 7.123 The first, was kyng Edward the Senior. The second, king Edward the Martyr, which was this kyng. The third, was king Edward called the Confessor▪ whereof hereafter shall follow (Christ willyng) to be de∣clared.

In the order and course of the Romain Bishops; mē∣tion was made last of Agapetus the second. After whome next succeeded Pope Iohn xiij.* 7.124 of whom Dunstane Arch∣bishop of Canterbury receiued his palle, as in the story of King Edgar is before mynded. This Pope is noted to be very wicked and infamous, repleate from his first brin∣ging vp with abhominable vices: a whoremaister, an ad∣ulterer, incestuous, libidinous, a gamester, an extorcioner periured, a fighter, a murtherer, cruell, and tyrannous. Of his Cardinals, some he put out their eyes, from some he cut of their tongues, some their fingers, some theyr noses, &c. In a generall councell before the Emperour Otho, she first of that name (who was the first Emperour of the Germaines) after the Empire was translated out of Fraunce to Germany by Pope Agapetus (as is aboue historied) these obiections were articulate agaynst hym.* 7.125 First, that he neuer sayd hys seruice, that in saying hys Masse he did not communicate, that he ordained Deacons in a stable, that he committed incest with two of hys si∣sters, that playing at dice,* 7.126 he called for the Deuill to helpe, that for money he made boyes Bishops, that he defloured Uirgins and strangers, that of the palaice of Laterane he made a Stewes, that he lay with Stephana his fathers concubine, likewise with Ramera and with Anna and her neese, that he put out the eyes of the bishop Benedict, that he caused houses to be set on fire,* 7.127 that he brake open hou∣ses, that he dranke to the deuill, that he neuer crossed him∣selfe, &c. For the which causes (and worthily) he was de∣posed by the consent of the Emperour with the Prelates,* 7.128 and Pope Leo was substitute in his place. But after hys departing (thorough the harlots of Rome and their great promises) the said Pope Iohn was restored agayne to his place,* 7.129 and Leo (set vp by the Emperour) was deposed. At length about the tenth yere of the Popedome of this Iohn he beyng found without the citie with another mās wife, was so wounded of her husband, that within viij. daies af∣ter he dyed.

After him,* 7.130 the Romains elected Pope Benedictus the fift, without the consent of the Emperour. Wherupon the sayd Otho the Emperour beyng not a little displeased for displacing of Leo,* 7.131 whom he had before promooted, and for the chusing also of Benedict, came with his army, and said siege to Rome, and so set vp Pope Leo agayne, the viij. of that name.* 7.132 Which Leo to gratifie his benefactor agayne, crowned Otho for Emperour, and intituled him to be cal∣led Augustus. Also the power which Carolus Magnus had geuen before to the Clergy and people of Rome: this Leo by a synodall decree graunted to the emperor and hys successors:* 7.133 that is, touching the election of the Byshop of Rome. The Emperor againe restored to the sea of Rome, all such donations and possessions, which either Constan∣tinus (as they falsly pretend) or which Carolus Magnus tooke from the Lombards, and gaue to them.

After Pope Leo had raigned a yeare and iij. moneths, succeeded Pope Iohn the 14. agaynst whom (for holding with the Emperor) Petrus the head captaine of the Citie,* 7.134 with two Consuls, xij. Alderine, and diuers other nobles, gathering their power together, layd hands vpon him, in the Church of Laterane,* 7.135 and clapt the Pope in prison, 11. months. The Emperour hearing this, with all speede re∣turned with his army agayne to Rome, who after execu∣tion done vpon the authors and chief doers of that fact, a∣mong other 〈…〉〈…〉 foresayd Petrus, to the Popes arbitrement. Whom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 caused first to be stript naked, then his beard beyng shauen, to be hanged by the haire a whole day together, after that to be set vpon an Asse (his face tur∣ned backward, and his hands bound vnder the asses tail) and so to be led through the Citie, that all men might see him:* 7.136 that done, to be scourged with rods, and so banished the Citie. Thus ye see, how the holy father followeth the iniunction of the Gospell: Diligite inimicos vestros, Loue your enemies, Luke. 6. &c. From this Pope proceded first the Christening of bels, an. 971.

After him followed Pope Benedictus the sixt,* 7.137 who in like maner was apprehended by Cynthius a Captayne of Rome, & cast in prison, where he was strāgled, or as some say, famished to death.

Then came Pope Donus the ij. After whom Bonifa∣cius the vij. was Pope: who likewise seeing the Citizens of Rome to conspire agaynst him, was constrained to hide himselfe, And seeing no place there for hym to tary, tooke the treasure of S. Peters Churche,* 7.138 and so priuily stale to Constantinople. In whose stead the Romaines s••t vp P. Iohn the xv. Not long after: Boniface returning agayne from Constantinople, by hys money & treasure procured a garrisō or company to take his part: By whose meanes the foresayd Pope Iohn was taken,* 7.139 his eyes put out, and so throwne in prison, where he was as some say famished: some say he was slayne by Ferrucius. Neither did Boni∣face raigne many dayes after, but sodenly dyed: whose car∣kase after hys death was drawne by the feete through the streetes of Rome, after the most despitefull maner of the people shriking and exclayming against him.* 7.140 an. 976.

Next pope after him was Benedictus the vii. by y^e con¦sent of the Emperour Otho the 2. and raigned xix. yeares. In the tyme of this pope: Hugh Cappet the French king, tooke Charles (the right heyre to the crowne) by the trea∣son of the Bishop of Laou, and when hee had imprisoned him,* 7.141 he also committed to prison Arnoldus Archbishop of Raynes, and placed in hys rowme Gilbartus a monke of Florsake (a Nicromanser) who was schoolemaister to D. Robert the kinges sonne. But this pope Benedictus, cal∣ling a Councell at Remis, restored the sayd Arnoldus a∣gayne: and displaced Gilbertus: which after by the help of Otho was made Archbishop of Reuenna, and at length was Pope, as in processe hereafter (Christ graunting) shalbe declared.

After Benedictus succeeded in the sea of Rome Pope Iohn the xvi. & dyed the viij. month of hys Papacy.* 7.142 Next to whom came Iohn the xvii. And after him Gregory the .v. in the yeare of our Lord. 995. This Gregory (called be∣fore Bruno) was a Germane borne, and therefore y^e more malaced of the Clergy & people of Rome. Wherupō, Cres∣cētus with the people and Clergy, conuenting agaynst y^e sayd Gregory: set vp Pope Iohn the xviij. Gregory vpon

the same,* 7.143 sped himselfe in all conuenient hast to the Empe∣ror, Otho the iij. in Germany. Who hearing the complaint of Gregory, and vnderstanding his wrongs, set forward with his army well appointed, to Italy: gate the Citie, & there tooke both Crescentius the Consull, and Iohn the Pope.* 7.144 Which Iohn first hauing his eyes put out, was de∣priued after of his life. Crescentius the Consul was set v∣pon a vile horse, hauing his nose and eares cut off, and so was led through the Citie, his face beyng turned to the horsetayle, & afterward hauyng his members cut off, was hanged vpon a gibbet.

Pope Gregory thus being restored to his former state,* 7.145 raigned iiij. yeares in his Papacie (although Marianus Scotus and Martinus say, that he sate but ij. yeares) &c. During the which time he assembled a councell in Rome: where, he to stablish the Empire in his owne country (by the consent and counsail of Otho) ordeined vij. Princes of Germany,* 7.146 to be electors of the Emperor: which order, yet to this day remaineth. What be the names of these vij. ele∣ctors, and what is their office, thus I finde in these verses expressed.

Maguntinensis, Treuerensis, Coloniensis. * 7.147Quilibet Imperij fit cancellarius horum. Et Palatinus Dapifer, Dux portitor ensis. Marchio praepositus camerae, Pincerna Bohemus.

These vij. he ordained to be electors, 3. bishops, 3. prin∣ces (to wit) the Palatine, the duke of Saxonie, the Mar∣ques Brandenburgh. To whom was added also the king of Boheme to geue the odde voice, if the euen voices could not agree. This constitution being first begon, an 997. was after established in Germany by Otho the Emperour, the yeare of the Lord, 1002. And thus much by the way, or ra∣ther digression, concerning the rages and tumultes of the Romish church. Now to our matter agayne.

King Egelred, or Elred.

KIng Edward thus being murthered as is aforesayd, the crowne fell next to Egelrede his yonger brother,* 7.148 & sonne to king Edgar by the foresayd Queene Alfrith, as we haue declared. This Egelred had a long raigne geuen of God,* 7.149 which dured the terme of 38. yeares, but very vn∣fortunate, and full of great miseries. And he himself (by the histories) seemeth to be a Prince, not of the greatest cou∣rage to gouerne a common wealth. Our English stories writing of him, thus report of his raigne: That in the be∣ginning, it was vngracious, wretched in the middle, and hatefull in the latter end. Of this Egelred it is read, when Dunstane the Archbishop should christen him,* 7.150 as hee dyd hold him ouer the Fonte, something there happened, that pleased not Dunstan: whereupon he sware, per sanctā Ma∣riam, iste ignauus homo erit. i. By the mother of Christ he wil be a Prince vntoward and cowardlike, Chron. de Croulād. I finde in William of Malmesbury, Lib. 2. de Regi. That this Egelred beyng of the age of x. yeares, when he heard hys brother Edward to be slayne, made suche sorow & weping for him, that his mother falling therewith in a rage, tooke waxe candles (hauing nothing els at hand) wherwith she scourged him so sore (well neare till he swounded) that af∣ter the same, he could neuer abide any waxe candles to burne before him. After this, about the yeare of our Lord, 981.* 7.151 (the day of his coronation beyng appoynted by the Queene, the mother, and the nobles) Dunstan the Archb. of Cant. (who first refused so to doe) with Oswald Archb. of Yorke,* 7.152 were enforced to crowne the king. And so they did at Ringstō. In doing wherof, the report of stories go, that the said Dunstane should say, thus prophesieng vnto the king: that for so much as he came to the kingdome by the death of his brother,* 7.153 and through the conspiracie of the wicked conspirators and other Englishmen: they should not be without bloudsheding and sword, till there came a people of an vnknown tongue, and should bring them in∣to thraldome, neither should that trespasse be clensed with out long vengeaunce, &c.

In the Chronicles of Crouland, I finde these wordes, Quoniam ascendisti ad thronum tuum, per mortem fratris tui, quem occidit mater tua, propterea audi verbum Domini, hoc di∣cit Dominus. Nō deficiet gladius de domo tua, saeuiens in te om∣nibus diebus vitae tuae, & interficiens de semine tuo, & de gente tua, vsque dum regnum tuum transferatur in regnum alienum: Cuius ritum & linguam gens tua non nouit, nec expiabitur, nisi longa vindicta, & multa sāguinis effusione peccatum matris tuae, & peccatum virorum pessimorum, qui consenserunt consilio e∣ius nequam, vt mitterent manum in Christum Domini, ad effun∣dendum sanguinem innocentem. Chron. de Crouland.

Not long after the coronation of this king, a cloud was seene throughout the land, which appeared the one halfe like bloud, and the other halfe like fire. And changed after into sondry colours and vanished at the last in the mor∣ning.* 7.154 Shortly after the appearaunce of this cloud, in the iij. yeare of his raigne, the Danes arriuing in sondry pla∣ces of the land, first spoyled Southhampton, either slaying the inhabitants, or leading them captiue away. Frō thence they went to the Ile of Thanet, then they inuaded Che∣ster, from thence they proceeded to Cornwall and Deuon∣shire,* 7.155 & so to Sussex: where, in those coastes they did much harme, and so retired to their ships agayne. Roger Houeden writing hereof, sayth: that London, the same tyme (or as Fabian sayth) a great part of London, was consumed with fire. About this tyme fell a variance betwene the foresayd Egelred, and the bishop of Rochester: In so much, that he made warre against him, and besieged the Citie. And not∣withstāding that Dunstan required the king, sending him admonishment to geue ouer, for the sake of S. Andrew, yet continued he his siege, till the bishop offred him an hū∣dreth pounds of gold, which he receaued, and so departed. The Danes seing the discord that then was in the realme, and specially the hatred of the subiectes against the kyng: rose againe, and did great harme in diuers places of Eng∣land: In so much, that the king was glad to graunt them great summes of mony for peace to be had.* 7.156 For the assurāce of which peace, Analeffe captaine of the Danes, became a christen man, and so returned home to his countrey, & did no more harme.* 7.157 Besides these miseries before recited, a sore sicknes of the bloudy flixe, and hote feuers fell among the people, wherof many died, with a like moraine also a∣mong the beastes. Moreouer, for lacke of iustice, many thieues, rioters and bribers were in the land, with much miserie and mischiefe.

About the xi. yeare (some say the ix. yeare) of this kings raigne, died Dunstan. After whom succeded Ethelgarus, or as Iornalensis writeth, Stilgarus. After him Elfricus, as affirmeth Guliel. lib. 1. de pontif. But as Polydorus sayth, Siricius. After him Elfricus came, but Siritius after the mynd of William, Lib. 1. But Polydorus sayth Aluritius, thē Elphegus, &c.

About the same tyme in the yeare of our Lord,* 7.158 995. Al∣dunus Bishop, translated the body of S. Cuthbert from Chester (which first was in a Northren Iland thē at Ro∣chester) to Durelme or Dunoline.* 7.159 Wherupon the bishops sea of Duresme first began.

Not long after the death of Dunstane, the Danes a∣gayne entred England, in many and sondry places of the land: In such sorte, that the kyng was to seeke, to which coast he should go first to withstand his enemies. And in conclusion, for the auoyding of more harme, he was com∣pelled to appease them with great summes of mony. But when that money was spent, they fell to new robbyng of the people, and assailing the land in diuers places, not on∣ly about the countrey of Northumberland, but also besie∣ged the Citie of London at the last. But being frō thence repulsed by the manhood of the Londoners,* 7.160 they strayd to other countreys adioyning, as to Essex, Kent, Sussex, and Hampshire, burnyng and killing where so euer they wēt, so that for lacke of a good head or gouernour, many things in the land perished. For the king gaue himselfe to the vice of lecherie,* 7.161 and polling of his subiects, and disinherited mē of their possessions, and caused them to redeeme the same agayne with great summes of money, for he payed great tribute to the Danes yerely,* 7.162 which was called Danegelt. Which tribute so increased, that from the first tribute of x.M. poūd, it was brought at last in processe of v. or vj. yere, to xl.M. pound. The which yearely (during to the com∣ming of S. Edward, and after) was leuied of the subiects of this land.

To this sorow moreouer, was ioyned hunger & penury among the commōs: in so much that euery one of thē was constrained to plucke & steale from other. So that, what for the pillage of the Danes,* 7.163 and what by inward thieues and bribers, this land was brought into great affliction. Albeit, the greatest cause of this affliction (as to me appea∣reth) is not so much to bee imputed to the kyng, as to the dissention among the Lordes themselues, who thē did not agree one with another. But when they assembled in con∣sultation together,* 7.164 eyther they did draw diuers ways, or if any thing were agreed, vpon any matter of peace betwene the parties, soone it was broken againe: or els if any good thing were deuised for the preiudice of y^e enemy, anone the Danes were warned therof by some of the same counsaile. Of whom, the chiefe doers were Edrike Duke of Mercia, and Alfrike the Admirall or captain of the ships, who be∣trayed the kings nauy to the Danes. Wherefore the kyng apprehending Alfagarus sonne of the said Alfrike, put out

his eyes, and so did he after to the two sonnes of Duke E∣drike in like maner.

* 7.165The Danes thus preuayling more and more ouer the english men, grew in such pride & presumption: that when they by strength, caused the husbandmen to care and sowe the land, and to do all other vile labour belongyng to the house, they would sitte at home, holding the wife at theyr pleasure, with daughter and seruaunt. And when the hus∣band man came home, he should scantly haue of his own, as his seruants had, so that the Dane had all at his will & till, taring of the best, when the owner scantly had his fill of the worst. Thus the common people beyng of them op∣pressed, were in such feare and dread, that not onely they were constrained to suffer them in their doings, but also glad to please them, & called euery one of them in the house where they had rule, Lord Dane. Which worde after (in processe of tyme,* 7.166 when the Danes were voyded) was for despite of the Danes turned of the english men to a name of opprobry, that when one English man would rebuke an other, he would for the more part call him Lurdaine.* 7.167

And thus hitherto (through the assistaunce of Christ) we haue brought this history to the yere of our lord,* 7.168 1000. During now & continuing these great miseries vpon this English natiō, the land being brought into great ruine by the grieuous tribute of the Danes, and also by sustainyng the manifold villar••ies and iniuries,* 7.169 as wel by them as by other oppressions within the realm. This yere which was the yeare of our sauiour 1000. This Egelred through the counsail of certain his familiars about him,* 7.170 in the 21. yeare of his raigne, began a matter which was occasion eyther geuen by the one, or taken by the other, of a new plague to ensue vpon the Saxōs, who had driuen out the Britaines before. That was in ioyning with the Normans in mari∣age. For the king this yere abouesaid, for the more strēgth (as he thought) both of him and the realm, maried Emma the daughter of Richard Duke of Normandy. Which Ri∣chard was the third Duke of the Normains, and the first of that name. By reason of which mariage, king Egelred was not a little enhaunsed in his owne mynd: and by pro∣sumption thereof, sent secret & straight commissions to the rulers of euery towne in England, that vpon S. Brices day at a certayne houre appointed, the Danes should bee sodenly slayne. And so it was performed, which turned af∣ter to more trouble.

After that tidings came into Denmarke of the murder of those Danes. Anone after, Suanus king of Denmarke with a great host and nauy, landed in Cornewall: where, by treason of a Normand named Hugh, which by fauour of Queene Emma, was made Erle of Deuonshire: The sayd Suanus tooke Exceter, & after beat downe the wals. From thence proceding further into the land, they came to Wilton and Shireborne, where they cruelly spoyled the countrey and slew the people. But anone Suanus hea∣ring that the king was comming to him with the power of his land, tooke his ships & set about to Norfolke: where, after much wasting of that countrey, and spoyling the citie of Norwich,* 7.171 and burning the towne of Thetford, and de∣stroying the countrey thereabout, at length Duke Uskatel met him and beat him, & slew many of the Danes. Wher∣fore, Swanus for that yeare returned to Denmarke, and there made great prouision, to reenter the land againe the next yeare following. And so did, landing at Sandwich a∣bout the 25. yere of the raign of king Egelred,* 7.172 & there spoi∣led that countrey. And as soone as he heard of any hoste of englishmen comming toward him, then he tooke shipping againe. So that when the kings army sought to meet him in one coast, then would he sodainly land in an other. And when the king prouided to meete with them vpon the sea, either they would fain to flee, or els they would with gifts blynd the Admirall of the kings nauy.* 7.173 And thus wearied they the englishmen, & in conclusion brought them in ex∣treme and vnspeakable misery. In so much that the King was fayne to take peace with them, & gaue to king Sua∣nus 30000. pound. After which peace thus made, Suanus returned agayne to Denmarke.

* 7.174But this peace continued not long. For the yeare next following, king Egelred made Edricus aboue mētioned, Duke of Mercia, which was subtile of witte, glosing and eloquent of speach, vntrusty, and false to the king and the Realme. And soone after one Turkillus (a Prince of the Danes) landed in Kent with much people, and there dyd such harme, that the Kentishmē were faine to make peace with great gifts,* 7.175 and so thence departed. But this perse∣cution of the Danes (in one country or other in England) neuer ceased, nor the king did euer geue to them any nota∣ble battaile. For when he was disposed to geue them bat∣tail, this Edricus would euer counsaile him to the contra∣ry, so that the Danes euer spoyled and robbed, and waxed rich,* 7.176 and the english men euer poore and bare.

After this Suanus beyng in Denmarke, and hearing of the increase of hys people in England, brake hys coue∣naunts before made, and with a great army and nauie in most defensable wyse appoynted, landed in Northumber∣land proclaimyng himselfe to be king of this land. Where, after much vexation, when he had subdued the people, and caused the Erle with the rulers of the countrey to sweare to him feaultie:* 7.177 he passed by the riuer of Trent to Ganis∣burgh, and to Northwatlyng streete, and subduyng the people there, forced them to geue hym pledges: whiche pledges he committed with his nauy vnto Canutus hys sonne to keepe, whyle he went further into the lande. And so with a great hoste came to Mercia, killing and slaying. Then he tooke by strength Winchester, and Oxford, & dyd there what him liked.* 7.178 That done, he came toward Lon∣don, and hearing the king was there, passed by the Riuer Thamis, and came into Kent and there besieged Canter∣bury, where he was resisted the space of 20. dayes. At lēgth by treason of a Deacon called Almaricus (whom the Bi∣shop had preserued from death before) wanne it,* 7.179 and tooke the goods of the people and fired the Citie, and tythed the Monkes of S. Augustines Abbey (that is to meane, they slew ix. by cruell torment, and the tenth they kept aliue as for their slaues.) So they slew there of religious men, to the number of 900. persons: of other men, women, & chil∣drē, they slew aboue 8000. And finally, whē they had kept y^e Bishop Elphegus in straight prison the space of 7. mo∣nethes, & because he would not cōdescend to geue vnto thē 3000. pound: After many villanies vnto hym done, they brought him to Greenewich, & there stoned him to death.

Kyng Egelred in the meane tyme, fearing the ende of this persecution, sent his wyfe Emma with his ij. sonnes Alphred and Edward, to the Duke of Normandy, with whom also he sent the bishop of Londō. The Danes pro∣ceeded still in their fury and rage: and when they had won a great part of Westsaxonie, they returned againe to Lon∣don. Whereof hearing the Londiners, sent vnto them cer∣tayne great giftes and pledges. At last the king about the 35. yeare of his raigne,* 7.180 was chased vnto the Ile of Wight, & with a secret company, he spent there a great part of the Winter.* 7.181 And finally, without cattaile or comfort sailed in∣to Normandy to his wyfe. Swanus beyng ascertayned thereof, (inflamed with pride) reared exceeding impositi∣ons vpon the people. And amōg other he required a great summe of mony of S. Edmunds lands, which the people there clanning to bee free from kings tributes, denied to pay.* 7.182 For this Suanus entred the territory of S. Edmūd, and wasted, and spoyled the countrey, despising the holy Martyr, & manacing also the place of his sepulture. Wher∣fore the men of that countrey fearing his tiranny, fell to prayer and fasting, so that shortly after Suanus dyed so∣denly, crying and yelling among his knightes.* 7.183 Some say that he was striken with the sword of S. Edmund, wher∣of he dyed the 3. day after.

In feare whereof, Canutus his sonne which ruled as king after his father, graunted them the freedome of all their liberty,* 7.184 and moreouer ditched the land of the sayde Martyr with a deepe ditche, and graunted to the inhabi∣taunts thereof, great freedomes, quityng them from all talke or tribute. And after builded a Church ouer the place of his sepulture, and ordained there an house of Monkes, and endued them with rich possessions. And after y^e tyme it was vsed, that kings of England when they were crou∣ned, sent their crownes for an offring to Saint Edmūds shrine, and redeemed the same agayne afterwardes with a condigne price.

When king Egelred heard of the death of Suanus,* 7.185 he made prouision & returned into england. Of whose sodain comming Canutus being vnprouided fled to Sandwich, And there cutting of the noses and handes of the pledges, which his father left with him, sayled into Denmarke: who the next yere returned againe with a great nauy, and landed in the South country. Wherfore the eldest sonne of king Egelrede called Edmond Ironside: made prouision with the ayd of Edrike Duke of Mercia to meet him. But Edrike fayning himselfe sicke came not,* 7.186 but deceiued him. For as it was after proued, Edrike had promised his alle∣geance to Canutus. By reason wherof. Canutus entred y^e country of Westsaxon, & forced the people to be sworn vn∣to him, and to geue him pledges. In this season, king E∣gelred being at london, was taken with great sickenes, & there dyed: and was buried in the Northside of Paules church behind the quire, after he had raigned vnprosperou¦sly 36. yeares: leauing after him his sayd eldest sonne Ed∣mond Ironside, and Alphred, and Edward which were in

Normandy, sent thither before as is aboue rehersed. This Egelred although he was miserably impugned and vexed of his enemies, yet he with his counsail gaue forth whol∣some lawes. Whereof this is one parcell conteinyng good rules and lessons, for all Iudges and Iustices to learne and follow.

* 7.187OMnis ludex iustus misericordiam & iudicium liberet in om∣nibus, vt inprimis per rectam scientiam, dicat emendationē secundum culpam, & eam tamen admensuret propter indulgen∣tiam. Quaedam culpae reputantur à bonis iudicibus, secundū re∣ctum emendandae Quaedam per Dei misericordiam condonādae. Iudicia debent esse sine omni haderunga, quod non parcatur di∣uiti alicui, vel egeno, amico, vel-inimico ius publicum recitari. Ni∣hil autem iniustius est, quàm susceptio munerū pro iudicio sub∣uertendo: Quia munera excaecant corda sapientum, & subuer∣tunt verba iustorum,* 7.188 Dominus Iesus dixit: In quo iudicio iudi∣caueritis iudicabimini. Timeat omnis iudex ac diligat Deum iu∣dicem suum, ne in die iudioij mutus fiat, & humiliatus ante ocu∣los iudicis cuncta videntis. Qui innocentem opprimit, & dimit∣tit noxium pro pecunia, vel amicitia, vel odio, vel quacun{que} fa∣ctione, opprimetur ab omnipotente iudice. Et nullus Dominus, nulla potestas, stultos aut improbos iudices constituāt, quia stul∣tus per ignauiam,* 7.189 improbus per cupiditatem vitat, quam didicit veritatem. Grauiùs enim lacerātur pauperes à prauis iudicibus, quàm à cruentis hostibus. Nullus hostis acerbior, nulla pestis ef∣ficacior quàm familiaris inimicus. Potest aliquoties homo fuga, vel defensione vitare prauos inimicos. Non ita possunt iudices, quoties aduersus subditos malis desiderijs inflammantur. Saepe etiam boni iudices habent malos vicarios & ministros nephādos: quorum reatibus ipsi domini constringuntur, si non ••os coerce∣ant, & à rapacitate cohibeant.* 7.190 Quia dominus & minister seculo∣rum ait: Non solùm malè agentes, sed omnes consentientes di∣gni sunt aeterna morte. Saepe etiam praui iudices iudicium pe••∣uertunt, vel respectant & non finiunt causam, donec voluntas eorum impleatur. Et quando iudicant, non opera, sed munera considerant. Impij iudices, iuxta verbum sapientum, sicut rapaces lupi vespere nil residuant vsque mane,* 7.191 id est, de praesenti solum vi∣ta cogitant, de futura nihil considerant. Malorum praepositorum mos est, vt quicquid possunt, auferant: & vix necessarium parum quid relinquant sustentationi. Iracundus iudex non potest atten∣dere rectam iudicij satisfactionem. Nam per furoris excoecatio∣nem, non perspicit rectitudinis claritatem. Iustum iudicium, vbi non persona consideratur. Scriptum est: Non attendas personam hominis in iudicio, nec pro aliquo facies, vt à vero declines, & iniustè iudices. Susceptio muneris est dimissio veritatis. Ex histo∣ria bibliothecae Iornal.

* 7.192Of this king Egelred I find noted in the booke of Rog. Houed. that he deposed and depriued from all possessions, a certayne Iudge or Iusticer named Walgeatus, the sonne of one Leonet, for false iudgemēt and other proud doings, whom notwithstanding he loued aboue all other.

Edmund Ironside a Saxon, and Canutus a Dane, Kings together in England.

* 7.193AFter the death of Egelred, variaunce fell betwene the Englishmen for the election of their king. For the citi∣zens of London with certayne other Lordes: named Ed∣wyne the eldest sonne of Egelred (a yong man of lusty and valiant courage) in martial aduētures,* 7.194 both hardy & wise, and could very well endure all paynes. Wherfore he was surnamed Irenside. But the more of the Lordes, fauou∣red Canutus the sonne of Swanus: especially the Abbots Bishoppes,* 7.195 and men of the spiritualtye which before had sworne to his father. By meanes whereof, betwene these two martial princes were fought many great battels, first in Dorsetshyre, where Canutus was compelled to flie the field.* 7.196 And after that they fought an other battayle in Wor∣cetershire, so sore, that none could tell, who had the better: but either for wearines or for lacke of day, they departed one from the other, and on the next morow fought againe: but then Canutus was compelled to forsake the field. Af∣ter this they met in Mercia, & there fought agayne, where Edmond (as storyes say) by the treason of that false Edrick Duke of Mercia (whom he before had receiued to sauour) had the worse. Thus many great conflicts there were be∣twene these 2. princes. But vpon a season, when the hosts were redy to ioyne, and a certayne time of truce taken be∣fore battayle: a knight of the party of Edmond stode vp vpon a high place, and sayd these wordes.

Daylye we dye, and none hath the uictorye: And when the knightes be dead on either part,* 7.197 then the Dukes compelled by need shall accord: or els they must fight alone. And this king∣dome is now sufficient for 2. men, whiche some time sufficed. 7. But if the couetousnesse of Lordship in these twayne be so great, that neither can be content to take part and liue by the other, nor the one vnder the other then let them fight alone, that will be Lordes alone. If all men fight still: at the last all men shall be slayne, and none left to be vnder their Lordship, nor able to de∣fend the king that shall be, agaynst straunge enemies and natiōs.

These wordes were so well allowed of both the hostes and Princes:* 7.198 that both were content to try the quarrel be∣twene thē two onely. Then the place & time was appoin∣ted where they ••oth met, in sight of both hoastes. And whē either had assayd other with sharpe swordes and strokes: first by the motion of Canutus (as some write) hastelye they were both agreed, and kissed each other to the comfort of both hostes. And shortly after they agreed vpon partici∣on of y^e land: & after that, during theyr lines they loued as brethren.* 7.199 Soone after, a Sonne of wicked Edricus, by the minde (as appeared afterward) of his father: espied, when king Edmond was at the draught: & with a speare (some say with a long knife) thrust him into the fundamēt, wher∣of the sayd Edmond shortlye after dyed, after that he had raigned two yeres. He left behinde him two sonnes, Ed∣mond and Edward, whom Edricke the wicked Duke, af∣ter the death of their father, tooke from theyr mother (not knowing yet of the death of Edmond her husband) & pre∣sēted them to king Canutus,* 7.200 saluting him in these words: Aue Rex solus. Thus Canutus after the death of Edmond Irenside, was king alone of the whole realme of englād. And afterward by the aduise of his counsayle, he sent the foresayd sonnes of Edmond Irōside, to his brother Sua∣nus king of Sueueland to be slayne: who abhorring that deed, sent them to Salomon king of Hūgary, where Ed∣mond being maried to the kings daughter dyed. Edward was maried to Agatha daughter of his brother Henry the 4. Emperour.

When Canutus was stablished in the kingdom, he cal∣led a parliamentat London,* 7.201 where (among other things there debated) it was propounded to the bishops, Barōs, and Lordes of the parliament there present, whether that in the compositiō made betwene Edmund and Canutus, any speciall remembraunce was made for the children, or brethren of Edmund, for any partition of any part of the land. Wherunto the english Lordes falsly ••latteryng with the foraine kyng, and speaking against their own mynds, as also against their natiue countrey, aunswered and sayd nay. Affirming moreouer with an oth (for the kings plea∣sure) that they to y^e vttermost of their powers, would put of the bloud of Edmund, in all that they might. By reason of which answer and promise, they thought (many of thē) to haue purchased with the king great fauour.* 7.202 But by the iust retribution of God, it chaunced farre otherwise. For many of them, or the most part (such especially as Canu∣tus did perceiue to be sworne before tyme to Edmund, & his heyres: and also considering that they were natiue en∣glishmen) he mistrusted and disdained euer after. In so much, that some he exiled, a great sort he beheaded, & some by Gods punishment died sodainly. Among whom wic∣ked Edricke also the traytour (although with hys sugred wordes he continued a while in the kings fauour) at lēgth escaped not condigne reward for his deceiuable dealyng. For (as the history of Iornalēsis recordeth) as the king was in his palace beyond Thames, this Edricke (beyng belike accused, or els suspected of the king before) comming vnto him, began to reckon vp his benefites & labours bestow∣ed for his sake. First, in forsaking and betraying Egelred, then in slaying king Edmund his sonne, with many such other deedes moe,* 7.203 which all for his sake he had done. Well saith the king, thou hast here rightly iudged thy selfe, and worthily thou shalt dye, for slaying thy naturall Prince, & my sworne brother. And so commaunded him to be bound immediately hand and foote, & to be thrown into Thames. Some stories say, that when he had saluted the king with Aue rex solus, and shewed him the slaying of Edmund, Ca∣nutus (promising that he would make him therfore high∣er then all the lordes of the realme) commaunded his head to be striken off, & to be set vpon London bridge, and hys body to be cast in the towne ditche.* 7.204 And thus with shame ended he his wretched life, as al they commonly do, which with like dissimulatiō seeke the destruction of their Prince and of their countrey.* 7.205

This Canutus (shortlye after the death of king Ed∣mond, by the counsayle of Edricke) exiled Edmond, being brother to King Edmund, called Rex rusticorum: the king of Choor••es. But afterward, he was reconciled agayne to the kinges fauour: and lastly slayne by certayne of the Kinges Secretaryes or Seruauntes. Also, through the counsayle of the sayd Edricke, and of Emma his wife he sent the two Sonnes of Edmond Ironside (Edmond

and Edward) to his brother Suanus king of Denmark, to be slaine, as is aboue sayd.

In this meane time, Suanus king of Denmarke, bro∣ther to Canutus, died. Wherfore that land fel to Canutus: which anon after sailed thether, and tooke thereof possessi∣on. And after he had set it in an order, he retourned into England, and maried Emma, late wife before of Egelred: and by her had a sōne called Herdeknight or Hardeknou∣tus. Moreouer this Canutus assembled a Parliament at Oxford: where it was agreed, that Englishmen & Danes should holde the lawes made by king Edgar, because they were thought so good & resonable aboue any other lawes.

Thus the Danes being in England, began by little & little to be Christen men. And Canutus went to Rome, & so returning againe to England, gouerned that lande the space of 20. yeares, leauing after him two sonnes, Harold & Hardeknoutus: which Hardeknoutus was made king of Denmarke in his fathers time.

Harold (called Harefoote, for his deliuernes and swift∣nes) sonne to Canutus by Elgina his first wife:* 7.206 began his raigne ouer England, an. 1039. Of him is little left in me∣mory, for he raigned but 4. yeres, saue that he banished his stepmother Emma, & tooke her goods & iewels from her.

* 7.207Hardeknoutus, being king of Denmarke, and second sonne to Canutus by his last wife Emma, was next King of England. In the time of these Danish kings, there was one Godwyn an earle in England,* 7.208 which had bene before in great fauour with Canutus, for his actes done in Den∣marke against the Northwegians: and afterward mary∣ed y^• sister (some say the daughter) of Canutus. This God∣wyn was of a cruell and subtill wit, as he declared no lesse by the two sonnes of king Egelred: For when these two aforesaid (whose names were Alfride, and Edward) came from Normādie into England, to visit their mother Em∣ma, and brought w^t them a great company of Normands: this Godwine (hauing a daughter called Godith, whome he thought to marry to Edward, & set him vp to be King, to bring his purpose about) vsed this practise: y^t is, to per∣swade king Hardeknoue, & the Lordes not to suffer those Normandes to be within the realme for ieoperdie, but ra∣ther to punish them for example. By which meanes he gat authoritie to order the matter himselfe:* 7.209 wherefore he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them on Guild downe, and there most wretchedly mur∣thered, or rather Martyred the most number of the Nor∣mandes, and that innocently. For as Swanus before had tithed the Monkes of Canterburie: so he•• with the cruell cōpany of english soldiors, slew ix. of the saide Normands and saued the x. And yet passing the furie of Swanus (as not contented with that tiranny) he tithed againe the sayde tithe, and slew euery x. knight, and that by cruel tormēt, as winding their guts out of their bodies, as writeth Ranul∣phus. And among other, put out the eyes of the elder bro∣ther Alfridus, and sent him to an Abbey of Elie: where he being fed wyth breade and water, endured not long after. Of some writers it was recorded, that he was there slayne wyth the forenamed torment, and Edward was conueied by some other to his mother. Who fearing the treason of Godwine, sent him soone ouer the sea to Normady againe. This cruell facte of Godwine and his men against the in∣nocent Normandes, whether it came of himselfe, or of the kings setting on: seemeth to me to be the cause, why the iu∣stice of God, did shortly after reuenge the quarell of these Normands, in conquering & subduing the english nation by William Conqueror, and the Normandes which came with hym. For so iust and right it was, that as the Nor∣mandes comming with a naturall English Prince, were murthered of English men: so afterwarde the Englishe men shoulde be slaine and conquered by the Normandes, comming with a forraine King being none of their natu∣rall countrey.

* 7.210Then it followeth in the storie that this king Canute or Hardeknout: when he had reigned ij. yeres (being me∣ry at Lambeth) sodainly was striken dombe, & fell downe to the ground, and within 8. daies after died, without issue of his body. Who was the last that raigned in England of the blo••d of the Danes.

This foresaid Godwine, had by the daughter of Canu∣tus his wife,* 7.211 but one sonne which was drowned. Of hys seconde wife he receiued vj. sonnes, to wit, Suanus, Ha∣rold, Tostius, Wilmotus, Sirthe, or Surth, and Leofri∣cus, with one daughter Galled Goditha, which after was maried to king Edward the Confessor.

Concerning the story of this Alfred, I find it somthing otherwise reported in our english chronicles:* 7.212 that it shuld be after the death of Hardeknout: forasmuch as the Earles & Barons after his death, assembled and made a councell, that neuer after, any of the Danes bloud should be king of England, for the despite that they had done to english mē. For euermore before, if the English men and the Danes, had happened to mete vpō a bridge, the english men shuld not so hardy to mooue a foote,* 7.213 but stande still, till the Dane were passed foorth. And moreouer, if the English men had not bowed downe their heades to doe reuerence vnto the Danes, they should haue bene beaten and defiled. For the which despites and villanie, they were driuen out of the land after the death of Hardeknout, for they had no Lorde that might maintaine them. And after this maner auoided the Danes England, that they neuer came againe.

The Erles and Barons, by their common assent and counsaile: sent vnto Normandy for these two brethren, Al∣phred and Edward: intending to crowne Alphred the el∣der brother, & to make him king of England. And to thys the Earles and Barons made their othe: but the Earle Godwine of Westsaxe (falsly and traiterously) thought to slea these two brethren, assoone as they came into Englad, to that intēt to make Harold his sonne king: which sonne he had by his wife Hardeknoutes daughter that was a Dane. And so this Godwine went priuily to Southamp∣ton, to meete there with the two brethren at their landing. And thus it fell, that the messengers that went (saith mine author) into Normandie, found but onely Alphred the el∣der brother. For Edward his younger brother was gone to Hungarie, to speake wyth his cou••in the outlaw, which was Edward Ironsides sonne.

When Alfrede had heard these messengers and percei∣ued their tidings:* 7.214 he thanked God, and in all hast sped him to England, arriuing at Southampton. There, Godwin the false traitor (hauing knowledge of his comming) wel∣commed & receaued him with much ioy: pretēding to lead him vnto London, where the Barons waited for to make him king. And so they together passed forth towarde Lon∣don. But when they came to Guild downe, the traitor cō∣manded all his men to slea all that were in Alphredes cō∣pany, which came w^t him from Normandie. And after that to take Alphrede, & to lead him into the Isle of Ely, where they shuld put out both his eyes: and so they did. For they slew all the company that were there, to the number of xij. Gentlemen, which came w^t Alfrede from Normandie: and after that they tooke Alphrede, and in the Isle of Ely they executed their commissiō. That done, they opened his bo∣dy, tooke out his bowels▪ set a stake into the grounde▪ and fastened an end of his bowels therunto, & with needles of ••••on they pricked his tēder body, therby causing him to go about the stake, till that all his bowels were drawen out. And so died this innocent Alphred or Alured, being the right heire of the crowne: through treason of wicked God∣wyne. When the Lordes of Englande heard thereof, and how Alphred, that should haue ben their king, was put to death through the false traitor Godwyne, they were won∣derous wroth: and sware betwene God and them, that he should die a worse death then did Edrith which betrayed his Lord Edmund Ironside: and wold immediatly haue put him to death, but that the Traitour fledde thence into Denmarke: and there helde him iiij. yeares and more, and lost all his landes in England.

An other Latin story I haue (bearing no name) which saith that this comming in of Alphred & the Normandes:* 7.215 was in the time of Harold Canutus sōne. And how God∣wyne (after he pretended great amitie to them) sodenly in the night came vpon them at Gilford: And after he had ti∣thed the Normandes: sent Alfrede to Harold at London, who sent him to the Isle of Ely, and caused his eyes to be put out.

And thus much of Canutus:* 7.216 and of his sonnes, Harold and Hardecanutus. Besides these ij. sonnes Canutus had also a daughter named Gunilda: maried to Henricus the Emperour. Of whome some write, that she being accused to the emperor of spousebrech,* 7.217 and hauing no champion or Knight that woulde fight for her (after the maner of that coūtrey) for trial of her cause: a certaine litle dwarf or boy, whom she brought with her out of England (stirred vp of God) fought in her cause against a mighty bigge Germain of a monstrous greatnesse: which sel••e dwarfe, cutting ••y chaūce the sinews of his leg, after stroke him to the groūd, and so cut of his head, and saued the life of the Queene, if it be true that Gulielmus and Fabianus reporteth.

Of this Canutus it is storied,* 7.218 that he folowing muche the superstition of Achelnotus Archbishop of Cant. went on pilgrimage to Rome: and there founded an hospital for English pilgrimes. He gaue the Pope pretious gifts, and burdened the land with an yerely tribute called the Rome sho••e: he shrined the body of Berinus, & gaue great lands and ornaments to the Cathedrall Churche of Winchester: he builded S. Benets in Northfolk, which was before an

Hermitage. Also S. Edmundes bury, which king Ethel∣stane before ordeined for a Colledge of Priests, he turned to an Abbey of monkes of S. Benets order.

* 7.219Henricus Archdeacon of Huntyngton, Lib. 6. maketh mention of thys Canutus, as doeth also Polidorus, Lib. 7. That he after his comming from Rome, walking vppon a tune by the porte of Southhampton. (But as Polydorus sayeth) and Fabian affirmeth the same, that it was by Tha∣mes side at London. When his flatterers comming about him,* 7.220 began to exalt him vp with high wordes, calling him a king of all kings (most mighty) who had vnder his sub∣iection both the people, the land, and also the sea. Canutus reuoluing this matter in his minde (whether for pride of his heart exalted, or whether to tr••e and refell their flatte∣ring words) cōmaunded his chaire of estate to be brought to the sea side, at what time it should begin to flowe. Poly∣dore sayth, that no seate was brought, but sitting vpon his garments being folded together vnder him: there charged and commaunded the floudes arising & comming toward his feete,* 7.221 that they shoulde not touch neither him, nor his clothes. But the water keeping his ordinary course, came nearer and nerer: First to his feete, and so growing higher began to wash him welfauoredly. Wherewith the king a∣bashed & partly also afeard starte backe: and looking to his Lordes: Loe (sayth he) ye call me such a mighty king & yet can I not commaunde backe this litle water to stay at my worde,* 7.222 but it is ready to drowne me. Wherfore all earthly kings may know, that all their powers be but vaine: and that none is worthy to haue the name of a king, but he a∣lone: which hath all things subiect to the power & autho∣ritie of his word: which is the Lord of heauen & earth: the creatour aboue of all thinges:* 7.223 the father of our Christ and Lorde: who with him for euer is to be glorified: him let vs worship and extoll for our king for euer. After this (as hi∣stories witnes) he neuer suffred the crowne to come vpon his head, but went to Winchester (or as some say, to Can∣terbury, but both those may be true) for his going to Cā∣terbury, was to acknowledge y^t there was a Lorde much higher, & of more power then he himselfe was, and there∣withal to render vp his crowne for euer. With that, Egel∣nothes Archbyshop of Canterbury: informed him of the i∣mage of the Crucifix before mētioned, which dissolued the matter betweene maried Priests and life of Monkes, and did many other myracles moe, being then at Winchester. Wherewith the King prouoked to go to Winchester to the roode,* 7.224 there resigned vp hys regall Crowne, and made the roode king ouer all the land.

Here is also to be noted in this Canutus, that although (as is said) he cōdescended in the beginning of his raigne, vpon king Edgares lawes: yet after in proces of time, hee set forth peculiar lawes of his own.* 7.225 Among which, diuers there be that concerne as well causes Ecclesiasticall, as al∣so temporal. Whereby it may appeare, that the gouernmēt of spirituall matters not to depende then of the Bishop of Rome: but to appertaine to the lawfull authoritie of the temporall Prince, no lesse then of matters and causes tem∣porall. As for example by these ordinaunces of the foresayd Canutus,* 7.226 may be well considered as here folowe. Pecunia sepulturae iustum est vt aperta terra reddatur. Si aliquod corpus a sua parochia deferatur in aliam, pecunia sepulturae. &c. In En∣glish.

It is mete and right that in funerals, money be geuen for opening the earth.

If anybody, or corse, be caried from his owne Parishe into an other: the money of the buriall shal pertaine by the law to his owne Parish Church.

All ordinaunces and ceremonies of God, let them be obserued, as neede in all things requireth.

Uppon the Sonday, we forbid all publique ••ayres or markets, all Synodes or conuenticles, huntinges, or any such seculare actions, to be exercised, vnlesse vrgent necessi∣tie compell therunto.

Let euery Christē man prepare himself thrise a yere to approche to the receauing of the Lords body: so to eate the same as not to his iudgemēt, but to his wholsome remedy.

If a minister of the altare doe kill any man, or haue in∣tangled himselfe in any notorious crime, let him be depri∣ued both from his order and dignitie.

If any maried woman (her husband being aliue) haue committed adultery & be proued with the same: to her opē shame in the world,* 7.227 let her haue her nose and eares cut of.

Let euery widow after the death of her husband: so re∣maine sole xij. monethes: or if shee marrye, let her loose her ioynter.

And heere an ende of the Danish kyngs. Nowe to the English kings againe, whose right line cōmeth in againe in Edward here following.

King Edward called the Confessor.

FOr so much as God of his mercye and prouidence, who is onely the maker of heires:* 7.228 thought it so good, after the wofull captiuitie of this Englishe nation, to graunt now some respite of deliuerance,* 7.229 in taking away the Da∣nish kings without any issue left behind them: who reig∣ning here in Englād, kept the english people in miserable subiection,* 7.230 about the space of xxviij. yeares, and that from their firste landing in the time of King Brightricus: wa∣sting and vexing this land, the terme of cc.••v. yeres: Now their tiranny here comming to an ende, the next election & right of the crowne fell (as appertained) to Edwarde the yonger sonne of king Egelred and Emma, a meere Eng∣lishman: who had bene now long banished in Norman∣dy, as is aboue declared. A man of gentle and soft spirite: more appliable to other mens coūsailes, then able to trust to his owne: of nature & condition so geuen from al warre and bloudshed: that being in his banishment, he wished rather so to continue all his life long in that priuate estate, then by warre or bloudshed to aspire to any kingdome. This Edward, after the death of Canutus the seconde, or Hardecanute, being sent for of the Lordes into Normādie to take possession of the Realme, although he something mistrusted the vnconstant and fickle heads of Englishmē (yet hauing sufficient pledges laid for him in Normandie) came ouer, with a few Normands accompanied: and not long after was crowned at Winchester. an. 1043. by Edsius then Archbishop of Cant.* 7.231 And not long after that, he ma∣ried Goditha, or Editha daughter of Earle Godwyne: whome he entreated after such sort, that he neither put her from his bed, nor yet delt with her fleshly. Whether it 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for hate of her kin (as most like it was) or for loue of cha∣stitie, it remaineth vncertaine.* 7.232 But most writers agree, y^t he continued his lyfe without offence with women: ••or the which he is highly exalted among our story writers and called holy king Edwarde. After he had thus taken vpon him the gouernement of the realme, he guided the same w^t much wisedome and iustice, the space of 24. yeres, lacking two monethes: from whome issued (as out of a fountaine) much godlinesse, mercy, pitie, and liberalitie towarde the poore: gentlenes and iustice toward all men: and in all ho∣nest life he gaue a vertuous example to his people. He dis∣charged the Englishmen of the great tribute called Dane gelt, which before time was yerely leuied to the great im∣pouerishing of the people. Hee subdued the Scottes and Welshmen, which in their borders began to rebell against him. In much peace he continued his reigne, hauing no forreine enemie to assault him: Albeit, as some Chronicles do shewe,* 7.233 certaine Danes and Norgwaines there were, which entended to set vpon Englande: But as they were taking shipping, there was brought to them first one bowle, then an other, of meede or methe, to drinke vp∣on a bon viage. Thus one cup comming after an other: after drinke came dronkennes, after dronkennes followed iangling, of iangling came stryfe: and strife turned vnto stripes. whereby many were slayne, and the other retur∣ned to their home agayne. And thus the mercifull proui∣dence of the Lord dispatched that iourny.

In the time of this Edward: Emma his mother, was accused to be familiar with Alwyn the Byshop of Winche∣ster: vpon which accusation (by counsayle of Earle God∣wyn) he tooke from her many of her iewels, and caused her to be kept somedele more straightly in y^e Abby of Warwel, and the Byshop committed to the examination of the cler∣gy. Polydore sayth, they were both in prison, at Winche∣ster: where she sorrowing the defame both of her selfe and of the Byshop, and trusting vpon her conscience, desireth them of iustice, offering her selfe ready to abide any lawfull triall: yea although it were with the sharpest.

Then diuers of the Byshops made labour to the king for thē both,* 7.234 and had obtayned, had not Robert thē Arch∣bishop of Cant. stopped the sute. Who not well contented with their labour sayd vnto them: My brethren how dare ye defend her which is no woman but a beast? she hath de∣famed her owne sonne the king, and taken her lecherous leman the Byshop. And if it be so, that the woman will purge the priest, who shall then purge the woman that is accused to be consenting to the death of her sonne Alphred: and procured venim to the poysonyng of her sonne Ed∣ward? But whether she be giltie or giltles: if she will goe barefooted for her self foure steps, and for the Bishop fiue, continually vpon ix. plough shares fire hote: then if she e∣scape harmeles, he shalbe assoyled of this challenge and she also.

To this she graunted, the day was appointed at which day, the king and a great part of his nobles were present, except onely Robert the Archbishop. This Robert had

bene a monke of a house in Normandie,* 7.235 & an helper of the king in his exile: and so by the sēding for of the king, came ouer and was made first Bishop of London, after Archbi∣shop of Cant. Then was she led blindfield vnto the place betwene two men, where the yrons lay brenning hot; and passed the ix. shares vnhurt.* 7.236 At last sayde shee, good Lorde when shal I come to the place of my purgation, whē they then opened her eyes, and shee sawe that shee was past the paine, she kneeled downe geuing God thankes.

Then the king repented (sayeth the story) and restored vnto her, that he had before taken from her, and asked her forgeuenes. But the Archbyshop fled into Normandie.

Neare about this time, about the x. yere of his raigne•• fell passing great snow,* 7.237 from the beginning of Ianuary, to the 17, day of Marche. After which insued a great mortali∣tie of men, morrian of cattel, & by lightning the corne was wonderfully blasted and wasted.

Not lōg after this: a certaine Earle of Bologne, who had married king Edwardes sister,* 7.238 came into Englande: through the occasion of whom: when execution should be done vpon the citizens of Douer, for a fray betwene them, and the Earles men: variance happened betweene Kyng Edward and Earle Godwyne. Who perceauing that he could not wstand the kings malice, (although he gathered a great company to worke therein what he could) fled into Flanders,* 7.239 & was outlawed with his 5. sonnes. King Ed∣ward repudiated his wife, the daughter of the sayde God∣wine: but the second yere after, by mediators he was recō∣ciled to the king againe, and called from banishment: And for his good a bearing, he gaue for pledges his two sōnes, Byornon, and Tostius, which were sent to the Duke of Normandy there to be kept.

During the time of the outlawry of Godwyn: William Bastard Duke of Normandy,* 7.240 came with a goodly compa∣ny into England to see king Edwarde, & was honorably receaued. To whom the king made great cheare, & at hys returne inriched him with great gifts and pleasures. And there (as some wryte) made promise to him, that if he died without issue, the said William should succeede him in the kingdome of England.

In this kinges raigne liued Marianus Scotus the story writer.* 7.241 As concerning the end of erle Godwin, y^e cruell murderer of Alphred, and of the Normandes: although diuers histories diuersly do vary: Yet in this the most part do agree, that as he sate at the table with king Edward at Winsor, it happened one of the cupbearers one of erl God∣wins sonnes to stumble and recouer againe, so that he did shed none of the drinke: wherat Godwin laughed, & sayd, howe the one brother had sustained the other. With whych wordes the King calling to minde his brothers death that was slaine by Godwine: beheld the erle (saying) so should my brother Alphred haue holpē me, had not Godwin ben. Godwine then fearing the kinges displeasure to be newly kindled, after many words in excusing himselfe, sayde: So mought I safely swalow this morsel of bread as I am gilt¦les of the deede. But assoone as hee had receiued the bread, forthwith he was choked. Then the king commanded him to be drawne from the table, & so was cōueyed by Harolde his sonne to Winchester, and there buried.

About the 13. yere of this kings reigne, the sayde King Edward sent Aldred bishop of Worceter to the Emperour Henricus the 4. praying him, that he would send to y^e king of Hungary, that his cosin Edward sonne of Edmund I∣ronside, might come to England: for so much as he inten∣ded to make him King after him, which was called Ed∣ward outlawe. The which request was fulfilled, so that he came into Englande with his wife Agatha,* 7.242 and with hys children, to witte, Edgar Adeling, Margarete, and Chri∣stina. But the yeare after his returne into the realme, thys Edwarde deceased at London,* 7.243 and was buryed at west∣minster: or as Iornalensis sayeth, at Paules church in Lon∣don. After whose decease, the King then receaued Edgar Adeling his sonne, as his owne childe: thinking to make him his heire. But fearing partly the vnconstant mutabi∣litie of the Englishmen, partly the pride and malice of Ha∣rold the sonne of Godwine, & of other (perceauing therby, that he could not bring that his purpose so wel to passe) di∣rected solemne Embassadors vnto Williā Duke of Nor∣mandy,* 7.244 his kinsman: admitting & assigning him to be hys lawfull heire, next to succeede after him to the crowne.

After the death of Godwin, Harolde his sonne waxed so in the kings fauour: that he ruled the moste and greatest causes of the realme, and was liefetenant of the kings ar∣my: Who with his brother Toston or Tostius (sent by the king against the Welchmen) subdued their rebellion. But afterward, such enuie grewe betwene these ij. brethren, for that Tostius saw his brother Harold so greatly aduanced in the kings fauour,* 7.245 that at Herford, the said Tostius slew all his brothers men. Whom when he had cut in pieces, he poudered their quarters and mangled parts, in barrels of salt, vinegre, wine, and other liquors. That done, he made a power against his brother Harold (being king) with the aide of certaine Danes and Norgaines, and fought a bat∣tail with him in the North, as after shal follow (God wil∣ling) to be seene.* 7.246 So vngratious were these wicked chil∣dren of Erle Godwin: that if they had sene any faire man∣sion or maner place, they woulde slay the owner there∣of, withall his kinrede, and enter the possession thereof themselues.

At length it came in the minde of this Harolde to saile ouer the sea (as Polydore sayth) into Normandie to see hys brother Wilnotus,* 7.247 as also his cosin Hacus, whom y^e king had sent thither to be kept for pledges, as yee heard before. Polydore sayth these pledges were Tosto & Byornon, but that can not be, for Tostius was then in England. But as Henricus Archdeacon of Huntington sayeth, his iourney was into Flāders, as semeth more like. For it is not to be thought, that Harold who was a doer in y^e cruell murther of Alphred, and of the Normanes: wold venter into Nor∣mandy, & therefore more like it is,* 7.248 that his sailing was in∣to Flaunders. But as the storie proceedeth, he being in the course of his sailing, was weather driuen by tempest into the prouince of Pountith, where he was taken as a priso∣ner, and sent to Duke William of Normandy. To whome he was made to sweare, that he in time following shoulde marry his daughter: and that after the death of King Ed∣ward, he should kepe the land of Englande to his behoue, according to the will & minde of Edward (after some wri∣ters) and so to liue in great honor & dignity next vnto him in the realme.* 7.249 This promise faithfully made to the Duke, Harold returneth into Englād (with his cosin Hacus the sonne of his brother Suanus being deliuered vnto him.) But Wilnotus brother of Harold, the duke kepeth stil for performance of the couenāts. Thus Herold I say, retur∣ning home, sheweth y^e king al that he had done in the fore∣sayde matters. Wherewith the King was well contented. Wherby it may be gathered, that king Edward was right wel willing, that Duke William should reigne after hym, and also semeth not vnlike, but that he had geuen him his promise therunto before.* 7.250

Among all that were true and trusty to king Edward of the english nobility, none had like commendatiō as had Leofricus erle of Mercia and of Chester. This Leofricus purchased many great liberties for the towne of Couētry, and made it free of all maner things, except onely of horse. Which fredom there was obtained by meanes of his wife Godina, by riding (as the fame goeth) after a strāge maner through the towne. This Leofricus with his wife Godi∣na, builded also the abbey of Couentrie, & indued the same with great lands and riches.* 7.251

You hearde a little before, of the comming ouer of Ed∣ward called the outlaw, sonne of king Edmund Ironsid: whom king Edward had purposed to haue made king af∣ter him. But soone after his comming ouer, he deceased at London. This Edwarde had by his wife Agatha, a sonne & a daughter called Edgar Adelyng, & Margaret. Which Margaret being maried afterward to the king of Scots, was the mother of Matild or Maude Quene of England and of Dauid king of Scots. &c.

This vertuous & blessed king Edwarde, after he had reigned 23. yeres, and 7. moneths, died and was buried in the monastery of Westminster,* 7.252 which he had greatly aug∣mented & repaired, but afterward was more inlarged af∣ter this form which it hath now, by Henry the third, sōne of king Iohn.

They that write the historie of this King, heere make mention of a dreame or reuelation that shoulde be shewed to him in time of his sicknes: how, that because the peeres & bishops of the realme were seruantes not of God, but of the deuil: God wold geue this realm to the hād of others. And the king desired vtteraunce to be geuen him, that hee might declare the same to the people, whereby they might repent. It was answered againe, that neither would they so do, or yet if they did, it should be geuen to an other peo∣ple. But because it is a dreame, I let it passe.

Diuers lawes were before in diuers countreis of this realme vsed, as the lawe first of Dunuallo Molinucius, w^t the lawes of Mercia called Mercenelega: then the lawes of Westsaxone kinges, as of Iue, Offa, Alfred, &c. whyche was called Westsaxenelaga. The thirde were the lawes of Canutus & of Danes called Danelaga. Of all these lawes which before were diuersly in certain particuler countreis vsed and receiued: this Edward compiled one vniuersal & commō law for al people through the whole realm, which

were called R. Edwardes lawes: which lawes being ga∣thered out of the best and chiefest of the other lawes, were so iust, so equall, an so seruing the publike profite & weale of all es••ates: that mine authors say: the people long after did rebell against their heads and rulers, to haue the same lawes againe (being taken from them) and yet coulde not obtaine them.

* 7.253Furthermore, I read and find in Math. Paris. that when Will. Conquerour at his comming in, did sweare to vse & practise the same good lawes of Edwarde, for the common lawes of this realme: afterward (being established in his kingdome) he forswore himselfe, & placed his owne lawes in their rowme, much worse and obscurer then the other were. &c.

Notwithstanding among the said lawes of Edward, and in the first chapter and beginning therof, this I finde among the auncient recordes of the Guildhal in London. The office of a King, with such other appurtenaunces as belong to the realme of Britaine: set forth and described in the latine stile, which I thought here not vnmete to be ex∣pressed in the English tong, for them that vnderstande no Latine. The tenor and meaning wherof thus followeth.

¶ De iure & appendijs regni Britannia, & quod sit officium Regis.

REx autem quia vicarius summi Regis est, ad hoc est constitu∣tus, vt regnum terrenum & populum domini, & super omnia sanctam eius veneretur ecclesiam & regat, & ab iniuriosis defen∣dat, & maleficos ab ea auellat & destruat, & penitus disperdat. Quuod nisi fecerit, nomen regis non in eo constabit. Verùm, Pa∣pa Ioanne testante, nomen regis perdit, cui Pipinus & Carolus filius eius nec dum reges, sed principes sub rege Francorum stul∣tò scripserunt quaerentes: si ita permanere deberent Francorum reges, solo regio nomine contenti. A quo responsum est, illos de∣cet vocare reges, qui vigilanter defendunt, & regunt Ecclesiam Dei & populum eius, &c.

In English thus.

* 7.254The king because he is the vicar of the hiest king, is ap∣pointed for this purpose: to rule the earthly kingdom, and the lords people, and aboue al things, to reuerence his ho∣ly church: to gouerne it, and to defende it from iniuries: to plucke away wicked doers, and vtterly to destroye them. Which vnlesse he doe, the name of a king agreeth not vnto him, but he loseth the name of a King, as witnesseth Pope Iohn: to the which Pope, Pipinus & Carolus his sonne (being not yet kings but princes vnder the French King being not very wise) did write, demanding this question, whither the kings of France ought so to continue hauing but onely the name of a king.* 7.255 Unto whome Pope Iohn answereth againe, that it was conuenient to cal thē kings which vigilā¦ly do defend and gouerne the church of God and his people, following the saying of King Dauid the Psalmograph. He shal not dwel in my house which wor∣keth pride. &c. Moreouer, the king by right & by his office, ought to defend & conserue fully & wholly in all amplenesse w^tout diminution, all the lands, honors, dignities, rights, and liberties of the crowne of his kingdome. And further to reduce into their pristine state, all suche thinges as haue bene dispersed, wasted and lost, which appertaine to hys kingdome. Also the whole and vniuersall lande wyth all Ilelands about the same vnto Norwey and Denmarke, be appertaining to the crowne of his kingdome, and be of the appurtenances and dignitie of the King: making one monarchie and one kingdome,* 7.256 which somtime was called the kingdom of Britains, and now the kingdom of Eng∣land: such bonds and limites as is abouesaid, be appoin∣ted and limited to the name of this kingdome.

Moreouer, in the foresaid lawes of this king Edward, it followeth in the same booke where the foresaid Edward describing the office of a King,* 7.257 addeth in these wordes. A king sayth he, ought aboue al things to feare God: to loue and to obserue his commaundements: and cause them to be obserued through his whole kingdome. He ought also to kepe, chearish, maintaine, & gouerne the holy church w^t∣in his kingdome, with al integritie and liberty, according to the constitutions of his auncetors and predecessors: and to defend the same against all enemies, so that God aboue all things be honored, & euer be before his eies. He ought also to set vp good lawes and customes, such as be whole∣some and approued: such as be otherwise, to repeale them, and thrust them out of his kingdom. Item, he ought to do iudgement and iustice in his kingdome, by the counsell of the nobles of his realme. All these things ought a King in his own person to do, taking his othe vpon y^e Euangelist, and the blessed reliques of saintes, swearing in the presence of the whole state of his realme (as well of the temporaltie as of the spiritualtie) before he be crowned of the Archby∣shops & Bishops. Three seruants the king ought to haue vnder him as vassals: fleshly lust, auarice, and greedie de∣sire. Whom if he kepe vnder as his seruants and slaues, he shal reigne wel and honorably in his kingdom.* 7.258 Al things are to be done with good aduisement and premeditation: and that properly belongeth to a king. For hastie rashnes bringeth all things to ruine, according to the saying of the Gospell: Euery kingdome deuided in it selfe, shall be de∣solate. &c.

After the duetie and office of Princes thus described, consequently followeth the institution of subiects, declared in many good & necessary ordinaunces, very requisite and cōuenient for publique gouernment. Of the which lawes William Conquerour was cōpelled, thorough the clamor of the people to take some: but the most parte he omitted, contrary to his owne oth at his coronation, inserting and placing the moste of his owne lawes in his language: to serue hys purpose: and whych as yet to this present day in the same Normande language do remaine. Nowe (the Lorde willing) let vs proceede in the storie, as in order followeth.

* King Harold.

HArolde the seconde sonne of Earle Godwine,* 7.259 and laste king of the Saxons: notwithstanding that diuers of the nobles went with Edgar Adeling, the next heire after Edmund Ironside:* 7.260 yet he through force and might con∣temning the young age of Edgar, and forgetting also his promise made to duke William, toke vpon him to be king of England, An. 1066. When Harolde Harefager, sonne of Canutus, king of Norway & Dēmark, heard of the death of king Edward, he came into England with 300. shippes or mo: who, then ioyning w^t Tostius, brother to the sayde Harold king of England, entred into the North partes, & claimed the land after the death of Edwarde. But y^e Lords of the countrey arose and gaue them battail, notwithstan∣ding the Danes had y^e victory. And therfore Harold king of Englād prepared toward them in all hast, & gaue them an other strōg battel, and there had the victory, where also Harold the Dane was slaine,* 7.261 by the hand of Harold king of Englande. And Tostius was also slaine in the battell. After this victorie, Harold waxed proude & couetous: and would not deuide the praies to his Knightes that had de∣serued it, but kept it to himselfe whereby he lost the fauour of many of his knights and people.

In this meane time William Duke of Normādy, sent Ambassades to Harolde king of Englande, admonishing him of the couenauntes that were agreed betweene them: which was, to haue kept the land to his vse after the death of Edwarde. But because that the daughter of Duke Wil∣liam (that was promised to Harolde) was dead: Harolde thought him thereby discharged, and sayd, that such a nice foolish promise ought not to be holden (concerning an o∣thers land) without the consent of the Lordes of the same: and especially for that hee was thereunto, for neede or for dread compelled.

Upon these answeres receaued, Duke William, in the while that the messengers went and came: gathered his knightes, and prepared his name, and had the assent of the Lordes of his lande to aide and assist him in his iourney.* 7.262And ouer that sending vnto Rome to pope Alexander, cō∣cerning his title & viage into england: the pope cōfirmeth him in the same, and sent vnto him a banner, willing him to heare it in the ship, wherein himselfe should saile. Thus Duke William, being purueied of al things cōcerning his iourney: sped him to the sea side, and tooke shipping at the hauen off. Ualery: where he taried a lōg time, or he might haue a conuenient winde. For the which his souldiours murmured (saying) it was a woodnesse, & a thing displea∣sing God, to desire to haue an others mans kingdome by strength, and namely whē God was against it in sending contrary wind.* 7.263 &c. At the last the winde shortly after came about, and they tooke shipping with a great cōpanie, and landed at Hastings in Sussex.

For three causes Duke William entred thys lande, to subdue Harold.* 7.264 One was, for that it was to him geuen by king Edward his nephew. The secōd was to take wreke, for the cruell murther of his nephewe Alfrede, King Ed∣wardes brother, and of the Normands, which deede he as∣cribed chiefly to Harolde. The thirde was, to reuenge the wrong done to Robert Archbishop of Canterbury, which was exiled by the meanes & labour of Harold, in the time of king Edward.

Thus, while Harold was in the North: Duke Willi∣am made so great spede that he came to London before the King: out of which he was holden, till he had made good

surety, that he & his people should passe through the Citie without tarying: which promise he well obseruing, passed the bridge, and went ouer vnto Sussex. From whence he sent a Monke vnto Harold, & profered to him three maner of wayes. 1. Either to render to him the possession of the land, and so to take it againe of hym vnder tribute, raig∣ning vnder him.* 7.265 2. or els to abide and stand to the Popes arbitrement betwixt them both: or thirdly to defende hys quarel in his own person against the Duke, and they two onely to trie the matter by dinte of sworde, wythout any other bloudsheding.

But Harold refused all these offers, saying: it should be tried by dinte of swordes, & not by one sworde. And so ga∣thered his people, & ioyned battaile with the Normands, in the place where afterwarde was builded the Abbey of Battaile in Sussex.* 7.266 In the beginning of which fight the englishmen kept them in good array, like to vanquishe the Normandes. Wherefore Duke William caused hys men to geue backe, as though they fled: wherby the englishmē followed fast and brake their array. Then the Normanes fiercely geuing a charge vpon them, in cōclusion obtained the victorie, through the iust prouidence of God. Where king Harolde, who before had murdered Alfrede the true heire of the Crowne, with his company of Normandes so cruelly: was now wounded of the Normandes, in the left eye with an arrow, and therof incontinent died: although Gerardus sayeth,* 7.267 hee fled away to Chester, and liued after that a Monke in the monasterie of S. Iames. Whyche is not like, but rather that he was there slaine, after that he had raigned nine moneths, and was buried at Waltham (which prooueth that he died not at Chester) and so was he the last that raigned in England of the bloud of Saxons: the which continued (to recken from Hengistus his firste raigne in Kent) by the space of 591. yeres. And if it be recke∣ned from the yeares of the Westsaxons, then it endured the space of 565. yeres.

* 7.268This William Duke, and king Edward, were by the fathers side, cousin germaines remoued. For Richard the first of that name, which was the thirde duke of Norman∣dy after Rollo: was father to Duke Richard the second of that name, & brother to Emma mother to king Edward. Which Duke Richarde the seconde, was father to Duke Robert, this Duke Williams father.

Albeit in this matter, other some may gather otherwise and better, perchance, yet if I may say what I thinke, ve∣rely I suppose, that there is no consanguinitie so muche here the cause, why God of hys vnknowen iudgementes suffered the Normandes here to preuaile: as was rather the cruell murder of Alfred, & of the innocent Normands, wrought by the cruel despight of Harold and the english∣men, as is before declared.* 7.269 The which merciles murther, God here iustly in this conquest recompensed.

Now remaineth also to these forein affaires of kings & Princes, to adde somthing likewise concerning the conti∣nuation of the Archbishops of Caunterburie, beginning there where we last left:* 7.270 that is with Elphegus, whome we declared a little before to be stoned by the Danes at Grenewich. After which Elphegus next succeeded Linin∣gus, after him Egelnothus also aboue mentioned. Then Robertus a Normand,* 7.271 a great doer (as is declared) about king Edward, and a faithfull counsailer vnto him: but he abode not long. After whom, Stigandus inuaded the sea (as they report) by simony: being both Archbishop of Cāt. Byshop of Winchester, and also Abbot in an other place. Wherin he cōtinued a great space, gathering and heaping goodes together, till at length Duke William clapt him in prison, and there kept him: placing in his roume, Lancfrā∣cus a Lombard borne, of whom more shall follow (Christ willing) hereafter to be declared.

¶ Although the Church of Christ, and state of religion first founded and groūded by Christ and his Apostles,* 7.272 did not continually altogether remaine in his primatiue per∣fection, wherein it was first instituted: But in processe of time, began from better to worse, to decrease & decline into much superstition & incōuenience: partly through the com¦ming in of Mahumet, partly through y^e increase of wealth and riches, partly through the decrease of knowledge & di∣ligence in such as should be the guides of Christes flocke: yet the infection & corruption of that time (though it were great) did not so abounde in such excessiue measure, as af∣terwarde in the other latter times nowe following, about the thousand yeares expired after Christ: whereof we haue to intreat, Christ so permitting. About the which time and yeare came Siluester the seconde of that name, who next succeeded after Gregorie the v. before mentioned.* 7.273 pag. 159. and occupied the sea of Rome about the yere of our Lorde 1000. lacking one or two.

This Siluester was a Sorcerer,* 7.274 which after the sorte of them, that worke by familiars (as they cal them) and by cōiuration▪ cōpacted with the deuil, to be made pope. And so he was (through the operation of Sathan) according to his request, Which thing some histories say, he did greatly repent before his death. But for a more ample declaration heereof, I will bring in the wordes of Ioannes Stella, a Uenetian, translated from Latin into English, cōcerning the said Siluester: to the entent that our inchaunters and sorcerers now a dayes (wherof there be to many in Eng∣land) may the better through his example be admonished. The words of Stella be these,* 7.275 agreeing also with the nar∣ration of Benno, Platina and many other. Siluester the second of that name, being Pope, and a Frenchman, called Gibertus: sate in his Papacie iiij. yeares, one moneth and viij. dayes. He entred into his Papacie, through wicked & vnlawful meanes: who from his youth being a monke, and leauing his monasterie, gaue himself wholy to the de∣uill, to obtaine that which he required. And first comming to Hispalis a City in Spayne, there applied his booke and profited there in somuch, y^t he was made Doctour, hauing amongst his auditours, Otho the Emperours sonne, and Robert the French King, Lotharius Archbyshop of Se∣non, with diuers other moe. By whose aduauncement he was promoted, first Bishop of Rheme, afterward Bishop of Rauenna, and at last through the operation of Sathan, was exalted to the Papacy of Rome; vpon this condition, that after his death, he should geue himselfe to the deuil, by whose procuremēt, he came to that promotion. Upō a cer∣taine time he demanded an answer of the deuill, how long he should enioy his Popedome, to whom he answered a∣gaine: vntill thou say Masse in Ierusalem thou shalt liue. At length the iiij. yeare of his Popedome, saying Masse at Lent time, in the temple of the holy crosse being called then Ierusalem, there he knewe the time was come, when hee should die. Wherupon being stroke with repentance,* 7.276 con∣fessed his fault openly before the people: desiring al men to cut his body al in peeces (being so seduced by deceits of the deuil) & so being hewen in peeces, they woulde lay it vpon a cart, and bury it there, where soeuer the horses wold ca∣ry it of their accorde. And so the saying is to be, that by the prouidence of God (whereby the wicked may learne yet hope of remission w^t God, so that they will repent them in their life) the horses of their own accord staid at the church of Laterane, and there he was buried: wheras commonly by the ratling of his bones within the tomb, is portended the death of Popes as the common reporte goeth. Thus much out of Ioannes Stella,* 7.277 concerning Siluester. By whō our sorcerers and inchanters, or magicians may learne to beware of the deceitfull operation of Sathan: who, at the ende deceiueth and frustateth al them, that haue to do with him: as the ende of all such doth declare commonly, which vse the like art or trade. The Lorde and God of al mercye, through the spirite of Iesus our redemer, dissolue y^e works of Sathan, and preserue the hartes of our nobles, and of al other Englishmen from such infection. Amen.

After Siluester succeeded Ioannes .xix. by whom was brought in (as Volateran sayth) the feast of all soules,* 7.278 an. 1004. through the meanes and instigation of one Odilo Abbot of Cluniake, to be celebrate; next after the feast of all Saintes. This Monke Odilo, thinking that Purgatory (as he heard) should be in the mount Aetna: dreamed vpō a time in the countrey of Sicile, that he by his Masses had deliuered diuers soules from thēce: saying moreouer, that he did heare the voyces and lamētations of deuils crying out, for that the soules were taken frō them by the Masses & Dirges funerall. Ex Bakenthorpo. in prolo. 4. Lib. Sentent. And not lōg after him came Iohn the xx. and Sergius the iiij. After whom succeeded Benedictus the viij. then Iohn the 21. who being promoted by art magike of Theoyhilact his nephew, Gratianus, Brazutus and other Sorcerers brought in first the fast of the euē of Iohn Baptist and S. Laurēce.* 7.279 After him followed pope Benedictus the 9. like∣wise aspiring to his Papacy, by like magike, practising in∣chauntmentes and coniuration in woodes, after horrible maner. Who resisting the Emperor Henricus 3. sonne to Conradus, and placing in his rowme. Petrus the king of Hungarie wyth this verse. Petra dedit Romam Petro, tibi Papa coronam: Afterward for feare of Henricus preuailing in battaile; hee was faine to sell his seate to his successoure Gratianus, called Gregorius vi. for 1500. poundes.* 7.280 At which time were 3. Popes together in Rome, raigning & raging one against an other. Benedictus ix. Siluester 3. & Gregorius vi. For the whych cause Henricus surnamed Niger; the Emperour, comming to Rome: displaced these 3. monsters at one time, placing for them, Clemens 2. and

thereupon inacting,* 7.281 that there should no bishop of Rome henceforth be chosen, but by the consent and confirmation of the Emperour. Which constitution though it was both agreable & also necessary for publike trāquilitie of that ci∣tie, yet the Cardinals would not suffer it long to stand, but did impugne it afterward by subtile practise and open vio∣lence, as in processe (the Lord permitting) shal appeare, in the time of Henricus the 4. and 5. In the time of this Cle∣ment, the Romanes made an othe to the Emperour, con∣cerning the election of the Byshops, themselues to enter∣meddle no farther therein, but as the assent of the Empe∣rour should goe with all.* 7.282 Howbeit the Emperour depar∣ting thence into Germanie againe, by and by they forgote their othe, and within 9. monethes after poysoned the Bi∣shop. Which fact some impute to Stephen his successour, called Damasus 2. Some impute it to Brazutus, who (as histories record) within 13. yeares poysoned 6. popes,* 7.283 that is, Clemens 2. Damasus. 2. Leo. 9. Uictor. 2. Stephanus 9. Nicolaus the 2.

Thus Clement being poysoned, after him succeeded Damasus 2. neither by consent of the people, nor of the em∣perour elected: but by force and inuasion, who a••so within 23. daies being poisoned. An. 1049. much contention and striuing began in Rome about the Papal seat. Wherupon the Romans, through the counsel of the Cardinals, sent to the foresaid Emperor, desiring to geue them a bishop, and so he did, whose name was Bruno an Almain, and bishop of Colle••,* 7.284 afterwarde called Leo 9. This Bruno being a simple man and easie to be led with euil counsel, comming from the Emperour towards Rome in his pontificall ap∣parell like a Pope: meeteth him by the way the Abbot of Cluniake, and Hildebrand a monke. Who seing him so in his pontificalibus, begā to rate him, laying to his charge, that he would so take his authoritie of the Emperour, and not rather of the Clergy of Rome & the people thereof, as other his predecessors were wont to doe: and so counselled him, to lay downe that apparel, and to enter in w^t his own habite, till he had hys election by them. Bruno following their counsel, and confessing his fault before the Clergie of Rome, obtained their fauor, and so was nominate Leo 9. wherby Hildebrand was made a Cardinall, & put in high rowme. Under this Pope Leo were two Councels, one kept at Uercellis, where the doctrine of Berengarius a∣gainst the reall substance in the Sacrament was first con∣demned, although Berengarius yet recanted not, whych neuerthelesse was done after in the Councel of Lateran••, vnder Nicolas 2. An. M.lx.* 7.285 The other was kept at Mo∣guntia, where amongst many other decrees was enacted, priests to be excluded and debarred vtterly from mariage▪ Item, that no lay men might geue benefice, or bishoprick, or any spirituall promotion. &c.

This Leo, being at Wormes w^t the Emperour vpon Christmas day, did excommunicate the subdeacon because in reading the Epistle, he did it not in the Romane tune, he being there present. The Archbishop moued therewith, departed from the altare (being then at Masse) saying, he woulde not proceede no farther in his seruice, vnlesse hys subdeacon were restored. Wherupon the Pope commāded him to be released, & so they went forward in their seruice.

* 7.286After the death of Leo, whom Brazutus poysoned the first yere of his popedome. Theophilactus did striue to be Pope: but Hildebrand to defeat him, went to the emperor, (partly also being sent by y^e Romanes for feare of the Em∣perours displeasure) who assigned an other bishop,* 7.287 a Ger∣maine, called Uictor 2. This Uictor hauing a Councell at Florence, deposed diuers Bishops and Priestes, for simo∣ny and fornicatiō. For simony, in that they tooke of secular men their dignities for money:* 7.288 for fornication, in that con∣trary to their Canon, they were maried. &c. The 2. yeare of his papacie and little more, this Pope also followed his predecessours being poysoned by the foresaide Brazutus, through the procurement of Hildebrand and his maister.

Here now began the Church and Clergie of Rome, to wring out of the emperours hand the election of the pope: electing Stephen the 9. for pope,* 7.289 contrary to their oth and to the Emperours assignement. Here was the Churche of Millan first brought to obedience of the Romish Church, by this Stephanus the 9. bishop of Rome. Who also sha∣med not to accuse the Emperor Henry (of whom mention is made before) of heresy: for minishing the authority of the Romane sea. So this was their heresie at that time, not to maintaine the ambitious proceedings of the Romish pre∣late. And simonie they called this, to take & enioy any spi∣rituall liuing at a secular mans hand. Wherefore Stephen hearing this simonie to raigne in diuers places,* 7.290 namely in the Churches of Burgundy and Italy, sent foorth the Cardinal Hildebrand to reforme the matter: who was no lesse earnest in that kinde of commission to help the matter forwarde.

In the meane time Stephanus y^e pope,* 7.291 tasting of Bra∣zutus cup fel sick. Hildebrand hearing that, applieth home w^t all post speede. So being returned to Rome, assembleth all the companies and orders of the Clergy together, ma∣king thē to sweare: that they should admit none to be By∣shop, but which should be appointed by the publike cōsent of them altogether. This being done, Hildebrande taketh his iorney to Florēce (belike to fetch the bishop of Florēce) to stal him bishop: the clergy swearing to him, that no bi∣shop shuld be ordained before his returne againe. But the people of Rome not suffering the election to stand so long, after the death of Stephan: elected one of their owne citie, called Benedictus the 10. Hildebrand hearing of this,* 7.292 was not a little offended: wherefore returning to Rome wyth one Gerhardus bishop of Florēce, caused y^e clergy to pro∣cede to a newe election, saying: that Benedictus was not lawfully called but came in by force & bribing. But y^e cler∣gie not daring to attempt any new election at Rome,* 7.293 wēt to Sene, and there elected this Garhardus bishop of Flo∣rence, whome Hildebrande brought with him. So were 2. popes in Rome together: But Garhardus named Ni∣colaus 2. holding a councel at Sutrium, through the helpe of Duke Godfride and Guibert, and other bishops about Italie, caused the other Pope to be deposed. Benedictus vnderstanding them to be set against him through y^e means of Hildebrand, vnpoped himself, and went to Uelitras, li∣uing there more quietly thē he shuld haue done at Rome.

Here is to be touched by the way,* 7.294 the error of the glose vpon the 23. dist. which falsly alledgeth out of the Chroni∣cles, y^t Benedictus 10. which succeeded Stephen, was de∣posed: after whō came Ioannes bishop of Sabine for mo∣ney, & he againe deposed. Benedictus was then restored, and after displaced againe, and then Ioannes Archdeacon ad portam latinam, was made Pope, and he againe deposed by the Emperor, and all this w^tin one yere. Which history neither is founde in any Chronicle, nor agreeth vpon any Benedictus, saue only that Benedictus 9. was deposed, & then reigned 3. popes together, Benedictus 9. Siluester 3. & Gregorius 6.* 7.295 which before was called Ioannes ad portam latinam, whome the Emperor deposed (all three together.) But that Benedict neither was the 10.* 7.296 neither did hee suc∣ceede pope Stephen, as the glose recordeth. Nicolas thus being set vp without the minde both of the emperour,* 7.297 & of the people of Rome, after his fellow Pope was driuen a∣way: brake vp the Synode of Sutrium, & came to Rome, where he assembled an other councel, called concilium Late∣ranum. In which councel first was promulgate the terrible sentence of excommunication mentioned in the decrees, & beginneth: In nomine Domini nostri. &c. The effect whereof is this. First, that he after a subtile practise (as farre and as plainly as he durst speake) vndermindeth the Emperours iurisdiction, and transferreth to a few Cardinals, and cer∣taine Catholike persons, the full authoritie of chusing the Pope.* 7.298 Secondly, against all such as do creepe into the seat of Peter, by money or fauoure w^tout the full consent of the Cardinals: he thūdreth with terrible blasts of excommu∣nication, accursing them and their children with deuils, as wicked persons to the anger of almighty god, geuing also authoritie and power to Cardinals, with the Clergie and laitie, to depose all such persons, and cal a councel general, wheresoeuer they wil against them.

Item,* 7.299 in the sayde Councell of Laterane, vnder Pope Nicholas the seconde, Berengarius Andegauensis, an Arch∣deacon was driuen to the recantation of his doctrine, de∣nying the reall substance of Christes holy body and bloud to be in the Sacrament, otherwise then sacramentally and in mysterie.

In the same councell also was hatched & inuented,* 7.300 the new found deuise and terme of Transubstantiation.

It were to long heere to declare the confederation be∣twixt this Nicholas, and Robertus Guiscardus: whome this pope (cōtrary to all right and good law, displacing the right heire) made Duke of Apulia,* 7.301 Calabria, Sicilia, and captain general of S. Peters lands: that through his force of armes and violence, he might the better subdue all such as should rebell to his obedience, and so did. Nowe let all men iudge & vnderstand (which be godly wise) howe this standeth w^t the doctrine of Christ,* 7.302 the example of Peter, or the spirit of a christen bishop, by ourward armes & violēce to conquer christen men & countreis, vnder the obedience of a bishops sea. Thus Pope Nicolas the 2. well aunswe∣ring to his Greeke name: by might and force continued 3. yeres and a halfe. But at length he mette with Brazutus cup,* 7.303 and so turned vp his heeles.

At the beginning of this Nicolas, or somewhat before,

about the yere of our Lorde 1057. Henricus the 4. after the decease of Henrie the 3. was made Emperour being but a childe,* 7.304 & raigned 50. yeres: but not without great molesta∣tiō and much disquietnes, and all through the vngracious wickednesse of Hildebrand, as hereafter (the Lord so per∣mitting) shalbe declared.

Here, by the way commeth to be noted, an exāple, wher∣by all Princes may learne and vnderstand, how the pope is to be handled, whosoeuer loketh to haue any goodnesse at his hand. If a man stand in feare of his curse, he shall be made his slaue, but if he be despised of you, ye shal haue him as you list. For the Popes curse may well be assimiled to Domicianus thunder:* 7.305 If a man geue eare to the noise and cracke, it semeth a terrible thing: but if ye consider the cau∣ses and effect therof, it is a most vaine ridicle.

In the reigne of this Nicolas, An. 1060. Aldredus By∣shop of Worcester,* 7.306 after y^e decease of Kinsius his predeces∣sor shuld be made Archbishop of Yorke, who comming to Rome with Tostius erle of Northumberlād, for his palle (as the maner was) could not obtein it, but was depriued of all his dignitie (for some default, I can not tell what) in his aunswer. And furthermore, after his reuersion home, was spoyled also of all that he brought w^t him. Whereupon he returning againe to Rome with Tostius the foresayde Erle,* 7.307 there made his complaint, but could not be heard: til Tostius, a man of stout courage, taking y^e matter in hand, tolde the Pope to his face, that his curse was not to be fea∣red in farre countre••s, which his owne neighbours, yea & most vile vacabonds derided and despised at home. Wher∣fore he required the Pope, either to restore Aldredus again to his goods lost, or els it should be known, that they were lost through his meanes and subtlery. And furthermore, it would come to passe, that y^e king of England hearing this, would debar him of s. Peters tribute, taking it for a great shame to him & his realme, if Aldredus should come from Rome both depriued of dignity, & spoiled also of his goods. &c. In fine, the Pope thus perswaded by the argument of his purse, was content to sende home Aldredus with his palle, according to his request.

After the death of Nicholas, the Lombardes being op∣pressed before by pope Nicholas, and brought vnder fear, were the more desirous, and thought it good to haue a Bi∣shop of their company:* 7.308 and so elected the bishop of Parniē called Cadolus, to be Pope: sending to the emperour and desiring his fauour and supportation therein. For the e∣lection of the Pope (sayd they) most properly apperteined vnto him.

The emperor wel pleased and content, geueth his good leaue and voice w^tal. Hildebrandus, no lesse a wicked Ne∣cromancer, then a stoute mainteiner of popish liberties a∣gainst good emperors, hearing this: setteth vp by a cōtra∣ry faction, an other bishop, Anselmus, after called Alexan∣der the 2. Cadolus thus elected by the emperor & the Car∣dinals,* 7.309 setteth forwarde to Rome with a sufficient army & strength of mē. Alexander also no les prepared, there recei∣ueth him with an other army,* 7.310 where they had a great con∣flict, & many slaine on both sides. But Cadolus as he had the better cause, so had he the worse fortune: who being re∣pelled, yet repaired himself and came again with a greater power. Albeit, he preuailed not. The Emperor seeing this hurly burly: to take vp the matter, sent thither his embas∣sador Otho, Archbishop of Colen: who cōming to Rome, beginneth sharply to chide the pope for taking so vpō him without the leaue or knowledge of the emperor, declaring how y^e election of that sea ought chiefly to appertein to the right of the emperor, as it hath done for y^e most part in the time of his predecessors tofore. But Hildebrande all set on wickednes and ambition, and also puft vp not a litle, with his late victories: not suffering the embassador to tel to the end, interrupted him in the middle of his tale, affirming, y^t if they should stand to law and custome, the libertie of that election shuld rather belong to the clergy, then to the Em∣peror. To make short, Otho the embassador bearing (be∣like) more with the Clergie, then with the emperour, was content to be perswaded: onely required this in the empe∣rors name, a coūcell to be had, to decide the matter: wherat the emperor should be present himselfe. And so he was: In the which councel being kept at Mantua,* 7.311 Alexander was declared pope, the other had his pardon graunted. In this councell amongst many other cōsiderations, was conclu∣ded concerning priests to haue no wiues: such as haue cō∣cubines to say no masse: priests children not to be secluded from holy orders: no benefices to be bought for mony. Al∣leluya to be suspended in time of Lent out of the church.* 7.312 &c. This also was decreed (which made most for Hildebrandus purpose) that no spirituall man, whatsoeuer he be, shoulde enter in any Church, by a secular persone, & that the Pope should be elected onely by the Cardinals, &c. Benno Cardi∣nalis wryteth thus of Alexander,* 7.313 that after he perceiued the frauds of Hildebrande, and of other the Emperours ene∣mies: and vnderstanding that he was set vp and inthro∣nised, but onely for a purpose: being at his Masse, as he was preaching to the people, told them, he wold not sit in y^e place, vnlesse he had the licence of the Emperour. Which when Hildebrandus heard, he was stroken in suche a furie, that scarsly he could keepe his handes of him, while Masse was done. After the Masse being finished, by force of sol∣diours & strength of men he had him into a chamber, and there all to be pomild Pope Alexander with his fistes, ra∣ting and rebuking him for that he would seeke for fauoure of the Emperor.* 7.314 Thus Alexander being kept vp in custo∣dy, and being stinted to a certaine allowance, as about v. groates a day. Hildebrand incrocheth all the whole reue∣nues of the Church to him selfe, procuring thereby muche treasure. At length Alexander vnder the miserable endu∣rance of Hildebrand, died at euentide after 11. yeares & half▪ of his popedome. And thus much of Romish matters.

These things thus discoursed concerning the matters of Rome (now returning againe to our owne country sto∣ry) the order therof would require to enter againe into the reigne of William Conqueror, the next king following in England. But as a certain oration of K. Edgarus, which should haue bene placed before, chanced in the meane time to come to my hands, not vnworthy to be read: I thought by the way in the ende of this booke, to insert the same (al∣though out of order) yet better I iudge it out of order, then out of the booke.

The oration of king Edgar to the Clergie.

BEcause God hath shewed his great mercy to worke with vs: it is meete (most reuerend Fathers) that with worthy works we should answer his innumerable benefites.* 8.1 For we possesse not the land by our owne sworde, and our owne arme hath not saued vs: but his right hande and his holy arme, because he hath bene de∣lighted in vs. Therfore it is meete that we should submit both our selues and our soules to him that hath subiected all these thinges vnder our gouernement: and that we ought stoutly to laboure, that they whome he hath made subiect to vs, might be subiect to his lawes. It belongs to me to rule the lay people with the lawe of equitie, to doe iust iudgement betwene man and his neighbour, to punish Church robbers, to holde vnder rebelles to deliuer the helplesse from the hande of the stronger, the needye also and the poore from them that robbe them. It belongs also to my care to prouide necessary things to the ministers of the Churches, to the flockes of the Monkes, to the company of virgins, and to prouide for their peace and quiet. The examining of all whose maners be∣longeth vnto vs: whether they liue chastly, if they behaue them∣selues honestly towarde them that be without, whether they be diligent at Gods seruice, if they be earnest to teache the people if they be sober in eating and drinking, if they keepe measure in ap∣parell, and if they be discreete in iudgement. If ye had regarded these thinges with a triall of them (O reuerende fathers, by your leaues I speake) suche horrible and abhominable thinges of the Clearkes, shoulde not haue come vnto our eares. I omit to speake how their crowne is not broad, nor their rounding conuenient, the wantonnesse in your life, your pryde in your gesture, the fil∣thinesse in your wordes, doe declare the euill of the inward man.

Furthermore what negligence is in Gods seruice, when scarce they will be present at the holy vigils? And when they come to masse, they seeme rather to be gathered to play and laugh, then to sing. I will tell that, that good men be sory for, and the euil laugh at. I will speake with sorrow (if so be I may expresse it) how they be riotous in banquetings, in chambering dronkennes, and vn∣shamefastnes: that now clerkes houses may be thought to be a stewes of harlots, and a couent of players. There be dice, there is dancing, and singing, there is watching to midnight, with crying and shouting. Thus the goods of kinges, the almes of princes, yea (and that more is) the price of that precious bloud is not estee∣med. Haue our fathers thē spent their treasures for this purpose▪ Hath the kinges cofers decayed by taking awaye many reue∣nues, for this cause? Hath the kinges liberalitie geuen landes and possessions to Christes Churches for this intent, that Clarkes harlots shoulde be decked with the same? that riotous feastes might be dressed? that houndes and haukes and such other toyes might be gotten? The souldiours crye out of these thinges, the people grudge minstrels sing and daunce, and yet ye regard it not, ye spare it, ye dissemble it. Where is the sworde of Leuy, and the zeale of Simeon, whiche killed the Sichemites, and the Circumcised, which bare the figure of them that defile Christes Churche,* 8.2 with filthy deedes, because they abused Iacobes daughter as a harlot? Where is Moyses spirite whiche spa∣red not hys owne kinsfolke that worshipped the head of the Calfe?

Where is Phinies the priestes dagger, which pacified Gods anger by his holy zeale,* 8.3 when he killed him that plaied the harlote with the Madianite? Where is Peters spirite, by whose power co∣uetousnes is destroied, & simonical heresie is condemned? Be ear∣nest ye Priests, be earnest, to followe the waies of the Lord, & the righteousnes of our God. It is time to doe against them that haue broken the law of God.* 8.4 I haue Constantines sword, and yee haue Peters sworde in your hands, let vs ioyne right hands, let vs cou∣ple sword to sword, that the lepers may be cast out of the tēples, that the holy place of the Lord may be purged, and the sonnes of Leuie may minister in the temple, who said to his father and mo∣ther I know you not, and to his brothers I know not you. Goe to diligently I pray you, least we repent to haue done that, that we haue done, & to haue geuen that, that we geue. If we shall see that to be spent not in Gods seruice, but on the riotousnes of wicked men, through vile and corrupt liberty of life for lacke of chastise∣ment: let the reliques of holy saintes which they despise, and the holy altars, before which they play the madde men, mooue you. Let the great deuotion of our ancetours moue you, whose almes the madnesse of the Clearkes doeth abuse. My great graundfa∣ther (as yee know) gaue the tenth parte of all hys landes to Churches and Abbeys. My greate greate graundfather Alfre∣dus of holy memorie, thoughte it not meete to spare hys Trea∣sures, his goodes, no costes, nor rentes, that he might enriche the Church. My grandfather the elder, Edward, your fatherhoode is not ignoraunt, howe great things he gaue to the Churches It be∣commeth you to remember with what gifts my father & his bro∣thers did enrich Christes altars. O father of fathers Dunstane, be∣holde I pray thee the eyes of my father looking on thee, from that bright place of heauen. Harken his complaining words, sounding in thine eares thus pitifully lamenting. O father Dunstane, thou, thou I say, geuest me counsell to builde Abbaies and Churches, thou wast my helper and fellow worker in all things. I chose thee as a shepheard and bishop of my soule, and a keper of my maners. Whē did I not obey thee? what treasures did I preferre in respect of thy counsels? What possessions did I not despise, if thou badde me? If thou thought meete to geue any thing to the poore, I was ready. If thou thought meete to geue any thing to Churches, I de∣ferred not. If thou complained that Monkes or Clearkes wanted any thing, I supplied. Thou saidest that almes lasted for euer, and that there was none more fruitfull then that which was geuen to Abbeis or Churches. For with that, both Gods seruaunts are su∣stained, and that which remaineth is geuen to the poore. O wor∣thy almes. O worthy price of the soule. Oh wholesome remedie for our sinnes, which nowe doeth stincke in the sweete furres of priests lemmans, wherwith they adorne their eares & decke their fingers, apparelling their delicate bodies with silke and purple. O father, is this the fruite of mine almes, is this the effect of my de∣sire, and of thy promise? What wilt thou answer to this complaint of my fathers? I know, I know, when thou didst see a thiefe, thou runnest not with him, neither hast thou put thy portion with ad∣ulterers. Thou hast rebuked, thou hast exhorted, thou hast blamed them, but wordes haue bene despised. Nowe we must come to stripes of correction, thou hast here with thee the worshipfull fa∣ther Edward bishop of Winchester. Thou hast the reuerend Pre∣late Oswold bishop of Worcester, I commit this businesse to you, that both by Bishoply correction, and the kings authority the fil∣thy liues may be cast out of the Churches, and they that liue or∣derly may be brought in. &c.

* 8.5In this Oration of K. Edgar aboue prefixed, 3. things are chiefly to be noted & considered, to them y^t haue iudge∣ments to marke and vnderstand, to witte: The religious zeale and deuotion of kings, both in geuing to the church, & also in correcting the maners of churchmen. 2. Second∣ly, the dissolute behauiour and wantonnesse of the clergie, then abusing the great donatiōs and patrimonies of prin∣ces bestowed vpon them. 3. Thirdly, the blinde ignorance and superstition of that time in both states, as well Eccle∣siastical as temporal, in esteeming Christes religion chief∣ly to consist in geuing to Churches, and in maintaining of Monkery, falsly being perswaded that remission of theyr sinnes,* 8.6 & remedy of their soules therein did lie in building monasteries, erecting churches and cloysters, and in pla∣cing monks in the same, and such other almes deedes, and workes of deuotion. Wherin appeareth how ignorāt that time was of the true doctrine of Christes faith, and of free grace of the Gospell, which promiseth life, remedy, and iu∣stification, not by any deuout merits of oures,* 8.7 nor by any workes either of the lawe of God, or of the inuentions of man, but onely and freely by our faith vpon Christ Iesus the sonne of God, in whom only consisteth al the promises of God. Amen.

Nowe remaineth as in the former booke before, so in this likewise, to prosecute the order & race of Archbishops of Canterbury, as we haue done the race of kings, begin∣ning with Etheredus, who succeded next after Celnocke, the seuententh Archbishop of that Sea mentioned, where we last left before, Pag. 131.

The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunter∣burie, from the time of king Egbert to William Conquerour.

18. Ethelredus. 18
19 Pleimūdus. 29	This Pleimundus was schole∣master to king Altrede.
20. Athelmus. 12.
21. Vlfelmus. 23
22. Odo. 20.	By the players of thys Oddo, the Monkish stories say, that the sworde of King Ethelstane was brought again into his scabberd. As touching the Epistle of thys Odo, sent to other Byshoppes, vide pag. 251.
23. Elfius, or Elfi∣nus. 1	This Elfius first bishop of Win∣chester, came to the sea of Cant. by the commaundement of King Edgar, some say by bribes, con∣trary to the mind of Odo. Wher∣upon in the first day of hys con∣secration, he insulting vppon the tomb of Odo, with despite, short∣ly after wēt to Rome for his pal, where in his iorny vpon the alps he died for colde, in so much that his horses being killed, & he put in their warme bellies, yet could get no heate. Malms.
24 Dunstan. 20.	Of this Dunstane many mon∣kish miracles be fained,* 8.8 as of the harpe vpon the wall playing by it self, Gaudent in Coelis, &c. of our ladie with her companie appea∣ring to him singing, Cantemus domino sociae, Cantemus honorem. Dulcis amor christi personet ore pio. Also of the Angels singing Kyrie∣leyson, &c. Item, of holding the Deuill by the nose with a paire of tonges, tempting him with wo∣men. Malmes. Item of seeing the holy Ghost at his masse in like∣nesse of a Doue. Item, in deliue∣ring the soule of Edwine from the Deuill. Item, in foresee∣ing the death of King Edred, by the death and falling of his horse. Item, of his mother being great with Dustane, when all the can∣dels of others went out, her one∣ly candle remained light, & ma∣ny other like fables, &c.
¶Polydorus ma∣keth Dunstane to be the 23. archb.
25. Ethelgarus. 1	This Siricus was the coun∣seller to king Egelred, to redeme peace of the Danes, with a great tribute.
26. Elfricus. 11
27. Siricius. 5
28. Elphegus. 6	Elphegus because he denied to paye to the Danes a tribute, was stoned to death at Greene∣wich, & of some is called a mar∣tyr.
29. Liuingus. 7
30. Egenoldus. 17
31. Edsius. 11
32. Robertus. 2	This Robertus caused God∣wine and his sonnes to be bani∣shed, accusing them of Treason. But afterward they being resto∣red, he went to Rome, and at his returne died.
33. Stigandus. 17	Stigandus being an English man, in the time of W. Conque∣rour the Normane, was by the craft of the sayd William conuei∣ed into Normandie, where a while with great honour he was entertained. At length the sayde William procured secreately the popes letters to depose him, that hee might place Lanfrancus in his roume. This Stigandus di∣ed at length in prison.
34 Lanfrancus. 19

The ende of the thirde Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Egbert king of the Westsaxons, afterward Mo∣narke and king of the whole Realme.
• * 1.2

  In this tyme came in the Danes▪ Fill into the North part•• and were driuen out agaynes.
• * 1.3

  Anno. 807.
• * 1.4

  Example what it is to despise other. Example of patience.
• * 1.5

  Anno. 826.
• * 1.6

  Of this victory went a prouerb Riuuscruore rubuit ruina restitit, foetor•• tabuit.
• * 1.7

  This land first called Anglia.
• * 1.8

  Anno. 833.
• * 1.9

  Danes now the second tyme en∣tred in this land.
• * 1.10

  Anno. 834.
• * 1.11

  Fabian. cap. 158.

  Rog. Houed. Lab. 5. cap. 1.
• * 1.12

  England fiue tym••s plagued by other natiōs.
• * 1.13

  Ex Rog. Ho∣ued. Lib. 5.
• * 1.14

  Anno. 837.
• * 1.15

  A place in Fabi∣an to be amen∣ded.
• * 1.16

  Guliel. Lib, de gestis pont. Anglor. sayth this Pope was Leo iiij.
• * 1.17

  Anno. 844.
• * 1.18

  Priuiledges and temporalties graunted to the Church by king Ethelwulfe.
• * 1.19

  Ex Flor. Hist.
• * 1.20

  Pro remis. Note the blinde ignoraunce and erroneous tea∣ching in those dayes.
• * 1.21

  Peter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 through the whole Realme graunted 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rome. Money be∣stowed to burne day light.
• * 1.22

  Note here the holy and hole∣some coun∣sailers and doynges of the spiritual Lordes.
• * 1.23

  Ludouicus Pius, Empe∣rour king of Fraunce.
• * 1.24

  Fredericke Byshop of Vtricke.
• * 1.25

  Byshop Fri∣dericke o∣penly ad∣monishe••h the Empe∣rour at the table.
• * 1.26

  Note, that were ii. Iu∣dithes one the mother of Carolus Caluus, the other his daughter, whom king Ethelwulfe did marry.
• * 1.27

  Fridericke Byshop of Vtricke iud∣ged of some a Martyr. Example of the women more ready to reuenge then the man.
• * 1.28

  Swithinus Bishop of Winche∣ster.
• * 1.29

  Example of a kind scho∣ler to hys scholemay∣ster.
• * 1.30

  Monkishe miracles fayned of Swithinus.
• * 1.31

  Pope Leo iij. Stephen. iiij. Pascalis i. Eugenius .ij. Valenti∣nus .j. Gregory. iiij.

  A generall Synode at Aquil graue. Euerye Church to haue suffi∣cient to finde hys owne Priestes.

  Pretious garmentes of scarlet or, other riche colour for∣bidden men of the Cler∣gy.

  Great fa∣milies not lawfull for men of the Clergy. Ringe•• and gold in their shoes forbidden. The feast of all Sainctes first orday∣ned.

  Pope Ser∣gius .ij.

  When the Popes names be∣gan the first to be alte∣red.

  Agnus thrise song at the Masse.

  The hoste deuided in three partes. Pope Leo the 4.
• * 1.32

  No Byshop by the Popes law to be con∣demned vnder 72. witnesses. The golden crosse first borne before the pope.
• * 1.33

  A woman Pope called Ioan. viij. The Church of Rome after their Masse of the holy Ghost may erre.
• * 1.34

  Pope Benedi∣ctus. iij.

  Dirge for the dead.
• * 1.35

  Pope Nicolas the first.
• * 1.36

  The mariage of priestes begon to be forbiddē.
• * 2.1

  Anno. 867.
• * 2.2

  A letter writ∣ten to Pope Ni∣colas concer∣ning Priestes not to refrayne from Mariage.
• * 2.3

  Priestes Mari∣age in the olde law permitted, in the new law not forbidden.
• * 2.4

  The inconueni∣ence of single life.
• * 2.5

  The saying of the Apostle, let euery one haue hys own wife.
• * 2.6

  This Decree is contrary to the Bishops and Prelates in Queene Maryes tyme.
• * 2.7

  More then 6000 heads of infantes found in the Popes more tho∣rough the wicked de∣cree of the single lyfe of priestes. Let Priestes note well the saying of Gregory.
• * 2.8

  August ad Donatum.
• * 2.9

  Note well the saying of Austen.
• * 2.10

  August.
• * 2.11

  What it is to marry in the Lord.
• * 2.12

  What a vir∣gine is by the diffini∣tion of the Apostle.
• * 2.13

  August ad Bonifaciō.
• * 2.14

  The absurde saying and contrary during of papistes.
• * 2.15

  Gregorius.
• * 2.16

  2. Tim. 3.
• * 2.17

  Inuenitur bee Episto∣la in vetu∣stis mēbra∣naceis li∣bris (testā∣et Illyrico in Catolo∣go) Memi∣uit eiusdem Epistola deutas Syluius, in sua peregrinati∣one, & Germa∣nia descripti∣one.
• * 2.18

  Pope Hadrian the second. Iohn. ••. Martine ij. Hadrian. iij. Steuen v.
• * 2.19

  Ex vetusto ex∣emplo historia, Catian••. W.C. ••.
• * 3.1

  The cause of Gods wrath, wher••by the Realme of Eng∣land was scou••∣ged by the Danes.
• * 3.2

  An other cause rendred, why England was scourged of the Danes.
• * 3.3

  The first entring of the Dane. Ex historia Iornalensi.
• * 3.4

  Example, what mischiefe com∣meth by adulte∣ry.
• * 3.5

  Codrinus king of Denmarke.
• * 3.6

  Inguar and Hubba cap∣taynes of the Danes.
• * 3.7

  An other cause of the comming of the Danes.
• * 3.8

  Lothbroke fa∣ther to Inguar, and Hubba.
• * 3.9

  What miserable enuy worketh.
• * 3.10

  Murther will out.
• * 3.11

  K. Ethelwulphe deceaseth.
• * 3.12

  An. 857.
• * 3.13

  King Ethel∣bald. K. Ethel∣bright.
• * 3.14

  An. 867.
• * 3.15

  King Ethe••∣dred. Yorke bu••∣ned by the Danes.
• * 3.16

  What dis∣cord doth in a commo••••wealth.
• * 3.17

  An. 870.
• * 3.18

  S. Edmund king of Eastangles
• * 3.19

  The mes∣sage of the Danes to K. Edmund.
• * 3.20

  The aun∣swere of K. Edmund.
• * 3.21

  The perse∣cution and death of S. Edmund king of the Eastangles.
• * 3.22

  K. Edmund Martyr.
• * 3.23

  Redyng ta∣ken of the Danes.
• * 3.24

  Inguar and Hubba slayne.
• * 3.25

  Duke E∣thelwold slayne.
• * 3.26

  Osrike king of Denmark landeth in England.
• * 3.27

  Ex Guliel. Malmesbo∣riensi.

  Ex historia lornalensi. Ex Fabiano & alijs.

  Inuocation and prayer, profitable in tyme of battayle.
• * 3.28

  The Danes ouerthrown at Ashdon.
• * 3.29

  Another battayle fought with the Danes. Another battayle fought with Danes at Merton.
• * 3.30

  What dis∣cord and re∣bellion doth in a realme.
• * 3.31

  The death of Ethel∣dred.
• * 3.32

  The Abbey of Exceter founded.
• * 3.33

  An. 872.
• * 3.34

  Alured K. of Eng∣land.
• * 3.35

  Ex Rog. Houe∣deno. H. Hunting. Polychronicon. Fabiano.
• * 3.36

  Burhered being expulsed hys kingdome went to Rome and there dyed in the Englishe house.
• * 3.37

  Rollo a Dane first Duke of Normandy.
• * 3.38

  Anno. 879.
• * 3.39

  King Alfrede flyeth into a desert wood.
• * 3.40

  Etheling which is to say the Ile of Nobles.
• * 3.41

  A swineheard made Byshop of Winchester.
• * 3.42

  Henr. Hunting. lib. 5. de. Histor. Angl.
• * 3.43

  Inguar and Hubby slayne.
• * 3.44

  A bold aduen∣ture or attempt of king Alfrede, ventring himself into the tentes of the Danes.
• * 3.45

  Ex Fabiano.
• * 3.46

  Gutrum the Prince of the Danes was Christened.
• * 3.47

  King Gutrum named Athel∣stane.
• * 3.48

  Norfo•••••• Suffolke geuen▪ to king Gu∣trum.
• * 3.49

  The Nun•••• of Shaftes∣bury buil∣ded.

  The Mona∣stery of E∣theling. The new minster at Winchester besieged 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Danes.
• * 3.50

  An. 892.
• * 3.51

  The Danes driuen from Norfolke.
• * 3.52

  The Danes returne a∣gayne to Norfolke••
• * 3.53

  The Danes driuen out of Chester.
• * 3.54

  The Danes driuen from Lewes.
• * 3.55

  The riuer of Luye deui∣ded in three.
• * 3.56

  3. plagues in England.
• * 3.57

  An. 897.
• * 3.58

  The Danes ships taken.
• * 3.59

  An. 899.
• * 3.60

  The vertues and godly lyfe of kyng Alfrede de∣scribed.
• * 3.61

  The incli∣nation of nature cor∣rected in K. Alfrede.
• * 3.62

  The godly petition of king Al∣frede.
• * 3.63

  Modwen∣na.
• * 3.64

  King Alu∣red how he deuided hys goodes in two partes.
• * 3.65

  Polycron. Lib. 5. ca. 1. Guliel. lib. de regibus.
• * 3.66

  The liberall hart of king Alfrede.
• * 3.67

  How well and godly this king spent his tyme▪
• * 3.68

  The godly lawes of King Alfrede.
• * 3.69

  A notable ex∣ample of thi••∣••ery and felony banished thys Realme.
• * 3.70

  Ex histori•• lornalensi.
• * 3.71

  King Alfrede commended for learning.
• * 3.72

  When learning first began to be set vp in England.
• * 3.73

  Chester a place of learning. The Vniuersitie of Graunchester by Cambridge.
• * 3.74

  The vniuersitie of Paris 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be∣gan by iiij. Ra∣banus, Alcui∣nus, Claudius, Ioan. Scotus.
• * 3.75

  Sigebert king of Eastangle•• a scepter of Schooles.
• * 3.76

  Two a••ncient schooles in England, one for Greeke, the other for latine.
• * 3.77

  Ex historia Guliel. de Re∣gibus Ang.
• * 3.78

  Pleimondus teacher to king Alfred, and af∣ter Bishop of Canterbury.
• * 3.79

  Bookes transla∣ted out of latine by K. Alfrede.
• * 3.80

  None permit∣ted to haue any dignitie in the court except he were learned. Polycron. lib. 6. cap. 1.
• * 3.81

  The Psalter translated into English by king Alfrede.
• * 3.82

  The cause why the king turned latine bookes into English.
• * 3.83

  Learned men sent for and pla∣ced about the king.
• * 3.84

  The dia∣loges of Gregory translated Neotus •• Abbot. The schole and vniuer∣sitie of Ox¦ford first begonne••▪ King Al∣frede. The new•• Colledge in Oxford Ioan. ••••••∣tus.
• * 3.85

  The aun∣swere of Ioannes Scotus to the French king.
• * 3.86

  Ioan Sco∣tus transla∣ted Hierar∣chiam Dio∣n••tij. from Greek to Latine.
• * 3.87

  The booke of Ioan∣nes Sco∣tus called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Ioannes Scotus adi∣cted more to the Greeke Churche then the Latine. Ioan Scotus accused of the pope for an here∣tike.
• * 3.88

  Ioannes Scotus slayne by hys owne scollers.
• * 3.89

  Ioan Scotus a Martyr.
• * 3.90

  This Ethel∣witha buil∣ded first the house of Nunnes at Winche∣ster. The chil∣dren of K. Alfrede.
• * 3.91

  All hys daughters learned.
• * 3.92

  The decease of King Al∣fred.
• * 3.93

  An. 901.
• * 4.1

  Etheredus, Pl••imundus, Athelmus, Vl••elmus. Odo. Archb. of Canterbury.
• * 4.2

  9. Popes in ix. yeares at Rome▪
• * 4.3

  Fermosus first Pope.
• * 4.4

  Ex Chroni••o•• Sigeberti.
• * 4.5

  Schismes a∣mong the Popes.
• * 4.6

  Character ind••∣lebilis.
• * 4.7

  Whether the pope with hys Cardinals may erre.
• * 4.8

  Bonifacius 6. Pope. Stephen. 6. Pope.

  Ex Chroni. Martini pani∣tentiarij. Sigebert. Ex Polych. & alijs.
• * 4.9

  Pope Theodo∣rus. 2. Pope Iohn. 10. One councell burneth an o∣thers decrees.
• * 4.10

  Pope Benedi∣ctus. 4. Pope Leo. 5. imprisoned and vnpoped by hys own chaplayne.
• * 4.11

  Pope Christo∣ferus. 1.
• * 4.12

  Pope Sergius.
• * 4.13

  Pope Formosus after hys death be headed of Pope Sergius.
• * 4.14

  A false fayned myracle vpon the body of Formosus. Popish mira∣cles not to be credited.
• * 4.15

  Bearing of can∣dels on Candle∣mas day how it came vp.
• * 4.16

  Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 4.17

  Pope L••••••do. 1.
• * 4.18

  Pope 〈◊〉〈◊〉 11.
• * 4.19

  Harlo•••• this time ruled 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Rome.
• * 4.20

  P. Iohn. 1. P. Leo. 6. P. St•••• ••. restored.
• * 4.21

  Liuthpran••dus. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sis. lib. 3.
• * 4.22

  P. Steph. ••. P. Leo. ••. P. Mar•• ••. P. Agape∣tus. 2.
• * 4.23

  Ordo Cl••∣niacensis beginn••••.
• * 4.24

  King Ed∣ward the elder.
• * 4.25

  The Ed∣wardes be∣fore the ••••∣quest.
• * 4.26

  A compari∣son be∣tweene Al∣frede, and hys sonne Edward.
• * 4.27

  Vse and long exer∣cise of things ma∣keth perfe∣ctnes. Clyto E∣thelwold rebelleth agaynst K. Edward.
• * 4.28

  An. 904.
• * 4.29

  An. 913.
• * 4.30

  Ches••er re∣payred and enlarged. The Castle of Herford builded. Castles builded vp∣on the riuer of Auene, and Ouse. The townes of Towce∣tour and wigmore builded. The newe towne of Notting∣ham buil∣ded. Thilwall. Manchester repayred.
• * 4.31

  Elfleda. Cittyes, Townes, and Castles builded by Elfleda.
• * 4.32

  The lawes of king Al∣fred and K. Edward.
• * 4.33

  Note howe kinges of Eng∣land in tymes past had autho∣ritie in spirituall causes.
• * 4.34

  Anno. 925.
• * 4.35

  The Children of K Edward the elder.
• * 4.36

  Prince Ethel∣wald excell••nt in learning.
• * 4.37

  Galiel. de. Re∣gib. The bringing vp of K. Edwardes Children.
• * 4.38

  King Ethel∣stine, or Adel∣stane.
• * 4.39

  Duke Elfrede sodenly stroken by the hand of God for per∣iury.
• * 4.40

  Guliel. lib. de Regib. in vita Ethelstani.
• * 5.1

  The copie of an old Cart of K. Ethelstane.
• * 5.2

  Anno. 927.
• * 5.3

  Northumber∣land subdued to king Ethelstane. The Scots sub∣dued to the king of England. It is more ho∣nour to make a king, then to be a king.
• * 5.4

  A fabulous mi∣racle falsely re∣ported of king Athelstane.
• * 5.5

  Bristanus By∣shop.
• * 5.6

  Anno. 933.
• * 5.7

  A ridiculous mi∣racle forged vp∣on Bristanus Byshop of Winchester.
• * 5.8

  A miracle of soules aunswering Amen.
• * 5.9

  A sore bat∣taile sought at Brim∣ford.
• * 5.10

  An other vnlike my∣racle of K. Athelstan•• sword.
• * 5.11

  Odo Arch∣bishop of Cant.
• * 5.12

  Analanus.
• * 5.13

  The North Brittaynes brought to tribute.
• * 5.14

  The South Brittaynes subdued.
• * 5.15

  K. Ethel∣stane see∣keth the death of his owne bro∣ther.
• * 5.16

  A note to learne not to sowe dis∣corde be∣twixt bro∣ther and brother.
• * 5.17

  The cause of building Abbeyes examined.
• * 5.18

  Otho first Emperour of the Ger∣maine.
• * 5.19

  Precious iewels sent to king E∣thelstane from the French K.
• * 5.20

  Concerning one of the nayles wherewith our Sauiour Christ was crucified.
• * 5.21

  Kinges of Eng∣land gouernors as well in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ecclesiastical a•• ••••mporall.
• * 5.22

  Extractum on legib 〈◊〉〈◊〉 A∣thelstane.
• * 5.23

  alias 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 5.24

  alias minori∣bus.
• * 5.25

  alias scristes dictionum.
• * 5.26

  alias seruiti∣stimentalas.
• * 5.27

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 sunt.
• * 5.28

  alias seristes mensia 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 5.29

  in sua scrysi∣seyra.
• * 5.30

  A lawe how that maisters ought to con∣discend and beare sometime with their ser∣uauntes.

  The law of king Ethelstane con∣cerning tythes.
• * 5.31

  Tythes.
• * 5.32

  The K. woulde vsurpe no mans goodes wrong∣fully.
• * 5.33

  The law of K. Ethelstane con∣cerning fealous stealing aboue xii. d.

  Epitap. in E∣thelst.

  Sol illustrauit bisseno scorpion ortu. Cum regē cauda percu••••t ille sua.
• * 5.34

  Anno. 940.
• * 5.35

  Edmundus kyng of England.
• * 5.36

  Ex historia Ca∣riona.
• * 5.37

  Monkes put out of Eusham, the yeare of our Lord. 941.
• * 5.38

  The difference betweene Monkes and priestes.
• * 5.39

  Chastitie wrōg∣ly defined. Holy mariage by the definiti∣on of Paphnu∣tius is chastitie.
• * 5.40

  Monkes how they differed from Priestes, and how they first began in England.
• * 5.41

  Guliel. de ponti••••••••▪
• * 5.42

  The mon••∣stery of F••••riake.
• * 5.43

  Oswaldes Byshop of Yorke a great pa•••••••• of Monke∣ry. Guliel lin. 3. de pontif.
• * 5.44

  The orig•••• of monkery how it first began in England.
• * 5.45

  Dunstane Abbot of Glastonbu∣ry.
• * 5.46

  The sonnes of King Ed∣mund.
• * 5.47

  The imp••∣dent vanitie of the Popes Churche in forgyng false myra∣cles.

  Guliel. lib. 1. de pont. The mona∣stery of Glastonbu∣ry.

  Dunstane Abbot of Glostanbu∣ry.

  The Abbey of Glosten∣bury was first builded by K. Iue, by the coū∣sell of A∣delmus, after beyng de∣stroyed by the Danes. Guliel. lib. 2. de Regib.
• * 5.48

  The lawes of king Ed∣munde tou∣ching as well the state spiri∣tuall as temporall.
• * 5.49

  Vlstanus Archbishop of Yorke. Odo Arch. of Canter∣bury.
• * 5.50

  Guliel. de pont. lib. 1. Polycron. lib. 6. ca. 6.
• * 5.51

  Odo made monke at Floriake, af∣ter he was Archb. of Cāterbury. Guliel. de pont. lib. 1.
• * 5.52

  Guliel. lib. 3. de pont. Ebor.
• * 5.53

  The diffe∣rence of ha∣bite and garmentes among men of the Church.
• * 5.54

  False and lying myra∣cles noted vpon Odo.
• * 5.55

  A note to the reader.
• * 5.56

  Transub∣stantiation not yet re∣ceaued.
• * 6.1

  The letter of Odo Archb. to the prelates
• * 7.1

  Elsinus Archb. of Caunt. elect. S. Edmundes¦bury.
• * 7.2

  The children of King Edmund.
• * 7.3

  Anno. 946.
• * 7.4

  Edrede gouer∣nour of the Realme.
• * 7.5

  Dunstane made byshop of Wir∣ceter and after of London.
• * 7.6

  With lye and all.
• * 7.7

  K. Edwyne.
• * 7.8

  Anno. 955.
• * 7.9

  The king sus∣pensed by the Archbishop. K. Edwyne an e∣nemye to Monkes.
• * 7.10

  Monkes put out, and se∣cul••r priestes placed in their roomes.
• * 7.11

  The death of K. Edwyne.
• * 7.12

  Anno. 959.
• * 7.13

  K. Edgar called Pacificus.
• * 7.14

  Dunstane made Bysh. of Worce∣ter, and of Lon∣don.

  Ex hist. Rog. Houenden. Spirituall li∣uinges geuen by the king, and not by the Pope.
• * 7.15

  Oswald•••• byshop of Worceter and after •• Yorke, E∣thelw•••••• byshop of Wint. a great ••••••tayner of Monkery.

  An. 96••.

  Ex Guliel. Malm••s••••rie•••• de go∣stis pon•••••• A••g.
• * 7.16

  Monkishe dreames.
• * 7.17

  Dreames not necessa∣ry to be re∣garded. Difference of dreames.
• * 7.18

  How and whē monks first began to swarme in England, Dunstane, Ethelwold, Oswald, three set∣ters vp of Monkishe religion. 40. Mona∣steries buil∣ded and re∣payred by K. Edgar. Priestes thrust out of Cathe∣drall hou∣ses, and monkes set in.
• * 7.19

  Roger Ho∣ueden lib. Continua∣tionum, post Bedā. Chronicon Iornalense▪ Guliel. de gestis pon∣tifi. lib. 1.
• * 7.20

  Oswald Byshop of Wytceter. and Archb. of Yorke.

  The pollicy of Oswald in driuing out priestes to place in Monkes.
• * 7.21

  An 969.
• * 7.22

  Galiel. lib. 3. de. Gest. pontifi. Chr. Iornalense. in vita Ed∣gar••.
• * 7.23

  Prebenda∣ries and Priestes slacke in their duety.
• * 7.24

  Priestes voyded of Cathedrall Churches, and monkes set in.
• * 7.25

  The diffe∣rence order, and institu∣tion of Monkes ex∣amined.
• * 7.26

  Two sortes of Monkes in the pri∣mitiue Church.

  Cassianus. lib. 2. cap. 4. de canon. N••ctor. orat.
• * 7.27

  Two sortes of lay men.

  Monkes in the olde tyme were no other but lay men, leading a stricte lyfe.

  August. de. mor▪ ecclesia. Hieron. ad Heliodor. Dionysius. Concilium Chalced. Can. A.

  Monkes forbid∣den to inter∣meddle with matters ecclesi∣asticall.
• * 7.28

  Monkes diffe∣ring frō Priests. Monkes in the primitiue tyme differyng from Monkes in the ij. age of the Church.

  August de in∣stitutis mona∣chorum.
• * 7.29

  Zozomen lib. 3. cap. 16.
• * 7.30

  Monkes of the primitiue time were no clerks, but mere lay men.
• * 7.31

  Monkes of the old tyme some marryed, none restrayned from mariage.
• * 7.32

  Athanasius epi∣stola ad Dracō.
• * 7.33

  Superstition crept in with monkery.

  The ignoraunce of our free iusti∣fication by Christ, is the cause of all su∣perstition.
• * 7.34

  Ex Cassia cap. 17. collat. 2. 〈…〉〈…〉.
• * 7.35

  Example •• de∣claring the blinde supersti∣tion of the Monkes of the olde tyme.
• * 7.36

  Cassianus lib. de spiritu Gastri∣marg. cap. 40.
• * 7.37

  Superstition.
• * 7.38

  Cassian. lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 7.39

  Monkery mo∣ther of supersti∣tion and hipo∣crisie.
• * 7.40

  Basilius Mag∣nus. Nazianzenus.
• * 7.41

  Monkes of the middle and lat∣ter age of the church descri∣bed.
• * 7.42

  Causes of the founding of monasteries and Nunneries ten∣ding to the de∣rogation of Christes passion and Christian fayth.
• * 7.43

  Most part of monasteries were builded vpon some murther.
• * 7.44

  The order of Monkes Cluniac••. by Otho•• vp in King Edgars time.
• * 7.45

  Monarch flagellants▪
• * 7.46

  Monkes are subiect and ruled by the knocke of a bell.
• * 7.47

  Monkes made spiri∣tuall mini∣sters contra∣trary to the old decrees and custome of the Church.
• * 7.48

  Priestes is King Ed∣gars tyme had wyues.
• * 7.49

  The worthy actes of K. Edgar.
• * 7.50

  The King a good iusti∣ciarie. England re∣duced into one full and perfect mo∣narchie.
• * 7.51

  ••dgerus Rex Pacifi∣cu••.
• * 7.52

  King Edgar and King Alfrede compared together.
• * 7.53

  A note for men of no∣bilitie to marke.
• * 7.54

  A notable example of a prince to admonishe all princes what to do.
• * 7.55

  Wolues first driuen out of Englend.
• * 7.56

  The proui∣sion of kyng Edgar in keeping the seas.
• * 7.57

  A notable example in a prince, for all good princes to marke and to follow.
• * 7.58

  The deuise of K. Edgar to auoyde dronkennes.
• * 7.59

  Vlij. kinges do homage to K. Edgar
• * 7.60

  The Glory of king Edgar re∣prehended.
• * 7.61

  Wherein kinges ought to glory.
• * 7.62

  K. Edgar a su∣perstitious vp∣holder of Mon∣kery. Ex Edmero.
• * 7.63

  Vices noted in King. Edgar.
• * 7.64

  King Edgar cir∣cumuented by one of hys own counsell.
• * 7.65

  Cruelty in king Edgar noted.
• * 7.66

  Great detri∣ment happening in this Realme by King Edgar.
• * 7.67

  W. Malmesb.
• * 7.68

  The incontinent life of King Ed∣gar. Editha base daughter of Wilfrede the kinges lemman.
• * 7.69

  Edward borne in bastardie of Elflede. King Edwardes con∣cubine.
• * 7.70

  King Edgar a great mayn∣tayner of mon∣kery.
• * 7.71

  K. Edgar sedu∣ced by Dunstane and Ethelwold bishop of Win∣chester.
• * 7.72

  Ex Osberno in vita Dunstani Fol. 27. Mal∣mesb. Houeden & alijs.
• * 7.73

  The death of K. Edgar.
• * 7.74

  Ex Chronico Saxonico Eccle∣sia Wigornensis.
• * 7.75

  Ex Osberno in vita. Dunstani.
• * 7.76

  Dunstane refu∣seth to take the king by the hand.

  The wordes of Dunstane to K. Edgar.
• * 7.77

  Penance enioyned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 K. Edgar 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Dunstane.
• * 7.78

  K. Edward raygned 〈◊〉〈◊〉 three years crowned king.
• * 7.79

  Elflede pro∣ued a Nūne and Ed∣ward her sonne a ba∣stard.
• * 7.80

  Errours in Malmesbe∣ry, and re∣tayne other Monkes ••••∣r••••s.

  The 1. error. The kinges penaunce not enioy∣ned for E∣dith but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Edward.

  The 2. error. Elflede the mother of Edward proued to be a profes∣sed Nunne.
• * 7.81

  The lying myracles of Elflede, Dunstane and Editha reproued.
• * 7.82

  Idolatrous worship∣ping the tumbe of Alflede.
• * 7.83

  The idle phantasies and forged myracles of Dunstane.
• * 7.84

  A doubt whether Dunstane was a sorce∣rer.
• * 7.85

  Dunstane a post ••etter.
• * 7.86

  Dunstane caught the deuill by the nose with an hote payre of tonges. Our Lady appeareth t•• Dun∣stane.

  What mar∣uell if cer∣tayn bookes and epistles be falsly in∣tituled to the Do∣ctours whē the papistes shame not to ascribe other mens verses also to the vir∣gin Mary her selfe. A foule fil∣thy Mon∣kish myra∣cle in the story of E∣ditha.

  An other dreame of Dunstane.
• * 7.87

  Ex. W. Mal∣mesteriensi & Capgra∣uo in legend ••oua.
• * 7.88

  The death of K. Edgar.
• * 7.89

  An Epitaph commenda∣torie of king Edgar, written by H. Hunting∣ton.
• * 7.90

  Sonday first halowed from sater∣day at ix. of the clocke, to monday morning.
• * 7.91

  An. 975.
• * 7.92

  The story of king Ed∣ward. Ex Simone Durham. Contention amongst the Lordes a∣bout the putting in of Monkes.
• * 7.93

  Contention a∣mongst the Lordes for cha∣sing the king.
• * 7.94

  Edward the ba∣starde made K. and the right heyre put back.
• * 7.95

  Ex Osberne. Nic. Trinet. Ioan. Paris. Vincentio. Antonino.
• * 7.96

  Editha proued not to be the childe for whom King Edgar was en∣ioyned penance.
• * 7.97

  The yeares of Editha and Ed∣ward, cast by the supputation of Legendes and stories.
• * 7.98

  King Edward called martir proued to be a bastard.
• * 7.99

  The cause per∣pended why thys story of K. Edward is so falsely corrup∣ted in Monkish •• stories.
• * 7.100

  Malmesb. in lib. de Regibus.
• * 7.101

  Dunstane su∣borneth Editha the bastard to take the crowne from the right heyre.

  Ex Capgrauo in vita sanctae E∣dithae.
• * 7.102

  Duke Alphe∣rus.
• * 7.103

  Priestes with their wiues re∣stored.
• * 7.104

  Historia Iornae∣lensis in vitae Edgari.
• * 7.105

  Byshops and Priestes in those dayes, maryed in England.
• * 7.106

  Iornalens. de In eo Rego.
• * 7.107

  Ex Chronico Ingulphi Abba∣tis de Crowland.
• * 7.108

  Great••nes in the land abo•••• placing Monkes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 displacing Priestes.
• * 7.109

  A cont••••∣uersie be∣tweene Priestes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Monkes.

  Priestes ••••••riage 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for an 〈◊〉〈◊〉 custo•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 England.

  The obie••••••••on of prie•••• agaynst the Monkes.

  Guliel de Regib. lib. ••. The aun∣swere of Monkes a∣gaynst the Priestes.
• * 7.110

  Maryed mens liues compared with the lyfe of Monkes.
• * 7.111

  An. 977.
• * 7.112

  A vayne mi∣racle of Dunstanes roode that spake.
• * 7.113

  Here lac••e•• a Thomas Crome•••••• to try out false iug∣ling.
• * 7.114

  An other assembly called at Calue.
• * 7.115

  Dunstane an enemy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Priestes wiues.
• * 7.116

  A sodayne fall of the people at the councell of Calue. Henricus. lib 5. Guliel. Ranulph. Iornalen∣sis. Fabian.
• * 7.117

  The horri∣ble wicked∣nes of the Queene the mother.
• * 7.118

  K. Edward traterously murdered by hys step∣mother and her seruant.
• * 7.119

  K. Edward found dead, and buried, not knowne to be king. Coref Ca∣stle.
• * 7.120

  The body of king Ed∣ward after three yeares honorably taken vp and transla∣ted to Shaftesbu∣ry.
• * 7.121

  Two Nun∣neries foun∣ded vpon murther.
• * 7.122

  An. 979.
• * 7.123

  Three Ed∣ward kinges before the conquest.
• * 7.124

  Continuati∣on of the romish Bi∣shops or Popes. Pope Iohn xiii. a wic∣ked Pope.
• * 7.125

  Liuthpran∣dus. lib. 6.
• * 7.126

  As merry as pope Iohn, Prouerb.
• * 7.127

  Pope Iohn. xiii. depo∣sed.
• * 7.128

  Pope Iohn re∣stored.
• * 7.129

  Pope Iohn wounded in a∣dultery.
• * 7.130

  Pope Benedi∣ctus. 5.
• * 7.131

  Pope Leo. 8.
• * 7.132

  The election of the Byshop of Rome geuen to the Emperour.
• * 7.133

  The donations of Carolus Magnus and Otho to Rome. Pope Iohn. 14.
• * 7.134

  Pope Iohn 14. cast into prison.
• * 7.135

  The cruell re∣uenge of the pope.
• * 7.136

  Christening of belles first be∣gan.
• * 7.137

  Pope Benedi∣ctus. 6.

  Pope Benedict slayne in prison. Pope Donus. 2. Pope Bonifaci∣us. 7.
• * 7.138

  Two Popes to∣gether.

  Pope Iohn. 15.
• * 7.139

  Pope Iohn slayne.

  Pope Boniface drawne through the streetes of Rome.
• * 7.140

  Pope Benedi∣ctus. 7.

  Otho second Emperour.
• * 7.141

  Gilbertus a Necromanser made Archb.
• * 7.142

  Pope Iohn the 16.

  Pope Iohn the xviii.

  Pope Gregory the v.
• * 7.143

  Pope Iohn the viii.

  Two Popes to∣gether in Rome.
• * 7.144

  Pope Iohn had his eyes put out, and so put to death.
• * 7.145

  Pope Gregory restored.
• * 7.146

  Vii. electours of themperors or∣dayned in Ger∣many, and who they be.
• * 7.147

  Ex Chronico. Martini.
• * 7.148

  King Egelred.
• * 7.149

  Anno. 979.
• * 7.150

  The life of E∣gelred.
• * 7.151

  Anno. 981.
• * 7.152

  The coronation of Egelred.
• * 7.153

  The prophecie of Dunstane as monkishe sto∣ryes geue it.
• * 7.154

  The Danes recoursed to England.
• * 7.155

  Houeden, lib. continu∣ationum. London cō∣sumed with fire.

  The king warred a∣gainst the Byshop of Rochester.
• * 7.156

  An. 990.
• * 7.157

  The bloudy flixe and hote feuers reigned in this land. The death of Dun∣stane. Ethelgarus, Elfricus, Siricius, Elphegus, Archb. of Canterb.
• * 7.158

  An. 995.
• * 7.159

  The By∣shops sea of Dyrham.
• * 7.160

  London be∣sieged of the Danes.
• * 7.161

  The Dane spoyled the land.
• * 7.162

  Great tri∣bute leuied of the Eng∣lishmen. Danegelt.
• * 7.163

  The sor∣rowfull af∣fliction of the English nation.
• * 7.164

  What dissē∣tion and discorde doth amōg the nobles in a realme.
• * 7.165

  The pride and wret∣chednes of the Danes toward the English∣men.
• * 7.166

  Lord Dane.
• * 7.167

  Lurdaine.
• * 7.168

  Anno. 1000.
• * 7.169

  Henrie Ar∣chidiat. lib. 6.
• * 7.170

  The first ioyning be∣tweene the Norm. and Englishe men.

  King Egel∣red marieth Emma the Dukes daughter of Normandy. Richard Duke of Normandy. The Danes by secret cō∣mission slayne in e∣uery towne of England. Suanus K. of Den∣marke ari∣ueth in England. Exeter beat down.
• * 7.171

  Norwiche spoyled and wasted by the Danes.
• * 7.172

  Anno. 1004.
• * 7.173

  A tribute payd to the Danes of xxx.M. pound to haue peace.
• * 7.174

  The perse∣cution of Turkillus a Dane.
• * 7.175

  Euill coun∣sell about a king what hurt it doth.
• * 7.176

  The second re∣turne of Suanus into England.
• * 7.177

  The persecution of Suanus king of Danes.
• * 7.178

  Caunterbury besieged. Treason of a false Deacon.
• * 7.179

  Caunterbury takē and brent. The tything of the Monkes of Caunterbury. A cruell mur∣ther of the Danes.

  Elphegus the Archb. of Caūt. stoned to death.
• * 7.180

  Anno. 1013.
• * 7.181

  King Egelred driuen 〈…〉〈…〉 ile of Wig••••, from then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Normandy.
• * 7.182

  The vertue of Christen mens prayer.
• * 7.183

  The death and end of Suanus.
• * 7.184

  The Abbey of S. Edmundel∣burie builded.
• * 7.185

  King Egelred returneth into England. Canu∣tus cutteth of the noses and handes of hys pledges.
• * 7.186

  Canutus taketh Westsaxon.
• * 7.187

  A lessen for all Iudges and Iu∣stices.
• * 7.188

  Brybes.
• * 7.189

  Euill Iudges worse in a com∣mon wealth, then bloudy e∣nemies.
• * 7.190

  Wicked officers.
• * 7.191

  Agaynst wicked Iudges.
• * 7.192

  A wicked Iudge deposed and depriued by the king.
• * 7.193

  Anno. 1016.
• * 7.194

  Edmund Iron∣side sunne of Egelred, king.
• * 7.195

  Canutus sonne of Swanus, king.
• * 7.196

  The battayles betweene Ed∣mundus and Canutus.
• * 7.197

  A witty oration to stay bloud betweene 2. ar∣myes.
• * 7.198

  Two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fight 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to hand.
• * 7.199

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 murtherd king Ed∣mund.
• * 7.200

  Two so••ne of Edmund Y••onside.
• * 7.201

  Flattery 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fidelity 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vntrueth in English Lordes.
• * 7.202

  False vn∣faythfulnes, and vncon∣stant mo∣bilitie in Englishe Lordes and rewarded.
• * 7.203

  Duke E∣drike the false traytor and mur∣therer of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king, wor∣thely re∣warded for hys wicked falshode.
• * 7.204

  The end of pernicious traytours.
• * 7.205

  The brother of Edmund Yronside, banished, reconciled, and lastly slayne. Edmund and Ed∣ward two sonnes of Edmund Yronside sent out to be slayne. Canutus K. of Den∣marke. Canutus maryeth Emma▪ wife before of Egelred. Lawes of K. Edgar.
• * 7.206

  H••rold Harefoot K. of Eng∣lād a Dane.
• * 7.207

  Anno. 1039.
• * 7.208

  Hardecknout king last of the Danes that reigned in England. Erle God∣wyn.
• * 7.209

  The misera∣ble wret∣chednes of Godwyn agaynst the Normands. The Nor∣mandes ty∣thed: and yet the tenthes reti∣thed agayn. Alfredus sonne of E∣gelred right heyre of the crowne, tor∣mented with cruell death. The cause expended, why God suffered this land to be conquered by the Nor∣mandes. Example of Gods righ∣teous iudge∣ment.
• * 7.210

  The death of K. Harde∣knout.
• * 7.211

  The sonnes of Erle Godwyn.
• * 7.212

  The story of Alfred re∣peated.
• * 7.213

  Taken out of the english sto∣ry or chronicle compiled of cer∣tayne englishe Clerkes.
• * 7.214

  Alfred of Al••∣red sonne of K. Egelred.
• * 7.215

  Ex historia ig∣nati autori••.
• * 7.216

  Gunilda wife to Henricus the Emperour.
• * 7.217

  Canutus went to Rome. The hospitall builde at Rome for English p••••∣grimes. Rome shote confirmed by Canutus.
• * 7.218

  The Cathedral Churche of Wintchest▪ in∣ritched by Ca∣nutus. S. Benets in Norfolke buil∣ded.
• * 7.219

  Bury Abbey turned to Monkes.
• * 7.220

  Flatterers and clawbackes a∣bout Princes.
• * 7.221

  Canutus char∣geth the sea to stand backe, but it would not be.
• * 7.222

  A lesson nota∣ble for kinges and Princes.
• * 7.223

  God onely the king of all kings and Lord of Lordes.
• * 7.224

  The kinges crowne put on a roode.
• * 7.225

  Kinges of Eng∣land haue as much right in causes spirituall as temporall.
• * 7.226

  Certaine lawes of K. Canutus for the ordering of matters ec∣clesiasticall.
• * 7.227

  Adultresse wo∣man to loose their eares and noses.
• * 7.228

  Anno. 104••.
• * 7.229

  King Ed∣ward the con••ellour.
• * 7.230

  England a••∣flicted by the Danes the space of 255. yeares.
• * 7.231

  K. Edward crowned.
• * 7.232

  Holy king Edward a virgine i•• maryage.
• * 7.233

  Methe i•• Greeke sig∣nifieth dr••∣kennes.
• * 7.234

  Aceasation of the Archbish. against Em∣ma, the kinges mo∣ther.
• * 7.235

  False accu∣sation pur∣ged by hote yron.
• * 7.236

  A straunge thing if it were true. and with∣out false conueyance.
• * 7.237

  Great snow and morta∣litie in Eng∣land.
• * 7.238

  Variaunce betweene the king and Godwyn.
• * 7.239

  Godwyn with hys v. sonnes out∣lawed. Godwyn reconciled to the king vpon pled∣ges geuen.
• * 7.240

  William D. of Norman∣dy came in∣to England to king Ed∣ward.
• * 7.241

  Marianus Scotus, whē he liued. The end and death of vngodly Godwyn. Ex lorna. Malmesbe∣riensi. Polydor. Fabiano & alijs. Gods iust punishment vpon God∣wyn, for the murthering of Alphred. Periurie plagued. Edward the outlawe sonne of Edmund Yronside sent for to England.
• * 7.242

  Anno. 1056.
• * 7.243

  The death of Edward, sonne of Edmond Yronside.
• * 7.244

  William Duke of Normandy admitted heyre to the crowne.
• * 7.245

  The enuy and discorde of bre∣thren.
• * 7.246

  Vngracious children of a wicked father.
• * 7.247

  A place of Po∣lydorus Virg. examined.
• * 7.248

  Harold taken of the Normands.
• * 7.249

  Harold promi∣seth Duke Wil∣liam to marry hys daughter, and to keepe the realme for hys behoofe.
• * 7.250

  Erle Leofricus euer true and faythfull to hys prince.

  How Couentry was made free. Godina wife to Leofricus.
• * 7.251

  The Abby of Couentry builded by Leo∣fricus.
• * 7.252

  Edward the outlaw.

  Edgar Edeling.

  Margaret Queene of Scottes.

  Matilde Queene of England.

  Dauid King of Scots.

  The death of King Edward.

  Westminster re∣payred.

  Guliel. Mal∣mesber.

  Ex lornalen.

  Ex Historia Ri∣chardi. 2. iussu composita.

  The lawes of K. Edward.
• * 7.253

  Ex Mathaeo pa∣riensi. William Con∣querour sworne to K. Edwardes lawes, yet went from it.
• * 7.254

  Ex libro Reg. antiquorum in praetorio Londi∣nensi. The office of a king described in the lawes of K. Edward.
• * 7.255

  A king the vi∣care of God in earth.
• * 7.256

  The limits of the kingdome of England how farre they doe extend.
• * 7.257

  The office of a king farther de∣scribed.
• * 7.258

  〈…〉〈…〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to haue 〈…〉〈…〉 iec••ion.
• * 7.259

  Anno. 1066.
• * 7.260

  Harold 〈◊〉〈◊〉 K. of Sax∣ons.
• * 7.261

  Harold king of Den∣marke and Tostius slayne.
• * 7.262

  The Pope sendeth a banner to Duke W. vpon bone v••age into England.
• * 7.263

  Duke Wil∣liam lan∣deth at H••∣stinges.
• * 7.264

  Three cau∣ses why Duke Wil∣liam entred England.
• * 7.265

  Three con∣ditions offe∣red to Ha∣rold by D. William.
• * 7.266

  The fight betweene Harold and Duke Wil∣liam.
• * 7.267

  K. Harold slayne.
• * 7.268

  The con∣sanguinitie betweene K. Edward and Willi∣am Con∣querour.
• * 7.269

  Murther iustly re∣compen∣sed.
• * 7.270

  Archbi∣shops of Caunterb.
• * 7.271

  Liningus. Egelmo∣thus. Robertus. Stigandus.
• * 7.272

  The decay of the Church.
• * 7.273

  Pope Silue∣ster. 2.
• * 7.274

  Siluester the. 2▪ a soule sorcerer.
• * 7.275

  Ioannes Stella. Platina. Petrus Praemo∣stratensis. Nancle••us. Antoninus. Robertus Bar∣nus. Ioannes Baleus.
• * 7.276

  Ex Ioan Stella.
• * 7.277

  An admonition for sorcerers and wicked coniu∣••ers.
• * 7.278

  The feast of all soules brou••ht into the church▪
• * 7.279

  Benedictus the 9.
• * 7.280

  Gregorius the 6.
• * 7.281

  A constitution no pope to be chosen but by the confirmati∣on of the Em∣perour.
• * 7.282

  Pope Clemens the. 2.
• * 7.283

  Pope Dama∣sus the 2.
• * 7.284

  Pope Leo the 9.
• * 7.285

  Concilium Mo∣guntinum. Nauclerus Crantz.
• * 7.286

  Alb. Cranz. Saxo. lib. 4. Cap. 45.
• * 7.287

  Pope victor the 2.
• * 7.288

  Concilium Flo∣rentinum.
• * 7.289

  Pope Stephan the ix.

  The Church of Millan first brought vnder the Church of Rome.

  The Emperour accused of he∣resie.
• * 7.290

  Hildebrand sent in commis∣sion for simonie.
• * 7.291

  Hildeb•••••••• beginne•••• to stune▪
• * 7.292

  Pope Be∣nedictus. 10.
• * 7.293

  Pope Nico∣laus the 2. Two Popes together at Rome.

  Pope Ben•• vnpopeth himselfe.
• * 7.294

  The glose of the popes decrees ••••∣futed.
• * 7.295

  Concilium Lateranū.
• * 7.296

  Anno 1059.
• * 7.297

  Dist. 23. cap. In no.
• * 7.298

  A terrible curse of Pope Nico∣laus.
• * 7.299

  Berengarius driuen to recantation.
• * 7.300

  Transub∣stantiation brought in∣to the Church.
• * 7.301

  Nauclerus. Platina. Eneas Sil.
• * 7.302

  Potentia papa Coa∣ctina stan∣deth not with the Gospell.
• * 7.303

  Anno. 1062.
• * 7.304

  Henricus. 4. Emperour.
• * 7.305

  The Popes curse com∣pared to Domicianus thunder.
• * 7.306

  Aldredus Archbishop of Yorke.
• * 7.307

  Tostius how he perswaded the Pope.
• * 7.308

  Cadolus a Lombard made Pope by the Em∣perour.
• * 7.309

  Pope Alex∣ander the .2.
• * 7.310

  Two bat∣tayles be∣twixt two Popes for S. Peters seate.
• * 7.311

  Concilium Mantuanū.
• * 7.312

  Alleluya suspended in the time of Lent.
• * 7.313

  A decree that no secular man should geue a spirituall pro∣motion.

  Benno Cardi∣nalis.
• * 7.314

  Pope Alexan∣der knockt a∣bout the pa••e by Hildebrand.
• * 8.1

  Psal. 43.
• * 8.2

  Gene ••4. Exod. 32.
• * 8.3

  Nume. 25. Actes. 5.8.
• * 8.4

  Deut. 33.
• * 8.5

  The ignora••nce and superstition of the tyme of K. Edgar noted.
• * 8.6

  The doctrine of iustification vn∣knowne.
• * 8.7

  Iustification by fayth in Christ.
• * 8.8

  S. Dun∣stanes harpe vpon the wall, fast by a pinne did hang •• Without mans helpe with lye and all, and by it self did twang••.