Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

THE SIXT PART OR SECTION, pertaining to the last 300. yeares. (Book 6)

A preface to the reader.

ACcording to the fiue sondry diuersities and alterations of the Churche, so haue I deuided hetherto the order of thys presente Church story into fiue principall partes, euery part containing 300. yeares. So that nowe comming to the laste 300. yeares, that is, to the last times of the Church, counting from the time of Wickleffe: For as muche as in the compasse of the sayd last 300 yeres, are contained great troubles and perturbations of the Church, with the meruailous reformation of the same through the wonderous o∣peration of the almighty, all which things cannot be comprehended in one booke, I haue therefore disposed the sayd latter 30. yeares, into diuers bookes, beginning nowe with the sixt booke, at the raigne of king Henry the vj. In which booke, beside the greeuous and sundry persecutions raised vp by Antichrist, to be noted, here in is also to be obserued, that where as it hath of long time bene recey∣ued and thought of the common people, that this religion now generally vsed, hath sprong vp and risen but of late, euen by the space (as many do thinke) of 20. or 30. yeares, it may now manifestly appeare, not onely by the Acts and Monuments heretofore passed, but also by the hystories here after following, howe this profession of Christes religion hath bene spread abroade in Englande of olde and auncient time, not onely from the space of these 200. late yeares, from the time of Wyckleffe, but hathe continually from time to time sparkled abroade, although the flames thereof haue neuer so perfectly burst out, as they haue done within these hundred yeares and more: As by these hystories here collected & gathered out of Registers, especially of the Diocesse of Norwich, shall manifestly appeare: wherein may be seene what men, and how many both men and women within the sayde Diocesse of Norwich, haue bene, which haue defended the same cause of doctrine, which now is receiued by vs in the Church. Which persones althoughe then they were not so strongly armed in their cause and quarel, as of late yeres they haue bene, yet were they warriours in Christes churche, and fought for their power, in the same cause. And although they gaue backe through tyrannie, yet iudge thou the best good Reader, and referre the cause therof to God, who reuealeth all things according to his determined will and appoynted time.

* 1.1THis yong prince being vnder the age of one yeare, after the death of his father,* 1.2 succeeded in his reigne and kingdom of England, Anno 1422. and in the 8. yeare was crowned at Westminster: and the 2. yeare after was crowned also at Paris, Henry bishop of Win∣chester, Cardinall being present at them both,* 1.3 & raigned 38. yeres, and then was deposed by Edwarde the 4. as heere after (Christ willing) shall be declared in his time.* 1.4 In the firste yeare of his raigne was burned the constant witnesse bea∣rer and testis of Christes doctrine, William Tailour, a Priest vnder Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Canterbu∣ry. Of this William Tailour I read,* 1.5 that in the dayes of Thomas Arundell, hee was first apprehended, and abiu∣red. Afterwarde in the daies of Henry Chichesley, aboute the yeare of our Lorde 1421. which was a yeare before hys burning, the said William Tailour appeared again in the conuocation before the Archbishop being brought by the Bishop of Worcester, being complained of to haue taught at Bristow these Articles folowing.

* 1.6First, that whosoeuer, hangeth any scripture about his necke, taketh away the honor due onely to God, & geueth it to the Deuill.

Secondly, that no humaine persone is to be worship∣ped, but onely God is to be adored.

Thirdly, that the Saints are not to be worshipped nor inuocated.

Upon these Articles the sayde William Tailour being examined, denied that he did preache or hold them in way of defending them, but only did commune and talke vpon the same, especially vpon the second and third article, only in way of reasoning, and for argument sake. And to iustify his opiniō to be true in that which he did hold, he brought out of his bosome a paper or libell wrytten, wherein were contained certaine Articles, wyth the testimonies of the Doctours alleaged, and exhibited the same vnto the arch∣bishop. Who then being bidde to stande aside, the Archby∣shop consulting together with the byshops and other pre∣lates, what was to be done in the matter, deliuered the wrytinges vnto M. Iohn Castle, and Iohn Rikinghale, the two vicechauncelors of Oxforde and Cambridge, and to Iohn Langdon monke of Canterbury. Who aduising with themselues, and with other deuines, about the Arti∣cles and allegations, on the monday following, presented the sayde Articles of William Tailour, to the Archbishop and Prelates, as erroneous and hereticall. Wherevppon William Tailour being called before them, in conclusion was contented to reuoke the same, and for hys penaunce was by them condemned to perpetuall prison.

Notwithstanding, through fauour they were conten∣ted, that he should be released from his carceral indurance, in case hee woulde putte in sufficient surety in the kinges Chancerye, and sweare that he shall neuer holde or fauour any such opinions hereafter. And thus the sayde William Tailor apoynted to appeare the next Wednesday at Lam∣beth before the Archbishoppe, to take his absolution from his long excommunication during y^e time from Thomas Arundell, appeared againe before him, where he laying a side his Arunlousa, that is: his cloke, his cap, and stripped vnto hys doublet, kneeled at the feete of the Archbyshop. Who then standing vp, and hauing a rodde in hys hande, began the Psalme Misere. &c. hys chaplaines aunswering the second verse.* 1.7 After that was sayde, the Collect, Deus cui proprium. &c. with certaine other prayers. And so taking an oth of him, the Archbishop committed him to the custo∣die of the Byshop of Worcester, to whome power and au∣thority was permitted to release him, vpon the conditions aforesaide. And thus was William Tailour, for that time absolued, being enioyned notwythstanding to appeare at the next conuocation whēsoeuer it shuld be, before the said Archbishop or his successour that should follow him.

In the meane time, while William Tailour was thus in the custody of the Bishop of Worcester, there passed cer∣taine wrytings betweene hym, and one Thomas Smith priest at Bristowe, in the which wrytings William Tai∣lour replied against y^e sayd Thomas, concerning the que∣stion of worshipping Saints. Upon the occasion of which reply, being brought to the hands of the byshop of Worce∣ster, William Tailour began a newe to be troubled, & was broughte againe before the publicke conuocation of the cleargy, by the said bishop of Worcester, to aunswere vnto his wrytings. This was an. 1422. the 11. day of Februarie. Unto the which conuocation the sayd William being pre∣sented, his wrytings were read to him, which he woulde not, nor could not deny to be of his owne hand wryting.

The tenour and effect of whose wryting onely tended to prooue,* 1.8 that euery petition and prayer for any superna∣turall gift, ought to be directed to God alone, & to no crea∣ture. All be it in this his wryting he did not vtterly deny, that it was not lawfull in no respecte to pray to Saintes, (and bringeth for the same Thomas Aquine) but onely in respect of that worship, whych is called Cultus latriae: And further so prosecuteth his minde herein,* 1.9 that he semeth lit∣tle or nothing to differ from the superstition of the papists: as most plainely appeareth by his owne wordes, saying: Nunquam tamen negaui, aut negare intendo, merita aut sancto∣rum suffragia tam beatorum, quam viantium, tam viuis, quam mortuis ad hoc dispositis, quantum possunt, suffragari, vel profice∣re, quia hoc est elicibile ex Scriptura, quae non fallit, & ex conso∣na ratione. &c. And moreouer hee inferreth the example of Moses, who prayed vnto God, alleadging the merites of

Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, which were deade. &c. And furthermore passing from the testimony of Hierome, and alledging the example of Steuen, sayeth: Quod nunc magis exauditur pro veneratoribus suis, quam tunc exauditus est pro lapidatoribus.* 1.10 And at length he commeth to this cōclusion, proouing by S. Austen, in this maner:

Ne igitur cum impijs & idolatris in veteri testamento, in circuitu ambulemus, nun∣quam deueniendo ad centrum, sanū est quod faciamus secundum consilium Apostoli sic dicentis: Accedamus cum fiducia ad thro∣num gratiae eius, vt misericordiam consequamur & gratiam in∣ueniamus in auxilio oportuno. &c.

That is. And therfore least we runne about in circles with the wicked, and wyth the idolaters of the old Testament, and neuer come to the cen∣ter, therfore it is wholesome & good counsaile,* 1.11 that we fol∣lowe the minde of the Apostle, saying: Let vs resorte wyth boldnes vnto the throne of his grace, that we may obtaine mercy, and finde grace in time or oportune helpe. &c.

Thus much out of the foresayde wryting of W. Tailor I haue excerped, to the intent that the indifferent reader, vsing his iudgement herein, may see how litle matter was in this, wherefore he should be condemned by the Papists. And yet notwythstanding the same wryting being deliue∣red by the archbishop, to the four orders of Friers of Lon∣don to be examined, was founde erroneous and hereticall in these poyntes.

• 1. First, that euery prayer, which is a petition of some su∣pernaturall gift or free gift, is to be directed onely to God.
• 2. Item, that prayer is to be directed to God alone.
• 3. Item, to pray to any creature is to commit idolatry.
• 4. Also, an other opiniō there was much like to the other, to make vp the fourth, so that although all these opinions agreed in one, yet to make vp a number euery order of the foure sortes of Friers, thought to finde out some matter to offer vp to the Archb. against him, least one order shoulde seeme more cunning or pregnant in finding out more, then could an other: or els perchaunce least any of them should seeme to fauor the party, in bringing nothing against him, as the rest had done.

[illustration]

The burning of William Tailour, Priest.

When the Saterday was come, which was the 20. day of February, vppon the which day the 4. orders were ap∣poynted to declare theyr censure vppon the Articles in the chapiter houses of Paules, first appeareth Frier Tylle, for the Blacke Friers, then Frier Winchelsey: then Frier Low: After Frier Ashwel, eche Frier for his order seueral∣ly bringing his heresy, as is aboue specified.

Thus the verdict of these 4. orders being geuen vp to the Archb. and seuerally, eche order comming in with hys heresye, which was the 20. day of February. Hereuppon commeth downe a wryt from the king, directed to the lord Maior and Sheriffes of London. De heretico comburendo, dated the 1. day of March. Anno 1. of his raigne. The copic whereof remaineth in the recordes of the Tower, begin∣ning thus, Rex Maiori & vicecomitibus. Wherupon the sayd William Tailour condemned as a relapse,* 1.12 first was dis∣graded, and after to be burned, and so was committed to the seculare power, who their being had to Smithfield, the 1. day of Marche, with Christian constancie, after long im∣prisonment, there did consummate his Martyrdom. 1422.

The maner of his disgrading was all one with the dis∣grading of Iohn Hus before: for the Papistes vse but one forme for all men. First disgrading them from Priesthode, by taking from them the chalice and patine. From deacon∣ship, by taking from them the gospell booke and tunicle. From Subdeaconship, by taking from them the Epistle booke and Tunicle.* 1.13 From Accoluteship, by taking from them the Cruet and Candlesticke. From an Exorcisie, by taking away the booke of Exorcismes or Graduall. From the Sextonship, by taking away the churchdoore key and surplis. And likewise from Benet, in taking away the sur∣plis, and first tonsure. &c. Al which they orderly accompli∣shed vpon this godly Martyr, before his burning.

Iohn Florence a Turner.

IDon Florence a Turner,* 1.14 dwelling in Shelton, in the Diocesse of Norwich, was attached for that he helde and taught these heresies heere vnder wrytten (as they called them) cōtrary to y^e determination of the Church of Rome.

In primis, that the pope and Cardinals haue no power to make or constitute any lawes.

Item, that there is no day to be kept holy, but onely the Sonday which God hath halowed.

Item, that men ought to fast no other time, but of the Quatuor temporum.

Item, that Images are not to be worshipped, neyther that the people ought to set vp any lightes before them in the Churches, neither to go on pilgrimage, neither to offer for the dead, or with women that are purified.

Item,* 1.15 that Curates should not take the tithes of theyr parishioners, but that such tithes shuld be deuided amōgst the poore parishioners.

Item, that al such as sweare by their life or power, shal be damned, except they repent.

[illustration]

The displing of Iohn Florence.

Upon wensday, being the second day of August in the yeare of our Lorde 1424. the sayde Iohn Florence perso∣nally appeared before William Bernam,* 1.16 Chauncellour to William byshoppe of Norwich, whereas he proceding a∣gainst him, obiected the first article touching the power of the Pope and Cardinals: to which Article the sayde Iohn Florence answered in thys manner. If the pope liued vp∣rightly as Peter liued, he hath power to make lawes: o∣therwise, I beleeue hee hathe no power. But being after∣ward threatned by the iudge, he acknowledged thathe had erred, and submitted himselfe to the correction of y^e church, and was abiured, taking an othe that from that time for∣ward he should not hold, teach, preach, or willingly defend

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

any errour or heresie contrary to the determination of the church of Rome, neither maintaine, helpe, or aide any that shal teach or hold any such errors or heresies, either priue∣ly or apertly, and for his offence in thys behalfe done, hee was enioyned thys penance following.

Three Sondaies in a solemne procession in the cathe∣dral Church of Norwich,* 1.17 he should be displed before al the people. The like also shuld be don about his parish church of Shelton, three other seuerall Sondaies, hee being bare headed, bare footed & bare n••cked, after the maner of a pub∣licke penitentiarie, his body being couered wyth a canues shirt, and canues breches, carying in his hande a taper of a pounde waight, and that done he was dismissed.

Richard Belward of Erisam in the Dioces of Norwich.

RIchard Belward of Erisam, in the Diocesse of Nor∣wiche, was accused for holding and teaching these er∣rours and opinions heere vnder wrytten, contrary to the determination of the church of Rome.

* 1.18In primis, that Ecclesiasticall ministers and Ordinaries haue no power to excommunicate, neither can excommu∣nicate: And all be it that a Bishop doe excommunicate any man, God doth absolue him.

Item, that he held the erronious opinions and conclu∣sions, that Syr Iohn Oldcastle helde when he was in pri∣son, & affirmed that Syr Iohn Oldcastle was a true Ca∣tholicke man, and falsly condemned and put to death with∣out any reasonable cause.

Item, that such as go on pilgrimage, offering to ima∣ges made of woode and stone, are excommunicate because they ought to offer to the quicke, and not to the dead: and that the Ecclesiasticall Ministers, that is to say the curates do sell God vppon Easter day, when as they receiue offe∣rings of such as should communicate before they do mini∣ster the Sacrament vnto them.

Item, that he counselled diuers women, y^e they should not offer in the Churche for the dead, neither wyth women that were purified.

Item, that he blamed diuers of his neighbors that re∣fused his doctrine,* 1.19 saying vnto thē: truly ye are sooles that deny to learne the doctrine of my sect, for your neighbours which are of my sect, are able to confound and vauquish al other that are of your sect.

Item, that the Saintes whych are in heauen, ought in no case to be prayed vnto, but onely God.

Item, that the sayd Richard keepeth schooles of lolar∣dy in the English tong, in the towne of Dychingham, and a certaine Parchment maker bryngeth hym all the bookes containing that doctrine from London.

The 5. day of July 1424. the sayde Richarde Belward was brought before Iohn, Byshop of Norwich sitting in place of iudgement, wheras the foresaid Articles were ob∣iected against the sayde Richarde, whych he there denyed: whereupō the bishop appoynted him an other day to purge himselfe, the monday next after the feast of S. Marget: vp∣on which day being the 24. of Iuly, in the yeare aforesayd, he appeared againe before the Bishop, and brought wyth him 9. of his neighbors to purge hym vpon those articles, and there did solemnely purge himselfe. And afterwarde, for somuch as the said Bishop suspected the sayd Richarde Belward greatly of lolardie, hee commaunded him there presently to sweare vpon the Euangelistes, that from that day forwarde he should not wittingly preach, teach, or de∣fend any error or heresy, contrary to the churche of Rome, neither aide, assist, fauour or maintaine, priuely or apertly, any maner of person or persons, that should hold or main∣taine the sayde errours or heresies. In the presence of M. William Bernam, Iohn Wadden, Robert Serle & Iohn Berne Esquire, and other of his neighbours which came vnto his purgation.

In like maner Iohn Goddesel of Dichingham parch∣mentmaker, was detected and accused vpon the same arti∣cles, and thereupon brought before the bishop:* 1.20 whereas he denying them, purged himselfe by his neighbours, as Ri∣chard Belward before had done, being sworne also in lyke maner, as he was, and so was dismissed and set at libertie, vntill the yeare of our Lord 1428. When as he was againe apprehended, accused and abiured, as shalbe more at large declared in the hystorie when we come to that yeare. Syr Hugh Pie also, chaplaine of Ludney in the dioces of Nor∣wich, was likewise accused and brought before the byshop of Norwich y^e 5. day of Iuly.* 1.21 An. 1424. for holding of these opinions following.

That the people ought not to go on pilgrimage.

Item, that y^e people ought not to geue almes, but only vnto suche as begge at theyr dores.

Item,* 1.22 that the image of the crosse and other images are not to be worshipped. And that the said Hugh, had cast the crosse of Bromeholde into the fire to be burned, which hee tooke from one Iohn welgate of Ludney. Which articles as is aforesayde, being obiected against him, he vtterly de∣nied: Wherupon he had a day appoynted to purge himselfe by the witnes of 3. lay men and 3. priests. That so done, he was sworne as the other before, and so dismissed.

After this, in the yeare of our Lorde 1428. king Henry the 6. sent downe most cruel letters of commission vnto I. Exetor and Iacolet Germaine, keeper of the castle of Col∣chester, for the apprehending of Sir William White Priest, and others suspected of heresies, the tenor wherof, hereaf∣ter ensueth.

¶ The copie of the kings letters directed to Iohn Exeter, and Iacolet Germaine, keeper of the ca∣stle of Colchester, for the apprehending of Sir William White priest and other, (as they called them) lollards.

HEnry by the grace of God king of Englande and of Fraunce,* 2.1 Lord of Ireland, to his well beloued Iohn Exetor, and Iacolet Germaine, keeper of the castle of Colchester health.

Ye shall vnderstand that we fully trusting vnto your fidelitye and circumspections, haue appoynted you ioyntly and seuerally to take and arrest William White priest, and Thomas, late chap∣laine of Setling, in the countie of Norfolke, and William Nor∣thampton priest, and al other whatsoeuer they be that are suspect of heresy or lollardy, wheresoeuer they may be founde within the liberties or without, and straight way being so taken, to send the vnto our next gaile or prison, vnto such time, as we shall haue ta∣ken other order for their deliuery: And therefore wee straightly commaunde you, that ye diligently attende about the premisses, and fulfill the same in forme aforesayde. Also we charge and com∣mand all and singuler Iustices of peace, Maiors, Shriues, Bailiffes, Cunstables, and all other our faithfull officers, by the tenoure of these presents, that they do assist, aide, and counsaile you & euery of you, in the execution of the premisses, as it shall be comely for them. In witnes whereof, we haue caused these our letters pa∣tentes to be made.

Witnes my selfe at Westminster, the 6. of Iuly, the 6. yeare of our raigne

.

By vertue of which commission we finde in olde Mo∣numents, that wythin shorte space after. Iohn Exeter, which was appointed one of the commissioners, attached 6. persons in the towne of Bungay in the diocesse of Nor∣wich, and committed them to William Day, and William Roe, Constables of the towne of Bungay, to be sent with∣in 10. dayes folowing vnder safe custodie, vnto the castle of Norwich. Whose names, through the antiquity of the mo∣nument were so defaced that we coulde not attaine to the perfecte knowledge of them all: onely 3. names partlye remained in the booke to be read, which were these.

¶ Iohn Waddon of Tenterdon, in the countie of kent, Bartlemewe, Monke of Ersham, in the countie of Norfolke, Corneleader, a martyed man. William Skuts.

These 3. were in the custodie of the Duke of Northfolk, at hys castle of Fremingham.

Besides these, we also finde in the said old monuments within the diocesse of Norffolke and Suffolke, specially in the townes of Beckels, Ersham, and Ludney, a great nū∣ber both of men and women to haue bene vexed and ca••••e in prison, & after their abiuration, brought to open shame in churches and markets by the bishop of the sayd diocesse called William, and hys Chancellour William Bernham, Iohn Exceter being the Register therein, so that wythin the space of 3. or 4. yeares,* 2.2 that is from the yeare 1428. vn∣to the yeare 1431. about the number of 120. menne and wo∣men are examined and sustained great vexatiō for the pro∣fession of the Christian faithe: of whome some were onely taken vppon suspition onely for eating of meates prohibi∣ted vpon vigil dayes, who of their purgation made, esca∣ped more easily away and wyth lesse punishment, whose names here follow subscribed.

The names of them that were taken and examined vpon suspition of heresye.

• * 2.3RObert Skiruing of Harlstone.
• ...Wiliam Skiruing.
• ...Iohn Terry of Ersham.
• ...Iohn Abtre of Ersham.
• ...Iohn Middleton of Haluergate.
• ...Iohn Wayde of Ersham.
• ...Rich. Clarke of Sething.
• ...Tho. White of Bedingham.
• ...M. Rob. Beete of Berry.
• ...Rich. Page of Clipsly.

The other were more cruelly handled, and some of them were put to death and burned, of whō we do specially finde mention made of these three.

• ...Father Abraham of Colchester.
• ...William white Priest.
• ...Iohn Waddon priest.

The residue, for a great number of good men and women, were forced to abiure, sustayning such cruell penaunce as pleased then the sayd Bishop and his Chauncellor to lay vpon them. The names of which both men and wonnē here folow together in this briefe Catalogue to be seene.

• ...IOhn Beuerley.
• ...Iohn Wardon.
• ...Iohn Baker. Iohn Midleton.
• ...Iohn Kynget.
• ...Margery Backster.
• ...Iohn Skilley.
• ...Iohn Godhold.
• ...Thomas Albecke. Iohn Pierce.
• ...Nicholas Canon of Eye.
• ...Thomas Pye.
• ...Iohn Mendham.
• ...Iohn Middleton.
• ...Thomas Chatris.
• ...Thomas Wade.
• ...William Taylor.
• ...Iohn Cupper, vicar of Tunstall.
• ...Sir Hugh Pye Priest.
• ...Bartholomew Tatcher.
• ...Thomas Iames.
• ...Iohn Fouling.
• ...Bertram Cornmonger.
• ...Thomas Swerdin.
• ...Alanus Andrew.
• ...William Wright.
• ...William Euerden.
• ...William Taylor.
• ...Auis the wi••e of Thomas Moone and her daughter.
• ...Richard Fletcher of Beckles.
• ...Nicholas Belward.
• ...Thomas Grenemere.
• ...Iohn Clarke. William Bate.
• ...William Scherming.
• ...William Osburne.
• ...Iohn Rene of Beckles.
• ...Baldwine Cooper of Beckles.
• ...Iohn Pert. M Mones seruant.
• ...Rob. Brigs, Iohn Finch.
• ...Iohn Wropham. Thomas Mone.
• ...Isabell Chaplaine of Martham.
• ...William Masse of Ersham.
• ...Iohn Goodwine of Ersham.
• ...Henry Latchcold of Ersham.
• ...Henry Boode of Ersham.
• ...Rich Horne of Ersham.
• ...Iohn Belward senior of Ersham.
• ...Iohn Belward iunior of Ersham.
• ...Iohn Spire of Bungay.
• ...Rob. Colle of Turning.
• ...The heard of Shepemedow
• ...Isabell Dauy of Costes.
• ...Sibill wife of Iohn Godefell of Dicham.
• ...Iohn Pyry of Bartham.
• ...Iohn Baker. Margery Wright.
• ...Thomas Burrell and his wife.
• ...Iohn Pert. Edm. Archer.
• ...The Clarke of Ludney.
• ...Rich Clarke of Sething.
• ...Katherine the wife of William Wright, William Colin of South∣creke.
• ...Rich King of Windeham.
• ...Tho Plowman. Iohn Fellis.
• ...Tho. Loue of Rokeland.
• ...Rich Knobbing of Beckles.
• ...Rich. Grace of Beckles.
• ...Iohn Eldon of Beckles.
• ...William Hardy, Wil. Bate.
• ...Iohn Weston.
• ...Katherine Hobs.
• ...Iohn Daw.
• ...Rob. Grigs of Martham.
• ...Wil. Calis Priest.
• ...Tho. Pert. Priest.
• ...Katherine Dauy.
• ...Iacob Bodhome, & Margaret his wife.
• ...Iohn Manning of Marton.
• ...Iohn Culling of Beemster.
• ...Rich Fletcher of Beckles and Matild his wife.
• ...Iohn Eldon of Beckles.
• ...Rob. Canel Priest.
• ...Nich. Drey.
• ...Wil. Hardy of Mundham.
• ...Iohn Poleyne.

These forenamed persons and souldiors of Christ, be∣ing much beatē with the cares and troubles of those dayes although they were constrayned to relent and abiure, that is to protest otherwise with their tonges, then theyr harts did thinke, partly through correction and partly through infirmity (being as yet but new trayned Souldiours in Gods field) yet for theyr good will they bare vnto y^e trueth, although with theyr tongues they durst not expresse it, we haue thought good that theyr names should not be suppres∣sed, as well for other sondry causes, as especially for this: either to stop the mouthes of malignant aduersaryes, or to aunswere to theyr ignorance: Who folowing rather blinde affection thē the true knowledge of times and antiquities, for lacke of knowledge, blame that they know not, accu∣sing the true doctrine of the worde of God, for newelty and carping, the teachers therof for new broched brethrē. Who, if they did as well foresee times passed, as they be vnwil∣ling to follow times now present, they should vnderstand as well by these storyes as other before, how this doctrine of the grace of God lacking no antiquity, hath from time to time continually sought to burst out, and in some pla∣ces hath preuayled, although in most places through tyrā∣ny and the malice of men, Christes procedinges haue bene suppressed and kept vnder from rising, so muche as mans power and strength ioyned with craft and subtlery, coulde labor to keepe downe the same: as here by these good men of Northfolke and Southfolke, may well appeare. For if the knowledge and the good towardnesse of those good mē, had had the like liberty of time, with the helpe of like au∣thority as we haue nowe,* 2.4 and had not ben restrayned tho∣rough the iniquity of time and tyranny of Prelates: it had well appeared how olde this doctrine woulde haue bene, which now they contemne and reiect for the newnes ther∣of: neither needed Boner to haue asked of Tho. Hawkes, and such other, where their Church was for xl. yeares ago, in as much as for xl. yeares ago, and more, within the coū∣try of Norfolke and Suffolke, was then soūd such plenty of y^e same professiō & like doctrine which we now professe. And thus much for the nūber of the names of thesepersōs.

Now touching theyr Articles whiche they did mayne∣teine and defend: first this is to be considered, as I finde it in the registers, such society and agrement of doctrine to be amongst them, that almost in theyr assertions and articles there was no difference. The doctrine of the one was the doctrine of all the other, what theyr articles were, partly it is shewed in the lease before: and partly here followeth to be declared more at large.

Although it is to be thought concerning these Articles that many of them either were falsly obiected agaynst thē, or not truely reported of the notaryes, according as the cō∣mon maner is of these aduersaryes, where the matter is good, there to make heresy, and of a litle occasion, to styre vp great matter of slaunder, as they did before by the arti∣cles of Iohn Wickliffe and Iohn Hus, and others mo: So in like maner it semeth they did in the Articles of these mē, either mistaking that which they said, or misunderstanding that which they ment, especially in these two articles con∣cerning baptisme and paying of tithes. For where as they speaking agaynst the ceremonicall and superfluous tradi∣tions then vsed in baptisme, as salt, oile, spittle, taper, light crisomes, exorcising of the water, with such other, accoūted them as no materiall thing in the holy institution of Bap∣tisme, the notaryes slaunderously deprauing this theyr as∣sertion, to make it more odious to the eares of the people,* 2.5 so gaue out the article as though they should holde that the sacrament of Baptisme vsed in the church by water, is but a light matter and of small effect.

Agayne, in speaking agaynst the Christening the mid∣wiues vse in priuate houses, agaynst the opinion of suche as thinke suche children to be damned, which depart before they come to theyr Baptisme, they are falsely reported as though they shoulde say, that Christen people be susti∣ently baptised in the bloud of Christ, and nedeth no water, and that infants be sufficiently baptised, if their parents be baptised before them. Whiche thing is so contrary to the manifest worde, that it is not to bee thoughte anye to bee

so ignoraunt of the gospell, that euer would or did affirme the same.

Moreouer, they thought or sayd peraduenture that in certayne cases, tithes might be witholden from wicked priestes sometime, and be conferred to better vses, to the be hoofe of the poore: Therfore they are falsly slaundered, as saying and affirming that no tithes were to be geuē to the ministers and curates of the churches.

* 2.6And likewise for matrimony, wherin they are reported to hold and affirme as though it consisted onely in the mu∣tuall consent betwixt the man & woman, neding no other solemnizing in the publicke church and all because (as it is like) they denyed it to be a Sacramēt. Other articles were obiected agaynst them as these which hereafter folow.

* 2.7That auricular confessiō is not to be made vnto a priest but vnto God onely, because no priest hath any power to absolue a sinner from his sinne.

Item, that no Priest hath power to make the body of Christ in the sacrament of the aultar, but that after the sa∣cramentall words, there remayneth pure materiall breade as before.

Item that euery true christian man is a priest to God.

Item, that no man is bound vnder paine of damnatiō vnto Lent or any other dayes prohibited by the Church of Rome.

Item, that the Pope is Antichrist, and his Prelats the Disciples of Antichrist, and the Pope hath no power to binde and loose vpon earth.

* 2.8 Item, that it is lawfull for euery Christian to doe any bodely worke (sinne onely except) vpon holy dayes.

Item that it is lawfull for priestes to haue wiues.

Item, that the excommunications and ecclesiastical cē∣sures geuen out by the Prelates are not to be regarded.

Item, it is not lawfull to sweare in priuate cases.

Item, that men ought not to go on pilgrimage.

Item that there is no honor to be geuē to the Images of the crucifixe, of our Lady, or any other saynt.

Item, that the holy water halowed in the church by the priest, is not holyer or of more vertue then other running or well water, because the Lord blessed all waters in theyr first creation.

* 2.9Item, that the death of Thomas Becket, was neyther holy neither meritorious.

Item, that reliques as dead mens bones, ought not to be worshipped or digged out of theyr graues, or set vp in Shrynes.

Item, that prayers made in all places are acceptable vnto God.

Item, that men ought not to pray to any saynt but on∣ly to God.

Item that the vels and ringing in the church was or∣deyned for no other purpose then to fill the pristes purses.

Item, that it is no sinne to withstand the ecclesiasticall preceptes.

Item, that the catholick church is onely the congrega∣tion of the elect.

* 2.10These were the Articles, which were generally obiec∣ted agaynst them all, wherin they did so agree in one vni∣forme sayth, that whatsoeuer one did hold, all the other did mayntayne & hold the same. By the which theyr consent & doctrine it appeareth that they all receiued it of some one instructor, who was William White: which being a scholer and folower of I. Wickliffe, resorted afterward into thys country of Norfolke and there instructed these men in the light of the gospell. And now as we haue declared the na∣mes and Articles of these good men, so it remayneth some∣what to speake of theyr troubles how they were handled, beginning first with William White.

¶ William White Priest.

* 2.11THis William White being a folower of Iohn Wickliff and a priest not after the common sort of priests, but ra∣ther to be reputed amongst the number of them, of whom the wise man speaketh:* 2.12 He was as the morning starre in the midst of a cloud, &c. This man was well learned, vp∣right & a well spoken priest. He gaue ouer his priesthood & benefice, & took vnto him a godly yong woman to his wife named Ioane: notwithstanding he did not therefore cease or leaue frō his former office & duty, but continually labo∣red to the glory and prayse of his spouse Christ, by reading, writing & preaching. The principal points of his doctrine were these, which he was forced to recant at Canterbury.

That men should seeke for the forgeuenes of their sins onely at the handes of God.

That the wicked liuing of the Pope and his holynesse, is nothing els but a deuilish estate and heauy yoke of Anti¦christ, and therfore he is an enemy vnto Christes trueth.

That men ought not to worship Images or other I∣dolatrous payntings.

That mē ought not to worship the holy men which are dead.

That the Romish church is the fig tree which the Lord Christ hath accussed,* 2.13 because it hath brought forth no fruit of the true beliefe.

That such as weare coules, or be annointed or shorne are the lanceknightes and souldiors of Lucifer: & that they all, because theyr lamps are not burning, shall be shut out, when as the Lord Christ shall come.

Upon which articles he being attached at Cant. vnder the Archb. Henry Chichesley in the yeare of our Lord 1424. there for a certayne space stoutly and manly witnessed the truth whiche he had preached: but like as there he lost hys courage and strength, so afterward he became again much more stouter and stronger in Iesu Christ and confessed his own error & offence. For after this he going into Norfolk with his said wife Ioane, & there occupying himself busily in teaching & conuerting the people vnto the true doctrine of Christ, at the last by meanes of y^e kings letters sēt down for that intent and purpose, he was apprehended & taken & brought before Wil. bishop of Norwich, by whom he was conuict & condemned of 30. articles & there was burned in Norwich, in the moneth of September. an. 1424.

[illustration]

¶ The burning of William White.

This William White and his wife had his most abode with one Tho. Moone of Ludney. This mā was of so de∣uout and holy life, that all y^e people had him in great reue∣rence, and desired him to pray for them: in so much that one Margaret Wright confessed, that if any sayntes were to be prayd to, she would rather pray to him then to any other. When he was come vnto the stake thinking to open hys mouth to speak vnto the people,* 2.14 to exhort & confirme them in the verity, one of the bishops seruants stroke hym on y^e mouth, therby to force him to keepe silence. And thus thys good man receiuing the crowne of martyrdome, ended this mortall life to the great dolor & griefe of all the good men of Norfolke. Whose sayd wife Ioane, folowing her husbāds footsteps according to her power, teaching and sowing a∣broad the same doctrine, confirmed many men in Gods truth: wherefore the suffered much trouble and punishmēt the same yeare at the handes of the sayd bishop.

About the same time also was burned father Abraham of Colchester,* 2.15 and Iob. Waddō priest, for the like articles.

Concerning them, which abiured, how & by whom they were examined, What depositions came in agaynst them, and what was the order & maner of the penance inioyned them, here it might be set out at large: but for auoyding of prolixity, it shall be sufficient briefly to touch certaine of the principals, wherby the better vnderstanding may be geuē

to the Reader, after what maner & order al the other were intreated.

First amongst them which were arested and caused to abiure in this yeare afore specified. 1428. was Thom. Pye, and Iohn Mendham of Aldborough, who being conuict vpon diuers of the Articles before mentioned, were enioi∣ned penance to be done in theyr own parish Church, as by the bishops letter directed to the Deane of Rhodenhall, & y^t parish priest of Aldborough, doth more at large appeare, the tenour wherof here ensueth.

The copy of the Bishop of Norwich his letter.

* 3.1WIlliam by the sufferance of God Bishop of Norwich to our welbeloued sonnes in Christ the Deane of Rodéhal of our Dioces, and to the parishe priest of the parish Churche of Aldbo∣rough of the same our dioces, health, grace and benediction.

For so much as we, according to our office lawefully proceeding to the correction and amendment of the soules of Thomas Pye and Iohn Mendham of Aldborough of the dioces aforesayd, because they haue holden, beleued and affirmed, diuers and many errours and heresyes, contrary to the determination of the holy Churche of Rome, and the vniuersall church and catholicke fayth, haue en∣ioyned the sayd Thomas and Iohn appearing before vs personal∣ly and confessing before vs iudicially that they haue holden, be∣leued and affirmed, diuers and many errors and heresyes, this pe∣naunce hereunder written for theyr offences to be done and ful∣filled in maner, forme and time hereunder written, according as iustice doth require, that is to say, sixe fustigations or displinges about the parish church of Alborough aforesayd, before a solemn procession, sixe seuerall sondayes and three displinges about the market place of Herelston of our sayde Dioces, three principall market dayes, bare necked, head legs and feet, theyr bodyes be∣ing couered onely with theyr shyrtes and breeches either of them carying a taper in his hand of a pound waight, as well rounde a∣bout the Church, as about the market place, in euery of the fore∣sayd appoynted dayes,* 3.2 which tapers the last sonday after theyr penance finished, we will that the sayde Iohn & Thomas do hum∣bly and deuoutly offer vnto the high aultar of the parish church of Alborough at the tyme of the offertory of the high Masse the

[illustration]

The description of the penance of Tho. Pye, and Iohn Mendham.

same day, and that either of them going about the market place a∣foresayd: shall make foure seueral pauses or stayes, and at euery of those same pauses, humbly and deuoutly receiue at your handes three displinges: Therefore we straightly charge and commaunde you and either of you, ioyntly and seuerally by vertue of your o∣bedience, that euery sonday and market day, after the recept of our present commaundement, you do effectually admonishe and bring foorth the sayde Thomas Pye and Iohn Mendam to begin and accomplishe theyr sayde penance, and so successiuely to fi∣nish the same in maner and forme afore appoynted But if they wil not obey your monitions or rather our commaundementes in this behalfe, and begin and finish their sayd penance effectuallye, you or one of you shall cite them peremptoryly that they or ey∣ther of them appeare before vs or our Commissary, in the chap∣pell of our palace at Norwich, the 12. day after the citatiō so made if it be a court day, or els the next court day folowing, to declare if they or any of them haue any cause why they should not be ex∣communicate for theyr manifest offence in this behalfe commit∣ted, according to the forme and order of lawe, and further to re∣ceiue such punishmēt, as iustice shall prouide in that behalfe. And what you haue done in the premisses, whether the sayde Thomas and Iohn haue obeyed your admonitions, and performed the said penance or no: we will that you or one of you which haue recei∣ued our sayd commaundement, for the execution thereof, do di∣stinctly certify vs betwene this & the last day of Nouember next comming.

Dated at our palace of Norwich vnder our Commissa∣ryes seale, the 8. day of October. an. 1428.

This (gentle Reader) was for the most part, the order of theyr whole penaunce: howbeit, some were oftentimes more cruelly handled, & after theyr penance they were ba∣nished out of the dioces, and other some more straightly v∣sed by longer imprisomēt, wherof we will briefly rehearse one or two for example.

Iohn Beuerley alias Battild,

IOhn Beuerley alias Battild a labourer was attached by the Vicar of Sowthereke,* 3.3 the parish priest of Waterden and a lawyer, and so deliuered vnto Mayster Wil. Bernā the Byshops Commissary, who sent him to the Castle of Norwich there to be kept in irons: wheras afterward he being brought before the commissary, and hauing nothing proued agaynst him, he took an othe, that euery yeare afterward he should confesse his sinnes once a yere to his curat and receiue the Sacrament at Easter, as other Christians did: and for his offence was enioyned that the Friday and Saterday next after he should fast bread and water, and v∣pon the Saterday to be * 3.4 whipped from the pallace of Nor∣wich, going round about by Tomelands, & by S. Micha∣els Church by Cottle rew, and about the market, hauyng in his hand a waxe candle of two pēce, to offer to y^e image of the Trinity after he had done his penaunce. And for so much as he confessed that he had eatē flesh vpō Easter day and was not shriuen in all lent, nor receiued vpon Easter day, the iudge enioyned him that he shoulde fast Tuesday, Wednesday and Friday in Whitsonweke, hauing but one mealt a day of fish and other whitte meates, and after hys penāce so done, he should depart out of the dioces, & neuer come there any more.

Iohn Skilley of Flixton Miller.

IOhn Skilley of Flixton Miller being apprehended and brought before the bishop of Norwich y^e 14 day of March 1428.* 3.5 for holding & mayntayning the Articles aboue writ∣ten, was therupon conuict and forced to abiure: and after his abiuration solemnly made (which here to anoyd tedi∣ousnes we omit) he had a most sharpe sentence of penance pronouced agaynst him, the effect wherof being briefly col∣lected, was this: That forsomuch as the said Skilley was conuict by his owne confession, for holding and mayntay∣ning the Articles before written, and for receiuing certain good and godly mē into his house, as sir Wil. White priest, and Iohn Wadden, whom they called famous, notorious, and damnable heretickes, and had now abiured the same, being first absolued from the sentence of excommunication which he had incurred by meanes of his opinions, he was enioyned for penaunce 7. yeares imprisonment in the mo∣nastery of Langley, in the dioces of Norwiche. And forso∣much as in times past, he vsed vpon the Fridayes to eate flesh, he was enioyned to fast bread & water euery Friday, by the space of that 7. yeares to come, and that by the space of 2. yeares next immediately after the 7. yeares expired, e∣uery wednesday in the beginning of Lēt, & euery Maundy thursday, he should appeare before the bishop or his succes∣sor, or cōmissary for the time being, in the cathedrall church of Norwich together with the other penitentiaryes, to do open penance for his offences.

Besides these there were diuers other of y^e same cōpany which y^e same yeare were forced to like abiuratiō & penāce, And so to proceed to the next yeare following, which was 1429. there ensueth a great nūber in y^e same register, which were examined and did penaunce in like sorte to the num∣ber of 16. or 17. In the number of whom was Iohn Baker

otherwise called Usher Tunstall, who for hauing a booke with the Pater noster, the ••ue and Creed in English, and for certayn other articles of fasting, confession and inuoca∣tion contrary to the determination of the Romish Church after much vexation for the same, was caused to abiure and sustayne such penaunce, as the other before him had done.

The story of Margery Backster.

* 3.6ANother was Margery Backster, wife of Wil. Back∣ster Wright in Marthā, the same yere accused: against whom one Ioane wife of Cliffelande was brought in by the bishop, and cōpelled to depose, and was made to bring in, in forme following.

* 3.7First, that the sayde Margerye Backster did informe this deponent, that she should in no case sweare, saying to her in english, dame beware of the Bee, for euery Bee will sting, and therefore take heede you sweare not, neyther by God, neither by our Lady, neither by none other saynt: & if ye do contrary, the Bee will sting your tongue and ve∣nome your soule.

Itē, this deponēt being demaūded by y^e said Margery, what she did euery day at church, she answered y^t the kne∣led down & said 5. Pater nosters, in worship of the crucifixe, & as many Aue Maries in worship of our Lady, whō Mar¦gery rebuked saying: you do euill to kneele or pray to such Images in y^e churches, for God dwelleth not in such chur∣ches, neither shall come downe out of heauen, & will geue you no more reward for such prayer, then a candle lighted & let vnder the couer of the font,* 3.8 wil geue light by night to those which are in the church: saying moreouer in english, lewd wrightes, of stockes hew and forme such crosses and Images, and after that, lewd paynters glere thē with co∣lours. And if you desire so muche to see the true crosse of Christ, I will shew it you at home in your owne house. Which this deponent being desirous to see, the sayd Mar∣gery stretching out her armes abroad, sayd to this deponēt this is the true crosse of Christ, & this crosse thou oughtest and mayst euery day beholde and worship in thine owne house, and therfore it is but vayne to run to the Church to worship dead crosses and Images.

Itē this deponent being demaunded by the said Mar∣gery how she beleued touching the sacramēt of the aulter, sayd that the beleued the Sacrament of the aulter after the consecratiō, to be the very body of Christ in forme of bread. To whom Margery sayd: your beliefe is nought. For if e∣uery such Sacrament were God, & the very body of christ there should be an infinite number of Gods, because that a thousand priests and more doe euery day make a thousand such Gods, and afterward eat them, and voyd them out a∣gain by theyr hinder partes filthily stincking vnder y^e hed∣ges, whereas you may find a great many such Gods, if you will seek for them.* 3.9 And therfore know for a certaynty, that by the grace of God it shall neuer be my God, because it is falsly and deceitfully ordeyned by the priests in the church, to induce the simple people to idolatry, for it is onely mate¦riall bread.

Moreouer the sayd Margery said to this deponēt, that Thomas of Canterbury,* 3.10 whom the people called S. Tho¦mas, was a false traytor and damned in hell, because he in∣iuriously endowed the churches with possessions, and rai∣sed vp many heresyes in the church,* 3.11 which seduce the sim∣ple people, and therefore if God be blessed, the sayd Tho∣mas is accursed, and those false priests that say that he suf∣fered his death patiently before the aulter, do lye: For as a false cowardly traytor he was slayne in the church dore as he was flying away.

Moreouer, this deponent sayth, that the sayd Marge∣ry told her that the cursed Pope, Cardinals, Archbishops, and bishops, & specially the bishop of Norwich & others that support and mayntayne heresies and Idolatry, raig∣ning & ruling ouer the people, shall shortly haue the very same or worse mischiefe fall vpon them, thē that cursed mā Thomas of Canterbury had. For they falsly and cursedly deceiue the people with theyr false mammetries & lawes, to extort mony of the simple folke to sustayn theyr pride, ri∣ot and idlenes: And know assuredly that the vengeance of God will speedely come vpō them, which haue most cruel∣ly slayne the children of God,* 3.12 Father Abraham, & William White, a true preacher of the law of God, and Iohn Wad∣den, with many other godly men: which vengeaunce had come vpon the sayd Cayphas, the Bishop of Norwich & his ministers, which are members of the deuill, before this time, if the Pope had not sent ouer those false pardons vn∣to these parties, which the sayd Cayphas had falsly obtey∣ned to induce the people to make procession for the state of them and of the church. Which pardōs brought the simple people to cursed idolatry.

Item the sayd Margery sayd to this deponent, that e∣uery faythful man or woman is not bound to fast in Lent, or other dayes appoynted for fasting by the church, & that euery man may lawfully eat flesh and all other meates v∣pon the sayd dayes and times:* 3.13 and that it were better to eat the fragments left vpō Thursday at night on y^e fasting dayes, thē to go to the market to bring themselues in debt to buy fish: and that Pope Siluester made the Lent.

Item, the sayd Margery sayd to this deponēt, that W. White was falsly condēned for an hereticke, & that he was a good and holy mā, and that he willed her to folow him to the place of execution,* 3.14 Whereas she saw that whē he would haue opened his mouth to speak vnto y^e people to instruct them, a deuill one of bishop Cayphas seruants strake him on the lips, and stopped his mouth, that he could in no case declare the will of God.

Item, this deponent sayth y^t the sayd Margery taught her that she should not goe on pilgrimage, neither to our Lady of Walsingame, nor to any other saynt or place.

Also this deponent sayth, that the sayd Margery desi∣red her that she & Ioane her mayde would come secretly in the night to her chamber, & there she should heare her hus∣band read the law of Christ vnto them, which law is writ∣ten in a booke that her husbande was wont to reade to her by night, and that her husband is well learned in the Chri∣stian verity.

Also that the same Margery had talked with a woman named Ione West, and that the sayde woman is in a good way of saluation.

Also that the said Margery said to this deponēt: Ione, it appeareth by your countenaunce, that you intend to dis∣close this that I haue sayde vnto you: and this deponent sware that she woulde neuer disclose it, without the sayde Margery gaue her occasion. Then sayde Margery vnto this deponent if thou do accuse me vnto the Bishop, I wil do vnto thee, as I did once vnto a certayne Frier a Car∣melite of Varmouth which was the best learned Frier in all the country. Then this deponēt desired to know what she had done to the frier. Unto whom Margery answered that she had talked with the sayd Frier, rebuking him be∣cause he did beg, saying that it was no almes to geue hym any good thing, except he would leaue his habite, and go to the plough, and so he should please God more, then folow∣ing the life of some of those Friers. Then the Frier requy∣red of the sayd Margery whether she could teach him or tel him any thing els. Thē the sayd Margery (as she affirmed to this deponent) declared to this Frier the gospels in en∣lish, and then the Frier departed from her. After this the same Frier accused the sayd Margery of heresy, and she vn¦derstanding that the Frier had accused her: accused the Fri∣er agayne, that he would haue knowne her carrally, and because she would not consent vnto him, the Frier had ac∣cused her of heresy. And moreouer she sayd that her husbād would haue killed the Frier therefore: and so the Frier for feare held his peace, and went his way for shame.

This Margery also sayd that she had oftentimes bene faynedly confessed to the Deane of the fieldes,* 3.15 because he should thinke her to be a woman of good life, and therfore he gaue the sayd Margery oftentimes money. Then thys deponent asked her whether she had confessed her sinnes to a priest or not. And she answered that she had neuer offen∣ded any priest, & therfore she would neuer confesse her selfe to any priest, neyther obey him because they haue no pow∣er to absolue any man from theyr sinnes, for that they offēd dayly more greeuously then other men, and therefore that men ought to confesse themselues onely vnto God and to no priest.

Item, the said Margery said to this deponent, that the people did worship deuils which fell frō heauen with Lu∣cifer, which deuils in theyr fall to the earth, entred into the Images which stand in the Churches,* 3.16 and haue long lur∣ked & dwelled in thē, so that the people worshipping those Images, commit Idolatry.

Item, she sayd more to this deponent that holy bread & holy water were but tri••es of no effect or force, & that the belles are to be cast out of the Church, and that they are ex∣communicate which first ordeined them.

Moreouer that she should not be burned, although she were conuict of Lollardy, for that she had a charter of salua¦tion in her body.

Also the sayd deponent sayth, y^t Agnes Bethem her ser¦uant being sent to the house of the sayd Margery the Sa∣terday after Ashwēsday, the said Margery not being w^tin,

found a brasse pot standing ouer the fire with a piece of ba∣ken and Otemeate sething in it, as it is said Agnes repor∣ted to this deponent.

There were also besides this deponent, diuers other (worne and examined vpon the sayde Margery, as Iohn Brunley and Agnes Berthē, seruauntes to William Cli∣stand, which altogether confirmed the former depositions.

Thus much we haue thought good to note as concer∣ning Margery Backster, which we haue gathered out of the old monumentes and registers. But what became of her after this her accusation, because we finde no mention made in the sayd registers, we are not able to declare.

The same yeare also, were the like depositions made by one William Wright agaynst diuers good men, as here foloweth.

* 3.17First, this deponent sayth that William Taylor, tolde Iohn Piry of Ludney, in the house of Iohn Bungay of Beghton, in the presence of I. Bungay, Robert Brigges wright of Martham, and Iohn Usher, that all the good men of Martham which were fauorers & helpers to that good man William White are euill troubled now a dayes, and that the sayd William White, was a good & holy doc∣tor: and that the best doctor after him was William Euer∣den, whiche wrought with the sayde William Taylour,* 3.18 of Ludney by the space of one moneth, and that the first Son∣day of the same moneth, the sayd William Euerden did sit all day vpon the table at worke, saying to the sayd Willi∣am Taylor, that he would not go to Church to shew hym∣selfe a Scribe or Pharisy: and the second sonday he put on Gentle mans apparell, and went to Norwiche to harken how the Byshop and his ministers vsed the poore Christi∣ans there in prison.

* 3.19Also the sayd William Wright, deposed that Willyam Taylour of Ludney was one of the secte, & went to Lon∣don with Syr Hue Pye, and had conuersation oftētimes with Syr William White, hauing often conference vpon the Lollardes doctrine.

Item, that Auise, wife of Thomas Moone, is of the same sect and fauored them,* 3.20 and receiueth them often, and also the daughter of Thomas Moone is partly of the same sect, and can read English.

* 3.21Item, that Richard Fletcher of Beckils, is a most per∣fect doctor in that sect, and can very well and perfectly ex∣pound the holy Scriptures, & hath a booke of the new law in English, which was Syr Hughe Pyes first.

* 3.22Itē, that Nicolas Belward, sonne of Iohn Belward dwelling in the parishe of Southelham, is one of the same sect, and hath a new Testament which he bought at Lon∣don for 4.* 3.23 markes and 40. pence, and taught the sayd Wil∣liam Wright and Margery his wife, and wrought wyth them continually by the space of one yere, and studied dili∣gently vpon the sayd new Testament.

Itē, that Thomas Bremner Turner of Dychingame is perfect in that sect and law.

* 3.24Iohn Clarke the younger of Bergh, had the beddinge and apparell of William Euerden in his custody, after the returne of William White from Bergh, and is of the same secte.

* 3.25Item, William Bate, Taylour of Sething, and hys wife and his sonne, whiche can reade Englishe very well, are of the same sect.

* 3.26Item, William Skiruing of Sething, receiued Ioane the wife of W. White into his house, being brought thither by William Euerden, after theyr departure from Mar∣tham.

* 3.27Item, William Osborne of Sething, I. Reue glouer, and Bawdwin Cooper of Beckels are of the same sect.

Item, Iohn Pert late seruaunt of Thomas Moone, is of the same secte, and can read well, & did read in the pre∣sence of William White, and was the first that brought Sir Hugh Pye into the company of the Lollardes, which as∣sembled oftentimes together, at the house of the sayd Tho. Moone, and there conferred vpon theyr doctrine.

* 3.28Item, Syr Hugh Pye bequeathed to Alice, seruaunt to William White, a new Testament, which they then called the booke of the new law, & was in the custody of Oswald Godfrey of Colchester.

* 3.29Iohn Perker Mercer of a village by Ipswitch, is a fa∣mous Doctour of that secte. Also he sayd that father Abra∣ham of Colchester is a good man.

Item, the sayd William Wright deposeth that it is read in the Prophesies amonges the Lollardes, that the sect of Lollardes shalbe in a maner destroyed:* 3.30 Notwithstanding at the length the Lollards shall preuayle and haue the vic∣tory agaynst all theyr enemyes.

Also, he sayd that Tucke knoweth all of that Sect in Suffolke, Norfolke and Essex.

Besides these, there were many other ••he same yeare troubled,* 3.31 whose names being before expressed in the table of Norfolke men, here for breuityes sake we omit further to untreat of, passing ouer to the next yere folowing, which was 1430. Ex Regist. Norw.

IOhn Burrell seruaunt to Thomas Moone of Ludney, in the Dioces of Norwiche,* 3.32 was apprehended and arre∣sted for heresy, the 9. day of December, in this yeare of our Lord 1430. and examined by Mayster William Bernam the Bishops commissary, vpon the articles before menti∣oned, and diuers others hereafter following, obiected a∣gaynst him.

In primis, that the Catholicke Churche is the soule of euery good Christen man.

Item,* 3.33 that no man is bounde to fast the Lent or other fasting dayes appoynted by the Church, for they were not appoynted by God, but ordeyned by the priestes: and that euery man may eat flesh or fish vpon the same dayes indif∣ferently, according to his own will, & euery friday is a free day to eat both flesh and fish indifferently.

Item,* 3.34 that pilgrimage ought not to be made but onely vnto the poore.

Item, that it is not lawefull to sweare, but in case of life and death.

Item,* 3.35 that Masses and prayers for the deade, are but vayne, for the soules of the dead are eyther in heauē or hell: and there is none other place of purgatory but this world. Upō the which Articles he being cōuict, was forced to ob∣iure and suffred like penance as the other before had done.

THomas Moone of Ludney,* 3.36 was apprehended and atta¦ched for suspition of heresy, agaynst whom were obiec∣ted by the Bishop, the articles before written, but specially this article, that he had familiarity & communication with diuers heretickes, and had receiued, comforted, supported, and mayntayned diuers of them,* 3.37 as sir William White, syr Hugh Pye, Thomas Pert, and William Callis Priestes, with many other more: vpon the which articles, he being cōuict before the bishop, was forced to abiure, and receiued the like penance, in like maner as before.

In like maner Robert Brigges of Martham was brought before the Bishop the 17.* 3.38 day of February, in the yeare aforesayd, for holding and affirming the foresayd ar∣ticles, but especially these hereafter folowing.

That the sacrament of confirmation ministred by the Byshop,* 3.39 did auayle nothing to saluation.

That it was no sinne to withstand the ordinaunces of the Church of Rome.

That holy bread and holy water were but trifles, and that the bread and the water were the worse for the contu∣racions & characters which the priestes made ouer them.

Upon which Articles he being conuict, was forced to abiure, and receiued penance in maner and forme as the o∣ther had done before him.

The like also (albeit somewhat more sharp) happened vnto Iohn Finch of Colchester,* 3.40 the 20. day of September, who albeit he was of the dioces of London, being suspecte of heresye, was attached in Ipswich in the dioces of Nor∣wich, & brought before the bishop there, before whom he be¦ing conuict of the like articles: as all the other before him, was enioyned penance, three displings in solemne proces∣sion about the Cathedrall Church of Norwich, three seue∣rall Sondayes, & three displinges about the market place of Norwich three principall market dayes, his head, necke and feet being bare, & his body couered onely with a short shirt or vesture, hauing in his handes a taper of waxe of a pound waight,* 3.41 which the next Sonday after his penance, he shoulde offer to the Trinity: and that for the space of 3. yeres after, euery Ashwednesday & Maundy Thursday he should appeare in the Cathedrall Church of Norwich, be∣fore the Bishop or his Vicegerent, to do open penaunce a∣mongest the other penitentiaries, for his offences.

There were besides these men which we haue here re∣hearsed, diuers and many other, who, both for the concor∣daunce of the matter, and also for that theyr Articles & pu∣nishmēts were all one, we haue thought good at this time to passe ouer, especially forsomuch as their names be before recited in the Catalogue.

ABout the same time, euen the same yeare. 1430. short∣lye after the solemne Coronation of Kyng Henrye the sixt a certayne manne named Richard Houeden a woll winder,* 3.42 and Citizen of Londō, receiued also the crown of

[illustration]

The burning of Rich, Houeden.

Martyrdome. Which man when as he coulde by no per∣swasions be withdrawne or plucked backe from the opini∣ons of wickliffe, he was by the Rulers of the church con∣demned for heresy, and as Fabian writeth, burued hard by the tower of London.

Nicholas Canon of Eye.

* 3.43NOw to proceed in our story of Norfolke and Suffolk in folowing the order of yeres, we finde that in y^e yere of our Lord. 1431. One Nich. Canon of Eye was brought before the Bishop of Norwich for suspicion of heresy, with certayne witnesses sworne to depose against him touching his maners and conuersatiō, which witnesses appointing one William Christopher to speak in the name of them all, he deposed in maner and forme folowing.

First that on Easter day when all the parishners wēt about the church of Eye solemnely in processiō as y^e maner was, the sayd Nicholas Canon as it were mocking & de∣ciding the other parishioners, went about the Church the contrary way, and met the procession.

* 3.44This article he confessed and affirmed that he thought he did well in so doing.

Item, the sayd Nicholas asked of maister Iohn Col∣man of Eye, this question. Maister Colman, what think you of the Sacrament of the aulter? To whome the sayde Colman aunswered: Nicholas, I thinke that the Sacra∣mēt of the aultar is very God and very man, the very flesh and very bloud of our Lord Iesus Christ vnder forme of bread and wine. Vnto whom Nicholas in decision sayde: Truly if the Sacrament of the aultar be very God & very man, and the very body & bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ: then may very God and very man be put in a small roome: as when it is in the priests mouth, that receiueth it at mas. And why may not we simple men, as well eate flesh vpon Fridayes and al other prohibited dayes,* 3.45 as the priest to eat the flesh and the bloud of our Lord euery day indifferētly: The which article, the sayd Nicholas denied that he spake vnto Maister Colman, but vnto a Monke of Hockesney, And furthermore, he thought he had spoken well in that behalfe.

Item that on Corpus Christi day at the eleuation of high masse, when all the parishioners & other straungers knee∣led downe holding vp their handes, and doing reuerence vnto the sacrament, the sayd Nicholas went behinde a pil∣ler of the church, and turning his face from the high aulter, mocked them that did reuerence vnto the sacrament.

This article he also acknowledging, affirmed that he beleued himselfe to do well in so doing.

Item, when his mother would haue the said Nicholas to lift vp his right hand, and to crosse himselfe frō y^e craftes and assaults of the deuill, forsomuch as he deferred the do∣ing therof, his mother tooke vp his right hād & crossed him saying: In nomine patris filij, & spiritus sacti. Amen. Which so ended, the sayde Nicholas immediately deciding hys mo∣thers blessing, tooke vp his right hand of his owne accord, and blessed him otherwise, as his aduersaryes reporte of him. This Article the sayde Nicholas acknowledged to be true.

Item, that vpon Alhallowen day in the time of eleuati¦on of high masse, when as many of the parishioners of E••e lighted many torches and caried thē vp to the high aultar kneling down there in reuerence and honor of the Sacra∣ment, the sayd Nicholas carying a torche, went vp hard to the high aultar, and standing behind the priestes backe say∣ing masse,* 3.46 at the time of the eleuation he stood vpright vpō his feet, turning his back to the priest, and his face toward the people, and would do no reuerence vnto y^e sacrament. This article he acknowledged, affirming that he thought he had done well in y^t behalfe. All which Articles the By∣shops cōmissary caused to be copied out word for worde, & to be sēt vnto M. William Worsted, Prior of the cathedrall church of Norwich, and to other doctors of diuinity of the order of begging Friers, that they might deliberate vpon them, and shew their mindes betwene that and Thursday next folowing. Vpon whiche Thursdaye being the last of Nouember, the yeare aforesayd, the sayd Nicholas was a∣gayne examined before M. Barnam and diuers other vpō two other articles which he had confessed vnto I. Exetor notary,* 3.47 & Tho. Bernsten bacheler of diuinity and others. Whereof the first Article was this: that the sayd Nicholas Canon being of perfect minde and remembrance, confessed that he doubled whether in the Sacrament of the aulter, were the very body of Christ or no. This article he confes∣sed before the Commissary to be true.

Item,* 3.48 that he beyng of perfecte minde and remem∣braunce, beleued that a man ought not to cōfesse his sinnes to a Priest. This Article he also confessed that he doubted vpon.

Now remayneth to declare what these doctors afore∣sayd concluded vpon the articles: whose aunswere vnto the same was this.

First of all as touching the first article,* 3.49 they sayde that the article in the same termes as it was propoūded, is not simply an heresy but an error.

Item, as touching the second article, the doctors agree as in the first.

Item, as touching the third Article, they affirme that it is an heresy.

Vnto the fourth Article they aunswered as vnto the first and second.

Item,* 3.50 the doctors affirme the 5. article to be an heresy.

Item, as touching the 6. Article, the doctors conclude that if the sayd Nicholas being of perfect mind and remē∣brance, did doubt whether the sacrament of the aulter were the very perfect body of Christ or no, then that Article is simply an heresy.

Wherupon the sayd Commissary declared & pronoun∣ced the sayd Nicholas Canon vpō the determinatiō of the foresaid doctors, to be an heretick: and therupon forced the sayd Nicholas to abiure all the sayd Articles. That done, he enioined the sayd Nicholas penance for his offēces, thre displinges about the cloyster of the Cathedrall Churche of Norwich, before a solemne procession, bare headed & bare∣foote, carying a Taper of halfe a pound in his hand, going after the maner aforesayd,* 3.51 like a mere penitētiary: y^e which his penance, the iudge commaunded should be respited vn¦till the comming of the Bishop into his dioces, and that in the meane time he should be kept in prison, to the end that he should not infect the flock with his venune and poyson of errors and heresyes.

Thus haue we briefly discoursed vnto you, the greate troubles and afflictions, which happened in Norfolke and Suffolke by the space of those 4. yeares before mentioned, hauing drawen out briefly for euery yere, certayne notable examples, sufficient for the declaration of all the rest, for so much as their opinions being nothing different, theyr pe∣naunce and punishment did also nothing differ, otherwise then by those particuler examples may be playnely seene.

Thomas Bagley Priest.

ANd now to proceede as we haue begon,* 3.52 w^t our former storyes generally, we find in Fabians Chronicles that in the same yere of our Lord. 1431. Thomas Bagley a priest Vicar of Monenden beside Malden, being a valiant disci∣ple and adherent of wickliffe, was condemned by the By∣shops of heresy at London about the midst of Lent, was disgraded and burned in Smithfield.

¶ Paule Craw a Bohemian.

* 3.53THe same yeare also was Paule Crawe a Bohemian taken at S. Andrewes by the Bishop Henry, and de∣liuered ouer to the secular power to be burnt, for holding contrary opinions vnto y^e Church of Rome touching the sacramēt of y^e Lords supper, the worshipping of Sainets. auricular confession, with other of Wicklesses opinions.

The story of Thomas Rhedon, a French man, and a Carmelite Frier, burnt in Italy for the profession of Christ.

* 3.54WE haue declared before, how this cruell storme of persecution which first began with vs in England, after it had long raged heere against many good and godly men, it brake out & passed into Boheme, and after within a short time, the fire of this persecution increasing by little and little, inuaded Scotland, and from thence now wyth greater force and violence, this furious deuouring flame hath entred Italy, and suffereth not any part of the world to be free from the murther and slaughter of most good & godly men. It hapned about this time, that one Thomas Rhedon,* 3.55 a Frier of that sect, which taketh his name of the mount Carmelus, by chance came with the Venetiā Aus∣bassadours into Italy. This mā, although he was of that fort and secte, which in stead of Christians, are called Car∣melites, yet was he of a farre other religion, & vnderstood the word of God, iudging that God ought not to be wor∣shipped, neither in that mount, nor at Ierusalem onely, but in spirit & truth. This man being a true Carmelite, •• fauoring with his whole hart that new sweet must of Ie∣su Christ, with earnest study & desire seeking after a Chri∣stiā integritie of life, prepared himselfe first to go into ••••∣ly, trusting y^t he should find there, or else in no place, sonne by whole good life and liuing he might be editied and in∣structed. For where ought more aboundance of verme & good liuing to be, then in that place, which is counted to be the forte and fountaine of all religion? And how could it o∣therwise be, but that wheras so great holines is professed wherupon all mens cies are bent, as vpon a stage, vnder∣as S. Peters seate is, and is thought to be the ruler & go∣uernour of all the Church, all things should florish and a∣besid worthy of so great expectatiō in that place? This ho∣ly man hauing these things before his eies, and conside∣ring the same with himselfe, forsooke his owne countrey & Citie, & went vnto Rome, conceiuing a firme & sure hope that by the example of so many notable and worthy me, he should greatly profile in godlines & learning: but the suc∣cesse of the matter did vtterly frustrate his hope, for all things were cleane cōtrary. Whatsoeuer he saw, was no∣thing else but meere dissimulatiō and hypocrisie.* 3.56 In stead of gold, he found nothing but coales: and for to say y^e truth, he found nothing else there but gold and siluer. In stead of heauenly gifts, there raigned amongst them the pompe and pride of the world. In place of godlines, riot. In stead of learning and study,* 3.57 douthfulnes and superstition. Ty∣rannie and hautinesse of mind had possessed the place of A∣postolicke simplicitie: that now there remained no more any place or libertie for a man to learne that whiche hee knew not, or to teach that which he perfectly vnderstoode.

Finally, all things were turned artic versie, all things hapned vnto him contrary to his expectation wheresoe∣uer he went. But nothing so much offended this good mas mind,* 3.58 as the intolerable ambition, and pompous pride in them, whome example of humilitie should especially com∣mend and praise to the whole worlde. And albeit that hee saw here nothing, which did accord & agree with the rule of the Apostles: yet these things did so much passe all mea∣sure and pacience, that he could by no meanes resraine his long in so great abuse and corruption of the Church, seing such ambitions pride in their buildings, apparell, in their places, in their daintie fare, in their great traynes of ser∣uants, in their horsse and armour, & finally in all things pertaining vnto them. Which things, how much they did vary from the prescript rule of the Gospel, so much y^e more was this good mā forced to speake. Albeit he did well vn∣derstand how litle he shoulde preuaile by speaking: for if admonition would profite any thing at all, the bookes of Wicklesse and diuers other were not wanting. The fa∣mous testimonies of Iohn Hus, & of Dierome of Prage, and their bloud shed for the same, was yet present before their eies:* 3.59 at whose most effectual exhortations, they were so little correct and amended, that they seemed twise more cruell than they were before. Yet all this could not feare this good man, but that in so necessary and wholesome an office, he would spend his life if need should be. So by this meanes, he which came to be a scholer vnto others, was now forced to be their teacher. And he which determined to follow other mens liues and maners, had now contra∣trywise set before them his life to be marked and followed. For he liued so amongst them, that his life might be a rule vnto them all, and so taught, as he might also be theyr schoolemaister. For euen as Paule had foreshewed vnto such as desired to liue godly in Christ, that they shoulde suffer persecution: such like reward hapned vnto this mā. He gaue vnto them the fruite of godlinesse,* 3.60 whiche they should follow: they againe set vpon his head the diademe of Martirdome. He sheweth them the way to saluation, and they for the benefite of life rewarded him death: and whereas no rewards had bene worthy for his greate la∣bours and trauailes, they with most extreame ignomin••e persecuted him euen vnto the fire. For when as by conti∣nuall preaching he had gotten great enuic and hatred, the rulers began to consist together, by what meanes they might circumvent this mans life. Heere they had reconcle to their accustomed remedies: for it is a peculiar and con∣tinuall custome amongst the prelates of the Church, that if any man did displease them, or that his talke be not ac∣cording to their minde, or by any meanes hurtfull, or a hinderance to their lucre and gaine, by and by they frame out Articles of some heresie, which they charge him with∣all. And like as euery liuing thing hath his peculiar and proper weapon to defend himselfe from harme,* 3.61 as nature hath armed the Bore with his tuskes, the Hedgebogge with his prickles, the Lyon is feared for his clawes, the Dogge for his biting, the Bull fighteth with his hornes, neither doth the A••e lacke his houes to strike withall: e∣uen so this is the only armour of the Bishops,* 3.62 to strangle a man with heresie, if he once go about to mutter against their will and ambition: which thing may be easily per∣ceiued and seene in this most holy man, beside a greate number of other. Who, when as now he began to waxe greuous vnto them, and could no longer be suffred: what did they? straightwayes flee vnto their old policies, and as they had done with Hus, and Hicrome of Prage, euen so went they about to practise against this man. They o∣uerwhelme him with suspition, they seeke to intangle him with questions, they examine him in iudgement, they compile Articles against him, and lay heresie vnto hys charge, they condemne him as an hereticke, and beeing so condemned, they destroy and kill him. This was theyr godlines: this was the peaceable order of those Carme∣lites. Whose religion was to weare no sword nor shield, notwithstanding they did beare in their hearts, malice, rancour, vengeace, poison, craft and deceipt, sharper then any sword. With how great care and policie is it prouided by law, that none of these Cleargy men should fight wyth sword in the streates? When as in iudgement and accusa∣tions (where as it is not lawfull for a man to oppresse his brother) there is no murtherer which hath more readie vengeaunce, or that both more vily esteeme his brothers soule then they. They shead no bloud themselues, they strike not, nor kill, but they deliuer them ouer vnto others to be slaine. What difference is there I pray you, but that they are the authours, and the other are but the ministers of the cruell fact? they kill no man as murtherers do. How then? Although not after the same sort, yet they do it by a∣nother meane.

The Articles which they falsly gathered against thys man,* 3.63 are affirmed by some to be these.

That the Church lacketh reformation, and that it shall be punished and reformed.

That Infidels, Iewes, Turkes, and Moores shall bee conue••ted vnto Christ in the later dayes.

That abhominations are vsed at Rome.

That the uniust excommunication of the Pope, is not to be feared: and those which do not obserue the same, do not sinne or offend.

But yet there lacked a minister for these articles:* 3.64 albeit he could not long be wanting at Rome, where all things are to be sold, euen mens soules. For this office and mini∣stery, there was no man thought more meete, then Willi∣am of Rowne, Cardinall of Saicet Martines in the Mount, Uicechancelour of the Court of Rome. Eugeni∣us at that time was Pope, who had a little before succe∣ded Pope Martin aboue mentioned. Before the whyche Eugenius, this godly Rhedonensis the Frenchman, was brought, and from thence sent vnto prison. And againe af∣ter his imprisonment, and diuers and sondry greeueus torments, he was brought before the Iudges. The Wolfe S••ate in iudgement: the Lambe was accused. Why? because he had troubled the spring. But heere neede not manie

malice of these mighty potentates, had offended inough, and was easely conuict and condemned to be burned: but in such sort, as first of all he should be depriued of all such degrees as he had taken to Priesthode: For it is counted an vnlawfull thing, that a Priest should be punished with prophane punishment, when as notwithstanding it is lawfull inough for Priests to put any lay man to death, be he neuer so giltles.

* 3.65How religiously and earnestly do they foresee, that the maiesty of Priestly dignitie should not in any case be hurt? But how little care haue they, that their consciences bee not hurt with false iudgements, and oppressing the gilt∣les? Wherefore, before that he should come vnto punish∣ment, this good man must be disgraded. The order and maner of this Popish degrading is partly before touched in the story of William Taylor, fol. 517.

* 3.66After that it had pleased the Byshops to disgrade thys man frō the degrees wherewith before they had consecra∣ted him, and thought not that sufficiēt, by and by after they depriued him of his life also, & burned him four yeres after that he came to Rome. In the yeare of our Lord. 1436.

[illustration]

The burning of Tho. Rhedonensis.

And thus through the crueltie of these most tyrannous Prelates, this blessed Martyr dyed. Albeit it is not to be thought that he died, but made a losse of this bodie, for a greater gaine of saluation, before the iust iudgement of God: Neither is it to be doubted, but that he liueth eter∣nally vnder the aultar, with them whose bloud the Lorde will reuenge, peraduenture too soone sor some of them, whome the earth hath heere so long holden vnpunished.

As this Thomas abouesayd suffered at Rome: so were diuers other in other places about Germany executed neare about the same time,* 3.67 after the burning of Iohn Hus: as Hēry Grunfelder, Priest of Ratispone, an. 1420. also Henry Radtgeber Priest, in the same Citie, an. 1423. Iohn Draendorfe of noble birth, and a Priest, was bur∣ned at Wormes. an. 1424. Peter Thoraw, at Spyre, an. 1426. Math. Hager, also suffered at Berline in Ger∣many, not long after. Ex Balei Centur. sept.

After the death of Pope Martine, who reigned foure∣teene yeares,* 3.68 succeeded Eugenius, the fourth of that name, about the yeare of our Lord 1431. Of whome An∣toninus thus writeth, that he was much geuen to wars, as may well declare his conflictes and fighting with the Romaines: also the battailes betweene the Venetians and the Florentians.

This Pope began first to celebrate the Councell of Ba∣sill, which Councell Martin his predecessour had before intended, according to the institution of the Councell of Constance. Notwithstanding the said Eugenius percea∣uing afterward this Councell of Basill not to fauour him and his doings, and fearing some detriment to come to him by the same, afterward laboured by all subtill prac∣tise to dissolue and interrupt the saide Councell, and from Basill to translate it first to Ferraria, then to Florentia, more neere to his owne sea of Rome. Concerning the which Councell of Basill, forsomuch as we haue begon heere to make mention, it shall be no great digression out of the way, to discourse something thereof (the Lorde so permitting) more at large, so much as for the most prin∣cipall matters thereof shall seeme sufficient or necessary to be knowne.

¶ Heere foloweth the order and maner of the Coun∣cell of Basill, touching the principall matters concluded therein, briefly collected and abridged heere in this present booke: The rest whereof we haue re∣ferred vnto our former edition, where∣in the full discourse of the whole dis∣putation is to be seene more at large, for suche as haue list and leisure to see more thereof.

IN the 39. session of the Councell of Constance (as is be∣fore mentioned,* 3.69 page. 594.) it was decreed and prouided concerning the order and tunes of such generall Coun∣cels as should heereafter followe: The first that shoulde next ensue,* 3.70 to be kept the fift yeare after the said Councell of Constance: the second to be holden the seauenth yeare after that, and so orderly all other to follow successiuely from ten yeare to ten yeare. Wherefore, according to this decree, followed a generall Councell, fiue yeares after the Councell of Constance, celebrate and holden at Sene, vn∣der Pope Martine, an. 1424. but it soone broke vp. After the which Councell, the tearme of seauen yeares being ex∣pired, another Councell was holden at Basill, in the yere of our Lord 1431. The which Councell is noted to haue bene the most troublesome, and to haue endured longer then any other Councell beforetime celebrate and holden in the Church. This Councell continued almost the space of seauenteene yeares: wherein it was concluded, as be∣fore in the Councel of Constance, that the generall Coun∣cels were aboue the Pope, and both of these two Coun∣cels did attribute the chiefe authoritie in decreeing and de∣termining vnto the generall Councell: which is the cause that the contrary part doth derogate so much from the authoritie of this present Councell.

When as Pope Martine the first had appointed Iulian, Cardinall and Deacon of S. Angell, his Legate, to cele∣brate and holde a generall Councell at Basill for the re∣formation of the Churche, and rooting out of heresies, within short space after Pope Martin died, in whose seate Eugenius the fourth succeeded,* 3.71 who confirmed vnto the said Cardinall Iulian, the same authoritie which his pre∣decessor before had giuen him.* 3.72 Vnto this Councell of Ba∣sill beeing begon, came the Emperour Sigismund, who during his life time, with his presence and authoritie, did protect and defend the said Synode. After the Emperours death, Pope Eugenius altering his former minde & pur∣pose, would transport the Councell vnto Bononie, and thereby hindred the successe of the Councell of Basill. And first he helde a contrary Councell at Ferraria, and after∣ward at Florence: For after the death of the Emperour Sigismund, there was no Princes or noble men, that had any care or regard of the Councell. Eugenius the Pope pretended causes, as touching the Greekes, which should come vnto the Councell,* 3.73 and the vniting of their Church vnto the West Church, the which Greekes woulde in no wise passe the Alpes: Also as touching his owne incom∣moditie, that he could not come vnto Basill being so long a iourney, and that all his men might haue easie accesse vnto Bononia, and that amongst the Germaines (which in their owne countrey are so intractable) nothing can be attempted for their reformation: whereupon he cited Car∣dinall Iulian and the fathers of the Councel vnto Bono∣nia, vnder great penaltie.* 3.74 vnder great penaltie. They againe cited the Pope, that either he should come himselfe vnto the Councell, or send Ambassadors vnder the like penaltie. For this cause the Ambassadours of Albert King of the Romaines, and of the other Princes of Germany, assembled together first at Norenberge, and when as they coulde determine no∣thing there, they assembled againe at Frankford, to ap∣pease the dissention betweene the Councell and the Pope: for it was thought, that the Electors of the Empire might best assemble and meete in that place. In the meane time, the Emperours Ambassadours, and the Ambassadours of the Electors, went vnto Basill, and hauing conference with the Ambassadours of the other Princes which were there, they did earnestly exhort the fathers of the Coun∣cell, that they would embrace and receiue the vnitie, which

they would offer.* 3.75 The request of the Princes was, that the fathers would transport the Councell, and go vnto ano∣ther place: the which onely thing Pope Eugenius seemed alwaies to seeke and desire, that therby he might either di∣uide the fathers of y^e Councell, or take away their libertie.

Notwithstanding this sacred Synode thought good neither to deny the princes request, nor to graunt that, which Pope Eugenius required. During this doubt, the Emperours Ambassadours, the Bishops of Patauia and Augusta (being much required and stirred thereunto) ap∣pointed a noble and valiant Baron called Conrad Wein∣sperge, by the Kings commandement, to be Protector and defender of the Councell, and the fathers. Whereby as the enemies perceiued the Emperours minde to be alienate from the Pope, so the Fathers of the Councell vnderstood his good will towards them: forsomuch as he would not haue sent them a protector, if he had not iudged it a lawfull Councell: neither againe would he haue iudged it a Coū∣cell in Basill, if he had geuen credit to Pope Eugenius. But by meanes of a great pestilēce which began to grow, the assembly that should haue bene holden at Frankford, was transported vnto Mentz. The Ambassadours of the princes also thought good to go thether, if they might find any meanes of vnity, whereby they might vnite and knit the Pope againe vnto the Councell.

The assembly was very famous, for there were present the Archbishops of Mentz,* 3.76 Colen & Treuers, Electours of the sacred Empire, and all the Ambassadours of the o∣ther Electours. Notwithstanding, the Archbishop of Co∣len was the chiefe fauourer of y^e Coūcell in this assembly, who with all his labour and diligēce went about to bring the matter vnto a good ende. Rabanus the Archbishop of Treuers shewed himself somewhat more rough. The sa∣cred Synode also thought good to send thether their Am∣bassadours, and appointed out the Patriarke of Aquileia, the Bishop of Uicene, and the Bishop of Argen diuines, Iohn Segouius, and Thomas de Corcellis, with diuers others. Ther was no mā ther present which would name himselfe the Ambassadour of Eugenius: Albeit there were many of his fauourers and frends come thether, both frō the Coūcell, and also out of Florēce, the which, albeit they had sworne to the contrary, yet fauoured they more Euge∣nius then the Councell. But the chiefe Hercules of all the Eugenians, was Nicholas Cusanus, a man singularly well learned, and of great experience. After diuers cōsulta∣tions had, the Electours of the Empire, and the Ambas∣sadours of the other Princes of Germany, thought good to geue out commandement throughout their whole na∣tion and countrey, that the Decrees of the Councell of Basill should be receiued and obserued.

Whilest these things were thus debated at Mentz, there sprang a certaine very doubtfull question amongst the Diuines, which remained at Basill, whether Eugenius might be called an heretike, which had so rebelliously con∣temned the commaundements of the Church. Hereupon they gathered thēselues together, disputing long amongst themselues, some affirming, and othersome holding the negatiue part.* 3.77 Vpon this their disputation, there arose three seuerall opinions, some affirming that he was an he∣reticke, othersome, not onely an Hereticke, but also a re∣lapse. The third sort would neither grant him to be an he∣reticke nor a relapse. Amongst these diuines, the chiefe and principal both in learning and authority, was the Bishop of Ebriun, Ambassadour of the king of Castell, and a cer∣taine Scottish Abbot: which, as two most valiant Cham∣pions, subdued all their enemies, so that all the rest did ei∣ther consent vnto their argumēts, or gaue place vnto thē, and so their determinatiō tooke place, and Eugenius was pronounced both an heretike and relapse. Eight conclusi∣ons were there determined and allowed amongst the Di∣uines, which they called verities: the copie whereof they did diuulgate throughout all Christendome.

When the Ambassadours of the Councell were retur∣ned from Mentz,* 3.78 and that certain report was made of the allowing of their decrees, the fathers of y^e Coūcel thought good to discusse the cōclusiōs of the diuines more at large. Whereupon, by the commandement of the deputies, al the Maisters and Doctours & Cleargy,* 3.79 were called together, with all the residue of the Prelates, into the Chapterhouse of the greate Churche, there openly to dispute and dis∣cusse Eugenius heresie. The which thing sore greeued the Byshop of Millaine, fearing least this disputation would worke the depriuation of Eugenius,* 3.80 the which, as he said, he had alwaies letted for feare of schisme: Wherfore he cea∣sed not by all manner of waies to labour, to stop & trouble the matter, exhorting thē that were absent by his letters, and encouraging those that were present by his words, to the defēce of Eugenius. But at the last, there was a great assembly in the Chapter house, some commyng thether to dispute, and other some to heare. This disputation conti∣nued sixe dayes, both forenoone and afternoone, amongest whō Cardinall Lodouicus Archbishop Arelatensis, was appointed as Iudge and Arbiter of the whole disputatiō: who beside many other notable vertues, was both vali∣aunt & constaunt. Nicolas Amici, which was also a Proc∣tor of the faith, a famous mā amongst the Diuines of Pa∣ris demaunded of euery man what their opinion was. Iohn Deinlefist, publicke Notary, wrote euery mās sen∣tence and iudgement.* 3.81 The conclusions of the Diuines, whiche were the ground and foundation of their disputa∣tion, were these here following.

• 1. It is a veritie of the Catholicke fayth, that the sacred generall Councell, hath power ouer the Pope, or any o∣ther Prelate.
• 2. The Pope cannot by his owne authoritie, either dis∣solue transport or proroge, the generall Coūcell being law fully congregate, without the whole consent of the Coun∣cell: and this is of like veritie.
• 3. He which doth obstinately resist these verities, is to be counted an hereticke.
• 4. Pope Eugenius the fourth hath resisted these veri∣ties, when as at the first, by the fulnesse of his Apostolicke power, he attempted to dissolue or to transport the Coun∣cell of Basill.
• 5. Eugenius being admonished by the sacred Councell, did recant the errours repugnaunt to these verities.
• 6. The dissolution or translation of the Councell attemp∣ted the second tyme by Eugenius, is agaynst the foresayd verities, and containeth an inexcusable errour touchyng the fayth.
• 7. Eugenius in going about to dissolue and transport the Coūcell agayne, is fallen into his before reuoked errours.
• 8. Eugenius beyng warned by the Synode, that hee should reuoke the dissolution or trāslation the second time attempted: after that his contumacie was declared, perse∣uering in his rebellion and erecting a Councell at Ferra∣ria, shewed himselfe thereby obstinate.

These were the cōclusiōs which were read in y^e Chap∣ter house before the fathers of y^e Coūcell. Upon the which, when they were desired to speake their mindes, they all, in a maner, cōfirmed & allowed them. Notwithstāding Pa∣normitane Archbishop, disputed much against them. Like wise did the Bishop of Burgen the king of Arrogons Al∣moner. Yet did they not gaynsay the 3. first cōclusions, but onely those wherein pope Eugenius was touched.* 3.82 This Panormitane as he was subtill, so did he subtelly dispute agaynst the last cōclusiōs, endeuouring himselfe to declare that Eugenius was not relapsed, & had great contention with the Bishop of Argens, Iohn Segouius, & Fraūces de Fuxe,* 3.83 Deuines. He diuided the Articles of the faith in∣to three sortes: straightly: as in the Creede: largely, as in the declarations made by y^e Church, most largely of all, as in those things which rise of the premisses, affirming that Eugenius did by no meanes violate his fayth in his first dissolution that he made, because it is not contayned in the Creede, neither yet in the determinations of the Church, that the Pope cannot dissolue the Councels: & that it see∣meth not vnto him to rise of y^e determination before made, but rather of the decrees of the Councell of Constāce: And further, that this, as a case omitted, is reserued for y^e Pope to be discussed, for somuch as in the chapter beginning Fre∣quēs, it appeareth that the place where the Coūcell should be kept, ought to be chosen by the Pope, the Councell al∣lowing the same, and nothing is therof at all spoken. And if peraduēture Eugenius had offended in the first dissolu∣tion, notwithstāding he ought to be holdē excused, because he did it by the Coūcell of the Cardinals,* 3.84 representing the Church of Rome: whose authoritie he sayd to be such, that the iudgemēt therof should be preferred before all y^e world. Neither had there bene any sacred Coūcell found to haue proceeded agaynst Eugenius as an hereticke, & that is an euident signe, that the Councell hath not thought him to haue swarued from the faith, neither to haue any occasion, that he should be called hereticke for his errours reuoked, & that he himselfe hath read the whole text, that the Pope did not reuoke the dissolutiō as cōtrary vnto the faith, but as breding offence: Also that y^e last dissolutiō hath no such cause in it: for somuch as likewise he had done it by y^e coū∣sell of the Cardinals,* 3.85 and for the vniting of the Greekes, that he might not be compelled in a criminall cause, to aū∣swere by his procuratour, whē as he being letted by sick∣nes, could not come personally. So, for as much as in the first dissolutiō Eugenius hath fallē into no errour of faith, he cannot be perswaded that he cā be called a relapse, for so

much as he neither in the first, neither yet in the seconde dissolution did violate his faith.

* 3.86This Oration of Panormitane was more praised then allowed of all men. Notwitstanding this effect it wrought, that afterward this word relapse was taken out of the cō∣clusions, & in stead therof this word prolapse put in. Nei∣ther durst Panormitane himselfe, altogether excuse Euge∣nius of heresie, but defended more the first dissolution, then the second: yet departed he not without answere: for Iohn Segouius an expert Diuine,* 3.87 rising vp, answered him re∣ueretly as was comely for such a Prelate. He said he gran∣ted that which Panormitane had spoken touching the di∣uision of the Articles of the faith into three points, for be∣cause it made for his purpose. For if those things are to be holden for Articles of faith, sayd he, which may be gathe∣red of the determinations of the Church, it were manifest that the conclusions whereupon we now cōtend, redound and come of the determinations of the Church: that is to say, of the Councell of Constance: for, if therein the Pope be made subiect vnto the generall Councell, who is it that will say that the Pope hath power ouer y^e Councell which is aboue him? or that Eugenius ought to remaine Pope, because he could not dissolue the Councell which is aboue him, without the consent thereof? The which Article vn∣doubtedly, he hath violate and broken. And if any mā will say that in the first dissolution this Article was not vio∣late, because there was no declaration made therof, let him which so thinketh, thus vnderstand: that the Byshop of Rome ought not only to knowe the plaine and manifest, but also the secret and hidden things of the fayth, for he be∣ing the vicare of Christ, and the head of all other, ought to instruct and teach all men. But if so be he wil not, then hee shall be conuicted for being head, because he cōtinued long in y^e dissolutiō after the declaratiō of y^e councell, neither did cōsent vnto y^e determination of y^e church, & therfore, if per∣aduēture he did not erre in y^e faith,* 3.88 as it manifestly ap∣peareth by y^e saieng of Clemēt oftētimes alledged by Pa∣normitan, wherin it is said, y^e he which liueth rebelliously & neglecteth to do good, is rather a mēber of the deuill thē of Christ, and rather an infidell then a true beleuer: so that Eugenius by disobeieng y^e Church, may worthely be cal∣led an infidell. Neither is it true that y^e Pope hath not of∣fended in the fayth: For somuch, as well in that aunswere which beginneth Cogitanti, as also in the aunswere which beginneth Sperant, made vnto the Popes Ambassadours, these words are manifest: this Article cōcerneth faith, and we had rather die then through cowardlines to giue place. By the which saieng it is euident, the Synode to haue suf∣ficiently admonished y^e Pope that he did against the faith, and therfore it seemed that afterward when as Eugenius reuoked the dissolution, he also reuoked the errour of faith cōteined in the same. There are also diuers offences sprōg and risen through the errour of faith: for some say that the Pope is vnder the Councell, othersome denie it, and this diuersitie of doctrine bringeth offence. Also it is expressely against the authority of the Councell, that the Pope did reuoke the assertions made in their name.

And albeit in such reuocations, y^e stile & order of iudge∣ments is not obserued, notwithstanding it doth suffice in such case, when as the Councell doth proceed against the Pope:* 3.89 in which case onely the truth is to be obserued, nei∣ther is the Councell subiect vnto any positiue law, that it ought to obserue any tearmes or iudiciall orders. Also he said that he vtterly cōtemned that singular glose which did prefer y^e Pope before all the world, so that it might well be called singular, which decreed so foolish and fonde things and vnworthy to be followed of any man: and that he did much maruaile of Panormitane, and other Doctours of those daies, which whilest they went about to extoll y^e au∣thoritie of the gloses, do abase y^e same by adding a singula∣ritie therto: for that glose is singular whiche is alone. But who would not more esteme a glose constantly writtē and agreeable in all places, then that which in any one place teacheth any thing which may seeme to be an errour: and that as touching the veritie & truth. S. Hierome a graue and auncient Doctour is cōtrary to this glose, who doub∣teth nothing at all, but that the world, as touching autho∣ritie, is aboue the Citie it selfe, that is to say, Rome.

Segonius, could fearsely finish this his Oration with∣out interruption: for Panormitane oftentimes enterrup∣ting him, went about to confute now this, and now that reason. Wherupon the Bishop of Argen rising vp, a man not onely eloquent, but also of a stoute courage, troubled Panormitane in his reasons and argumēts, and put him from his purpose: yet they proceeded so farre, that they passed the maner of disputation, and did not absteine from opprobrious tauntes.

When the Bishop of Argen chaunced to say that the Bi∣shop of Rome ought to be the minister of the Church,* 3.90 Pa∣normitane could not suffer that: in so much that he so for∣got himselfe that day, and his knowledge (which other∣wise was great) did so faile him, that he was not ashamed to say and affirme, that the Pope was Lorde ouer the Church. Whom Segouius answered: Marke (sayth he) O Panormitane, what thou sayest: for this is the most honourable title of the Bishop of Rome, wherin he calleth himselfe the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God. Which is gathered vpon this point, when as Christ sayd vnto hys disciples, when they demanded of him which of them was the greatest, you know he aunswered them: The Princes of the people haue rule and dominion ouer them,* 3.91 but a∣mongst you it is not so, &c. Wherein he doth vtterly pro∣hibit Lordship and dominion. And Peter which was the first vicar of Christ, saith, feede the flocke of Christ which is committed vnto you, prouiding for them not by com∣pulsion, but willingly. And immediatly alter he sayd, not as Lords ouer the Cleargie. For it Christ y^e sonne of God, came not to be ministred vnto, but to minister & to serue, how then can his vicar haue any dominion, or be called Lord, as you Panormitane will affirme: forsomuch as the disciple is not aboue his maister, nor the seruaunt aboue his Lord. And the Lord himselfe saith: be yee not called maisters, for so much as your only maister is Christ, and he which is the greatest among you, shal be your seruant. Panormitane being somewhat disquieted with this aun∣swere, the councell brake vp and departed.

The next day,* 3.92 there was a generall congregation, and they returned all againe vnto the chapter house after din∣ner, whereas the Archbishop of Lyons, the Kings Ora∣tor being required to speake his minde, after he had by di∣uers and sundry reasons proued Eugenius to be an here∣ticke, he bitterly complained, detesting the negligence and ignauie, of those that had proferred such a man vnto the papacie, and so moued all their harts which were present, that they altogether with him did bewaile the calamities of the vniuersall Church.

Then the Byshop of Burgen,* 3.93 the Ambassadour of Spaine, diuided the conclusions into two parts, some he called generall, & othersome personall, disputing very ex∣cellently as touching the three first cōclusions, affirming y^e he did in no point doubt of them, but only that the additiō which made mention of y^e faith, seemed to be doubtfull vn∣to him. But vpon this point, he staied much, to proue that the Councell was aboue y^e Pope. The which, after he had sufficiently proued both by Gods law and mans lawe, he taught it also by Phisicall reason, alledging Aristotle for witnesse.* 3.94 He said that in euery well ordered kingdome, it ought specially to be desired, that the whole realme should be of more authoritie then the King, which if it happened contrary, it were not to be called a kingdome, but a tiran∣nie: so likewise doth he thinke of the Church, that it ought to be of more authoritie, then the Prince thereof, that is to say, the Pope. The which his Oration he vttered so elo∣quently, learnedly, and truly, that all men depended vpon him, and desired rather to haue him continue his Orati∣on, then to haue an end thereof.

But whē as he entred into y^e other cōclusions,* 3.95 he semed to haue forgottē himself, & to be no more the same mā that he was: for neither was there y^e same eloquēce in his wor∣des, neither grauitie in Oration, or cherefulnes of counte∣nance, so that if he could haue sene himselfe, he would per∣aduēture greatly haue marueiled at himselfe. Euery man might wel see & perceiue thē the power & force of the truth, which ministred copy of matter vnto him, so long as hee spake in y^e defēce therof. But whē as he begā once to speak against hir, she tooke away euē his naturall eloquence frō him. Notwithstanding Panormitane, and the Bishop of Burgen, shewed this example of modesty, that albeit they would not confesse or grant the last cōclusions to be veri∣ties of faith: yet they would not that any mā should folow or leane vnto their opiniō, which wer but meane diuines, but rather vnto y^e opinions of the Diuines. But the king of Aragons Amner, being a subtill & crafty man, did not directly dispute vpō the conclusions: but picking out here and there certaine argumēts, sought to let and hinder the Councell. Against whome an Abbot of Scotland, a man of an excellent wit disputed very much: and Thomas de Corcellis a famous Diuine, alledged much against him out of y^e Decrees of y^e sacred Councell, and with a certaine modest shamefastnes, alwaies beholding the ground, did very largely dispute in the defence of the conclusions.

But now to auoide tediousnes, I will only proceed to declare arguments, wherby the conclusions were ratified

and confirmed:* 3.96 not minding to intreate of th v. last cōclu∣sions, which cōcerne y^e person of Eugenius, but only vpō y^e three first, whereunto I wil adioine certaine probable ar∣gumēts gathered out of y^e disputation of the fathers. In y^e first cōclusion is the greatest force, and first to be discussed: touching the which, two things are to be required, & ex∣amined. The one whether the generall Councel haue au∣thoritie ouer the Pope. The other, whether the Catholike faith commaundeth it to be beleued. As touching that the Pope is subiect to the generall Councell, it is excellently well proued by y^e reason before alledged, by the Bishop of Burgen. For the Pope is in the Church, as a king in his kingdome: and for a king to be of more authority then his kingdome, it were too absurd: Ergo, neither ought the pope to be aboue the Church.* 3.97 For like as oftentimes, Kings which do wickedly gouerne the cōmon wealth, & exercise cruelty, are depriued of their kingdome, euē so it is not to be doubted, but that the Bishops of Rome may be depo∣sed by the Church, that is to say, by the generall Councels.

Neither do I heere in allow them, which attribute so ample and large authoritie vnto kings, that they will not haue them bound vnder any lawes: For such as so do say, be but flatterers,* 3.98 which do talke otherwise thē they think. For albeit that they do say that the moderation of the law is alway in the Princes power: that do I thus vnderstād, that when as reason shall perswade, he ought to digresse from the rigour of the law: for hee is called a King, which careth and prouideth for the common wealth: taketh plea∣sure in the commoditie and profite of the subiectes, and in all his doings hath respect to the cōmoditie of those, ouer whom he ruleth: which, if he do not, he is not to be counted a King,* 3.99 but a tyraunt, whose propertie it is onely to seeke his owne profit: for in this point a King differeth from a tyraunt, that the one seeketh the commoditie and profit of those whom he ruleth, and the other only his owne. The which to make more manifest, the cause is also to be alled∣ged, wherefore Kings were ordeined.

At the beginning (as Cicero in his Offices sayth) it is certaine, that there was a certaine time when as the peo∣ple liued without kings. But afterward when lands and possessiōs began to be deuided according to the custome of euery natiō, then were kings ordeined for no other cause, but only to exercise iustice.* 3.100 For when as at the beginning, the common people were oppressed by rich & mighty men, they ran by and by to some good and vertuous man, which should defend y^e poore frō iniurie, & ordeine lawes, where∣by the rich and poore might dwell together. But when as yet vnder the rule of Kings, the poore were oftentimes oppressed, lawes were ordeined and instituted, the which should iudge neither for hatred nor fauour, and geue lyke eare vnto the poore as vnto the riche: whereby we do vn∣derstand and know, not only the people, but also the King to be subiect to the lawes. For if we do see a King to con∣temne and despise the lawes, violently rob and spoile his subiects, defloure virgins, dishonest matrones, and do all things licentiously and temerariously: do not the nobles of the kingdome assemble together, deposing him from his kingdome, set vp another in his place, which shall sweare to rule and gouerne vprightly, and be obedient vnto the lawes? Verely as reason doth perswade, euen so doth the vse thereof also teach vs. It seemeth also agreeable vnto reason, that the same should be done in the Church, that is to say, in the Councell, which is done in any kingdome. And so is this sufficiently apparant which we haue before sayd, that the Pope is subiect vnto the Councell.

* 3.101But now to passe vnto the argumentes of Diuinitie, the foundation of the matter which we do intreate vpon, are the wordes of our Sauiour Iesu Christ in diuers places, but specially where as he speaketh vnto Peter: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, & portae inferi non praeualebunt aduersus eam. i.* 3.102 Thou art Pe∣ter, and vpon this rocke will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not preuaile against it. Vpon whyche words it seemeth good to begin this disputatiō, forsomuch as some were wont to alledge these words, to extoll y^e au∣thority of the Bishop of Rome. But (as it shall by and by appeare) the words of Christ had another sense and mea∣ning then diuers of them do thinke, for he saith: & the gates of hell shall not preuaile against it. Verely this is a great promise,* 3.103 and these wordes of the Lord are of great impor∣tance. For what greater word could there haue bene spo∣ken, then that the gates of hell should not preuaile against the church? These gates of hel, as S. Hierome saith, do si∣gnifie sins. Wherfore if sinnes can not preuaile against the Church, neither can any maligne spirites preuaile against the same, which haue no power at all ouer mankinde, but only through sinne. And for that cause, where as it is sayd in Iob, that there is no power vpon the earth that may be cōpared vnto the power of the maligne spirite, where∣by it followeth that the power of the Church is aboue all other power.

We may also vpon the same saying,* 3.104 reason after an o∣ther sort: for somuch as y^e gates of hel: that is to say, sinnes can not preuaile agaynst the Church, the Church thereby is declared to be without sinne: the which cā not be spoke of y^e pope which is a mortall mā, for somuch as it is writ∣ten, seuen tymes in the day the iust mā doth offend: If the Church be without spot because it can not be defiled with sinne, who is it that will preferre a sinnefull mā: before an vndefiled Churche? Neither let vs geue eare vnto those whiche will not referre these woordes of Christ vnto the Church,* 3.105 where as he sayth: Oraui pro te Petre, vt non deficiat fides tua. That is to say, Peter I haue prayed for thee, that thy fayth should not fayle thee. For as S. Augustine sayth in the exposition of the Psalmes, certaine thyngs are spo∣ken as though they seemed properly to pertaine vnto the Apostle Peter, notwithstanding, they haue no euident sense but when they are referred vnto the Churche, the person wherof he is vnderstāded figuratiuely to represent. Wher¦upō in an other place in the questiōs of y^e new & old Testa¦ment, vpon the wordes: Rogaui pro te Petre, I haue prayed for thee Peter: What is doubted? Did he pray for Peter, & did he not pray for Iames and Iohn, beside the rest? It is manifest that vnder the name of Peter, all other are con∣teyned. For in an other place of S. Iohn he sayth: I pray for them, whom thou hast geuen me, & I will that where∣soeuer I am, they shall be also with me. Wherupon we do oftentymes by the name of Peter vnderstand the Church, which we do nothing at all doubt to be done in this place: otherwise the truth could not consist, for somuch as with∣in a while after, the fayth of Peter, fayled for a tyme by the deniall of Christ, but the fayth of the Church, whose per∣son Peter did represent, did alwayes perseuere inuiolate.

As touching the Bishops of Rome,* 3.106 if time would suf∣fer vs, we could rehearse many crāples, how that they ei∣ther haue ben heretickes, or replenished with other vices. Neither are we ignoraunt how that Marcellinus at the Emperours commaundement,* 3.107 did sacrifice vnto Idols, & that an other (whiche is more horrible) did attaine vnto the Papacy by a deuilish fraude & deceite. Notwithstan∣dyng the testimony of Paule vnto the Hebrues shall suf∣fice vs at this tyme, who sayth euery Bishop to be com∣passed in with infirmitie: that is to say, with wickednesse and sinne. Also the testimonies of Christ him selfe do ap∣proue, that y^e Church remaineth alwayes without sinne: for in Mathew he saith,* 3.108 I am with you euen vnto the end of the world. The which wordes were not onely spoken vnto the Apostles (for they continued not vnto the end of the world) but also vnto their successours: neither would Christ then signifie that he was God, dispersed through∣out all the world, as he is also perceiued to be amongest sinners, but would declare a certain gift of grace, through his assistaūce, whereby he would preserue y^e holy Churche consisting amongest his Apostles and their successours, alwayes immaculate and vndefiled.

And agayne in an other place I (sayth he) will pray, & he shal geue you an other cōforter, that he may remaine w^e you for euer, euē the spirite of truth whō the world cānot receaue, because the world seeth him not, neither knoweth him, but you shall know him, because he shall remayne w^t you. The which wordes being spoken vnto the Disciples of Iesus, are also vnderstāded to be spokē vnto their suc∣cessours, & so cōsequently vnto the Church. And if the spi∣rite of truth be cōtinually in the Church, no man cā deny, but that the Church ought to continue vndefiled. By the same authoritie also that Christ is called the spouse of the Church, who seeth not, but that the Church is vndefiled? For the husband & the wise (as the Apostle sayth) are two in one flesh,* 3.109 & (as he doth also adde) no mā hateth his own flesh: thereby it commeth to passe, that Christ can not hate the Church, for somuch as she is his spouse, and one flesh with him, & no mā cā hate himselfe: Ergo, the Church doth not sinne: for if it did sinne, it should be hated, for sinners the Lord doth hate.* 3.110 The which authorities being gathe∣red together we ought with the Apostle to confesse that the Church of God hath neither spot nor wrincle. Also he writyng vnto Timothe affirmeth the Churche to be the piller & foundation of the truth: whereupō in this song of the spouse it is sayd: My frend thou art altogether fayre & beawtifull neither is there any spot in thee.

These wordes peraduenture may abash some, that I do go about to proue the Church to be without sinne. For when as the Church doth containe all men which are cal∣led Christiās, which also do agree & come together in one

beliefe of faith, and participation of the Sacraments, I do feare least some men will thinke, that I do affirme all mē to be without sinne: which is so far frō my meaning, that I do verely thinke the cōtrary to be most true. For I sup∣pose, that there is no man in the Church being clothed in this mortall flesh,* 3.111 without sinne. Neither do these things vary or dissent among themselues: For the Church hath this gift, that albeit euery part and mēber therof may sin, yet the whole body can not sinne. For there bee alwayes good men in the Church, the which, albeit that they be sub∣iect vnto humaine fragilitie, notwithstāding they haue so perfect a gift of sincere and pure vertue, that subduing all carnall desires and affectiōs, they keep themselues a plea∣sant and acceptable sacrifice vnto God. Neither do I con∣sent or agree vnto the opiniō of diuers, which affirme that the Virgin Mary onely perseuered in faith at the Lordes passion.* 3.112 Whereupon diuers haue not bene ashamed to say that the faith might be so debilitate and weakened, that it should returne to one only old woman. Whose opinion or rather madnes, Saint Paule seemeth opēly to reiect, wri∣ting thus vnto the Romaines: do ye not know (saith he) what the Scripture writeth of Helias, how incessantly he called vpon God against the childrē of Israell (saieng) O Lord, they haue slayne thy Prophets, and digged downe thine aultars, and I alone am left, and they seeke after my soule? But what answere receiued he of God? I haue left vnto my self yet vij. M. men, which haue not bowed their knees vnto Baal. What other thing doth this answere of God declare, then that it is a foolish opiniō of them which thinke the Church of God to be brought vnto so small & number? We ought to beleeue the words of Christ, which are altogether repugnāt vnto those mē who affirme y^e the Virgine onely did perseuere in faith. For Iesus sayd vn∣to his Father, O holy father saue thē in thy name, whome thou hast geuen me, that they may be one as we are one. Whē I was with them, I kept them in thy name: I haue kept them that thou gauest vnto me, and none of them perished, but onely the sonne of perdition. And I do not desire that thou shouldest take them out of the world, but that thou shouldest preserue them from euill.

Beholde, Christ praieth that his disciples shoulde not fall, but should be preserued from euill, and he so praieng, without doubt is heard: for he saith in another place, I know y^e thou hearest me. But how is he heard, if all those for whome he praieth, swarned at the time of his passion? As for example: By what meanes did Christ hanging vpō the Crosse, commende his dearely beloued mother vnto Iohn, if so be he were either then swarued, or should by and by after haue swarued from the faith: Moreouer, did not the Centurion by and by cry out and say: truly this is the sonne of God? The Iewes also which at that time were farre distant from Ierusalem, might both be called faithfull, and also saued by their faith: seeing that (as the Apostle sayth) men are bound vnto the Gospell, after it is once knowne and reuealed vnto them. But let vs leaue these men, and speake of that which is more likely, and let vs iudge that there hath bin and is a great number of good mē in the Church, and by thē as by the more worthy part, let vs name the Church holy and immaculate,* 3.113 the whyche doth comprehend as well the euill as the good. For the Church is compared vnto a net, which is cast into the sea, and gathereth together all kinde of fishes.

And agayne it is compared vnto a King, which made a marriage for his sonne,* 3.114 and sent forth his seruantes to call those which were bidden, vnto the wedding, and they ga∣thered together good & euill, as many as they could finde. Wherfore, their opinion is erroneus, which affirme, that only good men be comprehēded in the Church: the which, if it were true, it would confound all things, neither could we vnderstand or know where the Church were.* 3.115 But for so much as the Scripture saith: no man knoweth whether he be worthy of loue or hatred, their opiniō is more to be a∣lowed & truer, which include all y^e faithfull in y^e Church: of whom, although a great part be geuen to voluptuousnes and auarice, yet some notwithstāding are cleane frō dead∣ly sinne. The which part, as it is the most worthy, it ge∣ueth the name vnto y^e church, to be called most holy: which is so often done, that we are commaunded to sing in our Creede, vnam sanctam Catholicam & Apostolicam Ecclesiam, that is to say, one holy Catholicke & Apostolicke Church: the which Article the Synode of Constantinople, added vnto the rest: Wherefore if the Church be holy, it is also without sinne. But to returne to our former purpose, this word Sanctum, which signifieth holy (as Macrobius al∣ledging Trebatius, affirmeth) is sometimes taken for reli∣gious, and sometimes for cleane and vncorrupt. And af∣ter the same maner, we call the Church holy, as the Apo∣stle Peter calleth it immaculate, as we read in the famous Epistle of Clement.

To this end also tendeth that whiche is spoken by S. Paule, that Christ is the head of the Churche: For if the Churche should wholy sinne, she should not agree with her head Christ, who is in no pointe defiled. This also Christ himselfe would signifie vnto vs in Mathew, when he cōmendeth the house which wās builded vpō the strōg rocke,* 3.116 against the whiche, neither the windes, neither the stormes could preuaile. In the house of God (sayth the A∣postle) which is the Church builded vpō the strong rocke, which rocke (as the sayd Apostle declareth) is Christ. Who then is so vnshamefast that hee will affirme the Churche, which is founded vpō Christ, to be subiect to sinne? & will not rather cry out with the Prophet and say: Domine, dilexi decorem domus tuae. That is to say. O Lord, I haue loued the beawtie of thy house. Hereupon wrote Iohn Chriso∣stome this golden sentence: The Church neuer ceaseth to be assaulted, neuer ceaseth to be layne in wayte for: but in the name of Christ it hath alwayes the vpper hād & ouer∣came. And albeit that other do lye in wait for it, or that the floudes do beate agaynst it: yet the foūdatiō which is layd vpon the rocke, is not shaken. S. Hillary also sayth, that it is the propertie of the Churche to vanquish, when it is hurt, to vnderstād when it is reproued, to be in safetie whē it is forsaken, & to obtaine victory, when as it seemeth al∣most ouercome. Thus by many reasons & testimonies, it is proued that the Church doth not erre: which is not spo∣ken or affirmed of the Bishops of Rome, so that this rea∣son doth make the Pope subiect vnto the Church, for it is conuenient, that the lesse perfect be subiect vnto the more perfect. There be also many other testimonies & reasons, wherof we will now somewhat more entreate.

If authoritie be sought for,* 3.117 sayth S. Hierome (for I willingly occupie my selfe in his sentēces, as in a most fer∣tile field) the world is greater then a Citie. What then I pray you Hierome? Is y^e Pope mighty because he is head of the Church of Rome? His authoritie is great, notwith∣standing the vniuersall Church is greater, which doth not onely cōprehēd one Citie, but also the whole world. Here∣upon it followeth, that if the Churche be the mother of all faithfull, then she hath the Bishop of Rome for her sonne. Otherwise as S. Augustine saith,* 3.118 he can neuer haue God for his father, which will not acknowledge the Church for his mother. The which thing Anacletus vnderstandyng, called the vniuersal Church his mother, as the writers of the Canons do know. And Calixtus sayth: as a sonne he came to doe the will of his father, so we do the will of our mother, which is the Church. Whereby it appeareth, that how much the sonne is inferiour to the mother: so much y^e Church is superiour or aboue the Bishop of Rome.

Also we haue sayd before,* 3.119 that the Churche was the spouse of Christ, & the Pope we know to be a Vicare: but no mā doth so ordaine a Vicar, that he maketh his spouse subiect vnto him, but that the spouse is alwayes thought to be of more authoritie, then the Vicar, for somuch as she is one body with her husbād, but the Vicar is not so. Nei∣ther will I here passe ouer the wordes of S. Paule vnto the Romaines: Let euery soule (sayth he) be subiect vnto the higher powers: Neither doth he herein except y^e pope: For albeit that he be aboue all other mē, yet it seemeth ne∣cessary y^e he should be subiect to y^e Church. Neither let him thinke himselfe hereby exēpt, because it was said vnto Pe∣ter by Christ, whatsoeuer thou bindest. &c. In this place, as we wil hereafter declare, he represēted the person of the Church,* 3.120 for we finde it spoken afterward vnto thē: Quae∣cunque ligaueritis super terrā, ligata erūt in coelis. i. Whatsoe∣uer ye shal binde vpō earth, shall be also bounde in heauē. And furthermore, if all power be geuē of Christ, as the A∣postle writeth vnto the Corinthiās, it is geuen for the edi∣fiyng of the Church, & not for the destruction therof: why then may not the Church correct the Pope, if he abuse the keyes, and bring all thinges vnto ruine?

Adde hereunto also an other argument. A man in this life is lesser then the aungels, for we read in Mathew of Iohn Baptist, that he whiche is least in the kingdome of heauen, is greater then he. Notwithstanding Christ sayth in an other place, that amongest the children of women there was not a greater then Iohn Baptist. But to pro∣ceede: mē are forced by the exāp••e of Zacharias to geue cre∣dite vnto aūgels, least through their misbelief they be stri∣ken blind as he was. What more? The Bishop of Rome is a mā: Ergo, he is lesse then the aungels, and is bound to geue credite to the aungels. But the aungels learne of the Church, and do reuerētly accorde vnto her doctrine, as the Apostle writeth vnto the Ephesiās: Ergo, the pope is boūd to do the same, who is lesse then the aungels, and lesse then

the Churche,* 3.121 whose authoritye is suche, that worthely it is compared by S. Augustine vnto the Sunne: that lyke as the Sunne by his light doth surmount all other lightes, so the church is aboue all other authority and power. Wher∣upon S. Augustine writeth thus: I would not beleue the Gospel saith he, if the authority of the church did not more me thereunto: the which is not in any place soūd to be spo∣ken of the bishop of Rome, who representing the Church, and being minister thereof, is not to be thought greater or equall to hys Lorde and maister. Notwythstanding, the wordes of our Sauiour Christ do specially proue the By∣shop of Rome to be subiect to the church, as we will here∣after declare: For he sending Peter to preach vnto y^e church sayd, go, and say vnto the Church. To the confirmation of whole authoritye, these wordes do also pertaine: hee that heareth you heareth me. The which wordes are not onely spoken vnto the Apostles, but also vnto their succesaurs and vnto the whole Church.

Wherupon it foloweth,* 3.122 that if the Pope do not harken & geue eare vnto the Church, he doeth not geue eare vnto Christ, & consequently he is to be counted as an Ethnicke & Publicane. For as S. Augustine affirmeth, when as the Church doth excommunicate, he which is so excommuni∣cate is bounde in heauen, and when the Church looseth, he is loosed. Likewise if he be an heretike, which taketh away the supremacie of the Churche of Rome, as the Decrees of the councel of Coustance doth determine, how much more is he to be counted an hereticke, which taketh away y^e au∣thoritye from the uniuersall Church, wherein the Church of Rome and all other are conteined? Wherefore it is now euident, that it is the opinion of al men before our daies (if it may be called an opinion, which is confirmed by graue authors) y^e the Pope is subiecte vnto the vniuersall church. But this is called into question,* 3.123 whether he ought also to be iudged of y^e general Councel. For there are some, which (whether it be for desire of vaine glory, or that thorough their flattery they looke for some great reward) haue begon to teach new and strange doctrines, and to exempt the by∣shop of Rome from the iurisdiction of the generall Coun∣cel. Ambitiō hath blinded them, wherof not only this pre∣sent Schisme, but also all other Schismes euen vnto thys day haue had their originall. For as in times past the gre∣dy desire & ambition of the papacy,* 3.124 brought in that pesrife∣rous beast, which through Arrius then first crept into the church: euen so they do specially norish and mainteine this present heresie, whych are not ashamed to begge. Of the which number, some cry out & say, the workes of the sub∣iects ought to be iudged by the Pope, but the Pope to be reserued only vnto the iudgemēt of God. Others said that no man ought to iudge the high and principall Seate,* 3.125 and that it can not be iudged either by the Emperour, either by the Clergy, either by any king or people. Other affirme, that the Lord hath reserued vnto himselfe the depositions of the chiefe Bishop. Others are not ashamed to affirme, that the Byshop of Rome although hee cary soules in ne∣uer so great number vnto hell, yet hee is not subiect vnto any correction or rebuke.

And because these their words are easily resolued, they runne straight waies vnto the Gospell, and interprete the wordes of Christ, not according to the sense and meaning of the holy Ghost, but according to their owne wil and dis∣position. They doe greatly esteeme and regard this which was spoken vnto Peter: Tu vocaberis Cephas i. Thou shalt be called Cephas: by the which worde, they make hym the head of the Church. Also I will geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, and whatsoeuer thou shalt bind vp∣on earth, &c. I haue prayed for thee Peter, that thy Faith would not faile.* 3.126 And againe, feede my sheepe: Last thy net into the depe: Be not afrayd, for from thēceforth thou shalt be a fisher of men: Also that Christ commaunded Peter as the Prince of the Apostles, to pay tolle for them bothe: and that Peter drew the net vnto the land, full of great fishes: & that onely Peter drew his sword for the defence of Christ. Al which places these mē do greatly extol, altogether neg∣lecting the expositions of the fathers: the which if (as rea∣son were) they would consider, they shuld manifestly per∣ceine by the authorities aforesayde, that the Pope is not a∣boue them when they are gathered together in Councell, but when they are separate and deuided.

But these things being passed ouer, for somuch as an∣swere shall appeare by that which heereafter shall followe we will now declare what was reasoned of by the learned men vppon thys question. But first wee woulde haue it known, y^e all men which are of any name or estimation, do agree, that the Pope is subiect to the Councell, and for the proofe therof they repeat (in a maner) al those things which were before spoken of the church: for they suppose all that, which is spoken of the Churche, to serue for the generall Councell: And first of all, they alledge this saying of the Gospel, Dic Ecclesiae, tell it vnto the Church. In the whych place it is conuenient to vnderstand, that Christ spake vn∣to Peter,* 3.127 instructing him what he should doe as touching the correction of his brother. He saith, if thy brother offend or sinne against thee, rebuke him betwene thee and him a∣lone. If hee geue care vnto thee, thou hast wonne thy bro∣ther: but if he doe not geue eare vnto thee, take in thee one or two, that in the mouth of two or thee witnesses all truth may stand: if thē he wil not geue eare vnto thee, Dic Eccle∣siae, tell it vnto the Church.

What shal we vnderstand by the church in that place? shall we say that it is the multitude of the faithfull disper∣sed throughout the whole worlde? My yoke is pleasaunt sayth the Lord, & my burden is light. But howe is it light, if Christ commaunde vs to doe that which is impossible to be done? For howe coulde Peter speake vnto the Churche which was dispersed, or to seeke out euery Christian scat∣tered in euery Towne or Citie? But the meaning of these words, is farre otherwise, and they must be otherwise in∣terpreted: for which cause it is necessary that we remember the double person,* 3.128 which Peter represented, as the person of the high byshop, and a priuate man. The sense and mea∣ning of his words are euident and plaine inough of them∣selues, y^t they neede no supplement or alteration. We must first marke and see,* 3.129 what thys worde Ecclesia signifieth, the which we do find but only to be twise spoken of by Christ: once in this place, and againe when as he said vnto Peter: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc Petram edificabo Ecclesiam meam, That is: Thou art Peter, and vpon this rock wil I build my Church.* 3.130 Wherfore the Church signifieth the connoca∣tion or congregation of the multitude. Dic Ecclesiae, tell it vnto the church. That is to say, tel it vnto the Congrega∣tion of the faithful: the which forsomuch as they are not ac∣customed to come together,* 3.131 but in a generall Councel, this interpretation shall seeme very good, Dic Ecclesiae, tel it vn∣to the Church, that is to say, Dic generali Concilio, tel it vn∣to the generall Councell.

In this case I would gladly heare if there be any man, which doth thinke th••se words to be more properly expres∣sed in any Prelate, then in the councell, when as they must put one man for the multitude: whych if it be admitted in the scriptures, we shall from hencefoorth finde no firme or stable thing therein. But if any man doe maruaile at thys interpretation, let him search the old wryters, and he shall finde that thys is no newe or straunge interpretation, but the interpretation of the holy fathers and olde Doctours, whyche haue first geuen lyght vnto the Churche, as Pope Gregorie witnesseth (a man worthy of remembrance, both for the holines of his life, and his singular learning) whose wordes are these, wrytten in his Register vnto the bishop of Constantinople: And wee (sayde hee) against whome so great an offence is committed through temeratious bold∣nesse, do obserue and keepe that which the truth doth com∣maunde vs, saying, Si peccauerit in te frater, that is: If thy brother do offend against thee, &c. And afterward he addeth more, if my rebukes and corrections be despysed, it remai∣neth that I do seeke helpe of the church.* 3.132 The which words doe manifestly declare the Church heere to be taken for the generall Councell. Neither did Gregory say, that he wold seeke helpe of the Church that is dispearsed abroad in eue∣ry place, but of that which is gathered together, that is to say, the generall Councell, for that whych is dispearsed a∣broad, cannot be had, except it be gathered together. Also Pope Nicholas reproouing Lotharius the king for adul∣tery, sayd: if thou doest not amend the same, take heede that we tell it not vnto the holy Church.

In the which saying, Pope Nicholas did not say, that he wold go throughout y^e world to certifie euery one, man by man: but that hee would call the Church together, that is to say the general councell, and there would publish and declare the offence of Lotharius, y^e he which, had contem∣ned the Popes commaundements, shoulde feare the reue∣rence of the general councell. I could recite an infinite nū∣ber of witnesses for that purpose, the which all tende vnto one ende: but this one testimony of the Councell of Con∣stance shall suffice for them all, wherein it is sayde that not onely the Pope in the correction of his brother is remitted vnto the Councell,* 3.133 when as he can not correct him of hym¦selfe: but also when as any thing is done as touchyng the correction of the Pope himselfe, the matter ought to be re∣ferred to the councel. Wherby it appeareth our interpreta∣tion to be most true, which doth expound the Church to be in the generall Councell. Hereupon the Actes of the Apo∣stles, the Congregations whych were then holden, were called the Church. Also in the councell of Nice and in other

Councels, whē as any man shuld be excommunicated, al∣wayes, in a maner, thys sentence was adioyned: Hunc ex∣communicat Catholica & Apostolica Ecclesia. The Catholicke and Apostolicke Church doth excommunicate thys man. And heereuppon that title is geuen vnto the Councelles,* 3.134 whereby we do say, that the generall Councell doth repre∣sent the vniuersall Church. Wherefore the lawes and de∣crees of the Councell are called the lawes of the Churche, for that the Church doth not set foorth any lawes in any o∣ther place,* 3.135 then in the general councell: except we will call the Popes cōstitutions the lawes of the church, which can not be properly said but of the Councel: whereas, albeit all those which are of the church do not assemble and come to∣gether, yet the most part of them are accustomed to be there present, and in those whiche come, the whole power of the Church doth consist: Wherupon we read in the Acts of the Apostles: It pleased the Apostles and Elders with all the Church. For albeit that al the faithfull were not there pre∣sent (because a great nūber of them remained at Antioche) yet notwithstanding it was called the whole Church, be∣cause the whole power of the Church consisted in the coū∣cell. Thus for this present it is sufficient that we vnder∣stand by the Church the generall Councell.

And nowe to returne vnto our purpose,* 3.136 lette vs heare what our Sauiour sayeth vnto Peter: If thy brother doe offend against thee, vnto this text folowing, tell it vnto the church: and let vs vnderstand the Councel by the Church. Who is greater in thys place, hee whych is sent vnto the Councel, or the Councel whereunto Peter was sent? The uevity doth remit the Byshop of Rome vnto the generall Coūcell. And why so? verely because the bishops of Rome should not disdaine to acknowledge some power in earth, to be aboue them, the which they should consult withall in matters of importaunce, and agree vnto the determinati∣ons thereof.* 3.137 Whereupon Peter is also called by an other name Symon, the which, as Rabanus in hys Homilies wryteth, is interpreted in the Hebrew tounge, obedience, that all men might vnderstande obedience to be necessary, euen in the Bishop of Rome.

The authority of the Councel of Constance might suf∣fice vs in this poynte,* 3.138 but we thinke it good to stay a little vpon thys matter, & to leaue no place open for our aduer∣saries: which, whilest they goe about to maintaine the vn∣satiable wilfulnes of oue man, preferring a priuate wealth before a commō commodity, is it incredible how great er∣rors they doe stirre vp. Against the which, besides many other, Zacharias bishop of Chalcedon, a man both famous and eloquent, did earnestly strine: who in the great and sa∣cred Synode of Chaleedon, when as the sentence of the B. of Rome was obiected vnto him, that the Canon of Pope Nicholas and other Patriarkes was aboue the Councell, he replied against it. And Zosimus the Pope sayth thus as touching the decrees of the general Councel: the authority of this seat cannot make or alter any thing contrary to the decrees of the fathers. Neither doth he heare speake of the decrees of the fathers, which are dispersed abroad in cities or wildernesse, for they do not binde the Pope: but of them which are made and published by the fathers in the gene∣rall Councell. For the more manifest declaration whereof, the words of pope Leo the most eloquent of all the bishops of Rome, are here to be annexed, who wrote vnto Anatho∣lius, that the decrees of the Councel of Nice are in no part to be violate and broken: thereby (as it were) excluding himselfe and the high Patriarke.

The authoritie also of Damasus vppon thys sentence, is more manifest, wryting vnto Aurelius the Archbish. as Isidorus declareth in the booke of Councels, whose wor∣thy saying as touching the authority of the synode is thys: That they which are not cōpelled of necessity, but of theyr owne wil either frowardly do any thing, either presume to do any thing, or willingly consent vnto those which wold do any thing contrary and against the sacred Canons, they are worthely thought and iudged to blaspheme the holy ghost.* 3.139 Of the which blasphemy, whether Gabriel whyche calleth himselfe Eugenius, be presently partaker, let them iudge which haue heard him say, that it is so farre from his office and duety to obey the general Councels, that he saith he doeth then best merite and deserue, when as he contem∣neth the decrees of the Coūcel. Damasus addeth yet more∣ouer. For this purpose, sayeth he, the rules of the sacred ca∣nons, which are consecrated by the spirite of God and the reuerence of the whole world, are faithfully to be knowne and vnderstand of vs, and diligently looked vpon, that by no meanes, wythout a necessitye which cannot be eschued (which God forbid) we do transgresse of the decrees of the holy fathers.* 3.140 Notwithstanding, we daily see in al the Popes Bulles and letters, these woordes Non obstante, that is to say: notwithstandin: which no other necessitie hath brought in, then onely vnsatiable desire of gathering of mony. But let them take heede to these things whych be the authours thereof.

But now to returne againe vnto Damasus,* 3.141 mention is made in the Epistles of Ambrose bishop of Millaine of a certaine Epistle which is laid to be writtē by Damasus, vnto the iudges deputed by the Councel of Capua, where he declareth that it is not his office, to meddle w^t any mat∣ter which hath ben before the Councell. By the which say∣ing he doth manifestly reproue all those which affirme and say the Byshop of Rome to be aboue the Councell. The which if it were true, Damasus might haue taken into his handes the cause of Bonosius the Byshop to determine, which was before begon by the Councell: but for somuche as the Councell is aboue the Pope, Damasus knewe hym¦self to be prohibited. Wherupon Hilarius also acknowled∣ging the Sinode to be aboue him, would haue his decrees confirmed by the Councell. Also the famous Doctour S. Augustine in his Epistle whych hee did wryte vnto Glo∣rius & Eleusius, and Felix the Gramarian, declareth the case. Cecilianus the Byshoppe, was accused by Donatus, wyth others. Melchiades the pope with certaine other bi∣shops absolued Cecilian and confirmed him in hys bisho∣pricke. They being mooued wyth those doinges, made a schisme in the partes of Africa. S. Augustine reprooueth them, which hauing an other remedy against the sentence of y^e Pope, did raise a schisme, and doth mucy against them in this maner. Behold, let vs thinke those Bishops which gaue iudgemēt at Rome, not to haue ben good iudges: ther remained yet the iudgemēt of the uniuersall church, where as the cause might haue ben pleaded euen with the iudges themselues, so that if they were conuict not to haue geuen iust iudgement, their sentence might be broken.

Wherby it appeareth, that not only the sentence of the Pope alone, but also the Pope wyth hys Byshops ioyned with him,* 3.142 might be made frustrate by the Councell: for the full iudgement of the uniuersall Church is not founde els¦where, then in the generall Councell. Let not any manne doubt, in that S. Augustine seemeth here onely to speake of Byshops: for if the text of hys Epistle be read ouer, hee shall finde the Byshoppe of Rome to be comprehended a∣mongst the other Bishops. It was also prohibited by the councels of Africa,* 3.143 that the Bishops of Rome shoulde not receiue or heare the appeales of any which did appeale frō the Councell: whych altogether declare the superioritie of the Coūcell. And this appeareth more plainly in the Actes of the Apostles, where as Peter is rebuked by the congre∣gation of the Apostles,* 3.144 because he went in to Cornelius a Heathen man, as if it had not bene lawfull for him to at∣tempt any great matter w^eout the knowledge of the con∣gregation: and yet it was said vnto him as wel as others. Ite & Baptizate &c. Go & baptise.* 3.145 But this seemeth to make more vnto the purpose, which S. Paule wryteth vnto the Galathians, whereas he sayth, he reststed Peter euen vn∣to his face, because he did not walke according to the veri∣ty of the Gospell. Which words if they be wel vnderstand, signifie none other thing by the veritie of the Gospel,* 3.146 then the Canon of the Councel decreed amongest the Apostles: for the Disciples being gathered together, had so determi∣ned it. Whereupon S. Paule doth shew, that Peter ought to haue obeyed the generall Councell.

But nowe to finish thys disputation,* 3.147 we will here ad∣ioyne the determination of the Councell of Constance, the which Councell aforesayd, willing to cut off al ambiguitie and doubts, and to prouide a certain order of liuing, decla∣red by a solemne decree that all men, of what estate or con∣dition so euer they were,* 3.148 yea although y^t they were Popes themselues, be bound vnder the obedience and ordinances of the sacred generall Councels. And although there be a certaine restraint, where as it is sayde, in suche thinges as pertaine vnto the faith, the extirpation of schisme, and the reformation of the Churche, as well in the heade as in the members: notwithstanding thys amplificatiue clause whych is adioyned, is to be noted, Et in pertinentibus ad ea, that is to say, withall the appertenauntes. The which addition is so large, that it containeth all thinges in it, whych may be imagined or thought.* 3.149 For the Lord said thus vnto hys A∣postles, goe ye forth and teach all people. He did not say in three poynts onely, but teach them to obserue and keepe al thinges what soeuer I haue commaunded you. And in an other place he sayeth, not thys or that, but whatsoeuer yee shal binde, &c. which altogether are alledged for the autho∣rity of the Church and generall Councels. For the preser∣ment wherof, these things also come in place. He that hea∣reth you, heareth me. And againe: It is geuen vnto you to knowe the mysteries of God. Also where 2. or 3. bee ga∣thered

in my name. &c. Againe, whatsoeuer yee shall aske. &c. O holy father, saue them whom thou hast geuen me. &c. And I wil be with them euen vnto the ende of the worlde. Also out of S. Paul these places are gathered. We are hel∣pers of God. &c. Which hath made vs apt ministers of the new Testament. &c. And he appoynted some Apostles and some Prophetes. &c. Iu all which places both Christ and the Apostles spake of the authority of many, which altoge∣ther are alledged for the authority of y^t vniuersall Church.

But for somuche as that Churche being dispersed and scattered abroad, can not decree or ordaine any thing: ther∣fore of necessity it is to be said, that the chiefe and principall authority of the church, doth consist in the generall Coun∣cels, where as they assemble together. And therfore it was obserued in the primatiue Church, that hard and waightie matters were not intreated vpon,* 3.150 but onely in the general councels & congregations. The same is also founde to be obserued afterward. For when as the churches were deui∣ded, general councels were holden. And in the Councel of Nice, we do finde the heresie of Arrius condemned. In the Councel of Constantinople the heresy of Macedonius. In the Councell of Ephesus, the heresye of Hestorius. In the Councell of Chalcedon,* 3.151 the heresies of Eutichius were al∣so condemned: for somuch as they thought the iudgement of the bishop of Rome, not to suffice to so great, & waighty matter, and also they thought, the sentence of the Councell to be of greater force, then the sentence of the Pope, for so∣much as he might erre as a man, but the Councell, where∣in so many mē were gathered together, being guided with the holy ghost, could not erre. Also it is a very excellēt say∣ing of Martianus the Emperour, which serueth for that purpose, whose words are these: Truely he is to be coūted a wicked and sacrilegious person, which after the sentence of so many good and holy men, wil sticke to withdraw any part of his opinion. For it is a poynt of meere madnesse, at the noone time & faire day light, to seeke for a fained lighte: for he which hauing found the truth, seketh to discusse any¦thing further, seeketh but after vanities and lies.

* 3.152Now I thinke it is euident inough vnto all men, that the bishop of Rome is vnder the Councell. Notwithstan∣ding some do yet still doubt, whether he may also be depo∣sed by the Councel or not: For albeit it be proued that he is vnder the Councell, yet for all that, will they not graunt, that hee may be also deposed by the Councell. Wherefore, it shall be no digressing at all from our purpose, somewhat to say vpō that matter: and first of all, to speake of these rai∣lers, which are yet so earnest for the defence of the Byshop of Rome: which being vanquished in one battaile, still re∣new an other, and cōtend rather of obstinacie then of igno∣raunce. They would haue here recited againe, that whych we haue before spoken, as touching the preeminence of the Bishop of Rome, or the Patriarcke. And as there are ma∣ny of thē more ful of words then eloquent, they stay much of this poynt, where as Christ sayd vnto Peter: Tibi d••bo claues regni coelorum.* 3.153 I wil geue thee the keies of the king∣dom of heauen, & what soeuer thou shalt binde vpon earth shalbe bounde in heauen: as though by those wordes, hee should be made head ouer y^e other. And againe they do am∣plify it by this: Pasce oues meas: Feede my sheepe, whyche they do not finde to be spoken to any other of the apostles. And because it is sayde that Peter was the chiefe and the mouth of the Apostles, therefore they iudge it well spoken, that no man shall iudge the chiefe and principall sea: being all of thys opinion with Boniface, which sayde y^e the Pope ought to be iudged for no cause except he bee perceyued or knowen to swarne from the farth, although he do cary in∣numerable people with him,* 3.154 headlong into hel, there to be perpetually tormented: as though hee coulde not open the kingdome of heauen to others, if any other could shut it a∣gainst him, neither that he could feede other, if hee himselfe lacked pasture.

But we count these as things of no force or difficulty, For S. Augustine in the Sermon of the natiuity of Peter and Paule, sayeth in this wise: Our Lorde Iesus Christe before hys Passion, chose hys disciples (as yet doe knowe) whom he called brethren. Amongest those, Peter alone al∣most in euery place represented the person of the Church,* 3.155 & therefore it was sayde vnto him, Tibi dabo claues regni coe∣lorum That is to say. Unto thee will I geue the keyes of the kingdome of heauen. These keies did he not receiue as one man, but as one he receiued them for the Church. And in an other place, Where hee wryteth of the Christian ago∣ny, he sayth: the keyes of the kingdome of heauen were ge∣uen vnto the churche: when as they were geuen vnto Pe∣ter: And when as it was spoken vnto him: Amas me? Pasce oues meas. That is to say. Louest thou me? feede my sheepe: it was spoken vnto them all. And S. Ambrose in y^e begin∣ning of his pastorall, sayth which sheepe and which flocke, the blessed Apostle S. Peter tooke not charge of alone, but together with vs, and we alltogether with him. By which wordes the foundation and principall arguments of those flatterers, are vtterly subuerted and ouerthrowen. For if Peter represented the person of the Church, we ought not to ascribe the force of these words vnto Peter, but vnto the Church.* 3.156 Neither do I see how that can stand, whych Bo∣niface doth affirme, for it is farre distant from the truth, ex∣cept it be vnderstand otherwise then it is spoken.

But it may peraduenture seeme a great thynge vnto some, that it is sayd, the Byshop of Rome to be the head of the Militant Churche. For, as in the body of man, Philiti∣ons do neuer geue councell to cut of the head for any ma∣ner of sicknes & disease, although it be neuer co••ul of vicers or infected: so in this mysticall body of the church, the head ought alwayes to be kept: and albeit it be neuer so wicked yet is it to be suffered and horne withall. But now conuert this argument.* 3.157 If it were possible in y^e body of man, when one hed is taken away, to find an other to put in his place, as we see it may be done in the Church, should not heade then be oftentimes chaunged for diuers diseases? Moreo∣uer, if we wil thus reason, that the head of the church shuld be in respecte of his body, as the head of man in respecte of the body of man: then doeth it necessarily followe that the head being dead the body must also die, as is manifest in y^e body of man: So should it grow into an absurditie to con∣fesse that the Pope being dead, the Church also shoulde bee dead: the which how farre it dissenteth from the truth, it is most manifest. Therfore what soeuer other men say, I am not of opinion wyth them, whych affirme the Bishoppe of Rome to be head of the Church, except peraduenture they doe make hym the ministeriall head: for we doe reade that Christ is the heade of the Churche and not the Pope: and that he is the true head immutable, perpetuall, and euerla∣sting, and the Church is his body, wherof the Pope hym∣selfe is also a member and the vicare of Christe, not to the destruction but to the maintenaunce & edifying of the same body of Christ.* 3.158 Wherefore, if he be founde a damnable de∣stroyer of the Churche, he may be deposed and cast out, be∣cause he doth not y^t he was ordeined to doe: and we ought, as Pope Leo sayeth, to be mindeful of the commandement geuen vs in the Gospell: that if our eye, our foote, or oure right hand, do offend vs, it should be cut of from the body. For the Lorde sayeth in an other place: Euery tree whych bringeth not foorth fruite, shall be cut downe and caste into the fire. And in an other place also it is sayde vnto vs: take away all euill and wickednesse from among you. It is ve∣ry iust and true, whiche is wrytten in the Epistle of Cle∣ment vnto Iames the brother of our Lorde, that he whych will be saued, ought to be separate from them whych will not be saued.

But for the more manifest declaration hereof, we must haue recourse to that which is spoken by the Lorde, in the Gospell of Iohn: I am the true vine sayth the Lorde, and my father is the husbandman, and ye are the braunches: e∣uery braunch therfore that bryngeth not forth fruite in me, my father wil cut off.* 3.159 These wordes were spoken vnto the Apostles, amongst whom also Peter was present, whome y^e Lord wold haue cut off, if he brought not foorth his fruit. Also S. Hierome vpon these wordes of Mathewe: Vnsa∣uery salte is profitable for nothing,* 3.160 but to be cast foorth and troden of swine. Whereuppon in the persone of Peter and Paule, he sayth thus: It is no easie matter to stande in the place of Peter and Paule, and to keepe the chaire of them which raigne with Christ. This vnsauery salte, that is to say a foolish Prelate, vnsauery in preaching, and foolish in offending, is good for nothing, but to be cast foorthe, that is to say deposed, and to be troden of swine, that is of wicked spirits, which haue dominion ouer the wicked and naugh∣ty Prelates, as their owne flocke and herde. Beholde, thys testimonie of Hierome is plaine and euident. Let hym be cast out sayth he.

Hee expoundeth and speaketh it of the Prelate, whych vsurpeth the place of Peter,* 3.161 and so consequently of the by∣shop of Rome, who being vnsauery in preaching, and foo∣lysh in offending, oughte to be deposed (as Hierome affir∣meth) from hys degree and dignitie. Neyther as some doe dreame, is he to be deposed for heresie only. Isidorus in the booke of Councels,* 3.162 rehearseth a certain epistle of Clement the successour of Peter wrytten vnto Iames the Apostle, wheras the said Clement referring y^e words of Peter vn∣to himselfe, sayeth thus: If thou be occupied wyth worldly cares, thou shalt both deceiue thyselfe, & those which shall geue eare vnto thee: for thou canst not fully distribute vnto euery man, those thinges which pertaine vnto saluation:

whereby it shall come to passe, that thou as a man for not teaching those things which pertaine vnto saluation, shalt be deposed, & thy disciples shall perish through ignorance. Notw^tstanding in an other place, in stead of this word de∣posed, it is found thou shalt be punished: which 2. wordes, if they be wel vnderstoode, do not much differ, for depositi∣on is oftētimes vsed in the place of punishment. But per∣aduenture some wil here obiect, that this Epistle is not to be iudged Clements, because it is sayd to be wrytten vnto Iames, who as the Ecclesiasticall hystory affirmeth, was deade before that Peter was put to death.* 3.163 But Clement might thinke that Iames was aliue when as hee wrote: whych were farre distant a sunder, and messengers of the christians, came not often vnto Rome. Moreouer, there is mētion made of thys Epistle in diuers places of the decre∣rals, as most true, and therfore it shalbe nothing from the purpose, to rehearse other sayings out of the same Epistle, where he sayth, that he which liueth rebelliously, and refu∣seth both to learne and to doe good, is rather a member of the deuill, then of Christ, and doth shew himselfe rather to be an infidel, then a faithful Christian. Vpō which words, the glose which Panormitane calleth singular,* 3.164 & is muche allowed, sayeth, that if the crime or offence of the bishop of Rome be notorious, wherby the Church is offended, if he be incorrigible, he may be accused therof. If then he may be accused, Ergo also he may be punished, and according to the exigent of the fault deposed: Otherwise he should be accu∣sed in vaine.

* 3.165Now is there no more any place of defence left for our aduersaries, but that the Pope may be deposed: Notwith∣standing it is not yet euident whether hee may be deposed by y^t councel or no, which we now take in hād to discours. And first of all, the aduersaries will graunt thys vnto vs, that the Bishop of Rome may be deposed by the Church, for somuch as the Pope being the vicare of the Church, no man doubteth,* 3.166 but that a Lorde may put out his vicare at his wil & pleasure, neither is to be douted but that y^e Pope is more truly called the vicare of the church, then of christ. But if the church may depose the pope: Ergo the coūcel also may do the same. Also the glose which Panormitane in his wryting doth so greatly commend, hath this sentence: that the general coūcel is iudge ouer the pope in al cases. Like∣wise the most sacred Synode of Constantinople, whych is allowed of all men, doth appoynt the bishops of Rome to be vnder the iudgement of the councel: and the councell to iudge and determine of euery doutfull matter or question that doeth arise, concerning the bishop of Rome. Neither let any mā doubt hereof, because this worde deposition is not mentioned: for it is sayde, of euery doutfull matter or question: For if the Synode do iudge of euery doubt: Ergo it shall also iudge, whether the pope shalbe deposed or no: for that may also come in doute. And because we will not seeke examples farre of, Iohn 23. Whom all the world dyd reuerence, was deposed of his Papacie by the Councell of Constance. Neither yet was he cōdemned for any heresy: but because he did offend the Church by his manifolde cri∣mes, the sacred Synode thought good to depose him:* 3.167 and euer since continually, the church hath proceded by like ex∣ample, that their opinion might cease, which affirme that the Pope cannot be deposed but onely for heresy.

But heere is yet one thing not to be omitted, that cer∣taine men do affirme the general Councels to be of no ef∣fect, except the Pope do cal and appoynt them, and his au∣thoritie remaine with them. Wherupon they said that Di∣oscorus did rebuke Paschasius the bishop of Cicili, and le∣gate of Pope Leo, because that hee did enterprise wythout the authoritie of the Apostolicke Sea, to call a Councell at Ephesus. They also alledge an other testimony of the Si∣node of Chalcedone: wheras, when mention was made of the Councel of Ephesus, al the Bishops cried out, saying: we ought not to call it a Councell,* 3.168 because it was neyther gathered by the apostolike authority, neither rightly kept. By the which authorities, they which say that the Coun∣cels cannot be holden without the consent of the Pope, do thinke themselues marueilously armed. Whose sentence & opinion, if it take place and preuaile as they desire, it shall bring with it the great ruine and decay of the Church. For what remedy shall we finde,* 3.169 if that a wicked Pope doe di∣sturbe the whole Church, destroy soules, seduce the people by his euil examples, if finally he preach contrary vnto the faith and fill the people full of heresies, shal we prouide no stay or stoppe for him? Shall we suffer all things to runne to ruine and decay with him? Who woulde thinke that the bishop of Rome would cōgregate a councell for hys owne correction or deposition? for as men are prone vnto sinne, so would they also sinne wythout punishment. But when as I do peruse ancient hystories, and the Acts of the Apo∣stles, I do not finde this order, that councels should be ga∣thered only at the will of the Pope:* 3.170 for the first Councel of all, after that Mathias was substitute in the place of Iu∣das, was not congregate at the commandement of Peter, but at the commandement of Christ, who commanded the Apostles that they should not depart from Ierusalem, but looke for the promise of the father.

The seconde Councell as touching the election of the deacons,* 3.171 Peter alone did not congregate, but the 12. Apo∣stles: for it is wrytten. The 12. Apostles calling together the multitude. &c.

The thirde Councell,* 3.172 whych was holden as touching the taking away of circumcision & other ceremonies of the lawe, was gathered together by a generall inspiration: for it is written: The Apostles and Elders came together. &c.

The fourth Councell,* 3.173 whereas certaine thyngs con∣tained in the law are permitted, seemeth to be gathered by Iames, & so discoursing throughout all, there can nothing be founde in the primatiue Church, whereby it should ap∣peare y^t the authority of congregating of Councels should pertaine onely vnto Bishoppes of Rome. Neither alter∣wards in the time of Constantinus Magnus, and other Em∣perours, was the consent of the bishops of Rome greatly required to the congregating of Councels, and therefore it is wrytten thus of the Synode of Chalcedon: The sacred and vniuersall Synode gathered together at Chalcedone the chiefe Citie of the prouince of Berthunia,* 3.174 according vn∣to the grace of God, & the sanctions of the most godly and Christian Emperours Valentinian and Martian, doeth not make any mention of the Byshop of Rome, although hys consent were there.

Wherfore, if the pope would resist, and would haue no Councell congregate, yet if the greater part of the Church do iudge it necessary to haue a Councel, the Councell may be congregate whether the Pope wil or no. The Councel holden at Pisa, was not congregate by the authoritie and consent of any Pope, when as Gregorie did condemne it, and Benedict cursed it. The same also may be sayde of the Coūcel of Constance, whych was assembled by the autho∣rity of Pope Iohn, who in respect of the Spaniardes was no true Pope. And if the Councell of Pisa were no true Councell, Pope Iohn was no true Pope: wherupon his consent to the congregating of the Councel of Constance, was of no effect. Moreouer it is more then folly to affirme, that when the pope hath once geuen his consent, if it shuld be called backe, that the Councel should then cease, for then it is no more in his power to reuoke his cōsent: And of ne∣cessity he must be obedient vnto the Councel, wherof he is a member,* 3.175 and geue place vnto the greater part: and if hee separate himselfe from the consent of the greater part, and depart from the vnity of the Church, he maketh himselfe a Schismaticke.

Now, to come vnto the second conclusion, if it be true, as it is in deede, that the Pope is vnder the Councell, how can the Pope then dissolue, alter and transporte the Coun∣cell, against the will of the same? For wyth what counte∣nance can we say, that the inferior hath power ouer the su∣perior? How can the Synode correct the Pope,* 3.176 if the Pope may dissolue the Synode contrary to the will thereof? Ad∣mit that the Pope be libidinous, couetous, a sower of war and discorde, and a most mortall enemie vnto the Church, and the name of Christ, how can the Councel reproue, him, if he haue authority to dissolue the Councel? For assoone as euer that the bishop of Rome shall vnderstande that in the Councell they doe intreat or talke of his correction or pu∣nishment, straightwaies he wil seke remedy by dissoluing the Councel. For as Macrobius sayth: he that hath liberty to do more then is fit or necessary,* 3.177 wil oftentimes do more then is lawfull. If so be that the Bishop of Rome may ex∣empt himself from correction by dissoluing or transporting the Councell, it followeth that the Councell is not aboue him. Therfore we must either deny that which is aforsaid, that the Pope is vnder the Councell, or els deny that the Pope hath power to dissolue the Councell, contrary to the will and determination of the Councell.

And as this first conclusion is most true, so are al other conclusiōs false, which seeme to impugne the same. Wher∣fore the seconde conclusion of the diuines is also manifest: albeit that some doe admit it in certaine cases, and in other some exclude it againe.* 3.178 For if we do admit, that for certain causes the Pope may dissolue the Councel contrary to the will and determination thereof, that is to say, to make the Pope iudge of the Councell, it were cleane contrary vnto the first conclusion.

Now it is proued that y^e Councell is aboue the Pope, & can not be dissolued by the Pope wythout consent there∣of. Nowe we must further see, whether it be an Article of

our faith to beleeue it: Which matter hath respect vnto the third conclusion. For there haue bene many, which all beit they did confesse these two conclusions to be true, yet they doubted whether it were a veritie of the Catholicke fayth or no. Therefore this second part must be confirmed. And we must see whether it be an article of faith that the Pope be vnder the councel. Which being proued, it shall also ap∣peare to be an article of faith, that the pope can not dissolue the councell without the consent therof. Which consequent none of the contrary part hath refused. First of al therefore we must inquire what faith is, that wee may thereby the better vnderstand, what pertaineth thereunto.

* 3.179Faith, as the Diuines do define it, is a firme and sted∣fast cleauing vnto things, beleued by the authority of hym that speaketh. If then we beleeue as is aforesayde, that the Pope of Rome is vnder the councell, some authority doth moue vs therunto: so is it the faith of him which beleeueth it: but the question is not whether it be an Article of faith onely, but whether it be an Article of the Catholike faith. Wherefore we must againe enquire what the Catholicke faith is. This word catholike is a Greke word, and signi∣fieth vniuersal.* 3.180 The catholike faith, that is to say y^e vniuer∣sal faith, is not so called because that euery man holdeth it, but because euery man ought to beleeue it. For all men doe not beleue that God is incarnate, but euery man ought so to beleue. And albeit y^e many be against this faith, yet doth it not cease to be vniuersall. For what wryteth the Apostle vnto the Romains?* 3.181 If some of them hath not beleued, doth their misbeliefe make the faith of God vaine? God forbid. Verely God is true, but euery man is a lyer. Therefore to beleue that the pope is vnder the councell,* 3.182 is a poynt of the Catholike faith, although some thincke the contrary: for we are bound to beleeue it, for somuch as it is taken out of the Gospell. For we are not bounde onely to beleeue those things which are noted to vs in y^e Crede, but also all those things which are cōtained in the holy Scriptures, wherof we may not deny one iote. And those things whych we al∣ledge for the superiority of the general Councel, are gathe∣red out of the sayings of our Sauiour Iesu Christ, and the Epistles of S. Paule: Ergo, we are all bound to beleeue it. And to proue that these things are taken out of the gospel, the councell of Constance doth witnesse, the which groun∣deth his authority vpon these wordes: Dic Ecclesiae, that is to say, tel it vnto the Church. And, where 2. or 3. are gathe∣red together in my name. &c. And, whatsoeuer ye shal bind &c. with other such like texts.

* 3.183Whereuppon Pope Martine the 4. being yet at Con∣stance, vnder the licence of y^e Councell, sent out his bulles, which do recken vp the Articles, wherupon they ought to be examined, which had fallē into any heresy, amongst the which articles he putteth this article: Whether hee doe be∣leue the sacred generall Councel to haue power immediat∣ly from God, and that the ordinances therof are to be recei∣ued of all faithfull Christians, which if any man would de∣ny, he should be counted an hereticke. Wherefore, when as the sacred Synode of Constance, doth set forth this verity, as touching the superiority of the general Councell, what should let but that we also shoulde confesse the same to be a verity of the Catholike faith? For the catholike church be∣ing congregate at Constance, receiued that faith, that is to say, beleued it by the authority of hym whych spake it, that is Christ and his Saintes.

* 3.184To this purpose also serueth very well the wordes of the synode of Chalcedon written in this maner: It is not lawfull for hym that is condemned by the whole Synode to nominate any Byshop. The determination pleaseth all men. Thys is the faith of the fathers. He that holdeth any opinion contrary vnto this, is an hereticke. And againe it is a rule, that it is not lawfull to appeale from the elect and chosen Synode.

Marke the manifest witnesse of this moste sacred Sy∣node, which said that he is an hereticke, which holdeth any opinion contrary vnto the Councell: But hee is no here∣ticke, except hee refuse the Catholike faith: Ergo, it was the Catholicke faith to beleeue that it was not lawfull to ap∣peale from the sacred Councel. But howe was the same a∣ny poynt of the Catholike faith? Verely for somuch as the sacred Synode perusing ouer the holy Scriptures, hathe receiued thys conclusion out of the woordes of Christ and other holy fathers. And like as the Synode of Chalcedon tooke their conclusion out of the holy scriptures, so did the Councell of Constance, this which we now reason vpon. And like as the one is an Article of the Catholicke faithe, so is the other also. And he which holdeth any opinion cō∣trary to either of both, is an hereticke.

Furthermore, they seeme vnto me to dreame and dote, which confessing them to be vexities, wil not confesse them to be verities of faith. For if they be verities, I pray you wherof are they verities?* 3.185 Truely not of Grammer, much lesse of Logike, and from Astronomy and Phisicke they are farre distant. Neither is there any other man but a diuine, that will graunt this veritie, whome Scripture doth force vnto it of necessity, if he do beleeue Christ or his Apostles. Therefore this is a verity of the Catholicke faith which all men ought to embrace, and he which obstinatly resisteth a∣gainst the same, is to be iudged an hereticke, as the thirde conclusion doth affirm. Neither let any man thinke it hard or cruell, that he should be called an hereticke which goeth about to derogate any thing frō the power of the geuerall Councel, which is confirmed by so many testimonies and authorities. Also Panormitan alledgeth S. Hierome, say∣ing: He which vnderstandeth the scripture otherwise then the consent of the holy Ghost doth require, albeit he do not depart from the Church, may be called an hereticke.

Wherupon it foloweth that he which vpon the wordes of Christ saying vnto Peter,* 3.186 Dic Ecclesiae. i. Tel it vnto the Church, doeth not vnderstand by the Church the generall Councell, vnderstandeth it otherwise then the sense of the holy Ghost doth require, and there by may be noted as an hereticke. And to proue that the sense of the holy Ghost is otherwise then he doth iudge it, the councell of Constance, doth declare: The which interpreting those words, Dic Ec∣clesiae. i. Tel it vnto the churche, spoken by the holy Ghoste, vnderstandeth them to be spoken of the generall councell. By these and many other waightier reasons, the 3. afore∣said conclusions, seemed true vnto the Diuines, & thorough them they also allowed the residue.

Now haue we suffiētly sayd, as touching that which was before promised: neither do I think any man now to be in doubt of these 3. first conclusions. Now to returne a∣gaine vnto our storie, it is our purpose to declare those thinges which happened after the conclusions of the Di∣uines: for there are many things worthy of remēbraunce, which also may happely be profitable vnto the posteritie.

When the disputation was ended and a final conclusi∣on of these matters euen at hand, the Archbish. of Millaine and Panormitane with the residue of their fellow ambas∣sadors of the king of Arragon, and duke of Willam, armed themselues with all their power to lette the matter, exhor∣ting all men of their faction to withstand it with stout and valiant stomackes.

And first of all,* 3.187 assoone as the congregation was assem∣bled together, the byshop of Burgen exhorted them to de∣ferre the conclusion, & to tary for the Ambassadors of other Princes, which would returne from Mentz.

After him Panormitane with a graue and Rhetoricall Oration,* 3.188 spake (in a maner) as followeth.

I haue (saide he) had a cōmaundement by the prophet, to cry without ceasing: Which prophet sayd: Cry out, cease not, lift vp thy voice as a trumpet. If that in any matter at any time before, hee ought to haue cried, this matter speci∣ally which is now in hand lacketh crying and roaring out, when as the state of the vniuersal churche is intreated vp∣on, either to be preserued, or vtterly ouerthrown: and that he hath cried so much in thys matter, that he doubted not, but the saying of Dauid was fulfilled in hym, where hee sayeth: Laboraui clamans, raucae sunt factae fauces meae. I haue laboured, crying out, that my iawes are become horce.

Notwythstanding that he would both now,* 3.189 and as of∣ten as neede should require, wythout ceasing still crie out, and specially now in this most difficult and waighty mat∣ter: where in hee required the sacred Councell gentlely to heare both hym, and the Ambassadours of other Princes: adding moreouer foure thinges to be considered in all re∣questes made of any man. The which he also required the fathers now presently, to marke & consider. Who it is that maketh the request. What is required. Why it shuld be re∣quired, and what effect woulde come by the request eyther graunted, or denyed. As touching the first poynt he sayde: The most noble kynges and excellent Princes wyth their prelates to be of great power: and then reconed vp y^t kyng of Castill, the king of Arrogon, the Duke of Millaine, and the Byshops of the same Princes, rehearsing also the me∣rites & good deedes of the sayde kings, & also of the duke of Millaine. But when as hee came to make mention of the prelates, he coulde not restraine himself, but began to wax somewhat hoate, saying that the greatest number of Pre∣lates were on his parte. For if the Byshops and Abbotes were counted, it were not to be doubted, but the greatest part of them would haue this present matter deferred: and forsomuch as the whole power of the councell doth consist in the Bishops, it is not to be suffered, that they being neg∣lected and contēned, that should be concluded whych plea∣sed

the greater part of the inferiours: For the keyes (sayde he) were geuen to the Apostles, & to their successors which are the Byshops: also, that there are three kindes of Sy∣nodes, Episcopall, Prouinciall, and Generall, and none of all these without Bishops.

Wherfore the maner and order of the present Councell seemed vndecent, wheras thinges were not weyed accor∣ding as men excell in dignitie,* 3.190 but by moste voyces: Not∣withstanding according to y^e most famous Epistle of Cle∣ment, the Byshops were the pillers and keyes of heauen, and the inferiours had no determining voyce, but onely a consultatiue voyce with them: wherefore there would be a great offence in thys behalfe, if a matter of faith shoulde be determined without the bishops: in which matter not on∣ly the bishoppes, but also the secular Princes ought to bee admitted. And for so much as they, in y^e name of their prin∣ces, desired to be admitted to the examination of thys pre∣sent matter, and would examine the matter more fully, hee cōplained greatly how vnworthy a thing it was that they should be contemned or despised.

After many things spoken to this ende & effect, he pas∣sed ouer to the second part of his Oration, declaring what it was y^t he required: not gold, nor siluer, neither precious stones,* 3.191 neither prouinces nor kingdomes, neither a thing hard to be done: but that only the delay of the sacred coun∣cell was required, & that the fathers would stay in the pro∣cesse against the Pope, and in the conclusion and determi∣nation of matters which are now in hand. Neither shuld the delay be long, but only vntil the returne of the Ambas∣sadors from Mentz, whome he knew well would returne very shortly. That this was but a small matter, and to be small intreatie, because there was no danger in it. And al∣so it shuld seme iniurious, not to tary for the Ambassadors of the Princes which were then at Mentz, when as they were not absent for their owne priuate commoditie, but a∣bout the affaires of the common wealth, and the commo∣dity of peace: neither had he forgotten, y^t at their departure they had desired, that during their absence, there should be nothing renued concerning the matters of Eugenius.

Then immediatly adioyning the third part of his Ora∣tion, wherfore this delay was required,* 3.192 he concluded, that it was not required for the priuate commoditie of any one man, but for a common wealth: not to cause any trouble or vnquietnesse, but for the better examination of the matter, y^t all things might passe with peace and quietnes, that the matter might be somuch the more firme and stable, by how much it is ratified & allowed by the consent of many. And so he proceded to y^e last part of his argument, requiring the fathers that they would consider and wey in their mindes the effect that would follow, if they should graunt or deny thys request. For (sayth he) if ye shall deny this small peti∣tion of the Princes, they al wil be agreeued therewith, and take this repulse in ill parte. They will say, they are con∣temned of you, neither will they be obedient vnto you, or receiue your decrees. In vaine shall ye make lawes except the Princes do execute them, and all your decrees shall be but vaine:* 3.193 yet woulde I thinke this to be borne w^tall, if I did not feare greater matters to ensue. What if they shuld ioyne themselues with Eugenius, who not onely desireth to spoyle you of your liuings, but also of your liues. Alas, what slaughter and murther doe the eyes of my minde be∣hold and see? Would God my opinion were but vain. But if you do graunt and consent vnto their petitions, they wil thincke themselues bounde vnto you: they wil receiue and embrace your decrees, and whatsoeuer you shal require of them shall be obtained. They will forsake your aduersary, they will speake euil of him and abhorre him: but you they wil commend and praise, you they will reuerēce: vnto you they wil wholy submit themselues, and then shall followe that most excellent fruit of reformation and tranquillity of the church. And thus he required the matter to be respited on all partes. At the last he sayde, that except the Ambassa∣dors of y^e Princes were heard, he had a protestation, wryt∣ten, which he would commaund to be read before them all.

When Panormitan had made an ende of his Oration, Lodouicus the Prothonotary of Rome rose vp,* 3.194 a man of such singular wit and memory, that he was thought not to be inferior vnto any of the famous men afore time. In so much that he had alwaies in memory whatsoeuer hee had heard or red, and neuer forgate any thyng that he had sene. This man first commending Panormitane, sayde that he came but the day before from the haths, & that it semed vn∣to him a strange thing which was now brought in questi∣on: wherin he desired to heare other mens minds, and also to be heard of others, and that those prelates which were at Mentz shuld be taried for, to be present at the discussing of this matter, in the name and behalfe of their Princes, which prelates were men of great estimation, and the O∣rators of most mighty Princes.

He allowed also the saying of Panormitane touching the voices of the inferiors,* 3.195 that it seemeth not to be against the truth, that only Bishops should haue a deciding or de∣terming voice in Councels. And all be it that some in thys disputation doe thinke that, which is writtē in the 15. chap∣ter of the Actes, to be their force or defence: notwythstan∣ding he was nothing moued therewith, nor tooke it to be of any effect, albeit it was sayd: It seemed good vnto the holy Ghost and to vs, where as both the Apostles and the el∣ders were gathered together: whereby it appeared: that y^e others had a deciding voice w^t the Apostles. For he sayde, that there was no argument to be gathered of the Acts of the Apostles, whose examples were more to be meruailed at, then to be folowed: and that it doth not appeare there, y^t the Apostles called the Elders of duety, but that it is onely declared that they were there present: whereupon nothing could be inferred. And that it semed vnto him, that the in∣feriours in the Councell of Basill, were admitted to deter∣mine with the Bishops but of grace and fauour onely, be∣cause the Bishops may communicate their authority vnto others. He alledged for testimony, the bishop of Cancen, a man of great authority, who woulde not suffer any incor∣poration or felowship of the meaner sort, and therfore, nei∣ther any inferiour, neither himselfe, which as yet was not made Byshop, to haue any deciding voyce in the councel. Wherefore, for somuch as the matter was waighty, which was nowe in hand, and that the Byshops spake against it, he required the Councell that they would of necessitie stay and tary for the Ambassadours of the Princes comming from Mentz.

His Oration was so much the more greeuous,* 3.196 in that many were touched with his wordes, and specially in that poynt, that he said, the apostles were not to be folowed: for that al men did impugne as a blasphemy. But here a man may meruel, that a mā of such excellency, alledged no more or better matter. But in this poynt the memory of the man is to be pardoned, which did not willingly speake in thys matter, and desired nothing somuch, as not to obtaine that which he intreated for. After him many other spake theyr minds, but al to this end that they might protract the time and deferre the conclusion of these matters.

THen Lodouicus the Cardinall Arelatensis, a man of marueilous constancy, & borne for the gouernaunce of general councels, gathering together the wordes of all the orators, spake in this wise: Most reuerend fathers, this is no new or strange busines, nor begon to day or yesterday. For it is now many wekes ago, since the conclusiōs were disputed vppon amongst the diuines, & sent vnto Mentz, and to all other partes of the world. After thys, they were disputed vpon 6. daies continually, and fully discussed, and after that not without great delay approued by the depu∣ties, and as the truth seketh no corners,* 3.197 so all things were done publikely and openly. Neyther can any man pre∣tend ignoraunce, neither are the Prelates or Princes con∣temned: For wee called all that were present at Basill, and exhorted al y^• rest for to be present. And for somuch as men∣tion is made of the most noble King of Castell: who is it that is ignoraunt, that the kings Orators were there pre∣sent? The bishop of Burgen and Ebrun, men of singulare learning and eloquence, and you also Panormitane youre selfe, which heere represent the person of the moste famous king of Arragon, were twise present your self in the chap∣ter house, and disputed twise most subtilly, and twise decla∣red your minde, what you thought in that matter. What do you desire any more? Also out of the territory of y^t Duke of Millaine, there was present the Archbish. of Millaine, who albeit, he be no Ambassador, yet howe famous a Pre∣late he is, you are not ignorant. When he had spoken these words, the Archbishop being somewhat mooued, sayd vn∣to him.* 3.198 My Lord Cardinal, you supply the roume of a pre∣sident no better, then I doe the place of a Dukes Oratour, and began to taunt him wyth many words. But the Car∣dinall, (as he was a man moste pacient: and woulde not be prouoked to anger by no meanes) sayd: this is it y^t I euen now desired. For if the Archb. be an Ambassador, then hath the Duke no cause to complaine, which had his Oratour present at the discussing of those matters.

I passe ouer other Princes, because they doe not com∣plaine. Notwythstanding the most Christian Kynge of Fraunce, had there the Byshop of Lyons, a graue and so∣ber man, his Ambassadour at the disputation. As for other princes, I see no cause why they shuld be taried for, which knowing the councel to be congregate for such matters as pertaine vnto faith, do not thinke it absurd, that the dout∣full

matters of fayth shoulde be declared in the Councell: Whereunto, if they had bene willing to come, they would haue bene present or this.

Why this matter should neede so much discussing, as some will haue, I doe not vnderstand. For if I be wel re∣membred, Panormitane and also Ludouicus, haue often∣times affirmed in this place, euē y^e very same thing which the conclusions signifie. And if any of them now will go a∣bout to gaynsay it, it will happen vnto them, as it did vn∣to Didimus. To whom, when as on a time, hee repugned agaynst a certayne historye,* 3.199 as vayne and friuolous, hys own book was deliuered vnto him, wherin the same was written: So likewise these two men (meaning Panormi∣tane & Ludouicus the Prothonotary) Although they be ex¦cellently learned, & eloquent: yet may they be confuted by their owne writinges. Besides this: there are Synodall Epistles and decrees of this Councell,* 3.200 whiche are full of such cōclusions. What is it then whereupon any difficultie can be raysed? What is it that may be impugned? Shal we now bring that againe in doubt, whiche hath so often bene declared, affirmed, and decreed? But (say they) the princes & Ambassadours are absent whiche are byshops by whose presence the decrees should be of more authority. Wel, they are not onely absent which are gone to Mentz: but almost an infinite number of others, dispersed throughout y^e whol world: whō if we should tary to looke for, nothing at any tyme should be decreed. They are al called vnto the coun∣cel: they might haue come if they would. To those that are present power is geuen, and they ought to debate these matters. If any man will say, y^t they which are absent, are about the affayres of the common wealth: truely we sent them not thither, but they went rather agaynst the will of the Councell, then with the consent therof.

And admit that they had bene sent by the Councel: yet were not our power so much restrayned, but y^t we might reforme the Church, for otherwise there should neuer any thing be done in y^e Councell: for somuch as alwayes some are sent out by the Councell, and some are alwayes to be looked and taryed for, and therfore we must eyther do no∣thing at all, or sende out no Prelates from the Councell. Where as he sayd that Prelates and specially Bishops are cōtemned, that is most far from the truth, for they haue the chiefe and first places. They speake first, and geue their voi¦ces first of all vnto all thinges: and if so be they do speake learnedly and truely, all the inferiors without any gayne∣saying, did soone follow their mynde.

Neither peraduenture shall it be founde vntrue, that there was neuer any Synode: which dyd more amplifie y^e power & authoritie of Byshops then this. For what haue the Byshoppes bene in our dayes, but onely shadowes? Might they not well haue bene called shepheardes w^tout y^e sheep? What had they more thē their miter and their staffe, when as they could determine nothing ouer their subiects Uerely in the primitiue Church, the Byshops had y^e grea∣test power & authoritie: but now was it come to y^t poynt that they exceeded the cōmon sort of priestes onely in theyr habite and reuenewes? But we haue restored them agayn to their old state,* 3.201 we haue reduced the colation of benefices agayn vnto thē: we haue restored vnto thē y^e confirmation of elections: we haue brought agayn the causes of the sub∣iectes to be heard, into their handes: & haue made them bi∣shops which were none before. What cause is there then, y^t the Byshops should say, they are contemned of the Coun∣cel? Or what iniurious thing haue we at anye time done vnto them? But Parnormitan sayth, y^t forsomuch as most bishops are on hys parte, and few agaynst hym, the con∣clusion is not to be determined by the multitude of the in∣feriours, but let Panormitan remember himself, that this is no new kinde of proceeding.

This order of proceeding, the Councell ordeined from the beginning, neither hath it bene chaunged at any tyme since. And this order Panormitan, in times past hath plea¦sed you well enough, when as the multitude did followe your minde. But now, because they do not followe your mynd,* 3.202 they do displease you. But the decrees of the Coun∣cels are not so mutable, as the wils of mē. Know ye more∣ouer, y^t the very same bishops which doe consent with you in word and do not consent w^t you in minde, neither spake the same secretly, which they now do openly. They do fear that which you told them at home in their country, that ex¦cept they would follow your minde, they shoulde displease the king. They feare the power of the Prince, & to be spoy∣led of theyr temporalties: neither haue they free libertye to speak as is requisite in Councels. Albeit if they were true Bishops, & true pastors of soules, they woulde not doubt to put their liues in venture for their sheepe, neither be a∣feard to shed their bloud for their mother the Church.

But at this present (the more is the pittie) it is to rare to finde a Prelate in this world,* 3.203 whiche doth not preferre hys temporalities before hys spiritualties: w^t the loue wher¦of, they are so withdrawne, that they study rather to please Princes then God, and confesse God in corners, but Prin∣ces they will opēly confesse. Of whome the Lord speaketh in hys Gospell. Euery one sayth he, that confesseth me be∣fore men. I will confesse him before my father which is in heauen.* 3.204 And contrariwise the Lord will not confesse him before his father which is afeard to confesse the Lord before men. Neither is it true which Panormitan sayth, most bi∣shops to be on hys part, for here are many byshops proc∣tors whō he doth not recken, because they are not of his o∣pinion. Neither is the dignities of the fathers, to be respec∣ted in the Councell, as he sayth, but onely reason, nor anye¦thyng more to be looked for then the truth: neyther will I for my part, preferre a lye of any byshop, be he neuer so rich before a veritie or truth of a poore priest. Neither ought a byshop to disdayne, if he be rude or vnlearned, y^t the mul∣titude doth not follow hym, or that y^e voyce of a poore lear∣ned and eloquent priest should be preferred before his. For wisedome dwelleth oftner vnder a bare and ragged cloke, then in rich ornamentes and apparell.

Wherfore I pray you my Lord byshops, do not so much contēne your inferiours, for the first which dyed for Christ the which also opened vnto all other the way of Martyr∣dome, was no byshop but onely a Leuite. As for y^t whiche Ludouicus and Panormitane do allege touchyng y^e voy∣ces of Bishops, I know not where they haue it. Wherfore I desire them y^t they would tell me,* 3.205 where they haue foūd it. But if we repeat the examples of old councels, we shall finde that the inferiours were alwayes present with y^e Bi∣shops. And albeit that Ludouicus do forbid vs the exam∣ples of the apostles, I stay my self most vpon their doings For what is more comely for vs to followe, then the doc∣trine & customes of the primitiue Church? It is sayd ther∣fore in the 15. chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, it seemed good vnto the holy ghost and to vs. The whiche word (to vs) is referred vnto them which are before named, the A∣postles and the Elders. Neither this word, (it semed good) signifieth in this place consultation, but decision and deter¦mination, whereby it appeareth, y^t other beside y^t byshops had determining voyces. In an other place also of the sayd Actes, when as the apostles shoulde intreate vppon anye wayghty matter, they durst not determine by themselues, but the xii. called together the multitude.

Here Ludouicus sayth, y^t it doeth not appeare y^• the A∣postles called other of necessitie: but I say vnto hym, how knowest thou y^t they did not call thē of necessitie? But for so much as both partes are vncertayne: nothing doth prohi∣bite vs to follow the Apostles. For seeing that all thinges were written for our learning, it appeareth that the Apo∣stles wold geue vs exāple, y^t in wayghty matters we shold admit our inferiours. And therfore in all Councels which were celebrate & holden afterwards,* 3.206 we find that Priestes were also present: as in the Councell of Nice, whiche of all other was most famous, Athanasius being then but onely a priest, withstood the Arrians, and infringed their argu∣mentes: Albeit there were also other priestes. And albeit mention be made of 322. byshops, yet is not denyed, but y^t the inferiours were there, whome I thinke to be omitted for this cause, for that they were almost innumerable: for as you know well enough, the denomination for the most part, is taken of the most worthy.

In the Synode of Calcedon (which was counted one of the foure principall Synodes) it is sayd that there were present 600. priestes:* 3.207 the which name is common both vn∣to byshops and Priestes. In other Councels the name both of Bishops and Priestes is omitted, & mention made onely of Fathers, which hath the same signification y^e thys worde Elders had in the actes of the Apostles. Wee haue also a testimony of the ecclesiasticall history,* 3.208 how that ther was a Councell gathered of Rome of lx. Byshops, and as many Priestes & Deacons agaynst the Nouations which called themselues Cathari. Also, when Paule the Byshop of Antioche, in the tyme of Galiene the Emperoure, prea∣ched y^t Christ was a man of common nature, the Councell assembled agaynst hym in Antioche: wherunto there came Byshops out of Cesaria, Capadotia, out of Pontus, Asia, and from Ierusalem, and many other Byshops, Priestes and Deacons: and it is said that for that cause the Councel was often holden.

And at the last, in the same place, vnder Aurelius the Emperour Paule was condemned of al Christian Chur∣ches which were vnder heauē: neyther was there any mā, which did more confound the sayd Paul, then Malchiona Priest of Antioche, which taught Rhetorike in Antioche.

But to make no long digression from the matter, we haue most euident testimonies,* 3.209 for the defence of the inferiours. For the chiefe and principall amongst all the Diuines S. Austen vpō the wordes of Mathew, where as Christ saith vnto Peter: I wil geue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauē, sayth that by those words, the iudiciall power was geuen, not only vnto Peter, but also to the other Apostles and to the whole Churche the byshops and Priestes. If then Priestes haue a iudiciall power in the churche, what shold iet y^t they haue not also a determining voyce in y^e coū∣cels? The famous Doctour S. Hierome doth also agree with S. Austen, whose wordes are these vpon the Epistle of Paule vnto Titus. Before that difference was made in Religion by the instigation of the deuill, or that it was spo¦ken amongest the people, I holde of Paule, I of Apollo, & I of Cephas, the Churches were gouerned by y^e common consent and Councell of the Priestes: for a priest is the ve∣ry same that a byshop is. Wherefore all Byshops ought to vnderstand,* 3.210 that they are of greater power then Priestes, rather by custome then by y^e dispensation of y^e truth of God and y^t they ought to rule the church together. And this we do also gather out of Paule vnto Titus, which maketh so much concordaunce betweene bishops and priests, that of∣tentimes he calleth priestes Byshops, whereby it doth e∣uidently appeare, that priestes are not to be excluded from the conuentions of byshops, and determinations of mat∣ters. And albeit as S. Hierom writeth, that byshops onely by custome are preferred before Priestes, it may be, that a contrary custome may take away that custome.* 3.211 For if prie∣stes ought to rule the church together with the byshops, it is euident that it also pertayneth vnto them to decide and determine the doubtfull matters of the Church.

Wherfore the testimony of S. Paule is euident: for (as he writing vnto the Ephesians sayth:) If Christe institu∣ted hys Apostles, Prophetes, Pastours, and Teachers to the worke of the ministery, for the edifying of hys Church vntill such tyme as we should meete hym, for this purpose that there should be no doubt in the diuersitie of doctrine, who doubteth then, but that y^e gouernaunce of the Church is committed vnto others together with the Apostles? Let these our champions now hold their peace, and seeme to be no wiser then they ought to be. The memoriall of the coū∣cell of Constance, is yet fresh in memory, wheras diuers of vs were present, and I my selfe also whiche was neither Cardinall nor byshop, but onely a Doctour, where I dyd see,* 3.212 without any maner of doubt of difficultie, the inferiors to be admitted with the bishops, to the deciding of hard & doubtfull matters. Neither ought we to be ashamed to follow the example of that most sacred and great Councell which also followeth the examples of the Councell of Pisa and the great Councell at Lateran, wherein it is not to be doubted, but that the Priestes did ioyntly iudge together with the byshops.

* 3.213Moreouer, if Abbotes, as we do see it obserued in all Councels, haue a determining voice, which notwithstan∣ding were not instituted by Christ: why should not priests haue the same, whose order Christ ordayned by hys Apo∣stles? Hereupon also, if one byshops shoulde haue a deter∣mining voice, nothing should be done, but what pleased y^t Italian nation, the whith alone doth exceed all other nati∣ons, or at the least is equall w^t them, in number of byshops And howsoeuer it be, I iudge it in this behalf to be a work of God, that the inferiours shold be admitted to the deter∣minations: for God hath nowe reuealed that vnto little ones which he hath hidden from the wise.

Behold you do see the zeale, constancy, vprightnes, and magnanimitie of these inferiours. Where should the coun∣cell now be, if onely bishops and Cardinals shoulde haue their voice? Where should the authoritie of the Councels be? Where should the Catholicke fayth be? Where shoulde the decrees and reformation be? For all things haue now a long time bene vnder the will of Eugenius, and he had now obtained hys wicked & naughty purpose, except these inferiours, whome you now contemne, had withstād him. These are they which haue contemned the priuation made by Eugenius.* 3.214 These I say, are they which haue not regar¦ded hys threatninges, spoyle and persecution. These are they which being takē, imprisoned, & tormented: haue not fered to defend the trueth of the Councell, yea euen these are they, who albeit they were by Eugenius deliuered o∣uer for a pray, yet would they still continue in y^e sacred coū∣cell, and feared not to to suffer warre, famine, & most cruel pestilence: and finally what thing is it, that these men haue not willingly suffered for the right and equity of the coun∣cel? you might haue heard this inferior sort euen in y^e midst of their tribulations, with a loud voycr cry out and say, al∣beit that all men become obedient vnto that subuerter of y^e Church Eugenius, and that euery man do depart from y^e veritie of the fayth and constitutions of the fathers, consē∣ting vnto the commaundementes of Eugeneus, yet we & our brethren will be constant,* 3.215 and doubt not to dye for the truth and traditions of the holy fathers, the which in deed they haue done. Neither could they be feared with threat∣nings or discouraged with any spoyles, neither could any feare or hope, turne them from their most blessed purpose: and (to speake somewhat of mine own order) whether any Cardinals haue done the like or no, that iudge you.

As for Byshops, whō Panormitane alone wold haue to determine, you see how few of them are on our part, & euen they which are here present, are not able, by vertue to ouercome iniquitie, they feare the terrene power, and com¦mit offence with their hast.* 3.216 Haue ye not heard how they al sayd: they would consent vnto the kinges will and plea∣sure? But y^e inferiors are they which haue had truth,* 3.217 righte¦ousnes, & god himselfe, before their eyes, & they are great∣ly to be commended for shewing themselues such men vn∣to y^e Church of God. But why do I defend y^t cause of these inferiours? When as some will also exclude those byshops which are but byshops by name and title, and haue no pos¦session of the Church, from our company, not vnderstan∣ding that whilest they go about to put backe those mē, they do condemne Peter, and the other Apostles, who (as it is euident) were long without any great flocke, neither was Rome vnto Peter, nor Ierusalem vnto Iames, at anye tyme wholy obedient: for at that tyme no great number of people, but a small flocke beleued in Christ.

For I pray you, what is that we shold require of these byshops? They haue no flocke, but that is not their fault. They haue no reuenues, but money maketh not a byshop, and as the Lord sayth Beati pauperes spiritu. i.* 3.218 Blessed are y^• poore in spirite. Neither was there anye rich Byshops in the primitiue Church, neither did the auncient Church re∣iect Dionysius Byshop of Millayne, Eusebius Bishop of Uercelles, or Hillary Byshop of Pictauia, although they were neuer so poore, and banished without a flocke. But if we will graunt the truth, the poore are more apte to geue iudgement then the rich, because that riches bringeth feare and their pouertie causeth libertie. For the poore men doe not feare tyranny as our rich men do, whiche being geuen ouer vnto all kinde of vanities, idlenes and sloth, will ra∣ther deny Christ, then lacke theyr accustomed pleasures:* 3.219 whom not theyr flock, but theyr reuenues make bishops deliting so muche in riches, that they iudge all poore men vnhappy. But, as Cicero sayth: nothing can happen bet∣ter vnto a wise man, then mediocritie of substaunce. Wher∣upon it is written in the Gospel: It is easiar for a Cammel to passe through a needle eye, then for a riche man to enter into the kingdome of heauen.

But now to returne to a more full declaration of Pa∣normitans words, I determine to passe ouer two poynts which he pronounced in the beginning of hys Oratiō, that is: Qui petant, & cur petant, i. who maketh the petition, and for what cause they make their petition. We graunt y^e they are great men, & men of power, and (as he doth affirme) y^e they haue deserued good of y^e church, neither do I doubt but that they are moued thereunto, with a sincere affectiō. But whether it be a small matter that is required, or that the same effectes would ryse thereupon, which he spake of: it is now to be enquired. A delay (sayth he) is required: a delay for a few dayes. A small matter: a matter of no impor¦taunce: a matter easy to be graunted.* 3.220 Notwithstanding let Panormitane here marke well, that he requireth a delay in a matter of faith. The verities are already declared: they be already discussed and determined. If now there shoulde be but a little delay, it would grow to a long delay: for oftē times y^e delay of one momēt, is y^e losse of a whole yere, here of we haue many examples. Hanniball whē he had obtei∣ned his victory at Cannas, if he had gone strayght vnto Rome, by all mens iudgementes, he had takē the city. But for so much as he did deferre it vntill the next day, the Ro∣maines hauing recouered theyr force agayne: he was shutt out, and deserued to heare this opprobry.

Vincere scis Hannibal, vti victoria nescis. Hannibal thou knowest victory to get, But how to vse it thou knowest not yet.

Likewise the French men, after they had taken Rome and besieged the Capitoll, whiles that they gredely sought to haue great summes of mony, & delayed the time in ma∣king of their truce, Camillus cōming vpon them, did most shamefully driue them out againe. But what need I to re∣hearse old histories, when as our own examples are suffi∣cient

for vs? Ye know your selues how often these delayes haue bene hurtfull vnto you, & how oftē the delay of a few dayes hath growne to a long tracte of tyme. For now this is the 8. yeare that you haue spent in delayes: & you haue seene, that alwayes of one delay an other hath sprong and risen. Wherfore I do require that Panormitan shuld con¦sider, that y^e conclusion being this day disturbed,* 3.221 we know not whether it will be brought to passe hereafter againe or no. Many impedimentes or lets may rise. Neither doth Panormitan say, that this delay being obtayned, he wold afterward consent with his fellowes vnto the conclusiōs: for he denyeth that he hath any commaundement therunto & (which is more to be considered) he sayth that the Ambas¦sadours at their returne from Mentz, may bring such ne∣wes, wherby these conclusions may be omitted: as though any thyng were more excellent then the truth.

The which thing doth manifestly declare, that they do not seeke delayes for the better examination of the matter but for to impugne the conclusions the more strongly. Nei¦ther do I agree with Panormitan, as touching the effects which he sayd should ryse eyther of the denyall, or graun∣ting of y^e requests: For I see no cause why y^e Princes should so greatly require any delay. There are no letters of anye Prince come vnto vs as touching such request, neyther is there any man lately come from them, neyther is it greatly materiall vnto them, but that the matters of faith shoulde be determined. But this is a most pernicious conclusion which Panormitane hath made, and not to be looked for at the handes of those most godly princes, wheras he saith if we do please them, they will take our part. If contrari∣wise, they will decline vnto Eugenius, and wholy resist & rebell agaynst vs. This is a meruailous word, & a won∣derfull conclusion, altogether vnworthye to be spoken of such a man.* 3.222 The decrees of the Councell of Constance are, y^t all maner of men, of what state or condition soeuer they be, are bound to the ordinaunces and decrees of the gene∣rall Councels. But Panormitanes wordes do not tend to that effect, for he would not haue the Princes obedient vn¦to y^e Councel, but y^t councell to be obedient vnto y^t princes.

Alas most reuerend Fathers alas, what times & daies what maners and conditiōs are these?* 3.223 Into what misery are we now brought? How shall we at anye time bring to passe, that the Pope being Christes Uicare (and as they say) an other Christ in earth, should be subiect vnto y^e coū∣cell of Christians, if the Councell it selfe ought to obey wordly Princes? But I pray you look for no such things at the Princes handes. Do not beleeue that they will for∣sake theyr mother the Church. Do not thinke them so farr alienate frō the truth, y^t they would haue iustice suppressed.

The conclusions whereupon the controuersie is, are most true, most holy, most allowable. If the princes do re∣fuse them, they do not resist agaynst vs, but against the ho∣ly Scriptures, yea and agaynst Christ himselfe: which you ought neither to beleue, neither was it comely for Panor∣mitane so to say. Panormitan (by your licēce be it spoken) you haue vttered most cruell words, neyther do you seeme to go about any other matter, then to inculcate terrour and feare into the mindes of the Fathers: for you haue re∣hearsed great perils and daungers, except we submitt our selues vnto the princes.

But you most reuerend fathers, shall not be afearde of them which kill the body, the soule they cannot kill: ney∣shal ye forsake the truth,* 3.224 although you should shedde your bloud for the same. Neither ought we to be any whit more slacke in the quarrell of our mother the church and the Ca∣tholicke fayth, then those most holy Martyrs, whiche haue established the Church with theyr bloud. For why should it be anye greeuous matter vnto vs to suffer for Christ, which for our sakes hath suffered so cruel & greuous death? Who when he was an immortall God, voyd of all passiōs toke vpō him y^e shape of a mortal man, & feared not for our redemption to suffer tormentes vpon the crosse. Set before your eyes the Prince of the Apostles, Peter, Paule, An∣drew, Iames, and Barthelmew, and not to speake onely of Bishops) Marke what Stephen, Laurence, Sebastian & Fabian did. Some were hanged, some headed, some sto∣ned to death, other some burned, and others tormented w^t most cruell and grieuous tormentes suffered for Christes sake. I pray you for Gods sake let vs follow the example of these men. If we will be byshops and succeed in honour let vs not feare Martyrdome. Alas what effeminate harts haue we? Alas what faynt harted people are we? They in tymes past by the contempt of death, conuerted the whole world, which was full of gentilitie and idolatrye: and we through our sluggishnes & desire of life, do bring the Chri∣stian Religion out of the whole world into one corner, & I feare greatly, least y^t little also which is left, we shall lose through our cowardlines: if that by following Panormi∣tanes minde, we do commit the whole gouernaunce & de∣fence of the Church vnto the princes. But nowe play the stout and valiaunt men in this time of tribulation, & feare not to suffer death for the Churche, whiche Curtius feared not to doe for the cittie of Rome: which Menchotheus for Thebes, & Codrus for Athens, willingly took vpon them.

Not onely the martyrs,* 3.225 but also the Gentiles might moue and stirre vs to cast of all the feare of death. What is to be sayd of Theremens the Athemen? With how ioyfull hart and minde, and pleasaunt countenaunce, did he drink the poyson? What say you vnto the Socrates that most ex∣cellent Philosopher? did he eyther weepe or sigh, when he supped vp the poyson? They hoped for that whiche we are most certayne of. Not by dying to dye, but to chaunge this present life for a better.

Truly we ought to be ashamed, being admonished by so many examples, instructed with so great learning, yea and redeemed with the precious bloud of Christ, so great∣ly to feare death.

Cato writeth not of one or two men, but of whole legi¦ons, which haue chearfully & couragiously gone vnto those places, frō whence they knew they shuld not return. Wyth like courage did y^e Lacedemoniās geue thēselues to death at Thermopilis, of whom Simonides writeth thus.

Dic hospes Spartanos te hic vidisse iacentes, Dum sanctis patriae legibus obsequimur.

Report thou straunger, the Spartaines here to lye, Whiles that their coūtry lawes they obeyed willingly.

Neither iudge the contrary, but that the Lacedemoni∣ans went euen of purpose vnto death: vnto whome theyr Captayne Leonidas sayd: O ye Lacedemonians, goe for∣ward couragiously, for this day we shal sup together with y^e infernall Gods,* 3.226 but I most reuerend fathers, do not in∣uite you vnto the infernals as he did his Lacedemonians, but vnto the celestiall and euerlasting ioyes of Paradise, if that you can suffer death for the truthes sake, and paciently abide the threatnings of these princes, if there be any threat¦ninges at all. I call you vnto that eternal glory: where as there is no alteration of state, nothing decayeth or fadeth: where all good and perpetuall things do abound: wheras no man wanteth, no man enuyeth an other, no man stea∣leth frō an other, no man violently taketh frō an other, no man banisheth,* 3.227 no man murdereth, and finally no man dy∣eth. Where as all men are blessed and happy, all are of one minde & one accord, all are immortall, all are of lyke estate, & that all men haue, euery man hath, & that euery mā hath all men haue. Which thinges if we will consider, we shall truely answere Panormitan, as Theodorus Cyrensis is said to haue answered Lismachus the king, whē he threat∣ned to hang hym: who sayd, I pray you threaten these hor∣rible thinges vnto your Courtiers, as for Theodorus, it maketh no matter whether he rotte aboue the grounde or vnder the ground.* 3.228 So likewise let vs aunswere vnto the princes, if there be anye that do threaten vs, and let vs not feare their tormentes.

What doth a longer life preuayle to help vs? No man hath liued to short a tyme, which hath obtained the perfect gift of vertue. And if the death which a man suffereth in the quarrell of his country, seemeth not onely to be glorious amongst the Rhetoricians, but also happy & blessed, what shall we say for these deathes whiche are sustayned for the country of all countryes, the Church? Truely most reue∣rend fathers, it is to muche that our aduersaries doe per∣swade themselues of you, for they iudge you feareful, slug∣gish and faynt harted:* 3.229 and therefore they do obiect Princes vnto you, because they thinke that you wil not suffer hun∣ger, thyrst, exile in the quarrell & detence of the church. But I thinke you will esteeme it no hard matter, for the obtey∣ning of euerlasting lyfe, to do the same which shipmen do for the obteyning of transitory riches, to put themselues in danger of the sea & wind, and suffer most cruell stormes.

The hunters lye abroad in the nightes in the snowe in the hilles and woodes, & are tormented with cold: yet haue they none other reward, but some wilde beast of no value or prise.* 3.230 I pray you what ought you then to doe, whose re∣ward shalbe Paradise? I am ashamed of our ignauie, whē as I read that women, yea euen yong maydens haue vio∣lently obtayned heauen through their Martyrdome, and we are made afrayd onely with the name of death. Thys riuer of Rhein which runneth along by the cittie in tymes past hath caryed 11. thousand virgines vnto Martyrdome. In India (as Cicero writeth) whē any mā was dead, hys wiues (for there they had many wiues) came not into con∣tention who shuld be burned with him:* 3.231 and she whom he loued best, hauing vanquished the other, all y^e rest ioyfully

folowing her, was cast into the fire with the dead Carcase of her husband and burnt. The other whiche were ouer∣come, departed full of heauines and sorow, wishing rather to haue dyed then liue.

The which courage we now taking vpon vs for Chri¦stes sake, will aunswere Panormitan euen as the Lacede∣monians aunswered Phillip, who when as by his letters he threatned them, that he would stop all that whiche they went about, they asked him whether he would also let thē to dye. Therfore as you are excellent men, so vse your ver∣tue, which is alway free, and remayneth alwayes inuin∣cible. For you do know that power is geuē you of y^e Lord and strength from y^e most highest: who will take accompt of your workes and examine your thoughtes: vnto whom ye should be carefull to render a good accompt, iudgyng rightly and keeping the lawe of righteousnesse, and in all thinges walking according to the will of God. And not according to the will of men.

And whereas the Embassadours of Eugenius, doe o∣penly preach and declare a new doctrine, extolling the by∣shop of Rome aboue the vniuersall church: to the end that ignorant soules be not snared, ye shall not cease or leaue to publish the three first conclusions, following the example of y^e Apostle Paul, which would in no point geue place vn¦to Peter when he walked not according to the Gospel. As for the other matters, which doe respect the only person of Eugenius (because Panormitan and the other Ambassa∣dours of the princes, shall not say that we doe passe oure bonds) ye shall deferre them for this present.

When as Cardinall Arelatensis had made an ende of his Oration, there was a great noyse crying, out & braw∣ling euery where. The Presidents cōmaundements were not regarded, neither was the accustmed order obserued: for sometimes they spake vnto Panormitan, sometime vn∣to Lodouicus: no man was suffered to speake but in haste the bishops brawled with byshops, and the inferiours w^t theyr fellowes.* 3.232 All was full of contention & debate: which when as Lodouicus the Patriarck of Aquileia perceiued a man of no lesse courage and stomacke, then of nobillitie and byrth, being also a Duke, for the zeale whiche he bare vnto the vniuersall church, turning himselfe vnto Panor∣mita•• & Lodouicus the Prothonotary, sayd: Do not think the matter shall so passe, you know not yet the maners of y^e Germaynes, for if you go forward on this fashion, it wil not be lawfull for you to depart out of this country wyth whole heades: With which wordes Panormitan, Lodoui∣cus, and the Archbishop of Millaine, being striken (as it were with lightning from heauen, rose vp, & sayd: Is our libertie thus taken from vs? What meaneth it that the pa∣triarcke doth threaten vs,* 3.233 that our heades shoulde be bro∣ken? And turning themselues vnto Iohn Earle of Dier∣stene, which then supplied the protectors place, they demā∣ded of him whether he would defend the Councel and pre∣serue al men in their libertie,* 3.234 or no.

The Citizens also and Senators were present to pro∣uide and foresee that no offence shoulde rise, for the Citti∣zens obserued alwayes this order, that they would be pre∣sent in all affayres, which they supposed would breede dis∣sension, foreseeing specially that no tumultes shold ryse, o∣therwise then with wordes. They vsed alwayes suche a marueilous foresight & prouidence, that no man vnto this day, could haue any cause agaynst them, to complayne for violating their promise. Wherefore if at any time, any citi∣zens haue deserued wel at the hands of the churche, surely this prayse is to be geuen vnto y^e Basilians. These men to¦gether with Iohn Earle of Dierstene, being present in the assembly of y^e fathers, gaue a signe of preseruatiō of their li∣bertie. The Earle (albeit he was moued at the strangenes of y^e matter, for he would not haue thought so great contē∣tions could haue risen amongst wise mē) answered by his interpreter, y^e they all should be of good cheare. For y^e Em∣perours safe conduict should be obserued and kept euē to the vttermost, neither should the Patriarck, nor any other once violate the libertie, or take away the assurance gran∣ted by the Emperour. Notwithstanding he desired the pa¦triarche y^t he would call backe hys wordes agayne, & not to speake any more in such sort. But that famous father, be¦ing nothing at all moued, or troubled, cōmitted his whole minde vnto Iohn de Bacheistein, auditor of the chamber, a man both graue and eloquent, to be declared. Who affir∣med that the patriarches minde was not to threaten anye man, or disturbe the libertie of the councell, but to moue y^e fathers vnto Constancie, that they should be mindefull of the reformation, which they had promised vnto the whole world, and not so say one thing to day, & an other to mor∣row: for if they would so do, it were to be feared, least y^e lay tie seeing themselues deluded, and dispayring of reforma∣cion should rise agaynst the Clergy.

Therfore he monisheth the fathers to foresee and pro∣uide for the perill, that they shoulde not depart from the Councell, nothing being determined or done: and finally he desired pardon, if in his wordes he had offended eyther agaynst the Councel, Panormitā, or any other mā. Wher∣by he declared it to be true which is commonly sayd,* 3.235 that Humilitie is the sister of nobilitie: both which did very ex∣cellently appeare in this man. Yet for al this, could not the humilitie of the patriark stop or staye their noyse or cryes: For as often as mention was made of reading the Concor datum, great noyse and rumours were stil made, for to stop the same.* 3.236 Then Amodeus archbishop of Lyons, and pri∣mate of al Fraunce, a man of great reuerence and authori∣tie, being touched with the zeale of fayth, whiche he sawe there to be stopped and suppressed, sayd: Most reuerend fa∣thers, I haue nowe a great occasion for to speake: for it is now 7. yeares or more, that I haue bene amongst you, yet haue I neuer seene the matter at that poynt whiche it is now at, most like vnto a miracle, for euen presently I doe behold most wōderfull signes of miracles, for it is no smal matter that the lame do walke, the dumme do speake, and that poore men preach the Gospel. Wherupon I pray you commeth this sodayne chaunge?* 3.237 Howe happeneth it that those which lie lurking at home, are now sodenly start vp, Who hath geuen hearing to the deafe, and speache to the dumme? Who hath taught the poore men to preach y^e gos∣pell? I do see here a new sorte of prelates come in, whiche vnto this presēt haue kept silence, and now begin to speak. Is not this like to a miracle? I would to God they came to defend the truth, and not to impugne iustice.

But this is more to be marueiled at then any miracle, that I doe see the best learned men of all,* 3.238 impugne our cō∣clusions which are most certayn and true: And they which now reproue them, in times past allowed them. You are not ignoraunt howe that Lodouicus the Prothonotarye preached these verities at Louain and at Collē, & brought them from thence, confirmed with the authoritie of the U∣niuersities. Wherfore, albeit that he be now changed, yet is the truth in no poynt altered. And therefore I desire you & beseech you all, that ye will not geue eare vnto these men, which albeit they are most excellētly learned, yet haue they no constancy in them: which doth adorn all other vertues.

When he had ended his Oration, Lodouicus the Pro∣thonotary rising vp, sayde: It is most true that I brought those verities, but you do cal them verities of fayth, which addition semeth very doubtful vnto me. When he had spo∣ken these wordes, Cardinall Arelatensis requred that the Concordatum of the twelue men should be read, and many whispered him in the care, that he should go forward, and not aulter his purpose.

Then Panormitan,* 3.239 as soone as the Concordatum be∣gan to be read, rising vp with his companions and other Arragons, cryed out w^t a loud voyce, saying: You fathers do contemne our requestes, you contemne kinges & Prin∣ces, and despise Prelates, but take heede least whilest that ye despise all men, you be not despised of all men. You would conclude, but it is not your part for to conclude. We are the greater part of Prelates, we make the Councell, & it is our part to conclude, and I in y^e name of all other pre∣lates do conclude, that it is to be deferred & delayed. With this worde, there sprang suche a noyse and rumour in the Councell as is accustomed to be in battaile with the sound of Trumpets and noyse of horsemē, when as two armies ioyne. Some cursing that which Panormitan went about other some alowing the same: So that diuersitie of minds made diuers contentions.

Then Nicholas Amici,* 3.240 a Diuine of Paris, according vnto his office, sayd. Panormitan I appeale frō this your conclusion, to the iudgement of the councell here present, neither do I affirme any thinge to be ratified whiche you haue done, as I am ready to proue, if it shall seeme good. The contrary part seemed nowe to bee in the better place, for they had already concluded. The other part had neither cōcluded, neither was it seene how they could conclude a∣mongest so great cryes and vprores. Notwithstanding a∣mongest al this troublous noyse, Iohn Segouius, a singu¦lar Diuine of y^e vniuersitie of Salamantine lacked not au∣diēce: for y^e whol coūcel was desirous for to hear him: wher¦fore al mē as soon as he rose vp kept silence, & he perceiuing y^t they were desirous to heare him speak, begā in this sort.

Most reuerend fathers,* 3.241 the zeale and loue of the house of God forceth me nowe to speake: and I woulde to God that I had ben either blind this day, not to haue sene those thinges whiche haue happened, or that I had bene deafe, y^t I should not haue heard those words, which haue bene spoken. Who is it that is so stony or hard harted, which cā

abstayne from teares, when as the authoritie of the church is so spoyled, libertie taken away both from vs and y^e coun¦cell, & that there is no place geue vnto the veritie. O sweet Iesu, why hast thou forsaken thy spouse? Behold and look vpon thy people, and helpe vs if our requestes are iust. We come hether to prouide for the necessitie of the Church we require nothing for our selues, ••our desire is only that truth might appeare. We trusted now to haue concluded vpon y^e verities which were sometimes alowed in y^e sacred deputations. The Oratours of the Princes are present, & require the conclusions to be deferred.* 3.242 But we be not vn∣mindful of those thinges which Ambrose wrote vnto Ua∣lentinian the Emperour in this maner: if we shall intreate vpon the order of the holy. Scripture and auncient times past: who is it that will deny but that in case of faith (I say in case of faith) the bishops ought to iudge vpon Christian Emperours,* 3.243 and not Emperours vpon Bishops. Ney∣ther doe we admit their petition but vpō most vrgent cau∣ses: Notwithstanding we heard them paciently and wil∣lingly, whiles that they did speake euen so long as they would.

But now if any of our part would speake, by and by he is interrupted, troubled and letted. What honesty is this? What modesty or grauitie? is it lawful so to do in the coun∣cell•• Where is the decree of y^e Councel of Tholose now be∣come (where are our decrees, which do not only prohibitie tumultes,* 3.244 but also all small bablinges & talk) They say, it is because we contemne them: but they are they, which not onely conteme the Councell: but also resist the same. The patriarke spake but one small worde agaynst them, & that of no euill intent or purpose, and by and by they complay∣ned y^e their liberty was broken, but they, when as they do inforce the councell, when as they forbid the President to speake, and will not suffer the ordinances to be read, doe not iudge that they doe any thing contrary to the liberty of the Councell. They say, they are the Councell themselues and yet they intreat the Councell. These thinges doe not I vnderstande: for if they be the Councell, why doe they intreat thēselues? If they be not the Councell, why do they not suffer the Councel for to speake? Why do they not look for an answere of him to whom they make their petitiōs?

Truely this is to much violence, and certes our pa∣ence is also to much, to suffer such excesse euen in the face of the Church. But this doth most of all greeue me, and thys do I most maruell at,* 3.245 But this doth most of all greeue me, and thys do I most maruell at, that Panormitan a man of singular wit and doctrine did cōclude without any discussing or de∣ciding of the deputies, and without the examination of the 12. men, or any rite or order. The which, except mine eies had behold & seene, I would scarsly beleue, if any other mā should report it vnto me, of him: Neither do I yet know, whether I may sufficiently credite my selfe, the matter see∣meth so horrible: for I do not see by what authoritie his cō¦clusion doth stande, except it be by the authoritie of hys king whom he sayth will haue it to. But you most reuerēd fathers take heed that ye bring in no such custome: for so it shall come to passe, that in all matters, a few froward pre∣lates shall haue me to conclude for them.

And albeit Parnormitan hath proued (as he thinketh) by strong reasons that the veritie ought to be deferred, yet notwithstanding I do require you most reuerend fathers to follow the example of the Apostle,* 3.246 who (as Arelatensis hath very wel declared) would not geue one houres respite vnto Peter, when he swarued frō the truth of the Gospel. The sayth is speedely to be relieued & holpen, neither doth any thing sustaine more danger by delayes, thē faith doth. For heresies, except they be rooted out at the first, whē they are once growne, are hardly taken away. Wherfore I de∣sire you speedily to helpe and ayd. Hoyse vp your sayles, & launch out your ores. What should we tary looking for ei∣ther the Prelats or the princes? You are now in conflict: I ouely desire that you would hasten vnto the victory. Re∣gard not the threatnings of those Princes, neyther the op∣probries of those contumelious persons, for you are bles∣sed sayth the Lord, whē as men curse you & persecute you, speaking all euill agaynst you, making lyes and slaunders vpon you for my sake: reioice and be glad, for great is your reward in heauen. What is it I pray you that the princes do so much obiect agaynst vs? Is not our Lord God able to take vs out of the furnace of hote burning fire, and deli∣uer vs out of y^e hands of those princes? I beseech you most reuerend fathers and louing brethren, haue no lesse hope in Iesus Christ, thē Sidrach, Misach, and Abednago had, which feared not that old king Nabuchodouosor:* 3.247 and let y^e princes know, y^t the most high ruleth ouer y^e kingdomes of men, and geueth them vnto whom he pleaseth. God be∣holdeth all thinges from aboue (he is I say) in the midst a∣mongst vs, wherefore are ye then afrayd? Be of good cou∣rage, and shew yourselues as a strong wall for the church of God: suffer not the sayth to perish vnder your handes. The almighty God is present with you. He is present that will defend you.* 3.248 Feare not them which seeke onely to kill the body. Do iustice and equitie, and be assured that he wil not deliuer you ouer into the handes of the bachiter and slaunderer. Againe I say vnto you, show yourselues va∣liant and stout: Defend your mother the Church. And vn∣to thee, O thou president I say, that thou oughtest rather to please God then man, for if thou depart thence without a finall conclusion, know assuredly that thou shalt render accompt in the straight iudgment of God,* 3.249 and thus with∣out any more wordes, he sate downe in his place.

In the meane tyme, many graue and ancient men had exhorted Panormitan that he shuld geue ouer his conclu∣sion. The bishop of Burgen was very instant and earnest with him, that he should make vanitie and concord amōgst the fathers, and went about to make an vuitie with al mē. But neither the fathers of the Councell were determined to depart without a conclusion, neither Panormitan was minded to aulter his intent and purpose. All thinges were disturbed, neither did the prelates sit in their seats, as they were accustomed, but as euerye mans affection led hym. Some went to the Cardinall Arelateusis, some vnto Pa∣normitan and exhorted them, as if they had bene princes or rulers of armies. Then Arelatensis knowing y^e matter to be in danger, and that there was no ready way to make a cōclusiō, thought to vse some policie, to appease y^e tumult.

Most reuerend fathers said he,* 3.250 we haue receiued nowe letters out of Fraūce, which declare vnto me marueilous thinges: that there are incredible newes syrong vp there which if you will geue me willing audience, I wil declare vnto you.* 3.251 By this meanes there was a sodayne silence throughout the whole Councel, & by this marueilous po∣licie he made al men attentiue to heare. When as he saw he had free liberty to speake, without either fable or history of any letters sent, he opened the whole order of the matter, & as it is requisite in an Orator, came by little and little to y^e principal poynt, saying, y^t Eugenius his messengers filled all France, preaching a new doctrine, and extolling y^e, au∣thoritie of the bishop of Rome, aboue the generall Coun∣cels: agaynst whom, except speedy remedy were founde, it would come to passe, y^e man woulde geue credite vnto thē, and therfore the sacred Councell ought of necessitie, to pro∣uide remedy,* 3.252 and of necessitie to conclude vpō the vereties which were examined, that therby the temeritie of the Eu∣geniās might be repressed, which verities, albeit they were 8. in number, yet was it not the Fathers intēt to conclude vpon them al, but onely the three first: euen as I also (saith he) here do conclude, in the name of the Father, the sonne, and the holy Ghost.

When he had finished his Oration, with a cheerful and mery countenaunce rising vp, he departed. Some of them kissed him, and some of them kissed the skirtes of his gar∣mentes. A great number followed him, and greatly com∣mended his wisedome, that being a Frenche man borne, had that day vanquished the Italians, which were men of great pollicy. Howbeit this was all mens opinion, that it was done rather by the operation of the holy Ghost, then by y^e Cardinals owne power.* 3.253 The other of y^e contrary fac∣tion, as men bereft of their mindes, hanging downe theyr heades, departed euery man to his lodging. They wēr not together, neither saluted one an other: so that their counte∣naunces declared vnto euery man y^t they were ouercome. Something more also is reported of Panormitane,* 3.254 that when he came to his lodging, & was gone vnto his cham∣ber, he complained with himself vpon his king, which had compelled him to striue agaynst the truth, and put both his soule and good name in daunger of loosing, and that in the middest of his teares and complayntes he fell a sleepe, and did eate not meate, vntill late in y^e euening for very sorow for that he had neither ignorauntly, neither vnwillingly impugned the truth.

After this, there was great consultation amongest the Eugenians,* 3.255 what were best to be done in this matter, Some thought good to depart and leaue y^e Councel, other some thought it meeter to tary, and w^t at endeuour to resist y^t nothing should further be done agaynst the Eugenians: & this opinion remained amongest them. The next day af∣ter, being y^e 15. day of Aprill, the Archbishop of Lyons and the bishop of Burgen, calling together the prelates into y^e Chapter house of the great church began many thinges as touching peace.* 3.256 The Bishop of Burgen perswaded that there shuld be deputations appoynted that day, vnto whō the Archbishop of Lyons shoulde geue power to make an agrement. Unto whome aunswere was made, as they thought, very roughly, but as other iudged, gētly, but not

withstanding iustly and truely: For, they sayd there could be no vnitie or concorde made, before the aduersaries con∣fessed their fault and asked pardon therefore.

The day following, the sayd Byshop of Burgen, with the other Lombards and Cathelans, went vnto the Ger∣maines, and from thence vnto the Senate of the citie, spea∣king much as touching the prohibiting of Schismes. The Germaynes referred themselues to those thinges which y^e deputation should determine.* 3.257 The Senate of the Citie (as they were great mē of wisedom, which would do nothing without dilligent aduise and deliberation) answered, that the marter pertayned not vnto them, but vnto y^• Coun••or, The fathers whereof were most wise men, and were not ignoraunt what pertayned vnto the Christen fayth, and if there were any daunger toward, it shuld be declared vnto the Councell and not to the Senate: For they beleue that the Elders of the Councell, if they were premonished, would foresee y^t there should no hurt happen: as for y^e Se∣nate of the Cittie, it was there duety onely to defend the fa∣thers and to preserue the promise of the citie, with this an∣swere the byshop of Burgen departed.

* 3.258In the meane time the fathers of the councell had dra∣wen out a forme of a decree vpon the former conclusions, and had approned the same in the sacred deputations. By this time the Princes Orators were returned from the as∣sembly at Mentz, & holding a Councel among themselues they had determined to let the decree: The 9. day of May there was a generall conuocation holdē, wherunto all mē resorted, either part putting forth himselfe vnto the cōflict.

The Princes Ambassadours were called by the bishop of Lubecke and Conrade de Winsperg the protectour into the quier, and there kept: whereas they intreated of a vnity and by what meanes it might be had, and there they tary∣ed longer then some thought to doe: the whiche matter gaue occasion to bring thinges well to passe, beyond al ex∣pectation.* 3.259 The onely forme of the decree was appoynted to be concluded that day, whereupon, as soon as Cardinall Arelatensis perceiued the congregation to be full, and that the twelue men had agreed, and that there was a great ex∣pectation, with sileuce, he thought good not to delay it for feare of tumult, but commanded, by and by the publick cō∣cordaunces to be read, wherein this was also contayned, that the Cardinall Arelatensis might appoynt a Session when soeuer he would. Which being read, he being desired by the promotors, concluded according as the maner of cu¦stome is. The Ambassadours of princes being yet it in the Duier, as soone as they vnderstoode how the matter pas∣sed, being very much troubled & vexed, they brake of theyr talke, imputing all thinges to y^e bishop of Lubecke, which of purpose had kept them in the Duier and protracted the time. Wherupon they entring into the congregation, filled the church full of complayntes.

First of all, the Oratour of Lubecke complayned both in his owne name and the name of the protectour, as tou∣ching the conclusion,* 3.260 & required y^t the councell woulde re∣uoke the same. If that might be graunted, he promised to intreate a peace, and to be a protector betweene the Coun∣cell and the Ambassadours of the Princes. But the Arch∣byshop of Turnon said, that it seemed vnto him euery mā to haue free libertie to speake against that law whith shold be promulgate, vntill the Session, whē the Canons shuld be consecrated and receiue their force: whē as the bishops in their pōtificalibus, after the reading of the decree in the Session, should aunswere that it pleased them: otherwise the demaund which was made by the promoters in the Session, to be but vayne, and for that the cōclusious were not yet allowed in the Session, and therefore he sayd that he might without rebuke, speake somewhat as touching the same, and that it was a great and hard matter, and not to be knit vp in such a short time, and that he had the know¦ledge thereof but euen now: notwithstāding that he being an Archbishop ought to haue knowne the matter, that at hys return home, he might informe the king & also instruct those which were vnder him. And that he and his fellowes before any Session should be: would both heare & be heard of others. Neither doth it seeme good vnto him that the Session should be holdē, before report were made of those things, which the Ambassadours of the Princes had done at Mentz which would, peraduenture be such as might altter and chaunge the mindes of the fathers.* 3.261 Then the By∣shop of Concen Ambassadour of the king of Castell, which was also lately returned from Mentz, a man of great vn∣derstanding, but lacking vtteraunce, greeuously complay∣ned that the prelates were contemned. Neither had it bene (sayd he) any great matter if they had ben taried for, which notwithout great daunger and expences, went to Mentz, not for theyr pleasure, but of necessitie. And afterward as it were smiling, he sayd; how mad am I y^e would haue the Prelates, to be taryed for, vntil they returne from Mentz when as they are not taryed for whilest they came out or the Duier of the Churche: doe therfore as ye list. If there rise any offence or mischiefe her ••upon, neyther are we the Ambassadoues of Castell to or blamed, neither can anye man of right inpute any thing to one most noble king.* 3.262

Here were it long is reprate, with what rebukes and taimtes they inuyed agaynst the Cardinall Arelatensis: but especially the byshop of Milane rayled most: teuellye vpon him, saying y^• he fostred & mayntained a table of So∣pistes and Scholemaisters, & that he had concluded in mat¦ters of faith with them: calling him also another Cataline vnto whom al desperate and noughty persons had refuge that he was thew Prince, & ruled the Church with them: and that he woulde not geue care vnto the Ambassadours of the most noble princes, or to the most famous Prelates in this most wayghty matter. Albagensis & a man of great nobilitie, descended of the Emperours bloud, albeit he had neuer alienate hys minde before from the Councell: yet least he should seeme to dissent from other Ambassadours of y^e princes, made the like complaynt as touching the at∣tēpt of the prelates. After this it came vnto Panormitā to speake, who as he had a greater vehemency in speaking: so also he did declare a more angry stomacke and mind: for in the beginning of hys Oration, he seemeth not to go about accordyng to the precept at Oratours, to get the good will of the hearers, but rather theyr hatred: for he sayd that our sauiour sheweth foure signes in the Gospell, whereby we should know the good from the reprobate: for he whiche is of God (sayth he) heareth y^e wordes of God, but you heare not the wordes of God, because yee are not of God. And agayne, he that doth euill hateth the light. And in an other place also, by their fruites you shal know them. And a good tree cannot bring forth euill fruit.

All which sayinges he wrested agaynst the fathers of y^• Councel, because they would not heare the words of God that is to say, the wordes of peace which the Ambassadors had spoken, because they fled from the light in the absence of the Ambassadours, priuilye concluding, and because in their deputation they had not holden and kept the holye day but had cōcluded thereupon,* 3.263 also because they had the vpper hand in the foresayd cōclusion, not by reason, but by deceit. As touching the fruits, he sayd that the fathers them selues shuld meditate and consider how that, if their fruits were not good, they also themselues were not good: & that he did see an other Councell at hand, where as he feared least these conclusions should be reuoked, as the fruit of an euill tree: and therefore, they ought not so sodaynly to pro∣ceede in so wayghty matters: and y^t he woulde be yet more fully heard before the Session, as well in hys owne name because he was an archbishop, as in the name of his prince which raygned not ouer one kingdome alone but ouer ma¦ny: Also he said that he heretofore by his words,* 3.264 deeds and writinges, hath extolled the authoritie of the Councel: and that he feared, least by these meanes, the authoritie thereof shuld be subuerted. At the last he required pardon if he had offended the fathers of the Councell, for so muche as very sorrow and griefe forced hym to speake so.

The Abbot Uergiliacensis would haue made answere to those thinges whiche Panormitan had touched concer∣ning hyis deputation:* 3.265 but Arelatensis thought good that all the contrary part should speake first, amongst whome, last of all,* 3.266 Ludouicus the Prothonotary, the Homere of Lawyers, rose vp. And albeit that he spake vnwillingly, yet when he had begon, he could not refrayne his wordes. And whiles he went about to seeme learned and eloquent he vtterly forgat to be good. He sayd y^t the Councell ought to take heed, that they intreated no matter of fayth, against the Prelates, least any offence should follow, for that some would say it were a matter of no force or effect. For albeit that Christ chose 12. Apostles and 70. Disciples, notwith∣standing in the setting forth of the Creede, onely the Apo∣stles were present, thereby (as it were) geuing example, y^t the matters of fayth did pertayne onely vnto the Apostles & so consequently vnto bishops. Neither that they ought hastely to proceede in matters of fayth, whiche ought to be clearely distinct, for somuche as Peter affirmeth the tri∣all of fayth to be much more precious then golde, which is tryed by the fire. And if the Bishops be contemned, which are called the pillers and keyes of heauen, the fayth cannot seeme to be well proued or examined. But at length he con¦fessed, y^t the inferiours might determine with the Bishops but denied that the least part of the Bishops with the most part of the inferiours might determine any thing. From thence he passing to the matter of fayth, sayd, that those ve∣rities whereupon question was nowe had, are Articles of

fayth, if they were verities of fayth. And forsomuch as eue∣ry man should be bounde for to beleue those, therefore he would be better instructed & taught in that matter whiche he shoulde beleue as an Article or fayth. Neither should it be comely for the Councell to deny him his request, which according to the rule of the Apostle, ought to be ready, to geue account vnto euery man whiche shall require it, tou∣ching the fayth, which it holdeth.

After euery man had made an end of speaking, the Car¦dinall Arelatēsis calling his spirites together,* 3.267 made an O∣ration wherein he answered now the one, & now the other. And first of all he commended the desires of the Imperiall Ambassadours, which offered to intreat a peace and vnity, but neither necessity, nor honesty (he sayde) woulde suffer those thinges whiche are concluded to be reuoked. He aun∣swered also that the petition of the Ambassadors of Fraūce is most iust,* 3.268 in that they required to be instructed touching the fayth: and that the coūcell would graunt their request, and send vnto them certayn diuines, which should instruct them at home at theyr lodgings: but the matter was alrea∣dy concluded & could no more be brought in question: that the Session was onely holden, rather to beautify the mat∣ter,* 3.269 then to confirme the same. And as touching that which the bishop of Concen so greatly cōplayneth of, he doth not much maruell: for he could not know the processe of y^e mat∣ter, when he was absent, who being better instructed, he supposed would speak nomore any such words, forsomuch as a iust man would require no vniust thing. Also that his protestatiō had no euill sense or meaning, in that he would not haue it imputed, neither vnto him, neither vnto hys king, if any offence should rise vpon the conclusions. Not∣withstanding it is not to be feared, that any euill shoulde spring of good workes. But vnto the Bishop of Millayne he would aunswere nothing, because he saw him so moued and troubled, for feare of multiplying of more greuous and hainous words. As for Panormitane he reserued vnto the last.* 3.270 But vnto Ludouicus the Prothonotary, whiche de∣sired to be instructed, he sayd: he willed him to be satisfied w^t y^e wordes which were spokē vnto the Bishop of Turnon.

Notwithstanding, he left not this vntouched which lu∣douicus had spoken concerning the Apostles Creede. For albeit that in the setting forth of the Creede, the Apostles be onely named, yet it doth not follow (sayth he) that they onely were present at the setting forth therof. For it happe∣neth of tentimes that Princes are commended and praysed as chiefe authors and doers of thinges, when as notwith∣standing they haue other helpers, as it appeareth in bat∣tayles, which although they are foughte with the force of all the souldiors, yet the victory thereof is imputed but vn∣to a fewe. As in these our dayes, they do ascribe all thinges which the army doth either fortunately or wisely, vnto Ni¦colas Picenius,* 3.271 that most valiaunt Captayne which hath obteined so many famous victories: albeit that oftentimes other haue bene the inuentors of the pollicy, and workers of the feate.* 3.272 And therefore Ludouicus ought to knowe and vnderstand, that they are not onely articles of fayth which are conteyned in the Creede, but all other determinations made by the Councels, as touching the fayth. Neyther is he ignorant, that there be some articles of the Creed which we now vse in the Church, that were not put too by the A∣postles, but afterward by generall Councels: as that part wherein mention is made of the holy Ghoste, whiche the Councell of Lyous did adde, in whiche Councell also it is not bee doubted, but that the inferiours dyd iudge together with the Byshoppes. But for so much as he had sufficiently declared that matter in the congregation be∣fore passed, he would stay no longer thereupon. But com∣ming vnto Panormitan, he rehearsed his wordes: Qui ex Deo est, verba Dei audit, He that is of God, heareth Gods word, which is very well takē out of the Gospell, but not well applyed vnto the councell (sayd he:)* 3.273 for he firmely be∣leued, that his predecessors haue iudged holy Ghost to be in the middest of the Councels, and therfore the wordes of the Councels to be the wordes of the holy Ghost: which if any man do reiect, he denieth himselfe to be of God. Nei∣ther doth the councell hate the light, which doth all things publickly and openly, whose congregatiōs are cuidēt vn∣to all men, neither doth it as the conuenticles of the aduer∣saries, admit some, and exclude other some. Moreouer, the thing which is now in hand, was begon to be intreated of for two monethes agoe, & first the conclusions were large∣ly disputed vpon in the diuinity scholes, and afterward sēt vnto Mentz and other places of the world.

After all this, the fathers were called into the Chapter house of the great Church, to the number of 120. amongest whom Panormitan which now cōplaineth, was also pre∣sent, and according to his maner, did learnedly and subtilly dispute, and had liberty to speak what he would. Likewise in the deputations, euery man spake his mind freely, & in that deputation where Panormitan was, the matter was 3. dayes discussed. After this the 12. men did agree vpon it, and the general congregation did conclude it. Neither hath there bene at any time any thing more ripelye or exactlye handled both openly, & also without any fraud or deceite. And whereas the deputatiō did sit vpō a holy 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••here is no hurt in y^t, neither is it any new or straunge thing, foras∣much as they haue oftē holden their Session vpon testinall dayes, when as the matter hath had haste, and specially for that the matter of fayth hath no holy dayes.* 3.274 And further he said that he did not conclude craftely and deceitfully in the congregatiō; as Panormitane hath reported, but publickly & opēly at the request of the Promoto••s. Neither hath any mā any iust cause to cōplayne vpō him, forsomuch as, whē he was made President, he was sworne that alwaies whē 4. or 3.* 3.275 of the deputations did agree, he should conclude therupō. And forsomuch as he had already concluded, in di¦uers causes touchinge the Pope, he sawe no cause why hee should not conclude in the matter of fayth, for that he was a Cardinall; & did weare his red hat for this purpose, that he should shed his bloud in the defēce of the fayth. Neither hath he done any thing now agaynst the Pope, for that o∣mitting the fine conclusions touching Eugenius, he had concluded but onely the generall conclusions: which except he had done, the fathers should haue had iust cause to com∣playne agaynst him (in that they trusting in his fidelitye & faythfulnes, had chose him Presidēt) if by him they shoulde now be forsaken in this most necessary cause of fayth. And turning himselfe vnto the people; he desired the fathers to be of good comfort, forsomuche as he woulde neuer forsake them, yea although he should suffer death: for he had geuen his fayth and fidelity vnto the Councell, which he would be obserue and keepe: neither should any manues flattery in threatninges put him from his purpose: that he would be alwayes ready to do whatsoeuer the Councel should com∣maund him, and neuer leaue the commaundements of the deputies by any meanes vnperformed.

As touching that Panormitan had extolled the autho∣rity of the Councell, he sayd that he was greatly to be thā∣ked. But yet he ought to vnderstand and know the autho∣rity of the Councell to be such, as cannot be augmented or increased by any mans prayse or cōmendation, or be dimi∣nished by any opprobry or slaūder. These things thus pre∣mised he cōmaunded the forme of y^e decree to be read. Thē Panormitane & those which tooke his part, would needes haue a certayn protestatiō to be first read. There was great contention on euery side. Notwithstanding at the last. A∣relatensis preuayled, and the forme of the decree was read vnto this word, Decernimus, that is to say, we decree. Thē Panormitan rising vp, would not sucter it to be heard any further: And the Bishop of Catauia cryed out saying, that it was vncomely that Arelatensis,* 3.276 with a few other By∣shops by name, should conclude the matter. The like did al¦so all those which fauoured Panormitane. The Cardinall of Terraconia also (which vntill that time had holden hys peace) did greuously rebuke his partakers, that as men be¦ing a sleep or in a dreame, they did not read the protestatiō, and commaūded by and by one of his familiars to read it. But like as the aduersaries before did perturbe the rea∣ding of the concordaunces,* 3.277 so would not the Fathers of the Councell now geue place to the reading of the protestatiō. Which when Albiganensis did consider he cōmaunded the writing to be brought vnto him, and as he began to speak, sodenly Arelatensis rose vp, with a great number of the fa¦thers to depart: which thing pleased y^e cardinall of Terra∣conia and Panormitan very well, for that they hoped that they alone with theyr adherentes, shoulde remayne in the Church. They exhorted Arelatēsis to reuoke the conclusiō, and to make another.

There was in that congregation in his place George the Prothonotarye of Bardaxina, sitting somewhat be∣neath his vncle, the Cardinall of Terraconia, a man but yong of age, but graue in wisedome, and noble in huma∣nity: who as soone as he sawe the Cardinall Arelatensis rise, he determined also to depart, and when as his Uncle called him, commaunding him to tary, he sayd: God for∣bid father that I should tary in your congregatiō,* 3.278 or do a∣ny thing cōtrary to the othe which I haue takē. By which words he declared his excellent vertue and nobility, & ad∣monished our men which remained, of those things which they had to do. His voyce was the voyce of the holy ghost, and words more necessary, then could be thought. For if he had not spoken that word, the fathers of the Councell had peraduenture departed, and gone theyr way, and the other remaining in the church, had made another cōclusiō which

they would haue affirmed to haue ben of force, because they would say the last conclusion was to be receiued. But ma∣ny being warned by the wordes of the Prothonatary, and calling to remembraunce the like chaunce of other Coun∣cels before, called backe agayne the multitude which were departing, and cried vpon the Cardinall and the Patriark to sit downe agayne, & that they should not leaue y^e church voyd and quiet for theyr aduersaryes. Whereupon, soden∣ly all the whole multitude sate downe, and the gates were shut agayne.* 3.279 In the meane time Matheus Albiganensis a bishop, read the protestation to none els but to himselfe a∣lone, for it could not be heard for noyse: which being ended the Lombardes and the Cathelanes confirmed the prote∣station. When the Cardinal of Terraconia sayd that he did agree to that dissension, they maruelled at that saying. And whē some smiled & laughed at him: what sayd he, ye tooles, do ye mocke me? do not the Ambassadors of my king dis∣sent from you? What do you maruell then if I do say I cō∣sent vnto theyr dissention? And with these wordes, he and almost all the Arrgones,* 3.280 Lombardes and Cathelanes de∣parted, all the other taryed still. And albeit it was some∣what late (for it was past ij. at after noone) Arelatensis see∣ing the congregation quiet, commaunded the affayres of priuate persons to be read, as the maner is: which beynge ended, he commaūded also the publicke affayres to be read, & willed the conclusions & the forme of the decree to be red agayne. There remayned in the congregation, the Ambas∣sadors of the Empyre and of Fraunce, talking together of theyr affayres. Notw^tstanding the bishop of Turuō heard mention made of the cōclusions, & turning himselfe to the Bishop of Lubecke, sayd: lo, the matters of fayth are now in hand again, let vs go hēce I pray you that we be not an offence vnto others,* 3.281 or that we be not sayd to dissent from the other Ambassadors. To whom the Bishop of Lubecke aunswered: tary father, tary here, are not the conclusions most true? Why are you afrayd to be here for y^e truth? these wordes were not heard of many, for they spake them sotte∣ly betwene themselues. Notwithstanding I heard it, for I sitting at theyr feet, did diligētly obserue what they said. Arelatensis, after all thinges were read, which he thought necessary, at the request of the deputyes concluded, and so making an end dismissed the congregation. Twise it is de∣clared, with how great difficulty Arelatēsis concluded for∣so much as neither the matter nor the forme could be cōclu∣ded without dissension:* 3.282 and the conclusions were miracu∣lous, and past all mens hope, but were obteined by the in∣dustry of Arelatensis, or rather by the speciall gift of the ho∣ly Ghost.

After this, it was determined betwene the Lōbardes and Aragons to absteine frō the deputations for a certaine time, whiche they did not long obserue, notwithstanding y^e deputations were holdē very quietly for a certein space, neither was there any thing done worthy of remembraūce vntill the 15. day of May, during whiche time, all meanes possible were sought to set a concorde betwene the fathers, but it would not be. Then Nicolas Amici promoter of the faith, was called into the congregation, & briefly rehearsed those things which were done the dayes before, and decla∣red how that Arelatensis might poynt a Session. Where∣fore, forsomuch as delay in matters of fayth was daunge∣rous, he required that a sessiō should be appoynted against the morow after, requiring the Cardinall for his dignities sake, in that he was called the principall of the church, and the other bishops, that (as they had promised in theyr con∣secration) they would not now shrinke from the church in these wayghty affayres, and suffer the faith to be oppressed: but the other inferiors he required vpon theyr othe which they had taken, to shew themselues faythfull and constant herein. Then againe there fell a great contention vpō these wordes: for Arelatensis, as he was required, did appoynt a Session, and exhorted all men to be there present in theyr Robes.* 3.283 The Bishop of Lubecke rising vp, made a prote∣station in his owne name, and also in the name of his pro∣tector, that he would not consent, that there shoulde be any Session, if it shoulde in any part derogate from the agree∣ment had at Mentz. Georgius Miles also, his felow Am∣bassadour consented to this protestation. When as the pro∣tector of the Councel appoynted by the Emperour, vnder∣stood himselfe for to be named by the bishop of Lubecke,* 3.284 he maruelled a while what the matter shoulde be. But being certified by an enterpreter, he aunswered that he would in no case consent vnto the protestation of the Bishop of Lu∣becke, and that he did not know any thing of their doings at Mentz: also that he was sent by the Emperour to the sacred Councell, and hath his charge whiche he doth well remember, and would be obedient therunto. After whom the Bishop of Concense, according to his accustomed ma∣ner, made his protestatiō & after him also folowed Panor∣mitane. Whose wordes before I will repeat, I desire that no man woulde maruell that I make mention so often of Panormitane: for it is necessary to declare the matter in or¦der as it was done.

It happened in these matters euen as it doth in war∣like affayres: For as there, suche as are most valiaunt and strong,* 3.285 and doe most worthy feates, obteine most fame, as in the battell of Troy, Achiles and Hector: so in these spi∣rituall warres and contentions, those which most excell in learning and eloquence, and do more then other, should be most renowned & named: for on y^t one part Panormitane was prince and Captayne, on the other, Arelatensis: but his owne will made not the one Captain, but onely neces∣city, for it behoued him to obey his prince. Notwithstan∣ding he was not ignoraunt of the truth and verity, neither did he resist willingly against it: for I haue sene him often∣times in his library complayne of his prince, that he follo∣wed other mens Coūcell. When as his time came to speak he sayd that he did not a little maruell why the protector of the fayth, shoulde require the Prelates to haue a Session, whiche was nothing perteining to his office, and that he ought not to vsurpe the Presidentes place. And agayne he complayned touching the contempt of the Prelates, for the matter did presently touch the state of the Apostolicke sea, & for that cause the sea ought to be heard before any Session beholdē. Neither it is to be regarded (said he) that the coū∣cell of constance semeth to haue decreed, that it should now be spoken of, for so much as Pope Iohn was not heard at Constaunce, neither any man els, to speake for the sea, by which words he seemed both to contēnc and bring in dout all the decrees of that most great and sacred synode of Cō∣stance: therefore there was a great tumult,* 3.286 and all men cri∣ed out with one voyce, saying: that the Synod of Cōstance is holy and the authority thereof ought to be inuiolate. But he being still instant, with a stoute and hauty courage, af∣firmed that the matter coulde not be finished without the Ambassadours of the Princes, and that the Princes ought to be heard in a matter of fayth. And agayne that the Am∣bassadors themselues cannot consent, for so much as in the Colloqui holden at Mentz they had promised during the treaty of peace by them begunne, they woulde receiue & al∣low nothing that the Pope shoulde either doe agaynst the councell, or the councell agaynst the Pope: & that he doub∣ted not, but that the th••ee first conclusions declared Euge∣nius an hereticke, in so much that it was euident, that Eu∣genius did vehemently resist the two first. And therefore for so much as the Session was not yet holden, and that it was lawful for euery man before y^t Session to speak what he will, he desired and required them most instauntly, that there might be no Session as yet holden. Unto whom A∣relatensis answered,* 3.287 that it was not to be doubted but that the promoter of the fayth, by his office might call the pre∣lates to determine a matter of fayth, & specially for so much as the deputation of the fayth and the whole councell, had so geuen him in commaundement.

As touching the prelates, he sayth, that albeit without all doubt bishops haue chiefe authority: yet notwithstand∣ing it is accustomed in Councels, not to make any conclu∣sion in the name of the bishops, but in the name of y^e whole councell: and the vniuersall Church hath decreed certayne lawes in this Councell, which shoulde remayne inuiolate. Neither let the bishops thinke the presence of the inferiors greuous vnto them, when as oftētimes vnder a bare and torne coate, wisedome lyeth hid, and vnder rich vestures & ornaments,* 3.288 folly lurketh. Bishops ought also to be mind∣full of the saying of Domitius (whiche as S. Hierome re∣porteth) sayd: why should I esteme thee as a prince, if thou doest not regard me as a Senator? For the byshops ought to esteme Priestes as Priestes, if they will haue reuerence done vnto them as Bishops. Neither ought the Princes to be looked for,* 3.289 to the deciding of this matter, for so much as the Church is not congregated in the name of the prin∣ces: but in the name of Christ, which hath not receiued hys power from princes: but immediatly from God: to the de∣fence wherof, he should perceiue the inferiors to be no lesse lesse encouraged thē the bishops, for that he did wel vnder∣stand and know, that they would not onely spend theyr tē∣porall good, but also theyr liues for the defence thereof. As for some bishops, rather thē they will lose any part of their tēporalties, they wil sel the liberty of y^e church vnto y^e prin∣ces & make them iudges and Lords ouer the Councel. As touching the actes at Mentz, he doth not regard them, for so muche as (as it is sayde) they accompted without theyr hoste: for he sayth, he doth not vnderstand how this can be that they had decreed neither to obey the pope, nor the coū∣cell. The one or the other they must needs be obedient vn∣to:

for there is no third tribunall, whereunto any obediēce is due in these matters which concern the fayth and the sal∣uation of soules: And finally that the Church woulde not suffer that theyr affayres & matters of fayth shoulde be de∣termined by the iudgement of princes: for the holy ghost is not subiect vnto princes, but princes vnto him: and vpon this conclusion he would not feare, neither the losse of hys goods, neither any death or martirdome. And wheras Pa∣normitane doth nowe shew himselfe so great a defender of Eugenius,* 3.290 he sayth that he doth not a litle maruell at it, for that in times past no man hath more published Eugenius his errors then he: by whose special labor & councel, both a decree monitory, & also y^e suspēsion was admitted & set out against Eugenius: And now, whereupō this sodein chaūge should come, he saith y^t he was vtterly ignorant, forsomuch as neither Eugenius had altered his life, neither could the church continue in such a schisme. Wherfore he desired Pa∣normitane diligently to consider, whether he spake accor∣ding to his conscience or not: for (sayth he) the conclusions which nowe shall be decreed, are most generall: neither is there any mention in them of the Pope, and moreouer the verity of fayth is contayned in them: agaynst the whiche if Eugenius did contend, it were more meete that the Pope should be corrected, then the veritye omitted. And thus he making an end all were warned to come the next day vnto the Session.* 3.291 The protector also desired the sacred Councel, that none should be suffred to bring any weapon to the ses∣sion. For so much as he was ready to obserue the safe con∣duct of the Emperour, and together with the Senate of y^e city, to prohibite all quarrellers for doing of miury.

When the 16. day of May was come, all they whom the Session contēted and pleased, assembled at the houre. The Ambassadours also of the princes were come together into the quier of the church, to attempt further what they could do, and sending the bishops of Lubeck and Concense, and the Deane of Turnon, an excellent learned man, they offe∣red themselues to be present at the Session, if that the depo¦sition of Eugenius might yet be deferred foure monethes. Who, when they had receiued a gentle answere of Arelatē∣sis, and the other principals, returning agayn vnto y^e Em∣bassadors, they would only haue the first conclusion decre∣ed, and therupon sent agayne vnto Arelatensis: vnto whō answere was made, that the chief force did consist in y^e two other conclusions, and that the Coūcel would specially de∣termine vpon them. If the Ambassadors would not be pre¦sent, they should vnderstand that the concord was broken by them, which would not obserue y^t which they had offe∣red. With which auswere they departed, & the Sessiō begā to be celebrate. There was no Prelate of the Aragons pre∣sent at it,* 3.292 neither out of Spayn: and our of Italy, onely the bishop of Grosserane, and the Abbot of Dona, whiche for theyr constancy & steadfast good will toward the vniuersall church, could not be chaūged from their purpose, but of do∣ctors and other inferiors, there were a great number of A∣ragons, and almost all the inferiors of Spayne and Italy (for the inferiors feared not the princes, as the Bishoppes did) and then the worthy stoutnes of the Aragones & Ca∣thelanes appeared in the inferiour sort, which woulde not shrinke away in the necessity of the church. Of the two o∣ther nations there were only present 20. bishops. The resi¦due lurked in theyr lodginges, professing the fayth in theyr hartes but not in theyr mouthes. Arelatensis considering afore what would come to passe, caused praiers to be made, & after their praiers made vnto almighty god, with teares and lamētation, that he would send them his holy spirit to ayde and assist them, they were greatlye comforted and en∣couraged. This congregatiō was famous, and albeit that there were not many bishops present, yet al the seats were filled with the Bishoppes, Proctors, Archdeacons, Presi∣dents, Priors,* 3.293 Priestes and Doctors of both lawes, which I iudged to be about the number of 400. or more: amongst whō there was no noyce, no chiding, no opprobrious wor¦des or contētion, but one exhorted another to the profession of the fayth, and there appeared a full and whole consent of them all to defend the church. The bishop of Massilia a no∣ble mau read the decree, which was attentiuely harkened vnto, and not one word interrupted. When it was ended: Te Deum laudamus was song with great ioy and gladnes,* 3.294 & so the Session dissolued, whiche was in number the xxxiii. Session, and amongest all the rest the most quiet and peace∣able.

The day following, being the xxii. of May, the Prin∣ces Embassadors without all mens expectation,* 3.295 came vn∣to the general congregatiō, by that theyr doing at the least, geuing theyr assent vnto the Session before passed. In cele∣brating wherof, if y^e fathers had erred, it had not bene law∣full for the Princes and Embassadours, to haue holden the councell with those fathers. But it was thought that they were touched with remorse of conscience, and euen now to detest and abhorre that which they had done: as it was not hidden to the Embassadours of the Empyre and Fraūce. For the bishop of Lubecke sayde, that the cause of his ab∣sence was, for that he was appointed by the Emperors cō∣maūdement, to intreat a peace: Wherfore it was not come∣ly for him to be present at any businesse, whereby he should be vexed or troubled, with whome the peace should be in∣treated. Notwithstanding he did much commend the sessi∣on before holdē, and beleued the decree therein promulgate to be most good and holy, and the verities therin contemed to be vndoubted, & sayd that he would sticke therunto both now, and euen vnto the death. But the bishop of Turnō a man both learned and eloquent, speaking for him and hys felowes, sayd that he heard how that they were euill spokē of amongst some, in that they had not honored theyr king in that most sacred Sessiō, whom it becommed specially to exalt and defend the fayth: which also for that cause aboue all other kings was named most christen: notwithstāding he sayd that they had a lawfull excuse, in that it was cōue∣nient that they, which were sēt to intreat peace, should doe nothing whereby theyr Ambassade shold be stopped or let∣ted. Also there are two kindes of iniustice (sayd he) wherby either thinges are done that should not be done,* 3.296 or thinges y^t should be done are not done. The first doth not alwayes bind, because it is conuenient to haue respect of time, place, and persō. But the last doth alwayes bind, wherin he sayd they were not culpable. But as touching the first poynt, they might seme vnto some to haue erred, because they wer not present at the Session: but yet in this poynt they had sufficient to answere, forsomuch as if they had bene present at that Session, they should haue bene vnmeete to haue in∣treated any peace with Eugenius: And therfore albeit they were wanting at so holy a businesse, in that point they fol∣lowed the example of Paule, which albeit he desired to be dissolued & to be which Christ, yet for the further profit and aduauncement of the church, it was deferred. So likewise he sayd, that they had now done, for that they were not ab∣sent because they doubted of the conclusions (whiche they iudged to be most true and holy, & whereunto they would sticke euen vnto the death) but because they woulde not be vnmeet for the treaty of peace for which they came: and yet that which they had not done in theyr owne persō, they had fulfilled (sayd he) by theyr seruaunts and household, whom altogether they commaunded to reuerence that Session. I would that I had bene then in the place of some great pre∣late: surely they should not haue gone vnpunished, whiche thought to haue playd bo peepe.* 3.297 For what doth the decla∣ration of the trueth hinder the treatye of peace? Or if it doe hurt, why is he not counted as great an offender, which cō¦senteth to him that declareth the truth, as he which doth de¦clare it? What shal we need any further testimony? for now the Embassadors of the Princes haue declared Eugenius to be an enemy vnto the truth. But to passe ouer these thin∣ges, it is sufficient that Eugenius wrote afterward vnto the king of Fraunce, that he did vnderstand the Bishop of Tournon to be become his enemy.

After that the Bishop of Tournon had made an ende, Cardinall Arelatensis gaue thanks vnto God, which had so defended his Church,* 3.298 & after great stormes and cloudes, had sent fayre & cleare weather: & cōmending y^e good wyll of the Emperour and the King of Fraunce towarde the Church, he also praysed the bishop of Lubecke and Tour∣non, for that oftentimes in the Councell, and also of late at Mentz, they had defended the authority of the coūcell. But specially he commēded this theyr present doings,* 3.299 that they had opēly confessed the trueth, and had not sequestred them selues from the fayth of the Church.

Afterward, he entring into the declaration of the mat∣ter, sayd that he was at Pysis and at Constance, and neuer saw a more quiet or deuout Session then this, affirming y^• this decree was most necessary, to represse the ambition of the Bishops of Rome, whiche exalting themselues aboue the vniuersall church, thought it lawfull for them to doe all things after their owne pleasure, and that no one man frō henceforth should transport the councell from one place to another, as Eugenius attēpted to doe, now to Bononia, now to Florentia, thē agayne to Bononia, after to Ferra∣ria, and after that agayne to Florentia, and that hereafter the Bishops should withdraw theyr minds from the care∣fulnes of temporall goodes, whiche (as he himselfe did see) had no mind at all on spiritual matters: & therfore by how much this Sessiō was most holy and necessary, by so much more the assent of the Ambassadours was most laudable & acceptable to all the fathers. These wordes thus spoken, he rose vp, and the congregation was dissolued.

Now after that Gabriel Condulmarius was deposed from the bishopricke of Rome, the principall fathers of the Councell being called together in the Chapter house of the great Church consulted together, whether it were expedēt that a new bishop should be created out of hād, or de••erred for a time.* 3.300 Such as thought good that the election shoulde be done w^t speed, shewed how daungerous a thing it was for such a cōgregatiō to be without a head: also what a pe∣stiferous sicknes was in al the City, which not onely con∣sumed young men and children: but also men of middle age, and old men in like maner, and that this plague came first by straungers vnto the poore of the Citty, and so infec∣ted the rich, & now was come vnto the fathers of the coun∣ceel: amplifiyng moreouer, and encreasing the terror ther∣of, and making the thing worse then it was, as the maner is.* 3.301 Neither doth the decree (sayd they) any thing let or hin∣der, wherein it is prouided that there should be delay of lx. dayes after the sea is voyde: for that is to be vnderstand, when as the sea is voyd at such time as there is no Coun∣cell holden, neyther ought we to tary or make any delay, least the Princes being perswaded by Gabriel, should re∣sist: Unto whom the deposition of Gabriell, and the electi∣on of some other, is to be certified all vnder one message. The other which thought good that there should be a delay sayde:* 3.302 that the Councell did lacke no head, for so muche as Christ was the head thereof: neither did lacke a ruler, for so much as it was gouerned by the Presidents & other of∣ficers: and that no mention shoulde be made of any pesti∣lence in such case, seing that, vnto stout & strong men, death is not to be feared, neither can any thing daunt or feare thē which contend for the Christian fayth. As for that pestilēce which doth now encrease and grow in the City, forasmuch as iudgement is now geuen, it is to be hoped that it wyll asswage, which was thought to haue come for the neglec∣ting of iustice. Also that in so doubtful a matter, they ought rather to vse the princes agaynst theyr will, then to neglect them: and that it is not be feared, but that in this case, God will helpe those that are stoute & valiaunt. The matter be∣ing thus discussed amongest them, (albeit that there was as many mindes, as there was men) yet it seemed vnto them all, that it was most profitable to choose the Byshop by and by, but most honest to deferre it.

Hereupon Iohn Segouius,* 3.303 a man of excellent lear∣ning sayd: Most reuerend fathers, I am diuersly drawne by sundry reasons, to this side and that. But as I way the matter more deeply in my minde, this is my opinion, that to come to a speedy election, it seemeth good, to speake after mans iudgement: but to delay it for two moneths, to speak after Gods iudgement, it seemeth much better. I do iudge that not onely the wordes,* 3.304 but also the meaning of our de∣cree, ought to be obserued. Wherefore, if ye will geue any credite vnto me, folow rather daungerous honesty, thē se∣cure vtility: albeit that in deede, vtility cannot be discerned from honesty. This opinion of delay took place among the Fathers, and they determined to staye for the space of two monethes.

In the meane time, messegers were sent vnto the prin∣ces to declare the deposition of Eugenius by the Synode, and publish it abroad.

During this time, the corrupt ayre was nothing at all purged, but the mortality dayly encreasing, many died and were sicke. Whereupon a sodayne feare came vpon the fa∣thers. Neyther were they sufficiently aduised what they might do: for they thought it not to be without daunger, ei∣ther to depart or to tary. Notwithstanding they thought it good to tary, & also they caused other to tary: that since they had ouercome famine, and the assaults of theyr enemies on earth, they would not seeme to shrinke for the persecutiō of any plague or sicknes. But forsomuch as the could not all be kept there, it was politickly prouided, that the councell should not seme to be dissolued for any mās departure. And for the more establishmēt of the matter, there were certaine thinges read before the fathers, which they called De stabi∣limento, whose authority continued long time after.* 3.305 When as the Dogge dayes were come, and that all herbes withe red with heat, the pestilence dayly encreased more & more, that it is incredible how many dyed. It was to horrible to see the corses hourely caryed through the streetes, when on euery side there was weeping, wayling, & sighing. There was no house voyd of mourning: no myrth or laughter in no place, but matrones bewayling their husbandes, & the husbandes theyr wiues. Men & women went through the streetes, and durst not speake one vnto another. Some ta∣ryed at home, and other some that went abroad, had perfu∣mes to smell vnto to preserue them agaynst the plague.

The common people dyed without nūber: and like as in the cold Autumne, the leaues of the trees do fall, euen so did the youth of the City consume and fall away. The vio∣lence of the disease was such, that ye should haue met a mā mery in the street now, and within x. houres heard that he had bene buryed. The number of the dead corses was such also that they lacked place to bury them in: in so much that all the Churchyards were digged vp, and filled with dead corses, & great holes made in the Parish Churches, wher∣as a great number of corses being thrust in together, they couered them ouer with earth. For which cause the fathers were so afraid, that there appeared no bloud in their faces: and specially the sodayne death of Lodouicus the Protho∣notary did make all men afrayd,* 3.306 who was a strong man & florishing in age, & singularly learned in both lawes: whō the same enuious and raging sicknes tooke away in a few houres. By and by after dyed Lodouicus the Patriarke of Aquileia, a man of great age, and brought vp alwayes in troubles and aduersity, neither coulde he see the day of the Popes election which he had long wished for: Notw^tstan∣ding he tooke partly a consolation in that he had seene Ga∣briel deposed before his death. This mans death was gre∣uous vnto all the fathers, for now they sayde that two pil∣lers of the Councel were decayed & ouerthrown, meaning the Prothonotary and the Patriarke, whereof the one by the law: and the other with his deedes defended the verity of the Councell.

About the same time also dyed the king of Arragones Amner in Switzerland, a man of excellent learning, being bishop of Ebron. The Abbot of Uergilia dyed at Spyre & Iohn the bishop of Lubecke, betwene Uienna and Buda.

These two last rehearsed, euen at the point of death, did this thing worthy of remembraunce. Whē as they percei∣ued the houre of theyr death approche,* 3.307 calling vnto them certayne graue and wise mē, sayd: All you that be here pre∣sent, pray to God, that he will conuert such as knowledge Gabriell for high Bishoppe, for in that state they cannot be saued: and professing themselues that they would die in the fayth of the Councell of Basill, they departed in the Lord. In Boheme also departed the bishop of Constance,* 3.308 which was Ambassador for the Councell. There was great feare and trembling throughout all the Coūcel. There had bene also in the Councell, by a long time, the Abbot of Dona, of the Dioces of Cumana,* 3.309 a man poore vnto the worlde, but rich vnto God, whom neither flatterings nor threatnings could turne away from his good purpose & intent, chusing rather to begge in the truth of the fathers, then to abounde in riches with the false flattering aduersaryes.

Wherupō, after the Lords were departed, which gaue him his liuing, he remayning still, was stricken with the plague and died. Likewise a great number of the registers and Doctors dyed: and such as fell into that disease, few or none escaped.* 3.310 One amongest all the rest, Aeneas Syluius, byting strickē with this disease, by Gods helpe escaped. This man lay 3, dayes euen at the poynt of death, all men being in despayre of him: notwithstāding it pleased God to graūt him longer life. When as the pestilence was most feruent & hote, & that daily there dyed about one hundred, there was great intreatye made vnto Cardinall Arelatensis, that he would goe to some other towne or village neare hand: for these were the words of all his frendes & household: What do you most reuerend father? At the least void this wane of the Moone, and saue your selfe: who being safe, all we shall also be safe: if you dye, we all perish. If the plague oppresse you, vnto whom shall we flye? Who shall rule vs? or who shall be the guide of this most faythfull flocke? The infectiō hath already inuaded your chamber. Your Secretarye and chamberlayne are already dead, Consider the great daūger and saue both your selfe and vs. But neither the intreatye of his household,* 3.311 neither y^t corses of those which were dead coulde moue him, willing rather to preserue the Councell with perill of his life, then to saue his life with perill of the coūcel: for he did know that if he should depart, few would haue taryed behinde, and that deceite shoulde haue beene wrought in his absence.

Wherfore, like as in wars the souldiors feare no daun∣ger, when as they see theyr Captayne in the midst of theyr enemyes: so the fathers of the Councell were ashamed to flye from this pestilence, seing theyr President to remayne with them in the middest of all daungers. Which theyr do∣inges did vtterly subuert the opinion of thē, which babled abroad, that the fathers taryed in Basill to seeke their own profite and commodity, and not the verity of the fayth: for there is no commodity vpon the earth, which men would chaunge for theyr liues: for that all suche as doe serue the world, do prefer before all other thinges. But these our fa∣thers shewing themselues an inuincible strōg wall for the house of God, vanquishing all the craftye deceites whiche Gabriell vsed, and ouercōming all difficultyes, which this

most cruell and pestiferous yeare brought vpon thē, at the length all desire of li••e also being set a part, they haue ouer∣come all daungers, and haue not doubted with most con∣stant mindes to de••end the verety of the councell, euen vn∣to this present.

The time of the decree being passed, after y^e deposition of Gabriel, it semed good vnto the fathers, to proceed to the election of another Bishop. And first of all they nominated those that together w^t the Cardinals, should elect y^e Pope. The first & principall of the Electours was the Cardinall Arelatēsis a man of inuincible constancy,* 3.312 and incompara∣ble wisedome: vnto whose vertue I may iustly ascribe whatsoeuer was done in the coūcell: for without him, the prelats had not perseuered in theyr purpose, neither could the shadow of any Prince haue so defended thē. This man came not to the election by any fauor or denomination, but by his owne proper right. The rest of the Electours were chosen out of y^e Italian, French, Germayne and Spanish nations, & their Sels & chambers appoynted to them by lots, without respect of dignity or person, & as the lots fel, so they were placed: Wherby it chaunced a Doctor to haue the highest place, and a Bishop the last. Wherein the distri∣bution of lots was very straunge, or rather a Diuine di∣spensation, reprouing the deuises of man, wheras the pre∣lates had determined to haue the best Chambers appoyn∣ted for themselues, & had earnestly contēded before to haue theyr chambers appoynted according to theyr dignity.

* 3.313The next day after, there was a Session holdē, where in Marcus a famous Diuine, made an Oration vnto the Electors, wherein he reckoned vp the manifolde crimes of Gabriel, whiche was deposed. He endeuored to perswade the Electours to choose such a man, which shoulde in all pointes, be contrary vnto Gabriel, & eschew all his vices: that as he, through his manifolde reproches, was hurtfull vnto al men: so he which should be chosē, should shew him self•• acceptable vnto all men, through iustice: and as Ga∣briell was couetous and full of rapine, so this man should shew himselfe continent.

There was so great a nūber of people gathered toge∣ther to behold this matter, that neither in the church, ney∣ther in the stretes, any man could passe. Th••re was presēt Iohn Earle of Diestein, who supplyed the place of the Emperours Protector: also the Senatours of the Citty, with many other noble men, to beholde the same, whereof you shall heare (Christ willing) more largely hereafter. The Citizens were without in armour to prohibite that there should be no vproare made. The Electours receiued the Communion together, and afterwardes, they receiued theyr oth: & the Cardinall Arelatensis opening the book of Decrees, read the forme of the othe in y^e audiēce of all mē, & first of all, he taking the othe himself, began in this maner.

* 3.314Most reuerend Fathers, I promise, sweare and vowe before my Lord Iesus Christ (whose most blessed body I vnworthy sinner haue receiued: vnto whom in the last iud¦gement I shall geue accompt of all my deedes) that in this busines of election, wherunto now by the will of the Coū∣cell we are sent: I wil seeke nothing els, then the onely sal∣uation of the Christen people, and the profit of the vniuer∣sall Church. This shall be my whole care and studye, that the authority of the generall Councels be not contemned: that the Catholick fayth be not impugned, and that the fa∣thers which remayne in the coūcell, be not oppressed. This will I seek for: this shall be my care: vnto this, withall my whole force and power, will I bend my selfe: neyther will I respect any thing in this poynt, eyther for mine owne cause, or for any frend, but onely God and the profite of the Church. With this minde and intent, and with this hart will I take mine othe before the Councell.

His wordes were liuely and fearefull. After him al the other Electours in theyr order, did sweare and take theyr othe. Then they went with great solemnity vnto the Cō∣claue: where they remayned 7. dayes.* 3.315 The maner of their election was in this sort. Before the Cardinals seate was set a Deske, wherupon there stood a basen of siluer: into the which basen all the Electors did cast their scheduls: which the Cardinall receiuing, read one by one, and foure other of the Electors wrote as he read them.

The tenour of the Schedules was in this maner. I George Bishop of Uicene doe chuse such a man, or suche a man, for bishop of Rome, and peraduenture named one or two: euery one of the electors subscribed his name vnto the Schedule, that he might thereby know his owne, and say nay, if it were cōtrary to that which was spokē: wher∣by all deceit was vtterly excluded. The first scrutiny thus ended, it was found that there were many named to y^e pa∣pacy. Yet none had sufficiēt voices, for that day there were xvii. of diuers natiōs nominate. Notwithstanding Ame∣deus duke of Sauoy, a man of singuler vertue, surmoūted them all:* 3.316 for in the first scrutiny he had the voyce of xvi. E∣lectors which iudged him worthy to gouerne the church.

After this, there was diligent inquisition had in the Councell, touching those whiche were named of the Elec∣tors, and as euery mans opinion serued him, he did either prayse or discommēd those which were nominate. Notw^t∣standing there was suche reporte made of Amedeus, that in the next Scrutiny, which was holden in the Nonas of Nouember, the sayd Amedeus had 21. voices, and likewise in the 3. and 4. Scrutinye 21. voyces. And for so muche as there was none found in all the scrutiny to haue 2. partes all y^e other schedules were burnt. And forsomuch as there lacked but onely one voyce to the elecion of y^e high bishop, they fell vnto prayer, desiring God that he would vouch∣safe to direct theyr mindes to an vnity and concorde,* 3.317 wor∣thely to elect and chuse him which shoulde take the charge ouer the flocke of God. Forsomuch as Amedeus seemed to be nearer vnto the papacy then all other, there was greate cōmunication had amongst them touching his life and dis∣position. Some said that a lay man ought not so sodenly to be chosen: for it would seeme a straunge thing for a secular prince to be called vnto the Byshopricke of Rome: which would also to much derogate frō the ecclesiasticall state, as though there were none therein meete or worthy for that dignity. Other some sayde that a man which was maryed and had children, was vnmeete for such a charge. Other some agayn affirmed that the bishop of Rome ought to be a Doctor of law, and an excellent learned man.

When these words were spoken, other some rising vp, spake farre otherwise, that albeit Amedeus was no Doc∣tour, yet was he learned and wise, for so muche as all his whole youth, he had bestowed in learning & studye, & had sought not the name, but euen the groūd of learning. Thē sayd another, if ye be desirous to be instructed further of this princes life, I pray you geue eare vnto me, which doe know him throwly. Truely this man from his youth vp∣ward, and euen from his yong and tender yeares, hath ly∣ued more religiously then secularly, being alwaies obediēt to his parentes and maysters,* 3.318 and being alwayes indued with the feare of God, neuer geuen to any vanity or wan∣tōnes: neither hath there at any time bene any childe of the house of Sauoy, in whom hath appeared greater wytte to towardnes, whereby al those which did behold and know this man, iudged and foresaw some great matter in him: neyther were they deceiued. For if ye desire to know his rule & gouernance, what and how noble it hath bene: First know ye this, that this man hath raigned since his fathers decease, about xl. yeares.

During whose time, iustice, the Lady and Queene of all other vertues, hath alwayes florished: For he hearing his subiectes himselfe, woulde neuer suffer the poore to be oppressed, or the weake to be deceiued. He was the defen∣der of the fatherles, the aduocate of the widowes, and pro∣tector of the poore. There was no rapine or robbery in all his territory. The poore and rich liued all vnder one lawe, neither was he burthenous vnto his subiectes, or impor∣tune against straungers throughout all his country: there was no greuous exactions of mony, throughout all his do¦minion. He thought himselfe rich enough, if the inhabitāts of his dominions did aboūd and were rich, knowing that it was the poynt of a good shepheard to sheare his sheepe, and not to deuour them. In this also was his chiefe study and care, that his subiectes might liue in peace, and suche as bordered vpon him, might haue no occasion of grudge.

By which pollicies he did not onely quietly gouern his Fathers dominion, but also augmēted the same by others, which willingly submitted themselues vnto him. He ne∣uer made warre vpon any, but resisting agaynst such as made war vpon him, he studied rather to make peace then to seeke any reuenge, desiring rather to ouercome his ene∣mies with benefites, then with the sword. He maried one∣ly one wife, which was a noble virgin, & of singuler beau∣ty and chastity. He would haue all his family to keep their handes and eyes chaste, and continent, and throughout all his house, honesty and integrity of maners was obserued. When as his wife had chaūged her life, and that he percei∣ued his Duchy to be established, & that it should come with out any controuersye vnto his posteritye, he declared hys mind which was alwayes religious, & dedicate vnto god, & shewed what will and affectiō he had long borne in hys hart. For he contēning the pompe and state of this world, calling vnto him his deare frends, departed and went in∣to a wildernes: where as building a goodly Abbey he ad∣dicted himselfe wholy to the seruice of God,* 3.319 and taking his crosse vpon him, folowed Christ. In which place he being cōuersant by the space of many yeares, shewed forth great

examples of holynesse, wearing no other garmentes then such as could withstand the cold, neither vsing any kind of daynty fare,* 3.320 but onely to resist hunger, watching and prai∣ing the most part of the night. Wherfore this Prince is not newly come vnto the Church (as some do suppose) but be∣ing a Christian borne of progenitours, a thousand yeares and more being Christians, doth now serue God in a mo∣nastery.

* 3.321But as touching that, also which is spokē concerning a wife, I do not regarde it: when as not onely he whiche hath had a wife, but he also which hath a wife may be elect & chosen pope.* 3.322 For why do the doctors dispute, whether a maried man chosen pope, ought to performe his duety to∣ward his wife, but onely because a maryed man might bee receiued and chosen? For as you know well enough, there were many Popes that had wiues: and Peter also was not without a wife. But what doe we stande about this? for peraduenture it had bene better that more priestes had bene maried, for many shoulde be saued through maryage, which are now dāned through theyr single life. But hereof we will (sayth he) speak in another place. But this semeth vnto me, rather to be laughed at, then worthy any answer which is obiected touching his children, for what can chil∣dren (specially being of great age) be impediment or let vn∣to the father,* 3.323 being a Bishop? Doth not the Scripture say wo be vnto him that is a lone, for if he fall, he hath none to helpe him vp agayne? This can not be imputed vnto the prince, for he hath 2. sonnes, both comely and wise. Where∣of the one is prince of Piemont, the other Earle of the Ge∣bennians: these men will rule the country of Sauoy in the absence of theyr father, & will helpe him, if he haue need, for they haue already learned to rule ouer that people. I pray you what hurt is it for a Byshop of Rome, to haue vali∣ant childrē, which may helpe theyr father agaynst tyrants? O most reuerent fathers, the more I do beholde the storme of this most peruerse and froward time, the more I do cō∣sider the vexations and troubles which the church is now tormented withall: I do so much the more thinke it profi∣table, yea & necessary, that this man should be chosen prince and head: I will thinke that God hath shewed his mercye vpon vs, if I may see him haue the gouernance ouer thys boate, I pray you cōsider into what straights we are now driuen, with what perils we are now vexed & tossed. What prince is it that is obedient vnto this coūcel? For some wil not confesse that the Coūcel is here, neither receiue our de∣crees: other some confesse it in theyr wordes, but by theyr deedes they declare it to be at Florence. For albeit that by theyr wordes & letters,* 3.324 they do not denye that the churche is here, yet do they procure promotiōs at the hands of Ga¦briell, which is deposed. This is the state of the Churche: with these stormes and tempestes the shippe is shaken and brused: Wicked children haue risen vppe agaynst theyr mo∣ther, which being vnmindefull of theyr mothers labours & kindnesse towards them, despise her, contēn her & beat her. What is to be done here in? Shall we chuse a bare manne, which shall rather be derided of our princes, thē had in re∣uerēce? The dayes are not now, that mē haue respect one∣ly vnto vertue: for (as the Satyricall Poet writeth) ver∣tue is praysed, but is coldly folowed. A poore man speaketh & they aske what he is? Truely vertue is good: but for our purpose, it must be marked and looked vpon, whether it be in a riche man or a poore man, you must chuse a gouernour which may rule the ship not onely by Councell, but by po∣wer also. The winde is great: Wherfore except the Coun∣cell be good, and the power strong, the ship shall be broken, & all put in daunger. The memorial is yet fresh before our eyes: that the princes doe neglect the authority which is of no force or power. Is there not great valiantnesse shewed in this poynt, in that you fearing no perill or daunger, ey∣ther of life or goods, haue so long contended for the truth of Christ? But the moste mighty & high God looketh downe from on high, and will resist this theyr pride. I haue often consented vnto theyr opinion,* 3.325 which sayde it was expedi∣ent, that y^e tēporall dominions should be deuided from y^e Ecclesiasticall state: for I did think that the priests should therby be made more apt to the diuine ministery, & the secu¦lar princes more obedient to the clergy: but for so much as at this presēt, y^e churches of the world are possessed, partlye by Eugenius & partly by other tyraunts, we must prouide that we chuse such a one, which may recouer agayn the pa∣trimony of the Church, and in whom the office of Christes vicar may not be contemned: through the shielde of whose power, theyr contumacy may be suppressed, which contēne both verity & reason. Whereunto no man seemeth vnto me more apt or meet, thē Amadeus duke of Sauoy, which hol∣deth the one part of his possessions in Italy, and the other in Fraunce: Unto whom all christen princes are allied ey∣ther by consanguinity, or ioyned by amity and frēdship, & whose vertue, how famous it is, I haue already declared. Why doe we then stay or doubte to chuse him? then whome Gabriell feareth no mā more. Let him therfore perish with the sword where withall he hath stricken. There is no man which can more pac••••y the church then he. Do you require deuotion in a bishop? there is no man more deuout thē he. Do you require prudēce? Now ye vnderstād by his former life, what maner of man he is. If ye seek for iustice, his peo¦ple are a witnes thereof: so y^t whether you seeke for vertue or power, all are here present before you. Wherupon do ye stay? Go to I pray you: chuse this man. He will augment the fayth: he will reforme maners, and preserue the autho∣rity of the Church. Haue ye not heard these troubles of the church to haue bene afore spoken of, and that the time now present should be an end of al troubles? Haue ye not heard that about this time, there should a Pope be chosen, which should comfort Syō, and set all things in peace? And who I pray you should he be that could fulfill these thinges, ex∣cept we chuse this man? Beleue me, these sayinges must be fulfilled, & I trust that God will moue your minds there∣unto. Notwithstāding, do whatsoeuer ye shall think most good and holy.

When he had spoken these wordes, the greatest nūber of the electors semed to consent vnto him, and his wordes tooke such effect, that in the next Scrutiny, the matter was finished and ended, and when the Scrutiny was opened, it was found that Amedius,* 3.326 the most deuout duke of Sauoy according to the decree of the Councell, was chosen Pope. Wherfore sodenly there was great ioy & gladnes amongst them, and all men highly commended theyr doings. Then the Cardinall Arelatensis, published vnto thē the name of the elect bishop. After this, al the prelats in their robes, pō∣tificalibus, and miters, and all the clergye of the city cōming vnto the conclaue, the electours being likewise adourned, they brought thē vnto y^e great church, where as after great thankes geuen vnto God, and the electiō agayne declared vnto the people, a Hymne being song for ioy, the cōgrega∣tion was dissolued.

This Amedeus aforesayd, was a man of reuerent age, of comely stature,* 3.327 of graue and discreet behauiour: also be∣fore maried. Who thus being elect for Pope about Nouem¦ber, was called Felix the v. and was crowned in the city of Basill, in the month of Iuly. There were present at his co∣ronation Lewes Duke of Sauoy: Philip Earle Gebenēs. Lewes Marques of Salutze: The Marques of Rotelen: Cōrade of Winsperghey,* 3.328 Chāberlain of the Empire: The Earle of Dierstein: The Ambassadours of the Cittyes of Strasbrough, Berne, Friburge, Solatorne, with a great multitude of other beside, to the vew of 50000. persons. At this coronatiou, the Popes two sonnes did serue and mi∣nister to theyr father. Lewes Cardinal of Hostia did set on his head, the pontificall Diademe, which was estemed at 30. thousand crownes. It were long here to recite y^e whole order and solemnity of the procession, or the Popes ryding about the City. First proceeded the Pope vnder his Cana∣by of cloth of gold, hauing on his head a triple crown, and blessing the people as he went. By him wēt the Marques of Rotelen, and Conrade of Winsperge, leading his horse by the bridle.* 3.329 The procession finished, they went to dinner, which lasted foure full houres, being excessiuely sumptu∣ous: where the Popes two sonnes were butlers to his cup. The Marques of Salutze was the stuard, &c.

Of this Foelix,* 3.330 thus writeth Uolaterane in his 3. booke, that he being desired of certayne of the Ambassadours, if he had any dogges or houndes to shew them:* 3.331 he willed them the next day to repayre to him, and he woulde shew vnto them such as he had. When the Ambassadours, according to the appoyntment, were come, he sheweth vnto them, a great number of poore people and beggers sitting at his ta∣bles at meat, declaring, that those were hys hoūdes, which he euery day vsed to feede: hunting with them (he trusted) for the glory of heauen to come.

And thus you haue heard the state of this Councell he∣therto, which Councell endured a long season, the space of 17. yeares.* 3.332

About the 6. yeare of the Coūcell, Sigismund the Em∣perour dyed, leauing but one daughter to succeede hym in his kingdomes: whom he had maryed to Albert 2. Duke of Austricke, which first succeeded in the kingdome of Hū∣gary and Boheme, being a sore aduersary to the Bohemi∣ans: and afterward was made Emperour. an. 1438. and raigned Emperour but 2. yeares, leauing his wyfe, which was Sigismūd his daughter, great w^t childe. After which Albert, succeeded his brother Frederick the third Duke of Austrich, in the Empire, &c. wherof more (Christ willing) hereafter.

In the meane time, Eugenius hearing of the death of Sigismund aboue recited, began to worke the dissolutiō of the Councel of Basill, and to transferre it to Ferraria, pre∣tending the comming of the Grecians. Notwithstanding the Councel of Basill, through the disposition of God, and the worthines of Cardinall Arelatensis, constantly endu∣red. Albeit in the said Councell were many stops and pra∣ctises to empeach the same,* 3.333 beside the sore plague of pesti∣lence, which fell in the Citie, during the sayd Councell. In the which plague time, besides the death of many worthy men, Aeneas Syluius also himselfe, the writer & compiler of the whole history of that Councell sitting at the feete of the Bishops of Tournon,* 3.334 and of Lubecke, lay sicke iij. dayes of the same sore, as is aboue touched, and neuer thought to escape. They that died, departed with this exhortation, de∣siring mē to pray to God, that he would conuert the harts of them that stooke to Eugenius as Pope, against that Councell, as partly is afore noted, and now repeated a∣gaine for the better marking.* 3.335 Arelatensis being most in∣stantly exhorted by his frends to flie that danger, could by no meanes be intreated to auoide, fearing more the daun∣ger of the Church, then of his owne life.

Beside these so great difficulties & obstacles to stay and hinder this Councell, strange it was to behold the muta∣tion of mens minds. Of whom, such as first seemed to fa∣uour y^e Councell, after did impugne it: and such as before were against it, in the end shewed themselues most frends vnto the same. The chiefe Cardinals & prelates, the more they had to loose, the sooner they slipt away, or els lurked in houses or townes neare, and absented thēselues for feare: so that the stay of the Councell most rested vpō their Pro∣ctours, Doctours,* 3.336 Archdeacōs, Deanes, Prouostes, Pri∣ours, and such other of y^e inferiour sort. Wherof Aeneas Syl∣uius in his 183. Epistle, maketh this relation, where one Caspar Schlicke the Emperours Chauncelour writeth to the Cardinal Iulian in these words: Those Cardinals (saith he) which so long time magnified so highly the au∣thoritie of the Church, and of generall Councels, seeming, as though they were ready to spend their liues for y^e same, now at the sight of one letter from their king (wherin yet no death was threatned, but onely losse of their promoti∣ons) slipt away frō Basil.* 3.337 And in y^e same Epistle deriding∣ly commendeth thē, as wise men, that had rather lose their faith, then their flocke. Albeit (saith he) they departed not farre away, but remained about Solotorne, waiting for other commandements from their Prince. Wherby it may appeare, how they did shrinke away not willingly, but the Burse (quoth he) bindeth faster, then true honour.

Quid enim saluis infamia nummis? That is to say: what matter maketh the name of a man, so his money be safe? Haec Aeneas.

Moreouer in one of the Sessions of the said Councell, the worthy Cardinall Arelatensis is sayde thus to haue reported, that Christ was sold for xxx. pence: but I (saide he) was solde much more deare. For Gabriell, otherwise called Eugenius, Pope, offered 60. thousand crownes, who so would take me,* 3.338 & present me vnto him. And they that tooke the said Cardinall, afterward excused their fact by another coulour, pretending the cause, for that the Car∣dinals brother, what time the Armiakes wasted Alsatia, had wrought great dammage to the inhabitants there, and therfore they thought (said they) that they might law∣fully lay handes vpon a Frenchman, wheresoeuer they might take him. At length by the Bishop of Strasbrough, Rupert,* 3.339 and the said City, the matter was taken vp, and he rescued. Wherein, no doubt, appeared the hand of God, in defending his life from the pestilent danger of the Pope his aduersary. Ex Paralip. Abbat. Vrsper.

And thus farre hauing proceeded in the matters of this foresayd Councell, vntill the election of Amadeus, called Pope Foelix v. before we prosecute the rest, that remaineth thereof to be spoken, the order and course of times requi∣reth to intermixt withall the residue pertaining to the matters concluded betweene this Councell, and the Bo∣hemians, declaring the whole circumstances of the Am∣bassade, their Articles, disputations, and answeres, which they had first in the said Councel, then in their own coun∣trey with the Councels Ambassadours: also with theyr petitions and answeres vnto the same.

* 3.340Touching the story of the Bohemians, how they being sent for, came vp to the Councell of Basill, & how they ap∣peared, and what was there concluded and agreed, part∣ly before hath bin expressed, pag. 675. Now, as leisure ser∣ueth frō other matters, to returne againe vnto the same, it remaineth to prosecute the rest that lacketh, so farre as both breuitie may be obserued, and yet the reader not de∣frauded of such things, principally worthy in the same to be noted and knowne.

The Bohemians then (as is before declared) hauing alwaies the vpper hād, albeit they were accused by y^e new Bishop Eugenius, yet it was thought good that they should be called vnto Basill, where as the Councell was appointed. Wherupon Cardinall Iulian sent thether be∣fore, Iohn Pullumair Doctour of y^e law, & Iohn de Ra∣gulio, a Diuine. Who cōming vnto Basill in the moneth of August, anno. 1431. called by their letters vnto y^e Coun∣cell, Iohn, Abbot of Mulbrun, and Iohn Belhusius, Monke of the same cloister: which men for the dexteritie of their wit, and experience and knowledge of countreis, were very meete and necessary for Ambassades.

Within a few daies after, Iulianus also came thether, as he had promised, and immediatly sent out Iohn Bel∣husius, and Hammon Offenbourg, a Senatour of Basill, first vnto the Emperour Sigismund being at Felokirch, and afterward vnto Friderike Duke of Austrich, for the appealing of the wars betweene him & Phillip, Duke of Burgony. This done, to the intent that peace being had, not onely the Ecclesiasticall Prelates, but also the Mar∣chants might haue safe accesse vnto Basill, and so bring in all things necessary for sustentation.

They going on this Ambassade,* 3.341 receiued letters from the Sinode to be deliuered vnto y^e Emperour Sigismūd, whereby the Bohemians and Morauians, were called vnto the Councell. These letters he by and by, caused to be carried vnto Boheme. But for so much as he hymselfe went into Italy, to receiue the Imperiall Crowne of the Bishop, he left William Duke of Bauaria, as his Depu∣ty, to be protectour vnto y^t Councell. Furthermore, when as y^e Synode vnderstood that our men would take a peace with the Bohemians, after their most shamefull flighte, they sent Iohn Niderius a Diuine, & Iohn Belhusius, to comfort the people which ioined vpon Boheme, and earnestly to moue the Morauians & Bohemians, which were before called, to come vnto the Councell.

They departing from Basill about the end of October, tooke their iourney toward Monacum, a towne of Baua∣ria: Where, after they had saluted Williā Duke of Baua∣ria and his brother Ernestus, and Albert the sonne of Er∣nestus, and had declared y^e Cōmission of their Ambassade, and had shewed vnto Duke Williā, how that as soone as he should come vnto Basill, the protection of the Councel should be committed vnto him by the Emperour: they exhorted Fridericke, Marques of Brandenberg, and Iohn Duke of Bauaria, the Senate of Noremberg, and other Princes and Lords, partly by letters from y^e Coun∣cell, and partly by wordes of mouth, that they should by no meanes, take any truce with the Bohemians, for that it might be hurtfull vnto the Church, and said they should haue ayd out of hand. They desired them also in the name of the Councell, that if the Bohemians would sende their Ambassadours vnto Basill, they would guide them, eue∣ry man through his countrey in safety: which they promi∣sed to do. It is incredible how all men reioiced, that the Bohemians was sent for.

After this, when as they counselled with the Senate of Noremberg, touching the sending of the Councels let∣ters vnto Boheme, it seemed best, first of al to inquire of y^e rulers of Egra, whether y^e Bohemiās had made any an∣swer to the former letters of y^e coūcell which they had sent. The rulers of Egra being aduertised by these letters, sent him, which caried y^e Councels letters into Boheme, vnto Noremberg. He reported how reuerētly the Councel of y^e greater city of Prage receiued y^• letters, and how he was rewarded.

Wherupon they conceiued great hope of the good successe of the Ambassade. Therefore the Ambassadours vsing the Councel of y^e Senate of Noremberg,* 3.342 and diuers others, sent the messenger backe agayne vnto Egra, wyth theyr owne priuate letters, and with letters of the Councell: for there was no better meane to send the letters vnto Bo∣heme. Much trauaile was taken by them of Egra, Fride∣rike Marques of Brandenberg, and Iohn Duke of Ba∣uaria, in this matter, for that they were very desirous that peace might be had amongst all Christians. The copy of those letters, whereby the Synode did call the Bohemi∣ans vnto the Councell, and other letters exhortatorie of the Ambassadours, and the Bohemians answere vnto the same: for breuities cause we haue heere pretermitted. The Bohemians not in all points trusting vnto the Am∣bassadours, required by their letters, that the Councels Ambassadours with the other Princes, would come vnto Egra, whereas their Ambassadours shoulde also be pre∣sent, to intreate vpon the safe conduict and other matters.

The day was appointed for the meeting, the Sonday

after Easter, which was y^e xxvij. day of Aprill. Then came the Ambassadours of the Councell vnto Egra,* 3.343 with y^e no∣ble Princes, Friderike Marques of Brandenberg, and Iohn Duke of Bauaria, with other nobles, almost to the number of 252. horsse. But none of the Bohemians were present, because the inhabitants of Pilsana, and the Lord Swambergius had not sent their safe conduict. When they vnderstood this by their letters, they brought to passe that the Ambassadours of the Bohemiās, Nicolaus Hunpelt∣zius, secretary of the greater Citie of Prage, and Mathew Clumpezane, President of Piesta, should be brought forth by them of Egra, and the Elenbogenses, and so they came vnto Egra with xix. horse, the viij. day of May. The next day after, Henry Tocgye, receaued y^e Bohemian Ambas∣sadours before y^e Marques, with an eloquent Oration, ta∣king this part of the Gospell for his Theame, Pax vobis. i. Peace be with you. Then they propounded what great iniuries they had hetherto receiued at their hands, which was the cause of so many great slaughters on either par∣tie, and that they were glad that yet now at the length there was some hope that they should be heard.

After this, they conferred as touching the safeconduict. The Bohemiās required pledges,* 3.344 and that not of y^e com∣mon sort, but Princes & nobles. Which thing, for so much as it did not content the Ambassadours, and that the mat∣ter should so be put of, the common people of Egra began to cry out that it was long of the Ecclesiasticall Princes, that a concord was not made with y^e Bohemians. Then Friderike Marques of Brandēberge,* 3.345 and Iohn Duke of Bauaria, bound themselues of their owne good will. The like also did William Duke of Bauaria, at the request of the Councell. Likewise also did the Councel and the Em∣perour Sigismūd. Furthermore promise was made, that all the Princes and Cities, shoulde do the like, thorough whose dominion they should come,* 3.346 and the Citie of Basill also. The copie of which safeconduict was afterward sent vnto Prage. This also was required by the Bohemians, that if it were possible, the Emperour should be present at the Councell.

This conuention at Egra continued xxj. daies. But the Bohemiās, albeit they heard the Coūcels Ambassadours make great promises, yet did they not fully giue credit vn∣to them. Whereupon they chose out two Ambassadours, Nicholas Humgolizius,* 3.347 & Iohn Zaczenses, which should go to Basill, & diligently enquire out all thinges. These men, Conrade Bishop of Ratisbone, and Conrade Seg∣lauer Deane of Esteine, brought vnto Cattelspurg, where as the Marques dwelt, being sente out by the Synode a little before, to enquire whether the Bohemian Ambassa∣dours woulde come or not. When they were come vnto Biberacke, one being ouercurious, enquired of one of the Bohemian Ambassadours, of what Countrey he was. He aunswered that he was a Zaczen. There (said he) are most execrable heretickes and noughty men, &c. Who for that slaunderous word, as a breaker of y^e truce, was straight∣way carried to prison, and there shoulde haue suffered more punishment, if the Bohemian Ambassadours, and the Abbot of Ebera, had not intreated for him. When they came vnto Basill,* 3.348 they were honourably receiued wyth wine and fish. They tarried there fiue daies and a halfe. The tenth day of October, they came vnto the Synode, which was assembled at the Friers Augustines.

These Ambassadours, when as they were returned home with the Chartour of y^e Synode, and declared those things which they had seene, and that the matter was ear∣nestly handled without fraud or disceipt: there were Am∣bassadours chosen to be sent vnto the Councell, both for the kingdome of Boheme, and the Marquesdome of Mo∣rauia, which comming vnto Tusca, were brought from thence,* 3.349 with xxxij. horse, & diuers noble men, vnto Cham∣bia. From thēce they came to Swenkendorph, and so vn∣to Noremberg, where as beside their entertainement of wine & fish, xxij. horsemen accompanied thē vnto Ulmes: from thence, they of Ulmes brought thē vnto Biberacke, and Sulgotia: there Iames Tunches a Knight receiuing them, brought them to Stockacum, and from thence the hands of the Duke of Bauaria brought thē vnto Schaf∣huse. There they taking ship the fourth day of Ianuary, came vnto Basill the ix. day of the same moneth. What were the names of these Ambassadours of the Bohemi∣ans, which were brought vp with 300. horse, and how they were receiued at Basill, mention is made before, pag. 675. When as they came vnto the Synode, Cardinall Iulian made an Oration, that whatsoeuer was in any place in doubt, the same ought to be determined by the au∣thority of the Councell, for somuch as all men are bounde to submit themselues to the iudgement of y^e holy Church, which the Generall Councell doth represent. Which Ora∣tion was not allowed of all the Bohemians.

Then Rochezanus made an Oration, requiring to haue a day appointed whē they should be heard,* 3.350 which was ap∣pointed the xvj. day of the same moneth. Upō which day, Iohn Rochezanus hauing made his preface, begā to pro∣pound y^e first Article touching the Communion to be mi∣nistred vnder both kindes, and disputed vpon the same by the space of three daies alwaies before noone. Then Uen∣ceslaus the Thaborite disputed vpō the second article, tou∣ching the correctiō and punishing of sin, by the space of ij. daies. After whome Uldaricus priest of y^e Orphanes pro∣pounded & disputed vpon the third Article by y^e space of ij. dayes, touching the free preaching of the worde of God.

Last of all, Peter Paine, an English man, disputed iij daies vpō y^e fourth article touching y^• ciuill dominion of y^e Clergy, and afterward gaue copies of their disputations in writing vnto y^e Councell, with hartie thanks that they were heard. The three last did somewhat inuey against the Councell, Commending Iohn Hus & Iohn Wickliffe for their doctrine. Whereupon Iohn de Ragusio a Diuine, rising vp, desired that he might haue leaue to aunswere in his owne name, to the first article of the Bohemians. The Councell consented thereunto: so that by the space of viij. daies in the fore noone, he disputed therupō. But before he began to answer, Iohn the abbot of Sistertia made an o∣ration vnto y^e Bohemians, that they should submit them∣selues to the determination of the holy church, which this councell doth represent. This matter did not a little offend the Bohemians, Iohn Ragusinus a diuine, after Scho∣lers fashion: in his answere spake often of heresies and of heretickes. Procopius could not suffer it, but rising vp with an angry stomacke complained openly to the coun∣cel of this iniury. This our countreymā (saith he) doth vs great iniury, calling vs oftētimes heretickes. Whereunto Ragusinus answered: for somuch as I am your coūtrymā both by toung and nation, I do the more desire to reduce you againe vnto y^e Church.* 3.351 He was a Dalmatian borne, and it appeareth that y^e Dalmatians going into Boheme, tooke their name by their coūtrey which they possessed. It came almost to this point, that through this offence, y^e Bo∣hemians woulde depart from Basill, and could scarsly be appeased. Certaine of the Bohemians would not heare Ragusinus finish his disputation.

After him,* 3.352 a famous Diuine, one Egidius Carlerius, Deane of y^e Church of Cambrey, answered vnto the second article, by the space of iiij. dayes. To the third article an∣swered one Henricus, surnamed Frigidum ferrū iij. daies together. Last of all, one Iohannes Polomarius, maister of the requests of the pallace, aunswered vnto the fourth article likewise by the space of three daies, so that the long time which they vsed in disputations, seemed tedious vnto y^e Bohemians. Notwithstanding this answere, the Bo∣hemians still defended their articles, & specially the first, insomuch as I. Rochezanus did strōgly impugne Ragu∣sinus answer by the space of vi. daies. But forsomuch as one disputation bred another, and it was not perceiued how that by this meanes any concord could be made: the prince William Duke of Bauaria, Protector of the Coun∣cell, attempted another remedie, that all disputations be∣ing set apart, the matter should be friendly debated.

There were certain appointed on either part to intreate vpō the concord:* 3.353 who comming together the eleuenth day of March, those which were appointed for the Councell, were demanded to say their mindes. It seemeth good, said they, if these men would be vnited vnto vs, & be made one body with vs, that this body might then accord, declare and determine all maner of diuersities of opinions and sects, what is to be beleeued or done in them.

The Bohemians, when they had a while paused, sayd: this way seemed not apt inough, except first of all, the four articles were exactly discussed, so that either we should a∣gree with them, or they with vs, for otherwise it woulde be but a friuolous matter, if they now being vnited a∣gaine, disagree in the deciding of the articles. Here aun∣swere was made to the Bohemians, that if they were rightly vnited, and the ayde of the holy Ghost called for, they should not erre in the deciding of the matter, for so∣much as euery Christian ought to beleeue that determi∣nation: which if they woulde do, it would breede a most firme & strong concord and amity on either part. But this answer satisfied them not, in so much the other three rose vp, and disputed against the answers which were geuen. At that time Cardinall Iulian President of the Councell, made this oration vnto the Bohemian Ambassadours.

This sacred Synode, sayth he, hath now by the space of ten daies, patiently heard y^e propositions of your foure

articles,* 3.354 and afterward he annexed: you haue propounded saith he, four articles, but we vnderstand that beside these foure, you haue many other strange doctrines, wherein ye dissent from vs. Wherefore it is necessary, if that a per∣fect vnity and fraternity shall follow betweene vs, that al these things be declared in the councell, to the end that by the grace of the holy Ghost, which is the author of peace and truth, due prouision may be made therein. For wee haue not gathered these things of light coniectures, but haue heard them of credible persons, and partly heere are some present, which haue seene them with their owne eies in Boheme, and partly we do gather it by our owne report: for maister Nicholas, which was the second that did propound,* 3.355 amongst other things alledged, that Iohn Wickliffe was an Euangelicall Doctor. If ye beleeue him to be a true Doctor, it followeth that you must repute his works as authentike: If ye do not so thinke, it is reason that it should be opened vnto vs.

Wherefore we desire you, that you will certifie vs vpon these and certaine other pointes, what you do beleue, or what credite you do giue vnto them. But we do not re∣quire that you should now declare your reasons, but it shall satisfie vs, if you will answere vnto euery article by this word. Credimus aut non credimus: that is, we beleeue or beleeue not. Which if you will do (as we trust you will) then we shall manifestly perceiue that you desire that wee should conceiue a good estimation of you. If there be any thing, whereof you would be certified by vs, aske it bold∣ly, and we will giue you an answere out of hand: For we are ready according to the doctrine of S. Peter, to render accompt vnto euery man which shall require it,* 3.356 touching the faith which we hold. Heereunto the Bohemian Am∣bassadours aunswered in few words, that they came only to propound those four articles, not in their owne name, but in the name of the whole kingdome of Boheme, and speake no more. Wherupon, William the noble protectour of the councell, calling vnto him four men on either part, intreated touching the pacifieng of the matter,* 3.357 by whose aduice, the Coūcell decreed to send a famous Ambassade, with y^e Bohemian Ambassadors vnto Prage, wheras the people should assemble vpō Sonday. But they would not receiue these conditions of peace, which were offred, but made hast to depart. Whereupon, the foureteene day of A∣prill, there was ten chosen out of the councell, to go with the Bohemian Ambassadours vnto Prage.

It were to long here to declare what honour was done vnto these Ambassadours, all the way in theyr iourney, and specially when they came vnto Boheme by the Citi∣zens of Prage, when as a great number of Bohemians were assembled at Prage at the day appointed, both of the Cleargy, Nobility and common people.

After the comming of those Ambassadours, much con∣tention begā to rise betwene the parties.* 3.358 First begā Ioh. Rochezanus: who speaking in the publike person of the commutaltie, laboured to commend and prefer the iiij. ve∣rities of the Bohemians before propounded: charging al∣so the Prelates and Priests for their slandrous obtrectati∣ous, and vndeserued contumelies, wherwith they did in∣fame y^e noble kingdome of Boheme, complaining also that they would not receiue those christian verities, left & allo∣wed by their king Wenceslaus, now departed. Wherefore he required thē in the behalfe of y^e whole nation,* 3.359 that they would leaue off hereafter to oppresse thē in such sort, that they would restore to thē againe their Iosephes vesture, that is, the ornament of their good fame and name, where∣of their brethren, their enimies had spoyled them, &c.

To this Polomar maketh aunswere againe, wyth a long and curious oration,* 3.360 exhorting them to peace and v∣nitie of the Church, which if they woulde embrace, all o∣ther obstacles and impediments (said he) shoulde be soone remoued, promising also that this their vesture of honor and fame, should be amply restored again: and afterward, if there were any doubtfull matters, they might & shoulde be the better discussed.

But all this pleased not the Bohemians, vnlesse they might first haue a declaration of their four articles,* 3.361 which if they might obteine, they promised then to embrace peace and concord, Which peace (said they) began first to be bro∣ken by themselues, in that the Councell of Constance by their vniust condemnation, burned Iohn Hus, and Hie∣rome of Prage, and also by their cruel Buls and censures, raised vp first excommunication, then warre against the whole kingdome of Boheme.

Heereunto Polomar reclaiming againe, began to ad∣uance and magnifie the honor and dignity of general coū∣cels. To conclude, as much as the sayde Polomar did ex∣toll y^e authoritie of the Councels, so much did the answere of the Bohemians extenuate the same: saying that the lat∣ter Councels whiche are not expressed in the law of God, haue erred,* 3.362 & might erre, not onely in faith, but also in ma¦ners. For that which hath chaunced to the greene wood, may also chaūce vnto the dry. But of other, the most strōg pillers of the militant Churche,* 3.363 the Apostles I meane: seeme all to haue erred, and the Catholicke faith to haue remained three dayes sound & incorrupt onely in the vir∣gin Mary. No Christian man therefore ought to be com∣pelled to stād to the determination of the Pope or the Coū¦cell, except it be in that, whiche is plainely expressed in the law of God. For it is euident, that all the generall Coun∣cels whiche haue bene of long tyme, haue reformed very few thinges as touching the faith, peace, and maners of the Churche: but haue alwayes both in their life and de∣crees, notoriously swarued, and haue not established them¦selues vpon the foundatiō, which is Christ. Wherfore the sayd Bohemians protested that they would not simply & plainly (God being their good Lord) yeld themselues to their doctrine, nor to such rash and hasty decrees: least tho∣rough that their hasty and vncircumspect submission, they should binde their faith and life, cōtrary to the wholesome and sound doctrine of our Lord Christ Iesus. In summe, in no case they would enter into any agreement of peace, except their foure Articles, which they counted for Euan∣gelicall verities, were first accepted and approued. Which being obtained (sayd they) if they would condescend with them in the veritie of the Gospell, so would they ioyne to∣gether, & be made one with them in the Lord.* 3.364 &c. Ex Coch∣leo Hist. Lib. 7.

Whē the Ambassadours saw the matter would not o∣therwise be brought to passe,* 3.365 they required to haue those Articles deliuered vnto them in a certaine forme, whiche they sent vnto the Councell by three Bohemian Ambas∣sadours.

Afterward the Councell sent a declaration into Bohe∣me, to be published vnto the people, in the commō assem∣blies of the kingdome, by the Ambassadours, which were commaunded to report vnto the Bohemians, in the name of the Councell, that if they would receiue the declaration of those three Articles, and the vnitie of the Church, there should be a meane founde whereby the matter touching the fourth Article, of the Communiō vnder both kindes, should be passed with peace and quietnesse.

They propounded in Prage, in an open assembly of the Nobles and commons, the declarations of the three Arti∣cles in forme folowing.

For somuch as touching the doctrine of the veritie,* 3.366 we ought so to proceede soberly & warely, that the truth may be declared, with wordes being so orderly conceiued & vt∣tered, that there be no offence geuē to any mā, whereby he should fall or take occasion of errour, & (to vse the wordes of Isidore) that nothing by obscuritie bee left doubtfull: whereas you haue propounded touching the inhibition & correction of sinnes,* 3.367 in these wordes: all mortall sinnes, & specially open offences, ought to be rooted out, punished, & inhibited, by them whose dutie it is so to do, reasonably & according to the law of God: here is to be marked and vn∣derstand, that this word (whose duty it is) is too generall, and may be an offence: & according to the meaning of the Scripture, we ought not to lay any stombling stocke be∣fore the blinde, and the diches are to be closed vp, that our neighbours Oxe do not fall therein: all occasion of offence is to be takē away.* 3.368 Therfore we say that according to the meaning of the holy Scripture, and the doctrine of the ho∣ly Doctours, it is thus vniuersally to be holden: that all mortall sinnes, specially publicke offences, are to be rooted out, corrected and inhibited, as reasonably as may be, ac∣cording to the law of God, & the institutiōs of the fathers. The power to punish these offenders, doth not pertaine vnto any priuate person, but onely vnto them which haue iurisdiction of the law ouer them, the distinction of law & iustice, being orderly obserued.

As touching the preaching of the word of God, which Article you haue alledged in this forme,* 3.369 that the word of God should be freely and faithfully preached by the fit and apt ministers of the Lord: least by this word (freely) occa∣sion may be taken of disordred libertie, which (as you haue often said ye do not meane) the circumstaunce therof is to be vnderstand and we say, that (according to the meaning of the holy Scripture, and doctrine of the holy Fathers) it is thus vniuersally to be beleued:* 3.370 that the word of God ought freely, but not euery where, but faithfully & order∣ly, to be preached by the Priests and Leuites of the Lord, beyng allowed and sent by their superiours, vnto whom that office apperteineth, the authoritie of the Byshop al∣wayes reserued, who is the prouider of all thynges accor∣dyng

to the institution of the holy fathers.

* 3.371As concerning the last Article expressed vnder these words: it is not lawfull for the Christian Cleargy, in the time of y^e law of grace, to haue dominion ouer temporall goods: we remēber that in the solemne disputation holden in y^e sacred Councell, he which was appointed by y^t Coū∣cell to dispute, propounded two conclusions in this sorte.

First, that such of the Cleargy as were not religious, and had not bound thēselues thereunto by a vow,* 3.372 might lawfully haue and possesse any temporall goods, as the in∣heritance of his father or any other, if it be left vnto him, or any other goodes iustly gotten by meanes of any gift or other lawfull contract, or else some lawfull arte.

* 3.373The second conclusion: The church may lawfully haue and possesse temporall goods, moueable and vnmoueable, houses, landes, townes, and villages, castles and Cities, and in thē haue a priuate and ciuill dominion. Your Am∣bassadour which disputed against him, graunted those cō∣clusions, saieng that they did not impugne the sence of his Article, being well vnderstand, for somuch as he vnder∣standeth his Article, of ciuill dominion formally meant. Whereby, and also by other things, it may be vnderstand, that those wordes, to haue secular dominion expressed in the foresaid Article, seemeth to be referred to some speciall maner or kind of dominiō. But for somuch as the doctrine of the Church is not to be intreated vpon by any ambigu∣ous or doubtfull words, but fully and plainely: therefore we haue thought good more plainly to expresse that, which according to the law of God, and the doctrine of the holy Doctours, is vniuersally to be beleeued: that is to say, the two aforesayde conclusions to be true. And also, that the Cleargy ought faithfully to distribute the goodes of the Church, whose administratours they are, according to the decrees of the holy fathers: and that the vsurpation of the administration of the Church goodes, done by any other then by them, vnto whome the administration is Cano∣nically committed, can not be without gilt of sacrilege.

Thus the sacred Councell (sayd they) hath diligently gone about according to the verity of the Gospell, all am∣biguitie set apart, to expounde the true sence of the three foresayd Articles. Wherefore, if there do yet remaine any doubt: according to the information which we haue recei∣ued in the sacred Councell, we are ready by Gods helpe (who is the principall veritie) to declare the truth vnto you: If ye do receiue and embrace the declaration of the sayd three Articles, which is grounded vpon the veritie of the holy Scripture, as you are bound, and will effectu∣ally haue a pure, simple, and perfect vnitie, touching the libertie of the communion vnder both kindes, which you desire and require, which also you can not lawfully haue, without the licence of holy Church: we haue authoritie from the generall Councell, by certaine meanes, to in∣treate and conclude with you, trusting that you will shew your selues as you will continue.

These things thus declared, after the Bohemians had taken deliberation,* 3.374 they said that they would giue no an∣swere vnto the premisses, before they vnderstoode what should be offered them as touching the Communion. Wherefore, it shall be necessary to declare the matter, as it was written in forme following.

In the name of God and our sauiour Iesus Christ, vpon the Sacrament of whose most blessed last supper we shall intreate,* 3.375 that he which hath instituted this most bles∣sed Sacrament of vnitie & peace, will vouchsafe to worke this effect in vs, to make vs that we may be one in the saide Lord Iesu our head, and that he will subuert all the subtilties of the deuill, which through his enuious crafti∣nes, hath made the Sacrament of peace and vnitie, an oc∣casion of warre and discorde, that whilest Christians do contend touching the maner of communicating, they bee not depriued of the fruite of the communion. Whereupon S. Augustin in his Sermon vpon infants, in the decrees De cons. distinct. 2. Quia passus, saith thus: So the Lord Ie∣su Christ certified vs and willed,* 3.376 that we shoulde apper∣taine vnto him, and consecrated the mistery of our peace and vnitie vpon the table. He that receiueth the mistery of vnity, and doth not keepe the bond of peace, doth not re∣ceiue a mistery for himselfe, but a testimonie against him∣selfe. This we thought good aboue all things to be premi∣sed, that the generall custome of the Church, which your fathers and you also in times past haue obserued, hath a long time had and still vseth, that they which do not con∣secrate, communicate only vnder the kind of bread. Which custome beeing lawfully brought in by the Churche and holy fathers,* 3.377 and now a long time obserued, it is not law∣full to reiect, or to change at your will and pleasure, with∣out the authority of the Church. Therefore to change the custome of the Churche, and to take in hand to communi∣cate vnto the people vnder both kindes, without the au∣thority of holy Church, is altogether vnlawfull. For holy Church vpon reasonable occasions, may graunt libertie to communicate vnto the people vnder both kindes. And euery communion which, beeing attempted without the authority and licence of the Church, should be vnlawfull when it is done with the authority of holy Church, shall be lawfull, if other things let it not: because (as the A∣postle saith) he that eateth and drinketh vnworthely, ea∣teth and drinketh his owne damnation.

Whereupon Sainct Isidore in the second distinct. vpon the consecration,* 3.378 writeth thus: They which liue wickedly and cease not dayly to communicate in the Church, thin∣king thereby to be cleansed, let them learne that it doth nothing at all profite them to the cleansing of their sins. And S. Augustine in the same distinctiō saith, holy things may hurt the euil, for vnto the good they are saluation, but vnto the euill damnation. There are besides this, many other authorities.* 3.379 The Apostle Iudas was amongst thē which did first communicate, but for somuch as he recei∣ued vnworthely, hauing that sinne of treason in his hart, it did profit him nothing, but the deuill by and by exerci∣sed more the power and authority ouer him. This is de∣clared by a great reason:* 3.380 which of you is it, that if you shoulde receiue your Lorde into your house, woulde not with all diligence and care, study to make cleane and a∣dorne his house, that he may receiue the Lord honestly? much more he that shall receiue his Lorde and Sauiour into the house of his soule, ought diligently to make cleane and decke his soule, to cleanse it by the Sacrament of pe∣nance, with sorrow and contrition of hart, humbly, pure∣ly, and truely confessing his sinnes, and receiuing due sa∣tisfaction and penance, to adorne and decke the same with the purple or rich aray of deuotion, that the hart being so purged and adorned with feruent desire, he may come to that most holy Sacrament, whereby God reconcileth all the world vnto him.

Wherfore, the most sacred Synode admonisheth, exhor∣teth, and commandeth, that all Priests shoulde diligently exhort & admonish the people, and that they should vse all their care & indeuor, that no man come to that most bles∣sed sacramēt, except he be duely prepared with great reue∣rence & deuotion, least that which is receiued for the salua∣tion of the soule, redounde to the condemnation, through the vnworthy receiuing thereof.

Moreouer, Doctours do say, that the custome of com∣municating vnto the people, only vnder y^e kinde of bread, was reasonably introduced by y^e Church & holy fathers, for reasonable causes, specially for y^e auoiding of ij. perils: of errour and vnreuerēce. Of errour, as to think y^t the one part of Christes body were in y^e bread,* 3.381 & the other parte in the cup, which were a great errour. Of vnreuerence, for so much as many things may happen, as wel on the part of y^e minister, as on the part of the receiuer: As it is said that it happened whē as a certaine Priest, carieng the Sacra∣ment of the cup vnto a sicke man, whē he should haue mi∣nistred, he found nothing in the cup, beeing all spilt by the way, with many other such like chaunces. We haue heard moreouer that it hath often hapned, that the Sacrament consecrate in the cup, hath not bin sufficiēt for the number of communicants,* 3.382 whereby a new consecration must bee made, which is not agreeable to the doctrine of the holy fathers, and also y^t oftentimes they do minister wine vn∣cōsecrate for consecrate wine, which is a great perill. By this meanes then it shall be brought to passe, that if you will effectually receiue the vnity & peace of the Church, in all other things besides the vse of the Communion vnder both kindes, cōforming your selues to the faith & order of the vniuersall Church, you y^t haue that vse and custome, shall cōmunicate stil by the authority of the Church vnder both kindes,* 3.383 and this Article shall be discussed fully in the sacred Councell, where you shall see what, as touchyng this Article, is to be holden as an vniuersall veritie, and is to be done for the profite and saluation of the Christian people, & all things being thus throughly handled, then if you perseuere in your desire, & that your Ambassadors do require it, the sacred Councell will grant licence in the Lorde,* 3.384 vnto your ministers, to cōmunicate vnto y^e people vnder both kindes: that is to say, to such as be of lawfull yeares & discretiō, and shall reuerently & deuoutly require the same, this alwaies obserued, that the ministers shall say vnto those which shall communicate, that they ought firmely to beleeue not the flesh only to be conteined vnder the forme of bread, and the bloud only vnder the wine, but vnder each kinde to be whole and perfect Christ.

Thus hetherto we haue declared the decree of y^e Coun∣cell.

As touching the other doubts & questiōs which were afterward moued by the maisters & Prelates of Boheme,* 3.385 the Ambassadours of the Councell answered thus.

First they sayd, that it was not the meaning of the sa∣cred Councell, to suffer y^e Communion vnder both kindes by toleration, or as the libell of diuorsemēt was permitted to the Iewes: for so much as the Councell intending euen to open the bowels of motherly charity and pity, vnto the Bohemians and Morauians, doth not meane to suffer it with such kinde of sufferance, which shoulde not exclude sinne, but so to grant it, that by the authoritie of our Lord Iesus Christ, and of his true spouse the Church, it may be lawfull, profitable & healthfull vnto those which worthe∣ly receiue the same.* 3.386 Also, as touching that which was spo∣ken by the said Bohemians of the punishing of offences, that it is in Scriptures, how that God oftētimes stirreth vp the harts of priuate persons, to the correction & puni∣shing of sinnes, and so it should seeme lawfull vnto the in∣feriours to correct and punish their superiours: they an∣swered, alledging the text of S. Augustin in the xxiij. de∣cree: He that striketh wicked men in that they are wicked, & hath cause of death against them,* 3.387 is the minister of God: but he which without any publike administratiō or office murdereth or maimeth any wicked theefe, sacrilegious, a∣dulterous or periured person, or any other offender, shall be iudged as an homicide, and so much y^e more sharply, in that he feared not to abuse & vsurpe the power not graun∣ted him of God: and truly, this City woulde take it much more greuously, if any priuate man should attempt to pu∣nish an offēder, & set vp a gallowes in y^e streate, and there hang him, then if one man should kill another in brawle or quarell. They alledged also other textes of S. Ambrose & S. Hierome agreeable to y^• same. They said that no mā doubteth y^t the law of God is duly & holily appointed,* 3.388 and therein is simply writtē, thou shalt not steale. And notw^t∣standing by the commandement of God the childrē of Is∣raell caried away the goods of the Egyptians, which they had borowed of thē. Also in y^e same law it is plainely writ∣tē, thou shalt do no murther. Wherupon S. Austen in his first booke De Ciuitate Dei, proueth that it is not lawful for any mā to kill himselfe: and whē as he maketh example of Sampson, he answereth with these words: when as God commandeth & doth affirme himselfe to command wyth∣out any doubt, who is he that will call obedience sinne? or who will accuse the obedience to God?

Here in this proposition, you haue the words of S. Au∣sten for an answer. But let euery man well foresee, if God do commaund, or that he do intimate the commandemēt without any circumstances, and let him proue the spirites whether they be of God. But in suche cases there are no lawes to be geuen,* 3.389 neither are they much to be talked of, for therby there should easely occasiō rise to make seditiō, & for y^e inferiours to rise against the superiours. For whē any man had stollen any thing, or killed any mā: he would say that he was moued thereunto by the spirite of God: but without manifest proofe therof, he should be punished.

* 3.390Againe they sayd that there were certaine cases where∣in the Laity had power ouer the Clergy. It was answe∣red, that there were certaine cases in the law, wherein the Laity hath power ouer the Cleargy, and oftentimes ouer Cardinals. For if the Pope being dead, the Cardinals would not enter y^t Cōclaue to elect a new Pope, the king, prince, or other Lord or secular power may compel them: but in these cases he is now no priuate person, but vseth his iurisdiction by the authority of the law. The like is to be vnderstand of all other cases expressed in the law.

They said further, that no common law hath any right or iustice, except Gods law do allow the same.

* 3.391It was answered that no common law hath right or iustice, if it be against the law of God, for because y^e law of God is the rule of all other lawes. But there is great cū∣ning and knowledge in applieng the rule to that which is made by the rule, for oftentimes, it seemeth that there is diuersitie in the thing made by the rule, when there is none in deede: but the default is in the applieng, because the rule is not duely applied to the thing made by it.

* 3.392As touching the Article of preaching the word of God, it was moued that oftentimes some Prelates, thorough their owne enuie and malice, without any reasonable cause, do inhibite a good and meete Preacher that prea∣cheth Catholickely and well.

* 3.393Aunswer was made, how that they vnderstood well i∣nough that the abuse of certaine Prelates, which did inor∣dinately behaue themselues, gaue a great occasion of those troubles. Also that they neuer heard of any such cōplaints in those parties, but that y^e Prelates do fauour good prea∣chers, and stirre them vp to preach, by intreaty, fauour, & promotiō. In al such cases, there are remedies already pro¦uided by the law: for when any mā is so prohibited to vse his right, he hath remedy to appeale: and if he do trust his appeale to be iust, he may vse his right, all violēce both of the spirituall and secular power set apart, for the end of the matter shall declare if he had iust cause to appeale. Then shalbe declared that the superiour hath done euill in pro∣hibiting, & the pleantiue iustly in doyng, and the superiour for his vniust prohibition shalbe punished. But if he be iustly prohibited, and that through his temeritie, he do cō∣temne the iust cōmaundement of his superiour, he is wor∣thy to be punished with condigne punishment.

Where it was moued cōcerning the third Article,* 3.394 whe∣ther it were lawfull for the Ecclesiasticall Prelates to ex∣ercise in their proper person, the actes of secular dominiō, hereunto it was aunswered, that if by this word actes of secular dominion are vnderstand actes whiche a secular Lord may do or exercise,* 3.395 then is it to be sayd, that a Prelate may lawfully exercise some such actes in his proper per∣son, as to sell,* 3.396 to paune or pledge, to infeofe by maner and forme ordeined by law: but there are some actes, which it is not lawfull for them to exercise in their proper person, but ought to haue afterward, a Uicegerent or Proctor, to doe the same: whereupon there is prohition made in the law in the Rubrike, Ne clerus vel Monachus secularibus ne∣gotijs se immisceat, & in alijs rebus.

It was also moued,* 3.397 whether that coactiue power, whiche ought to be exercised by a Steward. &c. be in the handes of an Ecclesiasticall Prelate.

Whereunto Iohn Polomair aūswered,* 3.398 that this que∣stion presupposeth an other: wherof there are diuers opi∣nions amōgest the Doctours,* 3.399 in whose power the domi∣nion of the Church should be: and furthermore, whether the actiōs be in the person of the tutor or proctor, or if they be not in their person, notwithstandyng by the constitutiō of any actor or proctor (whose exercising of those actions do geue authoritie vnto the actor or proctor) they be: with other difficulties, whereof it is not needefull to speake at this present. But for somuch as he was vrged to say his o∣pinion: he sayd, that to such as had either leysure or plea∣sure in disputation, & would argue agaynst him, he would be cōtēted to geue the choise to take which part he would, but his opinion was rather that the dominion of Church matters should bee in the power of Christ: and the Pre∣lates, with the other Clergy, are but Canonicall admini∣stratours in maner of tutors: but they haue more power & administration then tutors, and by constitutyng a Ste∣ward or Uicegerent. &c. Their constitution beyng duely made, the Steward or Uicegerent hath the same coactiue power and exercise of iurisdiction.

Also as touching the fourth Article, for the declaration of the first conclusion, it is agreed that these wordes, Iuste requisita. i. iustly gotten, alledged, therein, determine all thynges conteined in the same.* 3.400

Also as touchyng the second conclusion, where as the sacred Canons and holy Doctours speake thus: the goods of the Church, the substaunce of the Church, and the pos∣sessions of the Church, and diuers other opinions there be amongest the Doctours, in whose power the rule thereof should be, as it is noted in the Glose. Cap. expedit xij. quaest. i. they do not intend to constraine any man to any of those opinions, neither to exclude any of them, but that euery man should haue libertie, probably to mainteine which of them he thinketh best.

Moreouer,* 3.401 the Bohemians sayd, that they did beleue that the Clergy are but administrators of the tēporalties of the Church, and not Lordes thereof, accordyng to the maner of speaking of the Scriptures, holy Doctours, and Canons. Also the Bohemians sayd, that in all occasions which shall hereafter rise, they would wholy stand to the determination of the iudge, agreed vpon in Egra, with one consent. In this maner did the Ambassadours make aunswere vnto the Bohemians. At the last, after much communication had to and fro,* 3.402 a concorde and vnitie was concluded and confirmed by setting to their handes. The Bohemians promised to receiue the peace and vnitie of the Church, and the declaratiō of the three Articles. This was done in the yeare of our Lord. 1438. About the feast of S. Martin, it was afterward agreed both by the Am∣bassadours of that Councel, and of Boheme, that whatso∣euer remayned, should be determined & agreed vpō: first at Ratisbona: afterward at Bruna in the Dioces of Oly∣mutes: then at Alba in Hungary, before the Emperour Sigismūd, but the matter could not be ended in no place.

At the last the concorde was confirmed by writyng with their seales at Inglania, a Citie of Morauia, the fift day of Iuly in the presence of the Emperour.

¶ Certaine petitions, which the Bohemians put vp last of all in the sacred Councell of Basill. An. 1438. in the moneth of Nouemb.

* 4.1VNto the most reuerēd fathers in Christ, and our most gracious Lords. We the Ambassadors of the kingdom of Boheme, do most humbly and hartely require you that for the perpetuall preseruation of the peace & concord, and for the firme preseruation of all things conteined in the composition, you will vouchsafe of your clemencie, to giue and graunt vnto vs all and singular our requests, heere vnder written, with effectuall execution of the same.

First and aboue all things, we desire and require you, for the extirpation of diuers dissentions and cōtrouersies, which will vndoubtedly folow amongst our people vpon y^e diuersitie of the communion, & for the abolishing of infi∣nite euils, which we are not able to expresse as we haue conceiued them, that you will gently vouchsafe of your goodnes & liberality, to giue, grant & command, vnto our kingdome of Boheme, & Marquesdome of Morauia, one vniforme order of the cōmunion vnto all mē,* 4.2 vnder both kindes: that is to say, vnto y^e Archb. of Prage, the Byshop of Luthonus, Olimutz, & other prelates of the kingdome and Marquesdome, hauing charge of soules, & to their vi∣cares, & also to their flocks & subiects, & that according to those things which are cōteined in y^e Bull of the Ambassa∣dours, & in the cōpositions made in the name of the whole Councel, written in the chap. Pro firmitate, where it is thus said, and all other things shall be done, which shall be meete and necessary for the preseruation of the peace and vnitie. For thys done by your benefite, the whole kingdome shall be com∣forted aboue measure, and established in brotherly loue: whereby an vniforme subiection and obedience shall be perpetually attributed vnto the holy Church.

Item, we require and desire (as before) that for the a∣uoiding of all false suspition and doubtfulnes of manie, which suppose that the sacred Councell hath graunted the saide Communion vnder both kindes vnto vs but for a time, as neither profitable nor wholesome, but as the li∣bell of diuorcement: that you will vouchsafe, according to this chapter alledged in the compositions: First they sayde, that it was not the entent of the sacred Councell, &c. whole∣somely and speedely to prouide for our safety and your graunt in this behalfe, and with the Bulls of your let∣ters, to confirme that chapter together with the other, perteining to the office of your Ambassadours.

Item, we beseech you (as afore) that for the confirmati∣on of obedience, and for the discipline of all the Cleargy, and for the small defence and obseruation of all things determined and agreed vpon, and for y^e good order in spi∣ritualties, ye will vouchsafe effectually to prouide for vs a good & lawfull pastor,* 4.3 Archbishops and Bishops, which shall seeme vnto vs most meete and acceptable for our kingdome, to execute those offices and dueties.

Item, we require you (as aforesaid) that your fatherly reuerēces will vouchsafe, for y^e defence of the worthy fame of the kingdome and Marquesdome, to declare and shew our innocencie,* 4.4 in that they haue cōmunicated, do, & here∣after shall communicate vnder both kindes: to giue out, ordaine, and direct the letters of the sacred Councell, in maner and forme most apt and meete for such declaration, vnto all Princes, as well secular as spirituall, Cities and communalties, according to the compositions, and as the Lords the Ambassadours are bound vnto vs for to do.

Item, we desire you, that in the discussing of the matter for the Communion vnder both kindes, and of the com∣mandement thereof giuen vnto all faithfull, yee will not proceed otherwise then according to the concordatum a∣greed vpon in Egra: that is to say, according to the law of God, the order of Christ, and his Apostles, the generall Councels, and the mindes of the holy Doctours, truly grounded vpon the law of God.

Item, we desire that your fatherly reuerences, conside∣ring the great affectiō of our people, will giue vs the desi∣red libertie to communicate vnto the yonger sort, the Sa∣crament of the Supper. For if this vse of communicating should be taken away, which our kingdome being godly moued by the writings of most great and holy Doctours, and brought in by examples, hath receiued as Catholicke, and exercised now a long time: verely it shoulde raise vp an intollerable offence amongst y^e people,* 4.5 and their minds would be greeuously vexed and troubled.

Item we require you (as before) that for like causes your fatherly reuerēces, would vouchsafe to permit, at the least the Gospels, Epistles, and Creede to be song & read in the Church in our vulgare tong, before y^e people, to moue thē vnto deuotion: for in our Slauon language it hath bene vsed of old in the Church, and likewise in our kingdome.

Item, we require you in y^e name of the saide kingdome, and of y^e famous Vniuersitie of Prage, that your fatherly reuerences would vouchsafe to shew such diligence and care towards the desired reformation of that Vniuersitie,* 4.6 that according to the maner and forme of other Uniuersi∣ties reformed by the Church, Prebends and collations of certaine benefices of Cathedrall and Parish Churches, may be annexed and incorporate vnto the said Uniuersi∣tie, that thereby it may be increased and preferred.

Item, we desire you (as before) as hartily as we may, & also (sauing alwaies your fatherly reuerēce) require you, and by the former cōpositions we most instātly admonish you,* 4.7 that with your whole minds and endeuours, & with all care & study, your reuerēces will watch & seeke for that long desired & most necessary reformation of the Church & Christian Religion, and effectually labour for the roo∣ting out of all publike euils, as well in the head, as in the members, as you haue often promised to do in our king∣dome, in the cōpositions, & as our fourth Article touching the auoiding of all publicke euils, doth exact and require.

There were certaine answeres prouided by the Coun∣cel, to these petitions of y^e Bohemiās, which were not deli∣uered vnto thē, but kept backe, for what purpose or intent we knowe not. Wherefore, because we thought them not greatly necessary for this place, & also to auoid prolixitie, we haue iudged it meet at this present to omit them. Thus haue ye heard compendiously the chief & principal matters intreated & done in this famous Councell of Basill. And here (to cōclude withall) we haue thought good to declare vnto you, for y^e aid & helpe of the ignorant people (whych iudge many things to be of lōger time & continuāce, then in deed they be, & thereupon haue established a great parte of their opinions) how that, toward the latter end of thys Coūcell, that is to say, in the xxxvi. Session of y^e same, hol∣dē the xvij. day of September, in y^e yeare of our Lord 1439. the feast of y^e Conception of our Lady,* 4.8 was ordeined to be holden and celebrate yearely. In like case also in the xliiij. Session of the same Councell, holden the first day of Iuly, an. 1441. was ordeined the feast of the Uisitation of our Lady, to be celebrate and holden yearely in the moneth of Iuly. We haue also thought it good, before we do end this story, to annexe hereunto certaine decrees, profitably and wholesomely ordeined in y^e said Coūcell, against y^e inordi∣nate geuing of the Ecclesiasticall benefices and liuings by the Pope, with certaine other constitutions also, fruit∣full for the behalfe and edification of the Church.

During the time that the generall Councell at Basill, was so diligent and carefull about the reformation of the Church, this one thing seemed good vnto them to be pro∣secuted & folowed with an earnest care and diligence, that through euery Church,* 4.9 apt and meete ministers might be appointed, which might shine in vertue & knowledge, to the glory of Christ, and the healthfull edifieng of y^e Christi∣an people: whereunto the multitude of expectatiue graces hath bene a great impedimēt and let, in that they haue bin foūd to haue brought greuous troubles, diuers disorders, and many dangers vpon the ecclesiasticall state. For here∣by oftentimes, scarsely apt or meete ministers haue bene appointed for the churches, which are neither known nor examined: and this expectation of void benefices (as y^e old lawes do witnesse) doth geue occasion to desire another mans death, which is greatly preiudiciall vnto saluation: besides that, innumerable quarels & contentions are mo∣ued amongst the seruants of God: rancour and malice nourished: the ambition and gredy desire of pluralities, of benefices mainteined: and y^e riches and substance of king∣domes and prouinces marueilously consumed. Poore men suffer innumerable vexations, by running vnto the court of Rome. They are oftentimes spoiled and robbed by the way: troubled & afflicted with diuers plages, and hauing spent their patrimony and substance left them by their pa∣rents, they are cōstrained to liue in extreme pouerty. Ma∣ny do chalenge benefices, which without any iust title (yea such in deed as ought not to haue thē) obtaine and get the same: such I say as haue most craft and subtiltie to deceiue their neighbour, or haue greatest substance to contend in y^e law. It happeneth oftentimes that vnder the intrication of these prerogatiues, antelations, and such other as do associate these expectatiue graces, much craft and disceit is found. Also, oftentimes the ministery is taken away from yong men, by their ordinary geuers, whiles that by the trouble of those contentions, & diuers discourses, running to & fro by meanes of those graces, they are vexed & trou∣bled, the Ecclesiasticall order is cōfounded, whiles that e∣uery mans authority and iurisdiction is not preserued: & the Bishops of Rome also, by chalenging and taking vpō

them too much the office of the inferiours, are wythdrawen from more waighty and fruteful matters, neither doe they diligently attend to the guiding and correction of the infe∣riors, as the publike vtility doth require. Al which things do bring a great confusion vnto the clergy, and Ecclesiasti∣call state, to the great preiudice and hinderaunce of Gods true worship, and publicke saluation.

In the same Councell also diuers other constitutions were made, not vnprofitable for reformation, & for remo∣uing of certaine abuses & disorders brought in,* 4.10 especially by the B. of Rome, as touching causes not to be brought vp and trāslated to the court of Rome: Wherin it was de∣creed, that no actions nor controuersies shuld be brought from other countries, to be pleaded at Rome, which were beyonde 4. dayes iourney distant from the sayde Courte of Rome, a few principall matters onely excepted. Also, that no friuolous appeales should be made to the pope hereaf∣ter. It was moreouer in the same councell decreed, for the number, age, and condition of the Cardinals, y^e they shuld not excede the number of 24. besides them that were alre∣dy, and that they should be frely taken out of al countries: and that they should not be of kin to the bishop of Rome, or to the Cardinals, nor yet be blemished wyth any spot or crime. Also for Annates or first fruites, or halfe fruites, it was there prouided, that no such Annates or confirmati∣on of elections, or collation of benefices, should be paide or reserued any more to the pope, for the first yeres voidance. All which thinges there agreed and concluded by them, were afterward cōfirmed and ratified by the French king, Charles 7. with the full consent of all his Prelates, in his high court of Parliament in Bitures, & there called Prag∣matica Sanctio. An. 1438.* 4.11 whereupon great vtility ensued af∣terward to the kingdome of Fraunce. All beit in processe of time, diuers Friers there were, whych wrote agaynste the same. Ex lib. Pragin. Sanctionis.

Amongst many decrees of the saide Councell of Basil, in the 19. Session there was also a decree made touchyng the conuerting of Iewes and yong nouesses in Religion, vnto the Christian faith.

* 4.12Also that all Ordinaries should yearely at appoynted times, prouide certaine men wel learned in the holy scrip∣tures, in such places where Iewes and other infidels did dwell, to declare to them the truth of the Catholicke faith, that they acknowledging their errour, might forsake the same: vnto the which preaching, the said ministers should compell them to resort, and to heare, vnder paine of exclu∣ding them from occupying any more in y^t place: prouided that the said Diocesanes and preachers should behaue thē∣selues towardes thē, mercifully & with all charitie, wher∣by they might winne them to Christ, not onely by the de∣claring of the veritie, but also in exhibiting their offices of humanitie.

And to the intēt their preaching might be y^t more fruit∣full, & that the preachers might be the better instructed in the tongues,* 4.13 it was also in the same Councell prouided & commaūded, that the constitutiō made before in the coun∣cell of Uienna for learning the Hebrew, Chaldey, Araby, & Greeke tongue, should by all meanes be obserued & kept, and ordinary stipendes prouided for thē that should teache the same tongues.

An other decree morouer in the 20. Session was enac∣ted, y^t whosoeuer was knowē or publiquely noted to be a keper of Concubines,* 4.14 should be sequestred from all fruites of his benefices, for the space of 3. monethes, which fruites should be conuerted by the ordinary, to the reparations, or some other vtilitie of the Church, & if he did not so amend, it was by the Sinode decreed that he should be clearely de∣posed from all his benefices.

Furthermore, y^e said Sinode did greatly inuey against them, which hauing the iurisdiction of the Church, did not shame to suffer such whore maisters for bribes and money, still to continue in their filthines, &c.

By these decrees of the Councell aboue specified, it is to be seene,* 4.15 what corruptiō had bene thē frequented in the Church of God, through the Byshop and courte of Rome. For the more expresse declaration whereof, we thought it not much impertinent here to inferre the wordes of one Martin Meyre, writing to Aeneas Syluius, touching and no∣ting the saide corruptions: the tenour of whose epistle here ensueth.

Vnto the reuerend father, the Lord Aeneas Car∣dinal of Sene, Martin Meyr, Chancellor to the bishop of Mentz, wisheth health

I Haue vnderstand by certaine of my frends letters, that you are created Cardinall. I am glad for your part, that you haue recei∣ued so worthy rewardes for your vertues. I reioyce also for my owne part, that my frend hath attained vnto such a dignity, wher∣in he may in time to come, both helpe me and my frends: But this is a griefe vnto me, that you haue hapned vpon those dayes, which seme to be troublesom vnto the Apostolike sea. For there are ma∣ny complaintes made vnto my Lorde the Archb vpon the Pope, that he wil neither kepe the decrees of the councel of Constance, neither of Basil, neither yet thinketh himselfe bounde to the coue∣nants of his predecessours, and seemeth vtterly to contemne our nation, and to seeke the vtter ruine thereof. For it is euident that the election of Prelates, is euery where reiected: benefices & dig∣nities, of what sorte soeuer they be, are reserued for the Cardinals and chiefe notaries: and you your self haue obtained the reseruati∣on of 3. Prouinces of Germany, vnder suche a forme as hath not ben accustomed, or heard of. Vowsons or giftes of benefices are graunted without number: yerely stipends and half the reuenues are exacted without delay, and it is euident that there is more ex∣torted then is due. The regiment of churches are not committed vnto such as best deserue them, but vnto such as offer most mony for them, and new pardons are graunted out daily to scrape and gather together monye. Tithes are commaunded to be exacted without the consent of our Prelates, for the Turkish warre, and those matters which were accustomed to be debated and deter∣mined at home, are now caried vnto the Apostolike sea of Rome. A thousand waies are inuented and deuised, how the sea of Rome may by subtlety and by craft,* 5.1 extort and gette golde and treasure from vs, euen as it were of the Turkes or Barbarians; whereby our nation, which was sometime famous and valiant, which by their power and bloud, conquered the Romaine Empire, and was once the Lady and Queene of all the world, nowe being brought vnto pouerty, is made a handmaid, & become tributary, & being nowe in extreme misery, hath of long time bewailed her cruell fortune and pouerty. But now our nobles being (as it were) wakened out of their slepe, haue begon to consider and deuise with themselues, by what meanes they might withstand this calamity, and vtterly shake of this yoke and bondage, and haue determined with them¦selues to chalenge againe their former liberty. This wil be no smal losse vnto the court of Rome, if the Princes of Germany bring to passe that which they haue deuised. Wherfore as much as I do re∣ioyce of your late obtained dignity, so much also am I mooued & greued that these things happen in your daies. But peraduenture Gods determination is otherwise, & his wil shal surely take place. You in the meane time be of good chere, and deuise according to your wisedome, by what meanes the vehemencie of these floudes may be staied. Thus fare ye well.

From Hasthaffenberge, the last day of August.

Concerning the authoritie of this generall councell of Basill,* 5.2 what is to be esteemed by the Actes & fruites therof may be vnderstand of all good men. Neither was it of any man doubted in the first beginning, so long as the Pope a∣greed and consented vnto it, But after the Pope began to draw backe, many other followed, especially of the richer sort of Prelates, which had any thing to lose: whereof suf∣ficiently hath bene sayde by Arelatensis the Cardinall be∣fore. In the number of those vnconstant Prelates, besides many other,* 5.3 was firste Cardinall Iulian, the firste collec∣tor of this councell, and Uicegerent of the Pope, as by hys feruent and vehement letter written to pope Eugenius in defence of this councel, may well appeare: Wherin he most earnestly doth expostulate with the foresaide Pope Euge∣nius, for seeking to dissolue the Councell, and declareth in the same many causes, why he shoulde rather reioyce, and geue God thankes, for the godly proceedings, and ioyfull agrement betwene the councell and the Bohemians, and so exhorteth him w^t manifolde persuasions, to resort to the councel him selfe, & not to seeke the dissolution of the same. The copie & tenor of whose Epistle to the Pope, if any be disposed to peruse the same, we thought heere good to sette downe to be seene.

The copie of an Epistle, which Iulian Cardinall of S. Angen, and the Popes ambassadour into Germanie, wrote marueilous boldly and frely vnto Eugenius B. of Rome, for that he went about to dissolue the coūcel of Basil.

Most blessed father, after the deuout kisses of your blessed fete.

NOw shall the whole worlde vnderstande and know, whether that your holines haue in you the bowels of fatherly loue & charity, and the zeale of the house of God, whether you be sent to make peace or discord, to congregate or disperse, or whether you be that good shepheard, which geueth hys life for his sheepe. Be∣holde the doore beginneth now to be opened, whereby the lost sheepe may returne againe vnto their owne folde, nowe is there good hope euen at hand, of the reconciliation of the Bohemians. If that your holinesse as it is your duety do helpe and further the same, you shall obtaine greate glory, bothe in heauen and earthe. But if peraduenture, you goe about to lette the same (whiche is not to be hoped for at your handes) all menne will reprooue you of impietie. Heauen and earth will conspire againste you,

all men will forsake you. For how is he to be folowed, wich wyth one worde may restore peace and quietnes to the church, and re∣fuseth to do it? But I cōceiue a better hope in you, how that your holines without any excuse, wil with your whole hart & mind, fa∣uor this most sacred coūcel, & giue thankes vnto almighty God, this great goodnesse that this congregatiou hath not departed. Behold the ambassadors of this sacred councell are returned with great ioy and gladnes from Egra,* 6.1 reporting how that thorow the grace of the holy Ghost, they haue firmly concluded with the am∣bassadors of the Bohemians, that is to say of the Prages, Orphants and Thaborites, amongs whome was also present the captaines of their ennemies, and specially Procopius. That a solempne ambas∣sade of all the states of the realme should come vnto the councell of Basill. After that a safe conduite is sent vnto them by the sayde councel in fourme conditioned, which shall be done with speede, This sacred congregation is marue••lously exhilerate and ioyfull. For those our ambassadours affirme, that all things were handled with such charitie at Egra, & that they did see such things amōgs the Bohemians, that not without cause, they doe conceiue great hope of their reconciliation.

And at the last gentlely imbrasing one another, euē with teares of gladnesse, they departed from Egra. The Bohemians requiring our ambassadors, that the matter might be ended wyth all expe∣dition. They reporte also that manie thinges happened in that Treatie, whyche if any manne hearde, and didde not weepe for ioy, he might well thinke him self to be but smally affectioned vnto Christ. As for 3 of the 4. articles, they seeme not to make a∣ny great difficulty vpon. As touching the 4. that is of the commu∣nion vnder both kindes, there is good hope that they wil followe the iudgement of the councel. Who is it then that dare councell your holines to perseuere any lōger in the purpose of dissolution, for if the councell had not ben appoynted at all, for so great hope and necessity: it ought to haue ben appoynted in this place How worthy prase and commendation should your holines doe, if that you woulde leaue Italy and all other affaires, and come hether in your owne person. Although you shoulde neede to be caried in a wagon or litter. The keping & defence of the temporal patrimony of the church, may well be disposed and done by legates and vi∣cares. This is the true patrimonie of the church to winne soules.* 6.2 For the church is not a heap of stones and walles. Christ hath not made you a keper of castles & fortes, but a pastor of soules. Ther∣fore you shuld do that in your owne person, which is most neces∣sary and acceptable vnto Christ, and al other things be your sub∣stitutes. For so did the Apostles, which to the intēt they might the more frely intend to the preaching of the word of God, did insti∣tute 7. to serue the tables, and for the ministration of other inferi∣or things. I heare that by the grace of God, your holinesse doth daily recouer and amend, &•• if ••o be, as it is said, you do visit some churches on fore, ye may also come hether on horsebacke, for you can not go vnto any thing more profitable or cōcordant to your office, then to go vnto that place, whereas innumerable benefits and goodnes may spring. Let your holines vnderstand and consi∣der wherin Christ whose vicar you are, and S. Peter whose succes∣sor you are, and the apostles and holy bishops, did exercise & oc∣cupy themselues, and as you do succede them in office, so succede them in maners. But if per aduenture your holines can not come hither, I doe councell you that for so great a benefite, you would send the more part of the reuerend Lords Cardinals of the court of Rome, and command al other prelates to come hether, doe not let or hinder them that are willing to come, as it is reported you do, but rather allure them to come hither.

Your holines may beleue me, that only charity mooueth me to councell you in this sort, be ye not seperate from your members, nourish your children as the henne doeth her chickens vnder her wings. And if so be, that you will doe nothing els, yet speake this only word, Placet. That is to say, that it pleaseth you, that the coū∣cel of Basil shuld go forward. For a few daies past, there came ne∣wes hither, for the which your holines ought alltogether to cease from your dissolution. The reuerend father the Archb. of Lyons, hath wrytten vnto the councell,* 6.3 and vnto me also, howe that the Prelates of France, haue assembled togither in the city of Beturia, and there after long and exacte examination haue concluded that the councel is lawfully cōgregate in this place. And that it is ne∣cessary, that it shuld be holden and celebrate here at this present, and how the Prelates of France shuld come vnto it, he also dire∣cted hither the cause which moued them so to conclude, the co∣pye whereof I suppose is sent vnto your holinesse by some other. Wherupon then doth your holines stay? You haue gone about as much as in you lay, by your messengers, letters & diners meanes to draw backe the Prelates, and haue laboured with al your ende∣uor to dissolue the councell, yet notwithstanding as you do see, it is increased day by day. And the more it is forbidden, the more is all mens minds inflamed to the contrary, is not this then to resist the wil of God? Why do ye prouoke the church to anger? Why do ye stirre vp the Christian people? vouch safe I pray you so to doe, that ye may g••t the loue and fauor of the people & not the hatred for all nations are greatly offended when they heare: these your doings. Suffer not your holines to be seduced by any man, whych peraduenture shall inculcate feare vnto you, whereas there is no∣thing at all to be doubted, or that doe perswade you this to be no lawful councel I know I shuld offend your holines if I shuld go a∣bout to proue the contrary, but it is better that I do offend you a litle in words, and profit you in my deedes, for a Phisition layeth a burning corrisiue vnto the disease, and healeth the sore. For the medicine can not profit, except it be sharpe and bitter in tast. V••∣der this hope and confidence I will not feare to declare the truth. That it being knowen, your holines may the better prouide both for your selfe and the church it dependeth vppon the councell of Constance whether this councell be lawfull or not. If that were a true councel, so is this also. No man semeth to dout whether that councel were lawfull, and likewise whatsoeuer was there decreed to be lawful, for if any man will say, that the decrees of that coun∣cel are not of force, he must nedes graunt, that the depriuation of Pope Iohn which was done by the force of those decrees to be of no effect. If that depriuation were not of effecte. Neither was the election of Pope Martine of any force, which was done he being yet aliue. If Martin were no true Pope, neither is your holinesse, which was chosen by the Cardinalles that hee made,* 6.4 wherefore, it standeth no man more vpon to defend the decrees of that coūcel, then your holines, for if any decree of that councel be called into doubt: By like meanes may all the rest of the decrees be reuoked. And by like meanes, shall the decrees of any other councell be of no force and effect, for by like reason, as the faith of one councell is weakened, all the rest shal also be weakned, according to S. Au∣gustins saying in the 9. distinction capitulo. Si ad scripturas, Then sayeth he, both the faithe and all other sacraments shall be put in doubt, if that there be once any doubt made, of the force and po∣wer of any councell lawfully cōgregate. There was a decree made in the councel of Constance, intituled frequens. Whereby it was ordained, that the first councel after that, should be holden with∣in 5. yeres, and another within 7. yeres after that again. The coun∣cel of Constance being ended, and the 5. yeres passed, the councel of Papia or Sene was holden, after which 7. yeares being also run ouer, this councell is begon to be celebrate. To what ende then is it expressed in the Bull of the dissolution, amongest other causes, that the 7. yeare is already past. When as of necessitye it ought to be passed before the councell can be celebrate. For these wordes, from 7. yere or 5. yere, signify according to the law, that all partes of time should be passed, and the last day looked for. Wherefore it behoued that 7. yeres to be fully complete, before this councel of Basil should begin.

Like as 5. yeares was fully expired, before that the councell of Papia did begin, but peraduēture some man will say, that it ought to haue begun the first day after the 7. yere was expired. For other∣wise the terme of the councell is passed. But heereunto we may answer that it is not contained in the chapter Frequens, that ex∣cept it were holden the first day, it should not be holden at al, nei∣ther can it be gathered either by the wordes or meaning. For it is only required that it should be holden after 7. yeares expired, but whether it be the 2. or 3. day, or the 3. or 4. moneth after the 7. yere it doth satisfy the chapter Frequens. For whē the first day is come then beginneth the power and liberty to celebrate the councell, but not afore, but it is not prohibited to celebrate it after, neither doth this word, In quinquennium. That is to say against 5. yeare, next following, which is alleaged in the chapter Frequens, and semeth to be repeated. Also for the 7. yeres, for it is not vnderstād that it is necessary to be holden the first day precisely after the 7. yere, but because it should not be vnderstand of other 7 yeares to come. For in speaking simply of 7. yere, it is vnderstand of 7. yeare next ensuing. Admit also that in the chapter Frequēs, any of these wordes had bene ioyned with immediatly following, as by & by, out of hād, immediatly, or straightwaies after, or such other words yet ought they to be vnderstand with a certaine moderation, and distance of time, that assone as might be cōuenient, as these wor∣des are expounded by the lawes and the doctors, for they are en∣larged and restrained according, to the subiect and diuers circū∣staunces of the matters and affaires. For it is not by any meanes likely that it was the mindes of those which made the decree, that considering the long iourneis and harde preparation of suche af∣faires, and also the manifolde impedimentes which may happen, that they woulde restraine so precise a time, euen at the first daye, that if it were not then celebrated, it should not be holden at all, for by such subtill meanes, it shuld also be holden euen in the first moment and very instant after the same yere.

But forsomuch as wordes are ciuilly to be vnderstand, this fence or vnderstanding is to farre disagreable. For if any man will say, then it is commaunded to be proroged, that is also forbidden in the chapter frequēs. He that doth so argue, doth not vnderstād himselfe, nor the force of the woordes. It is not proroged if it be begon, the 2. or 3. month, but rather a continuation or execution of that which is in their power. For if it were a prorogation, then for so muche as a progation doth sauour of the nature of the firste delay, it could not be begon in the first month, but in the 2. and 3. it is not therby concluded that it could not be begon in the first,

but if there had ben any prorogation made til the secōd month, then it coulde not haue bene begon in the first, as for example I promise to geue a hundred after Easter, afore Easter it can not be required, but by and by after Easter it may be required, and all be it that I be not vrged for it notwythstanding I doe not cease to be bounde, and if so be I bedemanded it in the 2. or 3. month after, it is not therby vnderstand that ther is any prorogation made: Nei∣ther doth it followe, but that it might haue bene demaunded in the beginning which could not haue ben done, that there had ben any prorogation made. Also it is nature of prorogation to bee made before the first terme or day be passed. For otherwise it is no prorogation, but anew appoyntment. And albeit it may be saide, that then it may be long delaide, it is aunswered that in thys poynt, we must stande vnto the iudgement of the Churche, which considering diuers circumstances wold think the time mete. For the liberty of celebrating of councels was institute for the profit and fauor of the church. What if it shuld happen that whē the time commeth, in the place where a councell should be kept, there be a great plague, or some siege, which shuld continue by the space of 3. or 4. moneths, and the Pope in the mean time doth not chaunge the place according to the forme of the Chapter frequens, & that thorow such impediments, the prelates did not come the first day vnto the place, or if any were comming & were taken by the way which if they had not ben taken, had ben prese••t at the first day in the place appoynted. Is it to be said that the power of the coūcel is past? or that the impediment ceasing, & the prelates cōming thi∣ther, the councell can not be holden? that truely were greatly ab∣surd & to much preiudiciall to the church of God, but in this our case, the cause is probable why that the prelats did defer to come at the beginning of the time appoynted.* 6.5 For so much as when the time drew neare, Pope Martin died the 20. of February. For which cause, the prelates might wel dout vpon some impediment of the councell. Also they taried loking that some shuld come thether in the name of the Pope, because they wold not tary in that place in vaine without a president.* 6.6 As for the legate which was appoynted for the councel, whose presence al men taried for, before he wold prepare him selfe to that iourney, he came not at the time apoyn∣ted vnto the councell, but went vnto Norrenberge, to persecute the Bohemians according to the cōmandement of Pope Martin, which had enioyned him to go first thither before he wēt to Basil.

And the same Legate, being oftētimes required at Norenberg, that he shuld go to Basil to hold the councell, he answered, that he wold not go before he had the cōsent of the new bishop. This was the cause of the prelates delay, neither is it greatly to be imputed vnto the prelates, which suspected that Pope Martin woulde not haue holden the councell, & feared to bring thēselues in trouble, and good cause had they so to feare, thorowe those things which hapned in the councel of Sene. For there were many things spo∣ken which caused great suspition. It was reported vnto me that many had said, I came vnto Germany to disturbe the councell.

Also this was Pope Martins minde and intent, that all beit the councel was not begon at the beginning of March, notwithstan∣ding the autority of holding the councel should not be void. For he, when as the time of the councell approched, willed me that I shuld first go vnto Boheme, before I went vnto the coūcel, wher∣of also mention is made in the Bull of the consistorie dissolution.

But what nede we any other profe, then by your holinesse let∣ters, which by your letters dated the 2 Kalendes of Iune, and were deliuered vnto me lōg after the time, by the space of 3. moneths, you do commaund me that my businesse being done in Boheme, I shuld take my way vnto Basil to hold the councel, & there to for∣see vnto all things as it was enioyned me, & ordained in the coū∣cel of Constance. The same also ye repeat in the Bul of the dissolu∣tion brought vnto me by the Lord Parentine, the wordes wherof are these. Vnto you circūspection. Since your going into Ger∣many no Prelates haue assembled in Basill for the celebrating of the councel, we gaue you in cōmandement that in the meantime you shuld be diligent, about the expedition against the Bohemian heretickes which is committed to your charge, & afterward you should come vnto Basil the place appoynted for the councell, and there to rule in our place in the name of the church. What is more euident then this? If any thing were doutful by the tenure of these letters it were euidently takē away, if any man wold say that nei∣ther Pope Martine nor Eugenius could confirme the councel by wryting of suche letters, because there was a prorogation which is prohibited by the chapter frequens it is answered, that there is no prorogation, but execution of that which is in power, or a de∣claration that it is not necessary to hold the councel precisely euē at the beginning. Also it is no prorogation. For a prorogation is made before the terme is expired and not after, for after, it is ra∣ther called an new indiction or appoyntment. And if any mā will say that there cā be no new indiction made, then may this be ob∣iected. Howe could the councel of Bononia be newly appoynted? If they wil answer, that the appoyntment of the coūcell of Bono∣nia was of force, because the councell of Basill was dissolued by your holines, then I haue my intent. For if it were dissolued. Ergo, it was a coūcel before, bicause it presupposeth the habit. If it were a councell before, then, as hereafter shalbe proued, it could not be dissolued without the consent of the councell, what can be more answered heereunto? for the greater declaration and euidence of this matter, the Abbot of Virgilia euen vpon the same day of the time appoynted or afore, gathering together the Prelates of the great churche and many other prelates and notable men, made a solemne protestation, howe the time was come to celebrate and hold the councel, & that he was come vnto Basil for the same pur∣pose, requiring them that they wold confer and in treat together, vpon matters touching the councel, and hereupon there is a pu∣blike instrument or testimoniall.

Within a month after the ambassadors of the vniuersity of Pa∣ris came thither, & began to intreat of maters touching the coū∣cel, wryting also vnto the Emperour, and to the other Princes of Germany, that they should send vnto the councel, which letters I my self did see, neither doth the smal nomber of men let, for wher as aucthority is, a great nomber is not required, according to the saying of Christ, wheras 2. or 3. are gathered together in my name, I am in the midst of them. Vpon the which auctority, the coūcels are grounded. Now therfore your holines doth manifestly see, the said obiection to be but friuolous. For to what end shuld any dis∣solution be made if it had not ben a councel: wherfore it is not to be doubted, but that it was a lawful councel, & canonically con∣gregate. And peraduenture it is scarsly•• found where any councel hath ben confirmed by so many authorities as this, that is to say, by the two councels before passed, of Constance and of Sene, and confirmed by two Bishops of Rome.

Besides this, I haue heard that some doe report at Rome that I could not call the Prelates vnto the councell, because that clause was not added in the Bul of Pope Martine. I greatly meruaile why this shuld be obiected, specially seeing that, not I alone, haue cal∣led them, but I to gether with the rest, which are here assembled in the coucel. It is a maruelous matter, Pope Martin gaue me au∣tority by the aduice of the councel to rote out heresies, to pacifie kingdoms, to reforme the maners of euery state of christendome, & yet they wil say that I can not cite them. Power is geuen me to iudge & to condemne, and haue I not also power to cite? The law doth say, vnto whom any power or iurisdiction is committed, all things seme to be committed vnto him, without the which he cā¦not exercise his iurisdiction, for howe coulde all the premisses be done, if the Prelates or others shuld not come hither? Also why is it said in the chapter, Ego enim de iure iurando? I will come vnto the Sinode if I be called, if he can not be called: By whome then is it presupposed that he shuld be called but only by the councel, or by him which ruleth the councell? Also the whole 18. distinction intreateth of no other matter, but that the bishops being called vnto the councel, if they come not, that they may be excommuni∣cate and suspended. Let these men read the boke of councels of S. Isidore, and they shall finde howe that in many councelles the Prelates haue bene called by the Sinode. Nowe it remaineth, that we shuld declare, whether the dissolutiō be of force or no. Wher∣in I do againe feare to moue your holines vnto anger. But charity forceth me therunto, for peraduenture, your holines doth thinke the dissolution to be effectual, & therfore do perseuer in it, wher∣by, for somuche as many offences may rise, my conscience doeth moue me, not to hold my peace. First of all the chapter: Frequens, declareth that it is not of force, for if prorogation be forbidden & prohibited, which is a smal mater, much more is dissolutiō, which is a greater matter, for it is a greater matter to take away then to defer, for by proroging, a thing is but deferred, & by dissoluing it is vtterly taken away. Also these men say, that the said cōstitution in the chapter Frequens, may be made void, for somuch, assone as the councel is begon, it may be dissolued without any thing don, as it is said that it was done at Senes, and nowe they say also that your holines hath ben peruersly informed touching the dissoluti∣on. They say also that the sayd dissolution doth manifestly tend to the subuersion of faith, the ruine of the church, and the trouble of the christian people. Therfore it can not be done, neither obeid.

They say moreouer that the said dissolutiō could not be made, by meanes of a certen decree of the councel of Constance in that behalfe prouided. That in such matters as pertaine vnto faith, the extirpation of sinne, and reformation of the church in the head & in the members, that all men of what estate or condition so euer they be, yea the Pope himself shuld be bound to obey the statutes, precepts, and ordināces of euery general councell, & except they did obey to punish them. Marke how that these things to haue po∣wer to determine vpon any man, to commaund him and punish him, if he be not obedient, are signes of superioritye, in those mat∣ters which he doth decree, command or punish, and to be bound to obedience, to be subiect and obey the same, are signes of infe∣riority in the said cases. Ergo, in the foresaid cases, seeing that the Pope as they say, is vnder the coūcel, which also hath ben. In that for one of the said 3. cases the councel did depriue Iohn, & for the other Benedict, neither coulde the Pope dissolue the councell, in that he is inferior vnto the councel, cannot bind or cōpel the su∣perior. As in the chapiter Cum inferior, otherwise it shoulde con∣taine in it a contradiction, that hee is bounde to obey, and is not

bound to obey, because he may dissolue, for howe should he be o∣bedient vnto the ordinance and decree of the councell, if he may anihilate and take away the same ordinaunce and decree. Thys councell is cōgregate for the rooting out of heresies, for the ma∣king of peace and reformation of maners, and in the first Session it did ordeine, that their whole intent and respect should be there∣unto, and that he which should procure to let the coūcell, to pro∣roge or alter it, should be punished and haue processe against him as against a common disturber of the peace. &c. If it may be dis∣solued it is euident that they doe not obey the saide ordinaunce, whereby this also must of necessity be graunted, that if it may be dissolued, the decree of the councell of Constance is of no force.

This is also proued by an other reason. No man doubteth but if any controuersie of heresie shoulde be mooued against any Bi∣shop of Rome, that he coulde not dissolue the Councell: For if he might dissolue the councell he could not be iudged, whych were cōtrary to the cha. Si Pa. dist. 40. Ergo, like as it is inheresy, so is it in the two other cases. For these three were pacified by the coūcel of Cōstance, for thus speaketh the councel. As it is in the Chapter, Si Papa in illo vno. And as I haue before saide, the Councell of Constance, allowed this decree, thorow the which they depriued Peter de Luna, for making of a Schisme, and Pope Iohn for the de∣formitie of his life.

And all be it there be certaine lawes that say, the principall seat can not be iudged of any man, and againe, no man iudgeth the chiefe seate. And no man sayth vnto him selfe why doest thou so. There are to be vnderstande in these three cases, first that there was prouiso made for the faith in the chapter Si Papa, and in the other two poynts by the decree of Constance. Otherwise it shuld be vnderstande, without any exception, that the first seate. &c. and then the chapter Si Papa. 40. Distinct. and the sayd decree of Con∣stance shoulde be false. If the chapter Si Papa had added causes of heresies, no man would haue doubted vpon these two cases, tou∣ching the sayd sentence, so likewise no man ought to doubt of the decree of the councell, that it was made by the authoritie of the Pope, and representeth the vniuersal church, and if any man wold say, that in all councels the authoritye of the Pope is excepted, I aunswere that it is true, when as the persone of the Pope is not specially included. But if hee be specially included, he can not be excepted, because it should sauour of contradiction. Most blessed father, God is my witnesse, that I haue spoken these thinges wyth great anguish and sorowe of minde, but I am forced so to speake, that your holinesse may cease from the saide dissolution, lest there might happen infinite euels in the church of God. If your holines did see my pure mind, my vpright conscience, and entier affecti∣on towardes you, whereby I am mooued to wryte those thinges, euen for very loue you would embrace and kisse me, and wythout doubt loue me as your owne sonne, I haue often sayde and nowe doe say and protest before God and mā, that you wil be the cause of Schisme and infinite mischieues▪ if you doe not alter & change your minde and purpose. Almighty God preserue your holinesse in the prosperity of a vertuous man. Vnto whose feete, I do moste humbly recommend me.

From Basil the 5. day of Iune.

Thus endeth the Epistle of Cardinal Iulian wrytten vnto Pope Eugenius. Wherein for so much as mention is made, howe that the Bohemians had promised to sende their Ambassadours vnto the Councell, and as before is partly touched in the Bohemian storie, their commyng in∣to Basill, and propounding of certaine articles, wherein they dissented frō the Pope, we doe not thinke it any thing differing from our purpose, to annexe a briefe Epitome, declaring the whole circumstance of their Ambassade, their articles, disputations and answeres, which they had at the sayd councell of Basil, with their petitions and answeres vnto the same. Faithfully translated out of Latin by F.W.

In like maner Aeneas Syluius also with his owne hand and wryting, not onely gaue testimony to the authoritie of thys councell, but also bestowed his labour and trauaile in setting foorth the whole storie thereof. Notwythstanding, the same Syluius afterward being made Pope, wyth hys new honour, did alter and change his olde sentence, the E∣pistle of which Aeneas, touching the commendation of the sayde Councel, because it is but short, and will occupy but litle roume, I thought heere vnder, for the more satisfying of the readers minde, to inserte.

An Epistle of Aeneas Syluius, to the Rector of the Vniuersitie of Colen.

* 7.1TO a Christian man, whiche will be a true Christian in deede, nothing ought to be more desired, then that the sinceritie and purenes of faith, geuen to vs of Christ by our forefathers, be kept of all men immaculate: and if at any time, any thing be wrought or attempted against the true doctrine of the Gospell, the people ought with one consent, to prouide lawfull remedy, & euery man to bring with him some water to quench the general fire: Neither must we feare how we be hated or enuied, so we bring the truth. Wee must resist euery mā to his face, whether he be Paul or Peter, if he walke not directly to the truth of the Gospell, which thing I am gladde, and so are we all, to heare that your Vniuersitie hathe done in this Councell of Basill. For a certaine treatise of yours is brought hether vnto vs, wherein you reprehend the rudenesse, or rather the rashnesse of such, which do deny the Bishop of Rome, and the Consistorie of his iudgement, to be subiecte vnto the ge∣nerall Councell,* 7.2 and that the supreame tribunall seate of iudge∣ment, standeth in the Church, and in no one Bishop. Such men as deny this, you so confound with liuely reasons and trueth of the Scriptures, that neither they are able to slide away like the slip∣pery Eeles, neither to cauill or bring any obiection againste you. These be the wordes of Siluius.

Furthermore,* 7.3 as touching the autority and approbati∣on of the foresayd Councel, this is to be noted, that during the life of Sigismund the Emperour, no man resisted this Councell. Also continuing the time of Charles the 7. the French king, the said Councel of Basil was fully & whol∣ly receiued through all France. But after the death of Si∣gismund, when Eugenius was deposed, and Felix Duke of Sauoy, was elected Pope, greate discordes arose, and much practise was wrought. But especially on Eugenius part, who being nowe excommunicate by the Councell of Basill, to make his part more strong, made 18. new Cardi∣nals. Thē he sent his Orators vnto y^e Germains, labou∣ring by all perswasions to dissolue the councell of Basill, the Germaines at that time were so deuided, that some of them did hold with Felix, and the Councell of Basil: other some,* 7.4 with Eugenius and the Councell of Ferraria: and some were neuters. After this the French king being dead, which was Charles the 7. about the yeare of oure Lorde 1444. the Pope beginneth a newe practise, after the olde guise of Rome,* 7.5 to excite (as is supposed) the Dolphine of Fraunce, by force of armes, to dissipate that Councell col∣lected against him. Who leading an army of xb. M. men in to Alsatia, did cruelty waste and spoyle the countrey: after that, laide siege vnto Basil to expel & driue out the prelates of the Councell. But the Heluetians most stoutly meeting their enemies w^t a small power, did vanquish the French∣men, and put them to sword and flight: like as the Lacede∣monians onely with C C C. did suppresse, and scattered all the mighty army of Xerxes, at Thermopylyae.

Although Basil thus by the valiantnes of the Helueti∣ans was defended, yet notwithstanding the Councell tho∣rough these tumultes,* 7.6 could not continue by reason of the princes Ambassadours, which shronke away, and woulde not tary: So that at lengthe Eugenius brought to passe, partly through the help of Fredericke (being not yet Em∣peror, but laboring for the Empire, partly by his Orators) in the number of whome was Eneas Syluius, aboue mentioned (amongst the Germans) y^t they were content to geue ouer both the councel of Basil and their neutrality.

This Fridericke of Austrich being not yet Emperour,* 7.7 but towards the Empire, brought also to passe, that Felix, which was chosen of the Councell of Basill, to be Pope, was contented to renoūce and resigne his Papacie to Ni∣colaus, the fift, successour to Eugenius, of the which Nico∣laus, the sayde Fredericke was confirmed at Rome to be Emperour, and there crowned. An. 1451.

As these things were doing at Basil, in the meane sea∣son, pope Eugenius brought to passe in his conuocation at Florence,* 7.8 that the Emperour, and the Patriarke of Con∣stantinople, wyth the rest of the Grecians there present, were perswaded to receiue the sentence of the Churche of Rome, concerning the proceeding of the holy Ghost: also to receiue the communion in vnleauened bread, to admitte Purgatorie, and to yeelde them selues to the authoritye of the Romish Bishop. Whereunto notwythstanding, the o∣ther Churches of Grecia would in no wise assent,* 7.9 at theyr comming home: In so much, that with a publike execrea∣tion they did condemn afterward al those Legates, which had consented to these Articles, that none of them shoulde be buryed in Christen buriall: whych was Anno. 1439. Ex•• Casp. Peucer.

And thus endeth the storie, both of the Councel of Ba∣sil, and of the councel of Florence,* 7.10 also of the Emperor Si∣gismund, and of the schisme betwene pope Eugenius, and Pope Felix, and also of y^e Bohemians. The which Bohe∣mians notwythstanding all these troubles and tumultes, aboue said, did rightwel, and were strong enough against all their enemies, till at length, through discord, partly be∣twene the 2. preachers of the old and newe citye of Prage, partly also through y^• discord of the messengers & captains, taking sides one against the other, they made their eune∣mies

strong and enfebled themselues. Albeit afterward, in processe of time, they so defended the cause of their religi∣on, not by sworde, but by argument and disputation, that the Bishop of Rome could neuer yet to this day, remooue the Thaborites, and Citie of Prage, from the communion of both the kindes, nor coulde euer cause them to keepe the conditions, which in the beginning of the Councell, was enioyned their priests to obserue, as testifieth Cochleus. lib. 8. hist. Huss.* 7.11 With whom also recordeth Antoninus, who in 3 part. hist. saith, that the doctrine of the Bohemians, which he termeth by the name of Zizania, did take so deepe roote wyth them, and grewe so fast, that afterwarde, neyther by fire nor sword,* 7.12 it could be extinct. An. 3. part. hist. tit. 22. cap. 10

Concerning the which Bohemians, briefly & in a ge∣nerall summe, to recapitulate their whole actes & doings, here is to be noted, that they in their owne defence, & in the quarel of Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage, prouoked by their catholike aduersaries to warre, fighting vnder Zisca their Captaine, had eleuen battailes with the Popes side, and euer went away victours.* 7.13 Ex paral. Abb. Vrsp. in Epita∣phio, Ioan. Zisc. Moreouer, in the history of Peucer it is te∣stified that pope Martin 5. sending for the B. of Wint. then Cardinal, had leuied 3. maine armies, intending to ouer∣runne al the Bohemians: one army of the Saxons, vnder the prince Elector, the seconde of the Francones, vnder the Marques of Brandeburge, the thirde of Renates, Baua∣rians and Suechers, vnder Octo archb. of Treuers. With these, Sigismund also the Emperor, and Cardinal Iulian the popes Legate (who at last was slain in war, and being spoiled of all his attire, was left naked in the fielde) ioyned al their force. Who ioyning together 5. times (sayth the sto∣ry) which 5. sondry battailes,* 7.14 assailed and inuaded the Bo∣hemians: at euery which battail, 5. times the sayd aduersa∣ries stroken and daunted with a sodain feare, ranne away out of the field, leauing their tents w^e all their implements and furniture behind them, before any stroke was geuen. Ex Casp. Peuc. lib. 5.* 7.15 Whereby it may appeare, the holy aun∣gels of God to fight for them which embraced the syncere doctrine of Christes gospell.

Thus the Bohemians through the mighty protection of almighty God, cōtinued a long time inuincible, during all y^t life of Zisca, & also of Procopius, til at length through discord growing betwene them & theyr captains Procopi∣us & Mainardus, they were subdued vnto their enemies.

* 7.16And heere by the way is not to be omitted the wicked and cruel facte of Mainardus, who after the death of Pro∣copius, thinking to purge the realme of Boheme of those chiefe and principal soldiours, which had bene long expert and trained vp in warres, found meanes by a proclamati∣on made, as though he woulde warre against other coun∣treis of their eunemies bordering about them, craftily to traine all them which were disposed to take wages, into certaine barnes or houels, prepared for the same purpose, and so shutting the dores vppon them, the wicked dissem∣bler set fire vpon them, & brent of them diuers thousands, and so brought the rest by that meanes, vnder subiection to the Emperor during his lyfe time, which after that con∣tinued not long.* 7.17 Ex Aene. Syl. The which soldiours, if they had fought so much for the catholike liberties of the Pope and his churche, as they had fought against him, it is mar∣tyrs. But they that kill with the sword (sayeth Christ) shall perish with the sword. Notwithstanding, the cruell deceit of Mainardus, is worthy of all men to be detested.

* 7.18During this businesse among the bishops beyonde the sea in the meane time our bishops here also in Englande, were not vnoccupied. Whether it be y^e nature of the coun∣trey that so geueth: or whether y^e great liuings and welthy promotions of the clergy, do draw w^e them a more insensi∣ble vnto wardnesse in Gods religion, hard it is to say: this is manifest to all them which will read and marke our sto∣ries from time to time,* 7.19 that in Englande is more burning and slaying for Religion and for all other matters: more bloudshed among vs then in any other lande or nation in Christendome besides. After the burning of Rich. Houe∣den, of Nicho. Canon, and of Thom. Bagley priest, aboue recorded, pag. 666. Whom the bishops condemned to death An. 1431. not long after, about the yere of our Lorde 1439. which was the 18. of the raign of king Henr 6. they had an¦other poore man by the backe,* 7.20 named Riche Wicke Priest, mentioned both in Rob. Fabian and also in another olde english chronicle borowed of one Perminger.* 7.21 What his o∣pinions were, they do not expresse, This they recorde, that this Rich, wich first was degraded then burned at the to∣wer hil for heresy. Some do a arm that he before his death reuolted, but that seemeth by his burning, not to be !!!.

It is also testified of him, that before his death, he spake (as prophesying) that the posterne of the tower shuld sink,

[illustration]

which also afterward came as he said to passe, wherfore of many of the people he was counted for an holy man:* 7.22 In so much that (as it is affirmed) they came to y^e place where he was burnt, and there made their oblations and prayers, and areired a great heap of stones, and set vp a crosse there by night: so that by this meanes a great clamor ran vppon the Churchmen, and especially vppon suche as put hym to death. Then to cease the rumor, the king gaue commande∣ment to punish such, as went thether on pilgrimage. The copy wherof is here to be sene as foloweth.

Rex vicecomitibus London. & Midd. salutem. Albeit Richard Wyche late clearke, who heretofore long sithence heretically did hold, teach, & publikely preache certaine heresies and erroneous opinions in many places within our realme of England. And for the same many yeares nowe past being iudicially conuicted, did before a iudge in that behalfe sufficient abiure all heresy general∣ly, and afterward as a dogge returning to his vomit, did presume to maintain, teach, & publikely preach his former errors and he∣resies, so that hee was worthely adiudged a Relapse. And againe being impeached for the same before the reuerend father in God Robert B of London his lawfull Ordinarie was called foorth to iudgement, and being before him, did iudicially confesse hys er∣rors and heresies. For the which cause the saide reuerende father, vppon mature deliberation by hym the sayde Reuerende father first had with the aduise of the learned in the lawe, his assistantes lawfully proceeding against the saide Richard did by his sentēce defintiue pronounce and adiudge him to bee a Relapse, and did disgrade him from the order and dignitie of Priesthoode, & tooke from him all priestly ornaments, and depriued him of all priestly function and Priuiledge (according to iustice) and last of all tur∣ned him ouer to the secular power as the manner is: And after∣wards you, by our Princely commandement and warrant did ac∣cording to the lawe of oure realme for his last punishment con∣sume the body of the sayd Richard to ashes, being a Relapse con∣uict, and disgraded as a notorious traitour, not only against God, but also against vs and our crowne and dignity. All which not∣withstanding certaine our subiects (as we haue ben sundry times enformed) being pricked foreward with a Diabolical spirite, pra∣ctising of all likelihode not only sedition, but also Idolatry with∣in our Realme are not afraide publikely to affirme that the sayde Richard was altogether innocent of heretical prauity Nay rather they do moste shainefully with their vaine deuises, and wickedly conceiued imaginatiōs blase abroad that he was, & died a good, iust and an holy man, and that he doeth many myracles (whereas in deede no suche myracles be done by him.) Which disordinate persones we may well and vpon probable causes repute & deme culpable, not only of heretical prauitie, but also of high treason, and as rebels to our persone, Maiestie, and violatours of the peace and dignity of our Realme, as with all breakers and trespassours against the sacred Canons of the Churche, who dare so presump∣tuously aduenture to worship the said Richard as a Sainct, where∣as it is not lawfull to worship any manner of person be he neuer so holy before he be canonised by the authority of the B. of Rome. We therefore being very carefull for the good preseruatiō of our peace, and desirous to abolish from out al the coastes of the same al maner Idolatry, do charge & command you that in certain pla∣ces within your liberties wher you shal think most cōuenient, you cause forthwith proclamatiōs to be made on our behalf, straight∣ly

charging, that no person from hencefoorth presume to resort to the place where the saide Richarde was executed vnder colour of Pilgrime, or for any other cause of deuotion what so euer, nor send any offering thither, nor worship him hereafter openly or se∣cretly, nor adiudge, esteme, repute, name or talke of him as other∣wise iustified or innocent, then such as the said reuerend father by his former definitiue sentence hath pronounced him to be vpon paine and penaltye to be taken and reputed for an hereticke or a fauourer of hereticks, and to receiue condigne punishment pro∣uided for hereticks. And that you arrest all & euery person whom you shall finde to do any thing cōtrary to this our Proclamation, and the same so arested, commit to our prisone, there to remaine vntil we shal thinke good to send countermaund for their deliue∣rance. Witnes the king at his Manor of Estampstede, the 15. day of Iuly in the 18. yere of his reigne.

Per ipsum Regem.

Like writtes, and to the same effect were directed to al the shrines through all the realme bearing all one and the same Date. By the vertue of which letter, the Maior and sheriffes did such diligence, that shortly after, that cōcourse and seking of the people was left of.

* 7.23After the burning of thys man, which was about the moneth of Iune, in the same yere about Nouember, a con∣nocation was called by Henry Archbish. of Cant. wherein was propounded among the clergie, to consult with them selues, what way were best to be taken, for the remoouing a way the law of Premuniri facias, for so were the harts then of the temporalty set against the ecclesiasticall sort, y^t where any vantage might be geuen them by the law, they did no∣thing spare, by reason whereof, the churchmen at that time were greatly molested by the sayd law of Premuniri, and by the kings writtes, and other inditements, to their no smal anoyance, By long consultation and good aduisement, at last this way was taken, y^t a petition or supplicatiō should be drawen and presented to the king,* 7.24 for the abolishing of the foresaid lawe of Premuniri facias, and also for the restrai∣ning of other briefes, wryts, and inditements, which see∣med then to lie heauy vppon the Clergy. This bill or sup∣plication being contriued and exhibited by the Archbish. of Canter, and of Yorke, vnto the king standing in neede the same time, of a subsidie to be collected of the cleargie: thys aunswer was geuen to their supplication on the kings be∣halfe: that for somuche as the time of Christenmaste then drewe neare, whereby he had as yet no sufficient leisure to aduise vppon the matter,* 7.25 he woulde take therein a farther pause. In the meane time, as one tendering theyr quiet, he would send to al his officers and ministers w^tin his realm, that no such briefe of Premuniri, shoulde passe against them or any of them, from the saide time of Christenmas, till the next Parliament. An. 1439. Ex Regist. Cant.

In my former edition of Acts & monuments, so haste∣ly rashed vp at that present, in such shortnesse of time, as in the sayde booke thou mayst see (gentle reader) declared and signified:* 7.26 among many other matters therein contained, there is a shorte note made of one Eleanor Cobham Du∣chesse of Gloucester, & of Syr Roger Onley knight (priest it should haue ben printed,) which two persons, about the yeare of our Lord. 1440. or the next yeare following, were condemned, the one to death, the other to perpetual prison. Of this litle short matter, maister Cope the Popes Scout, lying in priuie wait to spie faults in al mēs works, wher∣so euer any may appeare, taketh pepper in the nose, & fal∣leth againe vnto his olde barking against mee, for placing these foresayd persons in my booke of Martyrs, but especi∣ally he thinketh to haue great vantage against me, for that in the same story, I do ioyne withal, one Margaret Iour∣deman, the witch of Eye, condemned also wyth them the same time, and burned for practising the kings death by an image of waxe, &c. To answere hereunto, first I say (as I before sayde) that I professe no such title to wryte of Mar∣tyrs: but in generall to wryte of rites and Monuments passed in the church and realme of England. Wherein, why should I be restrained from the free walke of a story wry∣ter, more then other that haue gone before me?

Secondly, touching my commendation of Sir Roger Onley, and the Lady Eleanor, if maister Alane be there∣with offended, I aunswer that I commended them for sa∣uoring and fauoring of the truth of Christes doctrine: For the fact, if any such were in them, I do not commend them. And although I did commend them, yet neither did I it w^e any long tarying vppon it, nor yet all together vpon mine owne head, without some sufficient warrant of authoritie. For why may not I as well beleeue Iohn Bale, as M. A∣lane beleue M. Fabian? especially seeing I do knowe, and was priuie, that the saide Iohn in recognising his Centu∣ries, followed altogether the history of Leland. De Catalo∣go virorum illustrium, which booke being borowed of master Cheke, I my selfe did see in the hands of the foresayd Iohn Bale, what time we were both together, dwelling in the house of the noble Lady Duches of Richmond. Wherefore if he thinke me so leud to speake without mine authors, he is deceiued. And if he thinke mine authors not to be belee∣ued, then let thys Nomothetes, or iolly Dictator, come foorth and prescribe vs a law, what authors he would haue vs to take, and what to refuse. For els why is it not as free for me to credite Iohn Bale, and Leland, as for him to credite Robert Fabian, and Edw. Hall, especially seeing they had seene hys bookes and workes left behinde him, wherupon they might better iudge, and so did neuer these?

Thirdly,* 7.27 for the name of Roger Onley, if Cope denie that there was any such name in stories mētioned, but that there was one called Roger Bolingbroke. &c. heereby it may appeare that either his prompter out of England de∣ceiued him, or els that hee going no further but to Fabian and Hall, lacketh no good wil in him, but only a little mat∣ter to make a perfect sycophant. And admit the sayde name of Onley could not be founde in those wryters, yet it were not vnpossible for a man to haue two names, especially if he were a religious man, to beare the name of the towne where he was born, beside his own proper surname. But nowe what if I (M. Cope) can auouch and bring foorth to you the name of Roger Onley out of sufficient recorde, which you seeme not to haue yet read? Haue yee not then done well and properly (thinke you) so bitterly to flee in my face, and to barke so egerly all this while at moneshine in the water, hauing no more cause almoste against me, thē against the man in the Moone? And now least you shoulde thinke me so much vnprouided of iust authority for my de∣fence, as I see you vnprouided of modestie and patience, wryte you to your prompter or suborner (where so euer he lurketh here in England) to sende you ouer vnto Louane the booke of Iohn Harding a Chronicler, more auncient then either Fabian or Hall, printed in the house of Richard Grafton, Anno 1543. where turne to the fol. 223. fac. b. lin. 19. and there shall you finde and reade these wordes.

Againe the Church and the king cursedly: By helpe of one maister Roger Onley. &c.

By the whyche woordes yee must necessarily confesse Roger Onley to be the name of the man, either els must ye needes deny the author. For otherwise that master Ro∣ger Bolingbroke was the onely helper to the Duchesse in that fact, by no wise it can stande with the story of these au∣thors which say, that 4. other besides hym were cōdemned for the same erune.* 7.28 &c. And moreouer thought the sayd Sir R. Onley was no knight (as I haue saide in my former e∣dition) yet this yee cannot deny, by the testimonie of them that haue sene his workes, but that he was a Priest, which you wil graunt to be a knights fellow. And thus much for the name and condition of M. Roger Onley.

Fourthly,* 7.29 as concerning Margaret Iourdeman, whō ye call the witch of Eye, ye offer me herein great wrong, to say that I make her a martyr, which was a wytche: when as I here professe, confesse, and ascertaine both you, and all English men, both present & al posterity hereafter to come, that this Margaret Iourdeman I neuer spake of, neuer thought of, neuer dreamed of, nor did euer heare of, before you named her in your booke your selfe. So farre is it of, that I eyther with my will, or against my will, made any martyr of her.

Furthermore,* 7.30 I professe and denounce in like manner, y^e neither haue you any iust or congrue occasion in my boke so to iudge, much lesse to raile of me. For where, in expresse words I do speake of the mōther of the Lady Yong, what occasion haue you therby to slander me and my boke with Margarete Iourdeman? which Margarete whether shee was a witche or not, I leaue her to the Lorde. As for me, neither did I knowe of her then, nor did I meane of her nowe. But because I couple her in the same story, you say. To this I say, because shee was the mother of a Ladie, I thought to ioyne her w^e an other Lady in the same story, as in one pue together, although in one cause I will not say. And yet notw^tstanding I doe so couple the saide mother w^e the Duchesse, in such distinet difference of yeares, that you M. Cope might casily haue vnderstande, or beside you, no man els would haue thought the contrary, but that Mar∣garet Iouedeman was neither heere in my booke, nor yet many memento. For the wooordes of my storie are playne, whereas the condemnation of the Lady Eleanor, & of the mother of Lady Young being referred to the yeare of our Lord 1441. I doe also in the same story (through the occasi∣on of that Ladie) inforte mention of the mother of the La∣die Yong declaring in expresse woordes,* 7.31 that shee folowed

certayne yeares after, & in the end of that chapter, do name also the yeare of her burning to be. 1490. whiche was 50. yeares after the death of Onely, and Margaret Iourde∣man: by the computatiō of which yeares it is playne, that no other woman could be noted in that place, but only the Lady Younges mother.

But M, Cope continuing still in his wrangling mood obiecteth agayne, for that in my Callendar, the sayd Ladye Younges mother hath the next day in the Catalogue next after the death of Roger Onley, whiche day pertayneth properly to Margaret Iourdeman which was burned the same day in Smithfield, & not to the Ladyes mother, &c.

What order was taken in placing the names & dayes, what is that to me? If he whiche had the disposing of the Catalogue, did place them so in monthes, as he sawe them ioyned in chapiters, not perusing peraduenture nor abui∣sing the chapters, that doth nothing preiudice the truth of my story, which sufficiently doth clare it selfe in distincting thē rightly in names & also in yeares, as is afore declared.

* 7.32Fiftly and lastly, hauing thus sufficiently aunswered to your circumstanunces of persons, names, and times (M. Cope) I will nowe enter to encounter with you concer∣ning the fact:* 7.33 and crime obiected to the Lady Duches, and to the rest: with this protestation before premised vnto the reader, that if the fact be true and so done is reported in y^e histories of Fabian, Halle and harding, I desire the reader then so to take me, as though I do not here deale withall, nor speake of the matter, but vtterly to haue pretermitted, and dispuncted the same. But for somuch as the deed and offence layd and geuen forth agaynst these parties, may be a matter made,* 7.34 & of euil wil compacted, rather then true in deede: therefore I doe but onely moue a question by way of history, not as defending, nor commending nor comme∣morating the thing, if it be true, but onely mouing the que∣stion, whether it is to be iudged true, or suspected rather to be false and forged, and so hauing briefly, propounded cer∣tayne coniectural suspicious or supposals concerning that matter, to passe it ouer, neither medling on the one side nor on the other.

* 7.35The first cōiecture, why it may be possible that this act of treason layd to the charge of the Duches, & Roger One∣ley, agaynst the king, may be vntrue is this: that the sayde Oneley (otherwise named Bolingbroke) tooke it vppon hys death, that they neuer intended any such thing as they were condemned for.

* 7.36The second coniecture: for that the Lady Eleanor, and Onely seemed then to fauour and fauour of that religion set forth by wicklesse, and therefore like enough, that they were ha••d of the clergy. Furthermore what hatred & prac∣tise of Papistes can do, it is not vnknowne.

* 7.37The third coniecture: for that the sayd mayster Roger Onely falsly noted and accused of Nicromancie, wrote a booke in purgation of himselfe, intituled: de Innocentia sua. Also an other booke intituled. Contra vulgi superstitiones, recorded in Centu 8. Bale. cap. 4. Whereupon it is not credi∣ble, that he which wrote professedly agaynst the superstiti∣ons of the people, was ouertaken with that filth of Nicro¦mancie himselfe.

* 7.38The fourth coniecture: because this accusation against the Duches of Glocester, Duke Humfries wife began not before, but after the grudge kindled betweene the Cardi∣nall of Wint. and Duke Humfrey, her Husband.

* 7.39An other coniecture may be hereof, for that, if the Du∣ches had entended any suche haynous treason against the kings life, as by burning of a waxe candle to consume him it is not like (neyther was there anye such neede) that she would haue made so many priuy to such a pernicious cou∣cell, as the Witch of Eye, M. Rog. Bolingbroke, M. Tho. Southwest and Iohn Hume.

* 7.40Sixtly, it is not to be supposed, if anye such hie treason had bene wrought or pretended agaynst the kinges person by these that eyther the Duches should so escape with bea∣ring a taper and banishment, or that Iohn Hume shoulde be pardoned hys life, the fact being so haynous, that ney∣ther any durst aske hys pardon, nor if it had bene asked, it had not bene like to be graunted.

* 7.41To these we may also adde an other supposall, rising vpon the wordes and forme of theyr accusation, as it stan∣deth in Harding: Polychronicon, and other moe, wherein they were accused for working sorcery, and inchantmentes agaynst the church and the king. Now what sorcery can be wronght agaynst the church, that is, the whole multitude of Christians, let the reader iudge, and by the truth of this consider also the truth of the other, which was agaynst the king. Furthermore, if by this Church is ment the Cardi∣nall of Wint, as like it is: then it may be coniecturall, that all this matter rose of that Cardinall, who was then a mortall enemy to the house of Gloucester. &c.

Eightly:* 7.42 And that all this was done and wrought by the sayd Cardinall of Wint. the witch concerning Eye ma∣keth the matter the more suspitious, seeing that towne of Eye as Fabian witnesseth, was neare beside Wintche∣ster, and sea of that Byshop.

Moreouer,* 7.43 for so much as Polydore Virgill, among o∣ther story authors, being a mā as may be supposed, rather fauouring the Cardinalls parte then the Dukes, made no mention at all touching this treason, hys licence therof may minister matter not also to muse, but onely to con∣iecture, that he had found something whiche made hym to miststrust the matter. Otherwise it is vnlike that he wold haue so mewed vp the matter, and passed it ouer without some mention.

Finally and briefly:* 7.44 The frequent practises and exam∣ples of other times, may make this also more doubtfull, cō¦sidering howe many subtile pretences, after like forte haue bene sought, and wrongfull accusations brought agaynst many innocent persons For (not to repeate the like forge∣ries agaynst the Lord Cobham and syr Roger Acron. &c.) why may not this accusation of the Duches and Onley, be as false as that in the time of king Edward the 5. whiche was layd to the charge of the Queene, and Shores wife by the Protectours, for inchaunting & bewitching of his withered arme? which to be false, all the world doth know, and but a quarell made, only to oppresse the life of the L. Hastings & y^e L. standley. &c. And thus mayest thou see, gentle reader, according to y^e wise mans saying: Nihil nouú es••e sub sole•• Nihil que dictum, quod non sit dictum prius. xc.

Althoughe these w^t many mo coniectures, may be al∣ledged in some part of Defence of this Duches, and of her Chaplaines and Priestes: yet because it may be not vnpos∣sible againe, the matter laide against them, to be true, I leaue it therfore at large as I finde it: saying as I saide be∣fore, that if it be true which the stories say in this matter, thinke I beseech thee gentle Reader, that I haue saide no∣thing hereof. Onely, because the matter may bedisputable, and not vnpossible to be false, I haue but moued thereof a questiō,* 7.45 and brought my coniectures, leauing the determi, natiō, and iudgement hereof, to thy indifferent and free ar∣bitrement. And if M. Cope, be so highly offended with me, because in my first edition of Actes and Monumentes I durst name y^e Lady Eleanor Cobham, and Roger Onely: let him take this for a short aūswer, because my leisure ser∣ueth not to make long braules w^t him: y^t if I had thought no imperfectiōs to haue passed in my former editiō before, I would neuer haue taken in hand the recognition thereof now y^t secōd time, wherby to sponge away such motes, as I thought would seeme great stombling blockes in suche mens walkes, which walke with no charitie to edefie: but with malice to carpe and reprehend, neither admonishing what they see amisse in others, neither tarying while other men reforme themselues, & finally finding quarels where no great cause is iustly geuen. And here an end with M. Cope for this time.

Forsomuch as in the processe before,* 7.46 mentiō was tou∣ched concerning the grudge betweene y^e Cardinall, cal••ed the rich Cardinal of Wintchester, and the good duke Hum∣frey duke of Glocester, the kings vncle, and protector of y^t realme: order of story now requireth to open some parte of y^t matter more at large. Wherein this first is to be vnder∣stand, that long before,* 7.47 great flames of grudge and discorde did burst out betweene these two. For as the noble hart of the Duke could not abide the proud doinges of the Cardi∣nall: so much againe the Cardinall in like maner sore enui∣ed & disdayned at the rule of the Duke of Glocester. Not∣withstanding by the meanes of the Duke of Bedford, the brasting out betweene them was before appealed & cured: yet not so, but that vnder imperfect amitie, priuy hatred, as sparcles vnder the imbers, did still remaine: So that the Cardinal, ioyning with the Archbishop of Yorke, attemp∣ted many thinges of their owne presumption, contrary to the consent, not onely of the king (being then vnder age) but also of the protectour & gouernor of the realme. Wher∣with the Duke (like a true harted prince) being not with∣out iust cause offended, declared in writing to the king cer∣taine complaintes contained in 21. Articles, wherein the Cardinall and Archbishop had transgressed,* 7.48 both against the king & his lawes. The tenour whereof, more at large is in other stories expressed, y^e briefe abstract therof follow∣eth in a short summarie here to be seene.

¶ Certaine pointes or articles obiected by the Duke Humfrey, against the Cardinall of Winchester.

* 8.1FIrst complayned to his soueraigne Prince his right re∣doubted Lord duke Humfrey, his vncle and protector of the realm, that the bishop of Winchester, in the dayes of his father king Henry the 5. took vppon him the state of a cardinall, being denyed by the king, saying that he had as liefe set his owne crowne beside hym, as to see him weare a cardinals hatte, and that in Parliamentes, he not beyng contented with the place of a bishop among the spirituall persons presumed aboue hys order, whiche the sayd Duke desired to be redressed.

* 8.22. Item, whereas he being made Cardinal, was voyded of his bishopricke of Winchester, he procured from Rome the Popes Bull, vnknowing to the king, whereby he took agayne his bishopricke, contrary to the common lawe of this realme, incurring therby the case of prouision, and fore¦feiting all his goodes to the king, by the law of premuniri facias.

* 8.33. Item, he complayned that the said Cardinall, with the Archbishop of Yorke, intruded themselues to haue the go∣uernaunce of the king, and the doing vnder the king, of tē∣porall matters, excluding the kings vncle, and other tem∣porall Lordes of the kinges kinde, from hauing know∣ledge of any great matter.

4. Item, whereas the king had borowed of the Cardinall 4000. pounds,* 8.4 vpon certayne Iewels, and afterward had his mony ready at the day to quite his iewels: the Cardi∣nall caused the treasurer to conuert that mony, to the pay∣ment of an other armye, to keepe the Iewels still to hys owne vse and gayne.

* 8.55. Item, he being then bishop of Winchester, and Chan∣cellour of England, deliuered the king of Scottes, vpon his own authoritie, contrary to the act of parliament, wed¦ding his nece afterward to the sayd king. Also where the said king of Scottes shoulde haue payd to the king forty thousand pounds, y^e cardinall procured x. thousand marks therof to be remitted, and yet the rest very slenderly payd.

* 8.66. Item, the sayd cardinall, for lending notable sommes to the king, had the profite of the port of Hampton: where he, setting his seruauntes to be the Customers, wolle and other marchaundise was, vnder that clok, exported not so∣much to his singular vauntage, being the chiefe marchant, as to the greate preiudice of the king, and detriment to his subiectes.

7. Item, the cardinall, in lending out great summes to y^t king, yet so differed and delayed the loane thereof, y^t com∣ming out of season, the same did the king litle pleasure, but rather hinderaunce.

8. Item, where iewels & plate were prised at a 11. thou∣sand poundes in weight,* 8.7 of the sayd Cardinall forfeited to the king: the cardinall for loane of a little peere, gat him a a restorement thereof, to the Kings great dammage, who better might haue spared the commons if the somme had remayned to him cleare.

9. Item, where the kinges father had geuen Elizabeth Bewchampe. CCC. markes of liuelode, with this condi∣tion if the wedded with in a yeare, the Cardinall, notwith¦standing she was maryed two or three yeares after, yet gaue her the same, to the kinges great hurt, and diminish∣ing of hys inheritaunce.

10. Item, the Cardinall hauing no authoritie nor inte∣rest to the crown,* 8.8 presumed notwithstanding to cal before him, like a King, to the kinges high derogation.

11 Item, that the Cardinall sued a pardon from Rome, to be freed from all dismes, due to the Kyng by the church of Winchester, geuing thereby example to the Clergye, to withdraw their disines likewise, and lay all the charge on∣ly vpon the temporaltie, and poore commons.

12. 13. Item, by the procuring of the sayd Cardinall and Archbishop of Yorke, great goodes of the kings were lost and dispended vpon needles Ambassades, first to Arras, then to Calice.

14. Item it was layd to the charge of the sayd Cardinall and archbishop, that by their meanes, goyng to Calice, the ii. enemies of the king, the Duke of Orleance, and Duke of Burgoyne, were reduced together in accorde & alliaunce, who being at warre before betwene themselues, and now cōfederate together, ioyned both together agaynst y^e kings townes and countryes ouer the sea, to the great daunger of Normandy, and destruction of the kinges people.

* 8.915. Item, by the archbishop of Yorke, and the Cardinall perswasiōs were moued opēly in the kings presence, with allurementes and inducementes, that the king shoulde leaue hys right, his title and honour of his crowne, in no∣minating him king of Fraunce, during certayne yeeres, & that he shoulde vtterly absteyne, and be content onely in writing, with Rex Angliae, to the great note and infamye of the king and of all his progenitours.

16. 17. Item, through the sleight and subtlety of the sayde Cardinall and his mate, a new conuention was intended betweene the king and certayne aduersaryes of Fraunce. Also y^e deliueraunce of the Duke of Orleance was appoin∣ted in such sort, as therby great disworship & inconueniēce was like to fall, rather of the kinges side then of the other.

18. Item, that the Cardinall had purchased great landes and liuelodes of the king, the Duke being on the other side the sea occupyed in warres, whiche redounded little to the worship and profite of y^e king:* 8.10 and moreouer had the kinge bound, to make him as sure estate of all those landes by Easter next, as could be deuised by any learned councel, or els y^e said cardinal to haue and enioy to him and his heyres for euer, the landes of the Duchie of Lancaster in North∣folke to the value of 7. or 8. hundred markes by the yeare.

19. Item,* 8.11 where the Duke the kinges vncle, had often∣offered his seruice for the defence of the Realme of France, and the duchie of Normandy, the Cardinall euer laboured to the contrary, in preferring other, after this singular af∣fection: whereby a great part of Normandy hath bene lost.

20. Itē,* 8.12 seeing y^t Cardinall was risen to such riches & trea∣sure, which could grow to him, neyther by his Church, nor by enheritāce (which he then had) it was of necessitie to be thought, that it came by his great deceites, in deceiuinge both the king, and hys subiects, in selling offices, prefer∣mentes, liuelodes, captaynships both here and in y^t realm of Fraunce and in Normandy, so that what hath beu there lost, he hath bene the greatest causer thereof.

21. Furthermore, when the sayd Cardinal had forfeited al hys goods by the statute of prouision,* 8.13 he hauing the rule of the king, and of other matters of the realme: purchased frō the pope a charter of pardon, not onely to the defeating of the lawes of the Realme, but also to the defrauding of the king, who otherwise might and should haue had where w^t to susteine his warres, without any tallage of his poore people. &c.

When the king heard these accusations, he committed y^t hearing therof to his counsaile: whereof y^t most part were spirituall persons.* 8.14 So, what for feare, and what for fauour the matter was wincked at, & delied out, and nothing said thereunto, and a fayre countenaunce was made to y^t Duke as though no displeasure had bene taken, nor malice borne in these spirituall stomaches. But shortly after, the smoke hereof, not able to keepe in any longer within the spiritual brestes of these charitable churchmen, brast out in flames of mischiefe. For vpon the necke of this matter, as witnes∣seth Fabian Polychronicon, and Hall whiche followeth Polych, first ensued the condemnation of L. Elianour the Duches and her Chapleynes,* 8.15 as ye haue heard before. Whereby it may appeare the sayd Duches more of malice, then any iust cause, this to haue bene troubled. Also with∣in vi. yeares after, followed the lamentable destruction of the Duke himselfe, as hereafter more is to be declared.

About which time,* 8.16 or not long after, an. 1443. the stee∣ple of Paules was set on fire by lightening, and at last by dilligent labour of helpers, the fire was quenched.

And after the condemnation of lady Elianour the Du∣ches, aforesayd,* 8.17 within few yeares. an. 1445. followed the death of Henry Chichesley Archbishop of Cant. by whom she was condemned in S. Stephens chappell at Westin.* 8.18 for penaunce to beare a taper through cheapside three son∣dry times, and afterward outlawed to the Ile of Manne, vnder the custody of syr Iohn Standly knight. This Hē∣ry Chichesley builded in hys time, 2. Colledges in the vni∣uersitie of Oxford, the one called Alsolne Colledge, the o∣ther named Barnard Colledge.

Proceeding now to the yeare, wherein suffered Hum∣frey y^t good Duke of Gloucester, which was the yeare of y^t Lord. 1447. first we will begin in few words to intreat of his life & conuersation:* 8.19 then of the maner and cause of hys death. As touching the ofspring and dissent of this Duke, first he was the sonne of Henry the fourth, brother to kyng Henry the fift,* 8.20 and vncle to kyng Henry the sixt, assigned to be the gouernour and protector of his person. Of man∣ners he seemed meeke and gentle, louing the common wealth, a supporter of the poore commons, of wit & wis∣dome discreet and studious, well affected to religion, and a frend to veritie, & no les enemy to pride & ambitiō, especial¦ly in hauty prelates, which was his vndoing in this presēt euil world:* 8.21 And, which is seldome & rare in such princes of y^t calling, he was both learned himselfe: & no lesse geuen to study, as also a singular fauourer & patron to them which were studious & learned. And that my commendation of him may haue the more credite, I wil produce the testimo∣ny of learned writers, who liuing in hys time, not only do cōmend his famous knowledge, and ripenes of learning in him: but also commit & submit their works to his iudge¦ment to be examined. Of whiche writers one is Petrus de

Monte,* 8.22 writing De virtutū & vitiorum differentia: who in his Epistle dedicatory beginning with the singuler commen∣dation of this Duke, and afterward speaking De optima∣rum artium, liberaliumque scientiarum peritia, sayeth thus: Cui tu quidem omni conatu, omni ingenio, atque studio incumbis: adeo vt nihil tibi sine librorum lectione, iocundum gratum, aut certe delectabile videatur. &c. And in further pro∣cesse of his worke, thus he further declareth, saying: Dele∣ctaris autem non vna tantum arte, aut scientia, quanquam & id quidem esset satis: verum fere omnibus, earum{que} codices magna quadam auiditate legisti. &c. Besides this Petrus de Mōte, let vs heare also the iudgement of an other writer of the same age,* 8.23 named Lapiscastellius, who likewise dedicating to the sayd Duke Humfry, his booke intituled Comparatio studi∣orum & rei militaris, amongst diuers other words cōmēda∣tory, hath these as follow: Ad te potissimum mitto, quod ho∣rum te optimum, & sapientissimum iudicem fore existimo, qui vt ex integerrimo pat. domino, Zenone Baiocensi episcopo, homine tuae laudis cupidissimo, accepi: ita in his humanitatis studiis in∣uigilares, vt nullus toto terrarū orbe princeps, nec doctrina, nec eloquentia, nec humanitate tecum comparandus sit. &c. Many other argumentes and places may be brought, to declare what is to be esteemed of the learning and studious wit of this noble Prince.

Furthermore, as the learning of this Prince was rare and memorable, so was the discreete wisedome and singu∣lar prudence in him no lesse to be considered: as for y^e more manifest proofe thereof, I thought here good amongst ma∣ny other his godly doings, to recite one example, repor∣ted as well by the penne of syr Thomas More, as also by M. William Tindall, the true Apostle of these our latter dayes, to the intent to see and note, not only the craftye working of false miracles in the clergye, but also that the prudent discretion of this high and mighty prince, the fore sayd Duke Humfrey, may geue vs better to vnderstand what man he was. The story lyeth thus.

In the yong dayes of this king Henry the sixt, beyng yet vnder the gouernance of this Duke Humfrey his pro∣tector, there came to S. Albones a certayne begger wyth his wife,* 8.24 and there was walking about y^• towne, begging fiue or sixe dayes before the kinges comming thether, say∣ing y^t he was borne blind and neuer saw in his lyfe, & was warned in hys dreame, that he shuld come out of Barwik, where he sayd he had euer dwelled, to seek S. Albon, and that he had bene at his shrine, and had not bene holpē, and therefore he would go and seek him at some other place: for he had heard some say, since he came, that S. Albones body shoulde be at Colon, and in deede suche a contention hath there bene. But of truth as I am surely informed, he lyeth here at S. Albones, sauing some Reliques of him, whiche they there shew shryned. But to tell you foorth, when the king was comen, and the towne full, sodainly this blynde man at S. Albones shrine had hys sight agayne, and a mi∣racle solemnly ronge, and Te Deum song, so that nothing was talked of in al the towne, but this miracle. So happe∣ned it thē, that Duke Humfrey of Glocester, a man no les wife, then also well learned, hauing great ioye to see suche a miracle, called the poore man vnto him, and first shewing himselfe ioyous of Gods glory, so shewed in the getting of his sight, and exhorting him to meekenes, and to no as∣cribing of any part of y^t worship to himself, nor to be proud of the peoples prayse, which would call him a good & god∣ly man therby, at last he looked well vpon his eyne, and as∣ked whether he could see nothing at al, in al his life before. And when as well his wife as himselfe affirmed fastly no, then hee looked aduisedly vpon his eyen againe, and sayd: I beleue you very well, for me thinketh ye cannot see well yet. Yes syr, quod he, I thanke God and hys holy martyr, I can see now as well as any mā. (Yea can (quod y^e duke) what colour is my gowne? Then anon the begger tolde him. What colour (quoth he) is this mans gowne? He told him also, and so forth without any sticking, he told him the names of all y^t colours that could be shewed him. And when the Duke saw that, he had him walke traytour, and made him to be set openly in the stockes: For though he could haue seene sodenly by miracle the difference betwene diuers colours,* 8.25 yet could he not by the sight so sodeinly tell the names of al these coulours, except he had known them before, no more then the names of all the men, that he shuld sodaynly see.

By this may it be seene howe Duke Humfrey had not onely an head to disserue and disseruer trueth from forged and fayned hipocrisie, but study also and dilligence lyke∣wise was in him,* 8.26 to reforme that which was amisse.

And thus much hetherto for the noble prowesse & ver∣tues, ioyned with y^e like ornamentes of knowledge, & lite∣rature shining in this Princely duke. For the which, as he was both loued of the poore commons, and wel spoken of all men, & no les deseruing the same, being called the good Duke of Glocester, so neither yet wanted hee his enemies and priuy enuiers,* 8.27 whether it was through the fatall and vnfortunate lucke of the name of that house which is but a vayn & friuolous obseruation of Polydore, & Halle which followeth hym, bringing in the examples of Hugh Speser of Thomas of Woodstock, sonne of ••. Edward the thyrd of this Duke Humfry,* 8.28 and after o•• king Richard the thyrd Duke likewise of Gloucester: or whether it was that y^• na∣ture of true vertue cōmonly is suche, that as the flame euer beareth his smoke, and the body his shadow: fo•• the bright¦nes of vertue neuer blaseth, but hath some disdayne or en∣uy wayting vpon it: or els whether it was rather for some diuorcement from his wife, or for some other vice or tres∣passe done (as seemeth most like truth) which God as well in dukes houses correcteth, as in other inferiour parsons, especially where he loueth: But howsoeuer the cause is to vs vnknowne, this good Duke of Glocester, albeit beyng both y^t kinges sole vncle, & hauing so many well willers thorough y^• whol realme, yet lacked not hys Sathan: lac∣ked not his secret maligners. Of whom specially was Hē∣ry Beuford Cardinal, Bish. of Wintchester and Chauncel∣ler of England:* 8.29 who of long time disdayning and enuying the rule and authoritie of this Duke: first had disposed and appoynted himselfe, to remoue the kings person from El∣tham vnto Winsor out of the Dukes handes, and there to put in such gouernours,* 8.30 as him listed. After that, entēding the Dukes death, he set men of armes and Archers at the end of London bridge, and for barring the hye waye wyth a draw chain, set men in chambers, sellers and windowes with bowes and arrowes and other weapons, to the pur¦posed destructiō both of the duke & his retinue, if God had not so disposed, to turne his iourny an other way. Beside other manifold iniuries and molestations, the Ambitious Cardinall, seeking by all meanes to be Pope, procured such trouble agaynst him, that great deuision was thereby in the whole Realme: in somuch that all the shops within y^• city of London, were shut in, for feare of the fauourers of these two great personages, for each part had assembled no small number of people. For the pacifying whereof y^t arch∣bishop of Caunterbury, and the Duke of Dumber, called the prince of Portingall, rode 7. tymes in one day betwene those two aduersaryes. Such were then the troubles of this tumultuous diuision within the realme, and al by the excitation of this vnquiet Cardinall.

Ouer and beside,* 8.31 this Cardinall afore mentioned, an o¦ther Capitall enemy to the said Duke, was William de la Pole, first Earle, then Marques, at last Duke of Suffolke a man very ill reported of in storyes, to be not only y^t orgā & instrument of this good mans death, but also to be the noyance of the common wealth, & ruine of the realme. For by him and hys onely deuise, was first concluded the vn∣profitable and vnhonourable mariage betweene the kyng & Lady Margaret daughter of y^e Duke of Angeow:* 8.32 where as the king had concluded & contracted a mariage before w^t the daughter of the Earle of Armi••••k, vpon conditions so much more profitable and honourable, as more conue∣nient it is for a Prince to mary a wise with riches & frends then to take a mayd w^t nothing, & disherite himselfe, & hys realme of old rightes, & ancient inheritance, which so came to passe. And all this the good Duke did well foresee, & de∣clared no lesse: but hys counsel would not be taken. Wher∣upon followed first the geuing away the Duchy of An∣geow: & the Citie of Mayne, with the who••e Country of Mayne, to Reyner Duke of Angeow & father of the Da∣mo••ell, called then K. of Sicile & of Hierusalē, hauing ther¦of no peny profite, but onely a vayne name to play withal.

An other sore enemy and mortall plague to this Duke was the Queene her selfe,* 8.33 lately before maried to the king. Who being of haute stomack, and all set vpon glory of wit and wilynes lacking nothing, and perceiuing her husband to be simple of wit, and easy to be ruled, tooke vpon her to rule and gouerne both the king & kingdome. And because the aduise & counsaile of Humfrey duke of Glocester, was somewhat a stay that her authoritie and regimēt could not so fully proceede, and partly because the sayd Duke before dyd disagree from that mariage, this manly women and couragious Queene ceased not by all imaginations and practises possible,* 8.34 to set forwarde his destruction, hauing also for her helper herein the Duke of Buckingham. &c.

These being his principall enemies and mortall foes,* 8.35 fearing least some commotion might arise, if such a Prince so ueare the kinges bloud, and so beare to the people, & of all men so beloued, shold be openly executed & put to death, deuised how to trap him, and circumuēt him vnknowing and vnprouided. For the more speedy furtherance wherof,

a Parliament was sūmoned to be kept at Bery,* 8.36 an. 1447. sacre ••rom the citizens of London, as William Lindall in his booke of practise,* 8.37 writeth. Where resorted all the peres of the realme, and amongst them the Duke of Gloucester, thinking no harme to any man, & lesse to himselfe. Who on the second day of the Ses••on, was by the Lord Beamonde high Constable then of Englande, accompanied with the Duke of Buckingham and other, arrested, apprehended, and put in ward, and vpon the same all his seruaunts dis∣charged and put from him, of whome 32. of the principall being also vnder arrest, were dispersed into diuers prisōs to the great murmuring and greuance of the people. After this arrest thus done, and the Duke put in to Warde, the night after (saith Halle) 6. nightes after (sayth Fabian and Polychron,* 8.38 he was found dead in hys bed the 24. of Febru¦ ary and his body shewed to the Lordes and Commons, as though he had bene taken naturally with some sodayne disease. And although no woūd in his body could be seene: yet to al indifferent persons it might wel be iudged, that he dyed of no naturall pang, but of some violent hand. Some suspected him to be strangled, some that a whole spytt was priuily forced into his body, some affirme y^t he, was styfe∣led betweene to fether beds. After the death of this Duke, and hys body being enterred at S. Albons, after he had po¦litikely by the space of 25. yeares gouerned this realme, 5. of his housholde to wit, one knight, 3. Esquiers, and a Yeoman, were arreigned, & conuict to be hanged, drawn & quartered. Who being hanged and cut downe halfe aliue, y^e Marques of Suffolke, there present shewed the charter of the kinges pardon, and so they were deliuered. Notwith∣standing, all this could not appease the grudge of the peo∣ple, saying that the sauing of the seruauntes, was no a∣mends for the murdering of the mayster.

In this cruell facte of these persons, which did so con∣spire and consent to the death of this noble man,* 8.39 & whiche thought thereby to worke their owne safety, the meruai∣lous work of gods iudgement, appeareth herein to be no∣ted: who as in all other like cruell pollices of mā, so in this also turned al theyr pollices clean contrary. So that where y^• Queene thought most to preserue her husband in honor, and her selfe in state, thereby both she lost her husband, her husband lost his realm, the realm lost Angeow, Normādy the Duchy of Aquitane, with all her partes beyond y^t sea, Calice only except, as in sequele of the matter, who so will read the storyes, shall right well vnderstand.

The next yeare following, it followed also, that y^t Car∣dinall, who was the principall artificer and ringleader of all this mischiefe,* 8.40 was suffered of God no lōger to liue.* 8.41 Of whose wicked conditions being more largely set foorth in Edward Halle, I omitte here to speake. What he himselfe spake in his deathbed for example to other, I thought not best to pretermit. Who hearing that he shuld dy, & that ther was no remedy, murmured & grudged, wherfore he shuld dye,* 8.42 hauing so much riches, saying: that if the whole realm would saue hys life, he was able either by pollicy to get it, or by riches to buy it: adding & saying moreouer, fit (quod he) will not death be hyred? nor will money doe nothing? whē my nephew of Bedford dyed, I thought my selfe halfe vp the wheele, but whē I saw mine other nephew of Glo∣cester deceassed, then I thought my selfe able to be equal w^t kinges, and so ought to encrease my treasure, in hope to haue worne the triple crown. &t. Ex Edou Hallo. And thus is the rich byshop of Winchester, with all his pompe and riches gone, with the which riches, he was able not onely to build scholes, colledges and Uniuersities, but also was able to susteine the kinges armies in warre (as is specified in storyes) without any taxing of the commons.

* 8.43In whose seate next succeeded William Wanflet, prefer¦red to the byshopricke of Winchester who though he had lesse substaunce, yet hauing a minde more godly disposed, did found and erecte the Colledge of Mary Magdalen in Oxford.* 8.44 For the which foundation, as there haue ben, and be yet many studentes bound to yeld gratefull thanks vn∣to God, so I must needes confesse my selfe to be one, except I will be vnkinde.

Among y^t other mischieuous aduersaries which sought and wrought the death of Humfrey Duke of Gloucester, next to the Cardinall of Winchester (who,* 8.45 as is sayd, dyed y^t next yere following) was William de la Pole, Marques of Suffolk, who also liued not long after, nor long escaped vnpunished. For although he was highly exalted, by the meanes of y^e Queene (whose maryage he onely procured) vnto y^e fauour of y^e king, & was made Duke of Suffolke, & magnified of the people, and bare the whole sway in the re¦alme, whose actes and facts his vayne glorious head cau∣sed also by the assent of the commons, to be recorded, & sub∣stantially to be registred in the rolles of the Parliament, for a perpetuall renowne to him,* 8.46 and all his posteritie for euer: yet notw^tstanding the hand of Gods iudgement still hanging ouer hym, he enioyed not long this his triūphant victory. For within 3. yeares after the death and ruine of y^e Cardinall, the voyces of the whole commons of England were vtterly turned against him, accusing him in the Par∣liament at the blacke Fryers, for deliuery of the Duchye of Angeow, and Barledome of Maine: also for the death of y^• noble Prince Humfry Duke of Glocester. They unputed moreouer to hym the losse of all Normandye, saying vnto him that he was a swallower vp and consumer of y^• kings treasure,* 8.47 the exp••iler of al good and vertuous counsaylers from the king, and aduancer of vicious persons, apparant aduersaryes to the publicke wealth: so that he was called in euery mouth a traytour, a murderer, and a robber of the kinges treasure.

The Queene, albeit she tenderly loued the Duke, yet to appease the exclamation of the commons, was forced to committee hym to the tower, where he, with as much plea∣sure and liberty as could be, remayned for a month whiche being expired, he was deliuered and restored agayne into his old place, & former fauour with the kyng: where at the people more grudged then before. It happened by the oc∣casion of a commotion then beginning amongest the rude people, by one whom they called Blewbeard, that the par∣liament, was for that tyme, adiourned to Leycester, think∣ing to the Queene, by force and rigour of lawe to rep••esse there the malice and euill will conceiued against the duke. But at that place few of y^• nobilitie would appeare, Wher∣fore it was againe reiourned vnto Londō, & kept at West∣minster, where was a whole company, & a ful appearance with the king and Queene, & with them the duke of Suf∣folke, as chiefe counsailour. The commons not forgetting their old grudge, renewed agayn their former articles and accusations agaynst the sayde duke, agaynst the byshop of Salisb.* 8.48 & syr Iames Fynics, Lord Say, and other. When the kyng perceaued y^• no glosing nor dissimulation would serue to appease the continual clamour of the importunate cōmons, to make some quiet pacificatiō, first he sequestred from hym the Lord say, treasurer of Englande, & other the Dukes adherentes from theyr offices. Then he put in exile the Duke of Suffolke, for the terme of 5. yeares, supposing by that space the furious rage of y^• people would asswage.

But the hand of God woulde not suffer y^t giltles bloud of Humfrey Duke of Glocester,* 8.49 to be vnreuenged, or that flagitious person further to continue. For whē he shipped in Suffolke, intending to be transported into Fraunce: he was encountred with a shippe of warre belonging to the tower: whereby he was taken, and brought into Douer rode, and there on the side of a ship boat, one strake of his head: which was about the yeare of our Lord. 1450.

And thus haue ye heard the full storye, and discourse of Duke Humfrey, and of all hys aduersaries, also of Gods condigne punishment vpon them for their bloudy cruelty. But before I remoue from the sayde story of the foresayde Duke, and of the proud Cardinall his enemy, I will hers by the way, annexe a certaine instrument by the kyng and aduise of his counsayle, made agaynst the sayde Cardinall, taking vpon him to enter into this realme, as Legate frō the Pope, contrary to the old lawes and customes of thys realme, as by the wordes of the sayd instrument here in Latine may well appeare.

In Dei nomine Amen, Per presens publicum instrumentum cunctis appareat euidenter quod an. Dom. 1428.* 8.50 Indictione se∣ptima pontificatus Sanct. in Christo pat. & D. nostri D. Marti∣ni &c.

Ego Richardus Candray, procurator & nomine procuratorio Christianissimi principis Domini Henrici, Dei gratia Regis An∣gliae & Franciae, & Domini Hiberniae, Domini mei supremi, de as∣sensu pariter & aduisamento Illustris & potentis Principis Hum¦fridi Ducis Gloucestriae, Comitis Penbrochiae, protectoris & de∣fensoris regni Angliae, & Ecclesiae Anglicanae, & caeterorum do∣minorum meorum de consilio suae Regiae celsitudinis, ac consiliū eiusdem facientiū & hac vice representantiū, dico, allego, & in his scriptis propono, quod dictus Christianissimus, princepsdominus meus supremus, sui{que} inclytissimi progenitores dicti regni An∣gliae Reges, fuerunt & sunt, tam speciali priuilegio: quam consue∣tudine laudabili legitime{que} praescripta, nec non a tēpore & per tē∣pus (cuius contrarij memoria hominum non existat) pacifice & inconcusse obseruata, sufficienter, dotati legitime{que} muniti, quod nullus Apostolicae se dis Legatus venire debeat in regnum suum Angliae, aut alias suas terras & dominia, nisi ad Regis An∣gliae pro tempore existentis vocationem, petitionem, requisitio∣nem, inuitationem, seu rogatum: Fuerunt{que} & sunt dicti Christia∣nissimus princeps dominus meus supremus ac sui inclyti proge∣nitores huiusmodi Reges Angliae, in possessione quasi iuris &

facti priuilegij, & consuetudinis praedictorum, abs{que} interruptio∣ne quacun{que}, toto & omni tempore supradicto, pacificè & quiete Romanis pontificibus per totum tempus supradictum, praemis∣sa omnia & singula, scientibus, tolerantibus, & iisdem consentiē∣tibus tam tacite quam expresse, ac extra omnem & omnimodam possessionem, quasi iuris & facti, Legatū huiusmodi (vtpraefertur) in regnum Angliae aut alias suas terras et dominia mittendi, nisi ad vocationem, petitionem, requisitionem: & Rogatum Regis An¦gliae, pro tempore existentis. Et quia reuerendis. in Chri. pat. & D. D. Henricus Dei gratia &c. sancti Eusebij praesbyter, Cardinalis sanctaesedis Romanae, Legatum se affirmans, more Legati, insignijs Apostolicae dignitatis vtens, abs{que} vocatione, petitione, requisiti∣ne, inuitatione, aut rogatu Christianissimi domini nostri Regis praedicti, inclytum regnum Angliae de facto est ingressus, prote∣stor igitur palam, & publico in his scriptis nomine & vice quibus supra, ac omnium ipsius domini nostri Regis subditorum, quod non fuit, aut est intentionis, praefati Christianiss principis, domi∣mini supremi, ac dictorum dominorum meorum de cōsilio in de∣rogationem legum, iurium, consuetudinum, libertatum & priuile∣giorum dicti D. nostri Regis ac regni, ingressum huiusmodi dicti reuerendiss. patris, vt Legati in Angliam, authoritate ratificare, vel approbare, seu ipsum vt Legatum sedis Apostolicae in Angliam, contra leges, iura, consuetudines, libertates & priuilegia praedi∣cta quouismodo admittere seu recognoscere: aut exercitio lega∣tionis suae huiusmodi, aliquibusue per ipsum, vt Legatum sedis A∣post. actis, seu agendis, attentatis, seu attentandis, aduersus prae∣missa, leges, iura, consuetudines, libertates, & priuilegia, in aliquo consentire, sed dissentire: sic{que} dissentit dictus domin•• noster Rex, at{que} dissentiunt dicti domini mei de consilio, per presentes &c,

The summe and effecte whereof in Englishe is this, that in the yeare of our Lord. 1428. as the King with Duke Humfrey Lord protectour,* 8.51 & the rest of the counsayle, were in the Dukes house in the Parish of S. Bennets by Paules warfe, one Richard Candray procuratour, in the kinges name and behalfe did protest and de∣nounce by thys publicke instrument, that where as the kyng and all hys progenitours, kinges before him of thys realme of Englād haue bene heretofo••e possessed tyme out of mynde, with speciall priuiledge and custome vsed and obserued in thys Realme from tyme to time, that no Legate from the Apostolicke sea should en∣ter into thys land or anye of the kynges dominions, without the calling, petition, request, inuitement or desire of the kyng, and for so much as Henry byshop of Wint. and Cardinall of S. Eusebius, hath presumed so to enter as Legat from the Pope, beyng neyther called, sent for, required, or desired by the kyng: therfore the sayd Richard Candray in the kynges name doth protest by this instru∣ment, that it standeth not with the kinges minde or intent, by the aduise of hys counsayle, to admit, approue, or ratifie the cōming of the sayd Legate in anye wise, in derogation of the rightes, cu∣stomes and lawes of this hys realme: or to recognise, or assent to any exercise of this hys authoritie Legantine, or to anye actes, at∣tempted, or hereafter by hym to be attempted in this respect cō∣trary to the foresayd lawes, rightes, customes, and liberties of this Realme, by these presentes. &c.

And thus much as an Apendix, annexed to the story of Duke Humfrey, and the Cardinal of Wint. extracte out of an olde written volume, remaining in the handes of mai∣ster William Bowyer.

¶ The benefite and inuention of Printing.

IN following the course and order of yeares, we find this foresayd yeare of our Lord. 1450.* 9.1 to be famous and me∣morable, for the diuine and miraculous inuention of prin∣ting. Nauclerus,* 9.2 and Wymselingus folowing him, referre the inuention thereof to the yeare 1440. In paralipom. Abba∣tis Vrsp. it is recorded this facultie to be found. an. 1446. Auentinus and Zieglerus do say, an. 1450. The first inuē∣tour thereof (as moste agree) is thought to bee a Ger∣mayne dwelling first in Argentine, afterward Cittizen of Mentz, named Iohn Faustus, a goldsmith. The occasiō of this inuention first was by engrauing y^e letters of y^e Alpha¦bet in mettal: who then laying blacke incke vpon the met∣tall, gaue the forme of letters in paper. The man being in∣dustruous, and actiue, perceiuing that, thought to proceed further, and to proue whether it woulde frame as well in words, and in whole sentences, as it did in letters. Which when he perceaued to come well to passe, he made certayne other of his counsaile, one Iohn Guttemberge & Peter Schafferd, binding them by their othe, to keepe silence, for a season. After x. yeares, Iohn Guttemberge compartner w^t Faustus, began then first to broch the matter at Straus∣brough. The Arte beyng yet but rude, in processe of tyme, was set forward by inuentiue wittes, adding more and more to the perfection thereof. In the number of whome, Iohn Mentell, Iohn Prus, Adolphus Ruschius, were great helpers, Ulrirus ••an•• in latine called Gallus, first brought it to Rome. Whereof y^e Epigram was made.

Anser Tarpeij custos, vigilando quòd alis Constreperes,* 9.3 Gallus decidit vltor adest Vlricus Gallus, nequem poscantur in vsum, Edocuit pennis nil opus esse tuis.

Notwithstanding, what man soeuer was the instru∣ment, without all doubt God himselfe was the ordayner and disposer thereof,* 9.4 no otherwise, then be was of the gifte of congues, and that for a singuler purpose. And well may this gift o•• printing be resembled to the gift of tongues: for like as God then spake with many tongues,* 9.5 and yet all y^t would not turne the Iewes, so now, when the holy ghost speaketh to y^e aduersaries in innumerable sorts of bookes, yet they will not be conuerted: nor turne to the Gospell.

Now to consider to what ende and purpose the Lorde hath geuen this gift of Printing to the earth, and to what great vtility and necessity it serueth, it is not hard to iudge who so wisely perpendeth both the time of the sending, & the sequele which therof ensueth.

And first,* 9.6 touching the time of this faculty geuen to the vse of man, this is to be marked: that when as the By∣shop of Rome, with all the whole & ful consent of the Car∣dinals, Patriarches, Archbishops, byshops, Abbots, Pri∣ours, Lawyers, Doctors, Prouostes, Deanes, Archdea∣cons, assembled together in the councell of Constance, had condemned poore Iohn Hus, & Hierom of Prage to death for heresie, notwithstanding they were no heretickes, and after they had subdued the Bohemians, and all the whole world vnder the supreme authority of the Romish sea: and had made all Christē people abedienciaries & vassals vnto the same, hauing (as one would say) all the worlde at theyr will, so that the matter now was past not only the power of al men, but the hope also of any man to be recouered. In this very time so daungerous and desperate, where mans power could do no more, there the blessed wisedome & om¦nipotent power of the Lord began to work for his church not with sword and tergate to subdue his exalted aduersa∣ry, but with Printing, writing, and reading to conuince darkenes by light,* 9.7 errour by truth, ignorance by learning So that by this meanes of printing, the secret operatiō of God hath heaped vpon that proud kingdome a double cō¦fusion. For where as the byshop of Rome, had burned I. Hus before, and Hierome of Prage, who neither denyed his transubstantiation, nor hys supremacie, nor yet hys Popishe Masse, but sayd Masse, and heard masse themsel∣ues, neither spake agaynst his purgatory, nor anye other great matter of his popishe doctrine, but onely exclaymed agaynst his excessiue and pompous pride, hys vnchristian or rather Antichristian abhomination of life: thus while he could not abide his wickednes onely of life to be touched, but made it heresie, or at least matter of death, what soeuer was spoken agaynst hys detestable conuersation, and ma∣ners, God of hys secret iudgement, seing tyme to helpe his Church, hath found a way by this facultie of Printing, not onely to confound his life, and conuersation, which before he could not abide to be touched, but also to cast downe the foundatiō of his standing, that is, to examine, confute, and detect his doctrine, laws, and institutions most detestable in such sort, that though his life were neuer so pure: yet his doctrine standing, as it doth, no man is so blinde, but may see, that eyther the pope is Antichrist, or els that Antichrist is neare cosine to the pope: And al this doth, and wil here∣after more and more appeare by Printing.

The reason whereof is this: for y^t hereby tongues are knowne,* 9.8 knowledge groweth, iudgemēt increaseth, books are dispersed, the Scripture is seene, the Doctours be read stories be opened, times compared, truth decerned, falshod detected, and with finger poynted, and all (as I sayd) tho∣rough the benefite of printing. Wherfore I suppose that ey¦ther the pope must abolish printing, or he must seek a new world to raygne ouer: for els, as this world standeth, prin¦ting doubtles will abolish hym. But the pope, and all hys Colledge of Cardinals, must this vnderstād, that through the light of printing, the worlde beginneth nowe to haue eyes to see, and heades to iudge. He cannot walke so inui∣sible in a net, but he will be spyed. And although thorough might he stopped the mouth of Iohn Hus before, and of Hierome, that they might not preache, thinking to make his kingdome sure: yet in stede of Iohn Hus & other God hath opened the presse to preach, whose voyce the Pope is neuer able to stop with all y^e puissance of his triple crown. By this printing, as by the gift of tongues, and as by the singular organe of the holy Ghost, the doctrine of the Gos∣pell soundeth to all nations and countryes vnder heauen: and what God reuealeth to one man, is dispersed to many

and what is knowne in one nation, is opened to all.

* 9.9The first and best were for the bishop of Rome, by the benefite of printing, to learne and know the trueth. If he will not, let him well vnderstand that printing is not set vp for naught. To striue against the streame, it auayleth not. What the pope hath lost, since printing and the presse began to preach, let hym cast hys counters. First when E∣rasmus wrote, and Frobenius Printed, what a blow ther by was geuen to all Fryers and monks in the world? And who seeth not, that the penne of Luther following after Erasmus and set forward by writing, hath set the triple crown so awry on the popes head, that it is like neuer to be set streight agayne.

Brieflye, if there were no demonstration to leade, yet by this one argument of printing, the bishop of Rome might vnderstand the counsayl and purpose of the Lord to worke agaynst him, hauing prouided such a way in earth, that almost how many printing presses there be in y^e world so many blockhouses there be agaynst the high castle of S. Angell.* 9.10 So that eyther the pope must abolishe knowledge and Printing, or printing at length will roote him out. For if a man wisely consider the holde and standing of the pope, thus he may repute with himselfe, that as nothing made the pope strong in time past, but lacke of knowledge and ignoraunce of simple Christians: so contrariwise now nothing doth debilitate and shake the high spire of his Pa∣pacie so much as reading, preaching, knowledge & iudge∣ment, that is to say, the fruit of printing: Whereof some ex∣perience we see already, and more is like (the Lord before) to follow. For although, through outward force and violēt cruelty, tonges dare not spake, yet the hartes of men dayly (no doubt) be instructed through this benefite of printing. And though the pope both nowe by cruelty, and in tymes past by ignoraunce, had all vnder hys possession: yet ney∣ther must he thinke, that violence will alwayes continue, neyther must he hope for that now, which he had then: for so much as in those former dayes, bookes then were scarse & also of such excessiue price, that few coulde attayne to the buying, fewer to y^e reading & studying therof: which bookes now by y^e meanes of this arte, are made easie vnto al men. Ye heard before, pag. 665, how Nicholas Belward, bought a new testament in those dayes for foure markes and 40. pence, where as now the same price will serue well 40. per¦sons with so many bookes.

Moreouer in the pag. 411. col. 1. it was noted and de∣clared by the testimony of Armachanus, how for defect of bookes and good authors, both vniuersities were decaied and good wits kept in ignoraunce, while begging Fryers scaping all the wealth from other priestes, heaped vp all bookes that coulde be gotten, into theyr owne Libraryes: where eyther they dyd not diligently applye them, or els did not rightly use them, or at least kept them from such as more fruitfully would haue perused them.

In this then so great raritie, and also dearth of good books, when neither they which could haue books, would well vse them, nor they y^• woulde, could haue them to vse, what maruell if the greedines of a few prelates did abuse the blindnes of those daies, to the aduauncement of them∣selues? Wherefore, almighty God of hys mercifull proui∣dence, seeing both what lacked in the church, and how also to remedy the same, for y^t aduauncement of his glory, gaue the vnderstanding of this excellent arte or science of prin∣ting, whereby three singular cōmodities at one time came to the world.* 9.11 First, the price of all bookes diminished. Se∣condly toe speedy helpe of reading, more furthered. And thirdly the plenty of all good authours enlarged: accor∣ding as Aprutinus, doth truely report.

Imprimit ille die, quantum non scribitur anno. 1.

The presse in one day will do in printing, That none in one yeare can do in writing.

By reason whereof, as printing of bookes ministred matter of readyng:* 9.12 so readyng brought learning: learning shewedlight, by y^• brightnes wherof blind ignorance was suppressed errour detected, & finally Gods glory, w^t trueth of hys worde, aduaunced. This facultie of Printing was after the inuention of Gunnes, the space of 130. yeares: which inuention was also found in Germany, an. 1380. And thus much for y^e worthy commendation of printing.

¶ The lamentable losing of Constantinople.

* 9.13ANno. 1453. Constantinus Paloelogus, beyng Emperour of Constatinople, the 29. day of the month of May, the great Cittye of Constantinople was taken by the Turke Mahometes,* 9.14 after the siege of 54. dayes, which siege began in the beginning of Aprill. Within the city, beside the Citi∣zens were but onely 6000. rescuers of the Greekes. And 3000. of the Uenetians & Gennues. Against these, Maho∣metes brought an army of 400. thousand, collected out of the countryes and places adioyning nere about, as out of Grecia, Illirico, Wallachia, Dardanis, Triballis, Bulga¦nis, out of Bithynia, Galatia, Lydia, Cecilia, and suche o∣ther: which places had the name yet of Christians. Thus one neighbour for lucre sake, helped to destroy all other.

The Cittie was compassed of the Turkes, both by the sea & land. Mahometes the Turke deuided his armye in 3. sondry partes, which in 3. partes of the citty, so bette the walles and brake them downe, that they attempted by the breaches therof to enter the cittye. But the valiauntnes of the Christians there in wanne much cōmendation, whose Duke was called Iohn Iustinianus, of Genua. But for so much as the assaultes were great, and the number of the Christian souldiours dayly decreased, fighting both at the walles and at the Hauen, agaynst such a multitude of the Turkes, they were not able long to hold out. Beside the armyes which lay battering at the walles, the Turke had vpon the sea his nauy of 200. and 50. sayle, lying vpon the hauen of the City, reaching from the one side of the hauens mouth vnto the other, as if a bridge should be made frō the one banke to the other. Which hauen by the cittizens was barred with yron chaines, whereby the Turks were kept out a certayne space. Agaynst whiche nauy 7. ships there were of Genua, within the hauen, and 3. of Creta, and cer∣tayne of Chio, which stoode agaynst them. Also the souldi∣ours issuing out of the Cittie, as occasion would serue, did manfully gaynstand them, and w^t wild fire, set their ships on fire, that a certayn space they could serue to no vse. At length the cheynes being brast, & a way made, the Turkes nauy entred the hauen, and assaulted the Cittie, whereby y^e Turke began to conceiue great hope,* 9.15 and was in forward¦nes to obtain the Citie. The assault and skirmish thē wax∣ing more hoate, Mahometes the tyraunt stode by vppon an hill, with hys warriours about him, crying & houling out vnto them to skale the walles and enter the towne, o∣therwise, if any reculed, he threatned to kill them, and so he did. Wherefore a great number of his souldiours in theyr repulse and retire, were slaine by the turkes men, being sēt by his commandement to slay them: and so they were iust∣ly serued, and well payd theyr hyer.

Although this was some comfort, to the Christians, to see and behold out of the Cittie, the Turkes retinue so con¦sumed, yet that hope lasted not long. Shortly after by rage of warre, it happened Iustinian the Duke aboue named, to be hurt, who notwithstanding that he was earnestly de¦sired by Paloelogus the Emperour,* 9.16 not to leaue his Tower which he had to keepe, seeing hys wound was not deadly daungerous, yet could he not be intreated to tary, but lefte his standing, and his fort disfurnished, setting none in his place to award the same. And so this donghty Duke, hurte more with hys false hart, then with force of weapon, gaue ouer and fled to Chius, where shortly after for sorrow, ra∣ther then for sorenes of wound, he died. Many of his soul∣diours seeing their captayne flee, followed after, leauing their fort vtterly destitute without defence. The Turkes vnderstanding y^• vantage, soone brast into the cittie. The Emperour Paloelogus seeing no other way but to flee,* 9.17 ma∣king toward the gate, eyther was slayne, or els troden down w^t the multitude. In the which gate 800. dead mēs bodies were found and taken vp.

The Cittie of Constantinople thus being gotte, the Turkes sacking and raunging about the streetes houses,* 9.18 and corners, did put to the sword most vnmercifully, whō soeuer they found, both aged and young: matrones, vir∣gins, children, and infants: sparing none, the noble ma∣trones and virgins were horriblye rauished, the goods of y^e cittie, the treasurers in houses, the ornaments in chur¦ches were all sackt and spoyled, the pictures of Christ ap∣probriously handled, in hatred of Christ. The spoyle and hauocke of the citie lasted three dayes together, while y^e bar¦barous souldiours murdered and rifeled what them listed.

These thinges thus being done, and the tumult ceased, after three dayes, Mahometes the Turke, entreth into the Citie, and first calling for the heades and auncientes of thē Citie:* 9.19 such as he found to be left aliue, he commaunded the to be mangled and ••ut in peeces. It is also (sayth my au∣thor) reported, that in the feastes of the Turks, honest ma∣trones and virgins, and such as were of the kinges stocke, after other co••umeties, were he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and cut in peeces for their disport.

And this was the end of that princely and famous 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Constantinople, beginning first by Constantinus, and

ending also with Constātinus:* 9.20 which for the princely roy∣alty therof, was named and euer honoured, from the time of the first Constantine, equally with the City of Rome, & called also by the name thereof new Rome, & so continued the space of 1120. yeares. I pray God that olde Rome may learne of new Rome, to take heed and beware by tyme.

This terrible destruction of the Citty of Constantino∣ple, the Queene of Cittyes,* 9.21 I thought here to describe, not so much to set forth y^e barbarous cruelty of these filthy rake hels and mercilesse murtherers: as specially for this, that we being admonished by the dolefull ruine and misery of these our euen christened, may call to minde the plagues & miseryes deserued, whiche seeme to hang no lesse ouer our owne heades, and thereby may learne betime to inuocate and call more earnestly vpon the name of our terrible and mercifull God, that he for his sonnes sake, will keepe vs, & preserue his church among vs, and mitigate those plagues and sorrowes, whiche we no lesse haue deserued, then these aboue minded, before vs. Christ graunt it. Amen. Ex hist. Wittenbergica Peucer.

The history of Reynold Peeocke Byshop of Chichester, afflicted and imprisoned for the Gospell of Christ.

* 9.22AFter the death of Henry Chichisley before mentioned, pag. 657. next succeeded Iohn Stafford. an. 1445. who continued 8. yeares. After hym came Iohn Kempe. ann. 1453. who sate but three yeares. Then succeeded Thomas Burschere. In the time of which Archbishop, fell the trou∣ble of Reynold Pecocke, Bishop of Chichester, afflicted by the Popes Prelates for hys fayth and profession of the Gospell. Of this Byshoppe, Halle also in his Chronology toucheth a little mention, declaring that an ouerthwart iudgement (as he termeth it) was geuen by the Fathers of the spiritualty agaynst him. Thys man (sayth he) beganne to moue questions not priuatly, but openly in the Uniuer∣sityes, concerning the Annates, Peter pence, and other iu∣risdictions and authorities perteyning to the sea of Rome, and not onely put forth the questiōs, but declared his mind and opinion in the same: wherefore he was for thys cause absured at Paules Crosse. Thus muche of hym wryteth Hall. Of whom also recordeth Polychronycon, but in few wordes. This bishop, first of S. Assaphe, then of Chiche∣ster, so long as Duke Humfrey lyued (by whome he was promoted and much made of) was quiet and safe, and also bolde to dispute and to write hys mynde, and wrote (as Leland recordeth) diuers bookes and treatises. But after that good Duke was thus (as ye haue heard) made away, this good man lacking his backstay, was open to his ene∣mies, and matter soone found agaynst hym. Wherupon he being complayned of, and accused by priuy and malignant promoters vnto the Archbishop, letters first were directed downe from the Archbishop, to cite al men to appeare that could say any thing agaynst hym. The forme of which cita∣tion here ensueth.

The copy of the Citation sent by the Archbyshoppe.

* 10.1THomas by the permission of God, Archb. of Canterbury, pri∣mate of all England and Legate of the Apostolicke Sea, to all and singuler Parsons, Vicares, Chaplaynes, Curates, & not Cu∣rates, Clerkes and learned men, whatsoeuer they be, constitute & ordeined in any place throughout our prouince of Caunterbury, health, grace and benediction.

We haue receiued a greeuous complaint of our reuerend fe∣low brother, Reynold Pecocke Byshop of Chichester, conteyning in it, that albeit our sayd reuerend felow brother, the Byshop, deli∣uered vnto vs certayne bookes written by him in the English ton∣gue, by vs and our authority to be examined, corrected reformed and allowed: notwithstanding many (the examination and refor∣mation of the sayde bookes depending and remayning before vs vndiscussed) haue openly preached and taught at Paules crosse in London, and in diuers other places of our prouince of Canterbu∣ry, that our sayd felow brother the Byshop, hath propoūded, made and written, or caused to be writen in the sayde bookes, certayne conclusions repugnaunt to the true fayth, and that he doth obsty∣nately hold and defend the same.

By the pretence of which preaching and teaching, the state & good name and fame of the sayd Lord Reynolde the Byshoppe; are greeuously offended and hurt, and he and his opinion maruellou∣sly burdened. Wherefore we charge you all together, and seuerally apart do commaund you, firmely enioyning you, that openly and generally you doe warne or cause to bee warned, all and singular such persons, whiche will obiect any thing contrary and agaynst the conclusions of our sayd reuerēd felow brother the Bishop, had or conteined in his bookes or writings: that the 20. day after such monition or warning had, they do freely of theyr own accord ap∣peare before vs and our Commissaryes in this behalfe appoynted wheresoeuer we shall then be in our Citty, Dioces, or prouince of Canterbury, to speake, propound, alledge, and affirme fully & suf∣ficiently in writinge, whatsoeuer hereticall or erroneous matter they wil speak, propound, or obiect agaynst the sayde conclusions conteyned in his sayde bookes: and both to satisfye and receiue, whatsoeuer shall seeme meete and right in this behalfe by the ho∣ly institutions and ordinaunces.

And for so muche as this matter depending yet vndetermined and vndiscussed, nothing ought to be attempted or renewed: we charge you that by this our authority, you inhibite and forbid all and euery one so to preach and teach hereafter. Vnto whom also we by the the tenour of these presents, do likewise forbid, that du∣ring the examination of the conclusions and bookes aforesayde, depending before vs and our Commissaryes vndiscussed, they do not presume by any meanes, without good aduise and iudgemēt, to preach, iudge, and affirme any thing to the preiudice or offēce of the sayd Lord Reynold the Byshop and if so be, you do finde a∣ny in this behalfe gayne saying or not obeying this our inhibitiō, that you do cite or cause thē peremptorily to be cited, to appeare before vs or our Commissaryes, in this behalfe appoynted, the 10 day after theyr citation, if it be a courte day or els the next courte day following, wheresoeuer we shall then be, in our City, Dioces, or prouince of Canterbury, to make further declaration by form of law of the cause of their disobediēce & to receiue such punish∣ment as iustice and equity shall determine in that behalfe: & that by your leters you do duely certify vs or our Commissaries, what you haue done in the premisses at the day and place aforesayd: or that he which hath so executed our commaundement, do so certi∣fie vs by his letters. Dated at our Manour of Lambeth the xxij. day of October. an. 1457 and in the 4. yeare of our translation.

This citation being directed, the Byshop vpon the sū∣mon thereof,* 10.2 was brought, or rather came before y^e iudges and Bishops, vnto Lambeth, where the foresaid Thomas the Archbishop, with his doctors and Lawyers, were ga∣thered together in the Archbishops Court. In which con∣uention also the Duke of Buckingham was present, accō∣panyed with the Bishop of Rochester, and of Lyncolne. What were the opiniōs and articles agaynst him obiected, after in his reuocatiou shall be specified. In his answering for himselfe in such a company of the Popes frendes, albeit he coulde not preuayle, notwithstanding he stoutly defen∣ding himselfe declared many thinges worthye great com∣mendation of learning, if learning agaynste power coulde haue preuayled.

But they on the contrary part,* 10.3 with all labor and tra∣uel, extended themselues, either to reduce him, or els to cō∣found him. As here lacked no blustring wordes of terrour and threatning: so also many fayre flattering wordes and gentle persuasions, were admixt with al. Briefely, to make a short narration of a long and busy trauers, here was no stone lefte vnturned, no wayes vnprooued, eyther by fayre meanes to entreat him, or by terrible manasses to terrifye his mind, till at the length, he being vanquished and ouer∣come by the bishops, began to faynt and gaue ouer. Wher∣upon, by & by a recantation was put vnto him by the By∣shops, which he should declare before the people. The copy of which his recantation here foloweth.

¶ The forme and maner of the retracta∣tion of Reynold Pecocke.

IN the name of God Amen.* 11.1 Before you, the most reuered Father in Christ and Lorde, the Lorde Thomas, by the grace of God, Archbishop of Canterbury, priuate of Eng∣land and Legate of the Apostolicke sea, I Reynolde Pe∣cock, vnworthy Bishop of Chichester, do purely, willyng∣ly, simply, and absolutely, cōfesse and acknowledge, that I in times past, that is to say, by the space of these 20. yeares last past and more, haue otherwise conceiued, holdē, taught and written, as touching the Sacramentes and the Arti∣cles of y^e fayth, then the holy Church of Rome and vniuer∣sall Church:* 11.2 and also that I haue made, written, published and set forth many & diuers pernitious doctrines, bookes, workes, writings, heresyes, contrary and agaynst the true Catholicke, and Apostolicke fayth, contayning in them, er∣rours cōtrary to the Catholicke fayth, & especially these er∣rours and heresies here vnder written.

• 1. First of all,* 11.3 that we are not bounde by the necessitye of fayth, to beleue that our Lord Iesus Christ after his death descended into hell.
• 2. Item, that it is not necessarye to saluation to beleeue in the holy Catholicke Church.
• 3. Item, that it is not necessary to saluation, to beleue the

• communion of Sayntes.
• 4. Item, that it is not necessary to saluation, to affirme the body materially in the Sacrament.
• 5. Item that the vniuersall Churche may erre in matters which perteyne vnto fayth.
• 6. Item, that it is not necessary vnto saluation, to beleue, that that, which euery generall Councell doth vniuersally ordeine, approue, or determine, should necessaryly, for the helpe of our fayth, and the saluation of soules, be approued and holden of all faythfull Christians.

Wherfore I Reynold Pecocke wretched sinner, which haue long walked in darckenesse, and now by the merciful disposition and ordinaunce of God, am reduced & brought agayne vnto the light and way of truth, and restored vnto the vnity of our holy mother the Church: renoūce and for∣sake all errors and heresyes aforesayd.

Notwithstanding (godly reader) it is not to be beleued that Pecocke did so geue ouer these opinions, howsoeuer the wordes of the recantation pretend. For it is a pollicy & play of the bishops that when they do subdue or ouercome any mā, they cary him whither they list, as it were a yoūg Stere by the nose, and frame out his words for him before hand, as it were for a Parate, what he should speake vnto the people: not according to his owne will, but after theyr lust and fantasy. Neither is it to be doubted, but that thys Bishop repented him afterward of his recantation: which may easely be iudged hereby, because he was committed a∣gayn into prison, & deteined captiue, where as it is vncer∣taine, whether he was oppressed with priuy and secret ty∣ranny, and there obteined the crown of Martyrdom, or no.

The Dictionary of Thomas Gascoigne, I haue not in my handes present. But if credite be to be geuen to such as haue to vs alledged the booke,* 11.4 this we may finde in the 8. Century of Iohn Bale. chapter 19. that the sayd Thomas Gascoigne in his third part of his sayd dictionary, writing of Reinold Pecocke, maketh declaration of his articles cō∣teining in them matter of sore heresy. First (saith he) Rey∣nold Pecock, at Paules crosse preached openly, that the of∣fice of a Christen Prelate, chiefly aboue all other things is, to preach the word of God. That mans reason is not to be preferred before the Scriptures of the old and new Testa∣ment. That the vse of Sacraments, as they be now hand∣led, is worse, then the vse of the lawe of nature. That By∣shops which buy theyr admissions of the Bishop of Rome do sinne. That no man is bound to beleue and obey the de∣termination of the Churche of Rome. Also that the riches of Bishops, by inheritage, are the goods of the poore. Item that the Apostles themselues personally were not the ma∣kers of the Creed, & that in the same Creede, once was not the Article he went downe to hell. Item, that of the foure senses of the Scripture, none is to be taken, but the very first and proper sense. Also, that he gaue litle estimation in some poyntes, to the authority of the olde Doctors. Item, that he condemned the wilfull begging of the Friers, as a thing idle and needles. This out of Thomas Gascoigne. Leland also adding this moreouer, sayth: that he, not con∣tented to folow the Catholicke sentence of the Churche in interpreting of the Scripture, did not thinke soundly (as he iudged it) of the holy Eucharist.

At length, for these and suche other Articles, the sayde Reynold Pecocke was condemned for an hereticke by the Archbishops, and Bishops of Rosse. Lyncolne and Win¦chester, with other diuines moe. Wherupon he being driuē to his recantation,* 11.5 was notwithstanding deteyned still in prison. Where some say, that he was priuily made away by death.

Halle addeth that some say, his opinions to bee, that spirituall persons by Gods lawe, ought to haue no tem∣porall possessions. Other write that he sayde, that perso∣nall tithes were not due by Gods lawe. But whatsoe∣uer the cause was, he was caused at Paules Crosse to abiure, and all his bookes brent, and he himselfe kepte in his owne house, during his naturall life. I maruell that Polydore, of this extremity of the Bishops handling, and of his Articles,* 11.6 in his history, maketh no memoriall. Be∣like it made but little for the honestye of his great maister the Pope.

From persecution & burning in England, now out of the way, to digresse a little, to speake of forraine matters of the church of Rome: you remēber before, in y^e latter end of the Councell of Basill,* 11.7 howe Eugenius was deposed. Of whose conditiōs and martiall affayres, how he made war agaynst Sfortia a famous Captaine of Italy, and what o∣ther warres he raised beside, not onely in Italy, but also in Germany, agaynst the City and Councell of Basill, I shal not need to make any long rehearsall. After his depositiō, ye heard also how Foelix duke of Sauoy was elected pope. Wherupō another great schisme folowed in the church du∣ring all the life of Eugenius.* 11.8

After his death,* 11.9 his next successor was pope Nicholas the fift, who (as you before haue heard) brought so to passe with the Emperour Fredericke the third that Foelix was contented to renounce and resigne his papacy to Nicolas, and was therfore of him afterward receiued to the rowme of a Cardinall, for his submission: & Friderick for his wor∣king, was confirmed at Rome to be full Emperor,* 11.10 & there crowned. an. 1451. For Emperors before they be cōfirmed & crowned by the pope, are no Emperors, but onely called kinges of Romaynes.

This Pope Nicholas here mentioned, for to get & ga∣ther great sūmes of mony, appoynted a Iubile in the yeare of our Lorde 1450. at whiche time there resorted a greater number of people vnto Rome, thē hath at any time before bene seene.* 11.11 At which time, we reade in the story of Platina to haue happened, that I thought here not vnworthy to be noted for the example of the thing. As there was a great concourse of people resorting vp to the mount Uaticane to behold the Image of our Sauior, which there they had to shew to Pilgrimes,* 11.12 the people being thicke going to & fro betwene the mount & the City, by chaunce a certayn Mule of the Cardinals of saynt Marke came by the way, by rea∣son whereof the people not being able to auoyde the way, one or two falling vpon the Mule, there was such a prease and throng vpon that occasion on the bridge, that to the nū¦der of two hundred bodyes of men, and three horses, were there strangled,* 11.13 and on each side of the bridge many besides fell ouer into the water and were drowned.

By meanes of which occasiō, the Pope afterward cau∣sed the smal houses to be plucked downe, to make the way broder. And this is the fruite that commeth by Idolatrye. Ex Platin.

In the time of this Pope,* 11.14 one Mat. Palmerius wrote a booke De Angelis, in defending whereof, he was condem∣ned by the Pope, and burned at Corna. an. 1448 Ex Trite∣mio.

After him succeeded Calixtus the thyrd, who amongest diuers other things ordeined both at noone and at euening the bell to tole the Aues,* 11.15 as it was vsed in the popish time, to helpe the souldiours that fought agaynst the Turkes: for which cause also he ordeined the feast of the transfigura∣tion of the Lord, solemnising it with like pardons and in∣dulges, as was Corpus Christi day.

Also this Pope proceding contrary to the Councels of Constance and Basill,* 11.16 decreed that no man should appeale from the Pope to any Councell. By whome also Sayncte Edmunde of Caunterbury with diuers other, were made Sayntes.

Next after this Calixtus,* 11.17 succeeded Pius secundus, o∣therwise called Aeneas Syluius, who wrote the two bookes of Commentaries vpon the Councell of Basill before mē∣tioned. This Aeneas, at the time of the writing of those hys bookes, seemed to be a man of an indifferent and tollerable iudgement and doctrine,* 11.18 from the which he afterward be∣ing Pope, seemed to decline and swarue, seeking by all meanes possible, how to deface & abolish the bookes which heretofore he had written.

¶ Sentences attributed vnto this Pius.

THe diuine nature of God may rather be comprehended by fayth,* 12.1 then by disputation.

Christian fayth is to be considered, not by what reason it is proued, but from whom it proceedeth.

Neyther can a couetous man be satisfied with money, nor a learned man with knowledge.

Learning ought to be to poore men, in stead of siluer, to noble men in stead of golde, and to Princes in stead of pre∣cious stones.

An artificiall oratiō moueth fooles, but not wise men.

Suters in the Lawe, bee as Byrdes, the Courte is the bayte, the Iudges be the nettes, and the Lawyers be the Foulers.

Men are to bee geuen to dignityes, and not dignityes to men.

The office of a Byshoppe is heauy, but it is blessed to him that doth wel beare it.

A Bishop without learning may be likened to an Asse.

An euill Phisition destroyth bodies, but an vnlearned Priest destroyeth soules.

Mariage was taken from Priestes,* 12.2 not without great reason, but with muche greater reason it ought to be resto∣red agayne.

The like sentence to this he vttereth in his second book of the Councell of Basil before specified, saying, peraduen∣ture it were not the worst, that the most part of priestes had theyr wiues: for many shoulde be saued in Priestly mari∣age, whiche nowe in vnmaryed Priesthoode are damned. The same Pius also, as Celius reporteth, dissolued cer∣tayne orders of Nunnes, of the order of S. Briget and S. Clare, bidding them to depart out, that they should burne no more, nor couer a Harlotte vnder the vesture of Reli∣gion.

This Pius, if he had brought so much piety and god∣linesse, as he brought learning vnto his Popedome, had excelled many Popes that went before him.

It shall not be impertinent here to touch, what the said Eneas called Pius, the Pope, writeth touchinge the peace of the church, vnto Gaspee Schlick, the Emperors Chaū∣cellor, in his 54. Epistle.

All men do abhorre and detest schisme. The way to remedye this euill Charles the French king hath shewed vs both safe and briefe,* 12.3 which is, that princes or their Oratours should conuent &c assemble together in some cōmon place, where they may cōclude vpon matters amongest themselues. To bring this to passe, it were needfull, writinges to be sent agayne to all Kynges and Princes, to send theyr Oratours to Strawes borow, or to Constance, with theyr full authority: there to entreate of matters appertayning to the peace of the Church.* 12.4 Neyther woulde it require so great ex∣penses: Forasmuch as we see the yeare before 300. gildernes to be sufficient. Constantine the Emperour bestowed not muche more in the congregation of the Councell of Nice. And this way could not be stopped: neyther could the Pope or the Councell withstād it, or make excuse: as though this might not easily be done with∣out them. For why? the secular princes may conuent and assemble together, will they, nill they: and yet notwithstanding, vnity may there be concluded:* 12.5 For he should be an vndoubted Pope, whom all Princes would obey. Neyther do I see any of the clergy so con∣stant to death, which wil suffer Martirdom either for the one part or the other. Al we lightly hold that faith which our princes hold, which if they would worship Idols, we would also do the same, & not onely deny the Pope, but God also, if the secular power strayn vs thereunto, for charitye is waxed colde, and all fayth is gone. Howsoeuer it be, let vs all desire and seeke for peace, the whiche peace, whether it come by a councell, or by assemblye of Princes, call it what you will, I care not: for we stand not vpon the terme, but vpon the matter. Call breade if you will, a stone, so you geue me to asswage my hunger. Whether you call it a Councell or a conuenticle, or an assembly or a congregation, or a synagogue, that is no matter, so that schisme may be excluded and peace esta∣blished.

Thus much out of the Epistle of Pius.

* 12.6By this may it appeare, of what sentence and minde this Pius was in y^e time of the Councell of Basill, before he was made Pope. But as our common prouerbe sayth, honors chaungeth maners, so it happeneth with this Pi∣us, who after he came once to be Pope, was much altered from that he was before. For where as before he preferred generall Councels before the Pope, nowe being Pope, he did decree that no man should appeale from the high By∣shop of Rome: to any generall Councell.

And likewise for priestes mariage, where as before he thought it best to haue theyr wiues restored,* 12.7 yet afterward he altered his mind otherwise: In so much that in his book intreating of Germany, and there speaking of the noble ci∣ty of August, by occasion he inueyed agaynst a certayne E∣pistle of Hulderike once bishop of the sayd City, written a∣gaynst the constitution of the single life of priests. Wherby it appeareth how the minde of this Pius was altered frō that it was before. This Epistle of Hulderick is before ex∣pressed at large in the pag. 137.

Here also might I touch something concerning the di∣scord betwixt this Aeneas Syluius and Diotherus, Archbish. of Mentz, and what discorde was styrred vp in Germany vpon the same betwene Frederick the Palatine, and duke of Wittenberge, with others, by the occasion whereof, be∣sides the slaughter of many, the City of Mentz, which was free before, lost theyr freedome, and became seruile.

The causes of the discord betwixt Pope Pius and Di∣otherus, were these.

First, because that Diotherus would not consent vnto him in the imposition of certaine tallages and taxes, with∣in his country.

Secondly, for that Diotherus would not be boūd vn∣to him, requiring that the said Diotherus being prince E∣lectour, should not call the other Electors together, wyth∣out hys licence that is, without the licence of the Bishop of Rome.

And thirdly, because Diotherus would not permit to the Popes Legates, to conuocate his Clergy together af∣ter theyr owne lust.* 12.8 This Pope Pius began his lea, about the yere of our Lord. 1458.

After this Pius secundus, succeded Paulus secūdus, a pope wholy set vpon his belly and ambition, and not so muche voyd of all learning,* 12.9 as the hater of all learned men. Thys Paulus had a daughter begotten in fornication, which be∣cause he sawe her to be had in reproch, for that she was got ten in fornication, began (as the storyes reporte) to repent him of the law of the single life of priestes, and went aboute to reforme the same, had not death preuented him. Ex Sta∣nislao Rutheno.

After this Paulus, came Sixtus the fourth, whiche builded vp in Rome a stewes of both kindes, getting ther∣by no small reuenues and rents vnto the church of Rome. This Pope amongest his other actes,* 12.10 reduced the yeare of Iubely from the 50. vnto the 25. He also instituted the feast of the Conception, and of the presentation of Mary & of Anna her mother, and Ioseph. Also he canonised Bona∣uenture, and S. Fraunces for Sayntes.

By this Sixtus also, beades were brought in, and in∣stituted to make our Ladyes Psalter, thorowe the occasi∣on of one Alanus and his order, whome Baptista ma∣keth mention of in thys verse. Hi filo insertis numerant sua murmura baccis. That is, these menne putting theyr beades vpon a string number theyr prayers. This Sixtus the Pope made xxxij. Cardinals in his time, whom Petrus Ru∣erius, was the first,* 12.11 who for that time that he was Cardi∣nall, which was but two yeares, spent in luxurious ryot, wasted and consumed, 2, hundred thousand Floreines and was left 60000. in debt. Wesellus Groningensis, in a certayne Treatise of his, de In dulgentijs papalibus, writing of thys Pope Sixtus, reporteth this, that at the requeste of the foresayde Peter Cardinall, and of Ierome his brother the sayd Pope Sixtus permitted and graunted vnto the whole family of the Cardinall of S. Lucy, in the iij. hoate monethes of sommer, Iune, Iuly, and August (a horrible thing to be spoken) free leaue and liberty to vse Sodomi∣try, with this clause, Fiat vt petitur: That is, be it as it is asked.

Next after this Sixtus,* 12.12 came Innocentius the eight as rude and as farre from all learning, as his predecessor was before him. Amongest the noble factes of this Pope, this was one,* 12.13 that in the towne of Polus apud Aequicolos, he caused 8. men and 6. women, with the Lord of the place to be apprehended and taken, and iudged for hereticks, be∣cause they sayd that none of them was the vicare of Christ which came after Peter, but they which folowed onely the pouerty of Christ.* 12.14 Also he condemned of heresy, George the king of Boheme, and depriued him of his dignity, and also of his kingdome, and procured his whole stocke to be vtterly reiected and put downe, geuing his kyngdome to Mathias king of Panonia.

Now from the Popes to descend to other estates, it re∣mayneth likewise somewhat to write of the Emperours incident to this time, with matters and greuaunces of the Germaynes, as also of other princes, first beginning with our troubles & mutations here at home, perteining to the ouerthrow of this King Henry and of his seate nowe fol∣lowing, to be shewed. And briefly to cōtract long proces of much tumult and busines,* 12.15 into a short narration, here is it to be remēbred, which partly before was signified, how af¦ter y^e death of the Duke of Glocester, mischiefes came in by heapes vpon the king and his realm. For after the geuing away of Angeow,* 12.16 and Mayne to the Frenchmen, by y^e vn∣fortunate mariage of Queen Margaret aboue mentioned, the sayd frenchmen perceiuing now by the death of y^e duke of Glocester, the stay and piller of this common wealth to be decayed, and seing moreouer the harts of the nobility, a∣mōg themselues to be deuided, foreslacked no time, hauing such an open way into Normandy, that in short time they recouered the same, & also gate Gascoigne, so that no more now remayned to Englād, of al the parts beyond y^e sea but onely Calice. Neither yet did all the calamity of y^e realme onely rest in this: For the king now hauing lost his frend∣ly vncle,* 12.17 as the stay & staffe of his age, whiche had brought him vp so faythfully from his youth, was now therby the more open to his enemies, & they more emboldened, so set vpon him: As appeared first by Iacke Cade, the Kentishe Captayne, who encamping first in Blackheath, afterward aspired to Londō, and had the spoyle therof, the king being driuen into Warwickshyre. After the suppressing of Cade, ensued not long after the duke of York, who being accom∣panied with 3. Erles, set vpon the king next to S. Albons where the king was taken in the field captiue, & the Duke of York was by Parliamēt declared protector, which was

in the yeare of our Lord 1453. After this folowed long diui¦sion and mortal warre betwene the two houses of Lanca∣star and Yorke, continuing many yeares. At length about the yeare of our Lord 1459.* 12.18 the Duke of Yorke was slayne in battell by the Queene, neare to the towne of Wakefield, and with him also his sonne Earle of Rutlande. By the which Queene also shortly after, in y^e same yeare, were dis∣comfited the Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Northfolk, to whom the keeping of the king was committed by the Duke of Yorke, and so the Queene agayne deliuered her husband.

* 12.19After this victory obteined, the Northren men aduaū∣ced not a litle in pride and courage, began to take vpon thē great attemptes, not onely to spoyle and robbe Churches, and religious houses, & villages, but also were fully entē∣ded partly by themselues, partly by the inducemēt of theyr Lords and Captaynes, to sacke, waste, and vtterly to sub∣uert the City of London, and to take the spoyle therof: and no doubt (••ayth my history) woulde haue proceeded in thyr cōceiued gredy intēt,* 12.20 had not y^e oportune fauor of God pro∣uided a speedy remedy. For as these mischiefes were in bru¦ing, sodenly commeth the noble Prince Edward vnto Lō∣don, w^t a mighty army,* 12.21 the 27. day of February, who was the sonne and heire to duke of Yorke aboue mentioned, ac∣companyed with the Earle of Warwicke, and diuers moe. King Henry in the meane time, with his victory, went vp to York: when as Edward being at London, caused there to be proclaymed certayn articles concerning his title to y^e crowne of England, which was the 2. day of March.

* 12.22Wherupon, the next day following, the Lords both tē∣porall & spirituall being assēbled together, the sayd articles were propoūded, and also well approued. The fourth day of the sayd moneth of March, after a solemne generall pro∣cession (according to the blinde superstition of those dayes) the Bishop of Exceter made a Sermon at Paules Crosse,* 12.23 wherin he commended and proued by manifold euidēces, the title of Prince Edward to be iust and lawfull, aunswe∣ring in the same, to all obiections whiche might be to the contrary.

* 12.24This matter being thus discussed, Prince Edward ac∣companied with the Lordes spirituall & temporall, & with much concourse of people, rode y^e same day to Westminster Hall, and there by the full consent, as well of the Lordes, as also by the voyce of all the Commons, tooke his posses∣sion of the Crowne, & was called K. Edward the fourth.

These thinges thus accomplished at London, as to such a matter apperteined, and preparation of money suffi∣ciently being ministred of the people and commons, wyth most ready and willing mindes, for the necessary furniture of his warres: he with the Duke of Northfolke, and Earle of Warwicke; and Lord Fauconbrige, in all speedy wise, tooke his iourney toward king Henry: who being now at Yorke, and forsaken of the Londoners, had all his refuge onely reposed in the Northren men.

When king Edward with his army had past ouer the Riuer of Trent and was commē nere to Ferebrig: where also the host of king Henry was not far of,* 12.25 vpō Palm son∣day, betwene Ferebrig and Tadcaster, both the armyes of the Southren and Northren men, ioyned together battell. And althoughe at the first beginning, diuers horsemen of king Edwardes side, turned theyr backes, and spoyled the king of cariage & victuals, yet the couragious prince, with his Captaynes little discouraged therewith, fiercely and manfully set on theyr aduersaryes. The whiche battell on both sides was so cruelly fought, that in the same conflict were slayne to y^e nūber, as is reported, beside men of name, of 30000. of the poore commons. Notwithstanding, the cō∣quest fell on king Edwardes part,* 12.26 so that king Henry ha∣uing lost all, was forced to flye into Scotland, where also he gaue vp to the Scottes, the towne of Barwicke after he had raigned 38. yeares and a halfe.

The clayme and title of the Duke of Yorke, and after him,* 12.27 of Edward his sonne, put vp to the Lords & cōmons, wherby they chalenged the crowne to the house of York, is thus in the story of Scala mundi, word for word, as hereun∣der is conteyned.

The title of the house of Yorke to the crowne of England.

EDward the 3. right king of Englande, had issue first prince Ed∣ward the 2. W. Hatfield. 3. Lionell, 4. Iohn of Gaunt. &c. Prince Edward had Richard the 2. which dyed without issue,* 13.1 W. Hatfielde dyed without issue. Lionel duke of Clarence, had issue lawfully be∣got, Phillip his onely daughter and heyre, the which was lawfully coupled to Edmund Mortimer, Earle of March, and had issue law fully begotte, Roger Mortimer Eare of March and heyre: Whych Roger had issue Edmund Earle of March, Roger, Anne, and Alie∣nor, Edmund and Alienor died without issue, and the sayd Anne by lawfull matrimonye was coupled vnto Richard Earle of Cam∣bridge, the sonne of Edmund of Lāgley,* 13.2 who had issue & lawfully bare Richard Plantagenet now Duke of Yorke, Iohn of Gaunte gate Henry, which vnrightfully entreated king Richard: then be∣ing aliue Edmund Mortimer Earle of Marche, sonne of the sayde Philip, daughter to Lionell To the which Richard duke of Yorke, and sonne to Anne, daughter to Roger Mortimer Earle of March, sonne and heyre to the sayde Philip daughter and heyre to the sayd Lionel, the 3. sonne of king Edward the 3. the right & dig∣nity of the crowne apperteyned & belonged, afore any issue of the sayd Iohn of Gaunt. Notwithstanding the sayd title of dignity of the sayde Richard of Yorke, the sayd Richard desiring the wealth, rest, and prosperity of England, agreeth and consenteth that king Henry 6. should be had and taken for king of England, during his naturall life from thys time without hurt of his title.

Wherefore the king vnderstanding the sayd title of the sayde duke to be iust, lawfull, true and sufficient, by the aduise and assent of the Lordes spirituall and temporall, and the commons in the Parliament, and by the authoritye of the same Parliament decla∣reth, approueth, ratifieth, confirmeth, accepteth the sayde title for iust, good, lawfull and true, and there unto geueth his assent and agreement of his free will and liberty. And ouer that, by the sayde aduise and authority, declareth, calleth, stablisheth, affirmeth and reputeth the sayd Richard of Yorke very true and rightfull heyre to the crowne of England and Fraunce: and that all other statutes and acts made by any of the Henryes late, contrary to this aduise, be annulled, repelled, damned, cancelled, voyd, and of no force or effect. The king agreed and consented, that the sayd Duke and hys heyres shall after his naturall life enioy the crowne. &c. Also, that all sayinges and doinges agaynst the duke of Yorke shall be hygh treason, and all actes of Parliamentes contrary to this principall act, be voyd and of none effect. &c.

And thus much for the reign of king Henry the 6.* 13.3 Who now lacked his vncle and protector, Duke of Glocester, a∣bout him. But commonly the lacke of such frendes, is ne∣uer felt before they be missed.

In the time of this king was builded the house in Lō∣don called Leadē hall,* 13.4 foūded by one Simon Eyre, Maior once of the sayd City of London. an. 1445.

Also the standard in cheape builded by Iohn Wels, an. 1442. the Conduite in Fleetstreet by William Castfield. an 1438. Item, Newgate builded by goods of Rich. Whitting∣ton, an. 1422.

Moreouer the sayde Henry 6. founded the Colledge of Eton, and another house hauing then the title of S. Nico∣las in Cambridge, now called the kinges Colege. Ex Scal. mundi.

In the reigne of this Henry 6. it is not be passed ouer in silence which we finde noted in the Parliament rolles how that Lewes Archbishop of Rhoen, after the death of the late Bishop of Eley, had graūted vnto him by y^e popes Bulles, during his life, all y^e profites of the sayd bishoprick by the name of the administratour of the said Bishopricke, Lewes the foresayde Archbishop sheweth his Buls to the king, who vtterly reiected his Bulles. Notwithstanding for his seruice done in Fraunce, the king graunted to hym the administration aforesaid, the which to all intents at the petition of the sayd Lewes, should be affirmed to bee of as great force as though he were bishop, touching profits, li∣berties and hability.

Neither agayn is here to be ouerpast a certayn tra gi∣call Acte done betweene Easter and Whitsontide of a false Britone,* 13.5 an. 1427. Which murdered a good widdow in her bed (who had brought him vp of almes, without Algate in the suburbes of London) and bare away all that she had, & afterward he tooke succor of holy church at S. Georges in Southwarke: but at the last he tooke the crosse & forswore the kings land. And as he went his way, it happened him to come by the same place where he had done that cursed deed, and women of the same parish, came out with stones and cannell dong, and there made an end of him in the hye streete, so that he went no further, notwithstandinge the Constables and other men also which had hym vnder go∣uernaunce to conduct him forwarde: for there was a great company of them,* 13.6 so that they were not able to withstande them.

Kyng Edward the fourth.

KIng Edward,* 13.7 after his conquest and victorye achieued agaynst king Henry, returned again to London, where, vpon the Uigil of S. Peter and Paul, being on Sonday, he was crowned

king of England, & raigned 22. yeares, albeit not without great disquitnes, and much perturbation in his reigne.

* 13.8Queene Margaret hearing how her husband was fled into Scotland, was also fayne to flye the land, and went to her father Duke of Angeow: From whence the next yeare following she returned again to renue warre against king Edward, with small succor and lesse lucke: For being en∣countred by the Earle of Warwicke, about Nouember she was driuen to the seas agayne,* 13.9 and by tempest of weather, was driuen into Scotland.

* 13.10In this yere we read that king Edward in the cause of a certayne widow for rape, sate his owne person in West∣minster hall vpon his owne Bench, discussing her cause. Ex Scal. mundi.

The yeare folowing, king Henry issuing out of Scot∣land with a sufficient power of Scottes and Frenchmen came into the Northcountrey to recouer the crowne,* 13.11 vnto whom the Lord Radulph Percy, & Lord Radulph Grey flying from king Edward,* 13.12 did adioyn, themselues: but the Lord so disposing, king Henry with his power was repul∣sed in the battaile of Exham by the Lord Mountacute, ha∣ving then the rule of the North: where the Duke of So∣merset, Lord Hungerford, Lord Rosse with certayne other were taken. The Lord Radulph Percy was slayne, the re∣sidue fled. Albeit the history of Scal. mūdi, referreth this bat∣tel to the yeare 1464. the 15. day of May. In the which mo∣neth of May, were beheaded the duke of Somerset, Lorde Hungerford, Lord Rosse, L. Philip Wentworth, L. Tho. Husly, L. Tho. Findern, beside 21. other belonging to the retinue and household of king Hēry 6. Queene Margaret finding no resting place here in England, took her progres agayne from whence she came, learning in her own coun∣try to drinke that drinke, which she her selfe had brued here in England.

* 13.13And not long after, the next yeare, an. 1465. on the day of S. Peter and Paule, king Henry being founde & knowne in a wood by one Cantlow (as they say) was arested by the Earle of Warwicke, and at last of a king made prisoner in the tower of London.* 13.14

In this meane time, king Edward (after the motion of mariage for him being made, and first the Lady Margaret sister to Iames the 4. K. of Scottes thought vpon, but that motion taking no effect, afterward the Lady Elizabeth si∣ster to Henry king of Castelle, being intended, but she be∣ing vnder age, the Earle of Warwick turning then his le∣gation and voiage to the French king Lewes the II. to ob∣teyne Lady Bona, daughter of the duke of Sauoy, and si∣ster to Carlot the French Queen, and obteining the same) had cast fauour vnto one Elizabeth Grey,* 13.15 widow of Syr Iohn Grey knight, slain before in the battell of S. Albōs, daughter to the Duches of Bedford, and Lord Riuers, and first went about to haue her to his concubine: But she, as being vnworthy (as she sayde) to be the wife of such a high personage, so thinking her selfe to bee to good to be his concubine, in such sort wanne the kings hart, that inconti∣nent, before the returne of the Earle of Warwicke, he ma∣ried her:* 13.16 at the which mariage were no moe then onely the Duches of Bedford, two gentle women, the priest & clark. Upō this so hasty & vnlucky mariage, ensued no litle trou∣ble to the king, much bloudshed to the realme, vndoing al∣most to all her kyndred, and finally confusion to the K. Ed∣wardes 2. sonnes, which both were declared afterward to be bastards and also depriued of theyr liues: For the Earle of Warwicke, who had bene the faythfull frend, and chiefe maynteiner before of the king, at the hearing of this mary∣age, was therwith so greuously moued and chaffed in hys mind, that he neuer after sought any thing more, then how to worke displeasure to the king, and to put him beside his cusshion. And although for a time he dissembled his wrath∣full mood, till he might spye a time conuenient, and a world to set forwarde his purpose, at last finding occasion some∣what seruing to his mind,* 13.17 he breaketh his hart to his two brethren: to witte, the Marques Mountacute, & the Arch∣bishop of Yorke, conspiring with them how to bring hys purpose about. Then thought he also to proue a farre of, the mind of the duke of Clarence, king Edwards brother, & likewise obteined him, geuing also to him his daughter in Mariage.

This matter being thus prepared agaynst the kyng, the first flame of this cōspiracy began to appeare in y^e north country. Where the Northrenmen in short space gathering thēselues in an open rebellion, & finding certaines of their wicked purpose, came down from Yorke toward London. Against whom was appoynted by the king. W. lord Har∣bert Earle of Penbroke, with the Lord Stafford, and cer∣tayne other Captaynes, to encounter. The Yorkeshyre mē geuing the ouerthrow first to the lord Stafford, thē to the Earle of Penbrok and his company of Welchmē, at Ban∣bery fielde, at last ioyning together with the army of the Earle of Warwicke, and Duke of Clarence, in the dead of the night, secretly stealing one the kinges field at Wolney by Warwick,* 13.18 killed the watch, and tooke the king prisoner, who first being in the castle of Warwicke, then was con∣ueyed by night to Midleham Castle in Yorkeshyre, vnder the custody of the Archbishop of Yorke, where he hauinge loose keeping and liberty to go on hunting, meeting wyth syr William Standley, syr Thomas of Brough, and other his frendes, was to good for his keepers, and escaped the hands of his enemies, and so came to York, where he was well receiued: from thēce to Lankester, where he met with the Lord Hastinges his Chamberlayne, well accompani∣ed, by whose helpe he came safe to London.

After this tumult, when reconciliation could not come to a perfect peace & vnity,* 13.19 although much labor was made by y^e nobility, the Earle of Warwick raiseth vp a new war in Lincolnshyre, the captaine wherof was Sir Rob. wels knight, who shortly after being taken in battell wyth hys father, and sir Thomas Dunocke were beheaded, the resi∣due casting away their coates, ran away and fled, geuing y^e name of the field,* 13.20 called Losecoat field. The erle of War∣wicke after this put out of comfort and hope to preuayle at home, fled out of England. An. 1470. first to Calice, then to Lewes the French king, accompanyed with the Duke of Clarence. The fame of y^e Earle of Warwicke and of his fa∣mous actes, was at that time in great admiration aboue measure, and so highly fauoured, that both in England & Fraunce all men were glad to behold his personage. Wher∣fore the comming of this Earle & of the Duke of Clarence, was not a litle gratefull to the French king, and no lesse o∣portune to Queene Margaret, King Henryes wife, and Prince Edward her sonne, who also came to the Frenche Courte to meete and conferre together, touching their af∣fayres: where a league betwene thē was cōcluded, & more∣ouer a mariage betwene Edward prince of Wales, & Anne the secōd daughter of the Erle of Warwick was wrought. Thus all things fasting luckely vpō the Erles part beside the large offers, and great promises made by the Frenche king, on the best maner, to set forwarde their purpose, the Earle hauing also intelligence by letters that the harts al∣most of all men went with him,* 13.21 and lōged sore for his pre∣sence, so that there lacked now but onely hast with al speed possible to returne: he with the duke of Clarence wel forti∣fied with the French nauy, set forward toward England: For so was it betwene them before decreed, that they two should proue the first venture, and then Queen Margaret with Prince Edward her sonne,* 13.22 should folow after. The ariuall of y^e Earle was not so soone heard of at Dartmouth in Deuonshyre, but great cōcourse of people by thousands went to him from all quarters to receiue & welcome hym, who immediatly made proclamation in the name of kyng Henry the sixt, charging all men able to beare armour, to prepare themselues to fight agaynst Edwarde Duke of Yorke vsurper of the Crowne.* 13.23 Here lacked no freendes, strength of men, furniture, nor pollicy conuenient for such a matter.

When king Edwarde (who before not passing for the matter, nor seking how, either to haue stopped his iāding, or els straight wayes to haue encountred with him before the gathering of his frendes, but passing forth the time in hunting, in hauking, in all pleasure & daliance) had know∣ledge what great resort of multitudes incessantly repaired more and more dayly about the Erle and the Duke began now to prouide for remedy, when it was to late. Who tru∣sting to much to his friendes and fortune before,* 13.24 dyd nowe right well perceiue what a variable and inconstant thyng the people is, & especially here of Englād, whose nature is neuer to be contēt long with the present state, but alwayes delighting in newes, seketh new variety of chaunges, ey∣ther enuying that which stādeth, or els pitying that which is fallen. Which inconstant mutability of the light people, chaunging with the winde, and wauering with the reede, did well appeare in the course of this kinges story. For he, through the people when he was down, was exalted: now being exalted of the same, was forsaken. Wherby this is to be noted of all princes, that as there is nothing in this mu∣table world firme and stable: so is there no trust nor assu∣rance to be made, but onely in the fauor of God and in the promises of his word, onely in Christ his sonne, whose on∣ly kingdome shall neuer haue ende, nor is subiecte to anye mutation.

These thinges thus passing in England on the Earles side agaynst king Edward,* 13.25 he accompanyed with y^e Duke of Glocester his brother, and the Lord Hastings, who had maried the erle of Warwicks sister, and yet was neuer vn∣true

to the king his maister: and the Lord Seales brother to the Queene, sent abroad to all his trusty frendes for fur∣niture of able souldiors for defence of his person to w^tstand his enemies.* 13.26 Whē litle rescue & few in effect would come, the king himselfe so destitute, departed to Lincolneshyre, where he perceiuing his enemyes dayly to encrease vpon him, & all the countryes about to be in a tore, making fiers & singing songs,* 13.27 crying king Henry, king Henry, a War∣wicke, a Warwicke, and hearing moreouer his enemyes y^e Lancastrians to be within halfe a dayes iourney of him, was aduised by his frendes to flie ouer the Sea to y^e Duke of Burgoyne, which not long before had maryed king Ed∣wardes sister.

* 13.28¶ Here might be thought, by the common iudgement and pollicy of man, peraduētnre that king Edward, as he had in his handes the life of king Henry of his Queene and Prince: so if hee had dispatched them out of the way, when as he might, he had not fallen into this misery: but because he tooke not the vauntage, whiche time rather then godly reason gaue him, therefore that sparing pitty of hys turned now to his confusion and ruine. And certes, I sup∣pose no lesse, but if the same case had fallen in these our pitt∣lesse dayes, in which charity now waxeth vtterly colde, and humanitye is almost forgotten, the occason of suche a tyme should not be so neglected. But let vs here note and learn, how godly simplicity alwayes in the end of thinges gay∣neth more then mans pollicy, forsomuche as man worketh with the one, but God worketh with the other.

And so farre is it of, that the euēt and successe of thinges be gouerned by mans aduised pollicy, or vnaduised affecti∣on in this world,* 13.29 that that is iudged to be weaker that flo∣risheth in man, then that which is cast downe in the Lord: as in the double case of both these kings may wel appeare. And first let vs consider the case of king Edward who be∣ing so beset and compassed with euils and distresses on e∣uery side,* 13.30 first was compelled to take the washes betwene Lincolneshyre and Lynne (which was no lesse daunge∣rous to his life then it was vnsemely for his estate.) Being come to Linne, in what perill was he there, through the doubtfull mutabilitye of the townes men, if he had beene known to his enemyes? And how could he be but known, if he had taried any space?* 13.31 But though men and frends for∣sook him, yet the mercy of God not forsaking the life of him which shewed mercy vnto other, so prouided, that at y^e same present there was an Englishe shippe, and two hulkes of Holland ready to theyr iourney. Thus king Edward w^t∣out prouision, without bag or baggage, without clothsacke or male, without store of money, without rayment, saue onely apparell for warre, also without all frendes, excepte onely his brother Duke of Glocester,* 13.32 the Lord Scales, & Lord Hastinges, with a fewe other trustye frendes, to the number of 7. or 8. hūdreth persons tooke shipping toward Holland: at which time he was in no lesse ieoperdy almost on the sea, then he was on the land. For certayne Esterlin∣ges hauing many shippes of warre, which lay rouing the same tune on the sea, and had done much domage the yeare before, as well to the Englishe Marchauntes, as to the French nation, spying the kinges ship, with seuen or eight gallaunt shippes made sayle after the king and hys com∣pany. The kinges shippe was good of sayle, and gate some ground,* 13.33 albeit not much of the Esterlinges, that she came to the coast of Halland, before Alquemare, and there cast an∣ker: for otherwise, being an ebbing water, they coulde not enter the hauen. The Esterlings with theyr great shippes approched as nere as they could possible come for the low water, purposing at y^e flond to obtein their pray, & so were like to do, if the Lord had not there also prouided Mounsiour de Groun ture, gouernour for Duke Charles in Holland, at that season to be personally present in the towne of Alque∣mare, who hearing of the ieopardy of the king,* 13.34 being there at anker, prohibited the Esterlings on payne of death, not to meddle with any English men, which were the Dukes frendes and alies.

* 13.35Thus K. Edward well chastised of God for his wan∣tonnes both by sea and land, but not vtterly geuē ouer frō his protection, escaping so many hard chaūces, was set on land with his company, who there well refreshed, & new∣ly apparelled, were conducted to Hage.

Duke Charles at the hearing of the vnprosperous case and condition of king Edward his brother in lawe,* 13.36 was greatly amased and perplexed in himself, much casting and doubting what he should do: For, being then in war with the French king, he could not well prouoke the Englishe nation agaynst him, without his manifest greuaunce and decay: neither yet could he without great shame and oblo∣quy, leaue the king his brother in that necessity. Notwith∣standing, so he demannured himselfe through fayre speach, pretending to the English men to ioyne part with y^e house of Lancaster, being himselfe partly descended of the same family by his Graundmothers side: that he both was his owne frend openly, and the kinges friend couertly, preten∣ding that he did not, and doing that he pretended not.

Whē tidings was spred in England of king Edwards flying, innumerable people of al hands resorted to y^e Earle of Warwicke,* 13.37 to take his part, agaynst K. Edward a fewe onely except of his constant friends which tooke sanctuary. Among whom was also Elizabeth his wife, who desperat almost of all comfort, tooke also sanctuarye at Westminster, where she in great penury forsakē,* 13.38 was deliuered of a fayre sonne called Edw. which without all pompe was bapty∣sed like another poore womans childe, the Godfathers be∣ing the Abbot and Prior of Westminster, the Godmother was Lady Scroope.

To make the story short, the Earle of Warwick hauing now brought all things to his appetite,* 13.39 vpon the 12. day of October, rode to the Tower, which was then deliuered to him, and there tooke king Henry out of the ward, & placed him in the kinges lodging. The 25. day of the sayd moneth, the Duke of Clarence accōpanyed with the Erles of War∣wick,* 13.40 Shrewsbury, and the Lord Standley, with a great company, brought him in a long gown of blew veluet tho∣row the hye streetes of London, first to Paules Church, to offer, then to the bishops palace of London, and there he re¦sumed agayne the crowne royall, an. 1471. which he did not long enioy.

After this followed a Parliament, in the whiche king Edwarde with all his partakers were iudged traytours,* 13.41 Queene Margarete with her sonne Prince Edwarde, all this while was tarying for a fayre winde, thinking long belike, till she came to an euill bargayne, as it proued after. For king Edwarde within sixe monethes after his depar∣ture out of Englande vnto the Duke of Burgoyne, whe∣ther by letters from his frendes sollicitate, or whether by his aduēturous courage incited, made instant sure to duke Charles his brother, to rescue him with such power, as he would bestow vpon him, for he was fully resolued to defer the matter and to protract the time no longer.

The Duke damped in double feare, in such a daunge∣rous case, notwithstanding ouercome by nature and affini¦ty, secretly caused to be deliuered to him 50000. Florence, & further caused foure great shippes to be appoynted for him in a hauen in Zeland where it was free for al men to come. Also the same Duke had for him hired 14. shippes of the Esterlinges well appoynted, taking band of them to serue him truely, till he were landed in England, and 15. dayes after.

Thus king Edwarde being furnished but onely with 2000.* 13.42 men of warre, with more lucke then hope to speede, sped his voyage into England, and landed at Rauenspur in the coast of Yorkeshyre. Although there was no way for the king with such a small company of souldiors to do any good, yet to vse pollicy, where strength did lack, first he sent forth certayne light horsemen, to proue the countrey on e∣uery side, with persuasions, to see whether the vplandyshe people would be styrred to take king Edwards part. Per∣ceiuing that it woulde not be, king Edwarde flyeth to hys shiftes, dissembling his purpose to be, not to clayme the crowne and kingdome, but onely to clayme the Duchy of Yorke, whiche was his owne title, and caused the same to be published. This being notified to the people, that he de∣sired no more, but onely his iust patrimony and lineall in∣heritaunce, they began to be moued with mercy and com∣passion toward him, either to fauour him or not to resiste him, and so iournying toward Yorke, he came to Beuerly. The Marques Mountacute,* 13.43 brother to the Earle of War∣wicke, was then at Pomfret, to whom the Earle had sent strayght charge, with all expedition to set vpon him, or els to stop his passage: and likewise to the Citizens of Yorke and all Yorkeshyre,* 13.44 to shut theyr gates and take armour a∣gaynst him, King Edward being in the streetes, procee∣ded notwithstanding nere to Yorke, without resistaunce: where he required of the Citizens, to be admitted into theyr Citty. But so stoode the case then, that they durst not graunt vnto him,* 13.45 but contrary sent him word to approch no nearer, as beloued his owne safegarde. The desolate king was here driuen to a narow strait, who neyther could retyre backe, for the opinion of the countrey and losse of his cause: neither could goe further, for the present daunger of the City.* 13.46 Wherefore vsing the same pollicy as before, with louely words, and gentle speech he desired the messengers to declare vnto the Citizens, that his comming was not to demaund the realme of England, or the title of the same but onely the Duchye of Yorke, his olde inheritaunce, and

therefore determined to set forward, neither w^t armie, nor weapō. The messēgers were not so soone within y^e gates, but he was at the gates in a manner, as soone as they. The Citizens hearing his courteous answere, and that he intended nothing to the preiudice of the king, nor of the realme, were something mitigated toward him, and be∣gan to common with him from the walles, willing him to withdrawe his power to some other place, and they would be the more ready to ayde him, at least he shoulde haue no damage by them.

Notwithstanding, he again vsed such lowly language, and deliuered so faire speach vnto them, entreating them so curteously, and saluting the Aldermen by their names, requiring at their hāds no more, but only his own towne whereof he had the name and title, that at length the Citi∣zens, after long talke, and debating vpon the matter, partly also intised with faire and large promises,* 13.47 fell to this cōuention, that if he would sweare to be true to king Henry, & gentle in entertaining his citizens, they woulde receiue him into the Citie.

* 13.48This being concluded, the next morning, at the entring of the gate, a priest was ready to say Masse, in y^e which, af∣ter receiuing of the sacrament, the king receiued a solemne othe, to obserue the ii. articles afore agreed. By reason of which othe so rashly made, & as shortly brokē, and not lōg after punished (as it may wel be thought) in his posterity,* 13.49 he obteined y^e city of Yorke. Where he, in short time forget∣ting his oth to make al sure, set in garrisons of armed sol∣diors. Furthermore, perceiuing all things to be quiet, and no stirre to be made against him, he thought to foreslacke no oportunitie of time, and so made forward toward Lō∣don, leauing by y^e way the Marques Mountacute, which lay then with his army at Pomfrete, on the right hande, not fully foure miles distant from his campe:* 13.50 and so re∣turning to the hye waye againe, wente forwarde with∣out anye stirring to the towne of Notingham: where came to him, sir W. Parre, sir Thomas of Borough, sir Tho. Montgomery, & diuers else of his assured frends, with their aydes, which caused him by proclamation, to stand to his own title of king Edward the fourth, sayeng that they woulde serue no man, but a king. At the fame here of being blowne abroade, as y^e Citizēs of Yorke were not a little offended (& that worthely) so frō other townes and cities, Lords and noble men began to fall vnto him, thinking with thēselues, that the Marques Mountagew either fauoured his cause, or was afraide to encounter w^t the mā.* 13.51 Howsoeuer it was, K. Edward being now more fully furnished at al points, came to y^e towne of Leicester, and there hearing that y^e earle of Warwicke accompanied with y^e earle of Oxford, were together at Warwicke, with a great power, minding to set on the Earle, he remooued from thence his army, hoping to geue him battaile. The Duke of Clarence in the meane time, about London had leuied a great hoste cōming toward y^e earle of Warwicke, as he was by the Earle appointed. But when the Earle sawe the Duke to linger the time, he began to suspecte (as it fell out in deede) that he was altered to his brethrenes part.* 13.52 The king auansing forward his host, came to War∣wicke, where he found all the people departed. Frō thence he moued toward Couentry, where the Earle was: vnto whome the next day after, he boldly offered battayle. But the Earle expecting y^e Duke of Clarence his cōming, kept him within the walles. All this made for the king. For he hearing that his brother, Duke of Clarence was not farre off, comming toward him with a great army, raysed hys campe, and made toward him, either to entreate, or else to encounter with his brother. When ech hoste was in sight of the other, Richard Duke of Gloucester, brother to thē both, as arbitour betweene thē, first rode to the one, then to the other. Whether all this was for a face of a matter made,* 13.53 it is vncertaine. But hereby both the brethren, lea∣ning all army and weapon aside, first louingly and fami∣liarly commoned: after that, brotherly and naturally ioi∣ned together. And that fraternall amitie, by proclamation also was ratified, and put out of all suspition.

* 13.54Then was it agreed betwene y^e iij. brethren to attempt the earle of Warwicke, if he likewise would be reconciled; but he crieng out shame vpō the Duke of Clarence, stoode at vtter defiance. From thence king Edward so strongly furnished, & daily encreasing, taketh his way to Lōdon. Where, after it was knowne y^t the duke of Clarence was come to his brethren,* 13.55 much feare fell vpō the Londoners, casting with thēselues what was best to do. The sodayn∣ues of time permitted no long cōsultation. There was at London the same time, the Archbishop of Yorke, brother to y^e Earle of Warwicke, and the duke of Somerset, wyth other of K. Henries counsaile to whom the earle had sent in cōmaundement a litle before, knowing the weaknes of the Citie, that they should keepe the Citie from their ene∣mies ij. or iij. dayes, and he would follow with all possible speede, with a puissaunt army. Who, accordyng to their cō∣maundement, defended the Citie with all their power, but yet to litle purpose:* 13.56 For the Citizens consulting with thē∣selues for their owne most indēnitie, hauing no walles to defend thē, thought best to take that way, which seemed to thē most sure & safe, & therfore concluded to take part with kyng Edward. This was not so soone knowne abroad, but the cōminaltie rāue out by heapes to meete kyng Ed∣ward, & to salute him as their king. Wheupon the Duke of Somerset,* 13.57 with other of kyng Henries Coūsaile, hearing therof, & wonderyng at the sodayne chaunge of the world, to shift for themselues, fled away & left there kyng Henry alone: who the same day beyng caused by the Archbyshop of Yorke,* 13.58 to ryde about London like a kyng, was before night made captiue, and reduced agayne to the Tower.

It was not long after these thyngs thus done at Lon∣don, but the cōming of the Earle of Warwicke was heard of, who thinking to preuēt mischiefes with making speede came a litle to late & missed of his purpose. In the Earles army were Iohn Duke of Exceter, Edmūd Earle of So¦merset, Iohn Earle of Oxford, and Marques Moūtacute the Earles brother. The Earle had now passed a great part of his iourney, whē he hearing newes of the world so chaūged, & of the captiuitie of king Henry, was not a litle thereat appalled in his mynde: wherfore he stayd with his army at S. Albons,* 13.59 to see what way further to take. And for somuch as there was no other remedy, but either he must yeld, or one conflict must finish the matter: he remo∣ued to Barnet x. myles from S. Albons.

Against him set forth K. Edward, well appointed with a strong army of piked & able persons, with artillerie, en∣gines & instrumētes meete for the purpose: bringing with him also kyng Hēry. On Easter euē he came to Barnet, & there he embattelled himselfe.* 13.60 In the mornyng vpon Ea∣ster day the battaile begā, and fiercely cōtinued almost till noone, with murder on ech side much doubtfull, till both partes were almost wery with fightyng and murderyng. King Edward thē desirous to see an end, of or on, with a great crew of new fresh souldiours, set vpon his weried enemies. Wherby the Earles mē, although encouraged w^t wordes of their captaine, stoutly fought, but they sore woū¦ded & weried, could not lōg hold out. The Earle rushing into the middest of his enemies, ventured so farre, that he could not be rescued: where he was strikē downe & slayne, and there lay he.* 13.61 Marques Mountacute thinkyng to suc∣cour his brother whō he saw to be in great ieopardy, was likewise ouerthrowne and slaine. After that Richard Ne∣uell, Earle of Warwike, & his brother were gone, the rest fled, & many were takē. The number of them which were in this field slayne, are iudged about x. thousand, as Poly∣dore Virgill reciteth. Fabian numbreth of them that were slayne, but xv. hundreth. The Duke of Somerset & Earle of Oxford thinkyng to flye to Scotland, turned to Iasper Earle of Pēbroke in Wales. The Duke of Exceter hard∣ly escaped to Westminster, & there tooke sanctuary. For the death of the Earle of Warwike the K. was not so glad, as he was sory for the Marques Mountacute, whō he tooke to be his frend. The corpes of these two were brought to the Church of Paules, where they lay open in two coffins two dayes, and then were interred. Ex Polyd. & alijs.

¶In the narration of this Hystory,* 13.62 Polydore Virgill, whom Hall followeth word for word, doth some deale dif∣fer from Rob. Fabian. Neither doe I doubt, but both these had their authors, by whō they were directed. Notwith∣stādyng this I maruaile, that Polydore writyng of so ma∣ny thynges which he neuer saw, doth not vouchsafe to cite vnto vs those writers of whom he borowed. And more do I meruaile or rather lamēt, if it be true that I haue heard, that he not onely nameth no author vnto vs, but also bur∣ned an heape of our English stories vnknowen, after the finishyng of his, in the dayes of kyng Henry the 8. But now to our text agayne.

All this while yet Queene Margaret with yoūg prince Edward her sonne,* 13.63 was scarce come ouer, beyng long let with contrary windes, who at length in the moneth of A∣prill arriuyng at Waymouth in Dorsetshire, & hearing the sorrowfull tidings of these thinges lately happened to her husbād, and to the Earle of Warwike and his brother, and of the prosperous successe of K. Edward: was so dismayd diquieted, and pierced with sorrow, seyng all things con∣trary to her expectatiō, so to frame agaynst her, that she fa∣red and tooke on with her selfe, lamenting her husbād, be∣wayling

hir sonne, cursing her comming, and crieng out of Fortune, as though blinde Fortune were she that go∣uerneth times and tides,* 13.64 rewarding iust punishments to vniust deseruings of men, and not the secret power and terrible iustice of almighty God. Such was then the im∣paciency of that Queene, being not able to beare the vehe∣mency of her passion (who rather should haue sorrowed the dolorous death of Duke Humfrey, whome before she neglected,* 13.65 but now she lacked) that her senses failed, her spirites were taken, her speach decayed, and life almost gone, she fell to the ground as one that would rather dye, then liue. In this desolate case, Queene Margaret lear∣ning now to know her friends frō her foes, when it was too late,* 13.66 fraught ful of heauines, without solace, or hope of remedy, she with her son & her company departed for her next refuge, to a Monastery of Monkes called Beaulie in Hainshire, there to take sanctuary, & priuiledge of y^e house.

Yet all harts were not sound nor subdued in England, especially Edmond Duke of Somerset, with Lord Iohn his brother, Thomas Courtney, Earle of Deuonshire, Iasper earle of Pembroke,* 13.67 Lord Wenlocke, Iohn Long∣scrother, being Prior of the Knights of Rhodes in Saint Iohns. These hearing of y^e Queenes returne, with speede resorted to her, by whome she being somewhat quickened in her spirits, and animated to warre, began to take some hart, and to follow their counsaile: which was, in all the whote hast, to renew warre against King Edward, be∣ing now vnprouided, by reason his army was now dis∣persed, and chiefest of his souldiours wasted. Heere great hope of victory was shewed, great promises made. Al∣though the Queenes mind was, beeing more carefull for the yong Prince, then for her selfe, to sende him ouer into France, before some proofe of triall made: yet following the contrary counsaile of them, and partly cut off by short∣nesse of time, which required haste, she began with all ex∣pedition to gather power. Likewise Iasper Earle of Pembroke posted into Wales to do the same.

* 13.68King Edward hauing intelligence of all these doings, first sendeth out certain light horsemē, to espy abroad tho∣rough the West parts, what waies his enemies did take. In the meane time, he vsing al celeritie to meete them be∣fore they came to London, gathered a power, such as hee could make about Lōdon, and first cōmeth to Abyngdon: from thence to Marlebridge, hearing that y^e Queene was at Bathe, thinking to encounter with them, before they diuerted into Wales to the Earle of Pembroke, whether he thought (as they in deede intended) that they woulde take.* 13.69 But y^e Queene vnderstanding the king to be so nie, remoueth from Bathe to Bristow, sending word in the meane while to y^e citizens of Gloucester, that they would graunt her leaue safely to passe by their Citie. Which whē it could not be obteined, with her army she departeth frō Bristow to Teukesbery: where the D. of Somerset kno∣wing king Edward to be at hand at his very backe, wil∣led the Queene there to stay, & in no wise to flie backward for certaine doubts that might be cast. Although this coū∣saile was against the consent of many other captaines, who thought it best rather to draw aside while the Earle of Pembroke with his army were with them associate: yet the mind of the Duke preuailed.* 13.70 The place was pre∣fixed, the field pitched, the time of battaile came, the King was loked for: who being within one mile of Tewkesbu∣ry, with like industry & policy, as his enemies had done, disposed his army likewise in their aray. This celeritie of the King taking the time,* 13.71 was to him great aduantage: who otherwise, if he had differed, till they had conioined with the Earle of Pembroke, had put the matter in great hazard. Such a matter it is to take a thing in time.

Of this battayle Hall this reporteth, adding more then Polidore, y^t the D. of Somerset, although he was strōgly intrenched, yet through y^e occasion or policie of the Duke of Glouc••ster, which had the fore ward of the kings part, a little reculing back, followed the chase, supposing that y^e Lord Wenlock, who had y^e middle ward, would haue fol∣lowed hard at his backe. The duke of Glocester, whether for shame, rather then of policie, espieng his aduātage, so∣denly turned face to his enemies. Whereupon the cōtrary part was estsoones discomfited, and so much the more, be∣cause they were separate frō their company. Tho Duke of Somerset not a litle aggyeued at this so vnfortunate case, returneth to y^e middle ward, where he seeing the L. Wen∣locke abiding still, reuileth him, and calleth him traytour; and with his are striketh the braine out of his head. Thus much addeth Hall besides Polydor, but sheweth not his author where he had it. Polydore writing of this con∣flict, writeth no more but this, that y^e Queenes army be∣ing ouerset with the number and multitude of their ene∣mies, and she hauing no fresh souldiours to furnish y^e field was at last ouermatched, and for y^t most part slaine or ta∣ken. In which battaile were named to be slaine, y^t Earle or Deuonshire,* 13.72 the Lord Wenlocke, Lord Iohn Duke of Somerset his brother, beside other. Among thē that were taken, was Queene Margaret foūd in her chariot almost dead for sorow, Prince Edward, Edmund D. of Somer∣set, Iohn Prior of S. Iohns, with xx. other knightes: all which were beheaded within ij. dayes after, the Queene only and the yong prince excepted. Which prince Edward being then brought to the Kings presence, was demaun∣ded of him, how he durst be so bold to stand in battaile a∣gainst him. To this Edward Hall addeth more, and saith: that after the field was finished, the King made Procla∣mation, that whosoeuer would bring Prince Edward to him,* 13.73 should haue annuitie of an C. li. during his life, and the Princes life to be saued. Whereupon sir Rich. Croftes not mistrusting the kings promise, brought forth his pri∣soner, &c. And so the king demanding of the Prince (as is said) how he durst so presumptuously enter this Realme with his banner displayed against him, he answered, say∣eng: that he came to recouer his fathers kingdome and inheritance from his grandfather and father, to him des∣cending: whereat (said Polydor) the King with his hande disdainingly thrust him from him. Other say that the king stroake him on the face with his gauntlet.

At the speaking of these words was present George Duke of Clarence,* 13.74 Richarde Duke of Gloucester, and the Earle Lord William Hastings. Who vpon the same, vncourteously falling vpon the Prince, did slaye hym. Queene Margaret being brought prisoner to London, was afterwarde raunsomed of hir father Duke of An∣geow, for a great summe of money which he borrowed of the French King, and for the paiment therof, was faine to yeeld vnto him the title of the kingdome of Sicile, and Naples, &c. King Edward for these prosperous warres, rendred to God his hartie thanks,* 13.75 and caused publikely through his realme, solemne processions to be kepte three daies together. And thus much, and too much, touchyng the warres of King Edward the fourth, which was done anno.* 13.76 1471. Ex Polid. & alijs.

The same yeare, and about the same tyme, vppon the Ascension euen,* 13.77 king Henry being prisoner in the Tow∣er, departed, after he had reigned in all xxxviij. yeares, and vi. moneths. Polydore and Hall folowing him, affirme that he was slaine with a dagger by Rich. Duke of Glo∣cester, the Kings brother, for the more quiet and saue∣gard of the King his brother. In the history intituled Scala mundi,* 13.78 I finde these words, Quod in turri, in vigilia Ascensionis Dominicae ibidem feliciter moriens, per Thamesi∣am nauicula vsque ad Abbathiam de Chertesey deductus, ibi se∣pultus est. That is, that king Henry being in the Tower vpon the Ascension euen,* 13.79 there happely or quietly depar∣ting, was brought by Thames in a boate, to the Abbey of Chertesey, and there buried.

Polydore, after he hath described the vertues of thys king,* 13.80 recordeth that king Henry y^e seuenth did afterwarde translate the corps of him frō Chertesey to Windsore, and addeth moreouer, that by him certayne myracles were wrought. For the which cause the sayde King Henry the seauenth (sayth he) laboured with Pope Iulius, to haue him canonised for a Saint, but the death of the king was the let, why y^t matter proceeded not. Edward Hall wri∣ting of this matter,* 13.81 addeth more, declaring the cause, why king Henries sancting went not forward, to be this: for that the fees of canonising of a King, were of so great a quantitie at Rome (more then of another Bishop or pre∣la••e) that the said king thought it better to keepe the mo∣ney in his chestes, then with y^e empouerishing of y^e realme to buy so deare, & pay so much for a new holy day of sainct Henry in the Calender,* 13.82 &c. Ex Hallo. which if it be true, it might be replied then to the Pope Iulius, that if Popes be higher then kings in the earth, and especially in heauē, why then is a Pope Saint so cheape in y^e market place of Rome, and a King Saint so deare? Againe, if the valua∣tion of things in all markets and buries, be according to the price & dignity of the thing that is bought, what rea∣son is it, seing the sancting of a king beareth a bigger sale then the sancting of any Pope in heauen, but that Kings should be aboue Popes also vpon the earth?* 13.83 Sed extra io∣cunt•• as I do not doubt, but that K. Henry was a good & a quiet prince, if he had not otherwise bin abused by some: so touching the ruine of his house, I thinke not contrary, but it came not without the iust appointmēt of the Lord, either for that Henry of Lancasters house were such ene∣mies to Gods people, & for the burning of the Lord Cob∣ham and many other: or else for the vniust displacing of

King Richard 2. or else thirdly for the cruell slaughter of Humfrey the good Duke of Gloucester his vncle: where∣of sufficiently hath bene said before.

During the time of these doings, being about y^e yeare of our Lord 1465. There was here in England a certaine Frier Carmelite,* 13.84 who about the tearme of Michaell the Archangel preached at Paules in London, that our Lord Iesus Christ, being heere in this present worlde, was in pouertie,* 13.85 and did beg. To whose opiniō and doctrine, the prouinciall of that order semed also to incline, defending y^e same both in his reading and preaching, with other Doc∣tours moe and brethren of y^e same order: vnto whom also adioined certaine of the Iacobites, and stifly did take their partes. On y^e cōtrary side, many doctours & also lawyers, both in their publicke lectures & preaching, to the vtter∣most of their cunning, did withstād their assertion, as be∣ing a thing most pestiferous in the Church to be heard. Such a bitter cōtention was among them, that the defen∣dent part was driuen for a while to keepe silence.* 13.86Much like to those times I might well resemble these our dayes now present, with our tumultuous contention of formes and fashions of garments. But I put my selfe here in Py∣thagoras schoole, and keepe silence with these Friers. In the story moreouer it foloweth, that this beggerly questiō of the begging Friers, whether Christ did begge, or no, went so far, y^t at length it came to y^e Popes eares, Paulus 2. who was no beggar ye may be sure. After that, the fame of this doctrine, mounting ouer the Alpes, came flieng to the court of Rome, which was about y^e Assumption of the virgin Mary, y^t yeare next folowing, an. 1465. it brought with it such an euill sinell to y^e fine noses there, that it was no neede to bid them to stirre: for begging to them was worse thē hie heresie. Wherfore the holy father pope Pau∣lus the 2. to represse the sparkles of this doctrine, which o∣therwise perhaps might haue set his whole kitchin on fire,* 13.87 taketh y^e matter in hand, & estsoones directeth downe his Bull into England, insinuating to the Prelates here, Haeresim illam pestiferè asserentem,* 13.88 quod Christus publice men∣dicauit, esse antiquitus a Romanis pontificibus, cum suis Conci∣lijs damnatam, & eam pro damnata, vndique declarandam, & conculcandam, &c. That is, that this heresie, which pesti∣ferously doth affirme that Christ did openly begge, was condemned of old time by the Bishops of Rome, and his Councels, and that the same ought to be declared in all places for a damned doctrine, and worthy to be troden downe vnder all mens feete, &c. This was in the same yeare when Prince Edward, King Edwards sonne was borne in the Sanctuary at Westminster an. 1465.* 13.89

As touching the rest of the doings and affaires of thys king (which had vāquished hetherto ix. battailes, himselfe being present) how afterward he, through the incitemēt of Charles duke of Burgoine his brother in law, vētred in∣to France with a puissant army, & how the Duke fayled him in his promise, also how peace betwene y^e two kings was at length cōcluded in a solēne meeting of both y^e sayd kings together (which meeting is notified in stories, by a white doue sitting the same day of meeting, vpō the top of king Edwards tent) also of y^e mariage promised betwene y^e yong Dolphin & Elizabeth K. Edwards eldest daugh∣ter, but afterward broken of the French kings part: more∣ouer as touching the death of the duke of Burgoine slaine in war, & of his daughter Mary, neece to King Edward, spoiled of her lands & possessions wrōgfully, by Lewes y^e French king, & maried after to Maximilian: furthermore, as touching the expeditiō of king Edward into Scotlād, by reason of King Iames, breaking promise in marieng with Cecilie the ij. daughter of king Edward, & of driuing out his brother, & how y^e matter was composed there, & of the recouery againe of Barwicke: of these (I say) & such other things mo, partly because they are described sufficēt∣ly in our cōmon english stories, partly also because they be matters not greatly perteining to the Church, I omit to speake, making of thē a supersedeas. Two things I finde here among many other, specially to be remembred.

The first is concerning a godly and constant seruant of Christ, named Iohn Goose, which in the time of this king was vniustly condemned and burnt at the tower hill. an. 1473.* 13.90 in the moneth of August. Thus had England also his Iohn Hus, as well as Boheme. Wherein moreouer this is to be noted, that since the time of King Richard 2. there is no reigne of any King to be assigned hetherto, wherin some good mā or other hath not suffred the paines of fire, for y^e Religion & true testimonie of Christ Iesus. Of this said Iohn Goose, or Iohn Hus, this moreouer I find in another English monumēt recorded, that the sayd Iohn being deliuered to Robert Belisdone, one of y^e Shi∣riffes, to see him burnt the after noone: the Shiriffe like a charitable man, had him home to his house, and there ex∣horted him to deny (sayth the story) his errours.* 13.91 But the godly man after long exhortation heard, desired the Shi∣riffe to bee content, for he was satisfied in his conference. Notwithstādyng this he desired of the Shiriffe, for Gods sake to geue him some meate, saying that he was very sore hungered. Then the Shiriffe commaunded him meate: whereof he tooke and did eate, as he had bene toward no maner of daunger: and sayd to such as stoode about him: I eate now a good and a competent dinner: for I shall passe a litle sharpe shower, ere I goe to supper. And when hee had dyned, he gaue thankes, and required that he might shortly be lead to the place, where hee should yeld vp his spirite vnto God. Ex Polychron.

[illustration]

¶ The burnyng of Iohn Goose.

The second thyng herein to be noted,* 13.92 is the death of George Duke of Clarence, the kynges second brother: Of whom relation was made before, how he assisted K. Ed∣ward, his brother, agaynst the Earle of Warwicke at Bar¦net field, and helped him to the crowne, and now after all these benefites,* 13.93 was at lēgth thus requited, that (for what cause it is vncertaine) he was apprehended and cast into the Tower, where he beyng adiudged for a traytor, was priuely drowned in a but of Malmesey. What y^e true cause was of his death, it can not certainely be affirmed. Diuers coniectures and imaginations there be diuersly put forth. Some partly impute it to the Queenes displeasure.* 13.94 O∣ther suppose it came for taking part in the cause of his ser∣uaunt, which was accused and cōdemned for poysonyng, sorcery, or inchantmēt. An other fame there is, which sur∣miseth the cause hereof to rise vpō the vayne feare of a foo∣lish Prophecie,* 13.95 commyng no doubt (if it were true) by the craftie operation of Sathan, as it doth many tymes elles happen among infidels and gentiles, where Christ is not knowen: where among high Princes and in noble hou∣ses, much mischief groweth, first murther and parricide, & thereby ruine of auncient families, and alteration of king∣domes. The effect of this Prophecie (as the fame goeth) was this, that after kyng Edward, should one reigne, whose name should begyn with G.* 13.96 And because the name of the Duke of Clarence, beyng George, began with a G. therfore he began to be feared, and afterward priuely (as is aforesayd) was made away.

¶ By these experimentes and mischieuous endes of such Prophecies,* 13.97 and also by the nature of them, it is soone to be seene, from what fountaine or author they proceede: that is (no doubt) from Sathā, the auncient enemy of mā∣kynd, and Prince of this world: agaynst whose deceitfull delusions. Christen men must be well instructed, neither to maruell greatly at them, though they seeme straunge, nor yet to beleue them,* 13.98 though they happen true. For Sa∣thā being the Prince of this world, in such thyngs world∣ly can foresee what will follow, and cā say truth for a mis∣chieuous

end,* 13.99 and yet for all that is but a Sathan. So the dreame of Astiages, seeing a vine to growe out of his daughter, which should couer all Asia, and fearing there∣by that by his nephew he should lose his kingdome, pro∣ued true in the sequeale thereof, and yet notwithstanding of Sathan it came, and caused cruell murther to folow, first of the shepheards child, then of the sonne of Harpa∣gus,* 13.100 whome he set before his owne father to eate. Ex Iust. lib. 1. Likewise Cyrus was Prophetically admonished by his dreame, to take him for his guide, whome he first met the next morow. In that also his dreame fell true, and yet was not of God. In the same number are to be put all the blind Oracles of the Idolatrous Gentiles, which al∣though they proceede of a lieng spirit,* 13.101 yet sometime they hit the truth, to a mischieuous purpose. The like iudge∣ment also is to be giuen of Merlynes Prophecies. The Sorceresse, mentioned 1. Reg. 28. raising up Samuell, told Saule the truth, yet was it not of God. In the 16. chap. of the Actes, there was a Damosell hauing the spi∣rit of* 13.102 Pytho, who said truth of Paule and Sylas, cal∣ling them the messengers of the high God, and yet it was a wrong spirit. The vncleane spirits in geuing testimo∣nie of Christ, saide the truth, yet because their testimony came not of God, Christ did not allow it.

Panlus Diaconus recordeth of Ualence the Empe∣rour that he also had a blinde Prophecie, not much vnlike to this of king Edward,* 13.103 which was, that one should suc∣ceed him in the Empire, whose name should begin with 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 and 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. whereupon one Theodorus, trusting vpon the prophecie, began rebelliously to hope for the crowne, & for his labour felt the paines of a traitour.* 13.104 Notwithstanding the effect of the prophecy folowed: For after Ualence suc∣ceded Theodosius. Wherfore Christen Princes, and noble men, & all Christes faithfull people must beware & learne.

• 1. First, that no man be inquisitiue or curious in sear∣ching to knowe what things be to come, or what shall happen, beside those things only which are promised, and expressed in the word.
• 2. Secondly, to vnderstand what differēce there is, and how to discerne y^e voice of God, frō the voice of Sathan.
• 3. Thirdly, how to resist and auoide the daunger of false and diuelish prophecies.

Many there be, which being not cōtented with things present, curiously occupy their wittes to search what is to come, and not geuing thanks to God for their life whiche they haue, will also know, what shall be chance them, how & when their end wil come, how lōg Princes shal reigne, and who after shall succeede them, and for y^• same, get vn∣to thē southsaiers, astrologers, sorcerers, coniurers, or fa∣miliars. And these are not so much inquisitiue to search or aske, but the deuill is as ready to aunswere them: who ei∣ther falsly doubleth with thē, to delude thē: or else telleth them truth, to worke them perpetuall care & sorow. Thus was Pope Siluester the sorcerer,* 13.105 circumuented by the di∣uell, who told him that he should be at Hierusalem, before he died, and so it fell. For as he was saieng his Masse, at a chappell in Rome, called Hierusalem, there he fell sicke, and within three daies after died, vide sup. pag. 167. To King Henry the fourth also it seemeth it was prophecied, that he should not die, before he went to Hierusalem, who being brought to the Abbots chamber of Westminster,* 13.106 and hearing the name of the chamber to be called Hieru∣salem, knew his time to be come, and dyed, pag. 557.

By such deceitfull prophecies, it can not be lamented i∣nough to see what inconuenience both publikely and pri∣uately groweth to the life of men,* 13.107 either causing thē falsly to trust where they should not, or else wickedly to perpe∣trate that they woulde not: as may appeare both by this king, and also diuers moe. So was Pompeius, Crassus, and Caesar (as writeth Cicero) deceiued by the false Chal∣deis, in declaring to them, that they should not but die in their beds, and with worship, and in their olde age. Of such false trust, rising vpon false prophecies, S. Ambrose in his booke of Exameron, writeth, speaking of rayne, which being in those parties greatly desired, was promi∣sed and prophecied of one certainely to fall vpō such a day, which was at the changing of the new Moone: but (sayth S. Ambrose) there fell no such raine at all,* 13.108 till at the prai∣ers of the Church, the same was obteined: geuing vs to vnderstand, that raine commeth not by the word of man, nor by the beginnings of the Moone, but by the prouidēce and mercie of our creatour.* 13.109 Ex Ambros. in Examer.

Ioan. Picus Earle of Mirandula, in his excellent bookes written against these vaine startellers and Astrologers, Lib. 2. writeth of one Ordelaphus a prince, to whom it was prognosticate by a famous cunning man in that science,* 13.110 called Hieronimus Manfredus, y^t he should enioy long continuance of health, and prosperous life, who not∣withstanding, the selfesame yeare, and in the first yeare of his mariage, deceassed: and after diuers other examples added moreouer vpon the same, he inferreth also mention, and the name of a certaine rich matrone in Rome, named Constantia, who in like maner departed the same yeare, in which she receiued great promises by these Southsay∣ers and Astrologers, of a long and happy life, saieng to her husband these words: behold (saith she) how true be the prognostications of these southtellers? If it were not for noting of thē, which now are gone, and whose names I would in no case to be blemished with any spot, other∣wise I could recite the names of certaine, especially one, which taking his iourney, in a certaine place, after dili∣gent calculation, and forecasting of the successe and good speede of his iourney,* 13.111 was notwithstanding in the same iourney, apprehended and brought where he would not, after that neuer enioieng good day, in short time he depar∣ted. In Basill this I my selfe heard of one, which knew and was conuersant with the partie, who hauing a curi∣ous delight in these speculations of chances and euents to come, by his calculation noted a certaine day, which he mistrusted should be fatall vnto him,* 13.112 by something, which at that day should fall vpon him. Whereupon he deter∣mined with himselfe, all that day to keepe him sure and safe within his chamber, where he reaching vp his hand to take downe a booke, the booke falling downe vpon his head, gaue him his deathes wounde, and shortly after he died vpon the same. Of these and such like examples, the world is full, and yet the curiousnes of mans head will not refraine, still to plucke the apple of this vnluckie and forbidden tree.

Beside all this, what murther and parricide commeth by the feare of these prophecies, in great blouds and noble houses. I referre it vnto them, which reade and well ad∣uise the stories, as well of our Kings heere in England, as in other kingdomes moe, both Christened, and Tur∣kish, whereof another place shall serue as well (Christ willing) more largely to entreat, and particularly to dis∣course. To this perteineth also the great inconuenience & hinderance that groweth by the feare of such Prophecies. in the vocation of mē, forsomuch as many there be, which fearing some one danger, some another, leaue their voca∣tions vndone, and follow vnordinate waies. As if one hauing a blinde prophecie, that his destruction should be on the day, would wake and do all his busines by night and candle light: and so forth in other seuerall cases of mē and women, as euery one in his owne conscience know∣eth his owne case best.

The second thing to be considered in these prophecies,* 13.113 is rightly to discerne and vnderstand, as neare as we cā, the differēce betwene the prophecies proceeding frō God, and the false prophecies counterfeited by Sathan. For Sathan sometime plaieth Gods Ape, and transformeth himselfe into an Angell of light, bearing such a resem∣blaunce and colour of truth and Religion, that vnneth a wise man is able to discerne the one from the other, and the most part is begiled. Concerning prophecies there∣fore, to know which be of God, which be not, three things are to be obserued.

• 1. First,* 13.114 whether they go simply and plainely, or whe∣ther they be doubtful and ambiguous: wherof the one see∣meth to taste of Gods spirit, such as be the Prophecies of the scripture: the other to come otherwise hauing a dou∣ble or doubtfull interpretation. Although y^• time of Gods prophecies, as also of miracles is commonly, and ordina∣rily expired: yet if the Lord in these daies, now extraordi∣narily do shew any prophecie, by the simplenes & plaine∣nes thereof, partly it may be discerned.
• 2. Secondly, this is to be expended, whether they bee priuate,* 13.115 tending to this familie, or that family, or publike. For as the Scriptures, so commonly the Prophecies of God haue no priuate interpretation, but generall: for so much as the care of Gods holy spirit is not restrayned partially to one person, more then to another, but gene∣rally and indifferently respecteth the whole Churche of his elect in Christ Iesus his sonne. Wherefore such Pro∣phecies as priuately are touching the armes of houses, or names of men, rising or falling of priuate and particular families, are worthely to be suspected.
• 3. The third note & speciall argument to discry the true prophecies of God,* 13.116 from the false prophecies of Sathan, and his false Prophets, is this, to consider the matter and the end thereof, that is, whether they be worldly, or whe∣ther they be spirituall, or whether they tende to any glory or state of this present world, or whether they tend to the spirituall instruction, admonition, or comfort of the pub∣licke

• Church.

* 13.117Now remayneth thirdly, after we know what prophe∣cies be of God, and what not, that we be instructed next, how to eschew the feare and perill of all diuelish Prophe∣cies, which make against vs. Wherein two speciall reme∣dies are to be marked of euery Christen man, whereby he may be safe and sure against all daunger of the enemie. The first is, that we set y^• name of Christ Iesus the sonne of God against them,* 13.118 through a true faith in him: know∣ing this, that the sonne of God hath appeared, to dissolue the works of the Diuell. And againe, this is the victory (saith the Scripture) that ouercommeth the world, euen our faith. Whatsoeuer then Sathan worketh or cā worke against vs, be it neuer so forceable, faith in Christ will vanquish it. Such a maiestie is in our faith, beleeuing in the name of the Sonne of God.

* 13.119The other remedy is faythfull prayer, which obteineth in the name of Christ, all things with the Lord. So that wicked feende, which had killed before seuen husbands of Tobias wife, could not hurt him, entring his matrimony with earnest praier: so no more shall any sinister prophecie preuaile, where praier out of a faithful hart, doth striue a∣gainst it. Neither am I ignoraunt, that against such tem∣porall euils and punishments to this life inflicted, a great remedy also lieth in this, when Sathan findeth nothing, wherin greatly to accuse our conscience. But because such a conscience is hard to be founde, the next refuge is to flie to repentaunce, with amendment of life. For many times where sinne doth reigne in our mortall bodies, there also the operation of Sathan is strong against vs, to afflicte our outwarde bodyes heere, but as touching our eter∣nall saluation, neyther worke nor merite hath any place, but onely our fayth in Christ. And thus much briefly tou∣ching the two speciall remedies, whereby the operation of all diuelishe Prophecies may be auoyded and de∣feated.

Now, many there be, which leauing these remedyes a∣foresayd, and the safe protection which the Lorde hath set vp in Christ,* 13.120 take other wayes of their owne, seeking by their owne policie, how to withstande and escape suche Prophecies, either in eschuing the place and time subtilly, or else cruelly by killing the partie whome they feare: whereof commeth iniury, murther, and parricide, with o∣ther mischiefes in cōmon weales vnspeakable. To whom commonly it cōmeth so to passe, that whereby they thinke most to saue themselues, by the same meanes they fal most into the snare,* 13.121 being subuerted and confounded in theyr owne policie, for that they trusting to their owne deuise, and not vnto the Lord, which only can dissolue the opera∣tion of Satan, the Lord so turneth their deuise into a trap, thereby to take them, whereby they thinke most surely to escape. Examples whereof we see not onely in Astyages King of the Medes aforesaid, and Cyrus: but in infinite other like euents, which the trade of the world doth dayly offer to our eies. So Queene Margaret thought her then cockesure, when Duke Humfrey was made away: when nothing else was her confusion so much, as the losse and lacke of that man.

So if King Richard the second had not exercised suche crueltie vpon his vncle Thomas, Duke of Glocester, he had not receiued such wrong by King Henry the fourth as he did, pag. 594. Likewise this King Edwarde the fourth, it he had suffered his brother Gorge, Duke of Cla∣rence to haue liued, his house had not so gone to wracke by Richard, his other brother, as it did. What befell vpon the Student of Astrology in the Uniuersitie of Basill, ye heard before, who if he had not mewed himselfe in hys chamber for feare of his diuination, had escaped the stroke that fell. Now, in auoiding such Propheticall euentes, which he should not haue searched, he fell into that which he did feare. These few examples for instruction sake, I thought by occasion to inferre, not as though these were alone: but by these few to admonish the Reader of infi∣nite other which dayly come in practise of life, to the great daunger & decay, as well in priuate houses, as in weales publicke.

Wherfore briefly to repete, what before simply hath bin said touching this matter,* 13.122 seeing that Sathan thorough such subtile Prophecies, hath & yet doth dayly practise so manifold mischiefes in the world, setting brother against brother, nephew against y^e vncle, house against house, and realme against realme, gēdring hatred, where loue was, & subuerting priuely y^• simplicity of our christian faith, ther∣fore y^• first thing & best is, for godly men not to busie there braines about such phātasies, neither in delighting in thē, nor in harkening to thē, nor in searching for thē, either by southsaier, or by cōiuratiō, or by familiar, or by astrologer: knowing and considering this, that whosoeuer shalbe de∣sirous or ready to search for them, the Deuill is as ready to aunswere his curiositie therein.* 13.123 For as once in the old tyme of Gentilitie, hee gaue his Oracles by Idols, and Priestes of that tyme: so the same deuill, although he wor∣keth not now by Idols, yet he craftely can geue now aun∣swere by Astrologers, and coniurers in these our dayes, & in so doyng, both to say truth, and yet to deceaue men whē he hath sayd. Wherfore, leauyng of such curiositie, let eue∣ry Christen man walke simple in his present vocation, re∣ferryng hid thynges not in the word expressed, vnto him which sayth in his word:* 13.124 Non est vestrum scire tēpora & mo∣menta temporum. &c. It is not for you to know the tymes, and seasons of tymes, which the Father hath kept in his owne power. &c.

Secondly, in this matter of Prophecies, requisite it is (as is sayd) for euery Christen man to learne, how to dis∣cerne and distinct the true Prophecies, which proceede of God, and the false Prophecies, whiche come of Sathan. The difference wherof, as it is not hard to be discerned: so necessary it is, that euery good man do rightly vnderstand the same, to the entent that he knowing & flying the daun∣ger of the one, may be the more certaine and cōstant in ad∣hering to the other.

Thirdly, because it is not sufficient that the deceitfull Prophecies of the deuill be knowen, but also that they be resisted, I haue also declared, by what meanes the opera∣tion of Sathans workes and Prophecies are to be ouer∣come: that is, not with strength and policie of mā, for that there is nothyng in man, able to counteruayle the power of that enemy. Under heauen there is nothyng elles that can preuayle agaynst his workes, but onely the name of the Lord Iesus the sonne of God, not outwardly pronoū¦ced onely with our lippes, or signed in our foreheads with the outward crosse, but inwardly apprehended and dwel∣lyng in our hartes by a silent fayth, firmely and earnestly trustyng vpon the promises of God, geuen and sealed vn∣to vs in his name: For so it hath pleased his fatherly wise∣dome, to set him vp,* 13.125 to be both our righteousnesse before himselfe, and also to be our fortitude agaynst the enemy, acceptyng our fayth in his sonne, in no lesse price, then he accepteth the workes & worthynesse of the same his sonne, in whom we do beleue.

Such is the strength and effect of faith both in heauen, in earth, & also in hell: In heauen to iustifie, in earth to pre¦serue, in hell to cōquere. And therfore when any such Pro∣phecie, or any other thing is to vs obiected, which seemeth to tend agaynst vs, let vs first consider whether it sauour of Sathan, or not. If it doe, then let vs seeke our succour, not in our selues, where it doth not dwell, neither let vs kill, nor slay, nor chaunge our vocation therfore, folowing vnordinate wayes:* 13.126 but let vs runne to our Castle of re∣fuge, whiche is to the power of the Lord Iesus, remem∣bring the true promise of the Psalme: Qui habitat in adiuto∣rio altissimi, in protectione Del coeli commorabitur. That is. who so putteth his trust in the succour of the Lord, shall haue the God of heauen to his protector. And then shall it afterward follow in the same Psalme. Ipse liberabit te a la∣queo venantium, & a verbo aspeto. That is. And he shall de∣liuer him from the snare of the hunter, and from all euill wordes, and Prophecies, be they neuer so sharpe, or bitter agaynst him, &c. And thus much by the occasion of kyng Edward, of Prophecies.

Now hauing lōg taried at home in describyng the tu∣multes and troubles within our owne land, we will let out our story more at large, to consider the afflictions and perturbatiōs of other parties and places also of Christes Church, as wel here in Europe vnder the Pope, as in the East partes vnder the Turke, first deducyng our story frō the tyme of Sigismund,* 13.127 where before we left: Which Si∣gismund, as is aboue recorded, was a great oder in the Councell of Constance agaynst Iohn Hus, and Hierome of Prage.* 13.128 This Emperour had euer euill lucke, fightyng agaynst the Turkes. Twise he warred agaynst them, and in both the battailes was discomfited and put to flight: once about the Citie of Mysia, fightyng agaynst Baiaze∣tes the great Turke.* 13.129 an. 1395. the second tyme fightyng a∣gainst Celebinus the sonne of Baiazetes, about the towne called Columbacium. But specially, after the Councell of Constance, wherein were condemned and burned those two godly Martyrs, more vnprosperous successe did then folow him* 13.130 fightyng agaynst the Bohemians, his owne subiectes. an. 1420. by whom he was repulsed in so many battailes, to his great dishonour, during all the life of Zis∣ca, & of Procopius, as is afore more at lēgth expressed: who was so beaten both of the Turkes, & at home of his owne people, that he neuer did encounter with the Turkes af∣ter.

Then followed the Councell of Basill, after the begin∣nyng wherof, within vi. yeares, this Sigismūdus, which was Emperour, king of Hungary, and kyng of Boheme, dyed, in Morauia. an. 1437.

¶ Albertus Emperour.

* 13.131THis Sigismund left behinde him one only daughter Elizabeth, who was married to Albert, Duke of Au∣strich: by reason whereof, he was aduanced to the Em∣pire, and so was both Duke of Austrich, Emperour, king of Hungary, and king also of Boheme. But this Albert (as is afore declared) being an enemy and a disquieter to the Bohemians, and especially to the good men of Tha∣bor, as he was preparing and setting foorth against the Turkes,* 13.132 in the meane time died, in the second yeare of his Empire, an. 1439. leauing his wife great with child, who lieng then in Hungary, and thinking to be great with a daughter, called to her the Princes and chiefetaines of the Realme, declaring to them that she was but a woman, and vnsufficient to the gouernāce of such a state: and more∣ouer how she thought her selfe to be but with childe of a daughter, and therefore required them to prouide among them, such a Prince and gouernour, (reseruing the right of the Kingdome to hir selfe) as were fit and able vnder her, to haue the regiment of the land committed.* 13.133 The Turke in the meane while being eleuated and encoura∣ged with his prosperous victories against Sigismundus aforesaide, began then more fiercely to inuade Hungary and those parties of Christendome. Wherefore the Hun∣garians making the more haste, consulted among them∣selues, to make Duke Uladislaus, brother to Casimi••us King of Polony, their King.

But while this was in working betwene the Hunga∣rians and Uladislaus the Duke, in the meane space Eli∣zabeth brought forth a sonne called Ladislaus, who being the lawfull heire of the kingdome, the Queene calleth backe againe her former word, minding to reserue the kingdome for her sonne, being the true heire thereof, and therefore refuseth marriage with the saide Uladislaus, which she had before pretended. But Uladislaus ioyning with a great part of the Hungarians, persisting stil in the condition before graunted, would not geue ouer: by rea∣son whereof, great contention and diuision kindling a∣mōg the people of Hungary, Amurathes y^• great Turke, taking his aduantage of their discord, and partly surpres∣sed with pride of his former successe against Sigismund a∣foresaid, with his whole maine & force, inuaded the realme of Hūgary: where Huniades surnamed Uaiuoda, Prince of Transiluania, ioining with the new King Uladislaus, did both together set against the Turke, anno. 1444. and there Uladislaus the new King of Hungary, the fourth yeare of his kingdome was slaine. Elizabeth with her sonne, was fled in y^• meane while, to Fridericke the Em∣perour. Of Huniades Uaiuoda the noble Captaine, and of his Actes and also of Ladislaus (Christ willing) more shall be sayd heereafter, in his time and place.

¶ Fridericus the third Emperour.

AFter the deceasse of Albert, succeeded in the Empyre Fridericus the third,* 13.134 Duke of Austria, an. 1440. By whome it was procured (as we haue before signified) that Pope Foelix elected by the Councell of Basill, did resigne his Popedome, to Pope Nicholas the fift, vpon this con∣dition, that the said Pope Nicholas should ratife the acts decreed in the said Councell of Basil. In the daies of this Emperour, much warre and dissention raged almost tho∣rough all Christian Realmes, in Austria, Hungaria, Po∣lonia, in France, in Burgoine, and also heere in Englād, betweene King Henry the sixt, and King Edward the fourth, as ye haue already heard: whereby it had bene ea∣sie for the Turke, with little maistry, to haue ouerrunne all the Christian Realmes in Europe, had not the proui∣dence of our mercifull Lord otherwise prouided to keepe Amurates the Turke, occupied in other ciuill warres at home in the meane while. Unto this Fridericke came E∣lizabeth (as is aforesaide) with Ladislaus her sonne: by whome he was nourished & enterteined a certaine space,* 13.135 till at length, after the death of Uladislaus aforesaid, king of Ungarie (which was slaine in battaile by the Turkes) the men of Austria, through the instigation of Ulricus Eizingerus, and of Ulricus Earle of Cilicia rising vp in armour, required of Fridericke the Emperour, either to giue thē their yong king, or els to stād to his own defence.

When Fridericke heard this, neither would he render to them a sodaine answere, neither would they abide any longer delay: and so the matter growing to warre, the new Citie was besieged, where many were slaine, and much harme done. At length the Emperours part beyng y^• weaker,* 13.136 the Emperour through the interuētion of cer∣taine Nobles of Germany, restored Ladislaus vnto their hands, who being yet vnder age, committed his in. king∣domes to three gouernours. Whereof Iohn Huniades the worthy Captaine aboue mentioned, had the ruling of Ungarie: George Pogiebracius had Boheme: and Ulri∣cus the Earle of Cilicia, had Austria. Which Ulrice, ha∣uing the chiefe custody of the King, bare the greatest au∣thority aboue the rest, a man as much full of ambitiō and tirannie, as he was hated almost of all the Austrians, and shortly after by the meanes of Eizingerus, was excluded also from the King and the Court, but afterwarde resto∣red againe, and Eizingerus thrust out. Such is the vn∣stable condition of them which be next in place aboute Princes. But this contention betwene them I ouerpasse.

Not long after,* 13.137 Ladislaus the yong King went to Bo∣heme, there to be crowned, where George Pogiebracius (as is said) had the gouernaunce. But Ladislaus during all the time of his being there, though being much reque∣sted, yet would neither enter into the Churches, nor heare the seruice of them, which did draw after the doctrine of Hus.* 13.138 In somuch that when a certaine Priest in the hygh tower of Prage, was appointed and addressed, after the maner of Priests, to say seruice before the King, beeyng knowne to hold with Iohn Hus and Rochezaua, the King disdaining at him, commaunded him to giue place and depart, or else he woulde sende him downe headlong from the rocke of the Tower: and so the good minister re∣pulsed by the King, departed. Also another time the sayde Ladislaus, seeing the Sacrament carried by a Minister of that side, whome they called then Huslites, woulde doo thereunto no reuerence. Ex Aene. Syluio.

At length the long abode of the King, although it was not very long, yet seemed to the godly disposed to be lōger then they wished: and that was not to y^• king vnknowen, which made him to make the more hast away. But before he departed, he thought first to visit the noble Citie Ura∣tislauia in Schlesia. In the which Citie, the foresaid King Ladislaus being there in the high Church, at seruice ma∣ny great Princes were about him: Among whome was also George Pogie bracius, who then stoode nearest to the King,* 13.139 vnto whome one Chilianus, plaieng the Parasite about the King (as the fashion is of such as faine them∣selues fooles, to make other men as very fooles as they) spake in this wise as foloweth: with what countenance you do behold this our seruice, I see right well, but your hart I do not see. Say then, doth not the order of this our Religion seeme vnto you decent and comely? Do you not see how many and how great princes, yea the king him∣selfe, do follow one order and vniformitie?* 13.140 And why do you then follow rather your Preacher Rochezana then these? Do you thinke a few Bohemians to be more wise then all the Church of Christ besides? Why then do you not forsake that rude and rusticall people, and ioine to these Nobles, as you are a noble man your selfe.

Unto whome,* 13.141 thus Pogiebracius sagely againe doth aunswere. If you speake these words of your selfe, sayth be, you are not the man whome you faine your selfe to be: and so to you I aunswere, as not to a foole. But if you speake this by the suggestion of others, then must I satis∣fie them. Heare therefore. As touching the Ceremonies of the Church, euery man hath a conscience of his owne to follow. As for vs, we vse such Ceremonies, as we trust do please God: Neither is it in our arbitrement to beleeue what we will our selues. The mind of man being perswaded with great reasons, is captiuated, wil he, nill he: and as nature is instructed and taught, so is she drawne, in some one way, and in some another. As for my selfe, I am fully perswaded in the Religion of my preachers. If I should follow thy Religion, I might perchance deceiue men, going contrary to mine owne conscience, but I can not deceiue God, who seeth the harts of all: Neither shall it become mee to frame my selfe lyke to thy disposition. That which is meete for a Iester, is not likewise conuenient for a noble man. And these wordes eyther take to thy selfe, as spoken to thee, if thou bee a wise man, or else I referre them to those which set thee a worke. Ex Aen. Sylu. in Hist. Bohem.

After the King was returded from the Bohemians a∣gaine to Austria, y^e Hungarians likewise made their peti∣tions to the king, that he would also come vnto thē. The gouernour of Hūgarie (as ye before haue heard) was Io∣annes Huniades,* 13.142 whose victorious acts against y^e Turks are famous. Against this Huniades, wicked Ulricus Earle of Cilicia, did all he could with the King, to bring him to destructiō, and therfore caused the king to send for

him vp to Uienna, and there priuely to woorke hys death. But Huniades hauing thereof intelligence, offereth hym∣selfe wythin Hungary to serue hys Prince, to all affaires: Out of the lande where he was, it was neyther best (sayde hee) for the Kynge, nor safest for hym selfe, to come. The Earle being so disappoynted, came downe wyth certaine Nobles of the Courte, to the borders of Hungarie, thyn∣king eyther to apprehend him and bryng hym to Uienna, or there to dispatch hym. Huniades, without in the fieldes, sayde hee woulde common wyth hym, wythin the Towne he would not be brought. After that, an other trayne also was laide for hym, that vnder pretence of the kings safe∣conduct, he shoulde meete the king in the broade fieldes of Uienna. But Huniades suspecting deceit, came in dede to the place appoynted,* 13.143 where hee neither seeing the Kyng to come, nor the Earle to haue any safe conduct for hym, was mooued (and not without cause) against the Earle, decla∣ring howe it was in hys power there to slay him, which went about to seeke hys bloud, but for the reuerence of the king, he would spare him and let him goe.

Not long after this, the Turke wyth a great power of fighting men,* 13.144 to the number of an hundreth and fifteene thousande, arriued in Hungarie, where he laid siege to the Citie Alba. But through the mercifull hand of God, Iohn Huniades,* 13.145 and Capistranus a certaine Minorite, wyth a small garrison of Christian souldiors, gaue him the repusse and put him to flight, wyth all hys mighty hoste: Whereof more (Christ willing) heereafter. Ex hist Bohemie. Aen. Syl∣uij. Huniadés shortly after this victorie, deceased. Of whose death when the king and the Earle did vnderstande, they came the more boldly into Hungarie, where hee being re∣ceiued by Ladislaus Huniades tonne, into the Towne of Alba, there vewed the places where the Turkes before had pitched theyr tentes. When thys Ladislaus heard that the king was comming first toward the towne, obedient∣ly he opened to hym the gates. Foure thousand only of ar∣med souldiours he debarred from entring the Citie.

* 13.146In the meane time while the King was there resident in the Citie, the Earle with other nobles did sitte in coun∣saile, requiring also Ladislaus to resorte vnto them: who first doubting with hymselfe what he might doe, at length putteth on a priuie coate of maile, and commeth to them. Whether the Earle first beganne wyth him, or he wyth the Earle,* 13.147 it is not knowen. The opinion is of some, that Ul∣ricus first called him traitor, for shutting the gates against the kings soldiours. Howsoeuer the occasion began, thys is vndoubted, that Ulricus taking his sworde from hys page, let flie at his head. To breake the blowe, some put∣ting vp their hands, had their fingers cut of. The Hunga∣rians hearing a noise & tumult wythin the chamber, brake it vpon them, & there incontinent slewe Ulrike the Earle, wounding and cutting him almost alto peeces: The King hearing thereof, although he was not a little discontented thereat in his minde: yet seeing there was then no other remedy, dissembled his griefe for a time,

Frō thence the king tooke his iourny againe to Buda, accompanied wyth the foresayde Ladislaus,* 13.148 who passyng by y^e towne, where the wife of Huniades was mourning for the death of her husband, seemed w^t many faire wordes to comfort her: and after he had there sufficiently repasted hym selfe, wyth such pretence of dissembled loue, and fained fauour,* 13.149 that they were without all suspition & feare: from thence he set forward in hys iourney, taking wyth him the two sonnes of Huniades, Ladislaus and Mathias, who were right ready to wait vpon him. The king being come to Buda (whether of his owne head, or by sinister counsell set on) when hee had them at a vauntage, caused bothe the sonnes of Huniades: to witte, Ladislaus and Mathias, to be apprehended. And first was brought foorth Ladislaus the elder sonne, to the place of execution, there to be behea∣ded: where meekely he suffered, being charged wyth no o∣ther crime, but thys, published by the voyce of the cryer, saying: Thus are they to be chastened, which are rebelles against their Lord.* 13.150 Peucerus wryting of his death, addeth thys moreouer, that after the hangman had 3. blowes at his necke, yet notwythstanding the sayd Ladislaus hauing his hands bound behinde hym, after the thirde stroke, rose vpright vppon hys feete, and looking vp to heauen, called vpon the Lord, and protested his innocency in that behalf: and so laying downe his necke againe,* 13.151 at the fourth blowe was dispatched. Mathias the other brother was led cap∣tiue with the king vnto Austria. The rest of the captiues brake the prison and escaped.

It was not long after thys cruelty was wrought vp∣pon Ladislaus, the king being about the age of twentye & two yeares, that talke was made of the kings marryage, wyth Magdalene daughter to the French king. The place of the marryage was appoynted at Prage, where greate preparation was for the matter.* 13.152 At the first entraunce of the King into the Citie of Prage, Rochezana wyth a com∣pany of Ministers, such as were fauourers of Iohn Hus, and of sincere Religion, came with all solemnity to receiue the king, making there hys oration to gratulate the kings most ioyful and prosperous accesse into the same his owne Realme and countrey of Boheme. Unto whych Rocheza∣na, after he had ended hys Oration,* 13.153 scarce the king woulde open hys mouth to geue thankes to him, nor any cheareful countenaunce vnto hys companye, but fiercely seemed to frowne vppon them. In the next Pagen after these, came foorth the Priestes of the high Minster, after the most Po∣pish maner, meeting him wyth Procession, and wyth the Sacrament of the aultare: For as Panacea among Phisi∣tions serueth for all diseases, so the sacrament of the popes aultare serueth for all pompes and Pagens. First it must lie vppon the aultare, then it must be holden vp in hands, then it must hang in the pixe, it must serue for the quicke, it must also helpe the dead, it must moreouer visite the sick, it must walk about y^t churchyard, it must go about the streets, it must bee caried about the fieldes to make the grasse to growe, it must be had to the battaile, it must ride on horse∣backe before the Pope. And finally, it must welcome kings into Cities. Wherein these Catholicke fathers doe seeme somewhat to forget themselues. For if the Pope, being in∣feriour to the Sacrament of the aultar, at the commyng of kings, doe vse to sitte still while the kings come and kisse hys feete, what reason is it that the Sacrament of the aul∣tare, whyche is (I trowe) aboue the Pope, shoulde meete kings by the way, and welcome them to the towne? But thys by the way of parenthesis: Let vs nowe continue the text.

When Ladislaus thys Catholicke king, who had shew∣ed hymselfe before so stoute and sterne against Rochezana and his company,* 13.154 had seene these Catholique priests with theyr Procession, and especially wyth their blessed Sacra∣ment, to come: wyth all reuerence and much deuotion, hee lyghted downe from his horse, hee embraced the crosse and kyssed it, and wyth chearefull countenaunce saluted the Priestes in order. All thys while his young wife was not yet come out of Fraunce, but Legates were sent, after most sumptuous wise, to conduct her. Other Legates also were sent the same time, to the Emperour Fredericke, for con∣conclusion of peace. The thirde Legacie was directed like∣wise to Pope Calixtus about Religion, howe to reduce the Bohemians to the Churche of Rome. The authour of thys story (which was Pope Pius hymselfe) declareth fur∣ther the opinion of some to be, that king Ladislaus y^e same time had entended, to make a finall ende and destruction of all that secte in Bohemia, whych helde with the doctrine of Iohn Hus,* 13.155 and Hierome, by the assemble and cōcourse of the Catholique Princes, and popish Prelates, whyche were appoynted there to meete together at that marriage in Prage. For there shoulde be first the Emperour Frede∣ricke, Elizabeth the kings mother, and hys sisters Eliza∣beth, and Anna, the Princes of Saxonie. Baioria, Sle∣sia, Franconia, the Palatine, and other Princes of Rhene: many also of the Lordes of Fraunce, besides the Popes Cardinals, Legates, Prelates and other potestates of the Popes Church. Who if they had all together conuented in Boheme, no doubt but some great mischiefe hadde beene wrought there against the Hussires:* 13.156 against whome thys Ladislaus, following the steppes of Sigismundus hys graundfather, and Albertus hys father, was euer an vtter enemie. But when man hath purposed, yet God disposeth as pleaseth hym,

And therefore,* 13.157 truely it is wrytten of Aeneas Syluius in the same place, saying: De regimine Ciuitatum, de mutatione regnorum, de orbis imperio, minimum est, quod homines possint (tum vero De religionis constitutione multo minus) magna ma∣gnus dispoint Deus.* 13.158 That is. In regiment of Cities, in alte∣ration of kingdomes, in ruling and gouerning the world, it is lesse then nothing that man can do: it is the hygh God that ruleth high things. Whereunto then I may wel adde thys moreouer, and say: that if the gouernance of worldly kingdomes standeth not in mans power, but in the dispo∣sition of God, muche lesse is it then, that mans power can doe in the regiment and gouerning of Religion. Example whereof in this purposed deuise of Princes,* 13.159 doth euidently appeare. For as thys great preparation and solemnitie of mariage was in doing, and the Princes ready to set foorth, with a litle turne of Gods holy hand, al these great purpo∣ses were sodeinly turned and dashed. For in the middest of this busines, about the 21. day of Nouember. An. 1461. this great aduersarie of Christes people, king Ladislaus, king of Boheme, of Hungarie, and Prince of Austria sickened,

and wythin 36. houres died, some say of a Pestilent fore in hys grine,* 13.160 some say of poyson. But howe so euer it was, as it came not wythout the iust iudgement of God, reuen∣ging the innocent bloude of Ladislaus Huniades sonne, wrongfully put to death before: so by the oportune deathe of thys King, the poore Churches of Boheme were grati∣ously deliuered. And thys ende made Ladislaus, one of the mightiest Princes at that time in all Europe:* 13.161 in whome three mighty kingdomes were conioyned and combined together, Austria, Hungaria, and Bohemia: which coun∣treys doe lie Southeast from Englande, in the farthest partes of all Germanie, towarde Constantinople, and the dominion of the Turks, & contain these principal townes in them.

• * 13.162AVstria, called once Pa∣nonia superior.
• Vienna, whyche was be∣sieged of the Turke. Anno 1533.
• Melck.
• Neustat noua Ciuitas.
• Gretz.
• S. Hypolit.
• Lintz.
• Stein.
• Haynberg.
• Kremsz.
• Karolsburg.
• Teben.
• Kotzo.
• Raba.
• Lindenburg.

¶To Austria bee ad∣ioining also certaine Prouinces & Earle∣domes, as

• Stiria. Prouinces.
• Carinthia. Prouinces.
• Croaia. Prouinces.
• Cilicia. Earldomes.
• Tyrolētz. Earldomes.

• HVngaria, which once called Pannonia inferior.
• Buda. Ofen.
• Strigonium.
• Kalachia.
• Varadinum.
• Nitria. Noua. Vetus.
• Nicopolis. Noua. Vetus.
• Agria. Noua. Vetus.
• Agria.
• Orszaw••
• Bossen.
• Sabaria.

¶Thys Vngaria, was first called Pannonia, or Poeonia. After y^• comming of y^• Hunes it was called Hungaria. Of which came Attila, which de∣stroied Italy, about the yeare of the Lorde 440. Thorough Ungaria, rūneth Danubius, hauing on the west side, Au∣stria, and Bohemia, on the East, Seruia, on the South∣side, Polonia. &c. The most of this Hūgary, is nowe vnder the Turk: which Turks first came into Europe. An. 1211.

• BOhemia.
• Praga.
• Pilzen.
• Thabor.
• Buduuis.
• Kolin, or Koelu.
• Egra.
• Kuttenberg.
• Leimiritz.
• Laun.
• Rakonicke.
• Glataw.
• Bern. or Beraun.
• Bruck. Most.
• Gretz. Hradetz.
• Aust.
• Maut. Myto.
• Hof.
• Iaromir.
• Dub. Biela.
• Lantzhut.
• Gilowy.
• Krupka.
• Krumaw.
• Pardubitz.
• Chumitaun.
• Loket. Teplitz.
• Hantzburg. Zbraslau.
• Labe. Vltawa.

After the deathe of Ladislaus, the kingdome of Bo∣heme fell to George Pogiebracius aboue mentioned,* 13.163 whō Pope Innocent the eight, did excommunicate and depose for hys religion, as is afore declared.

Furthermore, the kingdome of Hungary, was geuen to Mathias sonne of Huniades,* 13.164 who was in captiuity (as is sayd) with king Ladislaus, and should haue bene put to death after his brother, had not the king before bene pre∣uented wyth death, as is aboue recorded. Moreouer, heere is to be noted that the sayde king Ladislaus, thus dying wythout wife and issue, left behinde hym two sisters aliue: to witte, Elizabeth, which was maried to Casimirus king of Polonia: and Anna, maried to William, duke of Saxo∣nie, Elizabeth by her husbande Casimirus, king of Polo∣nia, had Uladislaus, who at length was king both of Bo∣heme and Hungarie. This Casimirus, first was maryed to Beatrix, wife before to Mathias. Then being diuorced from her by the dispensation of Pope Alexander, maryed a newe wife a Countesse of Fraunce, by whome he had two children, Lewes, and Anna, Lewes which was heire of both kingdomes of Boheme, and Hungarie, was slayne fighting against the Turkes, Anna was maried to Ferdi∣nandus, by whome he was Archduke of Austria, kyng of Boheme. &c.

• Sigismundus left onely ouedaugh¦ter.
• Elizabeth, wife to Al∣bertus Em∣perour. Who had 3. children.
  • Ladislaus, king of Hun∣garie, Boheme, and Austria.
  • Elizabeth, wyth of Ca∣simirus, kynge of Po∣lonie: who had
  • Anna, wyfe to William Duke of Saxon.
• Vladislaus, kyng of Ba∣heme and Hungary, who by hys seconde wife, Countesse of Fraunce, had
  • Ludouicus, King of Boheme & Hungarie.
  • Anne, wife to Fer∣dinandus, Fa∣ther to thys Maximilian nowe Empe∣rour.

Ye heard before, howe after the decease of Ladislaus, the Hungarians by their election preferred Mathias surna∣med Coruinus,* 13.165 which was sonne of Huniades, to y^e king∣dome of Hungary. For which cause dissention fel betwene Friderick the Emperor and him, for that the said Friderick was both nominated himselfe by diuers vnto that kyng∣dom, & also because he had the crown of Hungary then re∣maining in his hands, which Elizabeth mother to K. La∣dislaus, had brought to the Emperor, as was before decla∣red. But this warre betweene them, was ceased by the in∣tercessiō of the Princes of Germany, so that Mathias ran∣somed that crowne of Fridericke for 8000. Florences.

Not long after, Pope Innocent being displeased with George Pogiebracius (or Boiebracius) king of Bohemia,* 13.166 for fauouring of Iohn Hus, & his Religion, that is to say, for playing the part of a godly Prince, dyd excommunicate & depose him, conferring his kingdome to Mathias. But for somuch as Fridericke the Emperour would not there∣to consent, and especially after the death of the foresayde George, when the Emperour and the Bohemians, lea∣uing out Mathias, did nominate Uladislaus sonne of Ca∣simirus, king of Polonie, and of Elizabeth, to be kyng of Boheme, therefore great warre and trouble kindled be∣tweene him and Fridericke the Emperour: wherein the Emperour had vtterly gone to ruine,* 13.167 had not Albertus Duke of Saxonie rescued the Emperour, and repressed the vehemencie of Mathias.

The noble actes of Iohn Huniades,* 13.168 and of this Ma∣thias hys sonne, were not onely great stayes to Hungary, but almost to al Christendom, in repelling backe y^e Turke. For beside the other victories of Iohn Huniades the fa∣ther, afore mentioned, thys Mathias also his sonne succee∣ding no lesse in the valiantnes, then in the name of hys fa∣ther, did so recouer Sirmium, and the confines of Illyrica, from the hands of the Turks, & so vanquished their pow∣er, that both Mahometes, and also Baiazetes hys sonne, were enforced to seeke for truce.

Ouer and besides, the same Mathias, conducting hys army into Bosna (which lyeth South from Hungary) re∣couered againe Iaitza, the principall towne of that kyng∣dome, from the Turkes possession. Who, if other Christen Princes had ioyned their helpes withal,* 13.169 would haue pro∣ceded farther into Thracia. But behold here the malitious subtilty of Sathan, working by the Pope. For while Ma∣thias was thus occupied in hys expedition agaynst the Turkes, wherein he should haue bene set forward and ao∣ded by Christen Princes, and Byshoppes: the Byshop of Rome, wickedly and sinfully ministreth mater of ciuil dis∣cord betwene him & Pogiebracius aforesayd, in remouing him from the right of hys kingdome, and transferryng the same to Mathias. Wherupon, not only the course of victo∣ry against the Turkes was stopped, but also great warre

and bloudshed followed in Christen realmes, as well be∣tweene thys Mathias, and Pogiebracius, wyth hys two sonnes Uictorinus and Henricus, as also betweene Casi∣mirus, Uladislaus, and Mathias warring about Urati∣slauia, till at length the matter was taken vp by the Prin∣ces of Germanie.

* 13.170Albeit, for al the execrable excōmunication of the Pope against Pogiebracius, a great part of Boheme would not be remooued from the obedience of their King, whome the Pope had cursed, and deposed: yet Mathias toke from him Morauia, and a great portion of Slesia, and adioyned it to his kingdome of Hungarie. An. 1474.

¶ Where this by the way is to be noted, that the Reli∣gion in Bohemia, planted by I. Hus, could not be extinct or suppressed withall the power of foure mightie Princes, Uenceslaus, Sigismundus, Albertus, and Ladislaus, not∣withstanding they wyth the Popes, did therein what they possibly coulde: but still the Lorde maintained the same, as ye see by thys Pogiebracius king of Boheme, whome the Pope coulde not vtterly remooue out of the kingdome of Bohemia.

This forementioned Mathias, beside his other memo∣rable actes of chiualry, is no lesse also commended for hys singulare knowledge and loue of learning and of learned men, whom he with great stipends, procured into Panno∣nia: where by the meanes of good letters, and furniture of learned mē, he reduced in short space the barbarous rude∣nesse of that countrey, into a flourishing common wealth. Moreouer, such a Library he did there erect, and replenish with all kinde of authors, sciences, and hystories, which he caused to be translated out of Greeke into Latine, as the like is not thought to be foūd, next to Italy, in all Europe beside. Out of which Librarye we haue receaued diuers fragments of wryters, as of Polybius, and Diodorus Siculus which were not extant before. Ex Peucer.

The constante fortitude also of Georgius Pogiebraci∣us king of Boheme, is not vnworthy of commendation: of whom also Pope Pius himselfe, in Descriptione Europae, doth honestly report (as a Pope may speake of a protestāt) in these words wryting:* 13.171 Magnus vir alioqui, & rebus bellicis clarus. &c. Who although Pope Innocent did execrate w^t hys children, yet hee lett not of the profession of the veritie & knowledge which he had receyued. Moreouer, the Lord so prospered hys sonnes, Uictorinus, and Henricus, that they subdued their ennemies, and kept their estate: In so much, that when Fredericke the Emperor at Uienna was in custody enclosed by the Citizens. Uictorinus did restore and deliuer him out of their hands: wherefore the Empe∣rour afterward aduaunced them to be Dukes. Also God gaue them sometimes prosperous victory against Mathi∣as, as at the City of Glogonia. &c.

After the decease of Georgius Pogiebracius, King of Boheme,* 13.172 Friderike the Emperor assigned that kingdom, not to Mathias, vppon whome the Pope had bestowed it before, but vppon Uladislaus sonne of Casunirus, king of Polonye, and of Elizabeth, daughter of the Emperor Al∣bert, and sister to Ladislaus. For the which, Mathias be∣ing discontented, and for that the Emperor had denied him his daughter Runegunda, went about to exclude Uladi∣slaus out of Boheme, and also proclaimed warre agaynst Fridericke. But before he accomplished his purposed pre∣paration, death preuented him, who wythout issue depar∣ted. Anno 1490.

* 13.173After the death of Mathias, departing wythout issue, Uladislaus sonne of Casimirus, king of Polonie, and of Elizabeth daughter to Albert Emperour, and sister to K. Ladislaus maried his wife Beatrix, whom Mathias left a widow, and with her was elected king of Hungary, with this condition made betwene him and Friderike the Em∣perour, that if he died without lawfull issue, then the king∣domes of Hungary and of Boheme,* 13.174 shoulde retourne to Maximilian, sonne to Fridericus. But Uladislaus not long after, did repudiate his wife Beatrix, and depriuing her of her kingdome, caused the said Beatrix to swear and to consent to the marying of an other woman, whych was the daughter of the French king,* 13.175 named Anne, procuryng from Pope Alexander, a dispensation for the same, as is before signified. By this Anne, Uladislaus had Lewys, & Anne, which Anne afterwarde was maried to Ferdinan∣dus.

Lewys succeeding after hys father, had both the sayde kingdomes of Boheme and Hungarie. An. 1492. and ma∣ried Mary sister to Charles the 5. Emperour. Anne, as is sayd, was coupled to Ferdinandus. &c.

Of Charles Duke of Burgoine, somewhat was be∣fore touched, who had maryed king Edwardes sister: and what troubles by him were stirred vp in Fraunce, partly was before notified. Thys Charles after hee had besieged the Citie Nussia,* 13.176 or Nouasium, the space of a whole yere, went about to alienate the territorie of Colen, from the Empire to hys owne dominion: wherefore warre began to be mooued betweene him and Fredericke the Emperor. At length through communication had, peace was conclu∣ded, and a marriage appoynted betweene Mary the only daughter of Charles,* 13.177 and Maximilian the Emperours sonne. Anno 1475. Then from Nouasium, Charls leadeth hys armie towarde Heluetia, against Renatus or Rein∣hardus Duke of Lotharing: then against the Heluetians. Where hee being thrise ouercome, first at Granson, then at Moratum or Murta, in the hier parte of Heluetia, at last at the towne of Nanse, was ouerthrowne and slain. Anno 1477. The procurer of which warres: was chiefly Lewys the 11. the French king, to the entent hee might compasse the dominion of Burgundie vnder hys subiection: whych afterwarde by open wrong and priuie fraude,* 13.178 hee brought about, defrauding Mary the daughter of Charles, of her rightfull inheritance: For the whych cause the Burgundi∣ans were the more willing to ioyne her in marriage wyth Maximilian, sonne of Friderike the Emperour: by reason whereof the title of Burgundie, was firste ioyned to the house of Austria.

And thus haue you the miserable vexations and con∣tentions among our Christian Princes heere in Europe described, vnder the raigne of thys Fredericke the thyrde Emperour, so that almost no angle nor portion of al Chri∣stendome (whether we consider the state of the Churche,* 13.179 or ciuill gouernement) was free from discorde, tumults, and dissentions. Thys cankerde worme of ambition so mygh∣tely creepeth, and euery where preuaileth in these latter endes of the worlde, that it suffereth neither rest in com∣mon weales, nor peace in the Churche, nor any sparckle of charitie almost to remaine in the life of men. And what maruaile then, if the Lorde seeing vs so farre to degene∣rate, not onely from hys preceptes and counsailes, but al∣moste from the sense and bounde of nature, that brother wyth brother, vncle wyth nephewe, bloude wyth bloude cannot agree in striuing,* 13.180 killing, and fighting for worldly dominions, do send therfore these cruell Turkes vpon vs so to scourge and deuoure vs? Of whose bloudy tiranny & daily spilling of Christian bloude, heereafter (by the grace of Christ) we will discourse more at large, when wee come to the peculiar consideration of the Turkishe storyes. In the meane time, thys shalbe for vs to note and obserue, not so much the scourge howe greeuous it is: but rather to be∣holde the causes which being the whippe vpon vs, whych is our owne miserable ambition and wretched warres a∣mong our selues.

And yet if this Christian peace and loue,* 13.181 left and com∣mended so heartely vnto vs by the mouth of the sonne of God being nowe banished out of Christian realmes and ciuile gouernaunce, myght at least finde some refuge in the Church, or take Sanctuarie among menne professing no∣thyng but Religion, lesse cause we had to mourne. Nowe so it is, that as we see little peace and amitie amonge ciuil Potentates: so lesse we finde in the spiritual sorte of them, which chiefly take vpon them the administration of Chri∣stes Churche. So that it may well be doubted, whether the scourge of the Turke, or the ciuill sworde of Prynces haue slaine moe in the fieldes, or the Popes keyes haue burnt moe in Townes and Cities. And all be it such as be professed to the Churche, do not fight wyth sword and tar∣gate for dominions and reuenewes,* 13.182 as warlike Princes doe: yet thys ambition, pride, and auarice, appeareth in them nothyng inferiour to other worldly potestates: espe∣cially if wee beholde and aduise the doings and insatiable desires of the court of Rome. Great argument and proofe hereof neither is hard to be found, nor farre to be soughte. What realme almost through all christendom hath not on∣ly seene with their eyes, but haue felt in their pursses the ambitiō intollerable, and auarice insatiable of that deuou∣ring church, and also haue complained vpon the greuance thereof, but neuer coulde be redressed? What exactions and extortions haue bene here in England out of bishopricks, monasteries, benefices, deanries, Archdeaconries, and all other offices of the Churche, to fill the Popes coffers: and when they had all done, yet euery yeare brought almoste some newe inuention from Rome, to fetch in our English money: and if all the floudes in Englande (yea in all Eu∣rope) did runne into the sea of Rome, yet were that Ocean neuer able to be satisfied.

In Fraunce lykewise, what floudes of money were swalowed vp in this sea of Rome, it was openly complai∣ned

of in the councel of Basil as is testified by Henry To∣ken, Canon and Ambassadour of the Archbishop of Mai∣denburge,* 13.183written in his boke intituled Rapularium, where as hee wryteth that in the Councell of Basill. An. 1536. the Archbyshop of Lions did declare, that in the time of Pope Martine, there came out of France to the court of Rome, 9. millions of golde, which was gathered of the Byshops and Prelates, besides those whych could not be counted of the poore clergy, which daily without number, runne vnto the court of Rome,* 13.184 carying with them all their whole sub∣stance, The archbishop of Turonne sayde also at Basil, in y^e yeare of our Lord 1439. that three millions of gold came vnto Rome in his time, within the space of 14. yeres, from the prelates & prelacies, wherof no accompt could be made beside the poore cleargy, which daily run to that court. Let the man which feareth God, iudge what a deuouring gulf this is.* 13.185 A million containeth x.C.M.

And what made Pope Pius the 2. to labor so earnestly to Lewes the 11. the French Kinge (who as is aforesayde was a great enemy to the house of Burgoin) that he wold (according to his former promise) abolishe & vtterly extinct the constitution established before at the Counsell of Bi∣tures, by king Charles the 7. his predecessour, called Prag∣matica Sanctio, but onely the ambition of that sea, which had no measure, and their auarice which had no ende, the storie is this. King Charles 7. the French king, willing to obey and folow the councel of Basil, did sommon a Parliament at Bitures. Where by the full consent of all the states in Fraunce,* 13.186 both spiritual and temporal, a certain constituti∣on was decreed and published, called Pragmatica Sanctio. wherein was comprehended, briefly the pith and effect of all the Canons and decrees cōcluded in the councel of Ba∣sil. The which constitution the saide king Charles willed and commaunded through all his realme,* 13.187 inuiolably to be obserued and ratified for the honor and increase of Christi∣an religion for euer. This was An. 1438.

It followed, that after the decease of thys foresayde Charles the 7. succeded king Lewys 11. who had promised before,* 13.188 being Dolphine to Pope Pius, that if he euer came to the crowne, the foresayd Sanctio Pragmatica should be a∣bolished. Wherupon Pope Pius hearing him to be crow∣ned, did send vnto him Iohn Balueus a Cardinall, wyth hys great letterg patent, willing him to be mindful of hys promise made. The king eyther willing, or els pretending a will to performe, and accomplish what he had promised, directed the Popes letters patēt, wyth the sayd Cardinal, to the counsaile of Paris, requiring them to consult vpon the cause.

Thus the matter beyng brought and proposed in the Parliament house, the kings Atturney named Ioannes Romanus, a man wel spoken, singularly witted, and wel reasoned, stepping foorth, with great eloquence, and no les boldnes, prooued the sayd Sanction to be profitable, holy, and necessary for the wealth of the realme, and in no case to be abolished.* 13.189 Unto whose sentence the Uniuersity of Pa∣ris adioyning their consent, did appeal from the attempts of the Pope, to the next generall Councell. The Cardinall vnderstanding this, toke no litle indignation thereat, fret∣ting and fuming, and threatning many terrible things a∣gainst them: but al his minatory words notwithstanding, he returned againe to the king, hys purpose not obtained, An. 1438. Ex Ioan. Mario.

Thus the Popes purpose in France was disappoyn∣ted, which also in Germanie had come to the like effect, if Fredericke the Emperor had there done his part lykewise toward the Germaines: Who at the same time bewailing their miserable estate,* 13.190 wēt about wyth humble sute to per∣swade the Emperor that he should no longer be vnder the subiection of the Popes of Rome, except they had first ob∣tained certaine things of them as touching the Charter of Appeales, declaring their estate to be far worse (although vndeserued) then the Frenchmen or Italians: whose ser∣uants (and especially of the Italians) they are worthely to be called, except that their estate were altered. The nobles & comminalty of Germanie, did instantly intreate w^t most waighty reasons & examples, both for the vtilitie and pro∣fite of the Empire, to haue the Emperours aide and helpe therin, for that which he was bound vnto them by an oth: alledging also the great dishonor & ignominie in that they alone had not the vse of their owne lawes, declaring how y^e French natiō had not made their sute vnto their king in vaine against the exactions of Popes: by whom they were defended, whych also prouided decrees and ordinances for the liberty of his people, & caused the same to be obserued: the which thing the Emperor ought to foresee within hys Empire, & to prouide for hys people and states of his em∣pire, as well as other Kings doe. For what shall come to passe therby, if that forreine nations hauing recourse vnto their kings, being relieued and defended by them from the said exactions, and the Germains, & states of the Empyre flying vnto theyr Emperour, be by him forsaken or rather betraied & depriued of their owne lawes and decrees? The Emperor being mooued, & partly ouercome by theyr per∣swasions, promised that he wold prouide no lesse for them, then the king of Fraunce had done for the Frenchmen, and to make decrees in that behalfe: but the graue authoritie of Aeneas Syluius, as Platina wryteth in the history of Pius the second, brake of the matter, who by his subtile and pestise∣rous perswasions did so bewitche the Emperour, that hee contemning the equall, iust, and necessary requestes of hys subiects, chose the sayd Aeneas to be hys Ambassadour vn∣to Calixtus then newly chosen Pope, to sweare vnto hym in his name, & to promise the absolute obedience of al Ger∣many, as the only coūtry (as they call it) of obedience, neg∣lecting the ordinances & decrees of their country, as before he had done vnto Eugenius the 4. being Ambassadour for the sayd Fredcrike, promising that he & all the Germaines would be obedient vnto him from hēceforth in al matters, as well spirituall as temporall.

Thus twise Friderike of Austrich contemned and deri∣ded the Germaines, & frustrating them of their natiue de∣crees and ordinances, brought them vnder subiection and bondage of the Pope: whych partly was the cause that 7. yeres before his death, he caused his sonne Maximiliā, not only to be chosen, but also crowned king of Romains, and did associate hym to y^e ministration of the Empire, least af∣ter hys death (as it came to passe) the Empire shoulde bee transported into an other family,* 13.191 suspecting y^e Germains, whom he had twise cōtrary to his lawes made subiect and in bondage vnto the Popes exactions: first be fore he was crowned in the time of Eugenius the 4. and again the se∣cond time after hys coronation, and death of Pope Nicho∣las the 5. denying their requests. Wherupon Germany be∣ing in this miserable pouerty and greuous subiection vn∣der the Popes tiranny and polling, with teares and sighs lamenting their estate, continued so almost vnto Luthers time, as the hystories hereafter following do testify.

And here ceasing with the story of Fredericke,* 13.192 we will now procede to the raigne of Maximilian his sonne, omit∣ting diuers things els incident in the time of this Empe∣rour: as first touching the vnbrotherly contention & con∣flicts betwene this Fredericke and Albertus hys brother, and Sigismundus his vncle, for the dukedome of Austria, after the death of Mathias afore mentioned: Omitting al∣so to speake of the long and cruel war betwene the Prussi∣ans, and Polonians, with the religious sect of them, which were called Tentones fratres sanctae Mariae, in the time of U∣ladislaus: Omitting also the strife and variaunce for the dukedome of Millain,* 13.193 betwene Fredericus the Emperor, Alfonsus, Carolus duke of Orleance, & Franciscus Sfor∣tia: And howe the sayde Princedome being after geuen to Sfortia, great warres were kindled & long continued be∣twene Sfortia and the Milleners, then betwene the Mil∣leners and Uenetians, and after betweene the Frenchmen and the Milleners. All which tumultes and commotions, as not pertinent greatly to the purpose of this story, I re∣ferre to other wryters, where they are to be founde more amply discoursed.

Thys as more properly belonging to the storye of the Church, I thought good not to passe ouer touching such as were condemned, & suffered the paines of fire for testimo∣ny of Christ and his truth: Of whom one was Iohn a pa∣stor or a neteheard, which was a keper of cattel: The other was Ioannes de Wesalia, although not burned, yet per∣secuted neere to death vnder the raigne of thys Emperour Fredericus the 3.

And first touching thys Iohn the Netehearde,* 13.194 Thus wryteth Sebast. Munsterus. That the Bishop of Herbypolis, condemned and burned for an hereticke one Iohn, whych was a keeper of cattel at a towne called Niclas Hausen in Franconia,* 13.195 because hee taught and helde that the lyfe of the cleargy was ignominious and abhominable before God. An. 1476. Ex Munstero.

The other was Doctour Ioannes de Wessalia,* 13.196 who was complained vpon vnto Dietherus the Archbishop of Mentz, by the Thomists, vppon certaine articles and opi∣nions, gathered out of hys bookes. Wherefore the sayde Dietherus, fearing else to be deposed againe from his Bi∣shopricke, directeth forth commission to the vniuersities of Heidelberg and Colen, to haue the mater in examination, who conuenting together the yere aboue mentioned, cal∣led thys Doctour de Wessalia before them, making hym to sweare that he shuld present and geue vp all his treatises, workes and wrytings, what so euer hee had made or prea∣ched:

that being done, they deuided hys bookes amongest themselues, seuerally euery man to find out what heresies and errors they could. His articles & opinions were these.

That all men be saued freely, and through meere grace by faith in Christ.* 13.197 Free will to be nothing. Onely that we shoulde beleeue the word of God, and not the glose of any mā, or fathers. That the worde of God is to be expounded with the collation of one place with an other. That Prelates haue no authoritie to make la∣wes, or to expounde the scriptures by any peculiare right, geuen them more then to an other. That mennes traditions, as fastings, pardones, feasts, long prayers, peregrinations and such like, are to be reiected. Extreme vnction and confirmation to be reprooued: confession and satisfaction to be reprehended. The primacie of the Pope also he affirmed to be nothing.

Certaine other articles also were gathered out of hym by his aduersaries, but in such sort, that they may seme ra∣ther to followe their owne malicious gathering, then any true intelligence of his minde: whereof more is to be vn∣derstanded in this processe hereafter.

Thus when Wesalianus was commanded to appear, there conuented together, first the Archbishop, the inquisi∣tor, the doctors of Colen, and the doctors of Heidelberge, with the masters of the same, and the Rector of the vniuer∣sity of Mentz, the Deane of faculties, Bachelers of diuini∣ty, and many other maisters of the same vniuersitie, Ca∣nous, doctors, with the bishops Chanceller, and his coun∣cellers, besides many religious prelates, schollers, wyth a doctor of Franckforte, the sumner & bedels, which all met together in the great hall of the Minorites, for the exami∣nation of this Ioannes de Wesalia.

Frier Elton the Inquisitor, first sitteth in the hyghest place, then after him others according to their degree. In the beginning of the examination, first the Inquisitor be∣ginneth with these wordes: Most reuerent father and ho∣norable doctors.* 13.198 &c. Our reuerent father and prince Elec∣tor hath caused this present cōuocation to be called, to hear the examination of M. Iohn de Wesalia, in certaine sus∣pected articles concerning the catholique faith. But some∣thing I will say before, that may doe hym good, and desire that two or three of them that fauoure hym, or some other, will rise vppe and geue him counsaile, to forsake and leaue his errours, to recognise himselfe, & to aske pardon, which if he wil do, he shal haue pardon: if he wil not, we wil pro∣cede against him without pardone. And thus Wesalianus being cited and brought in the midst betwixt 2. minorites, being very aged, and hauing a staffe in his hand, was sette before the Inquisitor. Who beginning to answer for hym self with a long protestation,* 13.199 could not be suffred to prose∣cute his Oration, but was cutre off and required briefly, to make an end, and to tell them in fewe woordes whether he would stand to his opinions, or to the determination of the church. To this he aunswered, y^t he neuer spake any thing against the determination of the Church,* 13.200 but sayde that he had written diuers and sondry treatises, in the which if hee had erred, or were found to say otherwise then wel, he was content to reuoke and cal backe the same, and do al things that was requisite. Then said the Inquisitor, do you aske then pardon? The other answered, why shuld I aske par∣don, when I know no crime or error committed? The in∣quisitour sayd: well we will call you to the remembraunce thereof, and proceede to the examination.

In the meane time, others called vppon him instantly to aske pardone. Then sayd Wesalianus. I aske pardone. Notwithstanding the Inquisitor proceeded to the exami∣nation, reading there two instruments,* 13.201 declaring that hee had authority from the Apostolicke sea: after this cited the said Iohn to appear to hys examination. Thirdly he com∣maunded him vnder paine of disobedience, in the vertue of the holy Ghost, and vnder paine of excōmunication of the greater curse,* 13.202 (from the which no man coulde absolue him, but onely the Pope or the Inquisitour, except onely at the poynt of death) to tell plainly the truth vppon such things as should be demanded of him concerning his faith, with∣out ambages and sophistication of wordes. And so being demanded first, whether he did beleue vpon his oth taken, that hee was bounde to tell the trueth, although it were a∣gainst himselfe or any other: to this he answered, Scio, that is:* 13.203 I know: Thē the Inquisitour biddeth him say, Credo, that is, I beleeue. To the which hee aunswered agayne, what nede I say that I beleeue that thing I know. There the Inquisitor something stirred wyth the matter, as hote as a toste (as they say) cried out with a loude voice, maister Ioannes, maister Ioannes, maister Ioannes, say Credo, say Credo. Then he answered Credo.

After thys, being demaunded whether he had wrytten any treatise, concerning the binding of humaine lawes, to one Nicolas of Boheme, and whether he had written any treatise of the Ecclesiasticall power of indulgences & par∣dons, and of fasting and other treatises: he beleued that he had so written, and had conferred w^t diuers learned men: Also that he had sent to the Bishops of Wormes, a certaine treatise of fasting.

Many other interrogatories were ministred vnto him, whereof some were vaine, some false. Such as were more principal, here we will briefly touch, leauing out superflui∣ti••s.

Being demaunded whether hee was a fautour of the Bohemians,* 13.204 he sayde he was not. Also being demaunded concerning the Sacrament of the holy body and bloude of our Lorde, whether he thought Christe there to be contai∣ned really, or only diuinely, and whether he dyd beleeue in the sayde Sacrament the substaunce of breade there to re∣maine, or onely the fourme thereof: to thys he aunswered, not denying but the body of Christe was there really con∣tained, and also wyth the body of Christe, the substaunce of bread to remaine.

After this he was demaunded his opinion concerning religious men,* 13.205 as Monkes, Nunnes, or begwines, whe∣ther he thought them to be bound to the vow of chastitie, or to the keping of any other vow, and whether he said to the Friers Minorites any such worde in effecte: I can not saue you in this your state and order. Thys he confessed, that he had sayde, howe that not your religion saueth you, but the grace of God, &c. not denying but they might be saued.

Item,* 13.206 being required whether he beleued or had wryt∣ten, that there is no mortall sinne, but whyche is exprest to be mortal in the canon of the holy Bible: to this he answe∣red, that he did so beleue as he hath written, til he was bet∣ter informed. Likewise being required what he thought of the vicar of Christ in earth, he aunswered, that he beleeued that Christe left no vicare in earth: For the confirmation whereof he alledged and sayde,* 13.207 that Christ ascending vp to heauen, said: Ecce ego vobiscum sum. &c. Behold I am with you. &c. In the which wordes he plainly declared, that hee would substitute vnder him no vicare in earth, and sayde moreouer, if a vicare signified any man, which in y^e absence of the principal hath to do the works of the principall, then Christ hath no vicar here in earth.

In like maner,* 13.208 concerning indulgences and pardons, such as the church doth vse to geue, they demanded of him, whether they had any efficacy, & what he thought thereof: who answered againe that he had written a certaine trea∣tise of that matter, & what hee had wrytten in that treatise, he would persist therin,* 13.209 which was thus: that he beleeued, that the treasure boxe of the merits of Saints could not be distributed of the Pope to others, because that treasure is not left here in earth: For so it is wryttē in the Apocalips: Opera enim illo••um, sequuntur illos, &c. that is: their workes follow them.

Item, that theyr merites could not be applied to other men, for the satisfaction of theyr paine due vnto them, and therefore that the Pope and other Prelates cannot distri∣bute that treasure to men.

It was obiected to him moreouer,* 13.210 that in the sayde his treatise, he called pardons & indulgences, Pias fraudes fideli∣um, that is, holy fraudes and deceits of the faithful.

Also, being demaunded what he thought of the halow∣ing and blessings of altars, chalices, vestiments, wax can∣de••s, palmes, herbes, holy water and other diuine things, &c. Hee aunswered that they had no spirituall vertue and power in them to driue away deuils, and that holye water hath no more efficacie then other water not hallowed, as concerning remission of veniall sinnes, and driuing away deuels and other effectes, which the schoole doctours do at∣tribute to it.

Item, for degrees of mariage forbidden in the Scryp∣tures, he beleueth that all Christian men vnder deadly sin, are bound vnto the same.

Item, that he beleeueth that God may geue grace to a man hauing the vse of reason, without all motion of Free wil. Also he thinketh that S. Paule in his conuersion, dyd nothing of his owne free wil for his conuersion. He belee∣ueth moreouer, that God may geue such grace to a manne hauing the vse of reason, not doing that which in hym is.

* 13.211Item, he affirmed that nothing is to be beleued, which is not conteined in the Canon of the Bible.

Also, that the elect are saued onely by the grace of God.

Besides al these moreouer, he was charged with y^e old opinion of the Grecians, which they dyd holde contrary to the Romaine church, vnto the time of the councell of Fer∣raria aboue mentioned, concerning the proceedyng of the holy Ghost.

The Wednesday next following, 3, Doctours, the suf∣fragane, Herwicus & Iacobus Sprenger, were sent vnto

him with perswasions to exhort him, and when he would not stand to their Canons,* 13.212 wherby they went about to re∣fute his doctrine, he was then demanded of Herwicus, why he would beleue rather the 4. Euangelists, then the Gos∣pel o•• Nicodemns. To whō he answerd, because he wold. Being asked againe why he beleued the 4. Euangelists, he said: because he so receiued of his parents. Then being de∣maunded, why he would not beleue the Doctours, because (said he) their doctrine is not canonical scripture. Againe, it was to him obiected, why he would be credited himself, when he preached, seing he would not beleue the holy doc∣tors? To whome hee answered in this wise, saying, that he did preach as his duety was, but whether they gaue credit to his words, he did not care.

* 13.213Thys examination being ended, after these Articles were condemned by the Inquisitour & his assistance, then said he after this maner: As you do with me, if Christ him∣selfe were here, he might be condemned as an heretike. Af∣ter this they sent diuers to him to haue communication w^t him, and to perswade him, sending also to him w^t his Arti∣cles a forme of asking pardone: at length within 3. or 4. daies after, hee was content to condescend vnto them, and to submit himselfe to their holy mother Churche, and the information of the Doctors.* 13.214 In the boke of Orthuinus Gra∣tius, and in Paralypomena, adioyned to Abbas Vrspergensis, we reade these woordes wrytten of this Ioannes de Wesalia:* 13.215 Dempto solo articulo de processione spiritus sancti, in alijs vide∣tur non ita graui censura &c. That is: except onely the Arti∣cle of the proceeding of the holy Ghost, in other Articles it semeth that he was not to be chastened with so sharpe cen∣sure, if respit and space had ben geuen him, if good councel∣lours had bene aboute him,* 13.216 if all they which did accuse and molest him, had not bene de via realium, as Thomistes, that is, of the sect of Thomas: which Thomists were set at that time, against the other sect of the seculars, which were cal∣led Nominales, and therfore, they so spited this Doctour be∣cause he did not hold with their Thomas, against whome otherwise (had it not ben for that cause) they would neuer haue ben so fierce and malitious in proceding against him. I take God to witnesse, which knoweth all things, y^t this processe, which was made against him for his reuoking & burning of his bookes, did greatly displease M. Engeline of Brunswick, a great diuine, and also M. Iohn Reisers∣berge, being both learned, and famous men, but namely M. Engeline thought, that too much malice and rashnesse was shewed in handling of that same man, and did not feare to say, that many of his articles, and the greater part thereof, might be holden well inough, and greatly blamed the mad and phantasticall dissention of the Thomists,* 13.217 see∣king by all maner of wayes, how to get the triumph ouer the seculare deuines, &c. Haec ille.

* 13.218Although thys aged and feble old man, by weakenesse was constrained to geue ouer vnto the Romish clergy, by outward profession of his mouth: yet notwithstāding, his opinions and doctrine declared his inward heart, of what iudgement he was, if feare of death present had not other∣wise enforsed him to say, then hee did thinke. Agayne, al∣though he had reuoked after their minds, yet we reade no such fourme of recantation to be prescribed to hym to read opēly vnto the people, as the vse is here in England. The story of this man is more fully to be found in the bokes of Orth. Gratius. &c.

As touching the raigne of this Fredericke Emperor, seeing we haue comprehēded hetherto sufficiently the most principal matters in his time incurrent, we wil now passe forwarde (the Lorde guiding vs) to Maximilian, after I haue first geuen a briefe memorandum of 3. valiant Princes and Captaines,* 13.219 florishing in the same time of thys Frede∣ricke, in Germaine: Of the whych, was one Albert Duke of Saxonie, who for his renoumed and famous acts, was called by publique voyce, Dextera manus Imperij. The ryght hande of the Empire. The other was Albert, Marques of Brandenburge, to whome also the name was attribute, named of Pope Pius to be Achilles Germanicus. The third was Fredericke Earle Palatine, surnamed Victoriosus, who manfully defended the fredome and maiesty of y^e Em∣pire, from the fraudulent oppressions of the popes tirāny.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1484. in this Emperours time dyed Pope Sixtus the 4. a little before touched, a monster rather of nature,* 13.220 then a prelate of the Church. Of him writeth Platina, that vniustly he vexed al Italy with warre and dissension. Agrippa writing of hym, sayeth that among all the bawdes of these other latter dayes, whych were builders of brothelhouses, this Pope Sixtus 4. sur∣mounted all other: who at Rome erected a stewes of dou∣ble abhomination, not onely of wemen, but also. &c. wher∣upon no small gaine redounded to his coffers: For euery suche common harlot in Rome paide to him a Iuly peece, the sumnie wherof grew in the yere, some while to 20000. at length to xl. M. duckets. Wherunto accordeth right wel the Epitaphe of Iohn Sapidus, which in the ende heere of we will annexe.

Iohn Carion,* 13.221 also speaking of this Bishop, witnesseth him to be a man rather borne to warre, then to Religion: For hee warred against Uitellius Tiphernates, agaynst the Florentines, the Uenecians, whome he excommunica∣ted, and did not absolue till hee died:* 13.222 also against Colum∣nenses, against Ferdinandus king of Apulia, and Duke of Calabria: also against other nations and Princes moe. Ex Ioan. Laziardo.

Of the sayde Pope it is recorded, that he was a speciall patron and tutor to al begging Friers, graunting them to haue and enioy reuenues in this worlde, & in the world to come euerlasting life. Among the which Friers there was one named Alanus de rupe, a Blacke Frier, which made the Rosary of our Ladies Psalter (so they terme it) and erected a certaine new fraternitie vpon the same, called Fraternitas Coronariorum, pertaining to the order of the Dominickes, of the which order Iacobus Sprenger, one of the condemners of Ioannes de Wesalia aboue mentioned, was a great aduā∣cer, and especially this Pope Sixtus 4. who gaue to the sayd fraternities large graces and priuilegies.

Concerning the institution of this Rosary, there was a booke set forth about the yere of our Lord 1480. in the be∣ginning wherof is declared, that the blessed virgin entred into the celle of this Alanus, and was so familiar with him, that not onely she did espouse him to her husband, but also kissed him with her heauenly mouth,* 13.223 and also for more fa∣miliaritie, opened to hym her pappes, and powred great plentie of her owne milke into his mouth. For the confir∣mation whereof the sayde Alanus, this holy babe (sayth the storie) did sweare deepely, curssing himselfe, if it were not thus, as he had made relation.

This fabulous figment, when I read in the centuries of Iohn Bale, I began with my selfe to mistrust the cre∣dite therof, and had thought not to trouble the reader with suche incredible forgeries. But as the prouidence of God worketh in all things, so also it appeared in thys, that the very same booke came to my hands at the wryting hereof, wherein this selfe same narration is conteined, wherein I found not onely this to be true, which in Ihon Bale is ex∣pressed, but also found in like manner, an other wonder as prodigious as this: where in an other place not farre off, is storied in the same booke, howe that about the time of S. Dominicke, there was a certaine matrone in Spaine, na∣med Lucia, which being taken captiue by the Saracenes, hauing her husband killed, was caried great with childe into the Turkish land.

When the time of her labour came, shee being left deso∣late among beastes and hogs, and remembring thys twise holy Rosary, (first instituted sayth the booke by S. Domi∣nicke, and afterwarde renued by Alanus) eftsoones the ho∣ly virgin was ready and stoode by her,* 13.224 & receiued the childe at her trauaile, supplying all the partes of a diligent mid∣wife: and moreouer causing a Priest sodenly to appeare, gaue the childe to be Christened, calling it after her owne name, Marianus: and so was shee wife to Alanus, mid∣wife to Lucia, and Godmother to Marianus. Which sto∣ry if it be true, then is the Popes Canon, by thys example, to be controlled, whiche permitteth midwiues in time of necessity,* 13.225 to baptise, seeing the blessed Uirgine, playing the parte her selfe of a midwife, durst not Baptise thys childe without a priest.

It followeth more in the storye, that by the helpe of the sayd blessed virgin, this Lucia our Ladies gossip, after her Purification, was restored w^t her childe safe to her country againe.* 13.226 Thys booke being in Latine and Printed, beareth thys title: Rosacea Augustissimae Christiferae Mariae Corona: and in the front it sheweth the name of Iodocus Bisselaius a noble manne of Aquine. And this by the occasion of Pope Sixtus. Which Sixtus, what a maintainer of blind super∣stition hee was, partly by that aforespoken, partly by the ende following it may be seene. For we reade in certaine wryters, y^• after thys Pope had vnderstanding that Her∣cules Estensis,* 13.227 Duke of Ferraria, had ioyned peace wyth the Uenetians against hys will, he was so greeued there∣with, that for rancour of minde, wythin 5. dayes after, hee died: whereunto hys Epitaph following geueth sufficient record. About whose time also died Platina, a man not vn∣learned, but yet a shamefull flatterer and bearer wyth the wicked liues of the Popes.

The Epitaph of Pope Sixtus is this.

Non potuit saenum vis vlla extinguere Sixtum∣ Audito tandem nomine pacis obit.

An other Epitaphe of the same Pope.

Sixte iaces tandem, nostri discordia secli, Saeuisti in superos, nunc Acheronta moue. Sixte iaces tandem, deflent tua busta cinaedi, Scorta{que} lenones, alea, vina, venus.

An other.

Gaude prisce Nero, vincit te crimine Sixtus, Hic scelus omne simul clauditur, & vitium.

But leauing here pope Sixtus with hys verses, & vi∣ces, let vs nowe proccede,* 13.228 as we before promised, to enter the story of Maximilian, keeping notwithstanding the or∣der of our kinges here in England: For a little before the reigne of Maximilian, king Edward the fourth ceased his life. an. 1483. after he had raigned 22. yeares. In the tyme of which K. Edward, this also is not to be forgotten, y^t one Burdet, a marchant dwelling in Cheapside, at the signe of the crowne, whiche is the signe nowe of the flower de luce merely speaking to his sonne, sayd that he wold make him inheritour of the crown, meaning in deed his own house. For the which words, when K. Edward caused to be mis∣constred, & interpreted, as though he had ment the crowne of the Realme, w^tin lesse space then 4. houres, he was ap∣prehended, iudged, drawne, and quartered in Chepeside.

King Edward the 5.

* 13.229THis king Edwarde left behinde hym by hys wife Elizabeth 2. sonnes, Edward, & Richard & 2. daughters, Elizabeth and Cicilie. Which 2. sonnes Edward & Richard, for somuche as they were vnder age and not ripe to gouern, a consultation was called among y^e pieres, to debate whe∣ther y^e foresayd yong prince & king, shold be vnder the go∣uernment of his mother, or els y^t Rich. Duke of Glocester brother to K. Edward the 4. & vncle to the child, should be gouernor of the K. and protector of the realme, there hath bene and is an old adage, the wordes whereof rather then the true meaning,* 13.230 is wrasted out of Salomon: Vae regno cuius Rex est puer. &. 1. Wo to y^e kingdom, the king whereof is a child. &c. But if I may finde leaue herein to thrust in a glose, I would this adde and say: Vae illi puero, qui fui regni Rex non est. 1.* 13.231 Wo to that childe, whiche is a king in a king∣dome vnruly and ambitious. There was the same season among other noble peeres of y^e realm, the Duke of Buck∣ingham, a man of great authoritie, who had maryed King Edwards wifes sister. Because the duke being so neare al¦liaunt to the K. had bene vnkindely (as he thought) of the king entreated, hauing by him no anauncement nor anye great frendship shewed, according to his expectation, took part therfore w^t Richard Duke of Glocester, both against the Queene & her children,* 13.232 to make the foresayd Duke, the chiefe gouernour and protector. The whiche thinge being broughe to passe, by the ayde, assistaunce, and workinge of the Duke of Buckingham, the Queene tooke sanctuarye with her yōger sonne: the elder brother, which was y^e king remayned in the custody of the Duke of Glocester his vn∣cle. Who being now in a good towardnes to obtayne that which he lōg loked for, sought all the means, & soone com∣passed the matter, by false collour of dissembled words, by periurie, and labour of friendes, namely of the Duke of Buckingham, and the Cardinall Archbishop of Caunter∣burye, that the other brother also shoulde bee committed to his credite. Thus the ambitious protector and vnnatu∣rall vncle, hauing the possession of his two nephewes, and and innocent babes, thought himselfe almost vp the whele where he woulde clime••: Although he could not walke in such mistes and cloudes, but his deuised purposes began to be espyed: which caused him more couertly to goe about to remoue from him all suspicion and to blinde the peoples eyes. But before, he could accomplish hys execrable enter∣prise, some there were, whom he thought first must be ridd out of his way, as namely the Lorde Hastinges, and the Lord Stanley, who as they were sitting together in coun¦saile within the tower, the protectour (the matter beyng so appoynted before) sodaynly rushed in among them, and after a few words there commoned, he sodainly hasted out agayne: his minde belike, being full of mischiefe and furye was not quiet. Who within the space of an houre, retur∣ned agayn into y^e chamber with a sterne countenance and a frowning look, and so there set him downe in hys place. When the Lordes were in great meruell and muse at the meaning hereof: then he out of a cankered hart, thus begā to bray, asking them what are they worthy to haue, which go about to imagine the destruction of him being so neare to y^e kings bloud, and protectour of the Realme? At the which question,* 13.233 as the other Lords sate musing, the Lord Hastinges, because he had bene more familiare wyth him, thus aunswered, that they were worthy of punishement, whatsoeuer they were. Which when the other Lordes also had affirmed:* 13.234 that is (quoth the protectour) yonder sorce∣resse, my brothers wife, meaning the Queene and other with her, adding moreouer, and saying: that sorcere•••• & o∣ther of her counsayle, as Shores wife, with her affinitie, haue by their witchcraft, thus wasted my body: and there∣with shewed forth his left arme a wearish withered thing as it was neuer otherwise, as was well knowne.

This Shores wife had bene before a Concubine to K. Edward,* 13.235 & afterward was kept by the same Lorde Hast∣inges. Moreouer here is to be noted, that by the consent of the said Lord Hastinges, the cruell protectour had deuised about the same time,* 13.236 the kindred of the Queene, innocently to be headed at Pomfret, of mere despite and hatred. Wher¦fore, this punishment not vndeseruedly, by the iust hand of God, fell vpon the said Lord Hastinges.

It followeth then more in the storye, that when the L. Hastinges had heard these false accusations of the tyraunt which he knew to be vntrue: certaynly (my Lord) sayd he, if they haue so done, they be worthye of haynous punishe∣ment. Why quoth the protector, doest thou serue me with if and with and? I tel thee, they haue so done, and that I wil make good on thy body traytour: and therewith geuing a great rap on the boord (for a token or watchword) one cry¦ed treason without, and forthwith the chamber was full of harneysed men, The protector then approchyng to the L. Hastinges,* 13.237 arrested him as a traytour. An other let flye at the Lord Standley: who to auoyd the blowe shronke vn∣der y^e table, or els his head had bene cleft a sonder: notwith¦standing he receaued such a wounde, that the bloud ranne about hys eares. There were in that counsaile y^e same time the Archbishop of Yorke,* 13.238 and Doctour Morton Byshop of Ely (by whose procurement afterward king Henry the vii. was sent for into England, and he made archbishop af¦ter that of Canterbury) these with the Lord Standley di∣uersly were bestowed in diuers chambers. The Lorde Hastinges was commaunded to speede and shriue hym a pace,* 13.239 for before dinner the protector sware by S. Paule, y^t he should dye: and so incontinently, without farther iudge¦ment, his head was striken of,* 13.240 by whose counsayle the Queenes kindred were at the same time and daye, behea∣ded at Pomfret.

After this tyrannous murder accomplished, the mischie∣nous protectour aspiring still to the crowne, to set his de∣uises forward, first through giftes and fayre promises, dyd subordinate Doctor Shaw a famous preacher then in Lō¦don, at Paules Crosse to insinuate to the people, that ney∣ther king Edward with his sonnes,* 13.241 nor the Duke of Cla∣rence were lawfully begotten, nor the very children of the Duke of York, but begotten vnlawfully by other persons in adultery on y^• Duches their mother, and y^t he alone was y^e true and onely lawfull heyre of the Duke of York: More¦ouer to declare and to signifie to the audience, that K. Ed∣ward was neuer lawfully maried to the Queene, but hys wife before was dame Elizabeth Lucy, and so the 2. chil∣drē of king Edward to be base and bastardes, and therfore the title of y^e crown most rightly to pertaine to y^e Lord pro∣tector. That this false flatterer, and loud lying preacher, to serue y^e protectors humour, shamed not most impudently to abuse that holy place, that reuerent auditorye, the sacred word of God,* 13.242 taking for hys theame: Adulterae plantationes nō dabūt radices altas &c which he most impiously did apply against the innocent children & right heyres of this realm.* 13.243 Whereupon such grudge and disdayne of the people wyth worldly wonder followed him, that for shame of the peo∣ple crying out of him, in few dayes after he pyned way.

When this sermon would take no effect with the peo∣ple the protector vnmercifully drowned in ambitiō, rested not thus,* 13.244 but w^tin few dayes after, excited y^e Duke of Buc∣kingham, first to breake the matter in couert talke, to the Mayor and certayne of the heades of the Cittie, picked out for the purpose: that done, to come to y^e Guildhall, to moue the people by all flattering and lying perswasions to the same which shameles Shaw before had preached before at Paules Crosse. Whiche the Duke with all dilligence and helpes of eloquence, being a man both learned and well

spoken,* 13.245 endeuored to accomplish, making to the people a long and artificiall Oration, supposing no lesse, but that y^e people allured by his crafty iusinuations would cry, king Rich. K. Ric. But there was no king Rich, in their mou∣thes lesse in their hartes. Wherupon the Duke looking to the Lord Mayor, and asking what the silence ment, con∣trary to the promise of the one, & the expectation of y^t other It was then answered of the Mayor, that the people per∣aduenture wel vnderstood him not: wherfore the Duke rei¦terating his narration in other wordes, declared agayne y^t he had done before.* 13.246 Likewise the thyrd time he repeted hys Oration againe and agayn. Then the commons which be fore stood mute, being now in a mase, seeing this importu¦nitie, began to mutter softly among themselues, but yet no king Richard could sound in their lips, saue onely that in the nether end of the Hall,* 13.247 certayn of the Dukes seruantes with one Nashfield, and other belonging to the protector, thrusting into the Hall among the prease, began sodaynly at mens backes to cry king Richard k. Rich, throwing vp theyr cappes, whereat the cittizens turning back theyr heades, marueiled not a little, but sayd nothing.

The Duke and the Lord Mayor with that side, taking this for sufficient testimony, incontinent came blowing for hast to the protector, then lying at Baynardes Castle. Where the matter being made before,* 13.248 was now so contri∣ued, that forsooth, humble petition was made in the name of the whole commons, and that with 3 sundry sutes, to y^e humble and simpel protector, that he, although it was vt¦terly against his will to take it: yet would of his humilitye stoupe so low, as to receane the heauy kingdome of Eng∣land vpon his shoulders. At this their tender request and sute of the Lords and commōs made (ye must know how) y^e milde Duke seing no other remedy,* 13.249 was contented at length to yeld, although fore against his will (ye must so i∣magine) and to submit himselfe so low, as of a protector to be made king: not much herein vnlike to our prelates in y^t Popish churche, who when they haue before well com∣pounded for the popes Buls, yet must they for maner sake make curtesy, and thrise deny that for whiche they so long before haue gaped, and so sweetly haue payed for.

King Richard the third vsurper.

* 13.250ANd thus Richard Duke of Gloucester tooke vpon to be made & proclaymed king of Eng∣land, the yeare aforesayd. an. 1483. in the mōth of Iune. Who then comming to the Tower by water, first made his sonne a childe of x. yeare old, prince of Wales, & Iohn Haward (a man of great in∣dustry & seruice) he aduaūced to be Duke of Northfolke, & Sir Tho. Haward his sonne, he ordained Erle of Surry. Also William Lord Barckeley was appoynted Earle of Notingham. Frances L. Louell, was made Uicunt Lo∣uell. L. Stanley for feare of his sonne, was deliuered out of the Tower, and made Steward of the kings houshold. Likewise the Archbishop of Yorke was set free: but Mor∣ton Bishop of Ely was committed to the Duke of Buck∣ingham, by whome was wrought the first deuise to bring in Henry Erle of Richmond into England, and to cōioin mariage betweene Elizabeth king Edwardes daughter, and him, whereby the two houses of Yorke and Lancaster were vnited together.

* 13.251After the kingdome of England was thus allotted to king Rich. the vsurper, as in maner aboue remembred, he taried not long for hys coronation, which was solemnised the month next ensuing, the 6. day of Iuly.

The triumph and solemnitie of this vsurped coronati∣on, being finished, & al thinges to the same appertayning, this vnquiet tyraunt yet coulde not thinke himselfe safe, so long as yong Edward the right king & hys brother, were aliue: Wherefore the next enterprise which he did set vpon was this, how to rid these innocent babes out of the way, that he might reigne king alone.

In the meane time while al this ruffling was in hand what bread & sorow the tender harts of these fatherles and friendles children were in, what little ioy of them selues what smal ioy of life they had, it is not so hard as dolorous for tender harts to vnderstand. As the yonger brother lin∣gered in thought and heauines, so the prince which was a 11. yeare old, was so out of hart and so fraught with feare that he neuer tyed his poyntes, nor ioyed good day, till the trayterous impictie of their cruell vncle had deliuered thē of their wretchednes, whiche was not long in dispatching For after king Richard their vncle, first attempting to cō∣passe his diuelishe deuise by Robert Brakenbury Consta∣ble of the tower,* 13.252 and could not winne him to suche a cruell fact (to die therefore) then he got one Iames Tyrell, ioy∣ning with him Iohn Dighton, and Miles Forrest, to per¦petrate this heinous murder. Which Dyghton and Forest about midnight entring into their chamber, so be wrapped and entangled them amongst the clothes, keeping downe the fetherbed and pilowes hard vnto their mournes, that within a while: they smoothered and stifeled them pitiou∣sly in their bed.

And thus ended these two yong princes their liues, tho¦rough the wretched cruelty of these forenamed tormentors who for their detestable and bloudy murder committed, es¦caped not long vnpunished by the iust hand of God. For first Miles Forest, at S. Martines le grand, by peecemeale miserably rotted away, Iohn Dighton liued at Callis lōg after so disdained and hated, that he was pointed at of all men, and there died in great misery. Sir Iames Tyrell was beheaded at Tower hill for treason. Also King Ri∣chard himselfe within a yeare and a halfe after, was stayne in the field hacked and hewed of his enemies handes, torne and tugged like a curre dogge.

Furthermore, the said iustice of gods hand left not the Duke of Buckingham escape free: Whiche was a greate maintainer and setter vp of this butcherly vsurper: for les then within a yeare after so God wrought, that hee was himselfe beheaded for treason by the sayd king, whom he so vniustly before had aduaunced and set vp.

In the same catologue and order of these wicked doers afore recited, we haue also to comprehende two other, as well worthy of memoriall, as the best or rather as y^t worst. The name of the one was doctour Shawe,* 13.253 aboue rehear∣sed: The other doctor Pinkie, prouincial of the Austen Fri¦ers: both famous preachers, and both Doctors in diuinitie both of more learning then vertue (sayth the story) of more same thē learning, & yet of more learning thē truth. Shaw made a Sermon in the prayse of the Protector, before hys coronation. Pinkie preached after thys coronation. Both were so full of tedious flatterye, that no good cares coulde abide them.* 13.254 Pinkie in his sermon so lost his voyce, that he was sayne to leaue of & came downe in in the midst. Doctour Shaw by his sermon lost his hone∣nesty, and soone after, his life for very shame of the world, so that he neuer durst after that, shew his face againe. But as for the Fryer, he was so farre past shame, that the losse therof did little touch him.

Mention was made a little before,* 13.255 of Doctor Morton Bishop at Ely, by whose meanes the deuise was first bro∣ched, for the conioyning the two houses of Yorke & Lanca¦ster together. This deuise was first broken to the Duke of Buckingham, which soone after cost hym his life. But y^t bishop more crafty to saue hymselfe, incontinent fled into Brittain. Notwithstanding, the deuise once being broched was so plausible, and tooke such effect, that message was sent ouer the sea to Henry Earle of Richmond, by his mo¦ther and by the Queene, mother to the Ladye Elizabeth, that if he would make hys returne, and promise to marry with the sayd Lady Elizabeth King Edwards daughter, he should be receaued. To make a longer discourse of thys matter, which is sufficiently set forth by S. Tho. More so ornately, it needeth not.

Briefely (to contract that in a small compasse of wor∣des, which was not so small a thing in doing) after that the Earle Henry, with such other banished mē, as fled out of Englād at the taking of the Duke of Buckingham,* 13.256 had perfect intelligence by his mother and by the Queene and other frends moe out of England, how the case of y^t realm stoode, and how it was here purposed by his frendes, that is, that he should with all conuenient speede, hast hys re∣turne ouer into England, promising to mary with Ladye Elizabeth: he with all diligence as tyme and preparation would serue, aduaūced forward his iourny, being wel hel∣ped and furnished by Fraunces Duke of Britayne, and so shipped his mē. Albeit his first voyage sped not, for that the winds turning contrary: by force of weather his ships were disparcled, and he repulsed backe into Fraūce agayn. His second viage was more prosperous. Who taking the seas at Harslet,* 13.257 in the moneth of August. an. 1485. accom∣panied onely with two thousand men, and a smal number of shippes, aryued at Milford Hauen in Wales, and fyrste came to Dale, then to Harford West, where he was ioyful∣ly receiued, and also by the cōming in of Arnolde Butler and the Pēbroke men, was in power encreased. Frō thēce he remoued by Cardigan to Shrewsbery, & then to New∣port, and so to Stafford, from thence to Liechfield, his ar∣my still more and more augmented. Lyke as a great floud by comming in of many small riuers, gathereth more a∣boundaunce of water: so to this Earle diuers noble Cap∣taynes

and men of power adioyned themselues as Richard Griffith, Iohn Morgan. Rice ap Thomas, thē sir Georg Talbot, with the yong Erle of Shrewesbery his warde, Sir William Stanley, Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Wal¦ter Hungerford, knightes. At last the said Erle hearing of the kinges comming, conducted his whole army to Tam worth.

* 13.258King Richard first hearing of the arriuall of the Erle Henry in the partes of Wales after such a slender sort, did giue little or no regard vnto it. But after, vnderstanding that he was come to Lichfield, without resistaunce or in∣combraunce, he was sore moued, and exceedingly tooke on cursing and crying out against them which had so decea∣ued him, & in all post speed, sent for Iohn Duke of North∣folke, Hen. Erle of Northumberlād. Tho. Erle of Surrey with other his frendes of special trust. Robert Brakenbu∣ry also liesetenaunt of the tower was sent for, with Sir Tho. Burchier, and Sir Walter Hungerforde, with cer∣taine other knightes and Esquiers, of whome he partlye misdoubted, or had some suspicious gelousy. Thus K. Ri∣chard, after most forceable maner well fortified and accom∣panied, leauing nothing vndone y^t dilligence could require set forward toward his enemies. The Earle by this time was come to Tamworth, to whō secretly in the Euening resorted sir Iohn Sauage, sir Bryan Sanford, sir Simon Digby, and many other, forsaking the part of K. Richard, whome all good men hated, as he no otherwise deserued. The king hauing perfect knowledge the Earle to be en∣camped at Tamworth,* 13.259 embatled himselfe in a place neare to a village called Bosworth, not farre from Leicester, ap∣pointing there to encounter with his aduersaries. Here y^t matter lay in great doubt and suspense concerning y^t Lord Stanley (which was y^e Erles father in law & had maryed his mother) to what part he would encline. For although his hart went (no doubt) with the Earle, & had secret con∣ference with him the night before, yet because of his sonne and heyre George Lord Straunge, being then in the hāds of king Richard, least the king should attempt any preiu∣diciall thing against him, durst not be seene openly to goe that way, where in hart he fauoured, and therefore closely kept himselfe betweene both, till the push came that hys helpe might serue at a pinch.

The number of the Erles part exceeded not to the one halfe of the side of king Richard. When the time and the place was appointed, where the two battailes should en∣counter and ioyne together, fore stripes and great blowes were geuen on both sides, and many slayne. If number & multitude might gouerne the successe of battaile,* 13.260 king Ri∣chard had double to the erle. But God is he, not man, that geueth victorye, by what meanes it seemeth to his diuine prouidence best.* 13.261 In what order and by what occasion this field was wonne and lost, the certain intelligence we haue not certainly expressed, but onely by the historye of Poly∣dore Vergile, whom sir Thomas More doth follow word for word. In the which history it doth appeare, y^t as these 2. armies were coupling together, king Richard vnderstan∣ding by his espials where the earle of Richmond was, and how he was but slenderly accompanied, and seeing him to approch more neare vnto him, he rather caryed with cou∣rage, then ruled with reason, set spurres to the horse and raunging out of the compasse of hys ranckes, pressed to∣ward the Erle, setting vppon him so sharpely, that first he killed sir William Brandon,* 13.262 the Erles standard bearer, fa¦ther to y^e Lord Charles Brandon Duke of Suffolke,* 13.263 thē af¦ter ouerthrew sir Iohn Cheny, thinking likewise to op∣presse the Erle. But as the Lorde by his secret prouidence disposeth the euent of all thinges, as the earle with his mē about him being ouermatched, began to dispayre of victo∣ry, sodeinly & oportunely came syr William Stanley with 3.* 13.264 thousand well appointed able men, whereby king Ri∣chardes men were driuen backe & he himselfe cruelly figh∣ting in the thick of his enemies, was there slaue, & brought to his confusion and death, which he worthely deserued.

In the meane time the Earle of Oxford, who had the guiding of the forewarde, discomfited the forefrunt of king Richards hoast,* 13.265 and put them to flight, in which chase ma¦ny were slayne, of noble men especially aboue other, Iohn Duke of Northfolke, Lord Ferrers, sir Richard Radcliffe and Robert Brakenbury Lieutenaunt of the Tower. &c. Lord Thomas Haward Earle of Surrey, there submit∣ted himselfe, and although he was not receaued at first to grace, but long remayned in the Tower, yet at length for his fidelitie, was deliuered and aduanced to his recouered honour and dignitie againe.

This king Richard had but one sonne, who shortly af∣ter the cruell murder of king Edwardes sonnes, was ta∣ken with sicknes and died. The wife of the sayd king Ri∣chard (whether by poyson or by sickenes) dyed also a little before the field of Bosworth:* 13.266 After whose decease, the sto∣rie of Polydore & of sir Tho. More affirmeth: that he inten¦ded himself to mary the Lady Elizabeth his own brothers daughter, and so to preuent the Earle of Richmond.

Moreouer as touching the Lord Stanley, thus repor∣teth the story,* 13.267 that king Richard being in Bosworth fielde, sent for the Lord Stanley by a purseuaunt, to auaunce for∣ward with his company, and come to hys presence: other∣wise he sware by Christes passion, that he would strike off his sonnes head before dinner. The L. Stanley sent word agayne, that if he did, he had more sonnes aliue. Wherupō the kyng immediately commaunded the Lord Strange to be beheaded:* 13.268 which was the very time whē both y^• armies were within fight, & were ready to ioyne together. Wher∣fore the kinges counsailers pondering the tyme and y^e case perswaded the king, that it was now time to sight, & not to doe execution, aduising him to delay the matter tyll the battail were ended. And so (as God would) king Richard breaking hys othe, or rather keeping hys othe, for he hym∣selfe was slayne before dyner, the Lord Straunge was cō∣mitted to be kept prisoner within the kinges tente: who then after the victory gotten, was sought out and brought to his ioyfull father. And thus haue ye the tragicall life and end of this wretched king Richard.

Henry the Erle of Richmond, after harty thankes ge∣uen to almighty God, for hys glorious victorye obteined, proceeded to the towne of Leicester, where was brought to him by the Lord Straunge, the Crowne and put on the Earles head.

In the meane time the dead corpes of king Richarde was shamefully caried to the towne of Leicester,* 13.269 being na¦ked and despoyled to the skinne, & being trussed behinde a purseuaunt of armes, was caryed like a hog or a dog, ha∣uing his head & armes hanging on the one side of y^t horse, and the legges on the other side, all sprincled with myre & bloud.* 13.270 And thus ended the vsurped reign of king Richard who reigned two yeares, and two monthes. Ex Polydo. & Thom. Moro.

King Henry the vij.

WHen king Henry,* 13.271 by the prouidence of God had obtayned this triumphant victory, & Di∣ademe of the realme, first sending for Edward Plantaginet Earle of Warwicke, sonne to George Duke of Clarence,* 13.272 & committing him to safe custody w^e in the tower, frō Leicester remoued to Lō¦don, & not long after, according to his oth & promise made before, espoused to him the yong Ladye Elizabeth, heyre of y^e house of Yorke:* 13.273 whereby both the houses of Yorke and Lancaster were conioyned together, to the no little reioy∣sing of all English hartes, & no lesse quyet vnto the realme which was. an. 1485. This king reigned 23. yeares, and 8. monthes, and being a Prince of great pollicie, iustice and temperance, kept his realm in good tollerable rule & order. And here interrupting a little the course of our Englishe matters, we will now (the Lord willing) enter the story a∣boue promised, of Maximilian the Emperour, & matters of the Empire, especially such as pertayneth to y^t Church.

Maximilian Emperour.

IN the yeare of our Lord.* 13.274 1486. Fridericus waxing aged and partly also mistrusting the hartes of the Germayns who had complained before of theyr greuances,* 13.275 and could not be heard, and therfore misdoubting that hys house af∣ter his decease,* 13.276 should haue the lesse fauour amonge them, for that cause in hys life tyme did associate hys sonne Max∣imilian to be ioyned Emperour with him: with whom he reigned the space of 7. yeares till the death of the sayd Fri∣dericke hys father, who departed. an. 1494. after he had reigned ouer the Empire. 53. yeares, lacking onely but iii yeares of the reigne of Augustus Caesar, vnder whome was the byrth of our Lord and Sauiour Christ.

This Maximilian, as he was a valiaunt Emperoure, prudent and singularly learned:* 13.277 so was hys reigne intan∣gled in many vnquiet and difficile warres: first in the low∣er Countryes of Flaunders and Brabant, where the saide Maximilian was taken captiue, but shortly after, reschu∣ed & deliuered agayne by hys father.* 13.278 1487. It was sig∣nified before how this Maximilian by the aduise of y^t Bur¦gundians, had to wife Mary y^e onely daughter of Charles Duke of Burgundy afore mentioned, by whome he had 2. children, Phillip and Margarete. an. 1477. Whiche Mary not long after, about the yeare of our Lorde. 1481. by a fall

from her horse, fell into an agew, and departed. Other warres many mo, the same Maximilian also achieued, both in France, in Italy, in Hungary and diuers besides.

So happy was y^t education of this Emperour in good letters:* 13.279 so expert he was in tongues and sciences, but espe∣cially such was his dexteritie and Promptnes in the latin stile, that he imitating the exāple of Iulius Caesar, did write and comprehend in Latine historyes, his owne actes and seates done, and that in such sort, that when he had geuen a certayne tast of his history, to one Pircamerus a learned man, asking his iudgemēt how his warlike stile of Latine did like him, the sayd Pyrcamerus did affirme and reporte of him to Iohn Caron (the witnes and writer of this sto∣ry) that he did neuer see nor read any Germane storye,* 13.280 a thing more exactly (and that in such hast) done as this was of Maimilian. Moreouer, as he was learned himselfe, so was he a singular patrone and aduauncer of learned stu∣dentes, as may well appeare by the erecting and setting vp the vniuersitie of Wittenberge.* 13.281 By this Emperour many in those dayes were excited to the embrasing as wel of other liberall artes, as also namely to the searching out of old antiquities of historyes, whereby diuers were then by him first occasioned in Germany, to set their mindes & to exercise their dilligence, in collecting & explicating mat∣ters pertayning to the knowledge of history, as well of an¦cient as also of latter times, as namely Cuspinianus, Nau∣clerus, Conradus Peutingerus, Manlius, and other.

* 13.282Here now it began right well to appeare, what great benefite was broched to the world, by the Arte and facultie of Printing, as is before mentioned. Through the meanes of which printing, the church and common wealth of christ began now to be replenished with learned men, as bothe may appeare by this Emperour being so induced himselfe with such excellent knowledge of good letters, and also by diuers others famous and worthy wittes, whiche began now in this age exceedingly to encrease and multiplye, as Baptista Mantuanus, Ang. Politianus, Hermolaus Barbarus, Pi∣cus Mirandula, and Franciscus his cousin, Rodol. Agricola, Pō∣tanus, Philippus, Bero aldus, Marsilius Ficinus, Volateranus, Ge∣orgius Valla, with infinite other.

Among whom is also to be numbred Weselus Gronin∣gensis, otherwise named Basilius,* 13.283 who was not longe after Ioan de Wesalia aboue recited, both muche about one tyme, and both great friendes together. This Weselus dyed the yeare of our Lord. 1490. After that Ioannes Doctor De We∣salia aforesayd was condemned this Weselus being familiar with him,* 13.284 thought that the Inquisitour woulde come and examine hym also, as he himselfe in a certaine Epistle doth write. He was so notable and worthye a man that of the people he was called Lux Mundi. That is: The light of the worlde.

* 13.285Concerning his doctrine, first he reprehended the opi∣nion of the papistes, as touching repentaunce, which they deuided in three partes, of the which three partes, satisfac∣tion and confession he did disalow. Likewise Purgatorye and supererogation of workes & pardons he did disproue, both at Rome and at Paris. He spake agaynst the popes indulgences, by the occasion whereof diuers of the Popes court, perswaded by him, began to speake more freely a∣gaynst the same matter, then he himselfe had done.

The abuses of Masses and praying for the dead he dis∣alowed: and likewise the supremacy of the Pope, he vtter∣terly reiected (as appeareth in a booke of his De Sacramen∣to poenitentiae) denying vtterly that any supreme head or gouernour ought to be in the world ouer all other:* 13.286 affir∣ming also & saying many times, y^t the pope had no autho∣ritie to do any thingby commaundement but by truth: that is,* 13.287 so farre as trueth goeth with hym, so farre hys sentence to stand: neither y^t he ought to preuayle by commaunding but onely by teaching, so as euery true christian Bish. may preuayle ouer an other. Also in some place in his writings he denyeth not, but that popes and their spirituall Pre∣lates, proceeding agaynst Christes doctrine, be playne An¦tichristes: such as were infirm and not able to perform the bond of chastitie taken vpon them, he sayd they might wel breake their vow.

Also the sayd Weselus witnesseth, that the forefathers which were before Albert and Thomas, did resiste and w^e∣stand the popes indulgences, calling them in theyr wry∣tinges playne Idolatry, mere fraude and erroure: adding moreouer that vnles the seueritie of some good Diuines, had not withstand these pardons and indulgences of the Pope: innumerable erroures had ouerflowne the church.

Amongest these workes of Weselus, there is a certaine Epistle of one written to hym, ••in which the authour of the Epistle confesseth, that in hys time there was a certayne learned man at Paris called maister Thomas de Curselis a Deane: who being in the councell of Basill, whereas di∣uers began to aduaunce the power of the pope to farre,* 13.288 de¦clared and affirmed, to be sayd to him of Christ: Quicquid ligaueris super terram erit ligatum & in coelo: &c. Et non, quic∣quid dixeris esse ligatum. That is. What soeuer thou shalt bynde vpon earth shall be bound in heauen, but not, what soeuer thou sayst to be bound. As who should say the pope cannot nor doth not binde therfore, because he so sayth, ex∣cept truth and righteousnes go also with him: then he doth so bynde in deed. There is a certayne booke of this man a∣mongst diuers others, which he intiruleth, De subditis & superioribus, in y^t which he disputeth greatly against y^t pope & his Prelates: affirming that the pope vnlesse hys faith & doctrine be found, ought not to be obeyed. He affirmeth al∣so that the pope may erre, and when he erreth, men ought by all manner of meanes to resist him. Item, that great & superfluous riches in the clergy do not profite, but hurt y^t church. That the pope doth wickedly distribute the rentes of the Church, and the Church it selfe, to vnworthy Mini∣sters by Simony for hys owne profite and gayne, wherby it may appeare that he neyther careth for GOD, nor the health of the Churche. Item, that the preceptes and com∣maundementes of the pope and prelates be no otherwise but as the Councels and preceptes of Phisitions, binding no further then they are founde to be holesome and stan∣ding with the trueth of the word. Item, that the Pope can commaunde no man vnder payne of deadly sinne, except God commaund him before. He sayth that the keyes of the Pope and of the prelates be not such, wherwith they open the kingdome of heauen, but rather shut it, as the Phari∣seis did. Concerning vowes, he disputeth that such as be foolish and impossibile, ought to be brokē: that the hearers ought to discerne and iudge of the doctrine of their Pre∣lates, and not to receiue euery thing that they say, without due examination.

He sheweth moreouer that the sentence or excommuni¦cation is of more force, proceeding from a true godly ho∣nest, simple and learned men, then from the Pope, as in y^e Councell of Constance, Bernard was more esteemed then Eugenius. Also if the pope with hys prelates, gouern and rule naughtely, that the inferiours, be they neuer so base, ought to resist him.

Writing moreouer of two Popes, Pius the second and Sixtus the fourth, he sayth, that Pius the second dyd v∣surpe vnto hymselfe all the kingdomes of the whole world & that Sixtus the pope did dispense with al maner of othes in causes temporall, not onely with suche othes, as haue bene already, but also with all suche, as shalbe made here∣after: which was nothing els but to geue libertie and li∣cence for men to forsweare themselues and deceiue one an other.

This Weselus beyng a Phrisian borne,* 13.289 and now aged in yeares, vpon a certayne time, when a yong man called mayster Ioannes Oftendorpius, came to hym, sayd these wordes: Well my childe, thou shalt lyue to that day, when thou shalt see the doctrine of these new and contentious di¦uines, as Thomas and Bonauenture, with others of the same sort, shalbe vtterly reiected and exploded from al true Christen deuines: And thys which Oftendorpius then be∣ing young, heard Weselus to speake, he reported himselfe to Nouiomagus, which wrote this story. an. 1520. & heard it of the mouth of the sayd Weselus, an. 1490. Martij. 18.

Philippus Melanchton writing of the lyfe, of Rodol∣phus Agricola, sayth: that Iosquinus Groningonsis, an auncient and a godly man, reported that when as he was young, he was oftentimes present at the Sermons of Ro∣dolphus and Weselus, wherein they many times lamen∣ted the darckenes of the church, and reprehended the abu∣ses of the Masse: and of the single life of priestes. Item, that they disputed oftentimes of the righteousnes of sayth, why S. Paule so oftentimes did inculcate, that men be iustified by faith and not by workes,* 13.290 the same Iosquine also repor∣ted, that they did openly reiecte and disproue the opinion of monks, which say that men be iustified by their works. Item, concerning mens traditiōs their opinion was, that all suche were deceiued, whatsoeuer attribued vnto those traditions any opinion of Gods worship, or y^t they could not be broken. And thus much for the story of doctour We∣sellianus and Wesilus.

By this it may be seene and noted, how by the grace of God and gift of printing, first came forth learning: by lear¦ning came light to iudge and discerne the errors of y^e pope from the truth of Gods word, as partly by these abouesaid may appeare partly by other that followe after by y^e grace of Christ) shall better be seene.

About the very same tyme and season, when as y^e Gos∣pell began thus to braunch & spring in Germanie: the host

of Christes church began also to muster & to multiply like∣wise here in Englād, as by these historyes here consequent may appeare. For not long after the death of this Weselus in the yeare of our Lorde 1494.* 13.291 and in the 9. yeare of the reigne of K. Henry 7. the 28. of Aprill, was burned a ve∣ry old woman named Ioane Boughton widow, and mo∣ther to the Lady Young, which Ladye was also suspected to be of that opinion which her mother was. Her mother was of foure score yeares of age or more, & held 8. of Wick∣leffes opinions (which opiniōs my author doth not shew) for the which she was burnt in Smithfield the day aboue∣sayd. My author sayth, she was a Disciple of Wickleffe, whome she accompted for a Sainct, and helde so fast and firmly viij. of his x. opinions, that all the Doctours of Lō∣don coulde not turne her from one of them, and when it was told her that she shoulde be brent for her obstinacie & false beliefe, shee set nothing by theyr manacing wordes, but defied them, for the sayde she was so beloued of God, and hys holy aungels, that she passed not for the fire, & in the midst therof she cryed to God to take her soule into his holy handes. The night following that she was burnt, the most parte of her ashes were had awaye of suche as had a loue vnto the doctrine that she dyed for.

* 13.292Shortly after the martyrdome of this godly aged mo∣ther in the yeare of our Lord, 1497. and the 17. of Ianua∣ry, being Sonday, two men, the one called Richard Mil∣derale, and the other Iames Sturdy,* 13.293 bare Fagots before the procession of Paules, and after stoode before the prea∣cher in the time of hys Sermon. And vpon the sonday fol∣lowing, stood other two men at Paules crosse all the ser∣mon tyme:* 13.294 the one garnished with paynted & written pa∣pers, the other hauing a Fagot on hys necke. After that in Lent season vppon Passion Sonday, one Hugh Glouer bare a Fagot before the procession of Paules,* 13.295 & after wyth the Fagot stoode before the preacher all the sermon while at Paules crosse. And on the sonday next following foure men stoode, and did there open penaunce at Paules as is aforesayd, in the sermon time many of their bookes were burnt before them at the Crosse.

* 13.296FUrthermore the next yeare following, whiche was the yeare of our Lord. 1498. in the beginning of Maye, the king then being at Canterbury, was a priest burnt, which was so strong in his opinion that all the clerkes & doctors then there beyng, coulde not remoue him from his sayth: whereof the king beyng enformed, caused the sayd priest to be brought before hys presence, who by hys perswasions caused him to reuoke, and so he was burnt immediately.

* 13.297IN the same yeare aboue mentioned, which was the yere of our Lord. 1499. after the beheading of Edward Plan∣tagenet Earle of Warwicke, and sonne to the Duke of Cla¦rence, the king and Queene being remooued to Calys, a

[illustration]

* 13.298The burning of Babram.

certayne godly man and a constant Martyr of Christ, na∣med Babram in Northfolke', was brent in the moneth of Iuly, as is in Fabian recorded after y^t copy, whiche I haue written. Albeit in the book of Fabian printed, his burning is referred to the next yeare following, which is, an. 1500. Ex Fabiano, & alio scripto codice.

ABout which yere likewise or in the yere next folowing y^t xx. day of Iuly,* 13.299 was an old mā burnt in Smithfield

IN the same yeare also,* 13.300 which was of the Lord. 1499. fell the martyrdome and burning of Hieronimus Sauona∣rola, a man no lesse godly in hart, then constant in his pro∣fession. Who being a Monke in Italy, & singularly well learned,* 13.301 preached fore agaynst the euill lyfe & liuing of the spiritualty and specially of hys own order, compsayning fore vpō thē, as the springes and authors of all mischieues & wickednes. Wherupō by y^e helpe of certeine learned men he begā to seek reformatiō in hys own order. Which thyng the pope perceauing, and fearing that the sayde Hierome, which was now in great reputation amōgst al men, shold diminish or ouerthrow his authoritie, he ordained his vi∣car or prouinciall to see reformatiō of these matters: which vicare w^t great superstition began to reforme thinges, but the sayd Hierome did alwayes withstand hym, wherupon he was complayned of to the Pope, and because that con∣trary vnto y^e popes commaundement, he did w^tstand hys vicare,* 13.302 he was accursed. But for all that Hieronimus lefte not of preaching, but threatned Italy with y^e wrath and in dignation of God, and prophecied before vnto them, that the land should be ouerthrowne for the pride and wicked∣nes of y^e people, and for the vntruth, hipocrisie and falshood of y^t clergy, which God would not leaue vncenēged, as of¦terward it came to passe,* 13.303 when as king Charles came into Italy and to Rome, and so straitly beset the pope Alexan∣der, y^t he was forced to make composition with the king.

Now for somuch as the said Hierom would not leaue of preaching, he was commaunded to appeare before the pope,* 13.304 to geue accompt of his new learning, (for so thē they called the truth of the Gospell,) but by meanes of the ma∣nifold perilles, he made his excuse that he could not come. Then was he againe forbidden by the pope to preach, and his learning pronounced and condemned as pernicious, false and sedicious.

This Hieronimus, as a man wordly wise, foreseeing the great perils and daungers that might come vnto him, for feare, left of preaching. But when as the people, which fore hungred and longed for Gods word, were instant vp∣on him that he would preach agayne, he began agayne to preach in the yeare of our Lord.* 13.305 1496. in the Cittie of Flo∣rence, and albeit y^t many counsailed him that he should not so do without the Popes commaundement, yet did he not regard it, but went forward freely of his owne good will. When as the Pope and his shauelinges heard newes of this, they were greuously incensed and inflamed agaynst him, and now againe cursed him, as an obstinate and stif∣necked hereticke. But for all that, Hieronimus proceeded in teaching and instructing the people, saying that men ought not to regard such curses, whiche are agaynst y^e true doctrine and the cōmon profite, whereby the people shold be learned and amended, Christ kingdome enlarged, and the kindome of the deuill vtterly ouerthrowne.

In all his preaching he desired to teach no other thing then the onely pure and simple word of God, making of∣ten protestation that al men should certifie him if they had heard him teach or preach anye thing contrary thereunto, for vpon his owne conscience he knew not y^t he had taught anye thing but the pure word of God.* 13.306 What his doctrine was all mē may easely iudge by his books y^t he had writtē.

After this, in the yeare of our Lord. 1498. he was takē and brought out of S. Markes cloyster, & two other Fry∣ers with hym, named Dominicke and Siluester, whiche fauoured hys learning, and was caried into prison, wher∣as he wrote a godly meditation vpon that most comforta∣ble 31. psalme In te Domine speraui non confundar in aeternū¦sed in iusticia tua libera me. Wherein he doth excellently des∣cribe and set forth,* 13.307 the continuall strife betweene the flesh and the spirite.

After this the Popes Legates came to Florence, & cal∣led forth these three good men, threatning thē marueilously but they continued still constant. Then came the chief coū∣sailers of the citty, with the popes commissioners, whiche had gathered out certain Articles against these men, wher¦upon they were condemned to death: the tenour of which Articles hereafter ensue.

• 1. The first article was as touching our free iustification through fayth in Christ.
• 2. That y^e communion ought to be ministred vnder both kyndes.
• ...

• 3. That the indulgences and pardons of the pope, were of no effect.
• 4. For preaching against the filthy and wicked liuing of the Cardinals and spiritualtie.
• 5. For denying the popes supremacie.
• 6. Also that he had affirmed, that the keyes were not ge∣uen vnto Peter alone, but vnto the vniuersal Church.
• 7. Also, that the pope did neither follow the life nor doc¦trine of Christ, for that he did attribute more to his owne pardons and traditions, then to Christes merits, and ther¦for he was Antichrist.
• 8. Also, that the popes excommunications are not to be feared, and that he which doth feare or flye them, is excom∣municate of God.
• 9. Item, that auriculer confession, is not necessary.
• 10. Item, that he had moued the Cittizens to vprore and sedition.
• 11. Item, that he had neglected and contemned the popes Citation.
• 12. Item, that he had shamefully spoken agaynst, & slan∣dered the pope.
• 13. Itē, that he had taken Christ to witnes of his naugh∣tines and heresie.
• 14. Also, y^t Italy must be clensed through Gods scourge, for the manifold wickednes of the princes and clergy.

These & such other like Articles, were layd vnto them & read before them. Then they demaunded of the said Hie∣rome and his companions, whether they would recant & geue ouer their opinions. Whereunto they answered, that through Gods help, they would stedfastly continue in the manifest truth, and not depart from the same. Then were they disgraded one after an other,* 13.308 by the byshop of Uasion and so deliuered ouer to the secular rulers of Florence, w^t straight commaundement, to cary them forth, and handle them as obstinate and stifnecked heretickes,

[illustration]

The Martyrdome of Hierome and his two companions.

Thus, was the worthy witnesse of Christ, with the o∣ther two aforesaid, first hanged vp openly in the market place, and afterward burnt to ashes, and the ashes gathe∣red vp, & cast into the Riuer of Arum, the 24. day of May in the yeare of our Lord 1499. Ex Catal. testium. Illyrici.

* 13.309This man foreshewed many thinges to come, as the destruction of Florence and Rome, and the renuing of the Church: which three things, haue happened in these times within our remembraunce. Also he foreshewed that the Turkes and Mores in the latter dayes, should be conuer∣ted vnto Christ. He also declared that one should passe the Alpes into Italy, like vnto Cirus, which should subuert and destroy all Italy.* 13.310 Whereupon Iohannes Franciscus Pi∣cus, Erle of Mirandula, called him a holy prophet, and de∣fended him by his writings against the pope. Many other learned men also, defend the innocencie of the saide Sauo∣narola. Marsilius Ficinus also in a certayne Epistle doth at∣tribute vnto him the spirit of prophecie, greatly commen∣ding and praysing him. In the like maner Philippus Comi∣neas a French historiographer,* 13.311 which had conference with him witnesseth that he was a holy man, and full of y^e spirit of prophecie, for so muche as he had foreshewed vnto hym so many thinges, which in euent had proued true.

There were besides these, many other, not to be passed ouer or forgotten: as Phillip Norice an Irishman, profes¦sour at Oxford, who albeit he was not burned (yet as it is sayd) he was long time vexed and troubled by the religi∣ous route. But would to God, that such as haue occupied themselues in writing of histories, and haue so dilligently committed vnto memory all other thinges done in foreign common wealthes, had bestowed the lyke dilligence & la∣bour, in noting and writing those thinges, which pertayn vnto the affayres of the Churche: whereby the posteritie might haue had fuller and more perfecte vnderstanding & knowledge of them.

This Sauonarola aboue mencioned, suffered vnder pope Alexander the 6. of which pope, more leysure & opor∣tunitie shall serue hereafter (Christ willing) to entreat, af∣ter that we shall first make a little digression to entreate of certayn cases and complayntes of the Germaynrs, incidēt in the meane time, which as they are not to be ouerpast in silence, so can they haue no place nor tyme more conueniēt to be inferred. What complayntes of the Germaines were made and moued vnto the Emperour Fredericke agaynst the popes suppressions and exactions, mencion was made before pag.* 13.312 724. where also was declared, howe the sayde Germaines at that time, were twise put backe and forsakē of the Emperour: whereby they continued in y^e same yoke and bondage, vntill the time of Luther. Wherefore it com∣meth now to hand, and we thinke it also good, here briefly to declare, how the sayd Germaynes, in the tyme of Maxi∣milian the Emperour: renuing their complayntes agayn, deliuered vnto the Emperour, x. principall greuaunces. whereby the Germaynes haue bene long time oppressed: shewing also the remedies agaynst the same, with certayne aduisements vnto the Emperours maiesty, how he might withstand and resist the popes subtleties and craftes: The order and tenour whereof here ensueth.

¶ The x. greuaunces of the Germaines.

1. THat the Bishops of Rome,* 14.1 successors one vnto an other, do not thinke themselues bound to obserue & keepe the bulles, couenauntes, priuiledges, and letters, graunted by theyr predecessours, without all derogation: but by often dispensation, suspension and reuocation, euen at the instance of euery vile person, they doe gaynsaye and withstand the same.

2. That the elections of prelates are oftētimes put back.

3. That the elections of Presidentships are withstande, which the chapterhouses of many churches haue obtained with great cost and expence, as the Church of Spyre and Hasell do well know: whose bull, touchyng the election of theyr president, is made frustrate, he being yet aliue which graunted the same.

4. That benefices and the greatest ecclesiasticall digni∣ties, are reserued for Cardinalles and head notaries.

5. That expectatiue graces, called vowsans, are granted without number, and many oftentimes vnto one man: Whereupon continuall contentions do ryse, and much mo¦ney is spent, both that whiche is layd out for the Bulles of those vowsōs which neuer take effet, and also that whiche is consumed in goyng to lawe. Whereupon this prouerbe is risen, whosoeuer will get a vowson from Rome, must haue C. or CC. peeces of golde layde vp in his chest, for the obtayning of the same, which he shall haue neede of, to pre∣secute the law withall.

6. That Annates or yearly reuenewes, are exacted w^t∣out delay or mercy, euen of the bishops lately dead, and of∣tentimes more extorted then ought to be, through new of∣fices and new seruauntes, as by the examples of the chur∣ches of Mentz and Strausburgh, may be seene.

7. That the rule of the churches are geuen at Rome vn∣to those that are not worthy, which were more fitt to keep and feede Mules, then to haue the rule and gouernance of men.

8. That new indulgences and pardons, with the suspen¦sion and reuocation of the old, are graunted to gather and scrape money together.

9. That tenthes are exacted vnder the pretēce of making warre agaynst the Turke: when as no expedition doth fol¦low thereupon.

10. That the cause whiche might be determined in Ger∣many, wheras there are both learned and iust iudges, are

indistinctly caryed vnto the Court of Rome, which thing S. Bernard, writing to Pope Eugenius, seemeth wōder∣fully to reproue.

¶ Here ensueth the remedy agaynst the sayd greuaunces.

* 15.1IF it shal seeme good vnto the Emperors maiesty, let it be declared vnto the bishop of Rome, how greuous and in∣tollerable a thing it is vnto the Germaynes, to suffer con∣tinually so great charge & greeuances, to pay so great An∣nates for the confirmation of the Bishops & Archbishops, and especially in such Bishoprickes, whereas the Annates by successe of time, are enhaunced, & in many (as it is sayd) doubled.* 15.2 For the Archbishops sea of Mentz (as it is sayde) sometime payd onely 10000. floreines: which summe, whē as one which was chosen there, refused to geue, and so cō∣tinued euen vnto his death, he which was afterward elect, being desirous of confirmation, fearing to withstande the Apostolicke sea: offered the old summe of 10000. floreines: But notwithstanding, he could not get his confirmation, except he would pay y^• other 10000. which his predecessour before him had not payd.

By this meanes he was compelled to pay 20000. flo∣reines. which being enrolled in the register of the chamber hath bene exacted of euery archbishop since, vntil these our dayes: and not onely 20000. but also 25000. for theyr newe offices, & new seruants. At last the summe drew to 27000. floreines, which Iames the Archbishop of Mentz was cō∣pelled to paye, as his Commissary did report. So by this meanes, in a litle time, there was 7. tymes 25000. floreines payd out of the Archbishopricke of Mentz, vnto Rome for the confirmation of the Archbishop. And when this Arch∣bishop Iames had kept the Archbishopricke scarce foure yeares, the Lord Uriel was elect after him, who was com∣pelled to pay at the least 24000. or 25000. foreines. whereof a part he borowed of Marchauntes:* 15.3 but to satisfy and pay them agayne, he was forced to exact a subsidye of his poore subiectes and husband men, whereof some haue not yet sa∣tisfied and payd the tribute for the Bishops Palle, to that by this meanes, our people are not onelye tormented and brought to extreme pouertye, but also are moued vnto re∣bellion to seeke theyr liberty by what meanes soeuer they may, greeuously murmuring agaynste the crueltye of the Clergy.

The pope also should be admonished, how that, through diuers and sundry wars and battels, the lands of Germa∣ny lye desolate & waste, and through many mortalityes the number of mē is diminished, so that for y^• scarcenes of hus∣bandmen, the fieldes, for the most part, lye vntild, the roles are by diuers meanes diminished, the mines consumed, & the profites dayly decay, whereby the Archbishops & By∣shops should pay theyr annates vnto the Apostolicke sea: besides their other necessary and honest charges: insomuch that not without iuste cause, Iames the Archbishoppe of Mentz being euen at the poynt of death, sayde that he dyd not so much sorrow for his own death, as for that his poore subiectes should be agayne forced, to pay a greuous exac∣tion for the Palle, wherfore let the high Bishop as a godly father and louer of his children,* 15.4 and a faythfull and prudēt pastor, deale more fauourably with his children the Ger∣maynes, least that persecution happen to rise agaynst the Priestes of Christ, and that men folowing the example of the Bohemians, do swarue from the Church of Rome.

At the least, let him be more fauorable, as often as any Archbishop or bishop happeneth to rule his Church but a few yeares: as it happened to the Bishops of Bamberge, wherof 3. dyed within few yeares. The like also might hap¦pen by other bishoprickes, whereof (as Aeneas Syluius wit∣nessed) there are in Germany to the number of 50.* 15.5 besides Abboes, whereof a great number are confirmed at Rome.

And admitt that in Germany there were greater pro∣fite and reuenewes rising of the ground, mines and toles: notwithstanding the Emperour and the other Princes, should lacke treasure and munition of warre agaynst their enemies, and specially the infidels, and to preserue Germa¦ny in peace and quietnesse, & to minister iustice vnto euery man: for which purpose, the Councell of the chamber being most holyly instructed and furnished with great cost & char¦ges, doth chiefly serue. Besides that the Emperour hath need of treasure, to suppresse the rebelles in the Empyre, to banish and driue away theeues and murtherers, whe rofa great nūber are not ashamed to spoyle churches onely, and to robbe them of theyr goods, but also to assaile the Clergy themselues. Finally our nation and country of Germany, hath need of great riches and treasure, not only for the re∣payring of Churches & monasteries, but also for hospitals, for children thar are layd out in the streetes, for widowes, for women with childe, for Orphanes, for the mariage of y^e daughters of poore men, that they be not destoured, for such as haue neede and necessity, for the olde and weake, for the sicke and the sore, whereof (the more is the sorrow) Germa∣ny is fully replenished and filled.

¶ Aduertisementes vnto the Em∣perours Maiesty.

LEt the Emperors maiesty foresee and prouide,* 16.1 that the begging friers do not preach against his maiesty which are wont to complayn gladly vnto the Apostolick sea, fea∣ring to lose their priuiledges, which I would to god, were aswel grounded vpon Christ, as they are vpon profite. Let the Emperours maiesty also beware that the Pope do not geue cōmaundement vnto the Electours, to proceed to the electiō of a new king of Romaines, as he did agaynst Fre∣derick the second, when as the Lantgraue of Churm, and William Earle of Holland, were elect by the commaunde∣ment of the Pope. Let the Emperours maiesty also feare and take heed of all the Prelates of the Churches, and es∣pecially of the Presedentes, which by theyr oth are bounde to aduertise the Pope. Let the Emperours Maiesty also feare and beware that the Pope do not take away from his subiectes, their obedience, & prouoke the people bordering vpon him, to make inuasiō into y^e Emperours dominiōs and Archduchy of Austrich: which those men, vnder colour of shewing obedience vnto the Popes commaundemēt, be ready to do.

Let the Emperours Maiesty also take heede of the A∣postolicke censures, frō which the pope will in no case re∣fraine. Finally let y^e Emperours maiesty diligently foresee & take heede, that the pope do not perswade the people w^t most subtile argumētes, contrary to the pragmaticall sanc∣tion, excusing himselfe,* 16.2 and getting the good will of y^e sim∣ple, alledging y^t w^e great costes & charges, he will repayre y^e Church of S. Peter in Rome, & build in certaine places, against the Turkes, and recouer againe the landes & pa∣trimony pertaining vnto the Church of S. Peter, as he is boūd by his office. Therfore, let your maiesty diligētly for∣see and deliberate, how through your most wise & discrete counsaile, if neede shall require, you will answere to those subtilties of the Pope.

¶ A certaine godly exhortation vnto the Emperours Maiestie.

YOur maiesty cā do nothing better,* 17.1 nothing more accep∣table, or more worthy eternall remembrāce, thē to mo∣derate the great exactions and oppressions of the Ger∣maines: to take away all occasion frō the laitie, to persecute the Clergy: also to take away y^e benefices out of the handes of courtisans, which can neither preach, comfort, nor coun∣saile any man (of which benefises, as Aeneas Syluius writeth some are equall to the Byshoprickes of Italye) to encrease Gods honour and worship: and so to bridle the auarice & vngodlines of those courtisans, wherby your maiesty may the better prouide for the children of many noble & famous men and Cityzens in Germanie, which being brought vp from their youth in the vniuersities, learning both the Scriptures and other humaine letters, may without vn∣quiet vexations, and most sumptuous charges & contenti∣ons, aspire to the Ecclesiasticall promotions: who by their coūsaile & prayers, may be helpes vnto the whole Church: For there is no small occasion, why the realme of Fraunce should so florish, hauing so many notable learned mē in it. If the Emperour would abolish this un••iety, and restore Germany vnto their auncient liberty, which is now op∣pressed with greuous tributes, and would make way for learned & honest mē vnto Ecclesiasticall promotions: then might he truely & perpetually be called of all men, & in all places, y^e restorer of Germany to his aūciēt libertie, & y^e fa∣ther of his countrey, & should obtayne no lesse glory there∣by vnto himselfe, and profite vnto Germany, then if he had by force of armes, subdued any prouince vnto th ē: And so shall Germany render no lesse thankes vnto y^e saide Max∣imilian, then vnto all the rest, which hauing translated the Empire from the Grecians vnto Germany, haue raigued many yeares before.

Hereafter ensueth the copy of a certaine letter of y^e Em∣perour Maximiliā, geuen out in maner of a decree or cō∣maundemēt, against certaine abuses of the Clergy. Wher∣unto we haue also annexed the aunswere of Iacobus Selesta∣diensis, vnto the Emperours letters, wherein he seemeth also to haue sought aduise for the remedy of the like abuses▪ which we thought good here not to be omitted.

An Edict of Maximilian Emperour.

WE according to the example of our dearely beloued father Fredericke Emperour of Rome, reuerensing the chiefe Pa∣stour of the Church, and all the Clergy, haue suffered no small re∣uenewes of the Ecclesiasticall dignityes, to be caryed out of our dominion by the Prelats and Clergy that are absent, whose faul∣tes committed by humayne frailty, with Constantine our prede∣cessor, we haue not disdeyned to hide and couer. But for so much as thorugh our liberality, the decay of Gods honour is risen, it is our part to foresee (which are elect vnto the Empyre without a∣ny desert) that amongest all other affayres of peace and warre the Churches do not decay, Religion quayle not, or Gods true wor∣ship be not diminished: which we haue manifestly experimented and dayly doe perceiue by the insatiable couetousnesse of some, which are neuer satisfied in getting of benefices: through whose absence (being but resident onely vpon one) Gods honour and worship is diminished, houses decay, Churches decrease, the Ec∣clesiasticall liberty is hurt, learning and monuments are lost and destroyed, hospitality and almes diminished, and by their vnsatia∣ble greedinesse, such of the Clergy as for theyr learning and ver∣tue were worthy of Benefices, and theyr wisedome, profitable in common wealthes, are hindered and put backe. Wherefore accor∣ding to the office and duety of our estate, for the loue of the en∣crease of Gods honour,* 18.1 we exhort and require that no man from henceforth, hauing any Canonship or Vicarage in one City of our Empyre, shall occupy or possesse a prebend in an other Church of the same City, except he geue ouer the first, within a yeares space, vnto some person fitte and profitable for the Church: neither that he doe by vniust quarelles, vexe or trouble any man in getting of benefices, neither that any man doe falsely fayne himselfe to haue bene of the Emperors houshold, which hath not ben comprehen∣ded within the league and agreement made by the Princes, nei∣ther that any man attempt to take away the patronages from any lay man, or aggrauate the small prebendes of Curates of Chur∣ches, with pensions, neyther that they doe vse in getting of bene∣fices and Bulles, any fraude, deceite, false instrumentes, corrupte witnesses and cloaked Simonye, neyther that any man presume to obteyne any regresfe, or other thing contrarye to the sacred Canons, right, honesty, equity and reason, vpon payne of the most greeuous offence of treason: the whiche we will that, not onelye they, going so contrary to God and all honesty: but also all theyr fauourers, which doe helpe, counsell, harbour or geue them any thing, all theyr messengers and writers, proctours, suretyes and other theyr friendes, shall incurre, and receiue condigne punysh∣ment for so great offence and contempt of our commaundemēt. From Oenopont. &c.

¶ Here ensueth the copye of a letter written vnto the Emperour Maximilian,

¶ To our most victorious Lord Maximilian the Emperour, Iacobus Selestadiensis, most humble commendations.

MOst victorious Emperour,

when I had read your maiestyes Epistle, and receiued instructions of your Secretary, I pre∣pared my selfe with all my whole endeuour, to satisfye your maie∣styes desire: For euen from my youth hitherto, I haue applyed all my care and study, fyrst for the honour of your maiesty, and con∣sequently for the amplifying of the Germayne nation, and sacred Romayne Empire. Albeit I knowe my selfe farre vnable to satisfye your desire and purpose, and there are many which can fulfill thys matter much better, which haue greater learning and experience of these common matters. There be also with other Princes, and in the Senates of common wealthes, many excellent learned men, which can exonerate and beautify Germany, and perswade to re∣duce all the Clergy vnto a Christian discipline, and to an vnity & peace of the vniuersall Church. Wherein not onely your Maiesty, but also your predecessours, as Charles the great, and his sonne Ludouicus Pius, the Othoes, Conrades, Frederickes, and Hen∣rikes, and last of all, Sigismundus, haue with all labour and dili∣gence trauelled, being stirred thereunto, vndoubtedly throughe the zeale & charity which they bare vnto almighty God, & thak∣fulnes vnto Christ, for his benefites which he hath bestowed vp∣on mankinde, and specially for the benefite of his most bitter pas∣sion. For Christ became not poore for vs, that we should liue in all riote and wantonnes vpon his patrimony, and shew sorth our am∣bition and couetousnesse: neither did he suffer hunger that wee should glut vp our selues: or suffered labors, chastity, and greuous torments, that we shuld liue in idlenesse, wantōnes, and al kind of voluptuousnesse. Neither they which were contributers, and be∣nefactours to Churches, induing the ministers thereof with theyr temporall riches, had any suche respecte herein, that the Clergye shoulde liue onely in idlenesse, hauing all thinges at theyr wyll, without labour Surely there was another cause why that they in times past did empouerish themselues and theirs to endow the Church: veryly that they might the better attend vnto diuine ser∣uice, without care of want of liuing (which they might easily get and gather out of the fieldes, woodes, medowes, and waters) and to the intent that they should liberally geue almes vnto the poore Christians, Widdowes, Orphanes, aged and sicke persons. For in the institutions of the canonicall profession, whiche we suppose waa written by the commaundement of Ludouicus Pius the em∣perour, and allowed by the counsell of the Byshoppes, thus it is read: The goodes of the Churche (as it is alledged by the fathers, and conteyned in the chapters before) are the vowes of the fayth∣full, and patrimony of the poore. For the faythfull, thorow the ser∣uentnes of theyr fayth, and loue of Christ being inflamed, hauing an earnest desire of that heauenly kingdome, haue enriched the holy Church with theyr owne goodes, that thereby the souldiors of Christ might be nourished, the Church adourned, the poore re∣freshed, and captiues according to the oportunitye of time, re∣demed Wherfore such as haue the administration of those goods, ought diligently to bee looked vpon, that they doe not conuert them vnto theyr owne proper vse, but rather, according to theyr substaunce and possibility, they doe not neglecte them in whome Christ is fed and clothed. Prosper is also of the same minde, affir∣myng that holy men did not chalenge the Church goods to their owne vse, as their owne proper goodes, but as thinges commen∣ded vnto the poore, to be deuided amongest them: For that is to contemne that which a man possesseth, not to possesse a thing for himselfe, but for others, neyther to couet the Church goods with couetousnesse, to haue them himselfe, but to take them with a godly zeale to helpe other. That which the church hath, is commō to all them which haue nothing, neyther ought they to geue any thing of that vnto them, (sayth he) which haue of theyr owne: for to geue vnto them whiche haue enough, is but to cast thinges a∣way.

Ex Illyrico.

To returne nowe to the order of Popes where we left before speaking of Innocentius the eight,* 19.1 after the sayde Innocentius, next succeeded Pope Alexander the 6. In which Alexander, among other horrible thinges, this is one to be noted, that when Gemes (Peucerus named him Demes) brother to Balazetes the great Turke, was com∣mitted by the Rhodians, to the sate custodye, first of Pope Innocent, then of Alexander the 6. for whose keeping the Pope receiued euery yeare 40000.* 19.2 crownes: yet notwith∣standing, whē pope Alexander afterward was cōpelied to send the sayd Gemes to Charles the eight the French king for a pledge: because the Frēch king should not procure the great Turkes fauour, by sending his brother Gemes to him to be slayne, he being hyred by the Turke, caused the sayde Gemes to be poysoned, who in his iourney goinge toward the French king, dyed at Terracina. Ex Hieronymo Mario.

Moreouer in the sayd Dicronymus Marius it appea∣reth, that this Alexander taking displeasure with the fore∣sayd Charles the French king, about the winning of Na∣ples, sent to Baiazetes the Turke, to fight against the fore∣sayd Clarles. Ex eodem.

Munsterus lib. 4. Cosmog Declaring the foresayd hystorye of Gemes, something otherwise, first calleth him Zizy∣mus, and sayth, that he was first committed by the Rhodi∣ans to the french king. And when as Ioannes Huniades afore mentioned, did labor to the French king to haue him, thinking by that meanes to obtain a noble victory against the Turke, as it was not vnlike: this Alexander the pope, thorow his fraudulent flatterye, gotte him of the Frenche King, into his owne handes: by whose meanes the sayd Gemes afterwarde was poysoned, as is in maner before expressed.

Unto these poysoned actes of the Pope,* 19.3 let vs also ad∣ioin his malicious wickednes, with like fury exercised vpō Antonius Mancinellus, which Mancinellus being a mā of excellent learning, because he wrote an eloquēt oratiō a∣gainst his wicked maners & filthy life, with other vices, he therfore commaunded both his hands & his tong to be cut of, playing much like with him, as Antonius y^e tirant once did with M. Cicero, for writing agaynst his horrible life. At length,* 19.4 as one poyson requireth another, this poysoned Pope, as he was sitting with his Cardinals, & other rych Senatours of Rome at dinner, his seruauntes vuwares brought to him a wrong bottell, wherewith he was poy∣soned, and his Cardinals about him.

In the time of this Pope Alexander,* 19.5 also it happened (whiche is not to bee pretermitted) how that the Aungell whiche stood in the high toppe of the Popes Churche, was beaten downe with a terrible thunder: which thing semed then to declare the ruine and fall of the Popedome. After this Pope next succeded Pius the 3. about the yeare of our Lord 1503. After whome came next Iulius the second a man so farre passing all other in iniquity, that Wicelius, &

such other of his owne friendes writing of him, are com∣pelled to say of him, Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuis∣se: that is, that he was more geuen to warre and battayle, then to Christ. Concerning the madnesse of this man thys is most certaynely knowne, that at what time he was go∣ing to warre, he cast the keyes of S. Peter into the riuer of Tybris, sayinge, that for as much as the keyes of Peter would not serue him to his purpose, he woulde take him∣selfe to the sword of Paule. Wherupon Philip Melancthō, amongest many other writing vpon the same, maketh this Epigrame.

Cum contra Gaellos bellum papa Iulius esset Gesturus▪ sicút fama ••etusta docet: Ingentes martis turmas contraxit, & ••rbem Eg••essus saeuas edidit ore minas. Iratus'{que} sacras claues in flumina iecit Tibridis, hic ••rbi pons ••bi iungit aquas. Inde manustrictum Gagina diripit ensem, Exclamans'{que} truci talia ••ocerefert: Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste, Quandoquidem clauis nil iuuat ista Petri.

Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this Epigrame.

In Gallum •••• fama est, bellum gesturus acerbum, Armatum educit Iulius ••rbe manum: Accinctus gladio, claues in Tibridis amnem Proÿcit, & soeuus talia ••erba faecit: Quum Petrinihil efficiant ad praelia claeues, Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit.

¶ The sense of these Epigrammes in English is this.

When Iulius Pope agaynst the French determined to make warre: As fame reportes, he gathered vp great troupes of men from farre. And to the bridge of Tybur then, marching as he were wood: His holy keyes he tooke, and cast them downe into the floud. And afterward into his hand, he tooke a naked sword: And shaking it, brake forth into this fierce and warlike word. This sword of Paule (quoth he) shall now defend vs from our foe: Since that this key of Peter doth nothing auay le thereto.

* 19.6Of this Iulius it is certaynely reported, that partly w^t his warres, partly with his cursinges, within the space of 7, yeares, as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed. Fyrst he besieged Rauenna agaynste the Uenetians, then Seruia, Imola, Fauentia, Foroliuium, Bononia and o∣ther cities,* 19.7 which he gate out of Princes handes, not with out much bloudshed. The Chronicles of Iohn Steban ma¦keth mention, that when this Iulius was made Pope he tooke an oathe, promising to haue a Councell within two yeares: but when he had no leysure thereunto, being occu∣pyed with his warres in Italy amōg the Uenetians, and with the French king, and in Ferraria, and in other coun∣tryes: 9. of his Cardinalles departing from him, came to Millayne, and there appoynted a Councell at the Citty of Pise, amongest whome the chiefe, were Bernardus, Cru∣ceius, Gulielmus Prenestinus, Franciscus Cōstantinus, with diuers others: amongest whome also were adioyned the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperour, and of Charles▪ the French king. So the Councell was appoyn∣ted the yeare of our Lord 1511.* 19.8 to begin in the Kalendes of September. The cause why they did so call this Councell was thus alledged, because the Pope had so brokē his oth, and all this while he gaue no hope to haue any councell, & also because there were diuers other crimes, whereupō they had to accuse him. Theyr purpose was to remoue him out of his seat, the which he had procured through bribes and ambition. Iulius hearing this, geueth out contrary com∣maundement vnder great payne, no man to obey them, & calleth himselfe another councell agaynst the next yeare, to be begon the 19. day of Aprill. The French king vndersta∣ding Pope Iulius to ioyne with the Uenetians, and so to take theyr part agaynst him, couented a councell at Thu∣rin in the month of September, in the which councel these questions were proposed.

Whether it was lawfull for the Pope to moue warre agaynst any prince without cause.

Whether any Prince in defending himselfe, might inuade his ad∣uersary: and deny his obedience.

Unto the which questions it was answered,* 19.9 that nei∣ther the bishop ought to inuade, and also that it was law∣full for the king to defende himselfe. Moreouer that the Pragmaticall sanction was to bee obserued thorowe the realme of Fraunce: Neyther that any vniust excommuni∣cations ought to be feared, if they were founde to be vn∣iust. After this the king sent vnto Iulius, the aunswere of his councell, requiring him either to agree to peace, or to appoynt a generalll Councell some other where, where thys matter myght bee more fully decided. Iulius woulde neyther of both these, but forthwith accursed Charles the French king, with all his kingdome. At the lenth, at Ra∣uenna in a great war, he was ouercome by the frēch king, and at last, after much slaughter and great bloudshed, and mortall warre, this Pope dyed in the yeare of our Lorde 1513. the 21. day of February.

If it were not that I feare to ouerlay this our volume w^t heapes of foreigne historyes,* 19.10 which haue professed chief∣ly to entreat of Actes and Monuments here done at home: I woulde adioine after these popes aboue rehearsed, some discourse also of the Turkes story: of theyr rising, and cru∣ell persecution of the say••tes of God, to the great anoiance and perill of Christendome: yet notwithstanding certayne causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of theyr order and doinges, and of theyr wicked procedings, theyr cruell tyranny, and bloudy victories, the ruine & sub∣uersion of so many Christen Churches, with the horrycle murders and captiui••ye of infinite Christians to bee made playne and manifest, as well to this our countrey of Eng∣land, as also to other nations:

First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the new Testament,* 19.11 as in S. Paules Epistle ad Chessall, and also in the reuelation of S. Iohn. Which Scriptures o∣therwise, without the opening of these historyes, can not so perfectly bee vnderstand. Ofthe whiche Scriptures we mynde hereafter (Christ graunting) orderly, as the course of matter shall lead vs, to make rehearsall.

An other cause is,* 19.12 that we may learne thereby eyther with the publique Churche, to lament with our brethren such a great defection and decay of christian fayth, through these wicked Turkes: or els may feare thereby our owne daunger.

The thyrd cause,* 19.13 that we may pōder more deeply with our selues, the scourge of God for our sinnes, and corrupte doctrine, which in the sequele hereof, more euidently may appeare to our eyes, for our better admonition.

Fourthly,* 19.14 the consideration of this horrible persecution of the Turkes, rising chiefely by our discord and dissention among our selues, may reduce vs agayn from our domest∣icall wars, in killing and burning one of an other, to ioyne together in Christian patience and concorde.

U.* 19.15 but chiefely these great victoryes of the Turkes and vnprosperous speed of our men fighting agaynst thē, may admonish & teach vs, folowing the example of the olde Is∣raelites, how to seek for greater strēgth to encounter with these enemyes of Christ, then hitherto we haue done. First we must cōsider, that the whole power of Sathan y^e prince of this world, goeth with the Turkes. Whiche to resist, no strēgth of mans arme, is sufficient, but onely the name, spi∣rite, and power of our Lord Iesus the sonne of god, going with vs in our battels,* 19.16 as among the olde Israelites, the Arcke of Gods couenaunt and promise wente with them also, fighting agaynst the enemies of God. For so are wee taught in Scripture, that we christen mē haue no strength, but in Christ onely. Whether we warre agaynst the deuilt, or agaynst the Turke it is true that the Scripture sayeth: Sine me nihil potestis facere. i. without me you ea do nothing. Otherwise there is no puissaunce to stand agaynst y^e deuill or to conquere the world, Nisi fides nostra: that is, our fayth onely all the promises of God (touching saluation) be an∣nexed, beyonde which promises we muste not goe, for the worde must be our rule. He that presumeth beyond the pro¦mises in the word expressed, goeth not, but wandereth, hee can not tell whether. Neither must we appoynt God, how to saue the worlde, but must take that way whiche he hath appointed. Let vs not set our God to schoole, nor cōprehēd his holy spirite within our sculles.* 19.17 He that made vs w^tout our counsell, did also redeeme vs as pleased hym. If he be mercifull, let vs be thankefull. And if his mercyes surmoūt our capacity, let vs therfore not resist, but search his word, and thereunto apply our will: which if we will doe, all but

contentious wil soone be at a poynt. Let vs therfore search the will of our God in his word, and if he will his saluati∣on to stand free to all nations,* 19.18 why do we make marchan∣dise thereof? If he haue graciously offred his waters to vs, without mony or mony worth, let vs not hedge in the plē∣tuous springes of his grace geuen vs.

And finally, if God haue determined his owne sonne onely to stand alone, let not vs presume to admixt with his maiesty any of our trumpery. He y^t bringeth S. George or S. Deuise as patrons, to y^e field to fight against y^e turk, lea∣ueth Christ (no doubt) at home. Now how we haue fought these many yeres agaynst the Turke: though storyes keep silence, yet y^e successe declareth. We fight agaynst a persecu∣tour, being no lesse persecutours our selues. We wrastle a∣gainst a bloudy tyraunt, and our handes be as full of bloud as his. He killeth Christes people with the sword: and we burne them with fire. He obseruing the works of the law, seeketh his iustice by the same: the like also do we. But nei∣ther hee nor we seeke our iustification as we shoulde, that is, by fayth onely in the sonne of God.

And what maruell then, if our doctrine being as cor∣rupt almost, as his: and our conuersation worse, if Christe fight not with vs, fighting agaynst y^e Turke? The Turke hath preuayled so mightely, not because Christ is weake, but because that Christians be wicked, and theyr doctryne impure. Our temples with Images, our hartes with ido∣latry are poluted: Our priestes stinck before God for adul∣try, being restrayned from lawfull matrimony. The name of god is in our mouthes,* 19.19 but his fear is not in our harts. We warre agaynst the Turke with our workes, Masses, traditions and ceremonies: but we fight not agaynst hym with Christ and with the power of his glory, whith if we did, the field were wonne.

Wherfore briefely to conclude,* 19.20 saying my iudgement in this behalfe, what I suppose: this hope I haue, & do beleue that when the Churche of Christ with the Sacramentes therof, shalbe so reformed, that Christ alone shall be recea∣ued to be our iustifier, all other religions, merites, traditi∣on, images, patrons and aduocates set a part: the sword of the Christians, with the strength of Christ, shall soone van∣quish the Turkes pride and fury. But of this more largely in the processe of this story.

The sixte and last cause,* 19.21 why I thinke the knowledge of the Turkes history, requisite to be considered, is this: be cause that many there be, which for y^e they be farther frō the Turkes, and thinke therfore themselues to be out of daū∣ger, take little care and studye, what happeneth to theyr o∣ther brethren. Wherefore to the intent to excite theyr zeale and prayer to almighty God, in this so lamentable ruin of Christes church: I thought it requisite by order of history, to geue this our natiō also something to vnderstand, what hath bene done in other nations by these cruell Turkes, and what detriment hath bene and is like more to happen by them, to the Church of Christ, except we make our ear∣nest inuocatiō to almighty God,* 19.22 in the name of hys sonne, to stop the course of the deuill by these Turkes, and to stay this defection of Christians falling daylye vnto them, and to reduce them agayn to his fayth which are fallen frō him. Which the Lorde Iesus of his grace, graunt wyth speede. Amen.

Before we enter into this story of the Turks and Sa∣racens, first let vs call to remembraunce the Prophecy and forewarning of S. Paule writing to the Thess. in his 2. E∣pistle, in these words:* 19.23 Be not moued nor troubled in your myndes, eyther by preaching, or by writing, or by letter frō vs, as though the day of the Lorde were at hande: for the Lord will not come except there come a defection first, and the wicked person be reuealed. &c. Of this defection sundry mindes there be,* 19.24 of sundry expositours: some thinking this defection to meane a falling away from the Empyre of Rome: some from the obedience of the Pope. But as S. Paul little passed vpon the outward glory of the Romayn Empyre: so lesse he passed vpon the proud obedience of the Pope. What Saynt Paule ment by this defection, the rea∣ding of these Turkishe storyes, and the miserable falling a∣way of these Churches by him before planted, will soone declare.

* 19.25Another mistery there is in the Re••elations, Apoc. 13. where the number of the beast is counted 666. Whereby may seeme by all euidences, to be signified the first origene and springing of these beastly Saracens, as by sequele hereof may appeare by the first rising of this deuilish sect of Ma∣humet.* 19.26

* 19.27Moreouer, an other place there is, cap. 16. Apoca. where we read that by powring out of the Phial of Gods wrath. of the sixt Aungell, the great floud Euphrates was dryed vp, to let in the kinges of the East: the openyng of which Prophecy, may also more euidently appeare, in cōsidering the order and maner of the comming in of these Turks in∣to Europe.

Some also apply to the Turkes certayne Prophecyes of Daniell, Ezechiell, and other places of the old Testamēt moe, which here I omit, for so much as the Prophecyes of the old Testament, if they be taken in their proper & natiue sence, after my iudgement, do extend no further, then to the death of our Sauior, and the end of the Iewes kingdome. Albeit herein I do not preiudicate to any mans opiniō, but that euery man may abound in his owne sense.

As touching the yeare and time when this pestiferous sect of Mahumet first began,* 19.28 histories do not fully consent: Some affirming that it began, an. 621. and in the 10. yeare of Heraclius Emperour of Constantinople: in whyche minde is Ioannes Lucidus. As Munsterus counteth, it was in the yeare of our Lord 622. Martin Luther, & Iohn Carion referreth it to the 18. yeare of the raigne of Heracli∣us, which is the yere of our Lord 630. Unto the which nū∣ber the computation of the Beast signified in the Apocali.* 19.29 doth not farre disagree, whiche numbreth the name of the Beast, with three Greeke letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 whiche Greeke let∣ters after the supputation of the Greciās, make the num∣ber of 666.

In this all writers agree, that this damnable Mahu∣met was borne in the country of Arabia, bordering on the East part of Iewry.* 19.30 His father was a Syrian, or a Persi∣an, his Mother was an Ismalite, which Ismalites being a people of Arabia, were called then Agarens: which term Mahumet afterward turned to the name of Saracens. Of this wretched Mahumete mention was made before. pag. 124. where we shewed, how he making himselfe the high∣est Prophet of all other, yet denyeth not Christ to be an ho∣ly Prophet and next to him, and Moses also to be an other. Moreouer he denieth not Mary the mother of Christ to be a uirgin, and to haue conceiued Christ by the holy ghost, af∣firming further that Christ in his owne person was not crucified, but another called Iudas for him. He greatly cō∣mendeth also Iohn the sonne of Zachary for a virgin:* 19.31 whē he himselfe permitteth a man to haue 4. wiues, and as ma∣ny concubines as he is able to finde: & sayth that where as Christ & other Prophets had the gift geuen them to worke myracles, he was sent by force of sword, to compell men to his religiō. The prodigious vanityes, lyes, & blasphemies conteyned in his lawe called Alchoran, are rather to be laught at, then recited.

It is thought that Sergius a Nestorian, was a great doer with Māhumet, in cōtriuing of this lying Alchorā & so it doth well appeare by the scope and pretence thereof which especially tēdeth to this end, to take the diuinity frō the person of Christ, whom he graunteth notwithstanding to be a most holy man, & also that he is receiued vp to God and shall come agayne to kill Antichrist. &c.

Moreouer this ridiculous Alchoran is so blaunched & poudered with so diuers mixtures of y^e Christians,* 19.32 Iewes and the Gentiles lawes, geuing suche liberty to all wan∣tonnesse of flesh, setting vp circumcision, absteyning from swines flesh and Iudaicall lotions, and so much standeth vpon Father Abraham, that it is supposed of some, this fil∣thy Alchorā, not to be set out in the dayes of Mahumet, but that certayne Iewes had some handling also in this mat∣ter, and put it out after his death: and so semeth first to take his force about the number of yeres limited in the Apocal. as is aforesayd,* 19.33 where thus it is written: He that hath in∣telligence, let him count the number of the beast: For it is the number of a man, and his number is sixe hundred, sixe score and sixe.

After this deuilish Mahumet had thus seduced y^e peo∣ple, teaching thē that he came not by miracles, but by force of sword, to geue his law, & that they which wil not obey it must either be put to death or els pay tribute (for so be the wordes of the Alchoran) and after that hee had gathered strength about him, of the Arabians, which Arabians thē had occasion to rebell agaynst the Emperor, because theyr stipendes were not paid them of Heraclius the Emperors officers: he began to raunge with force and violence in the partes of Syria bordering nere vnto him,* 19.34 and first subdu∣ed Mecha, then Damascus: and further encreasing in pow¦er, entred into Egypt, and subdued the same. From thence he turned his power agaynste the Persians, with whome Cosroes the king of Parsia, encountring with a puissaunt army,* 19.35 ouerthrew the Saracens, & put Mahumet to fight. Of these Persians came the Turkes, which afterward ioi∣ning with the Saracens, maynteyned them agaynst the Christians. Ex Munster.

After the death of this beast, which as some say, was poisoned in his house succeeded Ebocara, or Ebubecer his

father in law, or as Bibliander affirmeth, his sonne in law who tooke vpon him the gouernmēt of the Saracens, and gotte the Cittye Gaza,* 19.36 and besieged also Hierusalem two yeares. He raigned two yeares, hauing for his chiefe City, Damaicus.

After him folowed Omar, or Ahumar, who conquered a great part of Syria, and got Egypt.

* 19.37The 4. king of the Saracens after Mahumet, was Odmē, then folowed Haly, & after him Muhanias: which after the siege of 7. yeares, obteined & got the christian Cit∣ty of Cesaria: also ouercame the Persians, with theyr king Orunasda, and subdued that country to his law.

Thus the wicked Saracens in the space of 30. yeares subdued Arabia, got Palestina, Phenicia, Syria, Egypt, and Persia: whiche came directly to the 666. yeares, pro∣phecied of in the Reuelations of S. Iohn, as is aforesayd. And not long after they proceded further, and got Affrike, and then Asia, as in the processe of theyr story shal appeare, the Lord willing.

Not long after, Heraclius Emperor of Constantino∣ple, succeeded Constans his nephew, who in the 13. yere of his Empyre, fighting vnluckely agaynst the Saraceus in Licia, was ouerthrown of Muhamas aforesayd in y^e yeare of our Lord 655. Which Constans if he were not prospered by the Lord in his warres, it was no great maruell, consi∣dering that he had slaine his brother Theodosius before at home: moreouer liued in incestious matrimony: also being inclined to certayne new sects, could not abide the cōtrary teachers, but slew thē which admonished him thereof. The sayd Constans going afterward to Italy, was also ouer∣come of the Lumbardes, &c. the Saracens after this victo∣ry spoyled also Rhodes.

Although these cursed Saracens, in these theyr greate victories & conquests, were not without domesticall sediti∣ons and deuisions among themselues,* 19.38 yet the princes of y^e Saracens, being called then Sultans, had in theyr posses∣sion, the gouernment of Syria, Egypt, Affrike, & of a great part of Asia, about the terme of 400. yeares: till at length the Saracen king which ruled in Persia, fighting agaynst the Saracene of Babilon,* 19.39 sought ayde of the Turkes, to fight with him agaynst y^e Sultane of Babilon. The which Turks by litle and litle surprised vpō y^e Sultan of Persia, & not long after putting him out of place, vsurped the king dome of Persia: which afterward went further, as ye shall heare the Lord willing. And this is the first beginning of the Turkes dominion.

These Turkes after they had thus ouercome great coū∣tryes and prouinces: and made their power large & migh∣ty both in Asia and Europa, begā to deuide theyr kingdōes & countryes amongest themselues. But when they coulde not agree, but with deadly war contended for the boundes of those kingdomes and dominions: in the meane tyme 4. of the principall families conquering and subduing all the rest,* 19.40 parted the whole Empyre amongst thēselues. And yet they also not so contented, fell to such cruell hatred, contēti∣on, warre, and slaughter (no doubt by the iust iudgement of God against his blasphemous enemies) that there was no end thereof, vntill the remnant of the auncient Turkes was vtterly rooted out.

For it is euident, that there are fewe nowe remayning which are Turkes in deed by birth and bloud, and that the state of that great empyre is not upholdē, but by y^e strength an•• power of souldyors, which haue bene Christians, and now are turned to Mahumetes Religion: so that euen theyr owne naturall language is now out of vse amongest them, sauing in certayne families of theyr nobility and gē∣tlemen.

These foure familyes aboue mentioned, with theyr Captaynes and armyes, about the yeare of our Lorde. 1330, went raging throughout all Asia and Europa, and e∣uery one of them conquered some parte of the countryes where they passed.

* 19.41The causes of these great inuasiōs and victoryes were the dissention and discorde, falsehoode, idlenesse, vnconstan∣cy, greedy auarice, lacke of trueth and fidelity among Chri∣stian men of al states and degrees, both high and low. For by the wilfull defection and backesliding of the Christians, the Turkish power did exceedingly encrease, in that many ••rsiring the licentious life & liberty of war, & allured with the prosperous successe of thynges, forsooke the Churche of God, and made themselues bond slaues to Mahumet and his deuilish sect: b••th because that fleshly liberty is delight∣ing to all men, and partly also because, as fortune fauoreth, so commonly the willes of men enclyne: And agayne suche as be prophane and without the feare of God, (whereof there is an infinite number in the Church) in all ages, are wont commonlye to iudge of Religion, according to the successe of realmes and kingdomes. For if any, not onelye for the variety of opinions, but also for the diuersitye of e∣uentes and fortune amongest men, haue inquired and doe inquire, whether there be any Churche of God distyncte from other nations: what it is, and where it is: especially, for so muche as the greatest part of men, bothe in the olde time, when as the foure Monarchyes flourished in order, was ignoraunt of this doctrine, whiche is peculier to the Churche alone, and nowe also the barbarity of Mahumet preuayleth & raigneth in the moste part of the worlde. And how standeth this with mans reason, that a small number both miserable and also feebled and broken with manye battayles, shoulde be regarded and loued of God, and the other flourishing in all wealth, prosperity, victoryes, au∣thority and power, should be reiected and despised of God, seing there is no power and authoritye, but by the ordy∣naunce of God? Albeit therefore, the power of the Turkes hath bene, for these two hundreth yeares, of greater force, then any other Monarchy of the world besides:* 19.42 yet is there no Imperiall dignity to be estemed in that Turkish tyrā∣ny: but amongest those nations onely, where the heauenly doctrine of the Gospell is preached, & other disciplines ne∣cessary for the Churche of God, & the common life of man mayntayned and regarded: where the lawes of God, & o∣ther honest and ciuil ordinaunces agreable to the same, doe flourish and reigne: where lawful iudgement is exercised: where vertue is honoured and rewarded: where sinne and wickednes is punished: where honest familyes are mayn∣tayned and defended.

These thinges are not regarded amongest the Turkes,* 19.43 the enemies of the sonne of God, and all lawfull Empyres: because they dissolue and reiect all godly focietyes, honest discipline, good lawes, policyes, righteous iudgemēts, the ordinaunce of matrimony, and godly familyes. For what hath the Empyre of the Turkes bene hetherto, but moste deadly, cruell, and perpetuall warre, to worke all mischief, destruction and desolation? to subuert good lawes, Cityes, kingdomes, policies, and to enlarge theyr cruell power & dominion? The stay and strength whereof, is not loue and fauour proceeding of vertue and iustice, as in lawefull and well gouerned Empyres: but feare, violence, oppression, swarmes and infinite thousandes of barbarous and most wicked people, ministers of Satans malice & fury. Whiche kinde of dominion and tyranny hath bene condēned by the voyce of God,* 19.44 many yeares agoe: the ••••stimonyes wherof the Lord would haue to remayne in the Church, least the godly being moued with y^e power & successe therof, should fall away and forsake the sonne of God.

Wherefore, let vs not se••ke for any Imperiall state in that barbarity: but let vs be thankefull, & acknowledge the great benefite of God, for that he hath reserued to vs cer∣tayne remnaunts of the Romayn Empyre: And let vs call vpon him dayly with harty petitions and grones & wyth zeale and loue to the house of God, that this Turkish po∣wer ioined with the malice of Sathan, against the sonne of God, preuayle not agaynst the poore congregations & litle remnant of his Churche, as it hath hitherto done agaynste those strong and noble christian kingdoms and churches, were now we see the Turkish tyranny to raigne & Sathā to haue taken full possession.* 19.45 Whose state was once farre better then ours is now, and more like to continue with∣out such horrible ouerthrowes and desolation Oh that we might foresee a litle the great daunger that hangeth ouer our heades. For though the Turke semeth to be farre of, yet doe we nourishe within our brestes at home, that maye soone cause vs to feele his cruell hand and worse, if worse may be, to ouerrunne vs: to lay our land waste: to scatter vs amongest the Infidels, the enemies and blasphemers of the sonne of God.

Nowe,* 19.46 although these 4. families aboue mentioned, long continued together in bloudy warres and deadly ha∣tred, yet one of them passed the rest in all crueltye and ty∣ranny, and subduing the other 3. familyes, tooke vpon him the gouernement alone,* 19.47 and so became the first Monarch, or Emperour that reigned amōg thē, called Ottomannus, of whome all that raigned after him, were called Otto∣manni. Who succeeding orderly of his lyne, haue occupy∣ed the same dominion and seate of the Turkes, from the yeare of our Lord 1300. vnto this present time, which haue bene to the number of 12. Of the which 12. in suche order as they liued and raygned, I intend (Christ so permitting) sc∣uerally and compendeously something to entreat, briefely abstracting out of prolixe and ••edious writers, such speci∣alties, as for vs Christians, shall be chiefely requisite to be knowne.

¶ Ottomannus the first great Emperour or Tyraunt of the Turkes.

* 19.48THis Ottomannus was at the first, of poore estate and obscure amongest the common sort of men, comming of a base progeny and of rusticall parentes: but through hys valiantnes and actiuity in warre, he got him a great name amongest the Turkes. For he being a man of fearce cou∣rage, refusing no labour and delighting in warre, and ga∣thering together by great subtlety and multitude of com∣mon souldiours, began to make warre, and by conquestes and victories, to aduaunce himselfe and his family. Fyrst he began to robbe and spoyle with a great band of rouers and afterward he attempted to set vpon all men. Neither did he vexe and destroy the Christians onely, but set vpon his owne nation also,* 19.49 and sought al occasion to subdue thē wholy vnto him. For now the Princes and Captaynes of the Turkes, inflamed with ambition and desire of rule, be¦gan to fall out and contend among themselues, in so much that they fell to domesticall and inward warre, with all the power they could.

* 19.50Ottomannus hauing this occasion very fitte & meete to accomplishe that whiche he long had sought for, gathe∣ring vnto him all such as he thought to be geuē to robbing and spoyling, and sette all vpon mischiefe, in short time be∣gan to grow in authority, & first set vpon certayn townes, as he saw oportunity to serue him: Of which towns, some he tooke by force, some by yelding, other some he spoyled & ouerthrew, to terrify the rest, thus laying the first founda∣tion of his rising. In the meane time, the discorde whiche was among the Christians, was no small aduauntage to this Ottomannus,* 19.51 by occasion whereof, he within x. yeres space, subdued Bethinia, and al the prouinces about Pon∣tus: Also Natolia, which comprehendeth all the dominion of the Greekes within Asia: Ancyra a City in Phrigia: Si∣nope a Cittye in Galatia: and Sabastia a Cittye in Capa∣docia: and thus still preuayling, he encreased in short time, to a mightye power, either through the secret iudgemente of God agaynst that nation, or els because God woulde haue them so farre & so cruelly to preuayle, for the punish∣men of the sinnes of other nations, like as it was prophe∣cyed before,* 19.52 that such a kingdome there shoulde be of Gog and Magog.

This Ottomannus, after he had raigned 28. yeares in the yeare of our Lord 1527. dyed, and departed to his Ma∣humet, leauing behind him three sonnes, of whom Orcha∣nes being the youngest, killed his two brethren, whilest they were at variaunce betwene themselues.

¶ Orchanes the second Emperour after Ottomannus.

* 19.53ORchanes, the youngest of the sonnes of Ottomannus, after he had slayne his two brethren, tooke the regimēt of the turkes after his father. Who after he had drawne to him the hartes of the multitude, such as had theyr disposi∣tions set vpon the licētious life of warre, cōuerted his po∣wer, further to enlarge his fathers dominion: winning & subduing Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, and Caria: All whiche countryes, being within the compasse of Asia, vnto the sea side of Hellespontus, and the sea Euxinus, he added to the Turkishe Empyre. Also he wanne Prusia: which was the metropolitane City of Bithynia, which thē he made the chiefe seate of the Turkes Empyre. Besides these moreouer, he conquered Nicea, & got Nicomedia: all which were before Christian Cities & regions. And yet all this could not make the Christian Princes in Grecia, to cease theyr ciuill warres, & to ioyne & accord among them∣selues: Such debate and variaunce was thē betwene Cā∣tacuzenus, on the Greeks part, & Paleologus y^e Emperor of Constantinople. By reason whereof, y^e turkes ayd was sent for out of Asia, to helpe our Christians one to kil an o∣ther, and at length to get all those partes of Europe from them both. Who if they had according to theyr profession, so well ioyned in brotherly vnity,* 19.54 as they did in cruel hostili∣ty dissent, neither had Orchanes so preuayled in gettynge Prusia from the Grecians, neither had the turkes so soone presumed into Europe as afterward they did. Orchanes after these victories, when he had raigned 22. yeares was strokē, as some say, with a dart in the shoulder, at the siege of Prusia. The opiniō of others is, that he fighting against the Tartariās, where he lost a great part of his army, was there also slayne himselfe. an. 1349.

¶ Amurathes the 3. after Ottamannus.

THe Greeke writers doe holde that Orchanes had two sonnes, Solimannus, and Amurathes. Of which two, first Solimannus raigned albeit not long.* 19.55 After him folo∣wed Amurathes, who after that Asia nowe was subdued by his predecessors, sought by all meanes and wayes how to proceede further & to inuade Europe. To whose ambiti∣ous purpose the domestical warres of the Christians gaue vnprosperous occasion:* 19.56 which occasion is thus declared. Certaine discord fell betwene the princes of Greece (whose captayne was Cantaguzenus) and Paleologus Emperor of Constantinople. Wherupō Paleologus, for that he was not able to make his party good with the Grecians, moste vnwisely sent for Amurathes, to helpe him. Who beinge glad to haue such an occasion offered, which he so long had sought, sent to ayde him 12000. Turkes into Thracia: but first vsed all delayes he could, of crafty pollicy to the entent that the Greekes first shoulde waste theyr strength and po∣wer vpon themselues, whereby he might be more able af∣terward to set vpō them, and to accomplish his conceiued desire.

The Turkes thus being called into Europe, by the Christians, whether they tasting the sweetnesse of the soyle incensed Amurathes theyr Emperor to make inuasion,* 19.57 or whether Amurathes of his owne head thought good to vse the time, in the yeare of our Lord 1363. he came himselfe ouer into Europe with 60000. Turkes, falling vpon the Grecians, being wasted and spent with their long warres and battelles before.* 19.58 The pretence of the deuilishe Turke was to ayd and to assist the Emperour Peleologus, whe∣ther he would or no, and to subdue such as had fallen from him. The Christian shippes of the Ligurians for money were hyred to conduct them ouer, taking for euery souldi∣our a peece of gold. Ex Pucer. & alijs.

Thus the Turkes armye being conueyed ouer by the Grecianssea called Hellespōtus, first got Callipolis wyth other townes and Cityes bordering about the sea, & there planting themselues, and preparing shippes of theyr own for transporting theyr munitions out of Asia, aduaunced their power further into Thrasia, and there wanne Philip polis, then gotte Adrianopolis, which was not farre from Constantinople, & there Amurathes made his chiefe seat. Then beganne Paleologus the Emperour at lenth to be∣wayle his offer & couenaunt made with Amurathes.* 19.59 Whē the Turkes had expugned thus a greate part of Thrasia, they extended forth theyr armye vnto Mysia, whiche they soone subdued: from thence proceding and conquering the Bessos and Triballos, they entred into Seruia, and Bul∣garia: where they ioyning battell with Lazarus Despota prince of Seruia, and with other Dukes of Dalmatia, and Epirus, wanne of them the field, & put them to the worse: where Lazarus Despota being taken,* 19.60 and committed to prison, ended his life. This Lazarus had a certayne fayth∣full client or seruaunt, who to reuenge his maisters death, with a bolde courage, although seing death before his eies, yet ventred his life so far, that he came to the tyraūt & thrust him through with his dagger. This Amurathes reigned. 23. yeares, and was slayne in the yeare of our Lord 1372.

Baiazetes the 4. after Ottomannus.* 19.61

THe power of the Turkes began to encrease in Europe, what time Baiazetes, the first of that name, after the death of his father, entred the possession of the turkes king∣dome. This Baiazetes had 2. brethrē, Solimānus & Sau∣ces. Whiche Sauces had his eyes put out by his father for striuing for the kingdome. Solimānus was slayne of hys brother. Thus Baiazetes beginning his kingdome wyth the murther of his brother, reduced his Imperiall seat frō Prusia a city of Bithynia, vnto Adrianople, entēding with himself to subdue both Asia & Europe to his own power.* 19.62 First he set vpon the Seruians and Bulgarians, thinking to reuenge his fathers death, where he gaue the ouerthrow to Marcus Despota, with all the nobility of the Seruians and Bulgarians, and put all those partyes vnder his sub∣iection vnto the fines and borders of the Illyrians. All Thracia moreouer hee brought likewise vnder his yoke, onely Constantinople and Pera excepted. That done, he inuaded the residue of Grecia, preuaylyng agaynste the countryes of Thessalia, Macedonia, Phocides, and At∣tica, spoyling and burning as he passed, without anye resistaunce: and so returning with innumerable spoyle of the Christians, vnto Adrianople, layd siege to Constanti∣nople the space of viij. yeares, and had expugned the same, but that Paleologus beyng brought to extremitye, was driuen to craue ayde of the frenchmen, and of Sigismund the Emperour. Who being accompanyed with a sufficient power of Frenchmen & Germaynes, came downe to Hū∣garia & toward Seruia agaynst the Turk. Baiazetes hea∣ring of theyr comming, raised his siege frō Cōstantinople,

and with 60000. horsemen,* 19.63 came to Nicopolis, where he encountring with them, ouerthrew all the Christian army, tooke Iohn the Captaine of the French power pri∣soner: Sigismundus, which before in the Councell of Constance, had burned Iohn Hus & Hierome of Prage, hardly escaped by flieng. Baiazetes after the victory got, carried away Duke Iohn, with fiue other in hands, into Prusia, where before his face he caused all the other chri∣stian prisoners to be cut in peeces.

Afterwarde the sayde Iohn beeing raunsomed wyth 200000. crownes, was deliuered. Some authors re∣ferre this story to the time of Calepinus, as followeth heereafter to be seene.

Baiazetes the cruell tirant after this victory wonne, & tirannie shewed vpon the Christians, returned againe to his siege of Constantinople, fully bending himselfe to cō∣quere and subdue the same, whiche thyng no doubt he had accomplished,* 19.64 but that the prouidence of God had founde such a meanes that Tamerlanes King of Parthia, wyth an 100. thousand horsemen, and swarmes of footemen, like a violent floud, ouerrunning Asia, and pressing vpon Siria and Sebastia, had taken Orthobules the sonne of Baiazetes, prisoner, and afterward slue him, exercising the like crueltie vpō his prisoners, as Baiazetes had done before vpon the Christians: insomuch that he spared nei∣ther sexe nor age of the Turkish multitude: of whome he caused xij. thousand at one time, to be ouerriden and tro∣den downe vnder his horses feete. By reason whereof, Baiazets the tirant was enforced to raise his siege from Constantinople, & to returne his power into Asia: where he, neere the hill called Stella, pitched his tents there to encounter with Tamerlanes.

The fight betweene these ij. was long & great on both sides, which was in the yeare of our Lord 1397. and the second yeare after the slaughter of our Christians at Ni∣copolis in Ponnonia: but the victorie of this battaile fell to Tamerlanes at lēgth.* 19.65 In the which battaile as Mun∣sterus writeth, were slaine 2000000. Turkes. Among whome, Baiazetes the tirant, hauing his horse slaine vn∣der him, was takē prisoner, and to make a spectacle of his wretched fortune, was bounde in golden fetters, and so beeing enclosed in an iron grate (whome before all Gre∣cia could not holde) was ledde about and shewed through all Asia, to be skorned & laught at: and moreouer was v∣sed in stead of a footestoole to Tamerlanes,* 19.66 or a blocke, as often as he mounted vpon his horse. Some adde also, that he was made like a dogge to feede vnder Tamerlanes table. The tirannie of which Baiazetes against the Chri∣stians, as it was not much vnlike to the crueltie of Uale∣rianus y^e Romaine Emperour aboue mentioned, pag. 73. so neither was the example of his punishment much dis∣crepant, for as Sapores King of the Persians did then with Ualerianus in time of the eight persecution of the primatiue Church: so likewise was Baiazetes this perse∣cutor worthely handled by Tamerlanes king of the Par∣thians, as in maner abouesayd.

Tamerlanes after thys conquest, passed wyth hys ar∣my into Mesopotamia, to Egypt, and all Syria, where he victoriously subduing the Cities and munitions of the Turkes, at length also conqured Damascus. In his sie∣ges his maner was, the first day to go all in white attire, the seconde daye in red, the third day in blacke: signifieng thereby mercie the first daye to them that yeelded, the se∣conde day the sword, the third day fire and ashes. At last, after great victories, and spoiles gotten of the Turkes, he returned into his Countrey againe, and there dyed, anno 1402.

Seb. Munsterus writing of this Tamerlanes, recordeth that he had in his army 200. thousand men:* 19.67 and that hee ouercame the Parthians, Scythians, Hiberians, Albans Persians, Medes, and conquered all Mesopotamia: and after he had also subdued Armenia, passing ouer the riuer Euphrates with sixe hundred thousande footemen,* 19.68 and 4000000. horsemen, he inuaded all Asia Minor, conque∣ring and subduing from the floud Tanais vnto Nilus in Egipt, and was called terror orbis, the terror of the world. He lefte behinde hym two sonnes, who falling in dis∣corde for theyr possessions, lost all agayne that their father gotte.

In the meane time Baiazetes in the second yeare of his captiuitie, died, leauing behind him diuers sonnes, Iesus or Iosua the eldest,* 19.69 Mulsumanes, Moses, Celebinus, or Calepinus, Iesus the yonger, Mustaphas, and Hali, of whome first Iesus the eldest was ouercome and slaine of Mulsumanes: which Mulsumanes afterwarde was de∣liuered to Moses his brother, and by him was slaine like∣wise, which Moses had also the like ende by his brother Calepinus, hauing his necke broken with a bowe string, which was then the vsuall maner among the Turkes in killing their brethren. The same Calepinus sparing onely the life of Mustaphas his other brother, condemned him to perpetuall prison. Iesus the younger was Baptised, & shortly after departed at Constantinople. In these such disorders and diuisions among the Turkes, what occasi∣ons were geuen to the Christias to haue recouered agayne of the Turkes that they had lost, if they had not bene ei∣ther negligent, or in their own priuate warres otherwise occupied with themselues.

¶ Calepinus the 5. after Ottomannus.

CAlepinus,* 19.70 or Celebinus was the sonne of Baiazetes, and of foure brethren, the eldest: who beyng all taken captiues of the Parthians, he onely escaped and obteined his fathers kyngdome. This Calepinus encouraged by the sloth and negligence of the Princes of Europe, and by the discord of the Grecians amongest them selues and o∣ther nations neare about them, long troubled and vexed the Bulgarians, Seruiās, and Macedonians, euen to the tyme of Sigismundus. Which Sigismundus seyng now Baiazetes to be ouercome and taken of Tamerlane, and the power of the Turkes weakened in Europe, & hauing such occasion offered him, as it were from heauen, to de∣stroy and vtterly to roote out, not onely out of Asia but al∣so all Europe, that barbarous nation, and cruell enemies to the name and Religiō of Christ: and also to reuenge the great slaughter and discomfiture of his army fighting be∣fore with Baiazetes at Nicopolis a Citie in Mysia: with great power made warre agaynst Calepinus at Colum∣batium a Towne in Seruia,* 19.71 as is also before mentioned. pag. 719. but as vnluckely and with as little successe as he did before agaynst Baiazetes his father: For in that bat∣taile were slayne of the Christiās to the nūber of xx. thou∣sand, and the rest vtterly discomfited, the kyng himselfe es∣caping so hardly, that he entred not agayne into his king∣dome for the space of 18. monethes after. Some write that this was done vnder Baiazetes, other some referre this battaile to Amurathes, but howsoeuer it was, most per∣nicious was it to the Christiās. He raigned but vi. yeares and dyed very young. an. 1404.

¶ Orchanes and Moses his vncle, the sixt after Ottomanus.

AFter the captiuitie of Baiazetes aboue mentioned,* 19.72 hi∣stories diuersly doe dissent. The Greeke writers ma∣king no mention at alof Calepinus, onely make mētion of the sonnes of Baiazetes, & of the contention among them. vntill the time of Muhumetes. The Latin stories writing of the children of Baiezetes and of their succession, doe not therein agree, some affirmyng that Baiazetes had two sonnes, Orchanes surnamed Calepinus, & Mahumetes his brother, which within two yeares slew the sayd Cale∣pinus, and entred his dominion. Other attribute to Ba∣iazetes moe sonnes, as is aboue rehearsed. Some agayne doe geue to Baiazetes onely these two sonnes Celebinus and Mustaphas: and hold that Calepinus or Celebinus had two sonnes,* 19.73 to wit, Orchanes and Mahumetes, and adde moreouer that the sayd Orchanes beyng somewhat yoūg, was slayne of his vncle Moses, who gouerned but ij. yeares. For Mahumetes to reuenge his brothers death slew Moses, and inuaded his dominion. The Greeke sto∣ries make no mention at all of Orchanes.

¶ Mahumetes the 7. after Ottomannus.

THis Mahumetes,* 19.74 whether he was the sonne of Baia∣zetes, or els of Calepinus, conuerted to himselfe alone the kingdome, or tyrāny rather, of the murdering Turks. Who afflicted the Christiās with sore warres within Eu∣rope, especially the countrey called Wallachia, lying not farre frō the floud Danubius, betwene Hungary & Thra∣cia. From thence he remoued into Asia, where he recoue∣red diuers partes in Galatia, Pontus, Capadocia, Cili∣cia, whiche before Tamerlanes had alienated from the Turkes.* 19.75 This Mahumetes planted his chief Imperiall seate in Adrianople not farre from Constātinople, within the countrey of Thracia. In some writers the conflict be∣twene Sigismund & the great Turke, wherein the Chri∣stians were so discomfited, is referred rather to this Ma∣humetes, then to Calepinus: of which conflict mention is aboue made in the story of Sigismundus. pag. 719. This Mahumetes reigned,* 19.76 as some say 14. yeares, & dyed in the yeare of our Lord. 1419. Other affirme 17. yeares.

¶ Amurathes the second, 8. after Ottmannus.

* 19.77AMurathes, as Philelphus sayth, was the son of Ce∣lebinus, as Laonicus Chalcondiles testifieth, of Ma∣humetes: whose son soeuer he was, a wretched traunt he was, and permitted as a scourge of God, to correct y^e sins of the Christians. In the story of Baiazetes, mentiō was made before of Mustaphas his sonne, who was cōdemned to perpetual prison by Calepinus his brother. This Mu∣staphas escaping out of his brothers prison, was conueied to the Grecians, where he remained long in custody, til at length they vnderstanding the purpose of Amurathes,* 19.78 set him vp with sufficient habiliments and furniture of war, to fight against the sayde Amurathes his nephew. But in cōclusion, he being not able to make his partie good, came into y^e hands of his enemie, and had his necke broke with a bowstring, after the maner of the Turkish execution.

The Grecians then terrified with this sinister aduersity required truce of the Turke, but when that would not be graunted, they procured vnto them Mustaphas, the other brother to Amurathes, being of the age of xiij. yeares: who likewise being armed of y^e Grecians, got the City of Nice in Bithynia, from Amurathes his brother: Albeit it was not long but he was circumuented in the same Citie,* 19.79 and brought to Amurathes: who caused him likewise to taste of the same whip, as the other Mustaphas had done be∣fore. Amurathes being now out of all feare and doubt of brethren & kinsfolke to rise against him, conuerted all his power against the Grecians: and first raunging through out Thracia, where diuers Cities yelded vnto him, which before belonged to the Emperour of Constantinople, frō thence he set forward to the noble and famous City Thes∣salonica, being then vnder the league and protectiō of the Uenetians. This Thessalonica is a Citie in Greece, bor∣dering vpon Macedonia, to y^e Citizens wherof, S. Paule writeth, foreshewing vnto them in his 2. Epistle, of a de∣fection to come before the comming of the day of the Lord 2. Thess. 2. By the which apostacie or defection, what the holy Apostle doth meane, this story of the Turkes maye easely declare. After Thessalonica was subdued, Phocis, with all the countrey about Athens, Beocia likewise, Ae∣tolia, Acarnauia, with all the region beyond Pelopone∣sus, vnto the coast of Corinth, to whome S. Paule also wrote other two epistles, were brought in bondage and slauery vnto the Turke.

* 19.80In Epirus, and in that quarter that adioyneth to Ma∣cedonia, named Albania, reigned then one Ioannes Ca∣striotus, who perceiuing himselfe too weake to matche with the Turkes power, made with the Turke this cō∣uention, that he should haue Croia,* 19.81 a famous Citie in Grecia, and also gaue to him his three sonnes for hosta∣ges, to wit, Constantinus, Reposius, and Georgius.

In this George, such towardnes of noble courage, such vigour of minde, and strength of body singularly did ap∣peare, that the Turke caused him more freely to be instru∣cted after the Turkish religion and maner in his owne court: where he being traded vp, did so shoote vp as well in feates of actiuitie, as in strength of body, that he excel∣led all his equals: in so much that he was named Scan∣derbeins, which soundeth as much as Alexander Magnus.

After this Alexander was grown vp to mature ripenes of age, and was well trained vp in feates of war, he was sent out by the Turke,* 19.82 to warre against Caramannus of Cilicia, The Turkes enemy. In which expedition he sped himselfe most manfully, fighting hand to hande, first with a footeman of Scythia, then with an horseman of Persia, being chalenged by them both to encounter, first with the one, after with y^e other: whom he so valiantly ouerthrew, y^e he wan great renoun with y^e Turk: In so much that he trusting to y^e Turks fauour, whē he heard of the decease of his father, durst aske of y^e Turke the graunt of his fathers dominion to be giuen vnto him. Which request, although Amurathes y^• Turke did not denie him: yet notwithstan∣ding he perceiuing the matter to be dalied out with fayre wordes, by subtill meanes and policie * 19.83 slipt out of the Turks court, and came to Epirus his owne inheritance: where first by forged letters he recouered Croia. The o∣ther Cities of their voluntary minde, yeelded themselues vnto him, who then gathering vnto him the people of E∣pirus & Macedonia (which were not so many in nūber, as with good willing minds they stucke vnto him) so mā∣fully and valiantly behaued himselfe, that against all the puissance both of Amurathes, and also of Mahumete, he mainteined his owne, repulsed their violence, and put to flight their armies, many yeres together. But to returne againe to the course of Amurathes victories, after he had thus preuailed (as is before signified) agaynst the East parts of Europa and Grecia,* 19.84 and had conuented thus for the dommion of Epirus, he inuaded Iluricum, (other∣wise called now Sclauonia) conteining in it Dalmatia, Croacia, Isiria, and Liburnia: which Countreys after he had spoiled and wasted, he continued his course to Alba∣nia, and Bosna. In which regions, when he had subdued a great part, and had led away an innumerable multitude of captiues, he moued further to Walachia and Seruia, vpon hope to conquere all Pannonia.

There reigned at the same time in Seruia a certayne prince named Georgius Despota,* 19.85 who made great sute to the Turke for truce & peace, promising to giue his daugh∣ter to mariage: for by y^• Turkes lawe they may marry as many wiues as they lust. It was not long after Amura∣thes had maried the daughter of Despota, but he contrary to his league and promise, made warre vpon Despota his father in law, and expelled him out of his kingdome, ta∣king from him diuers Cities, as Scopia, Nouomonte, Sophia, and all Misia. Georgius himselfe fled into Hun∣gary, leauing behind him his son to defed y^e town of Sin∣deronia. Amurathes vnderstāding of the flight of Despo∣to his father in law, compassed the Citie of Sinderonia with a strōg siege, which whē he in few daies had expug∣ned, he tooke his wiues brother, sonne of Despota, and without regard of all mercy and affinitie, after the barba∣rous tyranny of the Turkes, put out his eies, with a basen red hoat set before his eies, and after that led him a∣bout with him, in derision and despite of his cowardly fa∣ther. Ex Christof. Rhicherio Gallo. & Gasp. Peuc & alijs.

Seruia beeing thus wonne and gotten, Amurathes thinking to go further into Hungary, besieged the Citie called Belgradum, and no doubt, had also suppressed the same, had not the prouidence of God found a meanes, that partly through slaughter of his men, partly for lacke of victuall and other forage, he was compelled to raise his siege and retire.

In the meane time Ioannes Huniades (of whom men∣tion was made before,* 19.86 pag. 720.) had got great victories against the Turkish power, and had recouered parte of Seruia, and all Muldauia: against whome, Amurathes the Turke, with a mighty army, moued into Pannonia. But Huniades with the power and ayde of Ladislaus King of Polonia (but specially by the power of the Lord) did soone infringe the puissance of the Turke, and gaue him the ouerthrow, recouering vnto the Christians the greatest part of Seruia and Bulgaria.

In this battaile Huniades had fiue sundry conflictes with the Turks vpō one day,* 19.87 and with fiue victories put them to the worse, and toward night did so discomfit and ouerthrow the great captaine of Amurathes, called Bas∣sa, the Duke of Anatolia (which is otherwise named Asia Minor) that he slue of the Turks that day, to the number of 30. thousand. Amurathes, although he was not a little thereat discouraged, yet dissembling his feare, with stout counteuace sent for Carambeius his principal stay & cap∣taine, with a new power brought out of Asia, to assist him in his warres. Then Carambeius, in y^e downes of Tra∣siluania, Ladislaus the foresaid king of Polonie (the Lord so working) through the industrie of Ioannes Huniades,* 19.88 so receiued & with such celerity oppressed him vnprouided, that all his stout & sturdy army either was slaine downe right, or else put to flight & disparcled, Carambeius the Captaine being himselfe taken prisoner in the same field.

These victories of Huniades strooke no little terror to Amurathes, in somuch y^t for distresse of minde he was rea∣dy to destroy himselfe (as some do write) but being cōfir∣med by Helibeus Bassa his coūsailer, he kept himselfe w^t∣in y^e streites of y^e moūt Rhodope. Who then hearing that Caramannus inuaded the same time the countrey of Bi∣thinia and Pontus in Asia:* 19.89 was glad to take truce wyth Ladislaus and Huniades vpon such conditions as they listed to make themselues: which conditions were these, that Amurathes should depart clearely from all the regi∣on of Sernia,* 19.90 and should remoue from thence all his gar∣risons, which were placed in the Castles and forts of the same: Also he should restore George Despota (which is to say) Prince of Seruia vnto his possession, and set his chil∣dren free, whome he had in captiuitie, and restore them to their inheritance. Item, that he shoulde make no more claime nor title to the countrey of Moldonia aboue men∣tioned, nor to that part of Bulgrauia which he had lost:* 19.91 and that he should desist heereafter from all wrongs and iniuries against the Christians. Upon these conditions the Turke being agreed, so was truce concluded on both parts for tenne yeares, and with solemne othe betweene them confirmed.

* 19.92This done, Amurathes the tyraunt addresseth himselfe toward Asia, to resist the inuasion of Caramannus afore∣said. At what time Pope Eugenius so soone as he heard the Turke to be returned into Asia, sendeth Iulianus Caesa∣rianus his Cardinall (whose story is before touched, page. 683.) vnto Ladislaus the foresaid king, with full dispensa∣tion and absolution, to breake his othe and league wyth the Turke, promising moreouer great hope of aide, if he would go in armes stoutly against the tirant.

¶ Where by the way is to be noted, that as there is no truth of promise in that pestilēt sea of Rome,* 19.93 neither was there euer any war prospered, which was taken in hande by the Popes counsaile: so was there neuer any counsaile of the Pope, that brought with it more detriment to Chri∣stianitie, then this. But the Pope belike thought, that as he might lawfully breake promise with Iohn Hus, and with other Christians, so also he needed not to obserue a∣nye league or truce taken with the Turke: but it turned much otherwise then the Popes blinde braines imagined, as by the sequele is to be seene. For Ladislaus being thus excited by the vnaduised and sinister instigation of Pope Eugenius, contrary to the truce stablished a little before, set out with his army from Seledinus, and so proceeding to Walachia and Burgaria, came to Uarna, a towne of Bulgary, where he fell sicke.

It was not long but the Turke hauing thereof intelli∣gence, left his warres begon with Caramannus in Asia, and with great iourneis made haste into Europe, passing ouer by y^e straites neare to Calipolis, where all y^e Italian nauy still looking on, and whether of purpose, or whether for cowardlines, would not stirre one ore to stop the pas∣sage of the Turkish army. When Amurathes was come to Adrianopolis in Thrasia, vsing such celeritie as no mā looked for, within viij. daies he was in Burgaria, & there encamped himselfe against Ladislaus. The day of battaile being set, the armies ioined on both sides. Huniades was himself there present, but all the matter was ruled by Iu∣lianus the Cardinall, and y^e Popes Clergy. The fight cō∣tinued three daies and three nightes together, with great courage & much bloudshed on each side: insomuch that the field did stand with lakes of bloud. They semed at the first to incline to the Christians, by breaking the first ranks of the Turkes. But the Priests and Prelates which were at the field (which had bene more fitte to haue bene in the Church) seeing the Turkes to begin to flie, vnskilfully left their array to pursue the enemy, so that they leauing the other standings of the Christians naked, gaue great ad∣uantage to the Turks, with their darts & shot to disturbe the Christian rankes. By the which occasion, Amurathes inclosing y^e Christiās with his army roūd about, obteined the victory. In the which field, Ladislaus the yong king of Polony, hauing his horse first killed vnder him, was strooken downe,* 19.94 & slaine. The Popes Bishops flieng to saue themselues, fell into the marishes, and there were de∣stroied, susteining a durtey death condigne to their filthy falshode and vntruth. Iulianus y^e Cardinall, which with the Pope was the chiefe doer in breaking the league, in the way was found dead, being full of wounds, and spoi∣led to his naked skinne. Of the rest of y^e army that escaped by flieng, part was drowned in y^e marishes, some perished miserably for hunger, some for cold, watching & wādering in the woods. Huniades hardly escaped the danger, by the mercifull prouidence of God, being reserued to the further profite and commoditie of Christendome.

This Iohn Huniades the worthy warrier was borne in Walachia, being Earle of Bistrice, of all Captaines y^t euer went against the Turkes, most famous & singular, prudent in wit, discret in counsaile, expert and politike in warre, prompt of hand, circumspect before he attempted, quicke in expedition: in whom wāted almost no good pro∣pertie requisite in a warlike Captaine. Against two most mighty and fierce tirants, Amurathes and Mahumetes, through the Lords might, he defended all Pannonia, and therefore was called the thunderbolt and terrour of the Turkes. Like as Achilles was vnto y^e Grecians, so was he set vp of God to be as a wal or bulwarke of al Europe against the cruell Turkes and enemies of Christ, and of his Christians. Neither was there any King or Prince that euer achieued such noble victories, either so many in number, or so profitable for y^e publique vtilitie of all Eu∣rope, as did he, and that not onely in the daies of this A∣murathes, but also of Mahumetes his successour, as heereafter remaineth further to be seene. This battaile of Amurathes against the Christians at Uarna in Bulga∣ria, was fought in the yeare of our Lord 1404.

Amurathes by reason of this victorious ouerthrow a∣gainste the Christians, surprised with no small pride, directed his iourney incontinent toward the Grecians, where Castriotus was,* 19.95 otherwise called Scanderbcius. And first commyng to Peloponesus, and breaking downe the wall about the straits of Corinthe, encoūtred with the brother of the Emperour of Constantinople, whom with his sodeine commyng he oppressed, with all the Greekes army, ere they were prouided. Paleologus the Emperour after that, did build vp the wall againe: but at the Turkes biddyng he was cōpelled to vndoe it agayne: which wall afterward the Uenetians did repayre. After the demolitiō of the wall, Amurathes entring into * 19.96 Peloponesus, tooke diuers townes and Cities, as Sycione, and Patris, and moreouer made all the parts of Thessalia and Achaia tri∣butaries vnto him.

The next yeare after this battaile of Amurathes fought agaynst the Christians at Uarna, the Turke beyng now about the partes of Grecia, purposed to bend all his force and mayne agaynst the countrey of Epyrus belongyng to Georgius Castriotus Scanderheius. Of this Scander∣beius mētion was made before, how he was brought vp in the Turkes Court, from whence we declared also how subtillie he conueyed him selfe, and came to the possession of his owne patrimony of Epyrus.* 19.97 Which Epirus this noble and victorious Scanderbeius (whom the Lord al∣so had raysed vp the same tyme with Huniades, to bridle the fury of the Turkes) valiaūtly defended agaynst all the power of Amurathes: In so much that he discomfited and vanquished vij. of the most expert Bassas or Dukes of the Ottomā Emperour, one after an other, with all their ar∣mies of most piked and chosen souldiours, dislodged them of their tentes, and expulsed them vtterly out of all Epy∣rus. Also when Amurathes himselfe with his whole puis∣saunce, had enuironed about the Citie of Croia, with cru∣ell siege and ordinaunce out of measure, yet notwithstan∣dyng the sayd Scāderbeius (through the power and bles∣sing of the Lord) beate him out of the field, & repulsed him from his siege.

After this discomfiture,* 19.98 the saying is that Amurathes, to keepe his vow made before, after his victory at Uarna, gaue himselfe into a religious order, liuyng a contempla∣tiue life with certaine other Priestes ioyned vnto him, in the forest of Bithynia, renouncing the gouernement of his realme to the handes of Haly one of his Princes (for thou must vnderstād, good Reader, that the Turkes also be not without their sondry sectes of Religion, no more then we Christians are without our Friers and Monkes.)

In the meane tyme while Amurathes this Turkishe tyrāne was cloystered vp in his Monkish Religion,* 19.99 Ioan∣nes Huniades in the kyngdome of Hungary, and Castrio∣tus Scanderbeius in Grecia, kept great sty••re against the Turkes. By reason wherof Amurathes was takē againe from his Monkish vow and profession, & brought agayne into the field: For first Huniades had rescued the whole coūtrey of Hungary: and had propulsed moreouer all the might of the Turkes farre frō Seruia.* 19.100 And although the peuishe practise of Grgins Prince of Servia had oft tymes disclosed his counsailes vnto the Turkes, whereby twise he was brought in daunger, yet notwithstandyng (through the Lordes gracious protection) he was preser∣ued, and deliuered by the sayd George vnto the Hungari∣ans agayne, & after that manfully vāquished the Turkes, so that they had no resting place about those parts of Ser∣uia and Bulgaria, so long as he liued.

On the other side in Grecia,* 19.101 Castriotus Scāderbeius so foyled the Turke in defence of his coūtrey Epirus and Macedonia, and kept Amurathes so short, that not ouely he was not able to wynne any great Towne in all Epy∣rus: but also commyng from Epyrus in the straites, was so intāgled by Castriotus, that he was forced to geue bat∣taile: In the which battaile he was so vanquished, & most part of his army slayne,* 19.102 that for grief and sorrow concea∣ued, he fallyng into a rauyng sicknesse, was trāsported out of his pauillon vnto Adrianople, and there in fury & mad∣nesse dyed, after he had reigned 34. yeares, which was a∣bout the yeare of our Lord. 1450.

This Amurathes first ordained the order of Ianiza∣rites. Which were the men children of such Christians as he conquered & tooke captiue: whom he forced to renounce the faith of Christ, wherein they were Baptized & brought them vp in Mahumetes law, & exercised them in the same feates of warre as he did his owne people:* 19.103 and after that they came to mens estate, he named them Ianizari (that is to say) souldiours of a straunge countrey, and made them to garde his person. They weare on their head is stead of an helmet, a white attire made of the grossest sort of woll, and in so manifolde aboute their head, that it can not bee pierced with a sword. It hāgeth downe on the backe with

a taile, and before on the forehead it is garnished with golde and siluer. They were woont to vse bowes and launces in the fielde, but nowe they vse dagges as oure horsemen do.

At the first institution there were but 8000. in theyr garrison, but now they be twise so many. This of all bon∣dage and seruitude that the Christians suffer vnder the Turke is most intollerable, and greatly to be of all true Christians lamented. For what can godly mindes behold more to their griefe, then to see their children pulled from the faith of Christ, wherein they were baptised, and by whose bloud they should eternally be saued, and to be in∣structed and nourished with the blasphemous doctrine of Mahumet, and to be professed enemies of Christ and hys Churche,* 19.104 to make warre against heauen, and to perish e∣uerlastingly? And finally, what a lamentable thing is it, to see and beholde our owne children borne of our owne bodies, to become our mortall and cruell enemies, and to cut our throtes with their owne hands? This seruitude of minde is farre greater then death it selfe, which if oure Princes would well consider, it would cause them the ra∣ther to agree, and bende their whole force and power a∣gainst this cruell enemy.

¶Mahumetes second, the ix. after Ottomanus.

* 19.105AMurathes left behind him three sonnes, Mahumete borne of the daughter of Despota, Prince of Seruia, being twentie yeares of age, the second sonne called Tur∣cines, the third named Calepinus. This Turcines being an infant, and but eighteene moneths old, was strangled at the commandement of the Turke, by his seruant Mo∣ses, himselfe being there present, and beholding the hor∣rible murther. And when Moses the executour of y^e mur∣ther had desired him not to pollute his handes with the bloud of his brother,* 19.106 he answered, that it was the manner of all the Ottoman Turkes, that all the other breethren being destroied, none should be lefte aliue but one to go∣nerue the Empire. Wherefore Moses was commaunded by the tirant, there presently, and in his sight, to kill the infant. This horrible fact when the mother of the childe vnderstoode, she crieng out, and almost mad for sorrowe, cursed the tirant to his face. But he to mitigate the rage of his mother, at her request being desirous to be reuenged vpon the executour of her sonnes death, deliuered the said Moses bound into her hands, who then in the presence of the tirant, thrust him to the hart with a knife, and opening his side, tooke out his liuer, and threw it to the dogges to be deuoured.

The third sonne called Calepinus, which was but sixe moneths old, the foresaid Amurathes his father commen∣ded to the custody of Halibassa one of his Nobles,* 19.107 who to gratifie and please y^e tirant, betraied the infant, & brought him vnto him, and thereupon he at the tirants comman∣dement was strangled. Some affirme, that in the stead of Calepinus, another child was offered vnto the tirant, and that Calepinus was conueied to Constantinople, and af∣ter the taking of Constantinople, was caried to Uenice, and then to Rome to Pope Calixt, where he was bapti∣sed, and afterward came into Germany to Fridericke the Emperour,* 19.108 and there was honorably enterteined, & kept in Austrich during his life. Where note how the mercifull prouidence of God, whom he list to saue, can fetch out of y^e diuels mouth. And note moreouer touching the foresayde Halibassa the betraier of y^e infant, how he escaped not vn∣reuēged: For Mahumet vnderstanding him to be a man of great substance and richesse, thorough forging of false crimes, with great torments put him to death to haue his richesse: for this tirant was geuen to insatiable auarice. Thus this bloudy Mahumete began his regiment with horrible murther, after y^e example of other cursed tirants his predecessours.

Although this Mahumete, notwithstandyng that hee came of a Christen mother, being the daughter of Despota prince of Seruia, and by her was brought vp and instruc∣ted from his childhood in the precepts of Christian religiō and maners, yet he soone forgetting all, gaue himselfe to Mahumetes religion, and yet so, that he being addicted to neyther Religion, became an Atheist, beleeuing and wor∣shipping no God at all, but onely the Goddesse of good Fortune, irriding and mocking y^e mindes and iudgemēts of men, which beleue that God by his prouidence, gouer∣neth and regardeth the state of humaine things on earth.

After that this Mahumete heard of the victories and conquests of other his predecessours, and had vnderstan∣ding how Baiazetes lay eight yeares about Constanti∣nople, and could not winne it: he dispraising Baiazetes, and disdaining that so long time should be spent aboute the siege thereof,* 19.109 and yet no victory gotten, bent all hys studie and deuice how to subdue the same. But first hauing a priuie hatred against the Citie of Athens, and hauing his hands lately embrued with the bloud of his brethren, this murthering Mahumete first of all taketh his v••age to subuert and destroy the Citie aforesaid, being a famous Schoole of all good learning and discipline. Against the which Citie he did so furiously rage for the hatred of good letters,* 19.110 that he thought he ought not to suffer the founda∣tion thereof to stand, because that Citie was a good nursse and fosterer of good Artes and Sciences: wherefore, he commaunded the Citie to be rased, and vtterly subuer∣ted: and wheresoeuer any monuments or bookes could be found, he caused them to be cast into durty sinkes, and the filthiest places of the Citie, or put to the most vile vses that could be deuised,* 19.111 for extirping and abolishing of all good literature, and if he vnderstood any to lament the case and ruine of that noble place, those he greeuously puni∣shed and put to death.

Thus the famous and auncient Schoole of Athens be∣ing destroied and ouerthrowne, he returned his army & power into Thracia, where in all haste he gathering hys power together both by sea & by lād,* 19.112 with a mighty mul∣titude compassed the Citie of Constantinople about, and began to lay his siege against it, in the yeare of our Lord 1453. and in the 54. day of the said siege it was taken, sac∣ked, and the Emperour Cōstantinus slaine. As touching the cruelty and fearcenes of the Turkes in getting of this City, and what slaughter there was of men, women, and children, what calamitie and misery was there to be sene, for somuch as sufficient relation, with a full description thereof,* 19.113 hath bene made before, pag. 708. it shall be super∣fluous now to repeate the same. This only is not to be o∣mitted touching three principall causes of the ouerthrow of this City: whereof was the first the filthy auarice of those Citizens, which hiding their treasures in the groūd, would not imploy the same to y^e necessary defence of their City. For so I finde it in story expressed, that when the Turke, after the taking of y^e City, had found not so much treasure as he looked for, suspecting with himselfe (as the truth was) the treasures and riches to be hidden vnder the ground, commaunded the earth to be digged vp, and the foundations of the houses to be searched: where when he had found treasures incredible,* 19.114 what (quoth he) how could it be that this place could euer lacke inunition and fortification, which did flow and abound with such great riches as heere is, and plenty of all things? The second cause was the absence of the Nauy of the Uenetiās, which if they had bene ready in time, might haue bene a safegard against the inuasion of the enemies. A third cause also may be gathered vpon occasion incident in stories, either for that the City of Constantinople fifteene yeares before did yeeld to the Bishop of Rome,* 19.115 as is before to be seene, pag. 76. or else because (as in some writers it is euident) that Images were there receaued & mainteined in their Churches, and by the Turkes the same time destroyed.

Ioannes Ramus writing of the destructiō of this Ci∣tie,* 19.116 amongst other matters maketh relation of the Image of the Crucifixe,* 19.117 being there in y^e high temple of Sophia: which Image the Turke tooke, and writing this super∣scription vpon the head of it Hic est Christianorum Deus. 1. This is the God of the Christians, gaue it to his souldi∣ours to be scorned, and commaunding the sayde Image with a trumpet to be carried through all his army, made euery man to spit at it most contumeliously. Wherein thou hast (good Reader) by the way to note,* 19.118 what occasion of selaunder and offence we Christians geue vnto the bar∣barous Infidels by this our vngodly superstition, in ha∣uing Images in our temples, contrary vnto the expresse commandement of God in his word. For if Saint Paule writing to the Corinthians, faith: we knowe Christ now no more after the flesh: how much lesse then is Christ to be knowne of vs in blind stockes and Images set vp in our Temples, seruing for none other purpose, but for the In∣fidels to laugh both vs & our God to scorne,* 19.119 and to pro∣uoke Gods vengeance? which by y^e like example (I feare) may also fall vpon other Cities, where such Images and Idolatrous superstition is mainteined, whereof God graunt Uienna to take heede betime, which hath bene so long, and yet is in such great danger of the Turke, and polluted with so many Images, and plaine Idolatric.

In summa,* 19.120 to make the story short, such was the cruelty of these Turkes in winning the Citie, that when Mahu∣mete had geuen licence to the souldiours three dayes to∣gether, to spoile, to kill and to do whatsoeuer they listed,

there was no corner in all Constantinople, which did not either flow with Christian bloud, or else was polluted w^t abhominable abusing of maids, wiues & matrones, with∣out al reuerēce of nature. Of the which Citizēs, some they murthered, some they rosted vpon spits, of some they fley∣ed off their skin, hanging thē vp to consume with famine, of othersome they put salt into their woūds, the more ter∣ribly to torment them, insomuch, that one of them conten∣ded with another who could deuise most strange kinds of new torments and punishments,* 19.121 exercising such crueltie vpon them, that the place where the Citie was before, see∣med now to be no citie, but a slaughter house or shambles of Christian mens bodies. Amōg the dead bodies, the bo∣dy also of Constantine the Emperour was found: whose head being brought to Mahun 〈◊〉〈◊〉, he commaunded to be caried vpon a speare through the whole City for a publike spectacle & decision to all the Turkish army. And because he would diminish the number of the captiues, which see∣med to him to be very great, he neuer rose from his table, but he put euery day some of the nobles to death, no lesse to fill his cruell minde with bloud,* 19.122 then his body was fil∣led with wine: which he vsed so long to do as any of the nobles of that Citie was left aliue: And of the other sorte also, as the stories do credibly report, there passed no day, in the which he did not orderly slay more then three hun∣dreth persons, the residue he gaue to his rascal souldiours to kill, and to do with them what they would. Where is to be noted, that as Constantinus the sonne of Helena, was the first Emperour of Constantinople, so Constantinus the sonne also of Helena, was the last Emperour thereof.

* 19.123Not farre from the said Citie of Constantinople, there was another little City called Pera, & once called Galla∣tia, situated by the Sea side: who hearing of the miserable destruction of Constantinople, and seing the City flaming with fire, sent certain of their chiesmē with speed to Ma∣humete, declaring vnto him that they neither had sent any helpe to the City of Constantinople, neither yet wrought any detrimēt to any of his army: wherefore they desired & praied him, that as they would gladly yeeld vnto him, so he would be fauourable vnto thē and spare them, & not to punish the giltles with the gilty. Mahumete, although he was not ignoraunt that for feare, rather then of any good will, they submitted themselues, and that they would ra∣ther resist him if they had ben able, yet he receiued for that time, the submission of the messengers: but sending wyth them his Embassadour into the Citie, he commanded al∣so his army to follow withall, and to enter with him into the City, which, although it was greatly suspected & m••s∣liked of y^e Citizens,* 19.124 yet they durst no otherwise do, but suf∣fer them to enter: which beeing done, the Embassadour gaue a signe to y^e souldiours, euery man to do whatsoeuer he was bidden, of whom, some ranne to the walles, some to the temples and Churches, some to y^• streetes & houses of the City, plucking all things downe to y^e grounde, sac∣king and raūging with no lesse fury and abhominable fil∣thines, then they had done at Cōstantinople before, sauing only that they absteined frō murther:* 19.125 but the same day let∣ters came from Mahumete to the Embassadour, that he should spare none, but destroy and murther all that euer were in the Citie: which message, because it seemed to the Embassadour to be too cruell, forsomuch as they had yeel∣ded thēselues, he staied his hand a little vntill night came. In the meane time drunken Mahumete comming some∣thing to himselfe (whome drunkennes had before ouer∣come) sent his second letters to reuoke the first. Where a∣gaine is to be noted the mercifull prouidence of God towardes his people in their deserued plagues, by staieng the handes, and brideling the fury many times of their enemies, when otherwise the case seemeth to be past all remedy.

Mahumete thus beeing in himselfe not a little aduan∣ced and eleuated by the winning of Cōstantinople,* 19.126 where he had now made the Imperiall seat of the Turkish domi∣nion, the third yeare next folowing, to aduēture more ma∣steries, he set out to y^• siege of Belgradum, a City of Hun∣gary, lieng neare to the bankes of Danubius, thinking to haue the like successe there, as he had in the winning of Constantinople, albeit through the Lords disposing, it sel out much otherwise. Within the Citie of Belgradum the same time of the siege thereof, was Ioannes Huniades the valiant Captaine, of whom in diuers places mentiō hath bene made before, who with a sufficient strength of piked souldiours, albeit in number nothing equal to the Turks army, valiātly defended the City with great courage, and no lesse successe. In the which siege great diligēce was be∣stowed, and many of the Turkes slaine. Amōg whom al∣so Mahumere himselfe, being stroken with a pellet vnder the left arme, was faine to be caried out of y^e field for halfe dead, and the rest so put to flight, that of the Turkes the same time were destroyed to the number, or not much vn∣der the number of 40. thousād,* 19.127 besides the losse of all their ordinaunce, which the Turkes in hast of their flight, were forced to leaue behinde them.

Hieronymus Zieglerus writyng of the siege of this Belgradum,* 19.128 addeth moreouer, that whē Mahumete was at the siege therof, seyng the towne to be so small & w••ake of it selfe, that it could not be won with all his great mul∣titude, he staryng and faryng like a mad man, commaun∣ded all his brasen peeces to be layd, to battare downe the walles and Towers of the Towne: So that the Christi∣ans within the walles were vehemently distressed, for the siege continued both night and day without intermission. Amōg y^e rest of the Christians which defended the towne.* 19.129 Hieronymus Zieglerus maketh mentiō of a certaine Bo∣hemian, much worthy of his condigne cōmendation: Who beyng vpon the walles, and seyng a Turke with a bāner or ensigne of the Turkes to be gottē vp, by the sight wher of the whole Towne was in daunger to be cōquered and taken, runneth vnto the Turke, and claspyng him about the middle, speakyng to Iohn Capistranus standyng by low, asking him, whether it were any daunger of damna∣tion to him, if he of his voluntary mynde, did cast himselfe with that dogge (so he termed him) downe headlong from the wall, to be slayne with him: what should become of his soule, and whether he might be saued or not. To whō when the other had aunswered that hee should be saued without doubt, hee estsoones tombleth him selfe with the Turke, downe of the wall, where by his death he saued the same tyme, the lyfe of all the Citie: Mahumete beyng so wounded and in dispayre of wynnyng the Citie, was caryed (as ye heard) out of the field. Who at length com∣myng agayne to himselfe,* 19.130 partly for feare and partly for shame, was ready to kill himselfe. And thus was y^e towne of Belgradum at that tyme rescued through Gods proui∣dence, by the meanes of Ioannes Hunianes and this good Bohemian.

This siege of Belgradū begā in the yeare of the Lord. 1456. and endured.* 19.131 46. dayes. At the which siege were nū∣bred of the Turkes. 200. thousand. Of whom more then 40. thousand (as is aforesayd) were slayne: where the vic∣tory fell to the Christians through the prosperous successe geuen of God to Ioannes Huniades, & Capistranus. Which Huniades not long after the sayd victory,* 19.132 through the im∣portune labour and trauaile in defendyng the sayd towne, was taken with a sore sickenesse and thereof departed, to whose valiaunt prowes and singular courage, stories doe geue great land and commendation.

Mahumetes the Turke after this done in Europe,* 19.133 re∣turned into Asia to warre, with Vsumcassanes a Persian, one of the Turkes stocke with whō he had three battailes. The first was about the Riuer Euphrates, where the Turke lost 10. thousand men, and was put to the worse. In the second field likewise he was discomsited. The third battaile was at Arsēga, where through the terrible noyse of the brasen peeces, the Persian horses disturbed the cāpe, and so was Vsumcassanues ouercome.* 19.134

From thence the Turke reduced agayne his power a∣gainst the Christians, and first subdued vnto him Synope and all Paphlagonia: Also the kingdome of Trapezunce, which he besiegyng both by land and water, wanne from the Christians, and sent Dauid the kyng of the same with his two sonnes and Calus his vncle, vnto Constantino∣ple, where they were miserably and cruelly put to death, & all the stocke of the Conneni, which were of the kynges stocke, by the Turke were destroyed. Whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 1459. at which tyme this mischie∣uous Mahumete was first saluted Emperour.

Not long after, he got from the Grecians Corinthus and Mitylene, not without great slaughter of Christen men: in somuch that the whole Citie of Mitylene was vt∣terly to the grounde almost destroyed. The Isles also of Lemnus & Lesbos he wanne from the Venetians: In the which Ilād of Lesbos is the Citie of Mitylene aforesayd.

Not farre frō this Ile of Lesbos and Mitylene, there is a countrey in Asia toward the sea side borderyng next to Europe,* 19.135 called Mysia, or of some called Moesia, wherein stode the Citie of Troye. This countrey Mahumete coue∣ting to wynne rather by policie & falshode, then by doubt∣full daunger of warre, secretly sent for the Prince therof to come to speake with him for certaine causes (as he preten∣ded) which should concerne the profite and commoditie of thē both. Which when the king of Mysia, either for shame would not, or for feare durst not denye, he came to him as to conferre vpon necessary affaires in commō to them ap∣pertaining. Mahumete when he had brought that to passe

which he would, he caused the king to be apprehended, and cruelly to be slaine, or rather torne in peeces: and so inuading the land of Misia, exercised the like tyrannie vpō all his kindred and affinitie.

This Misia by fraude being taken and lost, Mahu∣mere flieth againe toward Europe, where he assailed the Iland Euboia, otherwise called Nigroponte, making a bridge of a marueilous frame ouer the sea Euripus, to conuey ouer his army out of Grecia, and there laide his siege to the Citie Chalcis,* 19.136 which at length in thirty dayes he ouercame, not without a great slaughter of his army: who in y^c siege thereof is said to haue lost 40. thousand of y^e Turkes. But y^e slaughter of the Christians was greater: for when the City was won,* 19.137 the tirant commanded most cruelly, none to be spared within the whole citie, but to be put to the sword, whosoeuer was aboue the age of twenty yeares. This cruelty was shewed of y^e barbarous Tirant for anger and fury, because such a number of his Turkes were slaine at the siege therof,* 19.138 being reckned (as is said) to 40. thousand. In the fierce siege of this Citie, it is memo∣rable that is in stories recorded, how that the women of that Citie,* 19.139 seeing the men to begin to faint, and the Citie to lie in present danger, tooke the matter themselues in hand, and plaieng the men, went to the walles, and there defended the Citie with no lesse trouble to the enemie, then the men had before done, and so for a space continued, so long as any mans strength and diligence could do anie good. A great cause of the losse of this Citie and Iland, is imputed to the cowardly timidity of the Venetians nauy: who being there present, and hauing prosperous winde, yet durst not, or would not aduenture vpon the Turkes bridge, which if they had done, the Iland of Euboia and Chalcis, had not so soone bin ouermatched of the Turks.

Thus all the East partes of Grecia being subdued to y^e Turkish tiraunt, with all Achaia, Attica, Acarnania, & Euboia,* 19.140 shortly after folowed also Peloponesus, brought in like subiection to the Turke. Within this Peloponesus were these prouinces conteined, Achaia, Messenia, Laco∣nia, Argolica, and Archadia, &c. The Venetiās in this Pe∣loponesus had great possessions, and had made vp the wall againe toward the Sea side, neare to the streites of Corinth before mentioned, where for the more speede of the worke, they had 30. thousand workemen to the buil∣ding thereof, which when it came to the knowledge of the Turke, he brast into the countrey of Peloponesus wyth an army of 80. thousand, and first wasting the regions of the Coroneans, and Methoneans, and making a greate slaughter of the Venetians, in short time he brought the whole dominiō of Peloponesus vnder his yoke & tribute.

Long it is and more lamentable to recite all the victo∣ries of this Mahumete gotten against the Christiās both by land & sea: who after he had ouercome the Ile Lesbos aboue mentioned, and had cruelly slaine Nicolaus Cata∣lusius the Prince thereof, turning his army towarde the sea of Pontus Euxinus,* 19.141 got the countrey of Capha from the Genuans. Before was declared how truce was taken betweene Georgius Scanderbeius, and the Turke for ten yeares: which truce being expired, Mahumete leaueth no time vnspēt, no diligence vnsought, but maketh all his power to Epyrus & Albania, which he after long fatiga∣tion of siege, at length ouercame and subdued. In y^• which tract also he wanne from the Venetians, Scodra, Lysson and Dinastrum. Notwithstanding, when Scanderbeius the valiant Captaine had done against the Turke what in mans strength did lie, yet being ouermatched with po∣wer and multitude, seeing no possibilitie to make his par∣tie good,* 19.142 was forced to depart his countrey as an exile, and went to Italy, & there being sent for by y^• Popes letters, openly declared not to be possible otherwise to resist y^e fu∣rious rage of the barbarous Turkes by the strength of a∣ny one king or prince, vnlesse all Europe, with one cōsent shuld ioine their power & force together. And thus Geor∣gius Scanderbeius, a man of puissant courage, being dri∣uen out of his countrey, continued his age in exile. Whose courage & vehemency is reported to haue bin such, that in fighting against y^• barbarous enemie, for very egernes of spirit,* 19.143 his bloud was seene to burst out of his lippes. It is testified also of him, that being prouoked, he neither denied to fight, and in his fighting, neuer turned his backe, ney∣ther yet was euer wounded, but onely once with a lyght shaft in his foote, neither euer set against the Turke wyth moe then 6000. horsemen,* 19.144 and 3000. footemen: who is said with his owne hand to haue slaine aboue 2000. Turkes, whome with such violence he did strike, that many of thē he did cleane asunder from the head to the middle.

Neither yet was the vnsatiable greedines of thys Turkish helbound with all this satisfied, but still he con∣ceiued greater things in his minde, thynking to conquere the whole world, and so passing forward towards Eu∣rope, subdued all Illiria, slaieng Stephanus the King of Bosna,* 19.145 about the yeare of our Lord 1463. But afterwarde Mathias Coruinus, the sonne of Huniades afore menti∣oned, recouered againe the said kingdome of Bosna, with many other Cities neare vnto Croacia and Dalmatia, and moreouer repulsed Mahumete the Turke in his se∣cond siege of Iaiza, taking his tents and munitions lefte behinde him.

Moreouer, the sayd Mahumete passing vnto Walachia, set vpon Dracula the Prince thereof, by which Dracula, although he had no great power of souldiours, yet he so inclosed & enuironed y^e Turke, that he had almost lost his whole army, of whom a great part notwithstanding was destroied, and many of his ensignes taken. Into Dalma∣tia was sent two Captaines of the Turke, who fighting against the prouinces of y^e Venetians,* 19.146 made great spoyle and waste about y^e regions of Stiria & Carinthia: where also the Venetian power was discomfited, & Hieronimus Nouell their Captaine slaine. At length truce was taken betweene y^e Turke & the Venetians, vpon this conditiō, that Scodra, Tenarus, & Lemnus should be yeelded vn∣to him, and that they shoulde pay to him yearely 8. thou∣sand duckets for the free passage of their Marchants.

After this peace concluded with the Venetians, Ma∣humete himselfe saileth ouer into Asia, sending two of his great captaines abroad to sundry places: of whom, Mesi∣thes was sent against y^e Rhodes w^t a mighty nauie. The other called Acomates Bassa was sent into Italy to take Rome and all the West Empire.* 19.147 Concerning the viage of which two Captaines, this was the euent, that Mesithes after his great trauaile and bloudy siege against y^e Rhodi∣ans, was faine to retire at length with great shame and losse. The other Captaine Acomates (as is said) was sent into Italy, with a nauie of a hundreth Ships, and fifteene thousand men,* 19.148 who by the way in his sailing got Leuca∣dia (which now they call S. Maure) Cephalenia, and Za∣cynthus, and sayling by Fauelona, arriued in Apulia, and so passing along by the sea side, spoiled and wasted diuers parts by the coast, till at length he came to Hidruntum, a City of Calabria in Italy, which after long siege he ouer∣came and subdued, and brought such a terrour into all I∣taly, that the Pope forgetting all other things, yet mind∣full of himselfe, with all haste fled out of Rome. After the Citie of Hydruntum was taken, and the Turkes placed in the same, which was the yeare of our Lord 1481. Ma∣thias Coruinus Huniades son was sent for by the Itali∣ans, to set vpon the said Citie: vnto the rescue whereof, when Acomates was about to make his returne with 25. thousand Turkes, in the meane time newes came y^t Ma∣humete the great Turke was dead, by reason wherof the siege brake vp, and y^• Citie was deliuered to the Italians againe,* 19.149 and so was Italy deliuered at that time out of that present perill and daūger. This Mahumete wanne from the Christians 200. Cities, and twelue kingdomes, and two Empires, which he ioined both together. He died in the yeare abouesayd, anno. 1481.

¶ Baiazetes second, the 10. after Ottomannus.

MAhumetes aforesaid had three sonnes, of the which, Mustapha the eldest, through voluptuousnes & car∣nall iust, died before his father. The other two were Ba∣iazetes and Demes, otherwise called Zizimus. Aboute whom, great cōtrouersie arose amongst the Turks which of them should succeede in their fathers kingdome: For neither of them was present at Constantinople whē Ma∣humetes died, Baiazetes being in Cappadocia, & Demes in Lycaonia, wherfore when great disscution was amōg the nobles for the succession, and great strife & bloudshead for the matter, the Ianizarites, which were the Turkes garde, did proclaime Baiazetes Emperour: others in the absence of Baiazetes the father, did choose Corcuthus his sonne. Baiazetes the father cōming at length from Cap∣padocia, partly through yelding, partly by corrupting w^t money,* 19.150 got y^e wils of the Ianizarites, & was made Em∣perour. Demes the other brother being in Lycaonia more neare, although he made no lesse speede in his cōming, yet was preuented of Baiazetes, and excluded out of Cōstan∣tinople. Wherfore he being put backe from all hope of his kingdome, incited by some of his frends, moued warre a∣gainst his brother,* 19.151 who being ouercome in three battailes by Acomates Baiazetes Captain, who had got Hydrun∣tum before, did flie to the greate Maister of the Rhodes, leauing in a place called Carrae, his mother, and two yong

children, whom Baiazetes slue.

This Demes being wyth the maister of the Rhodes, was desired first of Pope Innocent the 4. then of Ludoui∣cus the 2. Frenche king, but especially of Mathias Corui∣nus, king of Hungarie, entending by him to obtaine great victory against Baiazetes. But in conclusion the Knights of the Rhodes sent him to the B. of Rome,* 19.152 where he being kept, and afterwardes sent to Charles the 8. French king, for an hostage of Pope Alexander the 6. was poysoned by the way of Terracina, by the sayde Pope Alexander, as is before declared. After whose death Baiazetes, to require the foresayde Acomates for his good seruice,* 19.153 put hym to the halter, partly misdoubting his power, partly for lucre sake to haue his treasure: Whose death redounded to the great profit of the christians, for somuch as he was euer an vtter enemy to the religion and name of Christ.

Baiazetes thus being confirmed in his tyrannie, made hys first expedition against Walachia,* 19.154 where hee subdued two great fortes, one called Lithostomus, the other called Moncastrum. From thence he remooued hys power, ta∣king his voiage into Asia, thinking to be reuenged of the Sultane of Egypt, which had succoured and entertayned before hys brother Demes against hym, wh••re he lost two great battailes, the one fought at Adena, the other at Tar∣sus: but specially at the fielde at Tarsus the armye of the Turke tooke such a wound, that of a 100. M. brought into the fielde, scarse the thirde part remained vnslayne. But as touching the Rhodians, although they were succourers of Demes aforesayde, yet Baiazetes (whether for feare, or for subtilty) abstained to prouoke them with warre, but rather entred with them the league of peace, requiring the master of the Rhodes to kepe hys brother safe vnder his custody, promising for his yerely salary, to be paied vnto him euery yere in the moneth of August. 45000. duckets,

Thus Baiezetes being ouerthrown and terrified with euill lucke fighting against the Sultane of Egypt, remoo∣ued from Asia, and directed his army into Europe, where he got Dyrrachium neare vnto Velona,* 19.155 & had a great vic∣tory ouer the Christian armye in the countrey of Croatia, wher the Illyrians, Pannonians and Croatians ioyning their power together, encountred with the Turke and lost the field, about the yeare of our Lord. 1493.

* 19.156From thence the Turke leading his armye against the Venetians, had with them diuers and doubtfull conflicts, where the Turke sometimes was put to the woorse, and sometimes againe preuailing, out of Iadra and diuers o∣ther cities about Dalmatia,* 19.157 caried away great multitudes of Christians into captiuitie, whych was about the yere of our Lord. 1498.

Two yeares after thys, whych was the yeare of oure Lorde,* 19.158 1500. Baiazetes with 150. M. armed men, entred in∣to Peloponesus, whych although Mahumete had expug∣ned before, yet the Venetians had defended Methone, o∣therwise called Modon, all this while against the Turks. Which Methone the Turke besieged wyth three armies, hauing about the wals 500. great brasen Canons, wherof 22. were most violent and hurtfull, wherewith he battered the City both day and night: but the Citizens, which were wythin the Citie, committing themselues to God, defen∣ded their Citie as well as they could, rather chusing to dye then to yeelde vnto the Turkes tyrannie. But the Turcke preuailing, and they not able to wythstande the siege, the Christians conuented together into a certaine house pre∣pared for the purpose, bothe menne, women, and children, where they setting the house on fire, gaue themselues ra∣ther to be burned, then to come into the tyrauntes handes, Certaine women also wyth their children, cast themselues headlong into the sea, by that meanes to auoid the turkishe captiuitie.* 19.159 Some wryters there be which affirme that the Methonians, seeing 5. great shyps of the Venetians com∣ming with men and vitailes towarde them, issued downe from the walles to the sea side to receiue them, which were all taken captiues, being aboue the number of a thousand: which al being tied with long ropes, were brought before the tyraunt, and in his sight were cruelly slaine, except cer∣taine Nobles whom Cherseugles, sonne in lawe to Baia∣zetes, got to be pardoned, amongst whome was Andreas Britto.* 19.160 The Citie of Coron, & also Pilus Cities in Grece being terrified with the example of the Methonians, yeel∣ded themselues to the power of the turks. Crisseum other∣wise called Caput Sancti Galli, was expugned by Chersco∣gles, by force of gunnes.

These thynges thus atchieues, although Baiazetes went away victor vnto Constantinople, yet notwithstan∣ding the Venetians, through the helpe of the kynges of Fraunce and Spayne, had wonne from the Turke Che∣phalenia an Ilande very commodious for theyr trafficke: Also had gotten other two Ilandes,* 19.161 Leucas and Nericus otherwise called Sancta Maura, slaying al the garrison of the Turkes. But afterwarde peace being taken betweene the Venetians and the Turckes, by the counsaile of Andreas Gitto aforesayde, the Turkes so agreed, that Leucas and Nericus the Ilandes abouesayde, should be rendred vnto the Turke, and the Venetians should keepe stil the posses∣sion of Chephalenia.

Vnto this league the Turke did the rather condescend,* 19.162 for that hee had to maintaine warre agaynst Ismaell So∣phus in Asia, king of Persia: Which Sophus was stirred vp by Gods prouidence to warre w^t thys Baiazetes, wher by the Christian Churches in Europe myght haue some breathing time, and freedome from the Turkes cruell ty∣ranny & bloudshed.* 19.163 This Sophus was a valiant Turke, who with great power & victories had ouerrunne a great compasse of the East partes of Asia: then passing from As∣siria into Media, and returning againe into Arinenia, hee made warre against the Albanians, Hiberians, and Scy∣thians, and from thence comming vnto Asia Minor, en∣countred with Corcuthus Baiazetes sonne,* 19.164 and afterward cōming to Bithynia, sought with Caragius Bassa, Baia∣zetes Captaine, whome he ouercame and put to flight, and afterward tooke him aliue and his wise prisonners. After∣ward he was encountered by Halibassa an other captaine of the Turkes, whome Techelles one of the sayd Sophus captaines meeting in the plaine of Galatia did withstand, and so by the way slue Caragius the Captain,* 19.165 and hanged hym vppon a poale in the sight of Halibassa, which Hali∣bassa shortly after was slaine in warre, and hys army scat∣tered and put to flight.

Thus through the admirable example of Gods iustice and prouidence, were these turks kept occupied, & so came it to passe, y^t these Barbarians being blasphemous against the sonne of God, shoulde thus horribly run one to the de∣struction of an other,* 19.166 being worthely punished w^t mutuall slaughter and bloudshed for theyr impiety and blasphemy against Christ and his religion, wherby in the meane time some rest was geuen to the Christians.

Baiazetes partly by these victories discouraged, partly diseased and languishing of the goute, and partly also bro∣ken with age, finding himselfe vnweldy to the regiment of that tumultuous kingdome, began to haue talke with his nobles about the chusing of one to succede him. The occa∣sion whereof ministred much matter of inward warres a∣mongst the Turkes. This Baiazetes had in all 6. sonnes, wherof three died before him, and three yet were left aliue, to witte, Acomates, Corcuthus and Zilymus, Baiazetes himselfe had moste minde to Acomates, but the chiefest of his nobles did fauor rather Zelymus: who through theyr traiterous incitation prouoked him to stirre warre against hys father: and notwythstanding that he was ouercome in war, yet through intercession he was reconciled agayne to his father,* 19.167 and afterwarde proclaimed againe Emperor against his fathers will, through the helpe & fauour of the souldiours, entring the first beginning of hys kingdome, in the murthering of hys owne father. The storye whereof in some authors is thus declared.

After that the Ianizarites had perswaded wyth Baia∣zetes for that he himselfe was vnweldy,* 19.168 therfore he should do well to constitute some successour, and that he had assig∣ned Acomates to succeede him, y^e Ianizarites being offen∣ded with the sayd Acomates, because he would not enlarge their stipends and bribe them, compassing about the kings pallace wyth their priuy swordes whych they hadde vnder theyr garments, wyth a mighty crie, required Zelymus to be appointed for their Emperor. Vnto whom when Ba∣iazetes had answered that he had assigned Acomates, they refused him because he was fatte, grosse, and vnable there∣unto: but needes would haue Zelymus, which was stoute and warlike, to be made Emperour: and withall drew out their swords, crying Zelymus, Zelymus. Thē Baiazetes geuing place to their fury,* 19.169 shewed himselfe content to geue them Zelymus: whom the Iaitizarites receiuing, brought him into the pallace: vnto whom Baiazetes his father ge∣uing place, willed him not to be so hasty & furious in hys doings, but to be modest and take heede what hee dyd, and not to follow hys fury, but to geue place vnto time, whych reuealeth all thinges, and thinke hymselfe to be a man sub∣iect to dangers and icoperdies as other men are: and thus speaking, he resigned hys Imperiall throne and seate vnto him, & went away all heauy, entring into a certaine order of their religion. Wherupon folowed great exclamatiōs of the people saluting Zelymus as Emperor. Who then ta∣king the rule vpō him, begā w^t great cruelty to gouern, de∣stroying many of his nobles, such as had stood against him

some with poyson, some by other cruel meanes, & aduaun∣cing his owne side with great honors and promotions.

Not long after that Zelymus was thus setled in hys kingdome, Baiazetes his father entending to see & prooue howe he behaued himselfe in his gouernment, first entred into the treasure house, where he found all his riches to be scattered and gone. Afterwarde he came into hys armorie, where all the spoyles gotten by warre were likewise wa∣sted: then entring into the Iewel house, where al his plate and gifts sent from Kings and Princes were kept, whych likewise were dispearsed & geuen away. At length he came into the stable, where also he seeing his principall horses to be lacking,* 19.170 sighing wyth himselfe, and crying vengeaunce vpon him, he prepared himself with the residue of the trea∣sure which was remaining, to saile ouer into Natolia vn∣to his eldest sonne, and passing by an Orchard neare to the sea side, where he had appoynted to take ship, in the meane time whilest the shippes were in furnishing he sate downe vnder a tree, & began to curse his sonne, and to axe venge∣ance vpon him, for that he had so despised his father & was become so impious a wretch.

Zelymus vnderstāding of his fathers departure, came into the orchard where his father was, seeming to be very heauy, and much lamēting that hys father would so priue∣ly depart and goe away,* 19.171 seeing that hee desired not the go∣uernement of the Empire, but was contented onely wyth the title thereof. O father (sayd he) do not thus priuely de∣part away: doe not procure this shame to your sonne, who so tēderly loueth you. Let me haue but the name only: and be you the Emperor in dede. The ende of your natural life most paciently I shal expect, which I pray God may long cōtinue. And thus vsing many faire & flattering words to his father, he cōmanded a banket w^t many deinty iunkets, to be brought vnto him, but tempered and infected w^t poy∣son. Which,* 19.172 as soone as Baiazetes had begon to tast of, and felt the strēgth of the poyson working in his body, he toke his last farewell of his sonne, and going out of the citie ac∣companied with a great retinue of mē, yelling and crying out in the streetes, in the middle of his iourney fell downe and miserably died, in the yeare of our Lorde, 1512. Heere mayest thou see, good Reader, a cursed broode of thys Tur∣kish generation, where y^t father dieth in cursing the sonne, and the sonne raigneth by poysoning his father.

Zelymus the 11. after Ottomannus.

* 19.173AFter y^t thys wretched Zelymus had exercised hys bar∣barous cruelty vpon hys father, w^t like impietie he see∣keth the destruction of hys brethren and their children, first beginning his murther wyth the fiue children hys Ne∣phewes, which were the sonnes of hys 3. brethren before departed. Which done, then remained his other 2. brethren yet aliue, Acomates and Corchutus wyth theyr chyldren likewise to be destroyed.* 19.174 Of whome the one had 3. sonnes, whom the father sent to Zelymus his brother & their vn∣cle, with faire and gentle wordes to entreat him to be good vnto their father, offering to him their duety and seruice in all things, honoring him also as Emperor. But cruel Ze∣lymus commaunded forthwith his saide Nephewes to be strangled.* 19.175 The father hearing of the cruell murther of hys sonnes, leauing house and home, went and hid hymselfe in mountaines, where he liued for a space with hearbes and wilde honie, but being bewrayed by one of hys men, was brought to Zelymus, and so was strangled.

Christophorus Richerius, wryting of these matters, seemeth some thing to differ from other storyes, and sayeth that Zelymus, after the death of hys brother Corchutus, came to Bursia, where hee, vnder the colour of making a great triumph,* 19.176 ordeined a feast for his frends and kinsfolk, Wherunto were called especially his nephewes: who then at the end of the feast calling his nephewes aside (as vnder the pretēce of conferring with them secretly about hys ne∣cessary affaires) committed them to hys seruauntes to be strangled and put to death. All this while Acomates hys brother, through the help & instruction of his mother, was kept out of the tyrants hands, till at length, after great la∣bor and search made how to get him, certain forged letters were cast abroad, wherin was cōteined that Acomates, to reuenge the great impiety & subdue the tirāny of Zelimus his brother, should shew himself abroad. Which if he wold do, he should find frends enough to take his part. Acoma∣tes circumuented with these subtill traines, partly for hope of reuengement,* 19.177 partly for desire of y^t Empire, shewed him selfe abroad with such power and strength as he had: who being set vpon incontinent by Zelymus hys brother, was ouercome in battaile, and falling from hys horse, beyng a man corpulent and grosse, and his horse falling vpon him, was so ouerpressed and slaine.

Touching the death of thys Acomates, Munsterus somwhat differing from this narration, addeth moreouer, and sayeth, that hee was not killed with the fall from hys horse, but sitting all dismayed vpon a stone, and seeing no other remeady but death, desired the Captaine, taking hys rings from his fingers, to deliuer the same to his brother, desiring hym that he might not be put to any extreme cru∣elty of death, but that hee gently would suffer him to be let bloud in the hath,* 19.178 and so to die. But Zelymus being not ignoraunt of thys, suborneth priuy tormenters, who bin∣ding his hands behinde him, w^t their feete cast hym downe vpon the ground, and so twixing his necke with a coarde, did strangle him. This Acomates had two sonnes, who hearing of the death of their father, did flie for succour, the one to Sophus in Persia, and the other to the Sultane in Egypt.

By the meanes whereof, new occasion of warre grew vnto Zelymus, whereby hee was kept in Asia at home, to fight againste the Persians & Egyptians: so that throughe the Lordes prouidence, Christendom by that meanes was deliuered from great daunger and perill of the Turkes ti∣rannie: For otherwise, the Turke was wholy mineded, wyth all his force and puissance, to inuade the Christians, being in doubt whether first to beginne wyth Rhodes,* 19.179 or whether to assault Pannoma, or els to set vpon Italy, be∣ing then at great discorde within it selfe: but thys cause oc∣cupied the Turks mind otherwise, and kept him at home. Suche was then the prouidence of the Lorde for the safe∣gard of hys people.

Wherfore, for somuch as the affaires and doings of this Turke were spent for the most part in the Turkish & hea∣thenish countreys: it shal not be greatly necessary to trou∣ble our christian stories therw^t, but onely shal suffice to con∣tracte them in a briefe summe, declaring superficially what vnquietnes was amongst them there, which coulde neuer be quiet, but euer working some mischief either abroade, or at home.* 19.180 Amurathes the Turks nephewe aforesaide, after he had obtained aide of Sophus the king of the Persians, first inuaded Cappadocia: not long after whome folowed Ismael, Sophus the Persian king.

By reason whereof a great battell was fought betwixt the Persians and Zelymus in the fieldes of Armenia maior. In the which battaile Ismael Sophus the Persian Kyng was hurt on the shoulder with a pellet, and so being cary∣ed out of the field, left the victory to Zelymus: who all be it had an army of 150. M. men, yet he in the same fielde lost a∣bout 30000. of hys Turkes. Which field was fought in the yere of our Lorde. 1514. Zelymus after thys victorie went to Tauricia the imperiall Citie of the Persians, whiche he by yelding subdued.

In thys meane time it happened that one Aladulus a king in Armenia the greater,* 19.181 was also a helper to Ismael against the Turk, wherupon Zelymus the Turke taking great indignation, the next yere folowing, leauing y^e Per∣sians, fought against the sayd Aladulus, & in the end ouer∣came him, and afterward being found in a caue in a woode, was taken out and brought to Zelymus and so beheaded: whose hed being first caried about Asia for a triumph, was afterward sent to the Senate of Uenice for a terrour vnto them. The eldest sonne of Aladulus scaping the handes of his pursuers, fled into Egypt. This battaile thus fought and ended, Zelymus after he had deuided the kingdome of Aladulus into three prouinces, went to Lycaonia, & from thence to Europe, there to defend the Citie of Samandria, against the Christians in Hungary.* 19.182 But the Hungarians being sone repressed by Iuno Bassa the Turkes captaine, great preparation began to be made by the Turks against the confines of Seruia bordering vpō Hungary: The ter∣rour whereof stirred vp Maximilian the Emperour, and Ladislaus king of Hungarie, and Sigismundus Kyng of Polonie,* 19.183 to consult together, and conioyne their power for defence of Christendome. But through new incumberan∣ces incident, the turke leauing Europe, made haste againe into Asia, to renue againe his warres against the Persi∣ans, who had made a vow not to geue ouer that warre be∣fore Ismael was ouerthrowne.

But before he entred that warre, first he sent hys mes∣sengers to the Sultane of Egypte, requiring hym not to entermedle in that warre, for this sultane before had pro∣mised to assist the Persians against the Turke.* 19.184 The name of the Sultane which reigned then in Egypt, was Camp∣son, set vp by the Mamaluci. These Mamaluci were a cer∣tain order amongst the Egyptians, much like to the Iani∣zarites about the Turke, being the childrē of christen men, and after denyeng Christ, were the chefest doers in y^• Sul∣tanes court, and being growne into a great multitude, did

degenerat into a turkish barbarity, or rather became wors then Turkes. This Campson vnto the messengers of the Turke gaue this aunswere againe, that vnlesse he woulde leaue of his warre against Ismael, and restore the sonne of Aladulus, otherwise he woulde not lay downe his armor.

Zelymus being incensed not a little wyth this insolent aunswere of the Sultane, leauing all other warres aside, with great celeritie aduanced hys power against the Sul∣tane. Which Sultan partly through the falshode of his cap¦taine Caierbeius,* 19.185 partly by the sodeinnesse of the Turkes comming, not farre from the citie of Damascus encoūtred with the turke, and there ouerthrowne from his horse, be∣ing a fatte and grose body, and falling vnder his horse, and his horse also falling vpon him,* 19.186 was quashed in peces and so died, which was the yere of our Lord. 1516.

Mamalucie, of whome more then a M. in thys bat∣taile were slaine, flyeng from thence to Memphis, set vp Tomoumbeius in stede of Campson:* 19.187 whose captaine Ga∣zelles was ouercome at the City of Gaza, & he afterward himselfe driuen out of Memphis, where a great part of the Mamaluci were destroyed. Then Tomoumbeius flying ouer the floud Nilus, renued his army agayne: but in the ende was discomfited and chased into a marish, where hee was found standing in the water vp to the chinne, and so being brought to Zelymus, was put to the rack and great tormentes, to make him confesse where Campsons trea∣sures were. But when he would not declare, he was cary∣ed about the Towne with a halter about his necke, & han∣ged vp vpō a hie gibber for a spectacle to all Egypt:* 19.188 which was the yeare of our Lorde. 1517. And thus were the two Sultanes in Egypt destroied with the Mamaluci, whych there had borne the rule in Egypt the space of 243. yeares. The progenie of the whych Mamaluci remaining of the warres,* 19.189 the Turke commaunded in pryson gates of Alex∣andria to be cut in peces. Zelymus frō thence, triumphing departed to Constantinople, entending to spend the rest of his time in persecuting the Christians: But in that meane space he was stroken with a cankerd sore rotting inward, and died after hee had raigned 7. yeares like a beast, in the yeare of our Lord. 1520.

The raigne of this Turke was but short in number of yeres: but in number of his murthers and cruel bloudshed it might seme exceeding long: which liued more like a beast then a mā, for he neuer spared any of hys frends or kinred. His father first he poysoned, his brethren and al his cosins he quelled, leauing none of all his kinred aliue. Moreouer his chief and principal captaines for smal occasions he put to death,* 19.190 as Mustapha, Calogere, Chendeme, Bostāg hys sonne in law, and Iunobassa.

It is said moreouer that he entended the poysoning of his owne sonne Solyman, sending vnto him a shirt infec∣ted w^t poison, because he seemed something freely to speake against y^e cruel demeanor of his father: But by the meanes of hys mother, the gifte being suspected, was geuen to an other which was his Chamberlaine, who putting on the shirt, was strucken with the poyson therof, and therewith all died.

As touching thys Turke Zelymus, by the way heere may be noted how y^e secret prouidēce of the Lord kept hym occupied w^t hys Turkish warres at home, while that the reformation of christian religion here in Europe the same time begō by Martin Luther,* 19.191 might the more quietly take some roring without disturbance or interruption. For so it appeareth by the computation of time, that in the dayes of this Zelymus, Martin Luther first began to write against the Popes indulgences, which was in the yeare of oure Lord. 1516.

Solymannus the 12. after Ottomannus.

* 19.192SOlymannus the onely sonne of Zelymus succeded after hys fathers death, who in the first beginning seemed to some to be simple and shepish, and not mete for the turkish gouernmēt. Wherfore certain of his nobles cōsulting how to depose him, entended to set vp an other Emperour. In which conspiracy, especially are named Caierbeius & Ga∣zelles. This Caierbeius was he y^t betraied before Camp∣son the Sultane of Egypt to Zelymus,* 19.193 as is aforesayde: who nowe also being in consultation w^t Gazelles & other about this matter, detected thē also vnto Solyman. Wher∣fore the sayd Gazelles and his fellowes being thus detec∣ted, were put to death by Solyman, declaring thereby that he was not so shepish as he was thought of them to be, & as also by his acts afterward did more appeare.

Solymannus after thys execution done vpon the con∣spiratours, taking his voiage into Europe,* 19.194 first besieged Belgradum: which being a Citye in Hungarie, was the strongest forte of all the Romaine Empire, and the chiefe defence at that time, of al christendom, which also being as∣saulted before time by Amurathes the 2. was valiantly de∣fended by Ioannes Huniades as is aboue specified.* 19.195 But here nowe lacked suche a one as Huniades was: For the kingdome of Hungary at that time, was vnder y^• gouern∣ment of Ludouicus a yong king, vnexpert and of a simple wit. Whom other Princes, & specially the couetous church men did so pil and pol, that they left hym nothing but only the bare name and title of his kingdom: Wherby he being vnfurnished both of men and mony, was vnable to match with such an enemie.

An other vauntage also the Turkes had in besieging of Belgrade:* 19.196 For the Christian princes at that time were in ciuill dissention and variance amongst themselues: and the Pope with his Churchmen also were so busye in suppres∣sing of Luther, and of the Gospell then newly springing, that they minded nothing els, except it were to maintaine the welth of their own bellies. Which pope if he had set his care (as his duety was) so muche in stirring vp Princes a∣gainst the common enemy, as he was bent to deface y^• gos∣pel, & to persecute the true professors therof: soone might he haue brought to passe, not only that Belgrade might haue bene defended against the Turk, but also y^• to be recouered againe which was lost before: and moreouer myght haue stopped the great dangers and perils which nowe are like to fall vpon the religion and church of Christ: whyche the Lord of his great mercy auert and turne away.

Certesse what so euer the Pope then did,* 19.197 this had bene his duty, setting al other things apart, to haue had an ear∣nest compassiō of so many miserable & lost captiues, which were fallen from their faith & religion, vnto the misery and slauery of the Turke, & thraldome of the deuil, and to haue sought all means possible to haue reduced thē, as lost shepe into the fold againe: which then might sone haue ben done if prelates & princes ioyning together in christian concord, had loued so well the publike glory of Christ and soules of Christians, as they tendered their owne priuate, worldly, & friuolous quarels.* 19.198 And admit that the Pope had concei∣ued neuer so much malice against Luther, hys quarell also being good: yet the publike church standing in such danger, as it then did by the inuasion of the Turke, reason woulde nature led, religion taught, time required that a good Pre∣late forgetting lighter matters, shuld rather haue laid hys shoulder to the excluding of so great a dāger, as then was imminent both to himselfe, and the vniuersall Churche of Christ: But nowe his quarel being vniust, and the cause of Luther being moste iust and godly, what is to be sayde or thought of suche a Prelate, who for bearyng the Turke, whome in a time so daungerous, hee ought chiefly to haue resisted, persecuted the trueth, whych hee shoulde specially haue mainteined? But Christ for his mercy stande for hys Churche, and stirre vp zealous Princes and Prelates, if not to recouer that is lost, yet at least to retaine that little which is left.

Solyman therefore taking hys occasion, and vsing the commoditie of time, while our princes were thus at vari∣ance betwixt themselues, wythout any resistance or inter∣ruption, brought his army vnto Belgrade, in y^e yere of our Lorde.* 19.199 1521. Which Citye being but slenderly defenced, the Turke through his vnderminers, guns and other engins of warre, without great difficultie, & with little losse of hys souldiours, soone subdued and ouercame.

After thys victorye, Solyman resting himselfe a whole yeare, and casting in his mynde howe to make all sure be∣hinde him, for feare of ennemies to come vppon his backe, thought it expedient for his purpose if he might obtain the Ilande of Rhodes: for that onely remained yet Christian betwixt him and Asia: wherfore the next yeare following, he brought hys army of 450. ships, and 300. M. men to the besieging thereof. This Rhodes was a mighty and strong Iland,* 19.200 w^tin the sea called Mare mediterraneum. The inhabi∣tants wherof at y^e first did manfully resist y^e turke, sparyng no labor nor paines for the defence of thēselues & of al chri∣stendome: But afterward being brought to extremity, and pinched w^t penury, seing also no aid to come from y^e christi∣ans: somwhat began to languish in thēselues. The turkes in the meane time casting vp two great mountaines wyth strength of hand, 2. miles of frō the citye, like rolling tren∣ches caried them defore thē neare vnto the city, in the tops wherof they plāted their ordinance & artillery, to batter the city. The maister of the knightes of the Rhodes was then one Philippus Villadamus a Frenchman, in whome no diligence was lacking y^t appertained to the defence of the city. The Rhodians likewise so valiantly behaued them∣selues vpon the walles, that w^t their shot all the ditches a∣bout the city, were filled w^t the carcases of dead Turkes.

Besides thys, suche a disease of the bloudy flixe raigned

in the Turkes campe, that 30. M. of them died thereof: and yet for all thys, Solyman woulde not cease from hys siege begonne: who at length by vnderminers casting downe the vamures and vttermost partes of the citie, wan groūd still more and more vpon the Rhodians, and with morta∣ry pieces so battered the houses, y^t there was no free place almost standing in all the Citie. And thus continued the siege for the space of fiue or sixe monethes, and yet all thys while came no help vnto them from the christians. Wher∣fore they being out of all hope, thorough the aduise of Ual∣ladamus, yelded themselues vnto the Turke vppon con∣dition that hee woulde spare them wyth life and goodes, which conuention the Turke kepte wyth them faithfully and truely.

Thus Solyman with his great glory and vtter shame to all christian princes,* 19.201 and also ruine of all Christendome, got the noble Ile of Rhodes, although not wythout great losse and detriment of hys army: in so much that at one as∣sault 20. thousande Turkes about the walles, were slayne with fire, sword, stones, and other engines. Wherby it may be coniectured what these Rhodians might or would haue done,* 19.202 if succor had come to them from other christian prin∣ces as they looked for. This city was wonne vpon Christ∣mas day. An. 1522.

Thys conquest of Rhodes obtained, Solyman the 4. yeare after, bringeth backe his army againe into Hunga∣ry, where he founde none to resist him but onely Ludouike the yong king: who being accompanied with a smal army, and nothing able to matche wyth the Turke, yet of a hasty rashnes and vaine hope of victory, would needes set vpon him: who if he had staide but a little, had prospered the bet∣ter. For Ioannes Uainoda being a Capitaine well exerci∣sed in Turkish warres before, was not farre off, comming with a sufficient power of able souldiors.* 19.203 But Paulus the Archbishop Coloss. a Franciscane Frier, a man more bold then wise, with his temerity and rashnes troubled al their doings: For the whole summe of the army of the Hunga∣rians, contained in all but only 24. M. horsmen and foote∣men, who at length comming vnto the battaile, and being compassed about wyth a great multitude of the Turkes army, were brought into great distres. The Turks twise shorte of their pieces against the Christian army: yet scarce was any Christian touched with the stroke therof: whych was thought to be done of purpose, bicause they were chri∣stians whych had the ordering of the gunnes, for then the speciall gunners of the Turkes were Christians,* 19.204 whome for the same cause they spared. Then the Turkes horsmen comming vpon the backe of the christian armie, compassed them about, and by reason of their multitude, ouercharged their horsemen. Amongst whom was slaine the same tyme the Archb. Frier aforesayd, wyth the Bishops of Strigone and Uaradine & many other nobles besides.* 19.205 Also the kyng himselfe being destitute of hys necessary aide and succour, was compelled to flie into a marish, where he falling from his horse, being heauy loden with his harneis, was not a∣ble to rise againe,* 19.206 but there miserably perished.

Solyman the Turke marueiled at the foolyshnesse of Ludouike the King, who wyth so small an armye woulde presume to encounter wyth such a great hoste of two hun∣dreth thousande. This battaile in Hungarie was fought, Anno. 1526.

After the deceasse of Ludouicke, Ferdinandus succeded in the kingdome,* 19.207 being Duke of Austria and king of Hun∣garie. Then Solyman setting contention betwixt Ioan∣nes Uaiuoda and Ferdinandus for the kingdom of Hun∣garie, spedde his viage to the Citie of Buda, whych also in short time he made to be yelded vnto hym vpon condition that they should escape with their liues and goodes: whych cōdition some say he kept, and some say he did not. Besides Buda diuers places and munitiōs the sayd Turk,* 19.208 contra∣ry to his league made before, did spoile and waste, as Vara∣dinum, Quinque Ecclesias, and other fortes and munitions moe, bordering about the coastes of Hungary.

In the yeare of our Lorde 1529. Ferdinandus king of Hungarie aforesaid, recouered diuers holdes gotten of the Turke before, and also warring againste Ioannes Uai∣uoda his enemy,* 19.209 with whom he had variance (as ye heard before) expulsed him out of his kingdom. Wherupon Uai∣uoda flying to the Turke, desired his ayde. The Turke glad to take that occasion, wyth great preparatiō addressed himselfe to returne into Hungary, where he recouering a∣gaine the Citie of Buda, which Ferdinandus had gotten from him a little before, remooued his armye into Austria, spoyling and destroying by the way all that came to hys handes, shewing many examples of great cruelty & tyran∣ny most lamentable to here and vnderstand. For of some he put out their eies, of some he cutte of their handes, of some their eares and noses,* 19.210 and of their children he cut of theyr priuy members. The maidens he corrupted, the matroues had their brestes cut of, and such as were with childe, were ript and their childrē cast into the fire. And these examples of horrible and barbarous tyranny, thys wretched Turke perpetrated by the way comming toward Uienna a noble City in Austria, besides the captiues which he tooke by the way, and led into seruitude moste miserable, mounting to the number of 30. thousand.

Among other holdes by the waye as the Turke came, there was a castle called Altenburch strongly by nature si∣tuated, and by art defenced,* 19.211 which castle the Turke enten∣ding not to ouerpasse because he woulde make all thynges sure behinde him, began to make hys assault, and lay hys ordinance against it. The warders and kepers of the Ca∣stle, so soone as the Turks began to lay siege against them, making no resistance, of a womanly cowardnes sent their messengers to the Turke to yelde themselues,* 19.212 ready to doe his commaundement, and further him with their vitaile. Amongest whome were three hundreth Bohemians, who were commaunded to followe the hoste, that the Turke by them might learne what strength was in the city of Uien∣na: also where the king was, and what was to be done for the winning therof.

Of whom when the Turke had vnderstanding howe all things stoode, and how that there was but 20. thousand men in Uienna able to beare armour, and that other cities of Austria would soone yeelde if that were gotten, and that Uienna was vitailed but for 2. monthes, and that the king was of late in Boheme, thus the Turk of all things being certified, hauing no doubt in hys minde of victorie, made speede toward Uienna: and first comming to Neapolis a city but 8. miles distant from Uienna, he required them to yelde themselues:* 19.213 who notwithstanding withstoode them, and repulsed them valiantly. Then the Turkes assigned a place for the pitching of their tents, whych because it semed some thing too litle for such a great multitude, they tooke in more ground to the compasse of 7. miles circuit. The mul∣titude of his armye, which hee there planted, is accompted of some to extend to 250. M. souldiours. The Turke thus being planted, made daily excourses ouer all the countrey of Austria, specially about the citie of Uienna, wasting and spoyling with great crueltye & murther amongst the poore Christians.

Moreouer, to make al things more sure toward y^e pre∣paration of the siege, scoutes were sent abroade, and bush∣ments were laid about the riuer side of Danubius, to pro∣uide that no aid nor victual should be brought to Uienna.* 19.214 So it pleased the prouidence of the Lord (who disposeth all things) that 3. daies before the comming of the Turk, Fri∣dericus the Earle Palatine, which was then assigned by y^t Empire to take the charge of Uienna, was come downe by the riuer of Danubius with 14. M. and with a certaine troupe of horsemen well apoynted and picked for the pur∣pose.* 19.215After the comming of thys Fridericke, prouision also of victuall was appoynted to followe shortly after, by the sayd riuer of Danubius.

In the meane time, they which had the cariage & trās∣porting therof, hearing how the waies were laid, & all the passages 10. miles about Uienna, stopped by the Turkes although they knew y^e city to stand in great nede of vitail, yet seing there was no other remedy, rather then it should come to the ennemies hande, thought it best to sincke theyr boats w^t their cariage, and so they did. Wherby, all be it the christians wanted their reliefe, yet were the Turks disap∣poynted of their pray & purpose.* 19.216 The captains whych had the keeping of the City, which were chiefly Fridericus the Earle Palatine, Gulielmus Rogendorffius, and Nicola∣us erle of Salme, seing themselues so straightned contrary to their expectation, although they had great causes to be discouraged, yet calling their courage vnto them, they con∣sulted together for the best way to be taken: and seing that the little city Neapolis (aboue mentioned) being 8. miles distaunt from them, so valiauntly withstoode the Turkes, that in one day they sustained 7. greuous assaultes against all the maine force of the Turkish armye: by their example and manfull stāding, being the more animated and encou∣raged, thought to abide the vttermoste before they woulde geue ouer, and first plucking downe all the suburbes, and buildings wythout the walles, wherby the enemy myght haue any succor,* 19.217 they willed all the farmers & inhabitantes about the Citye to saue themselues, and to bryng in theyr goods w^tin the walles. Such places as were weake wyth∣in the walles, they made strong. About the towers & mu∣nition of the walles, they prouided rampires & bulwarks distant 80. foote one from another, to kepe of the shot: and euery man hadde hys place and standing awarded to hym

vpon the wal, and his office appoynted what to do: but es∣pecially that side of the City which lyeth to the riuer of Da∣nubius, they fortified after the best wise: for that way only now remained for vitail to be transported from the Bohe∣mians vnto them. Wherefore 8. en••ignes were assigned to the keping of the bridge,* 19.218 and in the plaine, which was lyke an Iland inclosed wythin the riuer, a sufficient garrison of horsmen were placed, lying within the gunshot of the city, to the entent that if any graine or vitail were sent from the Bohemians, they myght prouide y^e same safely to be brou∣ght into the Citie.

These things thus being disposed and set in order, L. William Rogendorffe, to assay the strength of the Turks, made diuers rodes out wyth his horsemen, albeit much a∣gainst y^e mindes of the Austrians: who knowing the ma∣ner of the Turkes, thought it better to suffer them, while either wyth time they myght be ouerweried, or for lacke of victuals consumed.* 19.219 Among many and sondry skirmishes which the Christians had with the Turkes, one especially was to our men vnprosperous: in whych certaine of the horsemen espying a small troupe of the Turkes scattering abroad from theyr company, made out after them, who so∣denly & guilefully were inclosed and circumuented by the Turks, before they could recouer the gates of the citie, and so were all taken aliue:* 19.220 Of whome 3. were sent from the Turkes into the Citye, to declare to the Uiennians what strength they had seene in the campe of their aduersaries, and to sollicite them to yelde their city for feare of punish∣ment which would followe: The residue they reserued to torments and punishment, whom in the sight of the whole army, and of the Christians (whych should tell the same to the Citizens) they caused euery man to be drawne with 4. horses a piece, and so to be dismēbred and pluckt a sonder.

After thys done, the barbarous Turk immediatly sent his Herold to talke wyth the Captaines of the City, whe∣ther they would yelde the City vpon honest conditions,* 19.221 or els would abide the arbitrement of warre. If they would gently submit them selues, they should haue all gentlenes to them shewed: If they would be stubburne, and stand to their defence, he wold also stand to hys siege begon, so that he neither woulde spare man, woman nor childe. To thys the captaines aunswered againe, that they were contented Solyman to stand to his siege begon,* 19.222 and to do his vtter∣most, what he would, or what he coulde. As for them, they were at a poynte to defende them selues and their Citie so long as they might: the euent & fall of victory to be doubt∣full, and many times so to happen, that they whych begin the warre, are wearied sooner then they which be prouo∣ked: neither againe that they were so vnmindfull eyther of themselues, or of their country, but that they did remember well what they are, and what they be called, named to be Germaines: who vse alwayes first to assay the aduersary, what he is able to doe, and not rashly to committe them∣selues into their enemies handes.

Solymannus not a little disdaining at thys aunswer, first burning and consuming all the villages,* 19.223 houses, and places round about the city, infecting also the springs and fountaines whych gaue water into the Citye, and so stop∣ping al passages, that no reliefe should haue way vnto thē, began w^t angry moode to approche more neare to the Citie, with 3. great campes, sending them worde in skorne and contumely, by one of his captiues, that if they stood in nede of helpe of soldiors, he would send vnto them the 300. Bo∣hemians (mentioned a little before) to aid them in theyr de∣fence. To whom the Palatine directed answer again, that they had moe soldiours in the City then they neded. As for the Bohemians which had yelded themselues, he might do wyth them, what he would, for Uienna stoode in no great neede of them.

In the meane time a messenger comming from Ferdi∣nandus, was priuily let in by night into the Citie,* 19.224 which brought word that they should play the men in keping out the enemy a while: for it would not be long but both Fer∣dinandus and Carolus his brother, with the strēgth of all Germanie, would be ready to rescue them. At whych mes∣sage the hearts of the soldiours began somwhat to be chea∣red, and to contemne the huge multitude of the aduersa∣ries, being so great as they neuer did beholde, nor did euer almoste heare of before. The largenesse of whose army, ex∣tended to no lesse in compasse (as is aboue sayde) then of 7. miles round about the Citie walles.

* 19.225Long it were to recite the whole order of thys terrible siege, with all the partes and circumstances therof. Briefly to touch so much as shal suffice for this history, with fewer words then were stripes geuen at the siege thereof: thys is to be iudged and confessed: whosoeuer beholdeth the nōber and fiercenesse of the Turkes, the absence of the king Fer∣dinandus, the lacke of prouision and vitaile within the ci∣ty, the noise of the gunnes, the violence of the shot, the ter∣ror of the sight, and yet no succour sent vnto them: that the custody of that city was no mans doing, but the arme on∣ly of the Lord God of hostes, according to the true saying of the Psalme: Unlesse the Lorde doe keepe the Citie, the watchmen watch in vaine,* 19.226 which watch to saue it: Unles the Lord doe build the house, the builder striueth in vayne, whych taketh vpon hym to builde it. Experience whereof in keping thys citie may well appeare.

First Solymannus bending hys shotte and ordinance against the City, beate downe to the ground the vāmures with all the vttermost suburbs of the city, and that in suche a short moment of time, that the hearts of the Uiennians a little before refreshed, were now as much appaled agayne with feare, misdoubting wyth themselues, least the Turke with the same celerity and violence woulde haue preuailed against the inwarde walles, as he did in beating down the outward vamures. And no doubt the same time the Turk had put the city in great hazard, had not night commynge on, broken of the siege for that day.

In the meane time the Citizens laboured all night in repairing and refreshing the wals, to make all things sure against the next assault.* 19.227 The next day early in y^• morning, the Turks approching the city againe with a new assault, thinking to scale the walles, were so repulsed & manfully resisted by the Germaines, that vnneth any ditches aboute the walles could be sene for the bodies of the dead Turkes, wherwith they were replenished: so that the Turks were faine to fight standing vpon the bodies of them which wer slaine. By the which calamitie the force of the enemye was not a little abated,* 19.228

It happened the same time, that a companye of the Turkes being spied oute of the Citie wandering oute of order, the Captaine Rogendorffius wyth two legions of horsemenne issuing out of the Citie gate called Salmaria, and so passing closely vnder the hilles side, did so set vpon them, that they slew a great number of them: the rest being driuen to take the riuer, whome with stones and shot like∣wise they destroyed, and so retired backe into the Citie a∣gaine. By thys victorie the Captaine Rogendorffius be∣gan to be terrible to the Turkes. For in the same skirmish (as after was knowen) was slayne of them so many, that of 5000. and 300. horsemen and footemen, scarse 140. es∣caped aliue.

Solyman disdayning at this repulse,* 19.229 thought to proue an other way, & so bringing his power toward y^e gate cal∣led y^e kings gate, there making his trenches & bulwarkes, plāted his ordināce, w^t the violence wherof y^e walles were so battered & shaken, that no man was able there to stand. Wherefore the Turke seeing 2. great breaches made in the wal cōmaunded his souldiors couertly in the darck smoke of gunnepouder to prease into the City. The like also was done at y^e scottish to wer, whereby y^e city was inuaded in 2. sundry places at one time. The Uiēnians at y^e first, freshly began to withstand thē, new souldiors still cōming in the place of them that were slaine and hurt: and so this assault continuing more thē 6. houres together, our mē beganne at length to languish & faint, not onely in strength but al∣so in courage: wherby the Citie had bene in great daunger of loosing, had not y^e two foresaid Capitaines Rogendorf∣fius in the one place, and the Earle of Salme in the other place, manfully encouraged the souldiors to abide y^e brunt, and to beare out a while the violence of the Turkes, pro∣mising that immediately they should haue ayde from Fer∣dinandus.

In the meane time the Turkes came so thicke for gre∣dines of the victory, scaling, climing, and fighting vpō the walles, that had it not bene for the prease and throng of the great multitude of the Turkes comming so thicke that one of them could not fight for an other,* 19.230 Uienna that same day had bene taken and vtterly lost: But by the pollicy of y^e cap¦taines geuing a signe within the city, as though new soul∣diors were called for, our men began to be encouraged, & the Turkes hartes to be discomfited.

When Solymannus saw his army the second time, re∣pulsed, he began to attempt a new way, purposing by vn∣dermining to ouerthrow the city: in the which work speci∣ally he vsed the helpe of the Illyrians, of whome he had a great number in his campe, expert in that kinde of feare. These Illyrians beginning to breake the earth at the gate Carinthia and comming neare to the foundations of the Tower,* 19.231 which they by strength of hand attēpted to break, could not worke so closely vnder the groūd, but they were perceiued by certayne men aboue, which were skilfull & ex∣pert in y^t kind of matter: who cōtrariwise vndermining a∣gainst thē, & filling their trēches as they wēt, w^t gūpouder,

conueyed their traine, that when fire should be set vnto it, the violence thereof should brast out by the trenches of the enemies: which done, sodenly the ground beneath made a great shaking, so that the tower did cleane asunder, and all the vnderminers of the Turks woorking in their trēches, were smothered and destroyed, which came to the number (as it was supposed afterwarde) of 8000. persones: in so much that yet till thys day a great number of deade mens skuls are found in the ground.

* 19.232When Solyman saw y^t this way also would not serue and had priuy intelligence that the walles about the gates of Stubarium were negligently kept, and that hee might haue there more easy entrance: secretly he conueyeth about 10. garrisons of fresh soldiours, in such sort as the townes men should not perceiue them: who came so sodenly vpon them, that they had filled the ditches, and were vpon y^e top of the fortresses and munitions, before that our men were aware of them, or coulde make themselues ready to resist them. For although there was no lacke of soldiors wythin the Citie, yet for somuch as the whole brunt of the siege did lye, specially at the 2. gates aforesaide, from whence the sol∣diors which were there warding, could not be wel remoo∣ued, for a shifte the rescuers (which wythin the Citie were ready for all sodaine aduentures) were sent to the walles: by whose comming, those fewe whych kept the enemies of before,* 19.233 being sore hurted and woūded, were succoured and sent to surgery: and thus the sayed assault continued terri∣ble and doubtfull vntill (the darcke night commyng vpon them) they could not wel know the one from the other. In thys vickering were counted of the Turkes to be slayne, more then 5000.

Then the Captaine Rogendorffius commendyng the valiant standing of his souldiours, misdoubting with him selfe (as it happened in dede) that the Turks would not so geue ouer, but would set vppon him the next day w^t a fresh assault, prouiding wyth all diligence for the purpose, made vp the breaches of the walles, & prepared all things neces∣sary for resistaunce: The next morning following, whych was some thing darke and mistie,* 19.234 the Turkes thinking to preuent our men with their sodain comming, began again busily to bicker vpon the toppe of the walles.

It would require a longe tractation heere to describe the great distres and danger that the city, those 3. daies fol∣lowing, was in. During all the whych time, there was no rest, no intermission, nor diligēce lacking, either in the ene∣mies, fighting against the City, either in our men in defen∣ding the same. For the Turkes besides the multitude of the great ordinance, wherwith (as wyth a great tempest of gunshot) they neuer ceased, still battering the walles and beating the munitions of the Citie, sent also such heapes & multitudes of the Turkes, to the scaling and climing the walles, that vnneth wyth all the ordinance and shot of the city, either y^e violence of them could be broken, or the num∣ber of them diminished: til at last the soldiors of y^e Turkes perceiuing themselues able by no meanes to preuaile, but onely to runne in daunger of life, and to do no good, began to wrangle among themselues,* 19.235 grudging and repining a∣gainst their dukes and captaines, imputing y^e whole cause onely to them: that the City was yet vntaken, seeing there was in them neither diligence nor good will lacking: and so ceased the siege for that time.

After this, when Solymannus had purposed in hym selfe, with his last and strongest siege, to try against the ci∣ty the vttermost that he was able to doe, and had encoura∣ged hys soldiers to prepare thēselues in most forcible wise therunto: the soldyers shewed thē selues much vnwilling to returne againe from whence they were so often repul∣sed before:* 19.236 by reason wherof great commotion begā to rise in the Turkes campe. The rumour wherof when it came to Solymans eares, he sendeth his grand captaine to kepe all the souldiers in order and obedience, or if they would be stubborne,* 19.237 to compell them whether they would or not, to accomplish his commandement. Who comming to the sol∣diers, shewed to them the great Turkes message, and to a∣nimate & encourage them, declared that the oportunitie of the time presēt was not to be neglected, neither could they now w^tout great shame geue ouer, after so many assaultes attempted: Who if they would sustein but one brunt more, y^e victory were in their owne handes. The townesmen, he saide, were wasted and their victualles spent: and the more to enflame their mindes, he promised them not onely great thanks and reward of their Emperour, but also the whole spoyle of the Citie, in recompence of their trauaile.

But when all thys could not stir vp y^e sturdy stomacks of the tired Turkes, vsing compulsion where perswasion would not serue, he appoynted a number of horsmen to be set at their backs, wherby to enforce them, either to go for∣warde, or if they denied, w^t gunnes and speares to destroy them. The Turkes seeing themselues in such a strait, that whether they went or taried,* 19.238 it was to them like perill, yet woulde they not set forwarde, except the Captaine woulde take the vēture before them. Who warding forward in his array, thus spake vnto his felows, saying: Do you forsake your faith & allegeance, and betray the Emperor of Con∣stantinople vnto the Christians, if you wil: but I will dis∣charge my duety towardes the commune wealth and my Emperour, and with that worde auaunced his ensigne, making toward the city walles. Whō when other folowed & stil mo and mo pressed after,* 19.239 so it came to pas that whole routs of them were ouerthrowen & slain of our men vpon the wals, before it was knowne what they meant. Other terrified by their example, gaue backe and left their array, and wineding them selues by bie wayes and vnder couert of hilles, retourned againe into their tentes, and so came it to passe that the strength of the ennemies daily more and more decreasing, they had lesse hope euery day more then other of obtaining the Citie. For besides the innumerable slaughter of Turkes vpon the walles, the townesmen also watching the forragers and purueyers of the Turkes, as they raunged about for victual for the campe, euer as occa∣sion serued them, did compasse them about, and so encoun∣tered with them by the way, that of a whole Legion, scar∣ly the tenth part returned again to their felowes aliue, by meanes wherof the courage of the enemies began greatly to faint. Wherby such a maruelous alteration hapned, that as our mē began to receiue more hope and courage,* 19.240 so the Turkes began still more to droupe and to languish wyth dispaire, so that at length skarce durst they appeare wyth∣out the bounds, where they were entrenched, but onely in light skirmishes, when they were prouoked by our men to come out, and to shew them selues.

Solymannus perceiuing his soldiers thus daily to go to wracke,* 19.241 of whome he had lost already more then 80. W. and that wyth long tarying he could do no good, being al∣so in lacke of forrage, for that the countrey about hym was wasted: beginneth to consult with hys captaines & coun∣sailors, what remained best to be done. Of whom the most parte aduised hym to raise his siege, and betime to prouide for hymselfe. Which to doe, many causes there were that mooued hym.

First the losse of his men, which daily were cut frō him by great numbers, besides them which lay in hys campe wounded, or sicke, or famished. Secondly, lacke of peruey∣ance. Thirdly, y^e approching nere of winter. But y^e chiefest cause was, for that he heard Friderike Palatine aboue mē∣tioned cōming with a great army at Ratisbone towardes Uienna, and there had done great molestation to a greate number of the Turks forragers, whom by the way he pre∣uented and so enclosed in the woods, y^t he slew them. Wher∣of when Solyman had intelligence, thinking it not best to abide the comming of the Palatine,* 19.242 made hast wyth bagge and baggage to remooue hys campe and to retire: and first sending away his cariage before him, made speede hymself with his army, to follow shortly after.

The Uiennians, when they heard of the remoouing a∣way of the Turkes, although at the first they scarsly belee∣ued it to be true, being afterwarde certified out of doubt, both of their remouing, and also of the order therof, how it was in a maner of a flight or chase, were greatly desirous to make out of the City after them. Wherein, albeit the pre∣sence of the Palatine wyth his armie, if hee had bene there present, might haue stand them in great stead, yet notwith∣standing they tooke the oportunitie of the time present, and issuing out of the Citie, in moste speedy wise, set after them w^t their horsemen: and first ouerpassing the tentes (where y^e Turkes had pitched their stations or pauillions) for hast of the way,* 19.243 they made such pursute after them, that wythin litle time, they ouertooke the rereward or latter ende of the armie, whereof they made suche hauocke and destruction, that (as the author reporteth) there was neuer a shotte of the pursuers, nor weapon drawen, nor stroke strucken, which light in vain. Which was no hard thing for our men to doe: For as the Turkes in their flight went scattered out of order & aray, neither woulde they in the fore rancke (being so farre off from ieopardy) retourne backe to helpe their felowes, it was easie for our men, without resistance, to come vpon their backes as they would.

Yet notwythstanding in long pursute, when our men could not see the cariage of the Turkes, which was woont in armies to come away behinde after the hoast,* 19.244 and sus∣pecting (as trueth was) some ambush to be left in priuie wayte behinde them, to come betwixt them and home: cal∣led themselues to retraite, and consulted vpon the matter, thinking good, first to sende out certaine scoures, to espie

and bring them word, where the enemies lay, & what was the number of them. Wherof when intelligence was geuē them, that the remnaunt of the Turkes army was remay¦ning in the tentes behind, word was sent to their fellowes in Uienna, to issue out, and to ioyn also with them against the tayle of the turkes, whiche had entrenched themselues within the campe. Other were appoynted to followe the chase, least peraduenture y^e turks seeing our men to recule backe might returne again vpon thē, & help their felowes. Which thinges being thus ordered and appoynted, in the meane time, while part of the Uienians were houering af¦ter the mayne armye, the rest encountered with them that were left in the campe. Who seeing themselues ouermat∣ched, first defenced theyr campe with a deepe ditch & Bul∣warke, to delay the time, vntill some helpe might come to them from the army. Secondly they directed messengers to the Christians, to entreate for peace. Thirdly they conuei∣ed their priuy letters vnto Solyman for speedy ayde and rescue. But all the wayes and passages being stopped by the Christians, there letters were intercepted, and so the miserable Turkes being destitute of all hope & sucour, se∣ing no other remedy, made out of theyr campe, to hassarde and proue the vttermost for theyr defence:* 19.245 but in conclusiō, in their desperate venture they were enclosed about by our men on euery side, and there put to the sword and slayne, a few only excepted, who escaping out very hardly by secret passages, shifted after the rest of their fellowes, as well as they could. Their carriage and other furniture lefte behind them in their tentes, was distributed amongst y^e souldiers onely such thinges reserued as might serue for the publike vse and commoditie of the Cittie.

Thus through the mercifull protection and benefite of almighty God, Austria was deliuered from the fierce and barbarous hostilitie of the cruell Turkes: notwithstāding that neither Ferdinandus the king,* 19.246 nor the Emperour his brother were there present, but only y^e power of God, tho∣rough the valiauntnes of the worthy Germaines, defēded that cittie, in defence wherof consisted y^e safety & deliuerāce, (no doubt) of all these west partes of Christendome. For the which immortall prayse and thankes be vnto our im∣mortall God in Christ our Lord, according as he hath of vs most graciously and worthely deserued.* 19.247 Wherin by the way take this for a note (gentle reader) how & after what maner Gods blessing goeth with the true reformers of his religion, and so much the more is it to be noted, for that the Turkes in so many battailes & sieges heretofore, were ne¦uer so repulsed & foyled, as at this present time in incoun∣tring w^t the protestantes & defenders of sincere Religion. This citty of Uienna was besieged & deliuered y^e yeare of our Lord. 1529. The assaultes of the Turke against y^• City are numbred to be 20. and his repulses as many. The nū∣ber of his army which he first brought, was 25000. Wherof were reckened to be slayne 80. thousand and aboue. Du∣ring the time of his siege, he led away out of the country a∣bout many captiues; virgins and Matrones he quelled & cast them out naked: the children hee stucke vpon stakes.

Solymannus thus put from y^e hope of victorye of Ui∣enna after he had breathed himselfe a while at home, the se∣cond yere after, which was an. 1531. repayring his host, re∣turned agayne into Hungarye, with no lesse multitude, then before: where first he got the towne called Gunza be∣ing but slenderly kept with a small garrison. By reason whereof the townsmen and souldiours yelding thēselues vnto the Turke, were constrayned to agree vpon vnrea∣sonable conditions. Ex Ioan. Ramo.

* 19.248Melchior Soiterus in his second booke writing De bel∣lo Pannonico, touching the foresaid Towne of Gunza, or Gunzium, differeth herein something from Ramus, de∣claring how this Gunza being a small town in Hungary and hauing in it but onely a 100. souldiours (or as Wolfe∣gangus Drechslerus in his chronicle reporteth,* 19.249 at the most but 200. souldiours) vnder the valiaunt captayne Nicho∣las Iureschitz, defended themselues so manfully and won¦derfully, through the notable power of God, against the whole puissance of 200. thousand Turkes, that they beyng notwithstanding distressed with lacke and penury of pur∣ueiance and sodenly of the Turkes inuaded, yet with pure courage and promptnes of hart, susteined the vttermost force and violence of xiij. assaultes of that great multitude, for the space of 25. dayes together.

Although the narration of the authour may seeme to some incredible, yet thus he writeth, that what tyme the great ordinance and battering peeces of the Turkes were planted vpon two mountaynes much higher then y^t town whereby they within the towne were oppressed both be∣fore and behinde, in so much that 8 ensignes of the Turks were already within the towne, yet by the reason of wo∣men and children and other impotent persons,* 19.250 who in the middle of the towne were congregate in an house together such a noyse and clamour went vp to heauen praying and crying to God for helpe, that the turkes within the walles supposing a new army of fresh souldiours to be sent into y^e towne for sodayn feare, voyded the towne, & leaped down from the walles agayn (which before they had got) whom no man eyther pursued or resisted: for neuer a souldiour al¦most was left on the walles, which was not eyther slayne or els wounded with the Turks ordinance. At what time through the Lordes prouidence it so happened, that one I∣brahimus Bassa,* 19.251 neare about the Turke, seeing bothe the town to be small, and the great destruction of the Turkes in the siege thereof, and that the captayn in no case woulde yeld, perswaded so the Turke, declaring howe the Towne being so little was not worth the losse of so many men, in y^e winning wherof there was no glory, & if he were repul∣sed, great dishonour might follow: wherby the Turke be∣ing perswaded, did follow hys counsaile, which was thys y^t Nicholaus the Christen captaine beyng called vnto him vnder pledges and safe conduict, should receaue the town as of his hand and gift, with condition, that he shold do no violence to hys souldiours left behinde and wounded, but should procure such meanes as he could, for the recuring of them: and so he raysing his siege departed. An other cause might be also, whiche moued him so sodaynly to rayse hys siege, for that he heard the Palatine not to be far of in pur∣suing after him, and therfore taking his flight by y^t moun∣taines of the Noricians, he returned with muche spoyle of Christian mens goods into Constantinople. Ex Melchiore Soit. lib: 2. de bello Panno.

For so it was prouided the same time in Germany,* 19.252 af∣ter the counsaile or August and of Ratilboon (at what time the controuersie of Religion betweene the Protestantes & the papistes, was differred and set of, to the next generall Councel) that Charles the 5. and Ferdinandus his brother hauing vnderstanding of the Turke thus raunging in Hungary, should collect of the Germanynes, Hungarians, and Spanyards and others, an able army of 80. thousand footmen, and 30000. horsemen, to repulse the inuasious of the Turke. But Solymanus hauing intelligence of thys preparation of the Christian power comming toward him whether for feare,* 19.253 or whether to espy further oportunitie of tyme, for hys more aduauntage and our detriment, refused at that time to tary theyr comming, and so speeding hys re¦turne vnto Constantinople, retired with much spoyle and pray sent before him, as is aboue premised: Whiche was in the yeare of our Lord. 1532.

Not long after,* 19.254 being the yeare of our saluation, 1534. Solymannus intending ij. warres at once, first sent Cor∣radinus Barbarossa the admiral of his nauies into Afrike to war against the kyng of Tunece: Whō the Barbarossa also dispossessed & depriued of his kingdome: but Charles the Emperour, the next yeare following, an. 1535. restored the said king agayne into hys kingdome, and deliuered in the same viage 20. thousand captiues out of seruitude.

The same tyme the Turke also sent an other captayne into Hungary,* 19.255 to warre agaynst Uaiuoda while he hym selfe taking hys course to Persia, planted his siege agaynst the Citty Taurus, which he in short space subdued and ex∣pugned. Albeit he long enioied not the same: for Tahames king of the Persians, sodaynly comming vpon the Turks vnprepared,* 19.256 slue of them 20. thousand, and tooke hys con∣cubines to the great foyle and reproch of the Turke.

Two yeare after this, which was the yere of our Lord 1537. Solymannus, who coulde not be quyet at home nor rest in peace,* 19.257 returning agayne out of Asia into Europe w^t 270. ships, great and little, set vppon Corcyra, an other I∣land belonging to y^e Uenetians, which he besieged x. daies wasting and burning the Townes and fieldes as he went beside the destruction of much people therein, whom part∣ly he slue, partly led away captiues. From thence he sayled to Zacynthus and Cythara,* 19.258 an other Ilande not farre off from Corcyra, bordering neare to the coastes of Epyrus and Grecia. Where he sodaynly by night inuading the hus¦band men in villages and fields, sleeping and mistrusting no harme, drew them out of theyr houses and possessions, men and women, besides children, to the number of ix. hū∣dreth whom he made hys bondslaues: burning moreouer theyr houses, and carying away all the goodes and cattell beyng without the sayd Citties of Zazinthus and Cytha∣ra. Ex. Ioan. Crispo.

From thence these helhoundes turned theyr course to y^t siege and spoyle of Egina,* 19.259 a rich and populous Iland, ly∣ing betweene Grecia and Asia. Where first the Egenians did manfully in battaile resist them, and were like to haue preuayled: but being weryed at length and oppressed with

innumerable thousandes of fresh Turkes, which stil were sent in,* 19.260 to rescue the other whiche were ouercome before, were compelled to flye into the Cittie of Egina. Which ci∣ty the cruell Turkes (or rather Deuils on earth) w^t muche labour, & violence of their great ordinaunce fet out of their shippes, subdued and cast downe to the ground: the Citti∣zens and inhabitauntes whereof, the Turke after he had burned their houses, and ransackt theyr goodes comman∣ded to be slayne and killed euery one.* 19.261 The weomen both noble and vnnoble, with their infantes, were geuen to the mariners to be abused, and from thence being shipped vn¦to Constantinople, were led away to perpetuall misery & slauery, which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1537.

In the same iourny Solyman also tooke the Ile in the sayd sea of Eugeum,* 19.262 called Parum: also the Ile adioyning to the same named Naxus, and made them to him tributa∣ries. The duke wherof was he which wrote the story both of these Ilandes aforesayd, and also of the other Ilandes called Cyclades, and other Dukes. Ex Ioan Crispo, Duce Naxi. &c.

* 19.263Thys done, Solymannus directed his Nauy vnto Apulia, where he set on land. x. thousand footmen, & 2000. horsemen, which spoiled likewise and wasted those parties while the Emperour, the pope and y^e Uenetians were to∣gether in warre and dissension. Furthermore the next yere folowing. an. 1538. great attemptes began in Stiria, but by the resistance of the inhabitantes, the force of the barba∣rous turks was repulsed: notwithstanding great spoyles of men & cattell were caryed from thence, and the country miserable spoyled. In the which yeare also the Turk tur∣ning into Hungary, gaue battaile vnto the Christians in Sauia: where through the fraudulent falshood of the Cap¦tayne Cassianerus (Wolfegangus nameth him Calcianus beyng (as they say) corrupted with money, our men were put to the worse. an. 1538.

* 19.264After that the Turkes had inuaded the Ilande of Cor∣cyra abouesayd, the Uenetians with Solyman the Turke had ioyned truce for a certayne time, for y^e which they gaue the turke 300. thousand crownes, with the city of Neapo∣lis, and Ma••uasia in the borders of Macedonia. But with in 4. or 5. yeares, the Turke to get a newe stipend of the Uenetians, brake hys league, and inuaded theyr domini∣ons: whereby they were enforced to enter new conditions agayn with him.

* 19.265In the yeare of our Lord, 1540. the restles Turke ma∣king hys return toward Hungary, by the way passing by Dalmatia, lay against the towne called Newcastle, beyng defended by the Spanyardes. In the which town because they refused to yeld themselues all the inhabitauntes and souldiours were put to the sword & slain euery one. This Nouum Castellum or Newcastle was a strong fort of y^t Chri∣stians, whiche being nowe in the Turkes power, he had great aduauntage ouer all those quarters of Dalmatia, Stiria, Carinthia, and Hungaria. From thence he procee∣ded further, keeping his course into Hungary, where he planted his power against the City of Buda.

This Buda was a principall city in Hungary, about which great contention had bene (as ye heard before) be∣tweene Ioannes Uaiuoda,* 19.266 and Ferdinandus. By reason wherof the Turke occasioned by Uaiuoda, came into Hū∣gary and deliuered the City to Uaiuoda. This Uaiuoda liuing not long after, left behinde him a sonne, whome be∣ing an infant he committed to the gouernance of one Ge∣orgius Monachus: who being left tutour vnto the infant, reduced all Transiluania, Buda, Pesta, with other parties of Hungary, which belonged to Uaiuoda before, to the sub¦iection of the child. Ferdinandus hearing therof, in a great hast and anger: leuyed an armye to recouer his landes in Hungarie, and so laid siege to Buda. Monachus seing his part weake, first sent his legate to Ferdinandus, desiring him to talke and conferre with him vppon matter, as he pretended,* 19.267 pertaynign to the behoofe of them both. Wher∣upon both the parties being agreed, the place and manner of their conuention was appoynted, and also the day and tyme assigned. Thus the partyes (according to the agree∣ment) conuenting together with their armyes, with dra∣wing a little aside, as they were entred in communication, sodenly among Ferdinandus men, happened a dagg to be heard, which by the heate of the day (as is thought) loosing of hys own accord,* 19.268 gaue a cracke. The sound wherof com∣ming to the eares of Monachus, he supposing the same to haue bene discharged, agaynst him, in great anger drewe out his sworde, bidding Ferdinandus auant w^t his doub∣ling dissimmulation, saying that he would neuer any more trust the promises of Christians, and immediatelye vppe on the same sent to Solymannus the Turke, for ayde a∣gaynst the Christians, promising that he would surrender to him free possession of Hungary,* 19.269 if he woulde come and vanquish the army of Ferdinandus lying about the siege of Buda. The Turke maketh no long tarying, but taketh the occasion, and with a mighty power, flieth into Hunga∣ry, and eftsoones discharging the host of Ferdinandus, and putting them of from the siege of Buda, getteth the Citty into his own handes, commaunding the sonne of Uaiuo∣da with his mother, to follow after his camp.

In the history of Ioannes Ramus it followeth, that when Solyman the Turk had thus preuayled against the Cittie of Buda aforesayd, & agaynst other parties more of Hūgary, by the asset of the Empyre, one Ioachimus duke of Brandeberg, prince Electour was assigned with a puis∣sant army of chosen souldiours of all nations collected, to recouer the City of Buda from the Turke, and to deliuer the other parties of Christendome from the feare of the Turke. an. 1542. Whiche Ioachimus at his first setting foorth, appeared so couragious and valiaunt, as though he would haue conquered the whole world: but this great heate was so slaked in short time by the Turke, that before any great ieoperdy was offered vnto him, he was glad to to be discharged of the viage, and with shame enough, re∣turned home againe. And would God he had left behynde him in the field, no more but his owne shame. For the ene∣mies hauing intelligēce before of his cowardly departure, thinking to worke some poynt of maistry or victory before his goyng, did set vpon the right wing of his army (which chiefly consisted of Dutchmen of low Germany) out of the which they tooke awaye with them aboue 500. strong and valiaunt souldiours,* 19.270 not killing them, but carying them a¦way aliue. For whome it had bene muche better to haue stand to their weapon and to haue dyed manfully vppon the turkes, then by yealding themselues to be disgarni∣shed of weapon and armoure, and so to be lefte to the cursed curtesie of the foule Turkes. To whome what cur∣tesie was sheweed,* 19.271 by the sequele did appeare. For after y^e Turkes had led them out of Hungary into their own do∣miniō, after a most horrible & beastly sort they disfigured & mangled them, & so sent them abroad through all Grecia to be witnessrs of the Turkes victory. Their kind of pu∣nishment was thus: First they had their right arme thrust through with an iron red hot, whereby they should be vn∣able and vnmeet to all labour & warefare. Secondly, theyr heades were shauen to the very sculles, after the maner of our Friers & monks, when they are newly shauen. Third¦ly, they had all their priuy members cut of frō their bodies to the intent to make thē vnfruitful for propagation which wound was so grieuous vnto them, that the greatest part of them died therupon, the few that recouered the torment therof, led a life more bitter & more miserable then death it selfe. And this kinde of cruelty was executed in order vpō them all. In much like sort did cruell Pharao exercise hys tyranny agaynst the people of God in Egipt: who to de∣stroy the generation of them, caused all the male children to be drowned in the riuer. Whereby it is the more to be ho∣ped, that seing the tiranny of this turkish Pharao is come to such an extremetie,* 19.272 the mercifull goodnesse of God will the more shortly send some Moses or other vnto vs for our speedy deliueraunce. This was by the cruell Turkes done. an. 1542. witnessed by Ioannes Ramus, which not one∣ly writeth the story, but by the testimony also of hys owne eyes recordeth the same to be true, beholding with his eies one of the same number in the city of Uienna, who hauing wife and children in Bruxelles, eyther for shame or sorrow had no minde to returne home to his own house.* 19.273 Ex Ioan Ramo.

But to returne agayne to the city of Buda, from whēre we haue digressed, here is not to be pretermitted, what fal∣shood and what cruelty the turkes vsed toward the Chri∣stians there, after theyr victory. For after that Solyman y^e Turke vpon the yelding and submission of the men of Bu∣da, had geuen to them his promise of safety and life, within short time, the sayd turke picking a quarrell with them for selling Oxen vnto the Christians, and for barganing with them, slue all the Magistrates of the sayde Citty of Buda: like as in all other Citties, where so euer the Christians yelded vnto him, he neuer, or very rarely kept his promise with them, neyther did euer any christians speed better w^t the turke,* 19.274 then they which most constantly did resist him.

And as hys promise with the Magistrates of Buda was false and wretched: so hys cruelty with the souldiors therof was more much notorious & abhominable. For in y^e expugnation of Buda among y^t rest whiche were slayne ij. cohortes or bands of Christian souldiors came alyue to his hands. To whom, when he seemed at the first to graūt pardon of life, he commaunded to put on their armour a∣gayn, and to dispose themselues in order and battayle ar∣ray

after y^e warlike maner of the christians, whiche when they had accomplished readily, according to his commaun¦dement, & he riding about the ranckes of them, had dilli∣gently vewed and be holden them a certain space, at length he commaunded thē to put of their armour againe, which done, certaine of the tallest and strongest of them he pyked out, the residue he commanded by his souldiors comming behinde them, with swordes to be cut in peeces and slayne. Of the other, whome he had elected and chosen, some he set for markes and buttes to be shot at: some he appointed to his two sonnes, for them to slash with their swordes, & try theyr strength, which of them could geue y^e deper woūd and (as they termed it) the fayrer blowe,* 19.275 whereby moste bloud might follow out of their Christian bodies. Ex Mart. Stella. De successibus Turcarum.

After the winning of Buda, the Turke purposing not so to cease before he had subdued and brought vnder his o∣bedience all Hungary, proceeding further with his armye first brought vnder a strong hold of christians named Pe∣stum or Pesta, where a great number of Christian souldi∣ours partly were slayne, partly were ledde awaye to more cruell affliction.

* 19.276Then he came to an other Castle called Walpo situate in the confines of Bosna, Croatia, and Hungary. Whiche forte or castle he besieged three mōthes, while no rescue nor ayd was sent vnto them, neyther from Ferdinandus king of Hungary, nor from any other christian Prince or Prin∣ces. Whereupon at length the forte was geuen vp to the Turke, but more through the false treachery or cowardly hart of the souldiours, then of the Captaine. Wherein is to be noted an example not vnworthy of memory. For when the cowardly souldiours, eyther for feare or flattery, wold needs surrender themselues & the peece vnto the Turke, contrarye to the minde of the Captaine, whiche in no case would agree to theyr yelding: they thinking to find fauour with the turke, apprehended theyr captaine, and gaue him to Solyman.* 19.277 But see howe the iustice of God sometymes by y^e hands of the enemy, disposeth the end of things to the rewarding of vertue, & punishing of vice. For where they thought to saue themselues by the daunger of the faithfull Captain, the euent turned cleane contrary, so that y^e Turk was to the captayne bountifull and very liberalll: and the souldiours, notwithstanding that they had all yelded thē∣selues, yet were all put to death and commaunded pitiou∣sly to be slayne, Ex Ioan. Martino Stella De Turcarum in Hun∣garia successibus. &c.

There is in Hungary an other towne bearing y^e name of fiue Churches,* 19.278 called Quiquecclesiensis, partly spoy∣led before, as is aboue mentioned, pag. 751. but nowe tho∣rough the losse of Walpo, & by the hugenes of the Turkes armye (conteining in it. 220. thousand fighting men) was so discouraged and put out of hope and hart,* 19.279 that the b. ••h. and chiefe nobles of y^e town fled before y^e ieoperdy: the rest of the cōmons, which were partly preuented by the sodein comming of the turkes, partly for pouerty could not auoid sent theyr messengers to the Turke, to yealde and surren∣der the towne, vppon promise of life, vnto his handes. Whose promise how firme it stood, the story leaueth it vn∣certaine. This is affirmed, that three dayes after the yel∣ding of this Quinquecclesiensis, neuer a Turke durst enter the Cittie. an. 1543. Ex Ioan. Mart. Stella. & alijs.

* 19.280The next fort or holde gotten by the Turkes in Hun∣gary, was Soclosia. The towne at the first inuasion of the Turkes, was wonne, sackte, and fiered. The castle within the towne, did something hold out a tyme, and first requi∣ring truce for 14. dayes, to see what ayd should be sent vn∣to them, and to deliberate vpon the conditions that should be proposed vnto thē, after the 14. daies expired, they (tru∣sting to the situation and munitiō of the place, which was very strong) began for a certayne space stoutly to put back the enemy: But afterward seeing their walles to be batte∣red, theyr foundations to shake (for the Turke had set xij. thousand vnderminers vnder the diches of y^e castle) & their strength to diminishe,* 19.281 and misdoubting themselues not to be able long to hold out, agreed in like maner to yeld them selues, vpon condition to escape with life & goods. Which condition of sauing theyr goodes, was the loosing of theyr lyues, especially of the richer sort. For the Turkes percea∣uing by that condition, that they were of wealth and sub∣staunce, omitting the inferiour or baser sorte,* 19.282 fell vpon the wealthy men for their riches, and slue them euery one, an. 1543. Ibid.

In the which his history this is also to be noted, that during the time while the castle of Soclosia was besieged, the villages & pages round about the same, came of theyr own accord, submitting and yelding themselues vnto the Turke, bringing in (as they were commanded) all kynd of victuall and forage,* 19.283 into the Turkes campe. Which done, Solyman the Turke commaunded all the head men of the pages to appeare before hym, whiche humbly obeyed and came. Then the turke warned them to returne agayne the next day after, euery one bringing with him his inferiour retinue, and houshold seruauntes. Whiche when they had with like dilligence also, according to his commaundemēt accomplished, the turke immediately commaunded them euery one, in the face of hys whole army, to be slayn and so was this theyr reward. Which reward the more that it de∣clareth the bloudy crueltie of the turke: the more encou∣rage it may minister to our men, the more constantly to w^t∣stand him. Ex Martino Stella.

An other strong town there is in Hūgary named Stri¦gonium, distant from Buda aboue sayde,* 19.284 the space of fiue Dutch miles, agaynst the whiche the Turkes made great preparation of ordinaunce, and all other instruments of ar¦tillary necessary for the siege therof. Which cittie in like ma¦ner began also to be compassed and inclosed by y^e turks, be∣fore it could be sufficiently prepared & garnished of our mē but that the archbishop onely of Strigon priuely conueyed vnto them 200. Oxen.* 19.285 Such was then the negligence of Ferdinandus king of Hungary, which so slenderly looked vnto the necessary defence of his townes and cities. More ouer such was the discorde then of christen kinges & Prin∣ces, which in their ciuile dissension and warres were so oc¦cupied and hoate in needeles quarrels, that they had ney∣ther leasure nor remēbraunce, to help in tyme there, where true neede required. Which slender care, and cold zeale of y^e Christian rulers, not in tendering y^e publicke cause, while they contend in priuate trifles, hath caused the Turke to come so farre as hee hath, and yet farther is like, vnlesse the mercy of the Lord doe helpe more, then our dilligence. One of the chiefe captaynes within the Cittye, was Mar∣tinus Lascanus, a Spanyard.

The Turkes in the beginning of the siege began first to attempt the Cittizens with fayre wordes, and accusto∣med promises, to yelde and gently to submit themselues. But they not ignoraunt of the Turks promises wisely re∣fused, and manfully stood so long as they coulde to the de∣fence of their citty, now and then skirmishing with them in out corners, and killing certayne numbers of them: some∣time with their shot disturbing their munitions, & brea∣king the wheeles of their gunnes. &c.

Three speciall meanes the Turkes vse in winning great fortes and cities:* 19.286 great multitude of souldiors: great ordinaunce and mortarie peeces: the third is by vndermy∣ning. All which here in the siege of this Cittie, lacked not. This siege continued vehement a certaine space: in whiche the Strigonians had borne out foure strong assaultes, and slue many thousandes of y^e turkes, till at length the turkes eyther departing away, or els seeming to depart vnto Bu∣da, the people at last being so perswaded and made to be∣leue of some chiefe rulers of the citty (peraduenture not the truest men) the citizens being erected with hope and com∣forte, and singing Te Deum,* 19.287 as though the city had bene free from all daunger, sodenly (by whose counsaile it is vnkno∣wen) conueyed themselues all out of the Citty. 300. horse∣men also passed ouer the riuer and departed. The Italiās which were vnder Frāciscus Salamanca a Spanish cap∣tayne hardly coulde be perswaded by him to abide, whiche were in all scarse. 600.

Within 3. daies after 300. Germaine souldiours, with 2. ships laden with shot, pouder, & artillery, were priuily let into y^e town: So that of our men al there were scarse 1300. souldiors.* 19.288 Who seing the small quantitie of their number, burning and casting downe the towne & suburbes, tooke thē to y^e castle: from whence they beate of the turkes vali∣antly with theyr ordinaunce, a good space, and with wyld fire destroyed great companies of thē, till at last they seyng theyr walles to fayle them, and the whole castle to shake by vndermyning, but especially by the working of a cer∣tayne Italian surnamed Presbyter, they gaue ouer. Thys Italian whether for feare or falshood, secretly vnknowing to the rest of the souldiours, accompanied with two other conueyed himselfe down from the walles, & being brought into the tentes of the next captayne or Bassa of the turkes, there in the name of all hys fellowes, conuented with the turkes,* 19.289 to geue vp to them the Castle: wherupon y^e turkes were bid to cease the shooting. This Italian shortly after with two other turkes was sent backe to Salamanca hys Captayne, with the Turkes message. The goyng out of this Italian being priuy to the residue of hys fellowes, cō¦trary to the lawes and discipline of warre, although it see∣med to come of hys own head: yet for so much as the other souldiours were not sure, but rather suspected lest the other Italians his countreymen had beene in some parte of

consent therein, and would take his part: neither durst of∣fer him any harme for that his doing, nor yet could wel ad¦uise with themselues what was best to do, for feare of pri∣uy confederacie within themselues.

* 19.290Thus while Lascanus the chiefe captaine of the Chri∣stians aforesayd, w^t his fellowe souldiours, were in a mase what to doe or not to do: in the meane time came one run∣ning, who geuing a signe both to the Christians and the Turkes, to hold theyr hands and weapons, for that it was against all lawe of warre to fight after peace and truce ta∣ken: our men, as they were commaunded, went into y^e in∣ward tower. The turkes in the meane time, had got into the Castle, and occupyed all the vtter parties. Then was Salamanca by the consent of the rest, sent out to the Turk, who there being stayde that night, the next morrowe the Turkes bull or warant was sent into the Castle,* 19.291 permit∣ting free libertie to the Christians to depart with bag and baggage. Who now beyng ready to depart, first were cō∣maunded by the turkes compassing them round about, to cast from them theyr dagges, launces, and battaile axes, in¦to the trench. Then comming to the gate to go out, theyr swordes were taken from them, looking then for nothing but present death.

At last whē they were come a little further, other were sent to them to discharge them of theyr helmettes, their ter¦gattes, currettes, and what soeuer peece of harnes, was a∣bout them. Whereupon great feare came vpon them, least some great cruelty should be shewed vpon them.* 19.292 Solymā after he had long deliberated w^t himself, whether to kil thē or not, at last contrary to all expectatiō, granted theyr liues but before they should be dismissed, he first caused them, in derision of Christianitie, to be bayted with scornes and mockes throughout all the Turkish army, and so the next day commaunded them being stript out of theyr coats and apparell, to be reduced againe into the castle by companies setting ouer them certayne turkes with cudgels, & battes to lay vpon their backes and sides, causing them to bury y^e dead carcases, and to gather vp the rubbish broken downe from y^e castlewalles, and to scoure the ditches. Which done the next day following he demaunded of them by an inter¦preter, whether they would enter wages with hym, & take horse and armour to serue hym in his.* 19.293 Warres, which con∣dition diuers for feare were contented to take, seyng no o∣ther remedy to auoyd present death. Some neyther by ma¦nasing wordes, nor for any feare of death, coulde be com∣pelled thereunto, of whom certayn which stoode stoughtly in refusing thereof, were presently slayne, whome I may worthely recite in the number and catalogue of holy mar∣tyrs.

Of the foresayde christians, part were caryed ouer the riuer of Danubius, not without great vilany, & contume∣ly most despitefull, For some had theyr wiues taken from them and caryed away, some had theyr wyues rauished be¦fore theyr face: and such as made or shewed any resistance therat, had their wiues before them cast into the riuer and drowned: also theyr infantes and yong children, beyng ap∣poynted by the turkes to the abhominable order of the Ia¦nizarites, mentioned before pag. 736. theyr parentes not consenting thereunto, were precipitate and throwne into the riuer and drowned. All whiche thinges are testified by Iohn Martinus Stella,* 19.294 in hys Epistles in print extant, writ∣ten to his two brethren, William, & Michaell, &c. Whiche Mart Stella moreouer this addeth & affirmeth, that he hym∣selfe being the same time at Uienna, did see one of the fore∣said wiues, who being holden fast by the heare of the head yet notwithstanding hauing her heare pluckt off, cast her selfe into the riuer Danubius, for the singuler loue to her husband, and so swamme to the shippe where he was. And thus this miserable company of Germaynes, Spanyards and Italiās mixt together, macerate with labours, with hunger pyned, with watchinges, dolours, and sorow con∣sumed came at length to Schinda.

When the tidings therof was noysed at Uienna, part∣ly with feare and dread, partly with indignation, all mens hartes were moued & vexed diuersly. Some thought them not worthy to be receiued into their citty,* 19.295 shewing them∣selues so dastardly and cowardly. Other thought agayne that mercy was to be shewed vnto them, and commended their fact for that they being so few, & vnfurnished of ayde neither able to match by any meanes with suche an innu∣merable multitude of the turkes, kept themselues till bet∣ter time might serue thē. But howsoeuer the matter was to be thought of, the captaines brought the poore remnant of that rufull company, vnto possidonium, where the sayd Captayns were layd fast, and their kept in durance, to ren¦der accompt of the whole matter, howe it was wrought and handled. And thus haue ye, the lamentable story of Strigonium.

The Turke proceeding in his victories, conducted his army next vnto Tath,* 19.296 and to the parties lying nere about Comaron. This Tath was also a strong hold in Hunga∣ry wherein were placed certayne garrisons, pertly of the Germaynes, partly of the Italians. The chie••tayne of the Italians was one Anniball Tosso, constitute by Philip∣us Torneilius. This Tasso was a man well experte in prowes of warre:* 19.297 but of a filthy corrupt life, & also a foule swearer: and horrible blasphemer of God and his saintes. To make the story shorte, this forte of Tathe, before anye siege was layde vnto it, was yelded and geuen vp to the Turkes: vpon what conditions, or by whose meanes, the author sheweth not: Thus much he sheweth, that the sayd Anniball shortly vpō the same, returning into Italy, was commaunded by Tornellius aforesaid: to be apprehended and beheaded.

After the turkes had subuerted and destroyed the forte of Tathe,* 19.298 they turned their power against Alba, surnamed Regalis, for that the kinges of Hūgary haue bene always wont there to be crowned, and buryed. This Alba is a li∣tle well compacted citie in Hungary, hauing on y^e one side a marishe somewhat foggishe or fenny, whiche made the town lesse assaultable.* 19.299 But nere to the same was a woode from y^e which y^e turkes euery day with vi. C. cartes, brought such matter of wood and trees felled for the same purpose, into the marish, that within lesse then 12. dayes they made it apte, and harde to their feete, whiche the townes men thought neuer could be gone vppon, but onely in the hard frostes of wynter. At the first beginning of the siege, there stoode a little without the munitions in the front of the ci∣tie, a certayne church or Monastery, whiche the Cittizens pretending to mayntayne and keepe agaynst the turkes, had priuily cōueyed light matter easely to take flame,* 19.300 with pouder, in secret places therof, and had hid also fire withal. Whiche done, they (as agaynst theyr willes being driuen backe, withdrew themselues within the munitions, way∣ting the occasions, when this fire woulde take. Thus the turkes hauing the possession of the churche, sodenly the fire comming to the pouder, raysed vp the Churche, and made a great scatter and slaughter among the barbarous turkes This was not so soone espyed of them within the towne, but they issued out vpon them in this disturbance, and slue of them a great number: Among whom diuers of theyr no¦bles also the same time were slayne, and one Bassa an Eu∣nuch, which was of great estimation with y^e turkes.* 19.301 More∣ouer, in the same skirmish was taken one of those gunners which the french king is sayd to haue sent to the Turke a little before. Whiche if it be true, let the Christian Reader iudge what is to be thought of those Christen princes, which not onely forsaking the common cause of Christes Churche ioyned league with the turke,* 19.302 but also sent hym gunners to set forward hys warres to the destruction of Christes people, and to the shedding of theyr blond, for whom they know the blond of Christ to be shed. If this be not true, I shew myne authour: If it be, then let the Pope see and marke well howe hys title of Christianissimus, can well agree with such doinges.

But to let this matter sleape, although the turkes (as ye heard) had wonne the fenne, with theyr pollicie and in∣dustry, against the Cittie of Alba, yet all this while the Al∣banes were nothing inferiour to theyr enemies, through y^e valiant help & couragious indeuour of Octauianus Scru¦zatus, a captayne of Millane. By whose prudent counsaile and constant standing, the busy enterprises of the turkes did little preuayle a long time, till at length, sodainly arose a thick fog or miste vpon the cittie, where as rounde about besides, the sunne did shine bright. Some sayde it came by Arte Magicall, but rather it may appeare to ryse out of the fenne or marish, beyng so pressed downe with mens feete and other matter layd vpon it.

The turkes vsing the occasion of this misty darckenes in secret wise approching the walles,* 19.303 had got vp to a cer∣tayne fortresse, where the Germaynes were, before our men coulde well perceane them: where they pressed in so thicke, & in such number, that albeit the christian souldiors standing strongly to the defence of theyr lyues, dyd what valiaunt men in cases of such extremetie were able to doe: yet beyng ouermatched with the multitude of the Turks, & the sodennes of their comming, gaue backe, seeking to retyre into the inward walles. Which when theyr other fe∣lowes did see to recule, then was theyr flyeng of all hands euery man striuing to get into the Cittie. There was be∣tweene the outward Wales or vamures,* 19.304 and inward gate of the citty, a straite or narrow passage, cast vp in maner of a bancke or causey, ditched on both sides: which passage or ingresse happened y^e same timeto be barred & stopped. By

reason wherof the poore souldiors were forced to cast them selues into the ditch, thinking to swimme as well as they could, into the cittye: where many of them sticking in the mudde, were drowned: one pressing vpon an other: many were slayne of their enemies comming behinde them, they hauing neither hart, nor power to resist. A fewe whiche could swimme out, were receiued into the Citty: but the chiefe Captaines and warders of the towne were there slayne.

The cittizens being destitute of theyr principall cap∣taines and warriors, were in great perplexitie and doubt among thēselues, what to do, some thinking good to yeld, some counsayling the contrary. This while the mindes of the cittizens were distract in diuers & doubtfull sentences, the Magistrates minding to stand to y^e turkes gentlenes, sent out one of theyr heads vnto the turke, who in y^e name of them all, should surrender to him the citty, and become vnto him tributaries, vpō cōdition they might enioy liber¦ty of life & goods, which being to thē granted, after the tur∣kish faith & assurance, first y^e souldiors which were left w^tin y^e citty, putting of theyr armour, were discharged & sent a∣way. Who being but onely 300. left of 4. ensignes of Ita∣lians, & of a thousand Germaynes,* 19.305 by the way were layd for by the Tartarians, for hope of theyr spoyle: so that they scattering a sunder one one way, an other an other to saue themselues as wel as they could: fled euery one what way he thought best. Of whome some wandering in woodes & marishes faynted for famine: some were taken and slayne by the Hungarians, a few with bare and empty, and wy∣thered bodies, more like ghostes then men, escaped & came to Uienna. And this befell vpon the souldiors.

Now vnderstand what happened to the yelding Citi∣zens. So in story it followeth, that when the turke had en∣tred the towne, and had visited the sepulchre of the kynges for three or 4. dayes he pretented muche clemency toward the cittizens, as though he came not to oppresse them, but to be reuēged of Ferdinādus their king, & to deliuer them from the seruitude of the Germaines. On the fourth day, al y^e chiefe & head men of the citty were cōmaunded to ap∣peare before y^e turke in a playne, not far frō the citty where the condemned persons before, were wont to be executed, as though they should come to sweare vnto the turke.* 19.306 At this commaundement of the turke, when the cittizens in great number, & in their best attyre were assembled, y^e turk contrary to his fayth and promise, commaunded sodenly a generall slaughter to be made of them all. And this was y^e end of the citizens of Alba.

In the meane time, during the siege of Alba, the Hun∣garians meeting sometimes with the horsemen of y^e Tar∣tarians, which were sent out to stop their vitailes from y^e citie,* 19.307 slue of them at one bickering. 3000. Turks. In which story is also reported & mentioned of mine author, an hor∣rible sight and example of misery, concerning a certayne captiue (a Christian belike) who comming into Uienna, was found to haue in his scrip or satchel the halfe of a yong childe of two yeares old, which remayned yet vneaten, the other halfe beyng eaten before. an. 1543. Ibid.

Next after this was expugned the castle of Pappa, by y^e Turkes. Let the castle now of Papa take heede, least one day it follow after.

The like fidelitie the turkes also kept, with the fort of Wizigradum and the souldiours therof. This Wizigradū is situate in the mid way betweene Buda and Strigoniū. Of the which fort or Castle, the highest tower so mounteth vpon the hil, that vnlesse it be for famine and lack of water they haue not to dread any enemy. Notwithstanding so it happened, that the lower peece being wonne, they in the higher tower abiding foure dayes without drink were cō∣pelled wyth liberty graunted of life and goodes, to yelde themselues. But the deuilish turkes keeping no fayth nor promise, slue them euerye one, onely Petrus Amandus the captaine of the peece, excepted: who priuely was con∣ueyed by the Captayne of the Turkes, out of the slaugh∣ter. an. 1544.

To these moreouer may be added the winning of No∣uum Castellum in Dalmatia, where he slue all that were w^t∣in both soldiors & other,* 19.308 for that they did not yeld themsel∣ues in time. Thus the turke, whether they yelded to hym or not, neuer spared the people and flocke of Christ.

As the false & cruell Turk was thus raging in Hunga∣ry, and intended further to rage without all mercy and pi∣tie of the Christians, and easely might then haue preuayled and gone whether he would for that Charles the Empe∣rour and Franciscus the french king were the same tyme in warre and hostilitie, and also other Christen Princes, as Henry Duke of Brunswike, against Iohn Fredericke Duke of Saxonie, also Princes and rulers were conten∣ding among themselues: beholde the gracious prouidence of our Lord and God toward vs, who seeing the misery & hauing pittie of hys poore Christians, sodeinely as with a snafle reined this raging beast, and brought him out of Eu¦rope into his owne country againe, by occasion of the Per¦sians, who were then in great preparation of war agaynst the turkes,* 19.309 & had inuaded hys dominion. By reason wher¦of the turkes was kept there occupyed, fighting with the Persians a long continuance. Whiche warres at length being atchiued and finished, (wherein the sayd Turke lost great victoryes, with slaughter of many thousandes of his Turkes) he was not onely prouoked by the instigation of certaine euil disposed Hungarians, but also occasioned by the discord of Christian Princes, to returne agayn into Eu¦rope, in hope to subdue all the partes thereof vnto his do∣minion. Whereunto,* 19.310 when he had leuyed an armye incre∣dible of such a multitude of turks, as y^e like hath not light∣ly bene heard of, see agayne the mercifull prouidence & pro¦tection of our God toward his people. And as the Turke was thus intending to set forward with this innumerable multitude against y^e Christians, the hand of the Lorde sent such a pestilence through all the turkes army and domini∣ons, reaching from Bithynia, and from Thracia, to Mace¦donia and also to Hungary, that all the turkes possessions almost seemed nothing els, but as a heape of dead corses, whereby his viage for that time was stopped, and he al∣most compelled to seeke a new army.

Beside this plague of the Turkes aforesayde, whiche was worse to them then any warre, other lets also and do∣mesticall calamities through Gods prouidence happened vnto Solymannus, the great rouer and robber of y^e world which stayd him at home from vexing the christians, espe∣cially touching hys eldest sonne Mustapha.

This Mustapha being hated and partly feared of Ru∣stanus the chiefe counsailour about the Turke, and of Ro∣sa y^e turkes concubine & after his wife, was diuers times complayned of to his father, accused, & at length so brought into suspicion and displeasure of the turke, by them afore∣sayd: that in conclusion hys father caused him to be sent for to hys pauilion,* 19.311 where 6. Turkes with visours were ap∣poynted to put hym to death: Who comming vppon hym, put (after theyr manner) a small corde or bowstring full of knottes about hys necke, & so throwing him downe vpon y^e ground, not suffering hym to speake one word to hys fa∣ther, w^t the switch therof throtcled & strangled him to death his father standing in a secret corner by, and beholding the same. Whiche facte being perpetrate, afterward when the Turke would haue geuen to an other sonne of hys and of Rosa called Bianger, the treasures, horse, armour, orna∣mentes and the prouince of Mustapha his brother: Bian∣ger crying out for sorow of his brothers death: phy of thee, sayth he to hys father, y^u impious and wretched dog, tray∣tour, murderer, I cannot cal thee father, take the treasures the horse and armour of Mustapha to thy selfe: and wyth that taking out hys dagger, thrust it through hys own bo∣dy. And thus was Solyman murderer & parricide of hys owne sonnes: which was in the yeare of our Lord. 1552.

Wherein notwithstanding is to be noted the singular prouidence and loue of the Lord toward his afflicted chri∣stians. For this Mustapha as he was couragious & great¦ly expert and exercised in all practise of warre:* 19.312 so had he a cruell hart, maliciously set to shed the bloud of christians: Wherfore great cause haue we to congratulate,* 19.313 & to geue thanks to god, for y^e happy taking away of this Mustapha And no lesse hope also and good comfort we may conceaue of our louing Lord, hereby ministred vnto vs, to thinke y^• our mercifull God after these sore afflictions of his Chri∣stians vnder these 12. Turks afore recited: now after this Solyman intendeth some gratious good worke to Chri∣stendom, to reduce & release vs out of this so long & misera¦ble turkish captiuitie: as may be hoped now by takyng a∣way these yong impes of this impious generation, before they should come to worke theyr conceaued malice against vs: the Lord therefore be glorified and praysed. Amen.

Moreouer as I was in writing hereof, oportunely came to my handes a certayne writing out of Germanye,* 19.314 certifyeng vs of suche newes & victory of late atchieued a∣gainst the turke, as may not a little increase our hope and comfort vs, touching the decay and ruine of the Turks po∣wer & tyranny against vs. Which newes are these: y^t after y^• turkish tyrant had besieged with an army of 30000. men, the famous & strong town and castle of Iula in Hungary lyeng 40. dutch myles beyond the riuer Danubius, which cittye had, by the space of 6. weekes susteined many grie∣uous assaultes: God through hys great mercy & goodnes so comforted the sayd towne of Iula and the poore Christi∣ans therein, at theyr earnest prayers, that the Turke with

all hys hoste was driuen backe, by the handes of the gene∣rall, called Karetshim Laslaw and his valiaunt company, who not onely defended the said town, but also constray∣ned the Turks to retyre, to the great shame and confusion, with a great slaughter of the turkish rable: For the whiche the euerlasting God be praysed for euer.

The maner of the ouerthrow was this. As the foresaid generall did see his aduauntage w^t Captayne George, and other horsemen of the Sclesians and Hungarians, they set on y^e rereward of the Turkes and killed about 8000. of thē,* 19.315 and tooke also some of their artillery and followed them so fast, y^• the Turkes were constrayned to flye into a marishe ground, and to breake the wheeles of the rest of theyr artil¦lary, to saue themselues, and therwith they got a very rich booty, rescuing besides and taking from the Turks a great number of christian prisoners. Like thankes also are to be geuen to God,* 19.316 for the prosperous successe geuen to Magot¦schie the valiaunt Captaine of Erla, who making toward the Turkes, and recountring with the Tartarians, slue of them about 8. hundreth.

Not long after this, it happened through the like pro∣uidence of our God, a turkish Captayne called Begen, ac∣companyed w^t a thousand freshe horsemen came newly out of Turky,* 19.317 to go toward the citty named Quinque Ecclesiae, or Finffenkyrchen: with whome the Erle of Serin by the way did encounter, and in the right setting vpon hym, kil¦led the captayne and tooke 8. Cammels, and 8. Moyles laden with treasure, and also got two red Guidons, wyth a whole great peece of rich cloth of gold, and with an other fayre and straunge Iewell. The horse of this foresayd tur∣kish captayn, was betrapped and decked most richly. The sadle wherof had the pommell and the backe part couered ouer with plate of fine Arabicke golde, and the rest of the sadle, beside the sitting place, was plated with siluer very fayre gilded. The seate of the sadle was couered with pur∣ple veluet: the trappers and bridle beset with little Tur∣keys, and Rubies: Which horse was sent to Uienna vnto the Emperour Maximilian for a present.

Although the Earle would very fayne haue saued the Captayn, not knowing what he was, yet the Ianizarites labouring to carry away their captayne, so stiffly defended thēselues, that the Earle with his company, was constray¦ned to kill both them and theyr Captayne. From whome the said Erle of Serin y^e same time got, xv. thousand Tur∣kish and Hungarish Ducates: which mony was brought for the payment of the Turkishe souldiours in the towne aforesayd of Finffenkyrchen. &c. All which be good begyn∣ninges of greater goodnes to be hoped for hereafter, tho∣rough the grace of Christ our Lord, especially if our Chri∣stian rulers and potentates, first the churchmen & prelates for theyr partes: then the ciuile powers & princes for their partes, with holding theyr affections a little, will turne their brawles & variance, into brotherly concord and agre¦ment, which the Lord of peace put in theyr mindes to doe. Amen. Or otherwise if it will so please the Lorde, that the turke come further vpon vs, so as he hath begonne, for our punishment & castigation, his grace then geue to the flock of his poore Christians, constancie of fayth, pacience in suf∣fering, and amendmēt of life: For so I vnderstand by pub∣licke fame, although vncertaynly rumored by the voyce of some,* 19.318 that the Turkes power of late, this present yeare of our Lord 1566. hath perced the parties of Apulia within Italy, wasting and burning the space of an. 100. myles to∣ward Naples. Which if it be certaine, it is to be feared, that the Turke hauing thus set in his foote, & feeling the sweet∣nes of Italy, wil not so cease before he get in both head and shoulders also so farre into Italy, that he will display hys banners within the walles of Rome, & do with old Rome the like as Mahumete his great granfather did with newe Rome, the city of Constantinople, and as the Persians did with Babylon.

The causes why we haue so to iudge, he diuers: first y^• the sea of Rome hath bene defended hetherto and mayn∣tayned with much bloud,* 19.319 and therefore it may seeme not vncredible, but that it will not long continue, but be lost w^t bloud agayne, according to the verdict of the Gospell: He that striketh with the sword, shall perish with y^e sword. &c. An other cause is, the fulfilling of the 18. chapter of the A∣pocalips: where is written that great Babilon shall fall & be made an habitation of deuils, and a denne of vncleane spirite, and a cage of filthye and vncleane byrdes: the fall wherof shal be like a milstone in the sea, that is, which shal not rise agayne. And this to come before the day of iudge∣ment, the text of y^e sayd chapter doth apertly declare: where the wordes do follow, shewing that the kynges of y^e earth, and the marchantes which had to doe with the whoorishe City, standing a farre of for feare of the heate, and behol∣ding the smoke of the sayd Cittie flaming and burning w^t fire, shall be wayle and rue her destruction and desolacion &c. What citty is this, called great Babilon, whiche like a mylstone shall fall and burne, and be made an habitation of vncleane spirites, and beastes, let the reader construe. This is certayn and playne by these her kinges and mar∣chantes standing a far of for feare, and beholding her bur¦ning, that the destruction of this city (what cittye soeuer it be) shall be seene here in earth before the comming of the Lordes iudgement,* 19.320 as may easely be gathered by these iij. circumstances, that is, by the stāding, the beholding, and be wayling of her marchauntes. By the which marchauntes and kynges of the earth, peraduenture may be signified, y^e Pope, the rich Cardinalles, the great prelates and fat doc∣tours, and other obedienciaries of the Romish sea: who at the comming of the Turkes, will not auenture theyr liues for theyr Church, but will flee the citty (no doubt) and stād a farre of from daunger: and when they shal see with their eyes, and heare with theyr cares the city of Rome to be set on fire and consumed by the cruell Turks, the sight thereof shall seeme to them piteous and lamentable, to behold the great and fayre city of Rome, the tall castle of S. Angell, y^e Popes mighty sea (where they were wont to fishe out such riches dignities, treasures, and pleasures) so to burne be∣fore theyr eyes, and to come to such vtter desolacion, which shal neuer be reedefied agayne, but shall be made an habi∣tation of deuils and vncleane spirites, that is, Turkes and heathen Sultans, and barbarous Saracens. &c. This (I say) peraduenture may be the meaning of that prophetical place of the Apoc. not that I haue here anye thing to pro∣nounce, but onely geue my gesse, what may probably be coniectured. But the end at length will make this and all other thinges more playne and manifest. For mistical pro∣phesies lightly are neuer so well vnderstand, as when the euent of them is past and accomplished.

An other cause concurring with the causes aforesayde may be collected,* 19.321 out of Paulus Iouius, who writing ofy^e sub∣uersion of Rhodes, which was as ye heard. an. 1522. vpon Christmas day, sayth that it chaunced sodenly the same day in Rome, that as Pope Hadrian the vi. was entring into the church to his seruice, sodeinly ouer hys head the vpper frontier or toppe of the chappel dore, which was of marble immediately as the pope was entring, fel downe and slue certayne of hys garde wayting vpon hym. Whereby per∣aduenture may be ment, that the ruine of Rome was not long after to folow the losse of Rhodes.

The fourth cause I borowe out of Ioannes Auentinus,* 19.322 who in his thyrd booke alledging the names, but not the wordes of Hildegardis, Brigitte, and other propheticall men hath these wordes: Si vera sint carmina & vaticinia D. Hildegardae, & Brigittae. Sybillanum Germaniae, & Bardorum fatidicorū, qui ea quae nostro aeuo completa vidimus, longo ante tempore nobis cecinerunt: A grippinensis Colonia, nolimus, veli∣mus, Turcarū caput erit,* 19.323 &c. That is, if the sayings and pro∣phesies of Hildegarde, of Brigitte, & of other propheticall persōs be true, which beyng foretold long before, we haue seene now in these our dayes accōplished: y^e town of Colen wil we, nil we, must needes be the head city of y^e turks. &c.

And this I write not as one pronouncing agaynst the City of Rome, what wil happen, but as one fearing what may fall. Which if it come to passe (as I pray God it do not) then shall the Pope well vnderstand, whether hys wrong vnderstanding of the Scriptures, & his false flattering glo¦sers vpon the same, haue brought hym.

Wherefore my counsayle is to the Pope,* 19.324 & all hys Po∣pish mayntayners and vpholders to humble themselues, & to agree with theyr brethren by tyme, letting all conten∣tion fall: lest that while the Byshop of Rome shal striue to be the highest of all other Byshops, it so fall out shortly, y^t the byshop of Rome shalbe found the lowest of all other Byshops, or peraduenture no byshop at all.

Wherevpon also an other cause may be added, taken out of Hieronunns Sauonarola, who prophecieth that one shall come ouer the Alpes lyke vnto Cyrus, & destroy Italy. Wherof see more, pag. 737.

Thys Solimanus, if he be yet aliue, hath now reigned 46. yeares,* 19.325 who began the same yeare, in the which y^e Em∣perour Charles the v, was crowned, which was an. 1520. and so hath continued by Gods permission, for a scourge to the Christians, vnto this yere now present. 1566. This Solyman by one of hys Concubines, had hys eldest sonne called Mustapha. By an other Concubine called Rosa, he had foure sonnes, Mahumete, Baiazates, Zelymus, and Gianger. Of the whiche sonnes, Mustapha and Gianger were slayn (as ye heard before) by the meanes of their own father. And thus much concerning the wretched tyranny of the Turkes out of the authors here vnder written.

The Authors of the Turkes storyes.

• * 19.326Laonicus Chalcondila.
• Nicolaus Eboicus Episo. Saguntinus.
• Ioan. Ramus.
• Andraeas a Lacuna.
• Wolfgangus Drechslerus.
• Ioan. Crispus.
• Ioan Faber.
• Ludouicus Viues.
• Bernardus de Breyden∣bach.
• Mityleneus Archiepise. Sabellicus.
• Isiodorus Rutherus.
• Marinus Barlerus.
• Henrious Penia de bello Rhodio.
• Melchior Soiterus.
• Paulus Iouius.
• Ioan Martinus Stella.
• Gaspar Peucerus. &c.
• Nicolaus a Moffen Burgundus.
• Sebast Munsterus.
• Baptista Egnatius.
• Barthol Peregrinus.

¶ A Notice touching the miserable persecu∣tion, slaughter and captiuity of the Chri∣stians vnder the Turkes.

* 19.327HEtherto thou hast heard (Christian Reader) the lamē∣table persecutions of these latter dayes, wrought by y^e Turkes agaynst the people and seruauntes of Christ. In the reading wherof, such as sitte quietly at home, & be farre frō ieopardy, may see what misery there is abroad, y^• know¦ledge and reading wherof, shall not be vnprofitable for all christians earnestly to wey & consider, for that many there be, which falsely deceauing themselues, imagin that Chri∣stianity is a quiet and restrull state of life, full of pleasure & solace in this present worlde, when in deede it is nothing lesse, testified by the mouth of our Sauiour himselfe, who rightly defining his kingdome, teacheth vs that his king∣dome is not of this world, premonishing vs also before, y^t in this worlde we must looke for affliction, but in hym wee shall haue peace. Examples hereof in all partes of thys hy∣story through all ages are plenteous and euidēt to be sene, whether we turne our eyes to the first x. persecutiōs in the primitiue Church during the first 3. hundreth yeares after Christ: or whether we consider the latter 3. hūdreth yeares in this last age of the Churche, wherein the poore flocke of Christ hath bene so afflicted,* 19.328 oppressed & deuoured, y^e it is hard to say whether haue bene more cruell agaynst y^e Chri∣stians, the infidel Emperors of Rome in the primitiue age of the Church, or els those barbarous Turkes in these our latter times of the Church now present.

Thus from time to time the Churche of Christ almost hath had litle or no rest in this earth, what for the Heathen Emperours on the one side, what for the proude Pope on the other side, and on the third side what for the barbarous Turke: for these are and haue bene from the beginning the three principall & capital enemies of the Church of Christ, signified in the Apocalips by the beast, the false Lamb, and the false Prophet, from whom wēt out three foule spirites like frogges, to gather together all the kinges of the earth to the battell of the day of the Lord God almighty.* 19.329 Apocal. 16. The cruelty and malice of these 3. enemyes agaynst Christes people hath bene such, that to iudge which of thē did most exceede in cruelty of persecution, it is hard to say: but y^• it may be thought that the bloudy & beastly tyrannye of the Turkes especially aboue the rest, incomparably sur∣mounteth all the afflictions and cruell slaughters that euer were seene in any age, or read of in any story: In so much y^• there is neither history so perfect, nor writer so diligēt, who writing of the miserable tyranny of the Turkes, is able to expresse or comprehend the horrible examples of theyr vn∣speakable cruelty and slaughter exercised by these 12. Tur∣kish tyrants,* 19.330 vpon poore Christē mens bodies, within the compasse of these latter 3. hūdreth yeares, wherof although no sufficient relation can be made, nor nūber expressed: yet to geue to the Reader some generall gesse or view thereof: let vs first perpend and consider what dominions & Em∣pyres, how many countries, kingdomes, prouinces, cities townes, strong holdes and fortes, these Turkes haue sur∣prised and wonne from the Christians. In all which victo∣ries, being so many, this is secondly to be noted, that there is almost no place, which the turkes euer came to and sub∣dued, where they did not either slay all y^e inhabitants ther∣of, or led away the most part therof into such captiuity and slauery, that they continued not long after aliue: or els so li¦ued, that death almost had bene to them more tollerable.

Like as in the time of the first persecutions of the Ro∣mayne Emperors, the saying was, that no man could step with his foote in all Rome, but should tread vpon a Mar∣tyr: so here may be sayd, that almost there is not a towne, city, or village in all Asia, Grecia, also in a great part of E∣uropa, and Aphrica, whose streetes haue not flowed with bloud of the Christians, whom the cruell turks haue mur∣thered. Of whom are to be sene in histories, heapes of soul¦diours slaine, of mē & womē cut in pieces, of childrē sticked vpō poles & stakes, whō these detestable turks most spite∣full (& y^• in the sight of theyr parentes) vse to gore to death: some they drag at theyr horse tailes & famish to death: some they teare in pieces, tying theyr armes and legges to foure horses: other some they make marks to shoot at: vpō some they trye theyr swords, how deep they can cut and slash, as ye before haue read, pag. 777, The aged & feeble they tread vnder theyr horses: womē w^t child they spare not, but ripp theyr bodyes, and cast the infants into the fire, or otherwise destroy them▪* 19.331 Whether the Christians yeld to them, or yeld not, all is a matter As in theyr promises there is no truth: so in theyr victoryes there is no sense of manhood or mercy in them, but they make hauocke of all.

So the Citizens of Croia, after they had yelded & were all promised theyr liues, were all destroyd and that horri∣bly. In Mysia, after the king had geuen himselfe to the turkes hand, hauing promise of life, Mahumet the Turke slew him with his owne hands. The Princes of Rasia had both theyr eies put out with ••asens redde hoate set before them. Theodosia, otherwise called Capha, was also surrē∣dered to the Turke, hauing the like assuraunce of life and safety: & yet contrary to the league, the Citizens were put to the sword and slaine. At the winning and yelding of Le••∣bos, what a number or young men and children were put vpon sharpe stakes and poles, and so thrust thorough? At the winning of the Citty of Buda,* 19.332 what tyrannye was shewed and exercised agaynst the poore Christians, whiche had yelded themselues, and agaynst the two Dukes Chri∣stopher Bisserer and Ioannes Tranbinger, cōtrary to the promise and handwriting of the Turke, is to be sene in the story of Melchior Soiterus, de Bello Pannonico.

The like also is to be read in the story of Bernardus de Breydenbach,* 19.333 who writing of the taking of Hydrimtum, a City in Apulia, testifieth of the miserable slaughter, of the young men there slayne, of old men troden vnder the horse feet, of matrons & virgines rauished, of women with child cut & rent a pieces, of the Priestes in the Churches slayne, & of the Archbishop of that Citty,* 19.334 who being an aged man and holding the crosse in his hands, was cut a sonder with a woodden saw. &c. The same Bernerdus also wryting of the ouerthrow of Nigropontus, otherwise called Chalci∣des, an. 1471. describeth the like terrible slaughter: whiche there was exercised: where the Turke, after hys promise geuē before to the cōtrary,* 19.335 most cruelly caused all the youth of Italy to be pricked vpon sharp stakes: some to be dashed against the hard stones,* 19.336 other some to be cut in sonder in y^e middest, and other mo with other kinds of forments to be put to death: in so much that all the streetes and wayes of Chalcides did flowe with the bloud of them, whiche were there slayn. In which history the foresayd writer recordeth one memorable example of maydēly chastity, worthy of all Christians to be noted and commended.* 19.337 The story is tolde of the Pretors daughter of that City, who being the onely daughter of her father, & noted to be of an exceeding singu∣ler beuty, was saued out of the slaughter, & brought to Ma¦humet the turke, to be his concubine: But she denying to consent to his turkishe appetite and filthynes, was com∣maunded therewith to be slayne and murthered, and so di∣ed she a Martyr, keping both her fayth and her body vnde∣filed vnto Christ Iesus her spouse. Ibid.

The like cruelty also was shewed vpon them whiche kept the Castle, & afterward yelding themselues vpō hope of the turkes promise, were slayne euery one. What should I speake of the miserable slaughter of Methone, & the Ci∣tizēs therof dwelling in Peloponesus: who seing no other remedy but needes to come into the Turkes hands, set the barne on fire where they were gathered together, mē, wo∣men, and children:* 19.338 some women also with child volūtarily cast themselues into the Sea, rather then they would su∣stayne the Turkes captiuity. Vide pag. 734.

Miserable it is to beholde,* 19.339 long to recite, incredible to beleue all the cruel parts and horrible slaughters wrought by these miscreantes, agaynste the Christians, through all places almost of the world, both in Asia, in Africa, but espe∣cially in Europa. Who is able to recite the innumerable so∣cietyes and companyes of the Grecians Martyred by the Turkes sword in Achaia, Attica, Thessalia, Macedonia, Epirus, and all Peloponesus? besides y^e Iland of Rhodes and other Ilandes, and Cyclades adiacēt in the sea about, numbred to 52. of the which also Pathmos was one, wher S. Iohn being banished, wrote his reuelations. Where did euer the Turkes sette any foote, but the bloud of Chri∣stians there, without pitty or measure, went to wracke? & what place or prouince is there almost thorow y^e world, wher y^e turks either haue not perced, or are not like shortly

to enter?* 19.340 In Thracia, & through all the coastes of Danu∣bius, in Bulgaria, Dalmatia, in Seruia, Transiluania, Bosna, in Himgaria, also in Austria, what hauocke hath bene made by them, of Christen mens bodies, it will rue a∣ny Christen hart to remember. At the siege of Moldauio, at the winning of Buda, of Pesta, of Alba, of Walpo, Stri∣gonium, Sociosia, Tathe, Wizigradum, Nouum, Castel∣lum in Dalmatia, Belgradum, Uaradinum, Quinque ec∣clesie: also at the battel of Uerna, where Ladislaus king of Polonie with all his army almost, through the rashnes of the Popes Cardinall were slayne: at the winning moreo∣uer of Xabiacchus, Lyssus, Dinastrum: at the siege of Guntza, and of the faythfull towne Scorad, where the nū∣ber of the shotte agaynst theyr walles,* 19.341 at the siege thereof, were reckoned to 2539. likewise at the siege of Uienna where all the Christian captiues were brought before the whole army and slayne, and diuers drawne in pieces with horses: but especially at the winning of Constantinople a∣boue mentioned, pag. 706. also at Croia & Methone, what beastly cruelty was shewed, it is vnspeakeable. For as in Constantinople, Mahumer the dronken Turk neuer rose from diner, but he caused euery daye, for his disport. 300. Christiā captiues of the nobles of that City to be slayn be∣fore his face:* 19.342 So in Methone, after that his captayn Oma∣res had sent vnto him at Constantinople 500. prisoners of the Christians, the cruell tyraunt commaunded them all to be cut and deuided in sonder by the middle, & so being slain to be throwne out into the fieldes.

Leonicus Chalcondyla, writing of the same story, ad∣deth moreouer a prodigious narratiō (if it be true) of a brute Oxe, whiche being in the fieldes, and seing the carcases of the dead bodies so cut in two, made there a loud noise after the lowing of his kind and nature: & afterward comming to the quarters of one of the dead bodyes lying in the field, first tooke vp the one halfe,* 19.343 & then comming agayne, tooke vp likewise the other halfe, and so (as he could) ioyned thē both together. Which being espyed of them which saw the doing of the brute Oxe, and maruelling thereat, and word being brought thereof to Mahumet, he commaunded the quarters agayne to be brought, where they were before, to proue whether the beast would come agayne: who fayled not (as the author recordeth) but in like sort as before, ta∣king the fragmentes of the dead corps, layde them agayne together. It foloweth more in the author, howe that Ma∣humet being astonied at the straunge wonder of the Oxe,* 19.344 commaunded the quarters of the christiā mans body to be interred, and the Oxe to be brought to his house, and was much made of. Some sayd it to be the body of a Uenetian: some affirmed, that he was an Illyrian: but whatsoeuer he was certayne it is, that the Turk himselfe was much more beastiall then was the very brute Oxe: which being a beast shewed more sence of humanity to a dead man, thē one mā did to an other Ex Leonic. Chalcondyla.

* 19.345To this crueltye adde moreouer, that beside these 500. Methonians thus destroyed at Constantinople, in the said City of Methone, all the townes men also were slayne by the forsayd Captayn Omares, and among them theyr Bi∣shop likewise was put to death. Ex Andrea de Lacuna, & ex Wolfgango & alijs.

Iohn Faber in his Oration made before king Henrye the 8. at the appointment of king Ferdinandus, and decla∣ring therin the miserable cruelty of the Turkes toward al christians, as also toward the bishops and ministers of the church, testifieth how that in Mitilene, in Constantinople, and Trapezunda, what Byshops & Archbishops, or other ecclesiasticall and religious persons the Turks could find they brought them out of the cityes into the fieldes, there to be slaine like Oxen and Calues. The same Faber also wri∣ting of the battell of Solyman in Hungary, where Ludo∣uicus the king of Hūgary was ouerthrown, declareth that 8. Byshops in the same field were slayne. And moreouer, when the Archbishop of Strigon,* 19.346 and Paulus the Arch∣bishop Colossensis were found dead, Solyman caused thē to be taken vp, & to be beheaded and chopt in small pieces. an. 1526.

What christian hart will not pity the incredible slaugh∣ter done by the Turkes in Euboia, where as the sayd Fa∣ber testifieth that innumerable people were sticked & gored vpon stakes, diuers were thrust through with a hoat iron, childrē and infants not yet wayned from the mother were dashed agaynst the stones, & many cut a sūder in the midst. Ex Iohan Fabro & alijs.

* 19.347But neuer did country taste and feele more the bitter & deadly tyranny of the Turkes, then did Rasia, called My∣sia inferior, & now Seruia. Where (as writeth Wolfgangus Dreschlerus) the prince of the sayde countrey being sent for, vnder fayre pretence of words & promises, to come & speak with the Turke, after he was come of his own gentlenes, thinking no harme,* 19.348 was apprehended & wretchedly & fasly put to death, & his skin flain of, his brother & sister brought to Constantinople for a triumph, and all the nobles of his country (as Faber addeth) had theyr eyes put out. &c.

Briefly to conclude, by the vehement and furious rage of these cursed cayrifes, it may seme that Satan the old dra∣gon, for the great hatred he beareth to Christ, hath styred them vp to be the butchers of all christen people, inflaming theyr beastly hartes with suche malice & cruelty against the name and religion of Christ, that they degenerating frō the nature of men to deuils,* 19.349 neither by reason wil be ruled, nor by any bloud or slaughter satisfied. Like as in the primitine age of the Church, and in the time of Dioclesian and Max∣imiliā, whē the deuil saw that he could not preuaile against the person of Christ which was risen agayne, he turned all his fury vpon his sely seruants, thinking by the Romayn Emperours, vtterly to extinct the name and profession of Christ, out from the earth: So in this latter age of y^e world Satan being let lose agayne rageth by the Turkes, thin∣king to make no end of murdering and killing, till he haue brought (as he entendeth) the whole church of Christ, with all the professors therof, vnder foot. But the Lord (I trust) will once send a Constantinus to vanquish proud Maxē∣tius: Moyses to drowne indurate Pharao: Cyrus to sub∣due the stout Babilonian.

And thus much hitherto touching our christian brethrē,* 19.350 which were slain & destroied by these blasphemous turks. Now forsomuche as besides these aforesayde, many other were pluckt away violently from theyr country, from their wiues & children from liberty, & from all their possessions, into wretched captiuity and extreme pouerty, it remaineth likewise to entreat somewhat also cōcerning the cruel ma∣ner of the Turkes handling of the sayd christian captiues. And first here is to be noted that y^t turke neuer cōmeth in∣to Europe to war against the christiās,* 19.351 but there foloweth after his army, a great number of brokers & marchaunts, such as buy men & children to sell again, bringing with thē long cheines in hope of great cheates: In y^e which cheynes they linke thē by 50. & 60. together, such as remayne vnde∣stroyd with the sword, whō they buy of the spoiles of thē y^t rob & spoyle the Christian countryes: Which is lawfull for any of the Turkes armye to doe, so that the tenth of their spoyle or pray (whatsoeuer it be) be reserued to the head Turke, that is, to the great mayster theefe.

Of such as remayne for tithe,* 19.352 if they be aged (of whom very fewe be reserued aliue, because little protite commeth of that age) they be solde to the vse of husbandry or keeping of beastes. If they be young men or women, they be sent to certein places, there to be instructed in theyr language and Artes, as shall be most profitable for theyr aduauntage, & such are called in theyr tongue Sarai: and the first care of the Turkes is this, to make them deny the Christian reli∣gion, and to be circumcised: and after that they are appoin∣ted euery one as he semeth most apte, either to the learning of their lawes, or els to learn the feates of war. Their first rudimēt of war is to handle the bow, first beginning with a weake bow, and so as they growe in strength, comming to a stronger bow, & if they misse the marke, they are sharp∣ly beaten:* 19.353 & theyr allowance is two pence or three pence a day till they come & take wages to serue in war. Some are brought vp for the purpose to be placed in the number of y^e wicked Ianizarites, that is, the order of the Turks cham∣pions, which is the most abhominable cōdition of al other. Of these Ianizaraites,* 19.354 see before pag. 736. And if any of the foresayd yong men or children shal appeare to excell in any beuty, him they so cutte, that no part of that whiche nature geueth to man, remayneth to be seene in all his body, wher¦by while the freshnes of age continueth, he is compelled to serue theyr abhominable abhomination: and when age cō∣meth, then they serue in stead of Eunuches to wayte vp∣on Matrones, or to keepe horses and Mules, or els to be scullians and drudges in theyr kitchins.

Such as be young maydens & beautifull, are deputed for concubines.* 19.355 The whiche be of meane beautye serue for matrones to theyr drudgery worke in theyr houses & chā∣bers, or els are put to spinning and such other labors, but so that it is not lawful for them either to professe their chri∣stian religiō, or euer to hope for any liberty. And thus much of them which fall to the Turke by tithe.

The other which are bought and sold amongst priuate subiects, first are allured with faire words and promises to take circumcision. Which if they will doe, they are more fa∣uourably entreated, but all hope is taken from them of re∣turning agayne into theyr country, which if they attempt the payne therof is burning. And if such comming at lēgth to liberty, will mary, they may: but then theyr children re∣mayne

boud to the Lord, for him to sell at his pleasure: and therfore such as are wise amongst thē wil not mary. They which refuse to be circumcised, are miserably handled: for example wherof, the author (which geueth testimony here∣of) doth inferre his owne experience.

Such captiues as be expert in any manuall art or occu∣pation can better shift for thēselues: but contrariwise, they whiche haue no handycraft to liue vpon, are in worse case. And therfore such as haue bene brought vp in learning, or be priests or noble men,* 19.356 & such other, whose tēder educatiō can abide no hardnes, are the least reputed, & most of all o∣ther neglected of him that hath y^e sale or keping of thē, for y^t he seeth lesse profit to rise of them, then of the other: & ther∣fore no cost of raymēt is bestowed vpon them, but they are caried about bare head, & barefoote, both sommer & winter in frost and snow. And if any faynt and be sicke in the way, there is no resting in any Inn, but first he is driuē forward with whips, and it that will not serue, he is let peraduen∣ture vpon some horse: or if his weakenesse be such, that hee cannot sit, then is he layde ouerthwart the horse vpon hys belly, like a Calfe, and if he chaunce to dye, they take of hys garment such as he hath, and throw him in a ditch.

In the way moreouer, beside the cōmon chayne, which doth inclose thē all the hads also of euery one are manicled which is because they shoulde not harme theyr leaders, for many times it happened y^t x. persons had the leading of 50. captiues: & whē night came, theyr feet also were fettered, so y^• they lodged in no house, but lay vpon the groūd al night.

* 19.357The yong women had a litle more gentlenes shewed, being caried in paniers on the day time. But when nyght came, pity it was to heare the miserable crying out of such as were inclosed w^tin by reason of the filthy iniuries which they suffred by their cariers, in so much that the yong tēder age of 7. or 8. yeres, as wel of y^e one sexe as of y^e other could not saue thē frō y^e most filthy villany of the bestiall turkes.

When the morning cometh, they are brought foorth to the market, to sale, where the buyer if he be disposed pluc∣king of theyr garments, vieweth all the bones & ioynts of theyr body: and if he like them, he geueth his price, and ca∣rieth thē away into miserable seruitude, either to tilling of their groūd, or to pasture their cattel, or some other straūge kind of misery incredible to speake of: In so much that the author reporteth, that he hath sene himselfe, certeine of such Christen captiues yoked together like horse and oxen,* 19.358 and to draw the plough. The maid seruaunts likewise are kept in perpetuall toile and work in close places, where neither they come in sight of any man, neither be they permitted to haue any talke with theyr fellowe seruauntes. &c. Such as are committed to keep beastes, lye abroad day and night in the wilde fieldes, without house and harbor, and so chaun∣ging their pastour, goe from mountayne to mountayne: of whom also, beside the office of keeping the beastes, other handy labour is exacted at spare houres, such as pleaseth theyr maysters to put vnto them.

* 19.359Out of this misery there is no way for them to flye, es∣pecially for them that are caryed into Asia beyond the seas: Or if any do attempt so to do, he taketh his time chiefely a∣bout haruest, when he may hide himselfe all the day time in the corne, or in woodes, or marishes, and finde foode: and in the night onely, hee flyeth and had rather bee de••••outed of wolues and other wild beastes, then to returne agayne to his maister.* 19.360 In theyr flying they vse to take with them an hatchet and coardes, that when they come to the sea side, they may cut downe trees, and binde together the endes of them, and so, where the sea of Helle••pontus is narrowest, about the Sestos and Abidos, they take the sea, sitting vp∣on trees, where, if they wurde & tide do serue luckely, they may cut ouer in foure or fiue houres: But the most part ei∣ther perish in the floudes,* 19.361 or are driuen backe agayne vpon the coastes of Asia, or els be deuoured of wilde beastes in woodes, or perish with hunger and famine. If any escape ouer the seas aliue into Europe, by the way they enter in∣to no towne, but wairder vpon the moūtaynes, following onely the Northftarre for theyr guide.

* 19.362As touching such townes & prouinces, which are won by the Turke, and wherein the Christians are suffered to liue vnder tribute: first all the nobility there they kill and make away, the churchmen and Clergy hardly they spare The Churches with the belles & all the furniture thereof, either they cast down, or els they com••ert to the vse of their owne blasphemous Religion, leauing to the Christians, certayn olde and blinde chappels, which when they decay, it is permitted to our me to repayre the agayne, for a great somme of mony geuen to the Turke: Neither be they per∣mitted to vse any open preaching or ministration. But on∣ly in silence and by stealth, to frequent together. Neither is it lawfull for any Christian to beare office within the ci∣ty or prouince, nor to beare weapon, nor to weare any gar∣ment like to the Turkes.* 19.363 And if any contumely or blasphe∣my, be it neuer so great, be spoken agaynst the, or agaynst Christ, yet muste thou beare it, and holde thy peace. Or if thou speake one word agaynst theyr religion, thou shalt be compelled (whether thou wilt or no) to be circumcised: And then if thou speake one word agaynst Mahumet, thy pu∣nishment is fire and burning. And if it chaunce a Christian being on horsebacke, to meet or passe by a Musulman, that is a Turkish priest, he must light from his horse, & with a lowly looke, deuoutly reuerēce & adore y^e Musulman: Or if he do not, he is beatē down frō his horie w^t clubs & slaues.

Furthermore, for theyr tribute they pay the fourth part of theyr substance and gayne to the Turke: beside the ordi∣nary tribute of the Christians, whiche is to paye for euery polle within his family, a ducket vnto the Turke: which if the parentes cannot doe, they are compelled to sell theyr children into bondage. Other being not able to pay go chei¦ned in fetters from dore to dore begging, to make vp theyr payment, or els must lye in perpetuall prison.

And yet notwithstanding, whē the christians haue dis∣charged all duties:* 19.364 it remaineth free for the turkes to take vp among the christians children, whom the best like, and thē to circumcise and to take them away being yong, from the sight of theyr parēts, to far places, to be brought vp for the Turkes wars, so that they may not returne to them a∣gayne: but first are taught to forget Christ, & then theyr pa∣rents: so that if they come agayne amongst thē, yet are they not able to know theyr kinsfolkes and parents.

This misery passing all other miseries, no man is able w^e toung to vtter,* 19.365 or with words to expresse. What weping & teares, what sorow and lamentatiō, what groning, sighes, and deep dolor doth teare & rent a sonder the woefull harts of the sely parents, at the plucking away of their babes and children? to see theyr sonnes & theyr own childrē, whō they haue borne and bred vp to the seruice of Christ Iesus the sonne of God, now to be drawn away violētly frō thē to y^e warfare of Satan, and to fight agaynst Christ? to see theyr babes borne of christiā bloud, of christiās to be made turks and so to be pluckt out of their armes and out of their sight without hope euer to returne to them agayne:* 19.366 to liue per∣petually with aliens, barbarous & blasphemous Turkes, and so to become of the number of them which are called fatherles and motherles.

Albeit the same childrē afterward do greatly degenerate from the fayth of Christ, yet very many of them haue pri∣uily about them the gospell written of S. Iohn,* 19.367 In princi∣piō erat verbum. &c. Which for a token of remembraunce of theyr christian fayth, they cary vnder theyr arme hole, wri∣ten in greek and araby. Who greatly desire, and long looke for the reuenging sword of y^e Christians to come & deliuer them out of theyr dolorous thraldome and captiuity accor∣ding as the Turkes themselues haue a prophecy,* 19.368 & greatly stand in feare of the same. Wherof more shalbe said (Christ willing) in the chapter folowing.

¶ And thus haue ye heard y^e lamētable afflictiōs of our christian brethren vnder the cruell tyranny & captiuity of y^e turks, passing all other captiuityes that euer haue bene to Gods people, either vnder Pharao in Egipt, or vnder Na¦buchodonoser in Babilō, or vnder Antiochus in y^e tyme of the Machabees. Vnder the which captiuity, if it so please the Lord to haue his spouse the church to be nurtered, hys good will be done and obeyed. But if this misery come by the negligence & discorde of one christian guides & leaders, then haue we to pray and cry to our Lord God, ••yther to geue better harts to out guiders and rulers, or els better guides and rulers to his flocke.

And these reoubles and afflictions of our Christen bre∣thren suffered by the Turkes, I thought good and profit∣able for our countrey people here of Englande to knowe, for so much as by the ignoraunce of these, and such like hy∣storyes worthy of consideration, I see much inconnenēce doth folow. Whereby it commeth to passe, that because we English men being far of from these countryes,* 19.369 and little knowing what misery is a broad, are the lesse moued with zeale & compassion to tender theyr greuaunces, and to pray for them, whose troubles we know not. Whereupō also fo∣loweth, that we not cōsidering the miserable state of other are the les gratefull to God, when any tranquility by hym to vs is graunted. And if any-title cloud of pert••rhation a∣rise vpon vs, be it neuer so ••ile, as pouerty, lesse of liuing, or a litle banishment out of our countrey for the Lordes cause, we make a great matter the reat, and all because wee going no further then on•• own country, and onely feeling our own crosse, do not compare that which we f••ele, with the great crosses, where unto the Churches of Christ com∣monly in other places abroad are subiect. Which if we dyd

rightly vnderstand, & earnestly consider, and pōder in our mindes, neither would we so excessiuely forgette our sel∣ues in time of our prosperity geuen vs of God: nor yet so impatiētly be troubled, as we are in time of our aduersity, and all because either we heare not, or els we pōder not the terrible crosses which the Lord layeth vpon our other bre∣thren abroad in other nations, as by this present story here prefixed may appeare.

* 19.370NOw consequently remayneth, as I haue shewed hi∣therto what tyranny hath bene vsed of the Turkes a∣gaynst Christes people, so to declare likewise, how far this tyranny of the Turkes hath extended and spread it selfe, de¦scribing as in a table, to the Christē Reader, what landes, countryes and kingdomes the Turkes haue wonne, and got from Christendome, to the intent that when Christen princes shal behold the greatnes of the Turks dominions spread almost through al the world, and how litle a part of Christianity remayneth behinde, they may thereby vnder∣stand the better, howe it is time now for them to bestyrre them, if euer they thinke to do any good in Gods Church. And therefore to make a cōpendious draught as in a briefe table, of such countryes, kingdomes, and dominions, gott from vs by the Turkes, we will first beginne with Asia, describing what tractes, countryes, cityes and Churches, the Turke hath surprised, and violently pluckt away from the society of Christian dominions, taking onely suche, as be most principall, and chiefely them that be in Scripture conteyned, for that it were to long to discourse all and sin∣gular such places by name, as the Turke hath vnder hys subiection.

The world being deuided commonly into three parts, Asia, Africa, and Europa, Asia is counted to be the grea∣test in compas, conteining as much as both the other, and is deuided into 2. portions, the one called Asia Maior: the other called Asia minor. And although the Empery of the Turke extendeth vnto them both: yet especially his domi∣nion standeth in the other Asia, which is called Asia Mi∣nor, which reacheth from the coastes of Europa, vnto Ar∣menia Maior, beyond the riuer Euphrates, and compre∣hendeth these regions and Cityes vnder written.

¶ The deuision of Asia Minor, called Cheronesus, with the particu∣lar Countryes and Cityes belonging to the same.

Countryes.	Cityes.
Pontus. Act. 2.	Nicea.
Chalcedon.
Heraclea.
Prursa or Bursa.
Bithinia. Act. 16.	Nicomedia.
Apamea.* 19.371

¶ Natolia, or Anatolia, conteyneth di∣uers countryes, with theyr Cities, as foloweth.

Countryes.	Cityes.
Mysia Minor. Act. 16	Cyzicus.
Parium.
Lampsacus.
Dardanum.
Callipolis.
* 19.372Phrygia Minor. Act. 2	Abydus.
Alexandria, or Troias Act. 16
Toras. Act. 20	Ilium.
Assus. Act. 20
Mysia Maior. Act. 16	Scepsis.
Adramitium. Act. 27
Phrygia Maior. Act. 2	Hierapolis. Col. 4
Pitane.
Apollonia.
Myrina.
Lydia. Esay. 66	Phocoea.
Smyrna. Apoc. 2
Erythrae.
Aeolis.	Laodicea. Apoc. 3
* 19.373Carura.
Thatyra. Apoc, 2
Ionia.	Philadelphia. Apoc. 3
Pergamus. Apoc. 2
Cuma.
Caria. 1. Mac. 15	Ephesus. Apoc. 2
Sardis. Apoc. 3.
Halicarnassus. Mach. 15
Doris.	Miletus. Act. 20

¶ Thus farre reacheth the compasse of Natolia.

Countryes.	Cityes.
Lycia. Act 27	Colossae. Col. 1
Patara. Act. 21
Pinara.
Zanthus.
Andriaco.
Myra. Act. 13
Galactavel Gellogr••∣cia. Act. 16	Ancyra
Gordium.
Tharma.
Pessenus.
Paphlagonia.	Amisus.
Sinope.
Corambis.
Pamphilia. Act 2	Perga. Act. 13
Artalia. Act. 14
Aspendus.
Phaselis. Mach. 15
Pisidia. Act	Trapesus.
Temiscyra.
Comana Po••tica.
Cappadocia.	Amasia vel Eupa to∣ria.* 19.374
Masa, vel Caesarea.
Naziantium. Here Gregorius Nazianzenus. was Bishop.
Comana Cappado∣cia.
Miletena.
Armenia Minor.	Nicopolis.
Leandis.
Claudiopolis.
Iuliopolis.
Tharsus. Act. 22* 19.375
* 19.376Coricus.
Cilicia.	Solimuntis, vel Traia∣nopolis.
Issus, vel Iaiassa.
Augusta. Act. 27
Iconium. Act. 14
Lystra. Act. 16
Laconia.	Derbe. Act. 14
Antiochia, Pisidiae. Act. 11

¶ Siria comprehendeth in it diuers parti∣cular prouinces, with theyr cityes, as followeth.

Countryes.	Cityes.
Syria. Act. 15	Ierosolyma. Act. 1
Caesarea Stratonis Act. 8
Bethleem. Math. 2
Emaus. Mar. 1
Ierīco. Math, 20
Ioppe or Ios. 15
Palestina Iudea.	Iapheth. Act. 9
Tyberias. Iohn. 6
Accaron. Iosua. 13
Azotus. Act. 8
Chanaan.	Ascalon. Iudi. 2
Gaza. Act. 8.* 19.377
Bersabee. Iosu. 19.
Antipatris. Act 23
Assaron. Act. 9
Samari. Act.	Bethania. Mar. 11
Lydda. Act. 9.
Galilea. Mat. ••.	Nazareth. Math. 4.
Capernaum. Math. 4
Cana. Ioan. 2
Phoenicea. Act. 11	Tyrus. Luc. 6
Sydo vel Sichem. Luc. 6
Ptolomias

Ptolomais. Act. 21
Caesarea phillipi. Math. 16.
Damascene.	Damascus. Gal. 1
Philadelphia. Apoc. 1
Coelesyria.	Buthis vel pella.
Cassiotis.	* 19.378Antiochia apud O∣rontem, vel Theopholis Act. 11
Comagena.	Samosata.
Antiochia. sub. Tauro.
Alexandria apud Issum.
* 19.379Nicopolis.
Seleucis.	Gephyra.
Gindarus.
* 19.380Seleucia. Act. 13
Imma.
Laodicene.	* 19.381Laodicaea. Coloss. 2
Paradisus.
Iabruda.
Apamene.	Nazamma.
Apamia.
Idumea. Marc. 3.	Besamma. vel Bersabee.
Euleusa.
Massa.

¶ Thus farre reacheth the compasse of Syria.

Countryes.	Cityes.
Arabia. Gal. 1.4	Petrea, or Nabataeae.
Felix. Panchaia. Sabaea.
Deserta.
Mesopotamia. Psalme. 59.	Carra. or Charan, where Abraham dwelt. Act. 7
Seleucia.
Edessa, which is now called. Orpha. and in the story of To∣bias, called Rages.
Babilonia Dan. 3 In the country of Babilonia, is also a certayne region ap∣poynted for Philoso∣phers and Astrono∣mers called Chaldea. Iere. 50	Bible.
Babylon, vel Baldach. Act. 7
Orchoe, vel Vrchoa. vel Hurchaldeoram, where Abraham was borne. Gen. 11.15.
Sarmatia.	Patarue.
Azara.
Gerusa. S. Georgius.
Sinda.
Cholchis.	Dioscuria, vel Sabastia, which is now called Suias.
Phasis.
Iberia.	Lubium.
Artanissa.
Armachica.
Albania.	Getara, vel Gangara.
Chabala.
Armenia. Gen. 8	Armenia maior is de∣uided from Armenia minor, by the Riuer Euphrates. This Armenia maior and minor, this day be both vnder the Turkes.

¶ And thus farre reacheth the compasse of Asia Minor, with the Countryes, and prouinces to the same perteyning, which being once brought to the fayth of Christ, are nowe in a maner, all subdued to the Turkes.

¶ The Ilandes belonging to the Regions of Asia Minor aforesayd, gotten by the Turkes.

Countryes.	Cities.
* 19.382Thinias.	to Bythinio.
Tenedos.	to Troas.
Chios. Act. 20	to Lydia.
Pathmos. Apoc. 1
Possidium.	to Aeolis.
Samos. Act. 20	to Ionia.
Trogolium. Act. 20
Cnidus. Act. 27	to Doris.
Coos Coū. Act. 21	to Doris.
Carpathus.	to Doris.
Rhodus. Act. 21	to Lycia.
Cyprus. Act. 11* 19.383

¶ Aeneas Syluius, otherwise Pope Pius. 2. in describing of Asia Minor, cap. 74. reciteth a cer∣tayne facte of a worthy Uirgine: who at what time the Turkes were besieging a certayne towne in Lesbos, and had cast downe a greate part of the walles, so that all y^e Townesmen had geuen ouer, putting on mans harnesse, stepped forth into the breach, where not onely she kept the Turkes from entring in, h••t also slewe of them a great sor••. The Citizens seeing the rare courage,* 19.384 and good successe of the Mayden, tooke to them agayne theyr hartes and harnes, and so lustely layd about them, that an incredible num∣ber of the Turkes were slayne. The rest being repulsed from the land, reculed into theyr ships: who being then pursued by a Nauy of Calisa, were worthelye dis••omfited likewise vpon the sea. And thus was the Ile of Lesbos at that time, by a poore Uirgine, that is, by the stronge hand of the Lord working in a weake Creature preserued from the Turkes. Ex Aene.sil. Et Seb∣Munst. Lib. 5.

Beside these Regions and Countryes of A∣sia minor,* 19.385 aboue described, Seb. Munster in the fift booke of his Cosinography, declareth moreouer, that the Turkes and Sultannes haue vnder theyr subiection, both Arabia, Persia, and also India exterior wherein is Calecute. The which Persia, although it be vnder the Sophi, which is an enemy to the Turke, yet it is to be thought that he is a Sultane, one of the Turkyshe and Mahometish Religion. This Persia and India were once seasoned with Christes Gospell, as may appeare by the primitiue Churche, pag. 98. And thus haue you the partes of Asia described,* 19.386 which in times past being almost Christened, do now serue vnder the Turke.

After the description of Asia, let vs nexte consider the partes and countryes of Aphrike: Where although the greatest parte either consi∣steth in deserts desolate, or is possessed with Pre∣ster Iohn, which professeth Christ and his gos∣pell: yet the Turke hath there also no litle por∣tion vnder his dominion, as

Countryes.	Cities.
Aegyptus. Math. 2	Alexandria.
Memphis.
Arsinoe.
Regnum Tunece.
Africa Minor.	Charlago.
Aphrodisum.
Hippon. Here Saynt Augustine was By∣shop.
Cyrene. Act. 2
Mauritania.

¶ A description of countryes and Cityes in Eu∣rope, which were before christened, & now are subdued and subiect to the Turke.

Europa

Countryes.	Cities.
Thracia.	Constantinopolis, or Bizantium.
Pera.
Adrianopolis.
Samothracia. Act. 16	Traianopolis.
Caliopis.
Sestus,
Appollonia.

Graecia. Act. 20	Thessalonica. Act. 17
Philippi. Act. 16
Demetrias.
Neapolis. Act. 16
Macedonia. Rom. 15	Amphipolis. Act. 17
Apollonia mygdoniae. Act. 17
Berrhaea. Act. 17
Thessalia.
Epirus.	Ambracia.
Actium
Chaonia.	Torona.
Azelia.
Thresprotia.	Acarnanon.
* 19.387Amphilochia.	Argos.
Astacus.
Ambrachia.	Omphallum.
Achaia. Rom. 15	Athenae.
Attica.	Megaris.
Boeotia.	Thebae.
Phocis.	Delphos.
Egris.
Aetholia.	Chalidon.
Locris.
Naupactus.
Peloponesus.
Corinthia.* 19.388	Corinthus. Act. 17
Mesena.
Tegea.
Argos.
Argia.	Lacedemon, or Sparta 2. Mach. 5.
Epidaurus.
Helice.
Laconia.	Lerna.
Leuctrum.
Messenia.	Methone.
Mycenae.
Elis.	Megalipolis.
Nemea.
Sicyona.	Nauplea.
Olympia.
Arcadia.	Sicyon.
Aegira.

* 19.389¶Ilandes bordering about Grecia, wonne likewise by the Turke, from the Christians.

Euboea,* 19.390 or Nigropon∣tus.	Chalcis.
Charistus.
Cerinthus.
Gerestus.
* 19.391Creta. Act. 17	Pulchri portus. Act. 27
Lasaea. Act 27.
Phoenice. Act. 17
Salmone. Act. 27.
Clauda. Act. 27
Cyclades, Insulae. 53	Salamis.
Delus. 1. Mach. 15
Cephalenia.
Zacynthus, or Zan∣thus.	Vide supra. pag. 727
Lemnos.
Ithaca.
Samos. Act. 20.
Corcyra.	Vide supra. pag. 727
Corcica.* 19.392

¶After the Turke had subdued Thracia and Grecia, proceding further into Europe, he inuaded other regions, and cities, which also he added to his di∣tion, as

Countryes.	Cityes.
Mysia Superior.* 19.393	Rhaetiaria.
Nessus.
Vlpianum.
Scupi.
Sigindunum, or Siget.
Mysia. Inferior.	Triballorum. Oescus.
Tirista.
Axium, or Chilia.
Dalmatia. 2. Tim. 4.	Labacus, Metropolis.
Carinthia.	Epidaurus, or Ragusi∣um.* 19.394
Milea, or Meleda.
Coruatia.	Senia, or Segna.* 19.395
Enona, or Hona.
Croatia.	Iadra, or Zara.
Sebenica.
Istria.	Stridon, where S. Hie∣rome was borne.
Bosna.	Quinquecclesiae.
Iaitza, Metropolis.
Bulgaria.	Bulgaria was wonne of Baiazetes. the Turk from the crowne of Hungarye,* 19.396 through the vnprosperous warre of Sigismun∣dus, at the fielde of Nicopolis. an. 1395. This Sigismund, was the burner of Iohn Hus, and the persecutor of his doc∣trine.
Wallachia.	Tergouistus, or Teruis.
Huniad: where Ioan∣nes Huniades was borne.
Transyluania or Septē castra.	Hermenstat.
Cronestat.
Saltzburg.
Alba Iulia, or Weissen∣burg.
Seruia.	Gyula.
Samandria.* 19.397
Columbetz.
Rascia.	Walpo. Vid. sup. pag. 740
Nouigradum.
Varna.
Moldauia.
Hungaria.	Buda or Osen.
Alba regalis.
Belgradum or Tauri∣num.
Strigonium.
Varadinum.
Neapolis. Maior. Minor.
Austria.	Pestum.

¶ As I was writing hereof, a certayne soūd of lamentable newes was brought vnto vs howe the Turke, whome wee had hoped before to haue bene repulsed by the Emperour Maxi∣milian out of Christendome, hath now of late this present yeare. 1566. got the towne of Gyula about Transyluania, after they had susteined 16 of his most forceable assaultes, destroying in the same most cruelly, many thousand of our chisten brethren, men, women, and children: but because we haue no full certaynty, we will referre y^e sto∣ry therof, to further information,

¶ The Prophecyes of the holy Scriptures considered touching the comming vp and finall ruine and destruction of this wicked kingdome of the Turkes, with the Reuelations and foreshewinges also of other authours concerning the same

FOr so muche as you haue hitherto sufficiently heard, to what quantity & largenes the dominon of the Turkes hath encreased,* 19.398 & doe vnderstand what cruell tyranny these wretched miscreants haue and do dayly practise most hay∣nously wheresoeuer they come, agaynst the seruaunts and professors of Christ: it shall not be vnprofitable, but rather necessary, and to our great comfort, to cōsider and examine in the Scriptures, with what prophesyes the holy spirit of the Lord hath premonished and forewarned vs before, of these heauy persecutions to come vpon his people by thys horrible Antichrist. For as the gouernment and constituti∣on of times and states of monarchies & pollicies fall not to

vs by blind chaūce, but be administred and alotted vnto vs from aboue: so it is not to be supposed, that such a great al∣teration and mutation of kingdomes, such a terrible & ge∣nerall persecutiō of Gods people, almost through all Chri¦stēdome, and such a terrour of the whole earth, as is now moued and gendred by these Turkes, cōmeth without the knowledge, sufferaūce and determination of the Lord be∣fore, for such endes and purposes, as his deuine wisedome doth best know. For the better euidēce & testimony wher∣of, he hath left in his Scriptures sufficiēt instructiō, & de∣claration, whereby we may plainly see to our great cōfort, how these greeuous afflictions & troubles of the Church, though they be sharpe & heauy vnto vs, yet they come not by chaūce or by mās working onely, but euen as the Lord himselfe hath appointed it, and doth permit the same.

* 19.399And first to begin with the tyme of the old Testament let vs seriously aduise & ponder, not onely the Scriptures & Prophecies therein conteined, but also let vs cōsider the whole state, order, and regimēt of that people: the Church I meane of the Israelites. For although the Scriptures and Prophetes of the old Testament, were properly sent to that people, & haue their relatiō properly to things done or thāt should be done, in that cōmōwealth, of which pro∣phetes, Iohn Baptist was the last & made an end, as our Sauiour himselfe witnesseth, saying: The law and Pro∣phets be vnto y^e tyme of Iohn. &c. Yet notwithstāding the sayd people of that old Testamēt, beareth a liuely Image & resemblaunce of the vniuersall Church which should fo∣low, plāted by the sonne of God through the whole earth: So that as the Prophetes of God speaking to them from the mouth & word of God, prophecied what should come to passe in that people: so likewise the whole course & Hy∣story of those Israelites, exemplifieth & beareth a Prophe∣tical image to vs, declaring what is to be looked for in y^e v∣niuersall Church of God dispersed through the world, plā¦ted in Christ Iesus his sonne,* 19.400 according as Phil. Melan••∣thon grauely gathering vpon the same, testifieth in di∣uers places, in his Commentary vpon the Prophete Daniell.

* 19.401As first the History of godly Abell slayne by wicked Cain, what doth it importe, or Prophecie, but the conditiō of the people and seruauntes of God, which commonly go to wracke in this world, and are oppressed by the contrary part, which belongeth not to God?

The like may be said also of Isaac, and Ismaell: of Ia∣cob and Esau. Of whō, those two which were the children of promise, and belonged to the election of God, were per∣secuted in this world, of the other, whiche were reiected. Where moreouer is to be noted cōcerning Ismaell, that of his stocke after the fleshe,* 19.402 came the Saracens: whose sect the Turkes do now professe & mainteine. And as Ismaell had but xii. sonnes: so it were to be wished of God, that this Solyman which is the twelfe of the Turkish genera∣tion, may be the last. But of this, better occasion shall fo∣low (the Lord willyng) hereafter.

Furthermore, of the xii. tribes of Israel, the sacrate hi∣story so reporteth, that after they had a long season cōtinu∣ed together, by the space of. 8. or. 9. C. yeares, at length, for their idolatrie, & transgression of their forefathers. x. tribes of them were cut of, and dispersed amōg the Gentiles. 130. yeares before the captiuitie of Babilon: so that but ij. tri∣bes onely remayned free, and they also at last, after a. 130. yeares, were captiued vnder the Babylonians, for a cer∣taine time.* 19.403 No otherwise hath it happened with y^e Church of Christ almost in the vniuersall world, of which Church the greatest part both in Asia, in Africa, & almost in Eu∣rope (where the holy Apostles so laboured and trauailed) we see now to be disparcled among the Turkes, and their cādlestickes remoued (the Lord of his great grace, reduce them agayne. Amen:) So that of xij. partes of Christen∣dome, which was once planted in Christ, scarse ij, partes remayne cleare, and they how long they shall so continue, the Lord knoweth: And albeit thorough the mercy of the Lord, they escape the daūger of the Turkes, yet haue they bene so beaten with the Pope, that they had bene better al∣most to haue bene in the Turkes handes.

Agayne, after the sayd Israelites returned, being resto¦red of Cyrus, let vs consider well their story, the continu∣ance of tyme, the maner of their regimentes, and what af∣flictions they susteined in the tyme of the Machabees: and we shall see a liuely representation of these our dayes ex∣pressed in that Propheticall people,* 19.404accordyng as S. Paul writyng of them, sheweth how all thynges happened to them in figures: that is the actiōs and doynges of that one nation, be as figures and types of greater matters, what shall happen in the latter times of the whole Church vni∣uersally in Christ collected.

So the transmigration & deliueraunce agayne of those two tribes,* 19.405 declareth to vs y^e affliction of Christes Church for sinne: and yet y^t God will not vtterly reiect his people for his sonnes sake, as by manifold examples of y^• Church hetherto may well appeare.

Againe, the continuance of the law first geuen by Mo∣ses, vnto the destruction of the sayde people by Titus, a∣mounteth to 1564. yeares:* 19.406 So we counting the age of the new Testament, and reckening from the day of our re∣demption vnto this present, be come now to the yeare 1534. lacking but only 33. yeares of the full number.

Likewise in counting the yeares from their deliuerāce out of captiuitie,* 19.407 to the ende of their dissolution, we finde 564. yeares, during which yeares, as the Churche of the Iewes was not gouerned vnder the authoritie of kings, but the high Priests tooke all the power and authoritie to themselues: so we Christians for the space especially of these later 564. yeares,* 19.408 what haue we seene and felt, but only the iurisdiction and domination of the Pope and his high Priests, plaieng the Rex in all countreys, and ruling the whole: whereby, by the count of these yeares, it is to be thought the daye of the Lordes comming not to bee farre off.

Furthermore, in those latter yeares of the Iewes king∣dome, what troubles and afflictions that people susteined three hundreth yeares together, but chiefly, the last 166. yeares before the comming of Christ, by Antiochus and his felowes,* 19.409 the history of y^e Machabees cā report. Wher∣in we haue also notoriously to vnderstād y^e miserable vex∣ations and persecutions of Christian Churches in these latter ends of the world by Antichrist: For by Antiochus Antichrist (no doubt) is figured and represented.* 19.410 Thys Antiochus surnamed Magnus, and Antiochus Epipha∣nes his sonne, came of the stocke of Seleucus Nicanor, much like as the Mahumetes the Turke, and Solyman∣nus, came of the stocke of Ottomannus. Wherein this is to be noted and pondered, that like as of the sayd Seleu∣cus issued xij. Syrian Kings one after another of that ge∣neration, which reigned ouer y^e Israelites with much se∣ueritie and tiranny:* 19.411 so of this diuelish generatiō of Otto∣mannus, haue come xij. Turkish tyraunts, whereof thys Solyman is now the twelfe, God grant he may be y^e last. And as the ij. last Antiochi, being sonnes of the ij. brethrē, did fight together for the kingdome, and in fighting were both slaine, and shortly after the kingdome fell to the Ro∣maines: so the Lorde graunt for Christes sake, that the bloudy broode of this old Solyman, (which had reigned now 46. yeares, may so fight together, and perish in their owne bloud, that the bloudy tyranny of theirs may come to a finall end for euer, Amen.

And that the truth heereof may the better appeare to such as be disposed to meditate more vpon the matter, I thought good and profitable for the reader, to set before his eies, in tablewise, the catalogue of both these Antichristian families, with the names and succession of the persons, first of the twelue Syrian Kings, then of the twelue Ot∣tomans, in like number and order.

A comparison betweene the Syrians and the Turkes.

¶ The Syrians.

1 Seleucus.

32

2 Antiochus Soter.

19

3 Antiochus Theos, who killed Bernice his mother in law, and his yong brother.

15

4 Seleucus Callinicus, with Antiochus Hierax his brother, which two breethren warred one a∣gainst the other.

20

5 Antiochus Magnus.

36

6 Seleuchus Philopator.

12

7 Antiochus Epiphanes, or rather Epimanes.

8 Antiochus Eupator.

2

9 Demetrius brother of Epiphanes, who killed Eupa∣tor his cosin.

10 Demetrius Nicanor, whome Antiochus Sedetes his brother repulsed from his kingdome.

11 Antiochus sedetes. These two last being brethren, had two sonnes.

12 Antiochus Grypus, & Antiochus Cyriconus. These two striuing together for the kingdome, were both slaine: and so not lōg after, the kingdome of Syria came to the hands of Cigranes King of Armenia, and so being taken from him, came to the Romaines in the time of Pompeius.

¶ The Turkes.

1 Ottomannus.

28* 19.412

2 Orchanes. He slue his two brethren.

22

3 Amurathes. He put out the eyes of Sauces his owne sonne.

23

4 Baiazetes. He slew Solymannus his brother.

5 Calepinus. The Greeke stories make no menti∣on of this Calepinus, the Latin stories say that Calepinus and Orchanes were both one, and that hee was slayne by Mahumetes hys brother.

6

6 Orchanes. whome Moses his vncle did slay.

7 Mahumetes. 1. He slue Mustaphas his brother.

14

8 Amurathes. 2. Hee siue Mustaphas his bro∣ther.

34

9 Mahumetes. 2. He slue his two brethren Turcinus an infant, and Calepinus.

73

10 Baiazetes. 2. He warred against his brother De∣mes, which Demes was afterward poisoned by Pope Alexander. 6.

33

11 Zelymus. He poisoned Baiazetes his father, & his two brethren, Acomates and Corcutus, wyth all their children his owne cosines.

7

12 Solymannus. He slue Mustaphas his owne sonne, and was the death or Gianger his seconde sonne.

46

* 19.413These two pestilent families and generations, rising out (doubtles) from the bottomles pit, to plague y^e people of God, as in number of succession they do not much dif∣fer: so in maner of their doings and wicked abhominati∣ons, they be as neere agreeing, being both enemies alyke to the people and Church of Christ, both murtherers and paricides of their owne breethren and kindred, both blas∣phemers of God, and troublers of the whole worlde. Wherein we haue all to learne and note by the way, the terrible anger of almighty God against sinne, and wicked∣nes of men.

Furthermore, who so is desposed to consider and cast the course of times, and to marke how things be disposed by the maruelous operation of Gods prouidēce, shal finde the times also of these two aduersaries, in much like sorte to concurre and agree. For in considering with our selues both the Testaments and Churches of God, the first of the Iewes, the second of the Christians, looke what time had the Syrian Kings to rage then in Hierusalem,* 19.414 the same proportion of time hath now the tiranny of y^e Turks to murther the Christians: so that the one Antichrist may well represent and prefigure the other. For as by the booke of Machabees may appeare, Antiochus Epiphanes was about the 191. yeares before the passion of our Saui∣our, and day of our redemption: so now casting the same number from this present yeare backward, we shall finde it to be about the same yeare and time, when Baiazetes the fourth Turke after Ottoman, began to remoue his Imperiall seate from Bursa in Bithynia, to Adrianople in Europe, which is a City of Thracia. In which yeare & time began all the mischiefe in Europe, as is to be seene before, pag. 738. and this was the yeare of our Lord 1375. Unto y^e which yeare, if we adde 691. it maketh 1566. accor∣ding to the prophesie of the Apocal. chap. 20. where it is prophesied of Gog and Magog,* 19.415 that they shall compasse about the tents of the Saincts, and the well beloued Citie, by the which welbeloued Citie, is meant (no doubt) Eu∣ropa: and this was in the yeare abouesaid 1375. Although touching the precise points of yeares and times, it is not for vs greatly to be exquisite therein, but yet where dili∣gence and studious meditation may helpe to knowledge, I would not wish negligence to be a pretence to ignorāce.

* 19.416And thus much for the times of Antiochus and his fe∣lowes. Now what cruelty this Antiochus exercised a∣gainst the people of God, it is manifest in the history of the Machabees: where we reade, that this Antiochus in the eight yeare of his reigne, in his second comming to Hieru∣salem, first gaue forth in commaundement, that all the Iewes should relinquish the law of Moses, and worship the Idole of Iupiter Olimpius, which he set vp in y^e tem∣ple of Hierusalem. The bookes of Moses and of the Pro∣phetes he burned. He set garrisons of souldiours to warde the Idole. In the Citie of Hierusalem he caused the feastes and reuels of Bacchus to be kept, full of all filthe and wic∣kednes. Olde men, women, and virgines, such as woulde not leaue the lawe of Moses, with cruell tormentes he murthered. The mothers that would not circumcise theyr children, he slue. The children that were circumcised, hee hanged vp by the neckes. The temple he spoiled & wasted. The aultar of God, and candlesticke of gold, with the o∣ther ornaments and furniture of the temple, partly he cast out, partly be caried away. Contrary to the lawe of God, he caused them to offer, and to eate Swines fleshe. Great murther and slaughter he made of the people, causing thē either to leaue their lawe, or to lose their liues. Among whome, besides many other, with cruell tormentes he put to death a godly mother with her vij. sonnes, sending hys cruell proclamations through all the land, that whosoeuer kept the obseruauncies of the Sabboth, and other rites of the lawe, and refused to cōdescend to his abhominations, should be executed. By reason whereof the Citie of Hieru∣salem was left voide and desolate of all good mē, but there was a great nūber, that were contented to follow & obey his Idolatrous proceedings, and to flatter with the king, became enemies vnto ther brethren. Briefly, no kind of ca∣lamity, nor face of miserie could be shewed in any place, which was not there sene. Of y^e tiranny of this Antiochus, it is historied at large in y^e book of Machabees: And Dani∣ell prophesieng before of y^e same,* 19.417 declareth y^t the people of y^e Iewes deserued no lesse for their sins and transgressions.

By consent of all writers, this Antiochus beareth a fi∣gure of the great Antichrist,* 19.418 which was to folow in the lat¦ter end of the world, and is already come, & worketh what he can agaynst vs: Although as S. Iohn sayth, there haue bene, and be many Antichristes, as parts and members of the body of Antichrist,* 19.419 which are forerūners: yet to speake of y^e head & principall Antichrist, & great enemy of Christs Church, he is to come in y^e latter end of the world, at what tyme shall be such tribulation, as neuer was sene before: Whereby is ment (no doubt) the Turke,* 19.420 prefigured by this Antiochus. By this Antichrist, I do also meane all such, which followyng the same doctrine of the Turkes, thinke to be saued by their workes and demerites, & not by their fayth onely in the sonne of God, of what title and professiō els soeuer they be: especially if they vse the like force & vio∣lence for the same, as he doth. &c.

Of the tyranny of this Antiochus aforesayd, and of the tribulations of the Church in the latter tymes both of the Iewes Church, and also of the Christian Church to come, let vs beare & consider the words of Daniell in xj. chap. & also in his vij. chap. Prophecying of y^• same as foloweth.

He shall returne and freat agaynst the holy couenaunt:* 19.421 so shall he do, he shall euen returne and haue intelligence with them that forsake the holy couenaunt. And armes shall stand on his part, and they shall pollute the Sanctuary of strength, and shall take a∣way the dayly sacrifice, and they shall set vp the abhominable desolation. And such as wickedly breake the couenaunt, shall flatter with him deceitfully: but the people that doe know their God, shall preuayle and prosper. And they that vnderstand a∣mong the people, shall instruct many: yet they shall fall by sword and by flame, by captiuitie, and by spoyle many dayes.

Now when they shall fall, they shal be holpen with a little helpe: but many shall cleane vnto them faynedly. And some of them of vnderstandyng shall fall to be tryed, and to be purged, and to make them white, till the tyme be out: for there is a tyme appointed. And the kyng shall doe what him lyst: he shall exalte himselfe, and magnifie himselfe agaynst all that is God, and shall speake marueilous thynges agaynst the God of Gods, and shall prospere, till the wrath be accomplished: for the determination is made. Neither shall he regard the God of his Fathers, nor the de∣sires of womē, nor care for any God: for he shall magnifie himselfe aboue all. But in his place shall he honour the God Mauzzim, and the God whom his fathers knew not, shall he honour with gold and with siluer, and with precious stones, and pleasaunt thynges.

Thus shall he doe in the holdes of Mauzzim with a straunge God, whom he shall acknowledge: he shall increase his glory, and shall cause them to rule ouer many, and shall diuide the land for gayne. And at the end of tyme, shall the kyng of the South push at him, and the kyng of the North shall come agaynst hym lyke a whirle wynde, with charets, and with horsemen, and with many shyppes, and he shall enter into the countreys, and shall ouerflow and passe thorough. He shall enter also into the pleasaunt land, and many countreys shal be ouerthrowen: but these shall escape out of his hand, euen Edom and Moab, and the chief of the chil∣dren of Ammon. He shall stretch for his handes also vppon the countreys, and the land of Egypt shall not escape. But he shal haue power ouer the treasures of gold and of siluer, & ouer al the pre∣cious thynges of Egypt, and of the Libians, and of the blacke Mores where he shall passe. But the tydynges out of the East and the North, shall trouble him: therfore he shall go forth with great wrath to destroy and roote out many: And he shall plant the ta∣bernacles

of his palace betweene the Seas, in the glorious & holy mountaine, yet he shall come to his end, and none shall help him.

To this place of Daniell aboue prefixed, might also be added the Prophesie of the said Daniell written in the vij. chapter, and much tending to the like effect: where he in∣treating of his vision of foure beastes (whiche signifie the foure Monarchies) and speaking now of the fourth Mo∣narchie, hath these words.

* 19.422After this, I saw in the visions by night, and behold, the fourth beast was grimme and horrible, and maruelous strong. It had great yron teeth: it deuoured, and brake in peeces, and stamped the residue vnder his feete: and it was vnlike the other beastes that were before it, for it had ten hornes. As I considered the hornes, behold, there came vp among them another little horne, before whome, there were three of the first hornes pluckt away. And behold, in this horne, were eyes like the eyes of a man, and a mouth speaking presumptuous things, and seemed more stoute then the other. Which horne also (whē I looked on) made battaile with the saints, & preuailed against thē: vntill the old aged came, & iudgement was giuen to the Saintes of the highest, and till the appointed time was come, that the Saints shuld haue the kingdōe.

Thus haue ye heard the plaine words of Daniell. In the which, as he doth manifestly describe the comming of Antiochus the great aduersary, toward the latter ende of the Iewes: so by the same Antiochus is figured also to vs the great aduersary of Christ, which is the Turke.

* 19.423Although some there be notwithstanding, which wyth great learning & iudgement, do apply this place of Daniel aboue recited, not to the Turke, but rather to the Pope, & that for vj. or vij. speciall causes herein touched and noted.

* 19.424The first is this, that the wicked transgressours of the couenaunt shall ioine with him deceitfully and hypocriti∣cally, which shall pollute the tabernacle of strength, & take away the perpetuall sacrifice, and bring in the abhomina∣tion of desolation.

* 19.425The second note is, that the Prophet declareth, how the learned among y^e people shall reach many, & that they shall fall into the sword, into fire, and captiuitie, and shall be ba∣nished, whereby they shall be tried, chosen, & made bright and pure, &c. All which (say they) is not amōg the Turkes to be seene, but only in the Popes Church: where y^e faith∣full preachers & teachers of the people are slaine and bur∣ned, and go to wracke, &c. Where likewise it foloweth, that they shall be holpen against Antichrist, and that many false brethren shall ioine vnto them dissemblingly, &c. To thys they alledge that the Christians haue no such help against the Turke, whereunto such false brethrē should ioine thē∣se••ues, as is and hath bene commonly seene amōg y^e Chri∣stians against the Pope,* 19.426 from time to time, almost in all Countreys: as in Germany by the Protestants & free Ci∣ties: In Englād in King Henries time by y^e Lord Crom∣well, and afterward by King Edward, & now by Queene Elizabeth: In Scotland by y^e godly nobilitie: In France, by the Queene of Nauarre and her sonne: and also by the Prince of Condy and the worthy Admirall, and his two breethren, and many others: In Flaunders, by thē whom the Regent calleth Beggers: So as was in the time of the Machabees, against Antiochus.

* 19.427Thirdly, that the King shall exalt himselfe aboue all that hath the name of God, and shal lift vp his mouth to speake presumptuously against God.

* 19.428Fourthly, that he careth not for the desires of women: which may seeme to note how the Popes doctrine shall forbid the honest and lawfull mariage in Churchmen.

* 19.429The fift specialtie which they apply to the Pope, is that foloweth in the Prophet, saieng: Neither shall he regard the God of his fathers, nor any God: but in steade of him, shall set vp his God Mauzzim, & shall worship him with siluer,* 19.430 & gold, & pretious stone, &c. which they do apply to y^e Pope, setting vp his God of bread, & worshipping him with glistering golden ornamēts & most solemne seruice.

* 19.431Sixtly, it foloweth: & he shall encrease them with much glory and riches, and shall diuide vnto them, lands & pos∣sessions, &c. meaning that the Pope hauing dominiō ouer treasures of gold and siluer, and all precious things of the land, shall indue his Cardinals, Prelats, his flatring doc∣tours, with Friers and Monkes & Priestes, and all such as shal take his part, w^t great priuilegies, liberties, reue∣nues & possessions. And thus, I say, some there be, which apply this prophesie of the xij. and xi. chapter of Daniell, vnto y^e Bishop of Rome.* 19.432 whom although I take to be an extreme persecutour of Christs Church: yet I iudge ra∣ther those two chapters of Daniel concerning y^e litle horne in the middle of the x. hornes, and the great destroier of the pleasant land and glorious holy mountaine, to meane first Antiochus, and by him secondly to meane the great Anti∣christ, the Turke: who hath now set already y^e tabernacles of his palace betwene the Seas, accordyng to the Prophe∣cies of Daniell, as is abouesayd.

Ouer & besides these Prophecies aboue alledged,* 19.433 may be added also the Prophecie of Ezechiel chap. 39. speakyng of Gog & Magog:* 19.434 which as it may be applied to the op∣pressiō of the Iewes vnder the Heathen multitude, which stopped the buildyng of the Citie, and vnder the Syrian kynges: &c. yet in the same also is expressed the calamities and afflictions of Christes Churche in these latter tymes, vnder the Saracens and the Turkes. &c.

Proceeding further in this matter,* 19.435 let vs come now to the Prophecies of y^e new Testament & marke the wordes of S. Paule writyng to the * 19.436 Thessalonians, which then were Christened, & now either are Turkish, or vnder the Turke, which wordes be these:

Be ye not sodenly moued in your mynde, nor troubled, neither by spirite, not by word nor by letter as sent frō vs, as though the day of Christ were at hand let no mā deceaue you by any meanes, for the Lord will not come, before there come a defection, or a departing first, and that wic∣ked mā be reueled, the sonne of perdition, which is an aduersary and is extolled aboue all power, and that which is called God: so that he shall sit in the tēple of God, boasting himselfe to be God. &c.

Although this defection & departing may haue a dou∣ble vnderstandyng,* 19.437 as well of the popes sect (which is gone & departed frō the free iustificatiō by fayth onely in Christ, through y^e promise of grace) as of the Turkes: yet learning a while to speake of the Pope because it appeareth more notoriously in y^e Turke, we will chiefly apply it to him: in whō so aptly it doth agree, that vnles this great defection frō faith in so many Churches, had hapned by the Turke, it had bene hard to vnderstād the Apostles mynde, which now by the history of these Turkes is easie and euident to be knowen, cōsidering what a ruine hath happened to the Church of Christ by these miserable Turks, what Empe∣ries, nations, kyngdomes, countreys, townes and Cities be remoued from the name & professiō of Christ, how ma∣ny thousands & infinite multitudes of Christen men and children, in Asia, in Afrike, & in Europe, are caried away from Christes Church to Mahumetes Religion, some to serue for the Turkes gard among y^e Ianizarites, some for souldiours, some for miners, some for gunners, to fight & warre agaynst the Christians: so that the most part of all the Churches plāted once by y^• Apostles, are now degene∣rated into Turks, onely a small hādful of Christiās reser∣ued yet in these West partes of Europe, of the which small residue, what shall also become shortly, except Christ him∣selfe do helpe. Christ onely himself doth know. How great this defection hath bene spokē of by S. Paule, thou mayest soe (gentle Reader) in the table aboue described. pag. 741.

Notwithstanding this text of the holy Apostle (as I a¦fore said) may be verified also with no lesse reason,* 19.438 vpō the Byshop of Rome, thē vpon the Turke, both for that he is a man of sinne, that is, his seate & Citie is a great maintei∣ner of wickednesse,* 19.439 & also for that he is an aduersary, that is, contrary in all his doynges and proceedyngs to Christ.

Thirdly, for that he sitteth in the temple of God, and so did not Mahumet.

Fourthly, because he is an exalter of himselfe, & sitteth more like a God then a man in Rome, wherof see more in the booke set forth in English, called the CONTESTATI∣ONS of the Popes.

Fiftly, for that he seduceth and hath seduced by his apo∣stasie, the most part of all Christendome from the doctrine and free promises of God, into a wrong and straūge way of saluation, which is, not to be iustified freely before God onely by our fayth in Christ his welbeloued sonne (vnto the whiche fayth the promise of God freely and graciously hath annexed all our saluation onely, & to no other thyng) but hath taught vs to worke our saluation by an infinite number of other thynges: In so much that he bindeth the necessitie of our saluation also to this,* 19.440 that we must be∣leue (if we will be saued) and receaue him to be the Uicare of Christ in earth. &c.

But to returne agayne vnto the Turkes, among all the prophecies both of the old Testamēt & of the new, there is none that paynteth out the Antichristian kyngdome of the Turkes, better then doth the reuelation of S. Iohn, whose wordes let vs weigh and cōsider. Who in the Apo∣calipse 9. where he speaketh of openyng the seuenth & last seale, (which signifieth the last age of the world) and there writyng of the vij. trompets of the vij. Angels at the soun∣dyng of the vi. Aungell saith,

Loose the iiij. Aungels, which are bound in the great riuer Euphrates.* 19.441 And the foure Aungels were losed, which were ready both day and houre, and moneth, and yeare, to slay the third part of men. And the number of horse∣men were 20. thousand tymes ten thousand: and I heard the num∣ber of them. And thus I sawe in a vision, horses, and them that

sate on them, hauing fiery habbergions, and of Iacinth stone, and of brimstone, and the heads of the horses were as the heads of Ly∣ons, and out of their mouthes went foorth fire, and smoake, and brimstone, of these three plagues was the third part of men killed, that is, of the fire, smoake, and brimstone, which proceeded out of their mouthes, &c.

By the seauenth seale is meant the seauenth and last age of the world,* 19.442 which last age of the world, is from Christ, to the iudgement and resurrection of the dead.

By the seauen Angels with their seauen Trumpets, is signified the seauen plagues that come in this seauenth and last age of the world.

* 19.443By the sixt trumpet of the sixt Angell, is meant the sixte plague comming last and next before the plague of the great iudgement day, which sixt plague is heere described to come by the East Kings, that is, by the Turkes, as fo∣loweth to be seene.

* 19.444By losing the Angels which had rule of the great riuer Euphrates, is signified the letting out of the East Kings, that is, the Turkes, out of Scithia, Tartaria, Persia, and Arabia, by whome the third part of Christendome shall be destroyed, as we see it this day hath come to passe.

It followeth in the prophesie, Their power shall be in their mouthes, and in their tayles. For their tayles be like Serpents ha∣uing heads, and with them they hurt, &c. Meaning that these Turkes with the words of their mouthes, shall threaten great destruction of fire and sword, to them that will not yeald vnto them, and in the end, when the Christians shall yeald vnto them, trusting to their promises, they like Ser∣pents shall deceaue thē in y^e end, & kill them, as appeareth by the story of the Turkes aboue past,* 19.445 pag. 752. 753. 757.

The like prophesy also after the like words and sence, is to be seene and read in the 16. chap. of the Apoc. where S. Iohn entreating of seauen cuppes,* 19.446 filled with the wrath of the liuing God, geuē to the hands of 7. Angels, by one of the foure beasts (that is in the time of one of the four Mo∣narchies, which was the Monarchy of Rome) speaketh likewise of the sixt Angell, which poured his viole of Gods wrath vpon the great riuer Euphrates, & the waters thereof dryed vp, that the way of the kings of the East should be prepared, &c.

By the sixt Angell with the sixte viole, is meant as be∣fore, the last plague saue one that shall come vpon y^e Chri∣stians. By y^• Kings of the East are meant the Saracens, and 12. Ottoman Turks. By drieng vp the riuer of Eu∣phrates, is signified the way of these Turkes to be prepa∣red by the Lords appointment, to come out of the East to the West parts of the world, to molest and afflict the Chri∣stians. It foloweth more in the text. And I saw three vnclene spirits like frogs,* 19.447 come out of the mouth of the Dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false Pro∣phet, for they are the spirits of deuils,* 19.448 doing wonders, to go vnto the Kings of the whole earth, to assemble and gather them toge∣ther, to the battayle, against the daye of the great God omnipo∣tent, &c. And it foloweth shortly after, And he assembled them together into a place which is called in Hebrue Armagedon, that is, a trap or trayne of destruction. And immediatly it followeth in the same place, And the seauenth Angell poured out his vi∣ole in the ayre, and a mighty voice came from heauen, out of the Throane, saieng, factum est, It is done, or finished, &c. Whereby it is to be vnderstoode, that toward the last consummation of the world, great force shall be seene, and a mighty army of the enemies shall be collected and gathered against the people, and Saints of the highest, and then commeth the consummation, with factum est, &c.

Wherefore it is not for naught that the holy Spirite of God in the same place, a little before the sixt Angell doe poure out his viole, doth exhort all the faithfull, sayeng: Behold,* 19.449 I come like a theefe in the night, Blessed is he that wat∣cheth and keepeth his garments, least he walke naked, and men see his fylthynes, &c.

Nicol. de Lyra, and Paulus Bishop of Burdens, and Ma∣thias Dorinke writing vpon the 13. chap. of the Apoc. & ex∣pounding the mistery of the second beast,* 19.450 rising out of the earth, hauing the hornes of a lambe, &c. doo apply the same to Mahumet and the Turkes, with a solemne declaration made vpon y^e same.* 19.451 Which interpretatiō of theirs, although in some pointes it may seeme to haue some appearance of probabilitie, neither can it be denied but that Mahumet & the Turke be pestilent and wicked enemies of Christ our Lord, & most bitter persecutors of his Church, yet as tou∣ching the proper & naturall meaning of y^e Apostle in that place, speaking of the false lambe, &c. if we consider well all the circumstances of that beast, and marke the consequence of the text,* 19.452 both of that which goeth before, and followeth after, we must needs graunt that Nicol. de Lyra, with hys fellowes, & with al such like of y^e Popes schoole, that folow that schoole be deceaued, and that the description and inter∣pretation of that falshorned lambe, must necessarily be ap∣plyed only to the Bishop of Rome, and none other, which is to be proued by sixe principall causes or arguments.

The first is, for that this beast is described to beare the hornes of a lambe.* 19.453 By the which lambe, no doubt, is ment Christ. By y^• hornes of the lambe is signified the outward shew or resemblance of Christ our sauiour: which shew or resemblance can haue no relation to Mahumet, for that he taketh himselfe to be aboue Christ, & Christ as an excellent Prophet of God, sitting at his feete. Wherfore seeing Ma∣humet commeth neither as equall to Christ, nor as vicar vnder Christ, this prophesy can not agree in him, but only in him which openly in plaine words protesteth,* 19.454 that all Christes lambes and sheepe not singularly, but vniuer∣sally through the whole world, are committed to him, as Uicar of Christ, and successor of Peter, and that all men must confesse the same of necessitie, or else they are noue of Christes sheepe, &c. wherein it is easy to see where the pre∣tensed hornes of the lambe do growe.

The second argument, And he spake like the Dragon, &c. A Lambes hornes and the mouth of a Dragon,* 19.455 do not a∣gree together. And as they do not agree together in na∣ture, so neither can they be found in any one person, either Turke, or other (if we will iudge truely) so liuely, as in the Bishop of Rome. When thou hearest him call himselfe the Apostolicall Bishop, the Uicar of Christ, the successor of Peter, the seruant of Gods seruants, &c. thou seest in him the two hornes of a lambe, and would thinke him to be a lambe in deede, and such a one as would wash your feete for humilitie: but heare him speake, and you shall find him a dragon.* 19.456 See and reade the Epistle of Pope Martine the fift aboue mentioned, pag. 649. charging, commaunding, and threatning Emperoures, Kinges, Dukes, Princes, Marquesses, Earles, Barons, Knightes, Rectors, Con∣suls, Proconsuls, with their Shires, Counties, and Uni∣uersities of their kingdoms, Prouinces, Cities, Townes, Castles, Uillages, and other places. See the answere of Pope Urban. 2. and his message to King William Rufus, pag. 192. Behold the workes and doings of Pope Inno∣cent against King Iohn.

Note also the answere of another Pope to the King of England,* 19.457 which for the price of the kings head, would not graunt vnto him y^e inuesting of his Bishops. Marke well the wordes and doings of Pope Hildebrande against the Emperor Henry the fourth, pag. 175. Also of Pope Alexā∣der the 2. treading vpon y^e neck of Fredericus Barbarossa, not like a lambe treading vpō a dragon, but like a drago•• treading vpon a lambe: so that his owne verse might ••ac turned vpon himselfe: tanquam aspis & basiliscus super ouicu∣lam ambulans, & tanquam Leo & draco conculcans agnum. Cō∣sider moreouer the behauior, maner, cōdition, and proper∣ty, almost, of all the Popes which haue bene these 600. yeares, and what Dragon or Serpent could be more vi∣perous then their owne doings and words can speake, and giue testimony against themselues.

It followeth moreouer in the same prophecy of the A∣pocalipse for the third argument,* 19.458 And he doth all the power of the first beast, presently before his face, and causeth the earth, and all the inhabitants therein to honour the first beast, the stripe of whose deadly wound was cured, &c.

In this prophesy ij. things are to be noted: first, what the first beast is,* 19.459 whose power y^e second beast doth execute. Secondly, what this second beast is, which so doth exercise his power in his sight. The first of these beastes here in the Apoc. described, hauing 7. heads & 10. hornes, must needes signifie the city of Rome, which may easely be proued by two demonstrations. First by the exposition of y^e 17. chap. of the same Apocalips, where is declared and described the sayd beast to stād of 7. hils, & to containe 10. kings, hauing the whole power of the dragon geuen:* 19.460 and also the same citie to be named the whore of Babylon, drunkē wyth the bloud of saints. All which properties ioined together, can agree in no wise but only to the heathē Empire of Rome, which Citie at the time of writing these prophesies, had the gouernment of the whole world. The second demon∣stration or euidence, may be deduced out of the number of the monethes assigned to this beast, Apoc. 13. For so it is written, that this beast had power to make, that is, to worke his malice against Christes people 42. monethes, which monethes counted by sabbates of yeares (that is, e∣uery moneth for seuen yeares) maketh vp the iust number of those yeares, in which the primitiue Church was vn∣der the terrible persecutions of the heathen Emperors of Rome, as is afore specified, pag. 397.

Which thing thus standing, proued and confessed, that the first beast must needes signifie the Empire and City of Rome, then must it necessarely follow that the second beast

with the lambs hornes,* 19.461 must signifie the Bishop & Pope of the same City of Rome. The reason whereof is euident, and apparant by that which followeth in the prophecye, where it is declared, that the seconde beast hauing two hornes of a lambe, receaued and exercised all the power of the first beast, before or in the sight of the said beast, which can not be verefied neither in the Turke nor in any other, but only in the Pope of Rome, who (as you see) receiueth, vsurpeth, and deriueth to himselfe all the power of that Ci∣tie and Monarchy of Rome:* 19.462 In so much that he saith, that when Constantine or Ludouicus yeelded vnto him the rule & kingdome of that Citie, he gaue him but his owne, and that which of right and duty belonged to him before.

And this authority or power ouer all the Empire of Rome, he worketh not in Asia, or in Constantinople as the Turke doth, but in the sight of the beast which gaue him the power, that is, in the City of Rome it selfe, which is the first beast heere in this prophesy of the Apocalypse described.

* 19.463Fourthly, it foloweth more, And he causeth the earth, and all the inhabitants therein, to worship and honour the first beast, which had a deadly wound, and was cured, &c. The interpre∣tation of this part, as also of all the other parts of the same chapter, standeth vpon the definition of the first beast, for being graunted, as it can not be denied, that the first beast signifieth the Citie and Empire of Rome, it must conse∣quently follow, that the Bishop (whome we call the Pope) of the same Citie of Rome, must be vnderstoode by the se∣cond beast, for somuch as neither Turke nor any other, but only the Bishop of Rome, hath holden vp the estimation and dignity of that Citie, which began to be in ruine and decay by the Uandalians, Gothes, Herulians, and Lom∣bards, about the yeare of our Lord 456. but afterward by the Bishop of Rome, the pristine state and honor of that Citie reuiued againe, and flourished in as great venerati∣on, as euer it did before. And that is it which y^e holy Ghost seemeth heere to meane of the first beast, saieng: That he had a wound of the sword, and was cured. For so it followeth.

* 19.464Fiftly, And he caused all the inhabitants of the earth to make the image of the beast, which had the stripe of the sword and liued. And it was geuen to him to giue life to the image of the beast, and to make the image thereof to speake, and to cause all them that worshipped not the image of the beast, to be killed: forcing all per∣sons both little and great, rich and poore, bond and free, to take the marke of the beast in their right hand, or in their forheads, and that none might buy or sell but they which had the marke, or the name of the beast, or the number of his name, &c.

* 19.465By geuing life to the image of the beast, and making it to speake, is to be presupposed, that y^e beast was at a neare point of death, and lay speachles before, insomuch that the Citie of Rome began to lose and change his name, & was called a while Odacrie, of Odacer King of the Herulians: which by dent of sword surprised the Romans: and yet notwithstanding,* 19.466 by the meanes of this Romane Prelate, the said Citie of Rome, which was then ready to geue the Ghost, so recouered his maiestie and strength againe, that it is hard to say, whether Rome did euer ruffle and rage in his tirannie before, in the time of Nero, Domitian, Dio∣cletian and other Emperors, more tragically then it hath done vnder y^e Pope: or whether that Rome had al Kings, Queenes, Princes, Dukes, Lords, and all subiects more vnder obedience and subiection, whē the Emperors raig∣ned, or now in the raigne of the Pope. And therefore it is said not without cause of the holy Ghost: That it is geuen to him,* 19.467 to geue life and speach to the image of the beast, causing all them to be slaine which will not worship the image of the beast, &c. As for example heereof, who seeth not what numbers and multitudes of Christian men, women, and children, in all Countreys, haue bene put to the fire and sword? Sto∣ries of all times will declare, what hauocke hath bene made of Christen bloud, about the preheminence and ma∣ioritie of the Sea of Rome: what Churches and Coun∣treys both Greekes and Latin, haue bene excommunica∣ted: what Kings haue bene deposed,* 19.468 and Emperors strip∣ped from their Imperiall seate, and all because they would not stoupe and bend to the Image of the beast, that is, to the maiesty and title of Rome, aduanced vp so highly now by the Bishop thereof, as it was neuer higher before in the raigne of Nero or Dyoclesian. Wherefore taking the first beast to signifie the Empyre of Rome, which can not be denyed, it is playne, that the second beast must necessarily be applied to the Pope, and not to the Turke, for as much as the Turke seeketh nothing lesse then the aduancement of that Empire, but rather striueth against it, to plucke it downe.

The sixt and last argument is grounded vpon the num∣ber of the name of the beast,* 19.469 expressed by the holy Ghost in the same Prophecie, by the letters 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. In which letters a though there lyeth great darcknesse and difficultie to be vnderstoode, yet certaine auncient Fathers whiche were Disciples and hearers of them which heard S. Iohn him¦selfe, as Irenaeus and other do expound the sayd letters con∣iecturally to containe the name of the beast, and to be the name of a man, vnder this word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Where as els no other name lightly of any person either in Greeke or Latine,* 19.470 will agree to the same,* 19.471 saue onely the foresayd name 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Although some latter writers geuing their coniectures vpon the same, doe finde the name of Latera∣nus in Hebrew Letters, to aunswere to the same num∣ber. Some fayne other names, as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, or 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, made wordes, which signifie nothyng, as Diclux, or Luduuic, by Romane letters &c. But of all names properly signifying any mā, none commeth so neare to the number of this mi∣stery (if it go by order of letters) as doth the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, aforesayd. And this much by the way, and occasion of Ni∣colaus de Lyra,* 19.472 Paulus Burgen, Matthias Dorinkus, the author of Fortalilium fidei, and other Cōmentaries moe o•• the same faction: who writyng vpon this xiij. Chapter of the Apocalipse, and not considering the circumstaunces thereof, both are deceaued themselues, and deceaue many other, applying that to the Turke, which can not other∣wise be verified but onely vpon the Pope, as may appeare sufficiently by the premisses: Not that I write this of any incode or malice either to the Citie of Rome, or to the per∣son of the Byshop, as beyng Gods creature: but beyng occasioned here to entreate of the Prophecies agaynst the Turkes, would wishe the Readers not to be deceaued, but rightly to vnderstand the simple Scriptures accor∣ding as they lye, to the entent that the true meanyng ther∣of beyng boolted out, it may be the better knowen what Prophecies directly make agaynst these Turkes, what otherwise.

In the which Prophecies agaynst the Turkes, now to proceede, let vs come to the 20. Chapter of the Apoca∣lipse, wherein the holy Scripture seemeth playnly and di∣rectly to notifie the said Turkes. The wordes of the Pro∣phecie be these.

And I saw an Angell descendyng from heauen,* 19.473 hauyng the key of the bottomlesse pit, and a great chayne in his hand: and he tooke the Dragon, the old Serpent, which is the deuill and Sata∣nas, and bound him vp for a thousand yeares, and cast him in the pit, and sealed him vp, that he should not seduce the people any more, til the thousand yeares were expired: and after that he must be let loose for a litle while. &c.

And it followeth after: And when the thousand yeares shal be complete, Satanas shal be let out of his doungeon, and shall go abroad to seduce the people, which are on the foure corners of the lād of Gog and Magog, to assemble them to battaile: whose number is like to the sandes of the Sea. And they went vp vpon the latitude or breadth of the earth, and compassed about the tentes of the Saintes, and the welbeloued Cities. &c.

To the perfect vnderstandyng of this Prophecie,* 19.474 three thynges are necessary to be knowen. First what is ment by byndyng vp, and loosing out of Satanas the old Dra∣gon. Secondly, at what tyme and yeare first he was chay∣ned vp and sealed for a thousand yeares. Thirdly, at what yeare and tyme these thousand yeares did end, when as he should be loosed out agayne for a litle season. Which three poyntes beyng well examined and marked, the Prophe∣cie may easely bee vnderstand directly to be ment of the Turke. Albeit Anagogically some part thereof may also be referred not vnproperly vnto the Pope, as is aboue notified.

First,* 19.475 by byndyng and loosing of Satanas, seemeth to be ment the ceasing and staying of the cruell and horrible persecution of the Heathen Emperours of Rome, against the true Christians, as is to be sene in the x. first persecu∣tions in the primitiue Church aboue described in the for∣mer part of these Actes and Monumentes: in the whiche most bloudy persecutions, Satanas the deuill then ra∣ged without all measure, till tyme it pleased almightie God to stoppe this old Serpent, and to tye him shorter. And thus haue you to vnderstād what is ment by the bin∣dyng vp of Sathan for a thousand yeares: whereby is sig∣nified that the persecution agaynst the Christians styrred vp by y^e beast (that is, in the Empire of Rome, through the instigation of Sathan) shall not alwayes continue, but shall breake vp, after certaine tyme, and shall cease for a thousand yeares. &c.

Now,* 19.476 at what tyme and yeare this persecution, that is, the fury and rage of Sathan should cease, is also decla∣red in the Apocalipse before: where in the chapter. 11. &. 13. wee reade that the beast afore mētioned, shall haue power

to worke his malice and mischiefe, the space of 42. moneths and no more,* 19.477 and then that Sathan should be locked vp for a thousand yeares. The computation of which mo∣neths being counted by Sabbates of yeares (after the ex∣ample of the 69. weekes of Daniell. cap. 11,) it doth bring vs to the iust yeare and time, when that terrible persecu∣tion in the primitiue Church should end, and so it did. For giue to euery moneth a Sabbat of yeares,* 19.478 that is, recken euery moneth for seauen yeares, and that maketh 294. yeares, which was the full time betweene the 18. yeare of Tiberius, (vnder whome Christ suffered) and the death of Maxentius the last persecutour of the primitiue Church in Europe, subdued by Constantinus, as may appeare by calculating the yeares, moneths and dayes, betweene the said yeare of the reigne of Tiberius, and the latter end of Maxentius: and so haue ye the supputation of the yeare and time, when Satan was first bound vp, after he had raged in the primitue Church 42. monethes. Which mo∣neths, as is said, being counted by Sabbates of yeares, af∣ter the vsuall manner of the Scripture, mounteth to 294, yeares: and so much was the full time betweene the passi∣on of our Lorde,* 19.479 which was in the 18. yeare of Tiberius, vnto the last yeare of Maxentius.

And heere by the way commeth a note to be obserued, that forasmuch as by the number of these 42. monethes,* 19.480 specified in the Apocalips, the Empire of Rome must ne∣cessarily be confessed to be the first beast: therefore it must by like necessitie follow, the Bishop of Rome to be the se∣cond beast, with the two hornes of the Lambe, for that he only hath and doth cause the sayd Empyre of Rome to re∣uiue and to be magnified, and so doth not the Turke, but rather laboureth to the contrary. Wherfore let euery Chri∣stian man be wise and beware betime, how he taketh the marke of the beast,* 19.481 least peraduenture it follow vpon him, that he drinke of that terrible cup of wrath mentioned A∣pocal. chap. 14.

Thirdly, it remayneth to be discussed touching the third point in this foresaid prophesie,* 19.482 that as we haue found out (through the helpe of Christ) the yeare and time of Satās binding, so we search out likewise the time and season of his loosing out, which by the testimonie of Scripture, was appointed to be a thousand yeares after his binding vp, and so rightly according to the time appointed it came to passe. For if we number well by the Scripture the yeare of his binding vp, which was from the passion of our Lorde 294. yeares, and adde thereto a thousand yeares, it moun∣teth to 1294. Which was the very yeare when Ottoman∣nus the first Turke began his reigne:* 19.483 which was the first spring and welhead of all these wofull calamities that the Church of Christ hath felt both in Asia, Affrica, and Eu∣rope, almost these three hundreth yeares past. For so wee finde in Chronicles, that the kingdome of the Turkes be∣ing first deuided into four families, an. 1280. at length the familie of Ottomanus preuailed, and thereupon came these, whome now we call Turkes: which was about the same time, when Pope Boniface the eight was Byshop of Rome.

* 19.484Where by the way this is againe to be noted, that after the decree of Transubstantiation was enacted in y^e Coun∣cell of Laterane by Pope Innocent the iij. the yeare of our Lord 1215. not long after, about the yeare of our Lord 1260. was stirred vp the power and armes of the Oguzians, and of the Orthogules father of Ottomannus: who about the yeare of our Lord 1294. began first to vexe the Christi∣ans about Pontus & Bithinia,* 19.485 & so beginning his king∣dome anno. 1300. reigned 28. yeares, as is afore mētioned.

Mention was made before of Ezechiell prophesieng a∣gainst Gog, whose words diuers expositours do apply a∣gainst the Turke, and are these: Thou shalt come from thy place, out of the North partes, thou and much people with thee, all riding vpon horse, a great and a mighty army, and thou shalt come vp against my people of Israell as a cloude, to couer the land: Thou shalt be in the latter dayes, and I will bring thee vpon my land, that the heathen may know me, when I shall be sanctified in thee, O Gog, before their eyes. Thus sayth the Lord God: Art not thou he, of whome I haue spoken in the old time, by the hand of my seruants, the Prophets of Israell, that prophesied in those dayes and yeares, that I woulde bring thee vpon them? At the same time also, when Gog shall come against the lande of Israell, sayth the Lord God, my wrath shall arise in mine anger. For in my indignation, and in the fire of my wrath haue I spoken it: Surely at that time there shall be a great shaking in the land of Israell, so that the fishes of the Sea, the foules of the heauen, the beastes of the field, and all that mooue and creepe vpon the earth, and all the men that are vpon the earth, shall tremble at my presence: the mountaines shall be ouerthrowne: the starres shall fall, and euery wall shall fall to the ground, &c.

¶ The Prophesies of Methodius, Hildegardis and other, concerning the reygne and ruyne of the Turkes.

VNto these testimonies aboue excerped out of the holy Scriptures,* 19.486 let vs adde also the propheticall reuelati∣ous of Methodius, Hildegardis, Sybilla, and others. This Methodius is thought of some to be the same Me∣thodius, of whome Hierome, and Suidas make menti∣on: which was Bishop first of Olympus in Lycia, then of Tyrus, and suffred martyrdome in the last persecution of the primitiue Church, vnder Diocletian. Unto whome also Trithemius attributeth the booke intituled:* 19.487 De Qua∣tuor nouissimis temporibus. But that can not be, forasmuch as the said Methodius doth cite and alleadge the Maister of Sentence, namely, in his second booke, and sixe distinc. Which Maister of Sentence, followed more then a thou∣sand yeare after Christ: besides certaine other fabulous matter conteined in the same booke. Albeit, because he spea∣keth there of many things cōcerning the state of y^e Church vnder Antichrist, and the reformation of Religion, as sec∣meth rightly to come to passe, and more is like to follow, I thought not to defraude the Reader thereof, leauing the credite of the Authour to his arbitrement, to esteeme and iudge of him as he seeth cause. Among diuers other places of Methodius, prophesieng of the latter time, these words do follow: After that the children of Ismaell haue had multiplied in their generations to an infinite and innumerable multitude, in the desert aforesayd,* 19.488 they came out of the wildernesse of Arabie, and entred into the habitable land, and fought with the Kings of the Gentiles, which were in the land of promise, and the ••••••d was filled with them. And after 70. weekes, and halfe of their power, wherewith they haue subdued all the kingdome of the Gentiles, their hart was exalted, seeing themselues so to haue preuailed, and to haue conquered all things, &c. And afterward it follo∣weth of the same matter in this sort.

It shall come to passe that the sayde seede of Ismaell, shall issue out and obteine the whole world, with the regions thereof, in the entring of peace, from the land of Aegypt, vnto Ethiopia: & from the floud Euphrates, vnto India: and from the riuer Tigris, to the entring of Nabaot, the kingdome of Ionithus, the sonne of Noe: and from the North, vnto Rome and Illyricum, Aegypt, and Thes∣salonica, and Albania,* 19.489 and so foorth to the sea Ponticum, whych deuideth the sayd kingdomes from Germanie and Fraunce: and their yoke shall be double vpon the neckes of all nations, and Gentiles: neither shall there be nation or kingdome vnder hea∣uen, which shall be able to stand against them in battaile, vntill the number of eyght weekes of yeares, &c.

Briefly, as in a grosse somme, this shall suffice, to admo∣nish the reader, touching y^e meaning and methode of Me∣thodius Prophesies, which Methodius first describing the long and tedious afflictions of Christes Church, ma∣keth mention of the seede of Ismaell, which comming out of the partes and deserts of Arabie,* 19.490 shall destroy (saith he) and vanquish the whole earth, So that the Christians shall be giuē of God, to the hands of the filthy Barbarians, to be slain, pol∣luted, and captiued: Persia, Armenia, Capadocia, Cilicia, Syria, Aegypt, the East partes, Asia, Spaine, all Grecia, Fraunce, Germa∣nia, Agathonia, Sicilia, The Romanes also shall be slaine and put to flight: also the Ilands of the Seas shall be brought to desolati∣on, and to captiuitie,* 19.491 and put to the sword. The which tribulation of the Christians shall be without mercy or measure: the raun∣some of gold and siluer and other exactions, intolerable, but es∣pecially the dwellers of Aegypt and Syria shall be most in the af∣fliction of those times: And Hierusalem shall be filled with mul∣titudes of people brought thether in captiuitie, from the foure windes which are vnder heauen. So that beastes also, and foules, and fish in the water, and the waters of the Sea shall be to them o∣bedient. Cities and Townes, which were before full of people, shall be layde waste. Women with child shall be ript: their chil∣dren sticked: infantes taken from the mothers, and cast in the streates, and none shall burie them. The rulers and sage of the peo∣ple shall be slaine, and throwne out to the beastes. Churches shall be spoiled: the Priests destroyed: virgines defloured, and men cō∣pelled to sell their children, and the comming of them shall bee chastisement without mercy, and with them shall go these foure plagues: captiuitie, destruction, perdition, and desolation, wyth much more, which for breuitie I ouerpasse. And this afflic∣tion, sayeth hee, shall last eight weekes, or Sabbates of yeares, which I take to signifie eight hundreth yeares, &c.

Secondly,* 19.492 after these terrible plagues thus described by Methodius vpon the Christians, which he sayth shall fall vpon them for their wicked abhominations recited in the first and second chapter of S. Paule to the Romaines: the saide Methodius afterwarde, in this great distresse of the Christians, being out of all hope and comfort of reliefe, de∣clareth and speaketh of a certaine King of the Greekes or

Romains which shall restore peace againe to y^e Christiās.* 19.493 In which peace they shal reedify their cities & mansions a∣gaine: the Priests shalbe deliuered from their greuances, & men at that time shall rest from their tribulations, and then shall the King of the Romaines dwell in the Citie of Hierusalem a weeke or sabbate, and a halfe of times. &c.

Thirdly, during y^e time of this peace, the said Methodi∣us saith, y^e men shal fal into licentious securitie, & carelesse life:* 19.494 and then according to the word of the Apostle, saying: Whē they shal say, peace, peace, sodeine destruction shal fall vpon them: then (sayth he) shalbe opened the gates of the North, & the beastly people shal breake in, which King Alexander the great, did close vp within 2. mountaines, making his prayer vnto the Lorde God, that he would bind vp that bestial & execrable people, least with their filthy & detestable pollutions, they shuld come out and pollute the holy land. Whose intercession being heard the Lord cōmanded them to be inclosed within 2. mountains in the North parts, to the depenes of 12. cubits (which signifieth peraduen∣ture 12. C. yeres) so that neither by witchcraft,* 19.495 nor by any means they could get out, or any might come vnto them, vntill the time of the Lord apointed, which are (saith he) the latter times: & then, according to the prophecie of Ezechiel in the latter time of the cōsummation of the world, Gog & Magog out frō the north, shal come forth into the land of Israel, & shal work al this mischiefe a∣gainst the christiās, aboue recited. And then (saith Method. pro∣ceding in his Prophesies), shall the K. of Romanes, after he hath reigned in Ierusalē a sabbate of times, & a half, that is, saith Mer. x. yeres & a halfe, take the crown frō his hed and yeld it vp to the Crosse in Golgotha where Christ was crucified,* 19.496 and shall die. And the Crosse with the crowne shalbe taken into heauen, which shal not appeare againe before the comming of the Lord.

Fourthly, it foloweth then moreouer in the Prophesies of Method. Whych declareth, that when the weeke or sab∣bate & half weke of times shal end, and whē the K. of Ro∣manes shall geue vp his crowne in Ierusalem, & die. Then immediatly shal Antichrist the son of perdition begin to appeare, & be borne in Iewry, of the tribe of Dan, wherof also came Iudas Iscarioth, & he shalbe borne (saith Methodius) in Chorosaim, & shalbe bred in Bethsaida, & shal raign in Capernaū: to y^e which 3. cities, Christ the Lord gaue his 3. Vae. And whē great tribu∣latiō shal increase & multiply in the daies of this Antichrist, & al lordship & dominion shalbe destroied, the Lord shall sende his 2. faithful & deare seruants, Enoch and Hely, to reproue and detect the false seducing, & lying forgeries of this Antichrist, openly be∣fore all mē: so that the people seing thēselues falsly beguiled, & se∣duced by this son of perditiō, cōming out of the tēple disēbling¦ly, to the destructiō of many, shal leaue & flie frō him, & ioyn thē selues to the said 2. holy prophets. Which son of perdition & An∣tichrist seing his procedings so to be reproued, & brought into cō¦tēpt, in his fury & anger shal kil the 2. Prophets of God And then shal appeare (saith Methodius) the signe of the comming of the sonne of man, and he shall come in the clouds of heauenly glory, and shall destroy the enemie with the spirite of his mouth. &c.

Interpretation.

* 19.497TO these prophesies & testimonies of Methodius, what credite it is to be geuen, I leaue it to the Reader. But if the meaning of his Prophesies goe by such order of times, as is set & disposed in his booke:* 19.498 he semeth to describe vnto vs 4. principall states and alterations of times to come.

The first state and alteration is by Mahumete and the Saracens, which be the ofsprings and sonnes of Ismael comming out of Arabie in the time of Heraclius Empe∣rour of Constantinople.* 19.499 An. 630. which rebelling against Heraclius, increased & preuailed still more & more against the Christians, both in Asia, and Africa, and also in many places in Europe, especially in Spayne, and Italy.

The seconde state & alteration he Prophesieth to come by the Turke, which first comming out of the farre partes of Seythia,* 19.500 y^e is, out of the North, first ouercame the Sa∣racenes, subdued the Persians, and afterward ioyning to∣gether w^e the Saracens, conquered the kingdome of Hie∣rusalem about the yeare of our Lorde 1187: then subdued Syria and moste part of Asia. &c. And these be they, whych Methodius seemeth to meane of, speaking of the vile and miserable people closed vp of y^e Lord God, at the interces∣sion of Alexander the great captaine in the North, betwene 2. mountaines the deep••••nosse of 12. cubites, wast that filthy corrupt nation shuld pollute the early with their wicked∣nes. Wherby are ment those Turkes, which comming out frō the vttermost partes of the North, that is, out of Scy∣thia and the mountaines of Caucasus or els Ismaels,* 19.501 were withholden & kept backe of Almighty God, for Christes cause, that they myght not harme his Church alongspace, during the time of xii. C. yeares: yea, and then, the sinnes of the Christians so deseruing, they were permitted of al∣mighty God to breake out, and to inuade the church: who nowe ioyning together w^t the Saracens, haue wrought, and daily do woorke, all these greuances against our Chri∣stian brethren: as we se this day is come to passe, and more is like to folow, except the hād of the Lord, which let them out, do plucke them in againe.

Moreouer,* 19.502 in y^e meane space, betwene the reigne of the Saracens and the Turks, where Methodius speaketh of the R. of Romaines, which should restore quietnes to the church, & should raigne in Hierusalem, a sabbate of tunes and halfe a sabbate: thereby seemeth to be vnderstand the viage of Christian Princes out of the west partes of Eu∣rope, vnder Gotfridus Duke of Lotharing & his 2. bre∣thren and many other christen Princes, with 300. M. foot∣men, and 100. M. horsemen: who fighting against the Sa∣racens, recouered againe from them, the Citie of Hierusa∣lem, in the yeare of our Lorde. 1099. Which citie before had bene in their possession, y^e terme of 490. yeres. After which victory got, first Gotfridus, then Baldwinus his brother, and other after them, to the number of 9. Christen kings, reigned in Hierusalem the space of 88. yeres: and after that through the discord of the Christians not agreeing amōgst themselues, both Hierusalem and Syria, with other parts of Asia besides, were subdued and wonne of the Turkes, whych to this day they keepe yet still. And this was in the yeare of our Lord. 1187.

About which yeare and time (as foloweth in Metho∣dius) when the Citie of Hierusalem shall be wonne of the Turkes,* 19.503 then shall Antichrist begin to be borne of the tribe of Dan, of whom came Iudas Iscarioth, and shalbe borne in Chorosaim and bredde in Bethsaida, and reigne in Ca∣pernaum: Meaning that this Antichrist or sonne of perdi∣tion, shalbe full of Gods malediction, noted by Iudas Is∣cariothe, and these 3. Cities, against whome were spoken thrise Vae of the Lord.

And heere is moreouer to be noted, that Methodius sayth, not that Antichrist shall be borne among the Sara∣cens or Turkes, but among the people of God, and of the tribe of Israel. Whereby is to be collected, that Antichriste shal not come of the Saracēs, nor Turks, but shall spring vs among the Christians, and (sayeth Methodius) shall seeme to come out of the Temple, to deceiue many. &c. where∣by the Pope may seeme rather then the Saracene or the Turk, to be described, for so much as the Pope, being elec∣ted norished, and raigning in the middest of Gods people, at Rome, sitteth in the temple, and very place of Christ: and (no doubt) deceiueth many. &c.

And nowe to come to the time assigned of Methodius, here is to be added also,* 19.504 that which we read in Antoninus, Par. 3. that about this said present time, a certaine Bishop of Florence preached that Antichriste was then comming. But the pope commanded him to keepe silence & to speake no more therof. Now why the pope so did, & why he could not abide the preaching of Antichriste, I referre it to them which list to muse more vpon the matter. This is certain, that about this time, heere assigned by Methodius, came Petrus Lombardus Gratianus, and Pope Innocent y^e thirde, the first authors & patrons of trāsubstantiation.* 19.505 At which time also began the first persecution by y^e church of Rome, againste y^e Albingenses or waldenses, about Tolous, Bi∣tures, and Auinion. Of whome 17. M. the same time were slaine, by the Popes crossed souldiors. Among whom fri∣er Dominicke was then the chiefest doer. About whyche time also was Frier Frances, of which two came the two orders of begging Friers: al which began much about one time together. An. 1215. which were nere, within 20. yeres. after the kingdome of the Christians was taken of the Turkes, according to the Prophesie aboue sayd.* 19.506

It followeth moreouer in Methodius, That in hys time al Lordship & domination shal cease and geue ouer. &c. The ve∣rity whereof we see no••e accomplished in the Pope. For where the Pope with his double sword, and triple crown doeth come, there all seculare power must geue place, both Emperors, Kings, and Princes must stoupe.

So king Iohn yeelded vp his crowne to Pandulsus the popes Legate, and was in his hand 5. daies. An. 12••7.

Childerike the French K. had hys crowne taken from him,* 19.507 and geuen to Pipine. An. 747.

Henricus 4. Emperor was forced to submit hymselfe and his scepter to Pope Hildebrand. An. 1077.

Fridoricus Barbarossa Emperour, in Saint Markes Church in Uenice, was faine to lay downe hys necke vn∣der the Pope Alexanders feete. Anno 1277. Which Fride∣ricke also before, was faine to holde the stirroppe to Pope Adrian, &c.

What should I speake of the Ambassadour of Uenice, named Franciscus Dandulus? who being sent to Pope

Clement the 5. was made to lie vnder the Popes cable like a dog, & gather vp the croms, mēcioned in Sabel. Enn. 9. li. 7.

Henry the 3. being Emperor, had hys diademe first set on with the feete of the Pope, and afterwarde strocken off from his head with the Popes foote againe.

And what shall I speake more hereof? when as Caro∣lus Magnus submitted himselfe so lowe to kisse the feete of Pope Leo. An. 800.* 19.508

It foloweth then in the prophesie of Methodius: That in the tribulation of those dayes, shall be sent from God two spe∣ciall Prophettes, Enoch and Hely, to reprooue and disclose the fraudulent falsehode of Antichrist, and that many seeing his de∣lusion, shall forsake him and followe them: Wherat Antichrist be∣ing greeued shall kill them. &c.

We neuer read yet in any story,* 19.509 of any suche two Pro∣phets to be sent either to the Saracens, or to the Turkes: Wheras against the Pope, we read Iohn Husse and Hie∣rome of Prage, two learned Martyrs & Prophets of God to haue bene sent, & to haue reproued and described the A∣natomie of Antichrist, and at last to haue bene burned for their labor. And what Prophet can speake more plainely, either Enoch or Hely,* 19.510 then did Hierom of Prage, prophe∣sying of the comming of Martin Luther, an C. yeres after him? when the Pope and his fellowes should answere to God and to him. The time we see came iust. Nowe let the Pope see with his fellowes, what answer they can make.

[illustration]

The true plate of Hus and Hierome, among the Bohemians.

* 19.511It followeth further in Methodius concludyng hys prophecie. And then (sayth he) shall appeare the comming of the sonne of man in the clouds of heauen, with celestial glory. &c.

Wherefore after the burning of these two notable Pro∣phets, with many other thousands burned also since their time, by the B. of Rome it is to be thought, that the com∣ming of Christes iudgement in the clouds, is not farre of. Veni cito Domine. Amen.

And thus muche touching Methodius, of whose pro∣phecies how much or how little is to be estemed, I leaue it indifferent vnto the reader. For me it shal suffice simply to haue recited his wordes, as I finde them in his booke con∣tained: noting this by y^t way, that of this booke of Metho∣dius, De nouissimis temporibus, neither Hierome in his Ca∣taloge, nor Suidas, nor yet Auentinus in the place where hee entreateth purposely of such prophecies,* 19.512 maketh any men∣tion. As touching Hildegardus & Brigit, & other whome the French cal Bardi for their songs & prophetical verses, sufficient hath ben alleaged before out of Anentinus: who in his 3. booke of Chronicles wryting of the testimonies of Hildegard, Brigit and Bardi, seemeth to grounde vppon them,* 19.513 that the Turkes, whether we wil or not, shal haue their Im∣periall seate at Colen: And I pray God, that it come not to passe, that the Turke do geue some attempt against Eng∣land by the seas, before that he come to Colen by land. &c.

Greuity causeth me to cut of many testimonies and re∣uelations of these abouesaide,* 19.514 or els I could here rehearse the propheticall wordes of Brigit, lib. 4. cap. 57. concerning the City and Church of Rome, which as she sayth, must be purged and scoured with 3. things:* 19.515 to wit, with sharpe sword, with fire, and with the plough, and that God wil doe with that Citie, as one that remoueth plants out of one place vnto an other: and fi∣nally, that the Citie of Rome shall susteine the sentence, as if a Iudge should commaund the skin to be flaine off, the bloude to be drawne from the flesh, and the flesh to be cut in small peces, & the bones therof to be broken, so that all the mary may be quised out from the same &c. * 19.516 But for breuitie I let Brigit passe, & some¦thing wil declare out of Erythrea Sybilla, in her booke of prophecies found in S. Georges church in Uenice: where she prophesying many things of the birth of Christ vnder Augustus, and of the birth of Iohn Baptist, & of baptisme, of the Apostles, of the conuersion of the Gentiles, and of Constantinus, &c. hath these words:* 19.517 After that the peaceable Bull shall conclude all the climes of the world vnder tribute, in those daies a heauenly lambe shal come: and the dayes shal come, whē the power of the flowing streame shalbe magnified in water, & the Lyon the Monarche shalbe conuerted to the Lambe, which shall shine to all men, and subuert kingdomes.

Moreouer sayeth Sybilla, In the latter age God shall bee hūbled,* 19.518 and the diuine ofspring shalbe abased, & Deitie shalbe ioy¦ned with humanity, the Lambe shal lie in hay, and God & mā shall be bred vp vnder a maidens attendance, signes and wōdershal go before amōgest the circumcised. &c. Also, an aged womā shal cō∣ceiue a childe hauing knowledge of things to come.* 19.519 The Worlde shall maruell at Bowtes (the starre) which shall be a leader to his birth. He hauing 32. feete and 6. thumbes shal chuse to himself out of ••••sners and abiectes, the number of 12. and one deuill, not wyth ••••orde nor with battel. &c. And afterwarde thus followeth moreouer, in Sybilia, saying:* 19.520 The health of the lambe lying shalbe clothed with a fewe spoiles of the Lyon. Blacke shalbe tur∣ned into red. He shall subdue the citie of Aeneas, and kings, but in the booke of the fisher, In deiectiō and pouertie he shall cōquere riches, and shall treade downe pride with his owne death, In the night he shall rise vp, and be changed, he shall liue and raigne, and all these things shall be consummated, and regeneration (or newe things) be made: at last hee shall iudge both good and euill. &c. And thus much briefly collected out of Sybilia Erythrea concerning Christ our Lord.

Furthermore, touching the state and course of the Church and of Antichrist. it foloweth in the sayde Sybille, saying:* 19.521 Then shall 4 Winged beastes rise vp in testimonie, they shal soūd out with trumpets the name of the lambe, sowing righ∣teousnes, & the law irreprehensible. Against which law, the beast shal gainstand, & the abhomination & froth of the dragon. But a maruelous star shal rise, hauing the image of the 4. beasts, & shalbe in a maruelous multitude, he shal bring light to the Greekes, and shal illustrate the world. The lake of the fisher shall bring the name of the lambe with power, into the Citie of Eneas, vnto the end of the worlde, (or time). Then in the city of Eneas, the starre ioyned, shall loose such as were bound of the deuill, and thereof hee shall reioyce and glory, and glorious shalbe his end &c.

After this, Sybilia wryting (as it semeth) of Antichrist, importeth these words. And it shall come to passe, that an hor∣rible beast shal come out of the East, whose roaring shall be heard to Aphrike, to the people of Carthage, Which hath 7. heades and scepters innumerable, feete 663. He shall gainstande the lambe, to blaspheme his Testamēt, encreasing the waters of the dragon. The kings & princes of the world he shall burne in intolerable sweat, & they shal not diminish his feete. And then two starres like to the first starre, shall rise against the beast, and shal not preuaile, till the abhomination shall be come, and the wil of the Lord shall be con∣summate. And again, speaking of the same matter, he infer∣reth these words of the foresaid 2. starres aboue mētioned.* 19.522 And toward the latter dayes, two bright starres shall arise, raising vp men lying dead in their sinnes, being like to the first starre, ha∣uing the face of the 4. beasts which shall resist the beast, & the wa∣ters of the dragon, testifying (or preaching) the name and lawe of the lambe, the destruction of abhomination and iudgement, and shal diminish his waters, but they shalbe weakened in the bread of affliction, and they shall rise againe in stronger force. &c.

And it foloweth moreouer. After the abhomination, then shal truth be reuealed, & the lambe shalbe known, to whom regi∣ons and countreis shal submit their necks, & all earthly men shal agree together in one, to come into one fold, and to be ruled vn∣der one discipline, and after this shalbe but a small time. &c.

And shortly after, the saide Sybilia speaking of the lat∣ter iudgement to come, declareth how all the abhominati∣ons of sinnes shall come before the lambe: and that terri∣ble fire shall fall frō heauen, which shall consume al carth∣ly things created vnto the top of heauen. &c.

And thus muche out of Sybilla, touching her prophe∣sies of Christ & Antichrist, according a•• I founde them al∣leaged of a certaine catholike Romish wryter,* 19.523 in his booke entituled Onus ecclesiae, excerped, as he sayeth, out of the li∣brary of S. George in the citie of Uenice.

Philip Melancthon in his preface vpon Bartholomaeus Georgienitz Peregrinus, wryting of the Origene and man∣ners of the Turks, alledgeth a certaine prophesy of Hike∣nus, mentioned hereafter, which foresaid that the Turkes should beare rule in Italy and in Germany. An. 1600.

Now it remaineth in conclusion of these prophesies of the Turks, something to say of the Turks owne prophe∣sies, concerning the enduring & ending of their own king∣dom, whose propheticall prognostication, being taken out of their owne language, and their own bookes, I thought here to insert, as I finde it alleaged in the booke of the for∣sayd Bartholomaeus Georgienitz, as followeth.

A Turkish prophecie in the Persian toung of the raigne and ruine of the Turkes.

PAtissahomoz ghelu, Ciaferum memleketi alur, keuzul almai alur, Kapzeiler, iedi y ladegh Gyaur keleci csikmasse, on ikiy∣ladegh onlaron beghlig eder: eusi iapar, baghi diker bahesai bagh∣lar, oglikezi olur, onichi yldensora Hristianon Keleci csichar, ol Turchi gerestine tus chure.

The Latine of the same.

* 20.1IMperator noster veniet, ethnici Principis regnum capiet, rubrū quoque pomum capiet, in suam potestatem rediget: quod si sep∣timum vsque annum Christianorum gladius non insurrexit, vsque ad duodecimum annum els dominabitur. Domos ae dificabit, vine∣as plantabit, hortos sepibus muniet, liberos procreabit, & post duodecimum annum, apparebit Christianorum gladius, qui Tur∣cam quaqua versum in fugam aget.

The same in English.

OUr Emperour shal come: he shal get the kingdome of the Gentiles prince: also he shal take the red apple and shall bring it vnder his subiection: and if the sworde of the Christians shall not rise vnto the vij. yeare, hee shall haue dominion ouer them vnto the xii. yere. He shal build hou∣ses, plant vineyardes, shal hedge about his orchards, shall procreate children: and after the xij. yeare shal appeare the sworde of the Christians, whych shall putte the Turke to flight euery where.

They whych make declaration of thys Turkishe pro∣phesie do expound this xij. yeare to signify the xij. yeare af∣ter the winning of Constantinople:* 20.2 which Constantino∣ple, they say, is ment by the redde apple: And after that xij. yeare, say they, shall rise the sworde of the Christians. &c. and this prophesie being wrytten and translated out of the Persian tounge, with this exposition vpon the same, is to be found in the boke of Bartholomeus Georgienitz. Albe∣it, concerning the exposition therof,* 20.3 it semeth not to be true which is there spoken of the xij. yeare, after the wynning of Constantinople, being nowe 100. yeares since the wyn∣ning thereof.

Wherefore it may rather seme probable that by the vij. yeare and xii. yeare of the Turkes,* 20.4 this to be the meaning, that if the vij. of the Ottaman Turks do scape the sworde of the Christians, they shall continue, builde and plant. &c. vntill the xij. Turke, which is thys Solymannus, & then after that shall rise the Christians sworde, whych shall put them to flight, and vanquish them in al quarters. And this exposition may seeme to accord with the place of Genesis,* 20.5 wherin is wrytten of Ismael, that he had xij. sonnes, & no mo: So that this Solymannus being the xij. Turke after Ottomannus, may (by the grace of Christ) be the last, whō we heard credibly to be reported at the printing heereof, to be dead. But howsoeuer this prophecy is to be takē, it ap∣peareth by their owne Oracles, that at length they shalbe ouercome by the Christians.

A Table describing the times and yeares of the Saracens, Turkes, and Tartarlans, for the better explaining of the storie aboue prefixed.

AN. 632. Began the kingdom of the Sa∣racens or Arabians, after the death of mahumet the fi••ft ringleader of y^e mischief which Savacens reigning in Babylon o∣uer Persia and Asia, continued about

* 20.6198. yeres

An 667. Ierusale was taken of the Sa∣racens. These Saracēs after they had sub∣dued Ormisda K. of Persia, set vp to them selues a new kingdom, calling their chiefe prince Calipha, which signifieth a general Lord: and vnder him Seriphes, that is, an vnder prince: And againe vnder him their Soldan: whych is a ruler or captaine vn∣der the which Soldanes, all the prouinces were deuided. And thus ruled obey y^e space abouesayd of

198. yeres

An. 703. The Egyptians being weary of their subiection vnder the Romaines, called for helpe of the Saracene Calipha: and so casting of the Romains, submitted themselues to the law of the Saraces, and had also their Calipha and theyr Babylon called Cairus, where their Calipha conti∣nued vnto Saraco or Syracinus.

* 20.7447. yeres

An. 810. Mauginetus or Muchumetus y^e chiefe Sultan of Persia, being at variance with Imbrael y^e Sultan of ••abi••on, feut for the aid of the turkes, out of S••ychia: •••• whō, when he had got the victorye against the Babilonians, the sayd Turkes shortly after, conquered the Persians, and subdued their countrey within the space of.

20••. yeres

An. 830. The Saracēs being •••• pussed •••• of Asia by the turkes, wandered aboue A∣frike, Spayne, and Italy, and were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 uers places dispersed, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉

* 20.8

An. 830. The Turke after they had ex∣pulsed the Sara••••••our of Asia, began to reigne in Asia, in Persia, & in Arabia, and there reigned without interruption, til the comming of the Tartarians, the space of

* 20.9192. yeres

An. 1009. The Turkes wanne the city of Herusalem frō the Sara••ens: which citie the Sultan of Egipt want againe 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Turkes shortly after, & possessed the same till the comming of Gotfeldus.

An. 1051. Began the first king of y^e turkes called ••aduke, to raign in Asia, and ioyned league with Calipha of Egypt, and there raigned till the conquest of Gotfridus and the Christians, the space of

46. yeres

An. 1078. Solymānus nephue to Aspasa∣lem y^e turkish king in Asia, otherwise cal∣led Turquinia, subdued Capadocia, which hath continued now since, the space of

500. yeres

An. 1099. Gotfridus Bulion duke of Lo∣tharing a christē prince, taking his voiage into Asia, with 700000. Christen soldiours first got the city of Nicea against the Sul∣tane of the Turkes: then Lycaonia, Cili∣cia, Syria, afterwarde Mesopotamia, and Comagena, then Autiochia. An. 1098. and the next yere recouered Hierusalem, being then in the hands of the Saracens, whych they a little before had wonne from the Turkes, as is aforesayde. After this Gor∣fridus succeded viij. christian kings, which kept the kingdome of Hierusalem and A∣sia, both from the Turkes and Saracens, the space of

88. yeres

An. 1100. The Georgians, which be a peo∣ple of Armenia the greatye, vāquishe•••• the Turks out of the kingdom of Persia, af•••••• they had cutte their king in pieces. wher∣by the Turks flying to Cappadoria, there remained vnder Solynian & ioyned them selues to the Solban of Egypt and waxed the strong in Asia minor, couted now Tur∣quinia.

An. 1170. When Americus the vii. king of Hierusalem after Goufridus, had ouer∣come the Calipha or Sultan of Egypt, the Sultan being ouercome, called for the help of Saracon the Sultane of Syria. Thys Saracon after he had expulsed y^e christians out of Egypt, ••••oned his power against y^e Sultane of Egypt, and vanquishing him, tooke to him selfe the kingdome of Egypt: Which kingdom he with his posteritie did holde till the comming of the Tartarians and the Mamaluches about the space of

88. yeres

An. 1187. Saladinus the nephew of Sa∣racon the Sultane of Egypt, perceauing the dissention among the Christian states of Palestina, got Antioche, where he slewe Raymundus the Prince with hys owne hands: Then got Tiberias: From thence went to Accō, where he tooke Guido king

of Hierusalem and Master of the Templa∣res, prisonners: for whose raunsome, the Turke had Ascalon yelded vp to him of the Christians. That done, he subdued Hieru∣salem. whych had bene in the handes of the Christians before, the space of.

An. 1189. Friderike Emp. Philip French king, Rich, king of Englande made their viage into Asia, where Friderike washing in a riuer at Lilicia, died. In this voiage at the siege of Accon, Saladinus wanne the fielde of our men, of whome 2000. were slaine in the chase. Accon at length was got of the Christians. King Richarde got Cy∣prus. The two kings tell at strife. Phillip retired home without any good doing, king Richarde laide siege to Hierusalem, but in vaine, and so returning homewarde, was taken neare to Uienna in Austria, after hee had taken truce before wyth the Soldane, vppon such condition as pleased hym. And thys good speede had the Popes, sending out against the Turkes.

An. 1215. There was an other Councell holden at Rome by pope Innocēt 3. where was enacted a newe article of our faith for transubstantiation of bread and wine, to be turned into the body and bloud of our saui∣our. In this Councell also great excitation was made by the Pope, & great preparati∣on was through al Christendom, to set for∣ward for recouery of the holy lād. A migh∣ty army was collected of Dukes, Lordes, knights, bishops & Prelates, that if Gods blessing had gone wyth them, they myght haue gone throughout all Asia and India.

* 20.10

Anno 1219. The Christians after 18. mo∣nethes siege, gotte a certaine towne in E∣gypte, called Damiata or Elipolis, wyth much a do, but not much to y^e purpose. For afterward as the christian army of y^e popes sending, went aboute to besiege the Citie Cairus or Babylon, the Sultane throughe his subtile traine so intrapped and inclosed them wythin the daunger of Nylus, that they were constrained to render agayne the Citie Damiata, with their prysonners, and all the furniture thereof as they found it, into the Souldanes hande, and glad so wyth their liues to passe forwarde to Ty∣rus, An. 1221.

In the meane time the Egyptian Turke caused the Citie of Hierusalem to be rased, that it should serue to no vse to the Christi∣ans. What great thing els was done in that viage, it doth not greatly appere in stories. All be it Fridericus the 2. Emperour was not vnfrutefully there occupied, and muche more myght haue done, had it not bene for the violence and persecution of the Bishop of Rome against him: whereby he was en∣forced to take truce wyth the Sultan for 10. yeres, and so returned. After which things done, not many yeares after, at lengthe the last citie of all belonging to the Christians, which was Ptolomais or A••••••s, was al∣so taken from them by the Sultane, so that now the christians had not one foote left in all Asia.

* 20.11

An. 1203. Thus the Christians being dri∣uen out of Asia by the Sultans & Turkes, yet the sayd Turkes and Sultanes did not long enioy their victorie: For estsoones the Lord stirred vp against them the Tartari∣ans, who breaking into Asia by the portes of Caspius subdued diuers partes of Asia, namely, about Comana, Colchis, Iberia, Albania. &c. These Tartarians as they had got many captiues in their warres: so for gaine vsed to shippe them ouer customably to Alexandria in Egypt to be solde: whych seruantes and captiues Melechsala the great Sultane was gladde to buy, to serue him in his warres. Which captiues & ser∣uaunts after they had continued a certaine space in Egypte, and through their valiant seruice grew in fauour and estimation with the sayd Melechsala, and began more to in∣crease in number and strength: at lengthe they slue him, and tooke to themselues the name and kingdome of the Sultane. And thus ceased the stocke of Saracon & Sala∣dinus afore mentioned, which continued in Egypt, about the space as is sayd of

* 20.12100 yeres

An. 1240. After the death of Melechsala, the army of these foresaide rascals and cap∣tiues, set vp to themselues a king of theyr owne cōpany, whome they called Turque∣menius. Who to fill vp the nomber of theyr company that it should not diminish, deui∣sed this order, to get or to buy christē mens children, taken yong frō their parents, and y^e mothers lap: whom they vsed so to bryng vp to make them to denye Christ, and to be circumcised, and instructed in Mahumetes law, & afterward to be trained in the feates of warre, and these were called Malalu∣chi. Among whome this was their order, that none might be aduaunced to be king, but out of their own number, or els chosen by them: neither that any shoulde be made knights or horsemen, but only the children of christians which should deny Christ be∣fore, called Mamaluchi. Also it was among them prouided, that to thys dignity neither Saracens nor Iewes, should be admitted. Item, that the succession therof shoulde not descend to the children and offpring of these Mamaluchi. Also, that the succession of the crowne should not descend to the childrē of the foresayd Sultanes, but shoulde goe by voyce and election. The Tartarians wyth Turquemenius their king, aboute thys time obtained Turquia, that is, Asia mi∣nor, from the Turkes, and wythin 2. yeres after, preuailing againste the Turkes, ex∣pelled them from theyr, kingdome, and so continued these Mamaluchi reigning ouer Egypt, & a great part of Asia, till the time of Tomumbeius theyr last Kyng, whych was destroyed and hanged at the gates of Memphis, by Zelymus the Turke, father to this Solymannus, as in hys historye is declared, Those Mamaluchi con∣tinued the space of

* 20.13

An. 1245. These Tartarians rāging tho∣rough the countreis of the Georgians, and all Armenia, came as far as Iconiū, which was then the imperiall city of the Turkes.

An. 1289. The Soldane of Egypt & Ba∣bilon got from the christiās Tripolis, Ty∣rus, Sydon, and Gerithus in Syria.

An. 1291. Lastly, Ptolo••••ais, which also is called Akers, was surprised by y^e sayd Sol∣dan, rased and cast downe to the ground, & all the Christians therein (whych were not many left) were slaine. And this was the last citye which the Christians had in Asia. So that nowe the Christians haue not one foot (as is sayd before) left in al Asia. Thus the Egyptian Soldanes, and the Tartari∣ans reigned and ranged ouer the most part of Asia aboue the Turkes, till the raigne of Ottomannus the great Turke, aboute the space of

80 yeres

¶ And thus haue ye the whole discourse of the Turkish story, with theyr names, countryes, townes, dominions al¦so with theyr times, continuance, interruptions and alte∣rations, in order described and in yeares distincted: which otherwise in most authors and writers be so confused, that it is heard to know distinctly, what difference is betwene the Saracens, Turkes, Tartarians, y^e Sultans or Sol∣dans, Mamuluches, or Ianizarites: What is theyr Cali∣pha,

their Seriphes, their Sultan, or Bassa, in what times they began, and how long, and in what order of yeres they reigned. Al which in thys present table manifestly to thine eye may appeare.

* 20.14¶ Wherein this thou hast moreouer (gentle Reader) to cōsider, which is worthy the noting, how the B. of Rome all this season, frō the first beginning of the Turks reigne, hath not ceased from time to time continually, calling vp∣on Christen princes and subiectes, to take the crosse and to warre against the Turkes: wherupon so many great via∣ges haue bene made to the holy lande, & so many battailes sought against the Turke and Soldan for winning y^e holy crosse: and yet no luckie successe hath followed thereof he∣therto, nor euer came it prosperously forward, whatsoeuer through the exciting of that Bishop, hath beene attempted against that great enemy of the Lorde: In somuch that the Christians haue lost not onely all that they had in Asia, but also vnneth are able to defende that little they haue in Eu∣rope, against his violence. What the cause is of thys harde lucke of the Byshops doings, it is hard for man to define. Let men muse as their minde leadeth, and as the Gospell sayth, he that hath eyes to see let him see. This is certaine, that as there hath lacked no care nor diligence in the B. of Rome, to stirre men vp to that business: so on the Princes behalfe there hath lacked no courage nor strength of men, no contribution of expenses, no supportation of charges, no furniture or abilement of warre: onely the blessyng of God semeth to haue lacked. The reason and cause whereof I would were to easy to be reformed, as it may be quickly construed. For what man beholding the life of vs Christi∣ans, wil greatly maruell, why y^e Lord goeth not with our army to fight against the Turks? And if my verdit might here haue place, for me to adde my censure, there appeareth to me an other cause in this matter, yet greater then thys aforesaid: which to make plaine and cuidet in ful discourse of wordes, laisure no we doth not permit. Briefly to touch what I conceiue, my opiniō is thys: that if the sincere doc∣trine of Christen faith deliuered & left vnto vs in the word of God, had not hen so corrupted in the church of Rome, or if the B. of Rome would yet reclame his impure idolatry, and prophanations, and admit Christe the Lambe of God to stande alone, without our unpure additions, to be our onely Iustification, according to the free promise of Gods grace: I nothing doubt but the power of this faith groun∣ding onely vpon Christ the sonne of God, had both framed our liues into a better disposition: and also soone would, or yet wil bring downe the pride of that proude Dolofernes. But otherwise,* 20.15 if the Bish. of Rome will not gently geue place to the milde voyce of Gods word, I thinke not con∣trary, but he shalbe compelled at last to giue place & roume to the Turke, whether he will or not. And yet notwyth∣standing, when both the Turk & the Pope shal do against it what they can, the trueth and grace of Gods Testament shall fructify & increase, by such meanes as the Lorde shall worke, which beginneth already (praise to the Lord) to come graciously and luckely forward in most places.

¶ A Prayer against the Turkes.

* 20.16O Eternall Lorde God, father of our Lord Iesus Christ, creator and disposer of all things, iust, gracious, & wise only, in the name and reuerence of thy sonne Iesus, wee prostrate our selues, desiring thine omnipotent maiestie, to looke downe vppon these afflicted times of thy poore creatures and seruaunts: reliue thy Church, increase our faith, and confound our enemies: and as thou hast geuen thine onely begotten sonne vnto vs, promising with hym life to all that shall beleeue vpon his name: so encline the obedience of our faith to thy promises in him, that our hearts may be farre of from all other sinnefull additions and prophane inuentions, which are be∣sides him, and not in him, grounded vpon thy will and promise. And graunt (we beseeche thee) to thy Church, more and more to see how terrible a thing it is, to set vp any other meanes or helpe of saluation, but onely in him, whome thou only hast sent and sealed. Re∣forme thy Church with perfecte doctrine and faithfull teachers, that we seeing our owne weakenesse, may put off our selues, and put on him without whom we can do nothing.* 20.17 So shall we stand strong, when nothing standeth in vs, but thy sonne alone, in whome thou art onely pleased. Renew in this thy Church againe, the decaied faith of thy sonne Iesus, which may plentifully bring foorth in vs, not leaues onely, but frutes of Christian life: And forgeue our wretched Idolatry and blinde phantasies past, wherwith we haue prouoked manifold waies thy deserued indignation against vs: For our hearts haue bene full of Idoles, our temples full of Images, our wayes full of hypocrisie: thy Sacraments prophaned, and thy religion turned to superstition, because the lanterne of thy worde went not before vs, therfore we haue stumbled. Miserably we haue walked hetherto, like sonnes not of Sara, but of Agar, and therefore these Turkish A∣garens haue risen vp against vs. Many hard and straight wayes we haue passed, but the wayes of the Lorde we haue not founde. Much cost we haue bestowed on bread that swageth no hunger,* 20.18 but that bread which onely feedeth and commeth freely, we haue not tasted. We haue sailed farre and nere in barkes of our owne building, but haue not kept within the Arke onely of thy promise, and therefore these floudes haue taken vs. We haue prayed much, but not in thine appoynted temple, and therefore haue not bene heard. Wee haue plowed and tilled, but without thy haiffer, and therfore this vntidie ground of ours, bringeth foorth so many weedes We do fish apace and that all night, but because we fish not on the right side of the boate, in our fishing we catche neuer a sinne. Our buildings be full of good intentions & great devotiōs, but because the groud worke is not surely laid vpō the rocke of thy promise, the East winde riseth and shaketh them all to shiuers. We walke and haue walked long after the precepts and doctrines of men, hauing a shew of wisedome, but not as holding the heade, where lieth all our strength, and therefore these Philistian Turkes haue hetherto so preuailed against vs. Briefly, all the partes and bones of the body be shaken out of place, Wherefore we beseeche thee (O Lorde) put to thy holy hand, and set them in the right ioynt againe. And finally, reduce this same thy mysticall body againe, to his perfect and naturall head, whych is thine onely sonne Iesus Christ, and none other. For him onely hast thou annoynted and appoynted. Neither is there any other head, that can minister strength and nutriment to this body, but he alone: for asmuch as all other heades be sinnefull, and are not able to stande in thy sight, but make thys body rather worse then better. Onely this thy welbeloued and perfecte sonne is he, in whome onely dwelleth all our strength and fulnesse: him onely we confesse and knowledge. For whome, and with whome, wee beseeche thee (O Lorde God of hostes) graunt to thy Church strength and victory against the malicious fury of these Turkes, Saraeens, Tartarians, againste Gog and Magog, and all the malignaunt rabble of Antichrist, enemies to thy sonne Iesus our Lord and Sauior. Preuent their deuises, ouerthrow their power, and dissolue their kingdome, that the kingdome of thy sonne so long oppressed, may recouer and flourish ouer all: and that they which wretchedly be fallen from thee, may happely be reduced againe into the folde of thy saluation, throughe Iesus Christe our only mediatour and most mercifull aduocate. Amen.

* 20.19IN this long digression; wherin sufficiently hath bene de∣scribed the grieuous and tedious persecution of the Sa∣racens, & Turkes against the Christians, thou hast to vn∣derstand (good reader) and beholde the image of a terrible Antichrist euidently appearing both by his own doings, & also by the scriptures, prophecied & declared to vs before. Now in comparing the Turke with the pope, if a questi∣on be asked whether of them is the truer or greater Anti∣christ, it were easy to see and iudge,* 20.20 that the Turke is the more open and manifest enemye agaynst Christe and hys Church. But if it be asked, whether of them two hath bene the more bloudy and pernitious aduersary to Christe and his members: or whether of them hath consumed and spilt more Christian bloud, he with sword, or this with fire and sword together, neither is it a light matter to discerne, nei∣ther is it my part here to discusse, which do onely write the history, and the Actes of them both, wherfore after the sto∣ry of the Turkes thus finished, nowe to teenter agayne there, whereas we left, in describing the domesticall trou∣bles and persecutions here at home vnder the Byshop of Rome:* 20.21 after the burning of Babram in Northfolke a∣boue declared, pag 737. I signified also of an other certaine aged man mētioned in an old written Chronicle borowed of one in y^t tower, instituted Polychron. (although I finde not his name in the saide Chronicle expressed) which suffe∣red the paines of burning in Smithfield, about the same time which was the yere of our Lord. 1500. Ex Polycron.

This aged father, I suppose, be hee of whome I finde mention made in certaine olde papers and recordes of W. Larye Citizen (all be it the day of the moneth doth a little differ) wherin is thus testified, that on the 20. day of Iuly. An. 100. vpon the day of S. Margaret, there was an olde man burned in smithfield for an hereticke, & the same per∣son vpon the 10. day before he was burned, wold haue sto∣len out of the Lolardes tower, and so falling out of the to∣wer did fowly hurt him selfe: wherupon he was caried in a car•• to his death, as he went to his burning.

In the foresaid papers of auncient recorde, is further∣more declared, how in the yere aboue prefixed, which was An. 1499. In the time of one Perseuell, many were taken

for heretickes in Kent,* 20.22 and at Paules crosse they bare fag∣gottes and were abiured, and shortly after the same yeare, there went 13. lolardes afore the procession in Paules, and there were of them 8. weemen and a yong lad, and the lads mother was one of the 8. and all the 13. bare faggottes on their neckes afore the procession.

William Tilsworth Martyr.

FOr somuch as the world is come now to such a morosi∣ty and peuish insensibilitie in these contentious and ca∣nilling daies of ours, that nothyng can be so circumspectly wrytten and storyed, but shall lie in daunger of one Syco∣phant or an other, whyche neuer will credite there, where they lift not to like: neither will they euer lyke that, which seemeth preiudiciall to their faction, or not to serue the hu∣mor wherewith their phantasies bee infected: therefore to stop the mouthes of such carping cauillers with as muche possibilitie as I may, be it knowne to al and singular such persons,* 20.23 who by euidence of truth and witnes wil be satis∣fied, that in the towne of Amerisham, be yet aliue both men and women, which can and do beare witnes of this that I shal declare. Also there is of the sayd company, one named William Page, an aged father and yet aliue, witnes to the same. Also an other named Agnes Wetherley widdowe, being about the age of an hundreth yeares, yet lyuing and witnes heereof: That in the dayes of king Henry 7. Anno 1506. in the dioces of Lyncolne in Bukingham shire (Wil∣liam Lylsworth was burned in Amersham, in a close cal∣led Standley about 60. yeares agoe. At which time one Ioane Clearke, being a marryed woman, whych was the onely daughter of the sayde W. Tylseworth and a faythfull woman,* 20.24 was compelled with her owne handes to set fyre to her deare father: and at the same time her husbād Iohn Clearke did penaunce at her fathers burning, and bare a fagot, as did also.

• ...Robert Bartlet.
• ...Richard Barlet.
• ...Iohn Barllet.
• Thomas Harding, and his wife.
• ...Henry Harding.
• ...Richard Harding.
• ...Robert Ha••ding.
• Iohn Milsent and hys wi••e.
• ...William Whyte.
• Iohn Mumbe and hys wife.
• ...Richard Bennet.
• ...Rog Bennet. Iohn Fip.
• ...William Grinder.
• ...Thomas Homes.
• ...Yomaud Dorman.
• ...William Scriuener.
• ...Ihon Scriuener.
• ...Thomas Chase.
• ...Iohn Cracher.

* 20.25Al these bare fagots, and afterward were compelled to weare certaine badges, & went abroad to certaine townes to doe penaunce, as to Buckingham, Aylesbury, and other townes mo: And also diuers of these men were afterward burned in the cheeke, as William Page, which at this pre∣sent

[illustration]

* 20.26The burning of Thomas Barnard, and Iames Mordon.

is aliue, and likewise did beare a fagot with the afore∣said. Furthermore the foresaid Agnes wetherley testifie••h that at the burning of thys William Lylfworth, were lx. and aboue that were put to beare fagots for their penance, of whom diuers were enioyned to beare and weare fagots at Lyncolne, the space of 7. yeres, some at one time, some at another. &c. In which nūber was also one Robert Bart∣let a riche man, who for his profession sake was put out of his ferme and goods, and was condemned to be kept in the monastery of Ashryge, where he ware on his right sleeue a square peece of cloth, the space of 7. yeres together.

It foloweth moreouer in y^t testimonie of the forenamed, that about the same time of the burning of William Lils∣worth (as the Amersham men do say) or the next day after,* 20.27 as recordeth the foresayd Agnes) was one father Roberts burned at Buckingham. He was a miller, and dwelled at Missenden: and at hys burning were there aboue 20. per∣sons that were compelled to beare fagots, and to do suche penaunce as the wicked Pharises did compell them. After that by the space of 2. or 3. yeeres, was burned at Amershā, Thomas Barnard a husbandman, and Iames Mordon a labourer, they two were burned both at one fire, and there was William Litlepage (who is yet aliue) compelled to be burned in the right cheeke,* 20.28 and father Rogers, and father Reuer alias Reiue, whych after was burned. Thys Father Rogers was in the byshops prisone 14. weekes together, night and day, where he was so cruelly handled with cold, hunger, and yrones, that after his comming out of the said pryson, he was so lame in his backe that he could neuer go vpright as long as hee liued,* 20.29 as can testifie diuers honest men that be now liuing. Also there was 30. mo burned in the right cheke, and bare fagottes the same time. The cause was that they would talke against superstition and idola∣try, and were desirous to hear & read the holy Scriptures. The maner of their burning in the cheeke was this: theyr neckes were tied fast to a poaste or stay, wyth towels, and theyr handes holden that they might not stirre, and so the iron being hotte, was put to their cheekes, and thus bare they the prints and marks of the Lord Iesus about them.

The cruell handling of Thomas Chase of Amersham, wickedly strangled and martyred in the bishops prison at Wooburne, vnder W. Smith Bishop of Lincolne.

AMong these aforesayd,* 20.30 which were so cruelly persecu∣ted for the Gospell and worde of Christe, one Thomas Chase of Amersham, was one of them that was thus cru∣elly handled, which Thomas Chase by the report of suche as did knowe him, was a man of a godly, sober and honest behauior (whose vertuous doings doe yet remaine in me∣morie) and could not abide Idolatrie and superstition, but many times woulde speake against it: Wherefore the vn∣godly and wicked did the more hate & despise him,* 20.31 and toke hym, and brought him before the blinde Byshop, beyng at that time at Wooburne, in the Countie of Buckingham, and as it is wrytten. Act. 12. that wicked Herode dyd vexe certaine of the congregation, and killed Iames the brother of Iohn with the sword, and because he saw that it pleased y^e Iewes. &c. he proceded farther, and had thys same Tho∣mas Chase before him, asking him many questions tou∣ching the Romish religion, to many tauntes, checkes, and rebukes, but what answere this godly man Thom. Chase made them, it is vnknowen. Howbeit it is to be supposed, that hys aunswere was most zealous and godly in profes∣sing Christes true religion and Gospel,* 20.32 and to the extirpa∣tion of idolatry and superstition and hypocrisie, for that the sayde Thomas Chase was commaunded to be put in the bishops prison called litleease, in the bishops house at woo burne, which prison had not bene ministred vnto him, had not his answeres bene sound and vpright. There Thomas Chase lay bound most painfully with chaines, gyues, ma∣nicles and yrons oft times fore pined with hunger, where the Bishopes almes was daily brought vnto hym by hys chapleines:* 20.33 Whych almes was nothing els put checkes, tauntes, rebukes and threatninges, floutinges, and moc∣kings. Al which cruelty the godly Martyr tooke most qui∣etly & paciently,* 20.34 remembering and hauing respect to Chri∣stes promises. Math. 5. Blessed are they which suffer perse∣cution for righteousnesse sake: for theirs is the kingdome of heauen, and as foloweth: Blessed are yee 〈◊〉〈◊〉 re∣uile you and persecure you, &c. when the Bishop wyth his bonde of shauelings, perceiued that by their daily practises of crueltie they coulde not preuaile against him, but rather y^t he was the more feruent & earnest in professing Christes true Religion: and that he did tolerate and beare most pa∣ciētly at their wickednes and truelty ministred vnto hym:

they imagined how and which way they might put hym to death, least there should be a tumulte or an vprose amōg the people. And as Richard Hun shortly after was han∣ged or strangled in Lolardes tower, about the yeare of our Lord 1514. euen so these bloudsuppers most cruelly strang∣led and prest to death this said Thomas Chase in prison,* 20.35 which most hartely called vpon God to receiue his spirit: as witnesseth a certaine woman, that kept him in prison.

After that these stinging vipers being of the wicked broode of Antichrist, had thus most cruelly and impiouslye murthered this faithfull Christian, they were at their wits ende, and could not tell what shift to make, to cloke theyr shamefull murther withall, at last to blinde the ignoraunt sely people, these bloudy butchers most slaunderously cau∣sed by their ministers to be bruted abroade, that the fore∣said Thomas Chase had hanged himselfe in prison:* 20.36 which was a most shamefull and abhominable lit, for the prison was such, that a man coulde not stand vpright, nor lye at ease but stooping, as they do report that did knowe it. And besides that, this man had so many manacles & yrons vp∣on him, that he could not wel moue neither hand nor foote, as the women did declare that sawe him dead, in so much that they cōfessed that his bloudbolke was broken by rea∣son they had so vily beaten him and brused him: And yet these holy catholikes had not made an end of their wicked acte in this both killing and slandering of this godly mar∣tyr, but to put out the remembrance of him, they caused him to be buried in the wood called Norlandwood, in the hie way betwixt Wooburne and little Marlow, to the en∣tent he should not be takē vp againe to be seene: And thus commonly are innocent men layd vp by these clerkly cler∣gye men.* 20.37 But he that is effectually true of himselfe, hath promised at one time or at another, to cleare his true ser∣uauntes, not with lyes and fables, but by his owne true word. No secret faith he, is so close, but once shall be ope∣ned, neither is any thing so hid, that shall not at the last be knowne clearely. Such a sweete Lord is God alwaies to those that are his true seruants. Blessed be his holy name therefore, for euer and euer, Amen.

Thomas Harding being one of this company, thus molested and troubled as is aforesaide, in the towne of A∣mersham, for the truth of the Gospell, after hys abiuration and penaunce done, was againe sought for, and brought to the fire, in the dayes of King Henry viu. and vnder D. Langlond then Bishop of Lincolne, succeeding after Car∣dinall wolfey. Of whose death and martirdome, we shall likewise record (Christ willing and graunting) in order when we shall come to the time and yeare of this suffering.

* 20.38After the martirdome of these two, I read also of one Thomas Norice, who likewise for the same cause, that is, for the profession of Christes Gospell, was condemned by the Bishop and burnt at Norwich, the last day of March, an. 1507.

* 20.39In the next yeare folowing, which was an. 1508. In the consistory of London, was connected Elizabeth Samp∣son, of the parish of Aldermanberic vpon certain Articles, and specially for speaking against pilgrimage & adoration of Images, as y^t Image of our Lady at Wisdome, at Sta∣nings, at Crome, at Walsingham, and the Image of saint Sauiour, of Barmondsey, and against the Sacrament of the aultar, and for that she had spoken these or like words: that our Lady of wisdon was but a burnt arse esie, and a burnt arse stocke, and if she might haue holpen men & wo∣men which go to her on pilgrimage, she woulde not haue suffred her taile to haue bene burnt: and what should folke worship our Lady of wisdome, or our Lady of Crome, for the one is but a burnt arse stocke, and the other is but a puppit: and better it were for the people to geue theyr almes at home to poore people, then to go on pilgrimage. Also that she called the Image of Saint Sauiour, Sun Sauiour with kit lips, and that she said she could make as good bread as that which the priest occupied, and that it was not the body of Christ, but bread, for that Christ could not be both in heauen and earth at one time. For these and certaine other articles, she was compelled to abiure, be∣fore Maister William Horsey, Chancellour the day and yeare aboue written. Ex Regist. Lond.

¶ Laurence Ghest.

* 20.40LAmentable it is to remember, & a thing almost infinite to comprehend the names, times, and persons of al thē which haue bene slaine by the rigour of the Popes Clear∣gie, for the true mainteining of Christes cause and of hys Sacraments. Whose memory being registred in the booke of life, albeit it neede not the cōmemoration of our stories, yet for the more confirmation of the Church, I thought it not unprofitable, the suffering and Martyrdome of them to be notified, which innocently haue geuen their bloud to be shed in Christes quarell.

In the Cathalogue of whom next in order cōmeth the memoriall of Laurence Ghest, who was burned in Salis∣bury for matter of the Sacrament, in the dayes of K. Den¦ry the 7. he was of a comely & tall personage, & otherwise (as appeareth) not vnfronded, for the which the Byshop & the close were the more lothe to burne him:* 20.41 but kept him in prison the space of ij. yeares. This Laurence had a wife and vij. children. Wherfore they thinkyng to expugne and perswade his mynde by y^e stirring his fatherly affectiō to∣ward his childrē, when the time came which they appoin∣ted for his burning,* 20.42 as he was at y^e stake, they brought be∣fore him his wife and his foresayd vij. children. At the sight wherof, although nature is cōmonly wont to worke in o∣ther, yet in him religiō ouercōming nature, made his con∣stancie to remaine vnmoueable: in such forte as when his wife began to exhort & desire him to fauour himselfe, he a∣gayn desired her to be cōtēt, & not to be a block to his way, for he was in a good course, runnyng toward the marke of his saluatiō:* 20.43 & so fire beyng put to him, he finished his life, renouncing not onely wife & children, but also him selfe to follow Christ. As he was in burning, one of the Byshops men threw a firebrand at his face: Whereat the brother of Laurence standing by, ranne at him with his dagger, and would haue slayne him, had he not bene otherwise stayd.

Testified & witnessed by the credible report of one Wil∣liā Russell an aged mā dwelling of late in Colmanstreet,* 20.44 who was there present the same tyme at the burnyng of Laurence, & was also himselfe burned in the cheke, & one of the persecuted flocke in those dayes, whose daughter is yet liuing: The same is confirmed also with the testimony of one Richard Web seruaunt sometyme to M. Latymer, who soiournyng in the house of the sayd William Russell, heard him many tymes declare the same.

¶ A faythfull woman burned.

BUt amongest all the examples of them,* 20.45 wherof so many haue suffered from tyme to tyme for Christ & his truth, I can not tell if euer were any Martyrdome more notable & admirable, wherein the playne demonstration of Gods mighty power and iudgement hath at any time bene more euident agaynst the persecutours of his flocke, then at the burnyng of a certaine godly woman, put to death in Che∣pingsadbery, about the same tyme, vnder the raigne of K. Henry the seuenth.

The cōstācie of which blessed womā, as it is glorious for all true godly Christians to behold: so agayne the exā∣ple of the Byshops Chaūcellour, which cruelly cōdemned the innocent, may offer a terrible spectable to the eyes of all Papisticall persecutours to consider, and to take example: which the liuing God graunt they may. Amen. The name of the Towne where she was martyred, was as is sayd, Chepyngsadbery. The name of the woman is not as yet come to my knowledge. The name of the Chauncellour, who condēned her,* 20.46 was called D. Whittington. The time of her burnying was in the raigne & tyme of K. Henry 7. orderly therfore in this place & time to be inserted. Where∣in is to be noted moreouer the oportunitie of this present history brought to my hands, & that in such cōuenient sea∣son, as I was drawyng toward the ende of the foresayd kynges raigne: so that it may appeare to them, which be∣hold the oportunitie of things, not to be without Gods ho¦ly wil & prouidence, that this foresayd example should not lye hid & vnremembred, but should come to light & know∣ledge, and that in such order of placing, according as the due course of our story hetherto kept, requireth.

After this godly woman and manly Martyr of Christ was condemned by the wretched Chaūcellour aboue na∣med D. Whittington, for the faithfull profession of y^• truth, which the Papistes then called heresie, and the tyme now come whē she should be brought to the place and paynes of her martyrdome,* 20.47 a great concourse of all the multitude both in the towne and countrey about (as the maner is in such tymes) was gathered to behold her end. Among whō was also the foresayd Doct. Whittington the Chauncel∣lour, there present to see the execution done. Thus this faythfull woman, and true seruaunt of God cōstantly per∣sisting in the testimony of the truth, committing her cause to the Lord, gaue ouer her life to y^e fire, refusing no paynes nor tormentes to keepe her conscience cleare & vnreproue∣able in the day of the Lord. The sacrifice beyng ended, the people began to returne homeward, commyng from the burning of this blessed Martyr. It happened in the meane tyme that as the Catholicke executioners were busie in

slaieng this sely lambe at the townes side, a certayne But∣cher within the towne was as busie in slaieng of a Bull, which Bull he had fast bounde in ropes, ready to knocke him on the head.* 20.48 But the butcher (belike not so skilfull in his arte of killing beastes, as the Papistes be in murthe∣ring Christians) as he was lifting his axe to strike the Bull, failed in hys stroke, and smit a little too low, or else how he smit, I knowe not. This was certayne, that the Bull although somewhat greued at the stroke, but yet not strooken downe, put his strength to the ropes, and brake lose from the butcher into the streete, the very same tyme as the people were comming in great prease from the bur∣ning. Who seeing the Bull comming towardes them, and supposing him to be wilde (as was no other lyke) gaue way for the beast, euery man shifting for himselfe, as well as he might. Thus the people geuing backe, and making a lane for the Bull, he passed through the throng of them, touching neither man nor childe,* 20.49 till he came where as the Chauncelour was. Against whome the Bull, as pricked with a sodeine vehemēcie, ranne full but with his hornes, and taking him vpon the paunch, gored him through and through, and so killed him immediately, carieng his guts, and trailing them with his hornes all the streete ouer,* 20.50 to the great admiration and wonder of all them that sawe it.

Although the carnall sence of man be blinde in conside∣ring the workes of the Lorde, imputing many tymes to blinde chaunce the thyngs which properly pertayne to Gods only praise and prouidence: yet in this so straunge and so euident example, what man can be so dull or igno∣rant, which seeth not heerein a plaine miracle of Gods mighty power and iudgement both in the punishing of this wretched Chauncelour, and also in admonishing all other like persecutours, by his example, to feare the Lord, and to abstaine from the like crueltie▪

* 20.51Now for the credite of this story, least I be sayde vpon mine owne head to commit to story, things rashly which I can not iustifie, therefore to stop such cauelling mouths, I will discharge my selfe with authority I trust sufficient: that is, with the witnesse of him which both was a Papist, and also present the same time at the burning of the wo∣man, whose name was Rowland Webbe: which Row∣land dwelling then in Chippingsadbery, had a sonne na∣med Richard Webbe, seruant sometime to Maister Laty∣mer, who also enduring with him in time of his trouble sixe yeares together, was himselfe emprisoned and perse∣cuted for the same cause. Vnto the which Richard Webbe being now aged, then yong, the foresaid Rowland his fa∣ther, to the entent to exhort him from this sect of heresie (as he then called it) recited to him many times the burning of this woman, and withall added the story of the Bull a∣foresayd, which he himselfe did see & testifie. This Richard Webbe is yet liuing, a witnes of his owne fathers wordes and testimonie, which I trust may satisfie all indifferent Readers, except onely such as thinke no truth to be belee∣ued, but that only which is in their Portues.

¶ Verses touching the same. Tho. Hatcherus.

MIra legis, quicun{que} legis, portenta nefandi Exitus, vt poenas addita poena luat. Vera legis, Domini cuicun{que} potentia nota est, Vt delinquentes ira seuera premat. Saepè fit vt fusus cumuletur sanguine sanguis, Saepè fit vt poenis obruatira nouis. Omnia sunt Domini dextrae subiecta potenti, Qui ciet arbitrio bruta, homines{que} suo. Carnificis taurus luctando corniger ictus Euitans, sracto fune repent{que} fugit. Fortè viam quâ turba frequens confluxerat antè, Faeminea vt cernat membra perire rogo, Taurus ijt, fertur quâ confertissima turba, Laesus at ex tanta solus & vnus erat: Solus & vnus erat, rapidos qui misit in ignes, Et miserè paruum sparsit ouile Dei. Et quasi consultò ferretur; praeterit omnes, Cornibus hunc tollit, proterit hunc pedibus, Ille iacet, madido foedatur sanguine corpus, Eruta per{que} vias viscera sparsa iacent. Quis non à Domino, nutu qui temperat orbem, Cogitet haec fieri? non repetendo tremat? Vitio terribiles comitatur iusta procellas, Sera licet, certis passibus illa venit.

And thus much concerning the state of the Churche. Wherein is to be vnderstand, what stormes and persecuti∣ons haue bene raised vp in all quarters against the flocke and congregation of Christ, not only by the Turkes, but also at home within our selues, by the Byshop of Rome, and his retinue. Where also is to be noted in the daies and reigne of this king Henry the vij. how mightely the wor∣king of Gods Gospell hath multiplied and increased, and what great numbers of men and women haue suffered for the same, with vs in England, as by these stories a∣bone past, may be apparent.

Now these things declared,* 20.52 which to the Church mat∣ters be apperteining, cōsequently it remaineth something to entreate of the state likewise of the cōmon wealth, which commonly doth follow the state of the Church. Where the Church is quietly and moderately gouerned, and the flock of Christ defended by godly Princes in peace & safety, frō deuouring and violence of bloudy wolues: the successe of ciuile estate, for the most part, there doth florishe, and the Princes long cōtinue through Gods preseruation, in pro∣sperous rest & trāquillitie. Contrariwise where the church of Christ either through the negligence of Princes, or tho∣rough their setting on, the poore members of Christ be persecuted and deuoured: shortly after ensueth some iust recompence of the Lord vpon those Princes, that eyther their liues do not long continue, or else they finde not that quiet in the common wealth,* 20.53 which they looke for. Ex∣amples heereof, as in all other ages be aboundant, so in this present time be not lacking, whether we consider the state and condition of other countreys farre off, or else of our owne countrey neare at home.

And heere not to wander in our story, farther then to Fraunce onely, let vs a little behold the example of Kyng Charles the viij. who liuing in this Kings time, died also not long before him. This Charles is commended of Phi∣lippus Cominaeus, to be a moderate, valiant, and victorious Prince, adorned with many speciall vertues to a Prince apperteining. And yet the same king, because he was flack and remisse in defence of Christes Church, neither did vse his authority, nor tooke his occasion offered to him of God, to amend and refourme the state of the Bishop and Clear∣gy of Rome when he might, he was therefore himselfe pu∣nished and cut off of the Lord, as by his story ensuing may right well appeare. For so it is of him recorded, that being maruelously excited and prouoked, of his owne minde (cō∣trary to the counsaile of most of his Nobles) he tooke hys viage into Italy, neither being furnished with money, nor the season of the yeare being cōuenient therunto. And that this may appeare the better to proceede of y^e Lords doing, to the entent he woulde haue the Church and Cleargy of Rome reformed by the Princes sword,* 20.54 which so vexed all Christendome at that time, we shall heare what is testified in the Commentaries of the foresaid Philip. Cominaeus Lib. 3. De bello Neapolit. writing in this wise.

There was (saith he) in the City of Florence the same time a Dominicke Frier,* 20.55 Dominicke Frier, named Hieronimus Sauonarola (of whom mē∣tion was made before, pag. 731.) a man of a right godly and ap∣prooued life: who in the said City of Florence preached and pro∣phecied long before, that the French King should come with an army into Italy, being stirred vp of God to suppresse the tiraunts of Italy, and none should withstand him. He should also come to the Citie of Pisae, and the state of Florence should be altered: all which hapned true. He affirmed moreouer to be signified to him of the Lord, that the Ecclesiasticall state of the Churche must bee redressed Per vim a••morum••••. by the sword, or force of armes. Many things also he prophesied of the Venetians, & of the French King, saieng that the King with some danger & difficultie, should passe that iourney, yet notwithstanding shoulde ouercome it and escape, albeit his strength were neuer so slender: for God woulde safely conduct him in that iourney, and safely bring him home a∣gaine. But because he had not done his office,* 20.56 in amending the state of the Churche, and in defending his people from iniurie, and from deuouring, therefore it shoulde come to passe (said hee) and that shortly, that some incommoditie or detriment shoulde happen to the King: or if hee shoulde escape that danger of hys sicknesse, and recouer health, then if he did resist the cruelty of the wicked, and procure the safety of the poore and miserable, God would shew merc•• ••nto him, &c.

And this the saide Hierony∣mus declared before to Cominaeus one of the Kings coun∣saylours, whych was the writer of the story, and required him to signifie the same vnto the King, which so did, and he moreouer himselfe comming to the presence of the king, declared no lesse.

All which things, as he had foretold, came directly to ef∣fect. For the King being but easely accompanied wyth a small power, entred into Italy, where first he came to A∣s••a, then to Gemia•• and to Pisae, from thence proceeded to Florence, which also he obteined, displacing there Petrus Medices the Duke, who had vsed great tyrannie vpon the

subiects.* 20.57 From thence he remoued toward Rome, where a great part of the Citie wall at the comming of the french King, fell downe.

Afterward when the King was entred into the Citie, and the Pope (who then tooke part with Alphonsus King of Neaples against the French King) had immured him∣selfe within the mount of Adrian, the wall of the Castell fell downe of it selfe: whereby, when the King was both occasioned, and exhorted also by his Captaines to inuade y^e Pope, and to depose him, & to reforme y^e Church of Rome, (which he might then easely haue done, as it had pleased him) yet all these occasions offered so opportunely of God, moued not y^e king to do his duty, & to help the poore church of Christ: wherefore shortly after, returning home into France from Neapolis, either y^e same yeare or y^e next yeare folowing he was strooken with a sodeine sicknes at Am∣boise, as he was looking on thē that played at tennes, and that in the stinkingest place in all the Castle, where he fell downe & died within twelue houres, according to y^e fore∣warning of Hieronimus, who wrote vnto him a little be∣fore, both of his sonnes death and of his owne, which was about the yeare of our Lord 1498.* 20.58 Ex Philip. Cominaeo. Lib. 5.

Like examples we haue many heere also in this our realme of England. So long as king Iohn kept out of the realme, the Popes authority and power, he continued safe and quiet with his nobles: but so soone as he brought the realme vnder tribute and subiectiō to that foreine Bishop, God stirred vp his Nobles against him, whereby he had much disquiet and trouble and soone thereupon decayed.

Of all the Kings of England, from William Conque∣rour, to this king Henry vij. were none which either lon∣ger continued,* 20.59 or more prosperously flourished, then King Henry the second, King Henry the third, King Edward the first, King Edward the third, of whome the first, how stout he was in withstāding Tho. Becket and Pope Alex∣ander the iij. is sufficiently before comprehended, pag. 206.

The second, which was sonne of King Iohn, albeit through the wretchednes of that time his power was not sufficient to repulse the Popes usurped iurisdiction out of the Realme: yet his will was good: at least he so defended & prouided for his subiects, that they tooke no great wrong at the Popes handes: who reigned one yeare longer then Augustus Caesar, which hath not commonly bene seene in a∣ny Prince.

The third, which was King Edward the first, so vigi∣lantly behaued himselfe for the publique cōmoditie & safe∣tie of his people, that he defended thē frō all foraine power and hostilitie both of the Scottes (then our enemies, now our frendes) and also from the Bishop of Rome, takyng part with them against vs, as may appeare aboue, page 340.* 20.60 Furthermore of the same King, and of his woorthy Nobles and house of Parliament, how valiantly they stoode in deniall of the Popes subsidies, and also how the sayd King secluded out of his protection the Bishops, and especially the Archbishop Peecham for standing wyth the Pope,* 20.61 reade pag. 352.

Now as touching King Edward the third, how little he regarded, how princely he with his Nobles likewise resisted the Popes reseruations and prouisions, how hee brideled the Archbishop Iohn S••ratford,* 20.62 and reiected the ••a••••e authority of the Bishop of Rome, both in ••efe••ise of his subiects, and also in defence of claiming his right title in the Realme of France, reade pag. 383.

Not that I do heere affirme or define, as in a generall rule, that worldly successe and prosperitie of life alwayes followeth the godly, which we see rather to be geuen more often to the wicked sort: but speaking of the duty of Prin∣ces, I note and obserue by examples of histories,* 20.63 that such Princes as haue most defended the Church of Christ com∣mitted to their gouernance, from iniurie and violence of the Bishop of Rome, haue not lacked at Gods hand great blessing and felicitie: whereas contrarywise, they whiche either themselues haue bene persecutours of Christes mē∣bers, or haue not shielded thē by their protection from fo∣reine tiranny and iniuries, haue lacked at Gods hand that protection, which the other had, as may appeare by King Edward the second, Richard the third, King Henry the fourth, King Henry the v. king Henry the vj. &c. who be∣cause either negligētly they haue suffered, or cruelly caused such persecuting lawes to be made, & so much Christē blood iniuriously to be deuoured: therefore haue they bene y^e lesse prospered of the Lord, so that either they were deposed, or if they florished for a while, yet they did not long continue, almost not halfe the time of the other kings before named.

And therefore, as the state of the common wealth doth commonly folow the state of y^e Church, as ye hard before: so it had bene to be wished, that this King Henry the vij. beyng otherwise a prudent & temperaunt Prince, had not permitted the vntemperaūt rage of the Popes Clergy so much to haue their willes ouer the poore flocke of Christ, as then they had: accordyng as by these persecutiōs aboue mētioned may appeare. The which king Henry vij. albeit he had a sufficiēt continuaunce, who had now raigned 24. yeares, yet notwithstāding here commeth the same thyng to be noted, wherof I speake before: that whē the Church of Christ begynneth to be iniuried with violēce, & to go to wracke through misorder & negligēce, the state of the com∣mon wealth can not there long endure without some alte∣ration, & stroke of Gods correction. But howsoeuer this marke is to be takē, thus lyeth the story: that after the bur∣nyng & vexyng of these poore seruauntes of Christ aboue recited,* 20.64 when the persecution begā now in the Church to be hoate, God called away the kyng, the same yeare aboue mentioned, which was. 1509. after he had raigned y^e terme of yeares. 24. Who if he had adioyned a litle more pitifull respect, in protectyng Christes poore mēbers, from the fire of the Popes tyrāny, to his other great vertues of singu∣lar wisedome, excellent tēperaunce, & moderate frugalitic: somuch had he bene cōparable with the best of those Prin∣ces aboue comprehended, as hee had bene interiour but to a few: but this defect which lacked in him, was supplyed most luckely (blessed be y^e Lord) by his posteritie succeding after him.* 20.65 Of whom in the next volume folowing (Christ thereunto assisting vs) we haue to specifie more at large.

Among many other thynges incident in the raigne of this kyng Henry vij. I haue ouerpassed the history of cer∣taine godly persons persecuted in the Diocesse of Couen∣try and Lichfield, as we finde them in the Registers of the Diocesse recorded, here folowyng.

The yeare of our Lord. 1485. March 9. amongest di∣uers and sundry other good men in Couētry, these ix. here vnder named were examined before Iohn Bishop of Co∣uentry and Lichfield, in S. Michaels Church, vpon these Articles, folowyng in order.

FIrst,* 20.66 Iohn Blomston was openly and publikely, infa∣med, accused reported & appeached that he was a very hereticke, because he had preached, taught, holden & affir∣med, that the power attributed to S. Peter in the Church of God,* 20.67 by our Sauiour Iesus Christ: immediatly did not flit, or passe frō him, to remaine with his successours.

Item, that there was as much vertue in an herbe as in the Image of the Uirgine Mary.

Item;* 20.68 that prayer and almes auayle not the dead, for incontinent after death, he goeth either to heauen 〈◊〉〈◊〉 held, whereupon he concludeth there is no Purgatory.

Item, that it was foolishnesse to go on Pilgrimage to the Image of our Lady of Dancaster, Walsingham or of the Tower of the Citie of Couentry: for a man might as well worship the blessed Uirgin by the fire 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the ••it∣chin, as in the foresayd places,* 20.69 and as well might a man worship the blessed Uirgin, when he seeth his mother or sister, as in visityng the Images, because they be no more but dead stockes and stones.

Item, that he sayd in English with a frowning coun∣tenaunce, as it appeared: a vengeaūce on all such horson Priestes, for they haue great enuy that a poore man should get his liuyng among them.

RIchard Hegham of the same Citie was accused. &c. to be a very hereticke,* 20.70 because he did hold that a Christen man beyng at the point of death, should 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all his owne workes good and ••••l, and submitte him to the mercy of God.* 20.71

Item, that it was fondnesse to worship the Images of our Lady of Tower in the foresayd Citie, or of other Saintes,* 20.72 for they are but stockes and stones.

Item, that if the Image of our Lady of Tower were put into the fire it would make a good fire.

Item, that it were better to deale money vnto poore folkes then to offer to the Images of Christ and other Saintes, which are but dead stockes and stones.

RObert Crowther of the same Citie was accused,* 20.73 that he was an hereticke, because he did hold, that who so receiueth the Sacramēt of the altar in deadly sinne, or out of charitie, receiueth nothyng but bread and wine.

Item, that neither Byshop, nor Priestes or Curates of Churches, haue power in the market of penaunce to bynde and loose.

Item,* 20.74 that Pilgrimage to the Image of our Lady of Tower is foolishnesse, for it is but a stocke or a stone.

IOhn Smith was accused to be a very hereticke,* 20.75 because he did hold that euery man is bonnde to know y^e Lordes

Prayer,* 20.76 and the Creede in English, if he might for these false Priestes.

Item, that who so beleeued as the Church then did be∣leeue, beleeued ill: and that a man had neede to frequent the schooles a good while, ece that he can attaine to the knowledge of the true and right faith.

Item, that no Priest hath power to assoile a man in the market of penance, from his sinnes.

* 20.77ROger Browne of the same Citie, was also accused to be an hereticke, bicause he did hold that no man ought to worship the Image of our Lady of Walsingham,* 20.78 nor the bloud of Christ at Hailes, but rather God almighty, who would geue him whatsoeuer he would aske.

Item, that he held not vp his hands, nor looked vp, at the eleuation of the Eucharist.

Item, that he promised one to shew him certaine bookes of heresie, if he woulde sweare that he woulde not vtter them, and if he would credite them.

* 20.79Item, that he did eate flesh in Lent, and was taken with the maner.

Item, if any man were not shriuen his whole life long, and in the point of death would be confessed, and could not, if he had no more but cōtrition only, he should passe to ioy without Purgatory:* 20.80 And if he were confessed of any sinne, & were enioined only to say for penance one Pater noster, if he thought he should haue any punishmēt in Purgatory for that sinne, he would neuer be confessed for any sinne.

* 20.81Item, because he said all is lost that is geuen to Priests.

Item, that there was no Purgatory, that God woulde pardon all sinnes without confession and satisfaction.

* 20.82THomas Butler of y^e same Citie, was likewise opēly ac∣cused to be a very hereticke, because he did hold y^t there were but two wayes, that is to say, to heauen, and to hell.

* 20.83Item, that no faithfull man should abide any paine af∣ter the death of Christ, for any sinne, because Christ died for our sinnes.

Item, that there was no Purgatory, for euery man im∣mediatly after death passeth either to heauen, or hell.

* 20.84Item, that whosoeuer departeth in the faith of Christ and the Church, howsoeuer he hath liued, shall be saued.

Item, that praiers & pilgrimages are nothing worth, and aua•••••• not to pur¦chase heauen.

* 20.85IOhn Falkes was accused to be a very hereticke, because he did 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that it was a foolish thing to offer to the I∣mage of our Lady;* 20.86 sayeng, her dead shall be hoare or I of∣fer to her, what is it but a blocke? If it could speake to me, I would noue it an halsepeny worth of ale.

Item, that when the Priest carieth to the sicke the body of Christ, who carieth he not also the bloud of Christ?

Item, that he did eate cowe milke vpon the first Son∣day of Lent.

Item, that as concerning the Sacrament of penaunce & absolution, no Priest hath power to assoile any man frō his sinnes,* 20.87 whē as he can not make one heare of his head.

Item, that the Image of our Lady was but a stone or a blocke.

* 20.88RIchard Hilmin was accused that he was a very here∣ticke, because he did say and mainteine that it was bet∣ter to depart with money to the poore, then to giue tithes to Priests, or to offer to the Images of our Lady, and that it were better to offer to Images made by God, then to the Images of God painted.

Item, that he had the Lords Prayer and the Saluta∣tion of the Angell and the Creede in English,* 20.89 and another booke did he see and had, which conteined the Epistles and Gospels in English, and according to them woulde hee liue, and thereby beleeued to be saued.

Item, that no Priest speaketh better in the Pulpit then that booke.

Item, that the Sacrament of the aultare is but bread, and that the Priests make it to blinde the people.

Item, that a Priest whiles he is at Masse, is a Priest, and after one Masse done, till the beginning of another Masse, he is no more then a lay man, and hath no more po∣wer then a meere lay man.

¶After they were enforced to recant, they were assoy∣led and put to penaunce.

IN the yeare of our Lord 1488.* 20.90 the iij. of Aprill, Marge∣ry Goyt, wife of Iames Goyt of Asburne, was brought before the foresayde Iohn Bishop of Couentry and Lich∣field, who was there accused that she said, that that which y^e Priests lift ouer their heads at Masse, was not the true and very body of Christ:* 20.91 For if it were so, the Priestes could not breake it so lightly into four parts, and swalow it as they do: for the Lordes body hath flesh and bones, so hath not that which the Priests receiue.

Item, that Priests buieng xl. cakes for a halfepeny, and shewing them to the people and saieng, that of euery of them they make the body of Christ, do nothing but deceiue the people and enrich themselues.

Item, seeing God in the beginning did create and make man, how can it be that man should be able to make God?

¶This woman also, was constreined to recant, and so was she assoyled and did penance.

Thus much I thought heere good to inserte, touchyng these foresaid men of Couentry, especially for this purpose, because our cauilling aduersaries be wont to obiect a∣gainst vs the newnes of Christes old and auntient Reli∣gion. To the intent therefore they may see this doctrine not to be so new as they report, I wish they woulde con∣sider both the time and Articles heere obiected agaynste these foresayd persons, as is aboue premised.

I should also in the same reigne of King Hēry vij. haue induced that history of Ioannes Picus Earle of Miran∣dula,* 20.92 the mention of whose naine partly is touched before, page. 704. This Picus Earle of Mirandula being but a yong man, was so excellently witted, & so singularly lear∣ned in all sciences, and in all toungs, both Latine, Greeke, Hebrew, Chaldey, and Araby, that cōming to Rome boo∣ted and spurred, he set vp 90. conclusions, to dispute in the same with any in al Christēdome, whosoeuer would come against him. Of which conclusions diuers were touching the matter of y^e Sacramēt, &c. And when none was found in all Rome, nor in Europe, that openly would dispute w^t him, priuely and in corners certaine of the Popes Clergy, Prelates, Lawyers, & Friers, by the Pope appointed, cō∣sulted together to inquire vpon his cōclusions, wherupon they did articulate against him for suspicion of heresie. And thus the vnlearned Clergy of Rome priuely circumuēted and intangled this learned Earle in their snares of heresy, against whome they neuer durst openly dispute. He dyed being of the age of 32. of such witte and towardnes, as is hard to say whether euer Italy bredde vp a better. In his sickenes Charles viij. the French King, moued with the fame of his learning, came to visite him. The furniture of his bookes cost him 7000. florens. A little before his death his mind was to giue all away, and to take a coule, to go about & preach, but the Lord would not permit him. His story requireth a long tractatiō, which if place do serue, we will not peraduēture forget. With ij. Popes, that is, with Pope Innocent, & Alexander vj. he had much vexation.

¶ The names of the Archbyshops of Canter∣bury in this sixt booke conteyned.

62	Iohn Stratford.	viij.
63	Iohn Kempe.	iij.
64	Thomas Burchier.	xxxiij.
65	Iohn Morton.	xiiij.
66	Thomas Langhton.* 20.93
67	Henry Dene.	ij.
	Guliel. Warham.	xxviij.

¶ Heere endeth the sixt Booke, and the first Tome.

Notes

• * 1.1

  King Henry 6.
• * 1.2

  Anno. 1422.
• * 1.3

  Ex Scala mun∣di.
• * 1.4

  Ex Regist. Cant.
• * 1.5

  William Tay∣lour the first tyme apprehen∣ded. W. Taylour a∣gaine appeareth before the Archbishop.
• * 1.6

  Three articles first obiected to W. Taylour.
• * 1.7

  The forme of canonical absolution in the church vsed against th•• that were excommu∣nicate.
• * 1.8

  The opini∣on of Wil. Taylour cō∣cerning wor∣shipping of Saintes.
• * 1.9

  Cultus la∣triae, that is, worship which is onely due to God.
• * 1.10

  Ang. super. Psal. 21.
• * 1.11

  4. articles by the 4. or∣ders of Fri∣ers laid a¦gainst W. Taylour.
• * 1.12

  W. Taylour dis∣graded. W. Taylour Martir, burned in Smithfield.
• * 1.13

  The popes ma∣ner of degrada∣tion.
• * 1.14

  Iohn Florence•• a Turner.
• * 1.15

  He meanet••∣they should claime such ••••∣thes by any ex∣action.
• * 1.16

  Anno. 1424.
• * 1.17

  The maner of this displing was withawhite rodde, thrise laid vpon the head of the peni¦tenciary.
• * 1.18

  He meaneth the wicked by∣shops of that time, whose cur¦ses God did blesse.

  This proueth Sir I. Oldecastle to be no traytour.
• * 1.19

  The wordes of ha Register.
• * 1.20

  Iohn Goddesell of Dichingham.
• * 1.21

  Sir Hugh Pye Priest.
• * 1.22

  Image of the crosse not to be worshipped
• * 2.1

  A letter of the king.
• * 2.2

  William Bishop of Norwich, William Bernhā hys Chaūcelor.
• * 2.3

  A cataloge of good mé and women troubled for suspition of heresie.
• * 2.4

  Bonermight see the church here in this age, more then xl. yeres be∣fore he was borne.
• * 2.5

  These men are falsely slaunde∣red about Bap∣tisme.
• * 2.6

  The papistes are but quarel pic∣kers.
• * 2.7

  Articles.
• * 2.8

  In case of ne∣cessitie, vrgent they meane.
• * 2.9

  The death of Thomas Becket.
• * 2.10

  In this article is ment that the wicked be in the church but not of the Church.
• * 2.11

  W. White, Mar∣tyre. Anno. 1428. •••• Waldeno.
• * 2.12

  Eccle. 50. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 2.13

  The Romi•••• church ap•••• resembled to the cu••∣sed fig••uce.
• * 2.14

  The bishops man smit••th him on the mouth, ex∣horting the people.
• * 2.15

  Father A∣braham, Iohn Wad∣don priest, martyrs and burned.
• * 3.1

  A letter of the bishop of Norwich.
• * 3.2

  The maner at the popes penaunce.
• * 3.3

  Iohn Beuerley.
• * 3.4

  alias sustiga∣ted.
• * 3.5

  Iohn Skilley. The penance of Iohn Skilley.
• * 3.6

  Margery Back∣ster.
• * 3.7

  A woman brought in for witnes in the popes court. The Bee will stinge.
• * 3.8

  Against Images
• * 3.9

  The sacrament is not God.
• * 3.10

  Tho. Becket a traytour.
• * 3.11

  Thomas Becket slain, not before the aulter, but in his flying.
• * 3.12

  Father Abra∣ham, W. White, I. Wadden.
• * 3.13

  Against the popes fa∣sting dayes.
• * 3.14

  W. Whyte willing to speake at the stake, was stroken on the mouth.
• * 3.15

  Agaynst au∣ricular con∣fession.
• * 3.16

  Against I∣mage wor∣ship.
• * 3.17

  Iohn Piry. Iohn Būgay Iohn Vsher.
• * 3.18

  William Euerden.
• * 3.19

  W. Tailour of Ludney.
• * 3.20

  The wife & daughter of Tho. Moone
• * 3.21

  Rich. Flet∣cher.
• * 3.22

  Nicho. Bel∣ware.
• * 3.23

  A new testa¦ment then cost 4. markes and •••• pence Tho. Grem ••••r.
• * 3.24

  I. Clarke.
• * 3.25

  W. Bate.
• * 3.26

  W. Skiruing
• * 3.27

  W Osberne Iohn Rene. Bawdwin Cooper. Iohn Pert.
• * 3.28

  Sir Hugh Pie Priest.
• * 3.29

  I. Perker.
• * 3.30

  A prophesi.
• * 3.31

  Ex Regist. Norw
• * 3.32

  Iohn Burrell.
• * 3.33

  Lent fast, fishe dayes.
• * 3.34

  Pilgrimage to the poore.
• * 3.35

  Masses for the dead vnprofita∣ble.
• * 3.36

  Tho. Moone of Ludney.
• * 3.37

  William White. Hugh Pye. Thomas Pert. W. Callis, priests persecuted.
• * 3.38

  Robert Grigges of Martham.
• * 3.39

  Articles.
• * 3.40

  Iohn Finch of Colchester.
• * 3.41

  Popishe penāce.
• * 3.42

  Anno. 1430. Rich Houeden. Martin.
• * 3.43

  Nicholas Canō of Eye. Anno. 1431.
• * 3.44

  Depositions.
• * 3.45

  If the Sacramēt be very fleshe, then the priests eat fleshe on Friday.
• * 3.46

  Nicholas Canon tur∣ned his backe to the sacra∣ment.
• * 3.47

  An other ex¦amination of Nicholas Canon.
• * 3.48

  Articles ob∣iected.
• * 3.49

  The iudge∣ment of the Prior and doctors vp∣on his ar∣ticles.
• * 3.50

  An heresie to doubt whether the sacra∣ment be the perfect body of Christ or no. Nicholas Canon de∣clared an hereticke.
• * 3.51

  Penance en∣ioyned to Nicholas Canon.
• * 3.52

  Tho. Bage∣ley priest, Martir.
• * 3.53

  Paule Craw mar∣ti••. Ex Hector. Boer••o.
• * 3.54

  Tho. Rhe∣donensis, Martir. Ex Antonin. 3. parte host. fol. 165.
• * 3.55

  Tho. Rhe∣doneasis cō∣meth into Italy.
• * 3.56

  The golden citie of Rome.
• * 3.57

  All thinges corrupt at Rome.
• * 3.58

  The wicked¦nes & pride that raign∣eth at Rome
• * 3.59

  The corrup∣tiō of Rome will admitte no reforma∣tion.
• * 3.60

  Pictie rewarded with persecutiō.
• * 3.61

  Heresie made, where none ••s.
• * 3.62

  Popery armed with policie and def••nded with tirannie.
• * 3.63

  His articles.
• * 3.64

  Ex Antonin. 3. part. hist fol 165 W. Cardinalis Rhotomagensis. his pe••••ecat••ur. Tho. Rhe••onen¦sis brought be∣fore Pope Eu∣genius.
• * 3.65

  Thomas degra∣ded.
• * 3.66

  Tho. Rhedonē∣sis a French man burned at Rome.
• * 3.67

  Henry Grunfel∣der priest, Henry Radtgeber priest, Ioh. Dra∣endorfe priest, Pet. Thoraw, Mat. Hager, Martyrs.
• * 3.68

  Pope Eugeni∣us. 4.
• * 3.69

  The Coun∣cell of Basil.
• * 3.70

  Ex Aenea Syluio. Ex Cocleo in Hist. Husut Et ex para∣lipom. Abbat. Vr∣sperg.
• * 3.71

  The death of P. Martin
• * 3.72

  Pope Euge∣nius. 4.
• * 3.73

  Pope Euge∣nius, seeketh to dissolue the councell of Basill.
• * 3.74

  Dissention betweene the councell of Basill, and Pope Eugenius.
• * 3.75

  The prelats of the coun∣cell refused the Popes request.
• * 3.76

  The princes assembled at Mentz, to make vnitie betweene the councell & the pope.
• * 3.77

  Three opi∣nion. tou∣ching the Pope.
• * 3.78

  The Am∣bassadours returne frō Mentz.
• * 3.79

  The Popes heresie dis∣cussed.
• * 3.80

  The bishop of Millaine taketh Eu∣genius part for feare of a schisme.
• * 3.81

  Conclusions of the disputation.
• * 3.82

  Panormitane speaketh againe for the Pope.
• * 3.83

  Articles of faith deuided into 3. sortes.
• * 3.84

  Panormitane preferreth the iudgement of the Cardinals of Rome, before all the world.
• * 3.85

  The pope pre∣tendeth the vni∣ting of the Greekes, when he meaneth an other thing.
• * 3.86

  The pope no re∣laps, but pro∣laps.
• * 3.87

  Iohn Segouius answereth to Panormitane.
• * 3.88

  The pope neg∣lecting to doe good, is a mem∣ber, not of christ, but of the deuil.
• * 3.89

  Councels boūd to no positiue lawe.
• * 3.90

  Panormita•• appointeth the Pope Lord of the Church.
• * 3.91

  The Pope & the clergy desire domi∣nion contra∣ry to the scriptures.
• * 3.92

  The French kinges Am∣bassadour.
• * 3.93

  The Byshop of Burgen.
• * 3.94

  The councel aboue the Pope.
• * 3.95

  The force of truth which appeared al∣so in Eneas himselfe the writer hereof, al∣though af∣terwarde when he was pope, he denied the same. Note what it is, a man to labour a∣gainst hys knowledge.
• * 3.96

  The conclu∣sions of the disputation. The first cō∣clusion.
• * 3.97

  A king is not of more authoritie then is his kingdome.
• * 3.98

  These kinde of flatterers came now in our daies.
• * 3.99

  What a king is.
• * 3.100

  The institu∣•••• of kings.
• * 3.101

  The pope ought to be subiect vnto the councell
• * 3.102

  This place Tu es Petrus &c. expounded.
• * 3.103

  Sinnes are the gates of hell.
• * 3.104

  Against the pa∣pittes opinion that the pope can not erre.
• * 3.105

  The interpreta∣tiō of this place, Oraui pro te Petre. is ment of the Church.
• * 3.106

  Bishops of Rome are here∣tiques.
• * 3.107

  He meaneth Sil¦uester the secōd.
• * 3.108

  The church is without sinne & the pope is a sinner.
• * 3.109

  The church one flesh with christ
• * 3.110

  The Church is without spot or sinne, is to be vnderstand not by nature, but onely by impu∣tation.
• * 3.111

  The church with out sinne how to be vnder¦stand.
• * 3.112

  The errour of those which say that onely the virgin Mary did perseuer constāt at the time of ••hristes passion.
• * 3.113

  The Church comprehendeth both the euill and good.
• * 3.114

  Math. 20.
• * 3.115

  This saying of Ecclesiastes is not translated & also serueth to other sense then is here ment.
• * 3.116

  Christ is the rocke wherupon the Church is builded.
• * 3.117

  He proueth by authori∣tie the pope to be vnder the coūcell.
• * 3.118

  If the Church be the mother, the Pope must be her sonne.
• * 3.119

  The church being the spouse, the pope cā not be the head therof, but he must also be the head of Christ, forsomuch as Christ & his spouse be both one
• * 3.120

  The exposi∣tion of this place, quodcunque ligaueris. The church may depose the pope, if he abuse the keyes.
• * 3.121

  The church and not the pope com∣pared to the Sunne.
• * 3.122

  The pope if he do not harken to the church is an Eth∣nicke and Publicane. It is to be feared least the church hath had many such Popes.
• * 3.123

  Whether the pope is to be iud∣ged by the generall councell, &c
• * 3.124

  These are the Canons and the schoole di∣uines, and begging friers.
• * 3.125

  Diuersitie of iudge∣mentes tou∣ching the B. of Rome.
• * 3.126

  How folish¦ly the church of Rome doth wrast the the scrip∣tures neg∣lecting the expositions of the fa∣thers.
• * 3.127

  Those thinges which were spo¦kē of the church serue also for the generall councell.
• * 3.128

  Peter represen∣teth the double person.
• * 3.129

  Christ nameth the Church b•••• twise in the Gospell.
• * 3.130

  What the Church is.
• * 3.131

  The interpreta∣tiō of this place, dic ecclesiae.
• * 3.132

  The church ta∣ken for the ge∣nerall councell.
• * 3.133

  The councell of Constance de∣creeth the Pope to be vnder the Councell.

  The actes of the Apostles, The cauncell of Nice.
• * 3.134

  The title of the Councels.
• * 3.135

  The constituti∣ons of the B. of Rome are not the lawes of the church.
• * 3.136

  By the church the councell is vnderstand.
• * 3.137

  Simons obedi∣ence necessary in the Byshops of Rome.
• * 3.138

  The fauourers and mainteiners of the pope goe about to main∣teine & preferre the pleasure & profit of one be∣fore a common commoditie.
• * 3.139

  The pope can a∣bide no generall Councels.
• * 3.140

  Non obstante In the Popes Bulles.
• * 3.141

  The councel to be aboue the pope.
• * 3.142

  The full iudgemét of the church is not to be found, but in the generall Councel.
• * 3.143

  No appeal•• to be made frō the coū∣cel to the P.
• * 3.144

  Acts 13.
• * 3.145

  Gal. 2.
• * 3.146

  Peter con∣strayned to obey the ge∣nerall coun∣cell.
• * 3.147

  The decree of the coun∣cel of Con∣stance.
• * 3.148

  The pope bound vn∣der the obe∣dience of the generall Councel.
• * 3.149

  Diuers pla∣ces rehear∣sed out of the Gospels and Apo∣stles, for au∣thoritie of the Church and generall councels a∣boue the Pope.
• * 3.150

  Weight is matters in∣treated but onely in ge∣nerall coun∣cels.
• * 3.151

  The Pope not suffici∣ent of him selfe to con∣nince or iudge here∣tickes.

  The pope may erre.
• * 3.152

  Whether the pope may be de∣posed by the councell or not.
• * 3.153

  The places, Tibi dabo claues reg∣ni••exlorum. Pasce oues meas, make nothing for the popes supremacye.
• * 3.154

  The Popes supremacie consuted.
• * 3.155

  Peter re∣presenteth the person of the church, and not of the Pope. The keyes geuē to the church and not to one man.
• * 3.156

  Pope Boniface erreth.
• * 3.157

  The B. of Rome vnproperly cal∣led the head of the Church.
• * 3.158

  The dote which say that the pope cannot be deposed for any other cause then for heresie.
• * 3.159

  Fruiteles braun∣ches are to be cutt of.
• * 3.160

  If the pope be vnsauery salt, he is to be cast a∣way.
• * 3.161

  A note for all naughty prelats.
• * 3.162

  The wordes of •• Peter to Cle∣ment.
• * 3.163

  The epistle of Clement to Iames doubted.
• * 3.164

  The pope may and ought to be both accused & punished for ill doing.
• * 3.165

  Whether the pope may be de∣posed by the counsell or no.
• * 3.166

  The pope is ra∣ther to be called the vicar of the Church, then of Christ.
• * 3.167

  Pope Iohn 23. deposed and yet for no heresie.
• * 3.168

  Whether coun∣cells may be cō∣gregated with∣out the authori∣ty of the Pope.
• * 3.169

  They erre that say the Pope ought onely to appoint the councells. Marke where∣fore the popes will haue no generall coūcell.
• * 3.170

  The first councell of the apostles.
• * 3.171

  The 2. coū∣cell of the Apostles.
• * 3.172

  The 3. coū∣cell of the Apostles.
• * 3.173

  The 4. coū∣cell of the Apostles.
• * 3.174

  Generall councells in tymes past cōgregated by Empe∣rours & not by popes. If the grea∣ter part of the Church do consent, a councell may be hol∣dē whether the Pope will or no.
• * 3.175

  How the Pope is a schismaticke
• * 3.176

  The Pope can not dis∣solue a ge∣nerall coun∣cell against the will of the same.
• * 3.177

  The saying of Macrobi∣us.
• * 3.178

  Whether the pope in certaine cases may dissolue the councell.
• * 3.179

  The defini∣tion of faith
• * 3.180

  The defini∣tion of the catholicke faith.
• * 3.181

  Rom. 3.
• * 3.182

  Catholicke what it is.
• * 3.183

  The councel of Cōstance Vid. supra. pag. 650.
• * 3.184

  The wordes of the coun∣cel of Chal∣cedō, where by he is de∣clared an hereticke that hol∣deth any o∣pinion con∣trary to the councell.
• * 3.185

  Panormitan is noted and veri•• well nipped by his owne sup∣position.
• * 3.186

  Tell the church that is to say, the generall coun∣cell.
• * 3.187

  The Byshop of Burgen.
• * 3.188

  Panormitanes oration.
• * 3.189

  Foure thinges to be considered in euery request.
• * 3.190

  Panormitane would haue dig¦nitie to be cōsi∣dered in coūcell & not voices.
• * 3.191

  Panormitane seemeth to de∣lay the proces a∣gainst the pope.
• * 3.192

  The 3. part of Panormitans o∣ration.
• * 3.193

  Persuations of Panormitane.
• * 3.194

  The praise of Lodouicus the prothonotarie.
• * 3.195

  Bishops one¦ly to haue determining voyce in councells.
• * 3.196

  It is no mar¦uell why he alleadged no more or better mat∣ter for of noughty Lether no man can make a good shoe. And note here how God with draweth his giftes when men dissem∣ble & cloke the truthe.
• * 3.197

  Truth see∣keth no corners.
• * 3.198

  The patiēce and answere of Arela∣tensis.
• * 3.199

  Didimus re¦prehended that which was in his owne booke founde.
• * 3.200

  He mea∣neth Panor¦mitane, and Lodouicus the Protho¦notary.
• * 3.201

  Marke, O ye Bishops, the coūcell of Basill contendeth for you and ye will not vnderstād it.
• * 3.202

  This was a •• true Car∣dinall: out of whose mouth the veritie did speake, which fea∣red not the threatnings of princes, neither sought any worldly glory or dignitie.
• * 3.203

  Marke what worldly pompe, dignitie and wealth had brought the pre¦lates to in those dayes.
• * 3.204

  Note here the great godlynes & most christian saying of this good Bishop. Truth many times dwelleth vnder the rag∣ged cloke. Steuen the first martir.
• * 3.205

  Note the fin••e∣titie ritie of this good Bishop, which stayed himselfe vpon the exam∣ples of the pri∣mitiue church, & not vpon cus∣tomes & popes.
• * 3.206

  Athanasius bee∣ing but a priest, and no Bishop, vanquished an Archb.
• * 3.207

  The name of priests or elders commō both to Bishops and priests.
• * 3.208

  Paule Bishop of Antioch.
• * 3.209

  Paule the he∣reticke with his godly eloquēce. S. Augustines minde vpon this sentence, Tibi dabo claues reg∣ni caelorum.
• * 3.210

  Byshops are of greater power then priests ra∣ther by custome, then dispensa∣tion of truth.
• * 3.211

  Byshops and priestes ought to rule the church together
• * 3.212

  Aeneas Siluius.
• * 3.213

  Note that Ab∣bots were not instituted by Christ. Italy surmoun∣teth all other nations in num∣ber of Byshops.
• * 3.214

  Note the terri∣ble persecution of those dayes and the great constancie of the godly, for the truthes sake.
• * 3.215

  O zeale of fayth, wor∣thie the crowne of: martyrdom.
• * 3.216

  Eccle. 7.
• * 3.217

  The bishops ••eare the earthly po∣wer, but not God.
• * 3.218

  The bishops of the pri∣mitiue church what they were. Poore men more meete to geue iudgement then riche, for riches, wealth, and dignitie bringeth feare: but pouertie causeth li∣bertie.
• * 3.219

  The By∣shoppes in this age of the church, what they are.
• * 3.220

  In matters of faith and religion, there ought to be no de∣layes.
• * 3.221

  The eight yeare of the councell of Basill. How sub∣telly they sought de∣layes.
• * 3.222

  The decrees of the coun∣cell of Constance.
• * 3.223

  If these thinges seeme so vntollerable what shall we say, whē as they make the Pope a God?
• * 3.224

  They which teach this doctrine, are heretickes & schismaticks but blessed are those heretickes, for theirs is the king∣dome of heauen. A christian exhortation to constancy and martir∣dome. This came so to passe 23. yeares after, when Christen∣dome lost Constanti∣nople and all the east partes vnto the Turkes.
• * 3.225

  Examples of good men dying for their coūtrey
• * 3.226

  The noble La••cedemonians.
• * 3.227

  The blessed state of the life to come.
• * 3.228

  The worthy aunswere of Theodorus Cyrenensis.
• * 3.229

  No death to be feared for christs Church.
• * 3.230

  Example of Ma∣riners & Hūters.
• * 3.231

  Example of the 11. thousand virgins.
• * 3.232

  Iewes Patri¦arke of Aquileia Duke of Decke in ••weuia.
• * 3.233

  The Earle of Diersten.
• * 3.234

  The prayse of the citizens of Basill.
• * 3.235

  Humilitie sister to nobilitie.
• * 3.236

  Amodeus Archbishop of Lions. Anno. 1438.
• * 3.237

  Bishops that he at home, haue tōgue here to speake for the Pope.
• * 3.238

  Marke how they are turned back which som∣time fauou∣red the truth & are now be∣come liers & flatterers. Constancie lacked in di∣uers of this councell.
• * 3.239

  Panormi∣tane spea∣keth like himselfe.
• * 3.240

  Nicholas Amici, a diuine of Paris.
• * 3.241

  The oration of Segouius
• * 3.242

  Ambros. ad Valentinia∣num.
• * 3.243

  How farre & wherein Bishops ought to iudge vpon Emperours.
• * 3.244

  He excu∣seth the Patriarke.
• * 3.245

  Hemeaneth Panormitan which did conclude without the exami∣nation of the 12. mē.
• * 3.246

  Paul would geue to Pe∣ter no res∣pite when he swarned awry.
• * 3.247

  Marke the great Con∣stancie and Christian zeale of this man.
• * 3.248

  An exortation to constancie.
• * 3.249

  The Bishop of Burgen seeketh concorde.
• * 3.250

  How men be readie to hea•••• newes.
• * 3.251

  Note the godly policye of the Cardinall.
• * 3.252

  The conclusion of the councell.
• * 3.253

  The holy Ghost working against the Pope.
• * 3.254

  The sorow of Panormitane for impugning the trueth.
• * 3.255

  The Bishop of Lyons & Bargé.
• * 3.256

  The iust aun∣swer of the Councell.
• * 3.257

  The aunswere of them both.
• * 3.258

  The forme of the decree is written and ap∣proued.
• * 3.259

  The policie of the Cardinall Arelatensis.
• * 3.260

  The Bishop of Tournon.
• * 3.261

  The Bishop of Cócen speaketh.
• * 3.262

  Marke what the truth must suffer. O marue∣lous des∣pight and contumely in a Bishop: for it Are∣latensis had kept whoores or concubines, he would haue pray∣sed him: but to maintaine learned mē was a great offence. The fathers of the coun∣cells slaunde tred by Pa∣normitane. 4. signes to know the good from the badde.
• * 3.263

  Looke if it benot spoké of them in the Gospel, where men∣tion is made of the beast which is fallen into the ditche.
• * 3.264

  What is it that ambiti∣on will not doe.
• * 3.265

  Abbot Vir∣giliacensis.
• * 3.266

  Lodouicus the protho∣notarie in labouring to seeme learned, for∣got to be good. The A∣postles prin¦cipally ga∣thered the Cr••de.
• * 3.267

  The oration of Cardinal Arelatensis. To the im∣periall Am∣bassadon••s.
• * 3.268

  To the Am¦bassadours of Fraunce.
• * 3.269

  To the Bi∣shop of Co••cen.
• * 3.270

  To Lodo∣uicus the prothonota∣ry.
• * 3.271

  Nicolas Pi∣cenius an Italian.
• * 3.272

  Articles of the Creede not all put in by the Apostles, but some by the coūcels. The Article of the holy Ghost put in by the councell of Lyons.
• * 3.273

  Panormitan wounded with his owne darts.
• * 3.274

  Arelatensis concluded not, but at the re∣quest of the proctours.
• * 3.275

  These 4. deputa¦tions were 4. sortes of chosen 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which did dis••••••e and de∣termine those thinges which the fathers did conclude vpon. Verely this is no Babilonical Car¦dinal, but of the immaculate spouse Iesus Christ. He speaketh to the whole coū∣cell.
• * 3.276

  Euery man may deter∣mine in mat∣ters of faith, ha∣uing the scrip∣ture on his part.
• * 3.277

  Contention in the councell a∣b••ut reading of the protes••ation.
• * 3.278

  How God wor∣keth by occasiō.
• * 3.279

  Albiganensis readeth the pro¦testation, but none could hear him.
• * 3.280

  The affaires of the councell are read.
• * 3.281

  Eneas Syluius being present collected this. Arelatensis cō∣cludeth here, as he did also be∣fore, not with∣out the consent of the deputies according to the order of the Councel.
• * 3.282

  Eneas, you dyd not so praise this councell af∣ter you were byshop your selfe.
• * 3.283

  The Byshop of Lubecke.
• * 3.284

  Conrade Wins∣perge a Baron.
• * 3.285

  Panormita•• the Achilles of the Eu∣genians, and Arelatensis the Hector of the coun∣cell.
• * 3.286

  The Papists extoll that which ma∣keth for their pur∣pose, but the contra∣ry they con∣temne, whe∣ther it be scripture or prophane.
• * 3.287

  Arelatensis answere to Panormitan This depu∣tation of faith, was that cōpany of chose mē which dyd determine matters of faith.
• * 3.288

  Saint Hie∣rome vnto Nepotianusi de vita cle∣ricals.
• * 3.289

  Marke how politickly and sincere∣ly he doth confute hys aduersaries.
• * 3.290

  No man hath here∣tofore more then Panor∣mitane pub∣lished the errours of Eugenius: whom he now so great¦ly desēdeth.
• * 3.291

  The Session proclaymed.
• * 3.292

  In all Italy there were scarsly two prelates found which sought the commoditie of the vni∣uersall church, in Spaine there was none. Prayers made with teares.
• * 3.293

  Amongest 400. doctors that were present, ther was not one yll worde.
• * 3.294

  The 33. Ses∣sion.
• * 3.295

  The Embas∣sadours con∣sent to the former Ses∣sion.
• * 3.296

  Two kindes of iniustice.
• * 3.297

  O Aeneas, you should haue v∣sed such sinceri∣tie when you were Pope. Beholde, the princes Ambas∣sadours declare Eugenius an e∣nemy vnto the truth.
• * 3.298

  Arelatensis com¦mendeth the Ambassadours.
• * 3.299

  This Councel was gathered to take away the ambition of the Bishoppes of Rome, that they shuld not think they might do all things accor∣ding to theyr own pleasure: and further so reuoke them ••••o the care of tem∣poral things vn∣to spirituall things, which now they regar¦ded not.
• * 3.300

  The councell doth deliberate vpon the popes election.
• * 3.301

  I.x. dayes must be delayd after the sea is voyde.
• * 3.302

  Note the Chri∣stian zeale of t••••fe mē, which would refuse no daunger for Gods cause.
• * 3.303

  Iohn Segouius.
• * 3.304

  Dangerous ho∣nestie preferred before secure vtilitie.
• * 3.305

  A great pesti∣lence in Basil.
• * 3.306

  Lodouicus the protho∣notary dyed of the plague
• * 3.307

  The exhor∣tation of those which dyed.
• * 3.308

  The Byshop of Cōstance dyeth.
• * 3.309

  The Abbot Dona, a true Abbot.
• * 3.310

  Eneas the author here∣of escaped death hard∣lye.
• * 3.311

  The inuin∣cible con∣stancie and fortitude of the Cardi∣nall Arela∣tensis.
• * 3.312

  The com∣mendation of Arelatē∣sis.
• * 3.313

  The councel of Marcus.
• * 3.314

  The godly ••he of A∣relatensis.
• * 3.315

  The other Electours take their othe.
• * 3.316

  A scrutinie is a priuie election by voyces. Amedeus Duke of Sauoy.
• * 3.317

  Prayer for vni∣tie and concord.
• * 3.318

  Let lying Pogi∣us be ashamed of his false in∣uectiue against Amedeus.
• * 3.319

  Commendation of Amedeus Pope elect.
• * 3.320

  To haue a wife is no let for a good man to be elected Pope.
• * 3.321

  Popes haue ben maried.
• * 3.322

  Read the 5 E∣pistle of Ignati∣us and you shal see that the A∣postles had wy∣ues, & Baptista Mantuanus ma∣keth mention how that Hila∣rius Byshop of Pictauia had a wife.
• * 3.323

  Eccle. 4.
• * 3.324

  Schisme in the Church.
• * 3.325

  Good it were that temporall dominions were deuided from the Church.
• * 3.326

  Amedeus Duke of Sa∣uoy chosen Pope.
• * 3.327

  Pope Fe∣lix. 5.
• * 3.328

  The numb•• of people a•• the coronati¦on of P. Fe∣lix. The popes two sonnes seruing at the corona∣tion. The valua∣tion of the popes crown
• * 3.329

  The Popes dinner and seruice.
• * 3.330

  Volat. lib. 3.
• * 3.331

  A note for our gentle∣mē, & lords, to learne how to hūt, and what dogges to keepe.
• * 3.332

  The death of Sigismūd the Empe∣rour. Albertus 2. Emperour. Anno 1438. The death of Alber∣tus 2.
• * 3.333

  The plague at Basill. in time of the councell.
• * 3.334

  Aeneas Sil∣uius, sick of the plague at Basil.
• * 3.335

  The cōstant zeale of A∣relatensis to the truth.
• * 3.336

  Aeneas Sil. epist. 183. The welthy prelats slide away from the councel.
• * 3.337

  Welthie prelates a∣frayde of truth. ••ide quam plebe, carere malunt. Promotions choke the clergie.
• * 3.338

  60. thousand crownes of∣fred by pope ••ugenius, for the be∣traying of Arelatensis.
• * 3.339

  Arelatensis taken and rescued. Gods defēce toward hys seruantes. Ex paraelip. Abb. Vrsper.
• * 3.340

  The story of the Bohe∣mians pro∣secut••d.
• * 3.341

  The Bohe∣mians inuited to come to the councell.
• * 3.342

  The Bohemi∣ans laboure•• to come to the Councell.
• * 3.343

  The Ambassa∣dours of the Bo∣hemians, and of the councell meete together at Egra.
• * 3.344

  The Bohemians require pledges.
• * 3.345

  Princes bound to the Bohemi∣ans.
• * 3.346

  The Bohemians require the Em∣perour to be ••••••sent at the ••••••cell.
• * 3.347

  The Bohemians send two am∣bassadours to the councel.
• * 3.348

  Good iustice vpon a slaunde∣rous rayler. The gentlenes of the Bohemi∣ans Ambassa∣dours. The Bmbassa∣dours of the Bohemians turn home.
• * 3.349

  The Bohemians 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vp to the councell other solemne Am∣bassadours.
• * 3.350

  The oration of the Car∣dinall Iuli∣an to the Bohemians. Vide supra. pag. 675. The first ar∣ticle of the Bohemians, by the first Ambass. The second article of the Bohe. by the secōd Ambass. The third article of the Bohe. by the third Am∣bassadour. The fourth article of the Bohe by the 4. Ambass. The oration of the Ab∣bot of Si∣stertia offē∣siue to the Bohemians. Iohn Ragu∣sinus reply∣eth against the first ar∣ticle.
• * 3.351

  The Bohe∣mians dis∣pleased with Ragu∣sinus.
• * 3.352

  Egidius Carlerius answereth against the second Ar∣ticle. Henr. Col∣dyron an∣swereth to the 3. article Iohn Pol∣lomarius answereth to the 4. ar∣ticle.
• * 3.353

  Certayne chosen on both sides to determine the matter.
• * 3.354

  The oration of Cardinal 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 3.355

  Nicolas the 2. propoun∣der, charged by the Car∣dinall, for the commē∣cing of Ioh. Wickliffe.
• * 3.356

  A prudent answere of the Bohe∣mians to the Cardinall Iulian.
• * 3.357

  The Ambas∣sadours of the Bohe∣mians return without a∣greement.
• * 3.358

  The cōming of the Le∣gates to Prage. Ioh. Roche∣zanus spea∣keth.
• * 3.359

  Ex Cochleo, hist. lib. 7.
• * 3.360

  Polomas answereth to the Bo∣hemians.
• * 3.361

  The Bohe∣mians reply againe to Polomar.
• * 3.362

  Polomar extol∣leth the Coun∣celles.
• * 3.363

  Generall coun∣celles may erre and haue erred.
• * 3.364

  Ex Cochleo hist. lib. 7.
• * 3.365

  The Ambassa∣dours of the councel and the Bohemians, could not agree. A declaration of 3. articles pro∣mised to the Bohemians by the Councell.
• * 3.366

  A declaration of the Councell to the Bohemi∣ans, concernyng the first 3. arti∣cles.
• * 3.367

  The 2. proposi∣tion propoun∣ded by the Bo∣hemians, with the declaration from the Coun∣cell.
• * 3.368

  Punishing of publicke offen∣ces how and by whom. Note here the popes addition.
• * 3.369

  The 3. article of the Bohemians with the decla∣ration from the councell.
• * 3.370

  Liberty of prea∣ching, how farre and to whom at extendeth.
• * 3.371

  The 4. article of the Bohemians with the decla∣ration from the Councell.
• * 3.372

  Temporal pos∣sessions in the clergie mens handes.
• * 3.373

  The papists stād hard for their temporal Lord∣ships.
• * 3.374

  The Bohemians take a delibera∣tiō of the fourth article.
• * 3.375

  A declaration of the councel tou∣ching the fourth article of the communion.
• * 3.376

  Consecrat. dist. 2 quia pissus.
• * 3.377

  This is to set vp the church a∣boue the scrip∣ture.
• * 3.378

  The holie communion requireth a∣mendment of lyfe.
• * 3.379

  Holy things nothing pro¦fit the wic∣ked.
• * 3.380

  The reuerēt receiuing of the sacra∣ments.
• * 3.381

  Receiuing vnder one kinde, for a∣uoiding two perils. Error groun¦ded vpon er∣rour.
• * 3.382

  Causes why to minister vnder one kinde.
• * 3.383

  Receiuing in both kindes per∣mitted to the Bohe∣mians.
• * 3.384

  The condi∣tion annex∣ed.
• * 3.385

  Doubtes or questions of the Bohe∣mians. Aunswere. Permission of both kindes gran∣ted to the Bohemians, not of suffe∣rance, but by full autho∣ritie.
• * 3.386

  Punishing of offences considered.
• * 3.387

  How and by whom offē∣ders ought to be puni∣shed.
• * 3.388

  To doe that God com∣maundeth is obedience, and no sin, though it be extraor∣dinary. The Israe∣lites dyd steale from the Egypti∣ans without sinne. Sampson killed him∣selfe with∣out sinne.
• * 3.389

  Of extraor∣dinary com∣maunde∣mentes, no generall lawes to be made.
• * 3.390

  Obiection. Aunswere. How the laitie hath power ouer the clergie, and wherin. The Pope wil be iud∣ged by his own law. Obiection.
• * 3.391

  Aunswere.
• * 3.392

  Obiection.
• * 3.393

  Aunswere. Abuse of prelates in inhibiting true prea∣chers. Remedie of appeale.
• * 3.394

  Obiection.
• * 3.395

  Aunswere.
• * 3.396

  Actes of secular dominion to be exercised of the clergie, after a double respecte, ••el per se, ••el per alium.
• * 3.397

  Obiection.
• * 3.398

  Aunswere.
• * 3.399

  Coactiue pow∣er whether in belongeth to the clergie, and how.
• * 3.400

  The goods of the church in whose possessi∣on they be pro∣perly. 12. q. 1 cap. ex∣pedit.
• * 3.401

  The clergie be administratours, not Lordes of the temporal∣ties of the Church.
• * 3.402

  The agree∣ment betweene the Bohemians and the Coun∣cell. Anno. 1438.
• * 4.1

  Certaine petiti∣ons of the Bo∣hemians put vp to the Coūcell. Anno. 1438.
• * 4.2

  The communiō in both kindes to be generally graunted.
• * 4.3

  To haue a good and lawfull pa∣stor, and Bishop,
• * 4.4

  Free communiō vnder both kindes to be per∣mitted to all princes.
• * 4.5

  The Gospells & Epistles to be read in the vul∣gare tongue. The scriptures read in the Sla∣uons tongue of olde time.
• * 4.6

  Incorpora∣tions to be graunted to vniuersities, an vnlaw∣full request.
• * 4.7

  A request for necessary reformation & disci∣pline.
• * 4.8

  The cōcep∣tion of our Lady brought in∣to the Church. The visitati∣on of our Lady brought in.
• * 4.9

  Vowsons & giftes of be∣nefices be¦fore they were voide, debarred by the coūcell: which vow¦sons here ar called ex∣pectatiue graces. Incōueniē∣ces that rise by vowsons of benefices.
• * 4.10

  No contro∣uersies to be brought to Rome be∣yond 4. daies iour∣ney from thence. No f••••uo∣lous ap∣peales to be made to the Pope. Against the superfluous number of errours. Against the popes first fruites.
• * 4.11

  Pragma∣tica Sancti∣•• per Caro∣lum. 7.
• * 4.12

  An Acte made for the conuer∣sion of the Iewes.
• * 4.13

  An Acte for studying the Hebrue, Latine, and Chaldey.
• * 4.14

  Against priestes that kept Con∣cubines.
• * 4.15

  An Epistle of Martin Meyr to Aeneas Siluius, translated into En∣glishe the ••atine wher of inextant in the for∣mer edition of this booke. Ex Orth. Grat.
• * 5.1

  The corruption of the Church of Rome detec∣ted.
• * 5.2

  The authoritie of the councell of Basill expen∣ded.
• * 5.3

  The epistle of the Cardinall Iulian to the Pope, in the commendation of the councell of Basill.
• * 6.1

  Thambassadors of the Councell are returned from Egra.
• * 6.2

  What the church is.
• * 6.3

  Eugenius pro∣uoketh the Church.
• * 6.4

  A strong argument against Eugenius.
• * 6.5

  The cause of the long delay of the Prelates.
• * 6.6

  The councel of Sene.
• * 7.1

  An epistle of E∣neas Siluius in defence of the councell of Basill.
• * 7.2

  The t••••••∣nal seate standeth not in one Bi∣shop.
• * 7.3

  The autho∣ritie of the Councell of Basill maintained by the Em∣perour and the French king so long as they liued The practise of Pope Eu¦genius, to vndoe the Councell of Basill.
• * 7.4

  The Pope stirreth vp warre.
• * 7.5

  The Dol∣phin driue•• away by a few Ger∣maines.
• * 7.6

  The disso∣lution of tho Councell of Basill.
• * 7.7

  Fredericke of Austrich crowned Emperour, great grand father to this Ferdi∣nando.
• * 7.8

  The Lega•• of the Greekes cō∣descend first to the popes law.
• * 7.9

  The Greeke Churches refuse the Popes doc∣trine.
• * 7.10

  The incon∣uenience of discorde.
• * 7.11

  Ex Cochleo. lib. 8. hist. Hussit.
• * 7.12

  Ex Antonin 3. part. tit.
• * 7.13

  Ex hist. Cas pari Peucer lib. 5.
• * 7.14

  Maruelous feare fallen vpon the popes army.
• * 7.15

  Gods holy angels pitch their tentes about them which feare him. Psal.
• * 7.16

  The cruell deceite and wicked facte of Mainar∣dus against the souldi¦ours of Boheme. Certaine thousandes of the Bo∣hemiā soul∣diors brent.
• * 7.17

  Ex Aenea Silu. lib. de hist. Boem. cap. 51.
• * 7.18

  England nō¦ted of cru∣eltie.
• * 7.19

  Burning & slaying in England.
• * 7.20

  Anno 1439.
• * 7.21

  R. Wiche Priest, Mar¦tir. Ex Fabian part. 7. Ex antiquo alio Chronico.
• * 7.22

  Rich. Wiche af∣ter his death taken for a saint.
• * 7.23

  Ex Regist. Hen. Chicheslei.
• * 7.24

  The bishops cō∣sult to abolish the lawe of Premuniri fa∣cias.
• * 7.25

  The king aun∣swere to the bill of the Clergy touching the law of Premu∣niri.
• * 7.26

  A briefe aun∣swere to Cope, concerning La∣dy Eleanor Cob¦ham.
• * 7.27

  To the third obiection.
• * 7.28

  Vid. Centu. 8. Ral. ca. 4.
• * 7.29

  To the 4. obiection.
• * 7.30

  M. Coperay leth with∣out a cause.
• * 7.31

  See the for∣mer edition, pag. 371.
• * 7.32

  The 5. ob∣iection.
• * 7.33

  The story of the Ladie Eleanor and Rog. Onley here preter∣mitted.
• * 7.34

  A question whether E∣leanor the Duches was culpable in treason a∣gaynst the king.
• * 7.35

  Certaine coniectures of the crime not to bee true. 1. Coniec∣ture.
• * 7.36

  2 Coniec∣ture.
• * 7.37

  3 Coniec∣ture.
• * 7.38

  4 Coniec∣ture.
• * 7.39

  5. Coniec∣ture.
• * 7.40

  6. Coniec∣ture.
• * 7.41

  7 Coniec∣ture.
• * 7.42

  8. Coniecture.
• * 7.43

  9. Coniecture.
• * 7.44

  10. Coniecture.
• * 7.45

  A briefe aun∣swer to Maister Copes cauilla∣tions, concerning Duke Hum∣freyes wyfe.
• * 7.46

  The contention betwene the Cardinall of Wint. & Duke Humfrey, Lorde protectour.
• * 7.47

  Anno. 1440.
• * 7.48

  E•• Polyc••ra.
• * 8.1

  Wint. presumeth to be Cardinall against the minde of his king.
• * 8.2

  Wint. incurreth the law of pre∣muni••i.
• * 8.3

  Wint. intrudeth himselfe to be the kings go∣uernour.
• * 8.4

  The Cardinall defraudeth the king of his iewels.
• * 8.5

  The Cardinall deliuereth the K. of Scottes. vpon his owne authoritie.
• * 8.6

  The Cardinall playeth the marchant.
• * 8.7

  The Cardinall a defrauder of the king.
• * 8.8

  The Cardinall taketh vpon him like a king.
• * 8.9

  The Cardinall traytour to the crowne.
• * 8.10

  The Card. a purchaser of of the king•• landes.
• * 8.11

  Peruerse counsa••le of the Cardi∣nall.
• * 8.12

  The Card. a deceauer of the king & a briber.
• * 8.13

  The Card. purchaseth a pardon a∣gainst his premuniri.
• * 8.14

  Prelates holde one with an o∣ther.
• * 8.15

  Malice burst out.
• * 8.16

  Paules stee∣pleset on fire by light¦ning
• * 8.17

  Anno. 1445
• * 8.18

  The death of Henry Chichesley Archb. of Cant. The buil∣••ing of Al∣solne Col∣ledge and Barnard Colledge in Oxforde.
• * 8.19

  Anno. 1447
• * 8.20

  The storie & death of Humfrey, Duke of Gloucester.
• * 8.21

  Duke Hum¦frey cōm••n∣ded for his learning.
• * 8.22

  Petrus de Monte. De Virtutum et Vitrorum differentia, ad D. Hum∣fredum.
• * 8.23

  Lapiscastel∣lius De com∣patatione Audiorum etrei mili∣tarus ad D. D. Humfre∣dum.
• * 8.24

  A false mi∣racle espied.
• * 8.25

  Dissimula∣t••on wel pu∣nished.
• * 8.26

  Commen-dation of Duke Hum-frey.
• * 8.27

  The good Duke of Glocester.
• * 8.28

  Polyd. Hist lib. 23 Hal•• in 25. H••n. 6.
• * 8.29

  The enemies to the Duke of Glocester.
• * 8.30

  The malicious working of the cardinall against the Duke of Glocester.
• * 8.31

  W. De la Pole Duke of Suf∣folke, the cause of the Duke of Glocesters death.
• * 8.32

  The vnprofita∣ble mariage be∣tweene K. Hen. 6. and Queene Margaret.
• * 8.33

  Queene Mar∣garet mortall enemy to the Duke of Glo∣cester.
• * 8.34

  The malice of a woman.
• * 8.35

  A snare to catch the innocent.
• * 8.36

  Anno. 1447.
• * 8.37

  A parliament at Bery.
• * 8.38

  The cruel death or martyrdome of the good Duke of Glo∣cester.
• * 8.39

  The iudgement of god vpon thē which persecu∣ted the Duke of Glocester.
• * 8.40

  Anno. 1448.
• * 8.41

  The death of the Cardinall, and maner of the same.
• * 8.42

  The wordes of the Cardinall of Winchester at his de••th.
• * 8.43

  Will. Wanflet Bishop of Wint.
• * 8.44

  Magdalen Col∣ledge in Oxford builded.
• * 8.45

  Gods punish¦ment vpon the Marques of Suffolke.
• * 8.46

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 glory of mans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fo••geth••••g, himselfe in honour.

  The com∣mons vncō stant.
• * 8.47

  The Duke of Suffolke accu••ed by the cōmon••.
• * 8.48

  The Duke of Suffolke againe ac∣cused.
• * 8.49

  Example of Gods iudge¦ment and of bloud reuen¦ged.

  The Duke of Suffolke beheaded
• * 8.50

  Publicam inst••umen∣tum nomi∣ne Regis.
• * 8.51

  An instru- ment by the thing against the admit∣ting the Popes, le∣gate.
• * 9.1

  Anno. 1450.
• * 9.2

  The arte of printing in∣uented.

  Ex Tipo∣graphia per Mat∣sheum Iudi∣••em.
• * 9.3

  Carmen An••. Campani.
• * 9.4

  Printing cam•• of God.
• * 9.5

  Printing likened to the giftes of tongues.
• * 9.6

  The time consi∣dered when Printing was founde.
• * 9.7

  Double confusi•••• vpon the Pope by printing.
• * 9.8

  The fruit & pro∣fite of printing.
• * 9.9

  Good counsaile to the Pope.
• * 9.10

  So preached the vicar of Croydē in K. Henry the 8. dayes, at Paules crosse, saying that ei∣ther we must roote out prin∣ting or else prin¦ting, will roote out v 8.
• * 9.11

  Triple commo∣dity by printing.
• * 9.12

  When Gunnes were first inuen∣ted.
• * 9.13

  Anno. 1458.
• * 9.14

  The losing of Constan∣tinople.
• * 9.15

  The tiran∣nie of the Turke to¦ward his owne men.
• * 9.16

  The cow∣ardnes of Duke Iusti∣nian.
• * 9.17

  The Empe∣rour of Cō∣stantinople flaine.
• * 9.18

  Cōstātino∣ple wonne of the Turkes. The bloudy victory of the Turkes.
• * 9.19

  The horri∣ble in āny of the Turkes.
• * 9.20

  Constan∣tinople cal∣led new Rome.
• * 9.21

  A warning to all Christen∣dome, by Constan∣tinople.
• * 9.22

  The story of Reinold Pecocke.
• * 10.1

  The citatiō of the Arch. Tho. Bowcher, alias Bour∣••chet.
• * 10.2

  Pecocke appea∣reth at Lambeth before the Archb.
• * 10.3

  Great labour, to reduce Pecocke from his opiniōs
• * 11.1

  The retractation of B. Pecocke.
• * 11.2

  Ex regist.
• * 11.3

  His Articles.
• * 11.4

  The articles of Reynolde Pe∣cocke mentio∣ned by Thomas Gascoigne. Ex Tho. Gas∣coig. lib. De Dictionario. Theolog part. 3.
• * 11.5

  B. Pecocke de∣teyned in prison
• * 11.6

  Polydo••e noted.
• * 11.7

  Eugenius war∣red against S••ortia and di∣uers other.
• * 11.8

  Pope F••••••x
• * 11.9

  Pope Ni∣cholas 5.
• * 11.10

  Emperours are but kin∣ges of Ro∣maines, be∣fore they be crowned by the Pope.
• * 11.11

  Ex Platina de vitis.
• * 11.12

  The exam∣ple of Ido∣latrie puni∣shed.
• * 11.13

  The fruit of Idolatry.
• * 11.14

  Mat. Pal∣merius, a Florentine. martyr.
• * 11.15

  Toling of Aues.
• * 11.16

  S. Edmund of Cant. ca∣nonised.
• * 11.17

  Pope Pius. 2.
• * 11.18

  Promotion choketh re∣ligion.
• * 12.1

  The Pro∣uerbes of Pius.
• * 12.2

  Mariage of priestes al∣lowed by Aeneas Syl∣uius.
• * 12.3

  Ex epist. 54. Pii. s••cund. ad Gaspa∣rum Schlick.
• * 12.4

  The way to exclude schisme, is concord of princ••s.
• * 12.5

  The Popes Clergie wil not abyde the fyre, ey∣ther for prince or pope.
• * 12.6

  The breath of this pesti∣lent seate corrupteth all that sit in it, what∣soeuer they were before
• * 12.7

  Aeneas Syl∣uius now puffed vp with world∣ly pompe and glorie, impugneth the trueth whiche he did be∣fore both know and professe. D••scord be∣twene Pope Pius & the Archbishop of Mentz.
• * 12.8

  Anno. 1458. Pope Paulus. 2.
• * 12.9

  Ex Stanislao Rutheno. Vide Cent. 8. Bal.
• * 12.10

  The feast of the conception and presentation of our Lady. Beades brought in.
• * 12.11

  Wesellus Gro∣ningensis. The pope licen∣seth the whole familie of a cer∣taine Cardinall, to play the So∣domites three monethes in the yeare.
• * 12.12

  Pope Innocen∣tius. 8.
• * 12.13

  8. men and 6. we men con∣demned of here∣sie by Pope In∣nocentius. 8.
• * 12.14

  George king of Boheme con∣demned of he∣resie.
• * 12.15

  Mischieues to England, after the death of the Duke of Gloce∣ster.
• * 12.16

  Angeow, Main, Normandy, and Gascoyne, reco∣ue••ed of the Frenchmen. Iacke Cade.
• * 12.17

  The Duke of Yorke aga••••st kyng Henry.
• * 12.18

  Anno. 1459.
• * 12.19

  The Northern men intended the subuersion of London.
• * 12.20

  Ex historia ma∣nuscripta, cui titulus Scala mundi.
• * 12.21

  London rescued by prince Edw.
• * 12.22

  Anno. 1461.
• * 12.23

  The title of Ed∣ward, to the crowne proued at Paules crosse.
• * 12.24

  K. Edward ta∣keth possession of the crown.
• * 12.25

  The fierce and cruell battaile betweene king Henry. 6. & K. Edward. 4.
• * 12.26

  King Henry. 6. conquered.
• * 12.27

  Barwicke geuen to the Scottes by K. Henry. 6.
• * 13.1

  The title of the house of Yorke.
• * 13.2

  Rich. Plan∣tagenet.
• * 13.3

  Ex Scala mundi.
• * 13.4

  Leaden Hall bilded. The Stan∣dard in Chepe. The Con∣duite in Fletstrete. New gate builded. The Col∣ledge of E∣ton, and the kings Col∣ledge in Cambridge founded. The king re∣iecteth the popes Bulles.
• * 13.5

  Ex Getuslo codic. cu•• i∣nitium, No∣m••na custo∣dum. &c. et ex Fabi∣ano
• * 13.6

  Example of Gods rodde and iudge∣ment.
• * 13.7

  Anno. 1461. King Ed∣ward. 4.
• * 13.8

  Queene Margaret fledde the lande.
• * 13.9

  Anno. 1462.
• * 13.10

  K. Edward sitteth his own person in the kings bench iud∣ging.
• * 13.11

  Anno. 1463.
• * 13.12

  K. Henry 6. againe re∣pulsed in the battaile of Exham.
• * 13.13

  K. Henry. 6. taken, are∣sted, & com∣mitted to the Tower.
• * 13.14

  Anno. 1465.
• * 13.15

  The kyngs lodeine ma∣riage with Queene E∣lizabeth.
• * 13.16

  The first falling out betweene K. Edwarde & the Earle of Warwick
• * 13.17

  Conspiracie against king Edward.
• * 13.18

  K. Edward take prisoner by the Earle of War∣wicke.
• * 13.19

  The rebellion in Lincolnshire repressed.
• * 13.20

  The Earle of Warwicke and the Duke of Clarence fly in∣to Fraunce.
• * 13.21

  The Earle of Warwick & the Duke of Cla∣rence returne in∣to England.
• * 13.22

  The receiuing of the Earle of Warwicke into England.
• * 13.23

  K. Henry againe proclaymed kyng.
• * 13.24

  The inconstant leuitie of the people of Eng∣land.
• * 13.25

  The constant hart and ••••nth of the Lord Ha∣stinges.
• * 13.26

  K. Edward for∣saken of his peo∣ple in his neede.
• * 13.27

  The weake state of king Edward.
• * 13.28

  Whether godly simplicitie, or mans policie be stronger.
• * 13.29

  The double case of these two kings considered
• * 13.30

  K. Edward ta∣keth the Wa∣shes.
• * 13.31

  God prouideth
• * 13.32

  K. Edward ta∣keth shipping.
• * 13.33

  K. Edward near taken of the E∣sterlings.
• * 13.34

  God againe prouideth.
• * 13.35

  K. Edward deli∣uered from the Esterlinges.
• * 13.36

  Charles Duke of Burgoyne, K. Edwardes brother in law.
• * 13.37

  Queene E∣lizabeth ta∣keth sanctu∣ary.
• * 13.38

  Prince Ed∣ward borne in sanctuary.
• * 13.39

  K. Henry 6. brought out of the tower
• * 13.40

  K. Henry re∣stored again to his king∣dome.
• * 13.41

  K. Edward returneth a∣gaine into England.
• * 13.42

  K. Edward onely with 2000. soul∣diours com∣meth to Ra∣uenspurre, alias Ra∣uensport. The dissem∣bling policy of king Ed∣ward.
• * 13.43

  K. Edward commeth to Yorke.
• * 13.44

  K. Edward repelled by the citizens of Yorke.
• * 13.45

  K. Edward chaungeth his title.
• * 13.46

  The gentle and fayre wordes of K. Edward.
• * 13.47

  Two condi∣tions put to K. Edward.
• * 13.48

  K. Edward put to hys othe.
• * 13.49

  Victory got by periury, punished at length in posteritie.
• * 13.50

  K. Edward safely com∣meth to Nottinghā. K. Edwards friends re∣sort vnto hym. K. Edward resumeth the name of a kyng.
• * 13.51

  K. Edward commeth to Leycester.
• * 13.52

  K. Edwarde commeth to Warwicke. The Earle of Warwick flyeth to Couentry. The Duke of Clarence commeth with a great army.
• * 13.53

  Concord of brethren.
• * 13.54

  The Eare of Warwicke refuseth to be reconci∣led.
• * 13.55

  K. Edward commeth to London.
• * 13.56

  Londiners take part with kyng Edward.
• * 13.57

  K. Henries coū∣saylours flye a∣way.
• * 13.58

  K. Henry againe taken and com∣mitted to pri∣son.
• * 13.59

  The Earle of Warwicke com∣meth to Barnet.
• * 13.60

  The battayle at Barnet.
• * 13.61

  The Earle of Warwicke and his brother slain
• * 13.62

  Differnce be∣tweene Poly∣dore & Fabian. Hall folower of Polydore.

  Polydore is said to haue burned a number of our English writers.
• * 13.63

  The returne of Queene Mar∣geret into Eng∣land.
• * 13.64

  Queene Mar∣garet for sorow swouadeth.
• * 13.65

  Ex Polyd. lib. 24
• * 13.66

  Queene Mar∣garet taketh sanctuary.
• * 13.67

  Queene Marga∣ret moued by her friendes to renue warres a∣gainst King Ed∣ward.
• * 13.68

  K. Edward war∣reth against Queene Mar∣garet.
• * 13.69

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mar∣garet debarred from Glocester.
• * 13.70

  The battayle of Teukesbury.
• * 13.71

  A great matter to take a thing in tyme.
• * 13.72

  Queene Margaret take in bat∣tayle.
• * 13.73

  Prince Ed∣warde brought to the kyng. The stoute answere of the Prince to the kyng.
• * 13.74

  Prince Ed∣ward sonne to K. Henry slaine.

  Queene Margaret raunsomed for a great summe of money.
• * 13.75

  Publique processions for victory gotte.
• * 13.76

  Anno. 1471.
• * 13.77

  The death of K. Hen. 6.
• * 13.78

  Ex Scal•• mundi.
• * 13.79

  K. Henry buryed at Chertesey.
• * 13.80

  Polydores myracles.
• * 13.81

  A. K. sain••, is dear ware in the popes market.
• * 13.82

  Ex Edis. Hallo.
• * 13.83

  The cause examined of the fall of Lancaster house.

  Example of Gods iust rodde of correction.
• * 13.84

  A sore here¦sy preched at Pauls crosse
• * 13.85

  Contention in the churche, whether Christ was a begger or not.
• * 13.86

  Times com∣pared.
• * 13.87

  Ex hist. Sca∣la mundi. fol. vlt.
• * 13.88

  The Popes determined solutiō, that Christ was no beggar
• * 13.89

  K. Edward vanquished 9 battailes, being him∣selfe present at them all. Charles Duke of Burgoyne fayled hys promise with the kyng.

  Peace be∣tweene the two kinges, bought with the French kyngs mo∣ney.

  Mariage be∣twene the Frēch kings sonne, and K. Edwards daughter, made and broken.

  King Iames of Scotland goeth from his promise of mariage. Barwick re∣couered.
• * 13.90

  Anno. 1473. Iohn Goose Martyr.

  Iohn Goose in English, is as much as Iohn Hus in the Bohe∣mian tongue
• * 13.91

  Iohn Goose ta∣keth his dynner before hee went to Martyrdome.
• * 13.92

  The vnworthy death of the Duke of Cla∣rence.
• * 13.93

  The Duke of Clarece drow∣ned in a bu••••e of Malmesey.
• * 13.94

  The causes of his death ex∣pended.
• * 13.95

  The mischiefe that Sathan worketh by false prophesies.
• * 13.96

  The prophesie of G.
• * 13.97

  Prophesies not rashly to be be∣leeued.
• * 13.98

  Sathan can say truth for a wic∣ked end.
• * 13.99

  Deuelishe pro∣phesies al∣though they tell truth, yet are not to be fol∣lowed.
• * 13.100

  Ex Iust. lib. 1.
• * 13.101

  Merlines pro∣phesies. 1. Reg. 18. Act. 16.
• * 13.102

  A spirite of di∣uination which could ghesse & foredeeme thinges past, present, and to come, which knowledge God many times per∣mitteth to the deuill.
• * 13.103

  Ex Paulo Diac.
• * 13.104

  Three thinges to be noted cō∣cerning false prophesies.
• * 13.105

  Vid. sup. pag. 180.
• * 13.106

  Vid. sup. pag. 535.
• * 13.107

  False trust by deuilish pro∣phesies.
• * 13.108

  Ambrosius in Exameron.
• * 13.109

  Ioan. Pie. Mi∣randul. contra Astrog. lib. 2, cap. 9
• * 13.110

  Experience of false prophesies.
• * 13.111

  This man by false dillem∣blers, was taken, betray¦ed, and brought in∣to England.
• * 13.112

  A perilous matter for 2 man to be curious, of tymes and things to come.
• * 13.113

  The seconde part, how prophecies are to be discerned.
• * 13.114

  In the secōd part three things to be considered.
• * 13.115

  The seconde thing to be considered in prophe∣sies.
• * 13.116

  The 3. thing to be consi∣dered in prophesies.
• * 13.117

  The 3. part how to a∣uoyde the daunger of frontier pro∣phesies.
• * 13.118

  Two reme∣dies against de••ilishe prophesies. The first re∣medie.
• * 13.119

  The seconde remedy a∣gainst dan∣gerous pro∣phesies.
• * 13.120

  Mans policy can nothing doe against the deuil.
• * 13.121

  No power can with∣stand Sathā, but onely Christ, and our fayth in hym.
• * 13.122

  A briefe re∣hearsall of the matter of prophe∣sies, before passed.
• * 13.123

  The deuil ready to answere in matters of diui∣nation.
• * 13.124

  Curiositie of prophesies to be auoyded.
• * 13.125

  The strength of a Christiā mans fayth in Christ.
• * 13.126

  Onely Christ able to withstād the power of Sathan. Psalm. 90.
• * 13.127

  Sigismundus Emperour.
• * 13.128

  Sigismundus vnprospetous in his warres.
• * 13.129

  Sigismundus ouercome of the Turkes.
• * 13.130

  Sigismundus o∣uercome of the Bohemians.
• * 13.131

  Albertus Duke of Austrich, Emperour, kyng of Hungary, king of Boheme
• * 13.132

  Albertus Em∣perour but two yeares. Elizabeth daughter to Si∣gismund, wife to Albert Emp.
• * 13.133

  The Turke be∣ginneth to in∣uade Hungary. Vladislaus bro∣ther to Casimi∣rus K. of Polo∣nia, made king of Hungary. Elizabeth Q. of Hūgary brought to bedde of a man childe. Ladislaus prince of Hungary borne. Diuision & dis∣cord in Hunga∣rie. The Turk war∣reto agaynst Hungarie. Huntades Vai∣no a. Vladislaus K. of Hungary, slayne in warre.
• * 13.134

  Fridericus 3. Emperour.
• * 13.135

  Vladislaus K. of Hungary slayne in battell by the Turke.
• * 13.136

  Ioh. Hunia∣des, gouer∣nour of Hū∣gary vnder the kyng. George Po∣gi••bracius gouernour of Boheme. Vlricus go∣uernour of Austria.
• * 13.137

  Ladislaus a young po∣pish kyng.
• * 13.138

  Ladislaus could not a∣bide the doctrine of Hus.
• * 13.139

  Chilianus a Parasite a∣bout kyng Ladislaus.
• * 13.140

  The wordes of a Popish Parasite to Pogiebra∣cius.
• * 13.141

  An answere proceeding of a heauen∣ly wisdome.
• * 13.142

  Vlricus see∣keth the death of Huniades.
• * 13.143

  Huniades spareth his enemie.
• * 13.144

  Alba besie∣ged of the turke.
• * 13.145

  The power of God by the meanes of Huniades & Capistra∣nus against the turke. King Ladis∣laus cōmeth into Hun∣gary.
• * 13.146

  Ladislaus Huniades sonne.
• * 13.147

  Debate be∣tweene Vl∣ricus and Ladislaus Huniades sonne. Vlricus Earle of Cicilia slayne.
• * 13.148

  The cruell dissimulatiō of Ladislaus the king,
• * 13.149

  The 2. sōnes of Huniades Ladislaus & Mathias. Ladislaus Huniades sonne, inno∣cently put to death,
• * 13.150

  A miracu∣lous token at the death of Ladislaus
• * 13.151

  Ex Peucer. Chro. lib. 5.
• * 13.152

  Prep••r•••• the king•• age.
• * 13.153

  Ladislaus the king, receaued in Boheme. Ladislaus the king, an infest enemie against the Huslians. The sacrament of the aulter vsed to many purposes.
• * 13.154

  Ex Aenea Silu•••• in Histo. Bohē.
• * 13.155

  A great cōcourse of Catholique princes intended against the Hus∣sites.
• * 13.156

  Man purposeth but God dispo∣seth.
• * 13.157

  Ex Aenea Sil∣uio.
• * 13.158

  Gouernance of Imperies and kingdoms, is not in mans power, much lesse the gouer∣nāce of Religiō.
• * 13.159

  The great worke of God in defending his poore seruantes.
• * 13.160

  The death of king Ladislaus.
• * 13.161

  Bloud re∣uenged by God.
• * 13.162

  The large dominion of Ladislaus.
• * 13.163

  George Pogie∣bracius.
• * 13.164

  Mathias Hunia∣des.
• * 13.165

  Warre betwene Mathias and Fridericke the Emperour.
• * 13.166

  Georg Pogie∣bracius by the Pope deposed from his king∣dome, for fauo∣ring of I. Hus.
• * 13.167

  Albert Duke of Saxonie.
• * 13.168

  The noble actes of Ioh. & Mathias Huniades, a¦gainst the Turkes. Syrmum & the borders of Illirica, recouered from the Turkes.
• * 13.169

  Iaitza reco∣uered. The subtile practise of Sathan to stoppe good proceedings
• * 13.170

  The Popes excommu∣nication not obeyed of diuers in Bohemia. Mathias adioyned Morauia & part of Sle∣sia vnto Hungarie. Anno. 1474. The religiō of the Bo∣hemians, defended by God against the 4. grea∣test princes in Europe. Mathias a great louer of learning and of lear∣ned men. The noble library of Mathias king of Hungary. Ex 5. lib, Penc.
• * 13.171

  Commen∣dation of George Pogiebraci∣us. Ex p•••• pont. Descriptio∣ne Europae. Gods fauor to the sōnes of Pogie∣bracius.
• * 13.172

  The death of Pogie∣bracius.
• * 13.173

  Vladislaus Casimirus sonne, made king of Hungary.
• * 13.174

  Vladislaus forsaketh his first wife.
• * 13.175

  Dispensatiō from Pope Alexander to forsake his first wife, and to marry an o∣ther. Ludouicus Vladislaus sonne, king of Hungary & Boheme.
• * 13.176

  Warre betwene Charles Duke of Burgoyne & Fredericke the Emperour.
• * 13.177

  Anno. 1475. Charles Duke of Burgoyne slaine in warre. Anno. 1477.
• * 13.178

  Mary daughter of Charles of Burgoyne mari∣ed to Maximiliā
• * 13.179

  Warre & dissen∣tion among Christen prince••
• * 13.180

  The discord of Christians scourged by the Turkes.
• * 13.181

  Discord and dissention in the Church noted.
• * 13.182

  Ambition & a∣uarice of the church of Rome
• * 13.183

  Ex Rapulario Henrici Token.
• * 13.184

  The sea of Rome is turned into an Oceane, that ha•••• no bot∣tome.
• * 13.185

  What a million is. Concilium Bi∣turiense.
• * 13.186

  Pragmatica Sanctio.
• * 13.187

  Ex loan. Maria Belga. de Schis∣mat. & Conci∣liis. cap. 24.
• * 13.188

  Pope pius labo∣reth that Prag∣matica Sanctio should be abo∣lished.
• * 13.189

  The counsaile of Paris appea∣leth from the pope to the ge∣nerall Councell Vid. supra pag. 670.
• * 13.190

  The complaint of the Ger∣maines to the Emperour, for helpe and ayde, against the op¦pression of the Pope
• * 13.191

  Fredericke made the Germaines twise sub∣iect vnto the Pope.
• * 13.192

  Frid. Alber∣tus his bro∣ther, and Si∣gismundus striue for the dukedome of Austria.
• * 13.193

  Warre be∣twene Fran∣ciscus Sfor∣tia and the Venetians about Mil∣laine. Warre be∣twene Le∣wes the French king, and the citie of Millaine.
• * 13.194

  Iohn a No∣therde of Franconia Martyr.
• * 13.195

  Anno. 1476.
• * 13.196

  Iohn de Wesailia persecuted. Anno. 1479.
• * 13.197

  The articles and opiniōs of Iohn de Wesalia. Free will nothing. Prelates haue no more power ouer scrip∣tures, then other men. Extreme vnction re∣proued. Against the primacy of the Pope.
• * 13.198

  Iohn de Wesalia brought be∣fore the prelates.
• * 13.199

  The Inqui∣sitour spea∣keth.
• * 13.200

  The answer of Wesalia∣nus reaso∣nable.
• * 13.201

  The cruell proceeding of the In∣quisitour.
• * 13.202

  The greater cause of the Pope des∣cribed.
• * 13.203

  Scio. Credo.
• * 13.204

  His opinion of the sacrament.
• * 13.205

  His opinion of Monkes and Nunnes. The vowe of chastitie.
• * 13.206

  Mortall sinne founnd by the Pope, beside that which is expressed to be mortall in the scripture.
• * 13.207

  What is this ar∣ticle, but to make the Pope a god. Christ left no vicar in earthe.
• * 13.208

  Pardons and in∣dulgences be of no effect.
• * 13.209

  The treasure of saintes merites is not in earth.
• * 13.210

  This saying wa•• taken out of one Cantor Parien∣sis, which was went to say, tha•• pardōs were ho∣ly decertes. be∣cause that laye men there were prouoked, by naughtie de∣certe•• to geue good almes. Degrees ••nscrip∣ture forbidden to marry.
• * 13.211

  Nothing to be beleued, but which is in scripture con∣teyned.
• * 13.212

  The Church geueth witnes who were the writers of the scripture, but hath no autho∣ritie aboue that which is writtē.
• * 13.213

  By this inquisi∣tion, Christ himselfe might be condemned.
• * 13.214

  Ex Orth. Grat.
• * 13.215

  Ex Paralip. Abat. Vrsper.
• * 13.216

  Discorde be∣twixt Reals & Nominals.
• * 13.217

  Ex Orth. Grat.
• * 13.218

  Doct. Iohn de Wesalia reuo∣keth his opiniōs.
• * 13.219

  Albert duke of Saxonie, called Dextra manus imperis. Albert Marques of Brandenburg called Achilles Germanicus.
• * 13.220

  Anno. 1484. The abhomina∣tion of Pope Sixtus. Ex Declamati∣one Agrippa ad Lonanienses.
• * 13.221

  The warres of Pope Sixtus.
• * 13.222

  Ex Ioan. Laziardo. lib. Historia Vniuersalii. cap. 284. A large gift of the Pope to the beg∣ging Friers. Alanus, au∣thor of our Ladies Psalter.
• * 13.223

  Then had the blessed virgine Ma∣ry two hus∣bandes. An olde knaue to sucke his wiues brest.
• * 13.224

  The detesta¦ble impietie and blasphe¦mie of the popishe ly∣ing religion
• * 13.225

  Mendacem memorem esse oportet.
• * 13.226

  Ex Latin•• Codice im∣presso, cui tituluit Rosasea Maria Co∣rona.
• * 13.227

  The death of Pope Sixtus. 4. Here en∣deth Plati∣na.
• * 13.228

  The death of king Ed∣ward. 4. Anno. 1483. Burdet. Tyranny in miscōstring a mans wordes. The lawes of the realme mis∣constred for the princes pleasure.
• * 13.229

  K. Edward 5
• * 13.230

  Eccle. 10.
• * 13.231

  Vaepuero regi in suo regno.
• * 13.232

  Richard Duke of Glocester made pro∣tectour. The young king com∣mitted to Duke of Gloucester. The Duke of Bucking∣ham a great doer for the protectour. Both king Edwardes children in the pos∣sessiō of the protectour.
• * 13.233

  The deuelisli•• protectour pic∣keth quarelles.
• * 13.234

  The Queene & Shores wife, falsely accused of the protector to bewitch his arme.
• * 13.235

  Adultery puni∣shed of God.
• * 13.236

  Murder iustly punished of god
• * 13.237

  L. Hastings ar∣rested for a tray∣tour. L. Stanley wounded.
• * 13.238

  B. Morton.
• * 13.239

  The tyranny of the protectour.
• * 13.240

  The L. Hastings beheaded.
• * 13.241

  The beastly protectour ac∣cuseth his owne mother. Doct. Shawes impudent sermō at Paules crosse.
• * 13.242

  Sap. 4.
• * 13.243

  Example for all flattering prea∣chers to b••ware
• * 13.244

  The Duke of Buckingham an other minister for the protec∣tours furie
• * 13.245

  The Duke of Buckingham speaketh for the protectour in the Guildhall.
• * 13.246

  An hard thing to make the tongue speake against the hart.
• * 13.247

  A stolne consent in the Guild∣hall.
• * 13.248

  Fye of hipocrisie
• * 13.249

  The hypocrisie of the protector denying the crowne thrise before he would, take it.
• * 13.250

  King Richard 3. vsurper.
• * 13.251

  King Richard crowned.
• * 13.252

  The truth of Robert Brabenbury to his prince Iames Tyrel I. Dighton, Miles Io∣rest, cruell traytors and murtherers of their Prince. Yoūg prin∣ces.

  The 2. chil∣dren of king Edward murdered. The iust punishmēt of God vpō the minde∣rers of them two.

  The pu∣nishment of God vpon K. Richard. The pu∣nishmēt of God vpon the Duke of Buckinghā.
• * 13.253

  Doct. Shaw and Doct. Pinkie, two flattering preachers.
• * 13.254

  Gods iudge¦ment vpon flattering preachers.
• * 13.255

  The first motion of ioyning the two houses, Yorke and Lancaster togeather.
• * 13.256

  Earle Henry maketh pre∣paration to∣ward his iourney.
• * 13.257

  The arri∣uing of Henry Earle of Richmōd in Wales.
• * 13.258

  K. Richad gathered his power to encounter with Earle Henry.
• * 13.259

  K. Richard taketh the field of Bolworth. This Lord Stanley was he, which was hurt at the Tower when the L. Hastings was arested vide. pag. 727.
• * 13.260

  Bosworth field.
• * 13.261

  The history of Sir Tho. More, word ••or word taken out of Polid. Virg.
• * 13.262

  W. Brandon
• * 13.263

  Charles Brandon.
• * 13.264

  The death of king Richard.
• * 13.265

  Duke of Northfolke slaine. Lord Tho. Haward Earle of Surrey ad∣uaunced by K. Henry. 7. K. Richards sonne pu∣nished for the wicked∣nes of his father.
• * 13.266

  K. Richard pro∣posed to marry Elizabeth his brothers daugh∣ter.
• * 13.267

  L. Stanley hus∣band to K. Hen∣ries mother for∣sooke k. Richard
• * 13.268

  The L. Strange meruelously pre¦serued.
• * 13.269

  The shamefull tossing of king Richardes dead Corpes.
• * 13.270

  Anno. 1485.
• * 13.271

  King Henry. 9.
• * 13.272

  K. Henry mari∣eth with Eliza∣beth.
• * 13.273

  The two houses of Yorke and Lancaster ioy∣ned together.
• * 13.274

  Anno. 1486.
• * 13.275

  Maximilianus Emperour
• * 13.276

  The reigne and death of Fride∣ricus Emperour. Anno. 1494.
• * 13.277

  Maximilian marieth the Duches of Burgoyne.
• * 13.278

  This Mary was neece to king Edward. 4.
• * 13.279

  The learning of Maximilian cō∣mended. Maximilian writer of his owne stories.
• * 13.280

  Ex leā Carione.
• * 13.281

  Maximilian first ordeiner of the vnyuersitie of Wittenberg.
• * 13.282

  Learned mē be∣gin to grow in Christendome.
• * 13.283

  Doct. Weselus Groningensis.
• * 13.284

  Weselus called Lux Mundi.
• * 13.285

  The doctrine of Weselus Gro∣ningensis.
• * 13.286

  Ex lib. D. We∣seli, De sacra∣mēto penitētia.
• * 13.287

  The Popes su∣premacie writ∣ten against.
• * 13.288

  Ex Epist. cuinsilam in opere Weseli. Christes aunswere to Tho. de Corselis touching this place Quicquid ligaueris. Not what so euer is said to be loosed in earth, is loosed in heauen but whatsoeuer is loosed in very deede in earth, that is also loosed in deede in heauen. Against ti∣ches in the Church. The pre∣ceptes of the Pope & prelates how they binde. The Popes keyes. Vowes. Doctrine not to be receaued without examinatiō. Excommu∣nication.
• * 13.289

  Ex Nouio∣mago. A prophesie of Weselus. This Often∣dorpius was a man well learned and Canon of the minster of Lubecke. Here it ap∣peareth that this R. A∣gricola was of good iudgement, though the Friers after ward buried him in a Fri∣ers weede.
• * 13.290

  Rodol. Agricola. Weselus la∣menteth the darcknes of the Church
• * 13.291

  Anno. 1464. Ioane Boughton mother to the lady Young mar∣tir.
• * 13.292

  Anno. 1497.
• * 13.293

  Richard Milderale. Iames Stur∣dye.
• * 13.294

  Hugh Glo∣uer.
• * 13.295

  Foure other beare fagots
• * 13.296

  Anno. 1498. A priest burnt.
• * 13.297

  The Quene was remo∣ued to Calis at the be∣heading of her cousin Edward Plātagenet.
• * 13.298

  Babram brent in Northfolke Martir.
• * 13.299

  An olde man burned.
• * 13.300

  Anno. 1499.
• * 13.301

  Hieronimus Sauonarola, with two fryers Martirs.
• * 13.302

  Prophesie of Hie. Sauonarola against Italy.
• * 13.303

  Pope Ale••••de•• besieged by Charles the Fre••••ch L••••g.
• * 13.304

  Sauonaro•••••• ted to appea•••• before the Pope The doctrine of Sauonarola con¦demned because he would not come before the Pope
• * 13.305

  Sauonarola preacheth con∣trary to the Popes commaū∣dement.
• * 13.306

  Hieron. with •••• other Friers cō∣mitted to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The com•••••••• rie of Hierome Sauon. vpon the Psalme begin∣ning: In te do∣mine speraui.
• * 13.307

  Articles obiec∣ted against Hierome & the two Fryers.
• * 13.308

  Hierome with his 2. compani∣ons hanged and brent for the Gospells truth.
• * 13.309

  The prophesies of Hierome Sa∣uonarola.
• * 13.310

  Ex Ioan. Fran∣cis. Mirandula. Ex Marsilio Fi∣cino.
• * 13.311

  Ex Philip. Cominca.
• * 13.312

  The com∣plaintes of the Ger∣maines a¦gainst the Popes gre¦uances re∣nued.
• * 14.1

  Ten greuan¦ces complay¦ned of by the Ger∣maines.
• * 15.1

  Remedies against the ••••nclayde greeuances.
• * 15.2

  The Arch∣bishops Palle of Mētz what it cos••eth.
• * 15.3

  The Popes palle deare∣ly bought.
• * 15.4

  The people polled for the popes Palle.
• * 15.5

  Aboue 50. Byshopricks in Germany
• * 16.1

  The Emperour aduertised of the subtill prac∣tises of the pope, and popish pre∣lates.
• * 16.2

  The popes pre∣tence of buil∣ding S. Peters church in Rome
• * 17.1

  A supplication or exhortation to Maximilian Emper▪ for re∣dresse of the church.
• * 18.1

  No man to haue two Canon∣ships or prebēds at once.
• * 19.1

  Pope Alex∣ander 6.
• * 19.2

  The pope poyloneth Gemes the turks bro∣ther, beyng committed to his custo∣die,

  Ex Paul. Iouio lib. 2. lib 5.

  Ex Hiero∣nym. Mario. The Pope setteth the great turke against the French K.

  Ex Seb. Munstero. lib. 4. Cos∣mograph.
• * 19.3

  Mancinellus writing a∣gainst the wickednes of the pope, loste hys handes and tongue.
• * 19.4

  Poyson re∣quited with poyson.
• * 19.5

  The high Angel of the poper pallace throwne:

  • Pope Pi∣us. 3.
  • Pope Iuli∣us. 2.
• * 19.6

  The popes law geueth leaue to kyll all that be accursed of him.
• * 19.7

  The warres and bloud∣shed of pope Iulius. 2.
• * 19.8

  The pope periured. A councell called to de∣pose pope Iulius.
• * 19.9

  The Pragmati∣call Sanction e∣stablished, men∣tioned before, pag. 674.

  No vniust ex∣communication to be feared.
• * 19.10

  The turkes do∣ing requisite to be knowen of Christians.
• * 19.11

  The first cause.
• * 19.12

  The seconde cause.
• * 19.13

  The third cause.
• * 19.14

  The fourth cause.
• * 19.15

  The fift cause.
• * 19.16

  Admonition to fight against the turke.

  Christian fayth necessary to be ioyned with outward force against the turk.
• * 19.17

  Gratis venum ••ati••stis. gratis ••e••imemini. Elai 52.
• * 19.18

  Omnes s••tientes venite ad aquas, emite absque ar∣gento et com∣mutatione. Elai. 55.
• * 19.19

  Reformation of religion requi∣site before we fight with the turkes.
• * 19.20

  Faith getteth victory.
• * 19.21

  The sixt cause.
• * 19.22

  Earnest inuoca∣tion necessary in the Church of Christ.
• * 19.23

  2. thess. 2.
• * 19.24

  The place of S. Paule expoun∣ded.

  2. thess. 2. speaking of the defection to come.
• * 19.25

  The number of the Apocalips, cap. 13. expoun∣ded.
• * 19.26

  An other place, Apocal. 16.
• * 19.27

  Et sextus An∣gelus effudit phialam suam. &c.
• * 19.28

  The time of Mahumete the false prophet ex∣pounded.
• * 19.29

  The number of the beast in the Apo. cap. 13.
• * 19.30

  Mahumet of the stocke of the Isma∣lites dwel∣ling in Ara∣bia.
• * 19.31

  The prodi∣gious lyes & blasphe∣mies of Ma∣humets Al∣choran.
• * 19.32

  Mahumetes Alchoran mingled with diuers lawes.
• * 19.33

  The nume∣ration of the Apoc. 666.
• * 19.34

  Damascus subdued of the Saracens
• * 19.35

  Mahumet put to flight by Cosroes kyng of the Persians.
• * 19.36

  Hierusalem be••ieged.
• * 19.37

  Cesaria got of the Sara∣cens.

  The kyng∣dome of the Persians subdued to the Saracēs. Arabia, Palestina, Phenicia, Syria, Egypt and Persia, subdued of the Saracens Constance the Empe∣rour ouer∣come by the Saracens.

  Murder cō∣monly pro∣spereth not with the Lord.

  Rhodes spoyled of the Saracēs.
• * 19.38

  Sultanes first called.
• * 19.39

  The first ry∣sing of the turkes.
• * 19.40

  The turkes dominions parted into 4. familyes.
• * 19.41

  The dissen∣sention of the Christi∣ans do make the turkes so strong.
• * 19.42

  No impe••lall countrie in all the turkish do∣minions.
• * 19.43

  The description of the turkes vnordinate Em∣pyre.
• * 19.44

  Ezech. 39. Apoc. 20.
• * 19.45

  The Christen kingdomes and churches de∣stroyed by the turkes, are a warning for vs, whom God hath yet spared.
• * 19.46

  Foure principall families of the turke.
• * 19.47

  The family of Ottomannus.
• * 19.48

  Ottomannus the first Empe∣rour of the Turkes.
• * 19.49

  Inward warre amonge the Turkes.
• * 19.50

  The comming vp of Ottomā∣nus.
• * 19.51

  Bithinia, Nato∣lia, Ancyra, Si∣nope, Sebastia, subdued.
• * 19.52

  Ezech. 38.
• * 19.53

  Orchanes the second Empe∣rour of the Turkes, after Ottomannus. Mysia, Lydia, Lycaonia, Phri∣gia, Caria, Pru∣sia, Nicia, Nico∣media. Christen Cities subdued of the Turkes. Ciuil warre a∣mong the Gre∣cians.
• * 19.54

  By the discorde of Christians, the Turkes en∣crease.
• * 19.55

  Amurathes the third ••••••∣ter Otto∣mannus.
• * 19.56

  Amurathes seeketh oc∣casion to in∣••ade Eu∣rope.
• * 19.57

  The first comming of the Turke into Europe
• * 19.58

  The coue∣tousnes of Christians brought o∣uer the Turkes. Callipolis, Philippolis, Adrianopo∣lis, Thracia, gotten of the Turkes.
• * 19.59

  The Turkes entreth into Mysia and Bulgaria, and Seru••a. Lazarus Despota o∣uercome of the Turkes.
• * 19.60

  Example of a faythfull seruant. The death of Amura∣thes.
• * 19.61

  Baiazetes the 4. after Ottoman∣nus.
• * 19.62

  Marcus Despota slayne of the Turke. Seruia, Ma∣cedonia. Bul¦garia, Pho∣cides, Thra∣cia, Attica, Thessalia, with other Christian coūtries có∣quered of the Turkes. Constanti∣nople besie∣ged 8. yeares by the Turkes.
• * 19.63

  The Chri∣stians ouer∣throwen of the Turkes. Sigismund Emperour put to flight The barba∣rous cruelty of the turks, against the Christians.
• * 19.64

  Tamerlanes a Parthian stirred vp of God to re∣uenge the cause of the Christians. Baiazetes sonne taken and slaine. Cruelty iust∣ly reuenged with cruelty Baiazetes raiseth hys siege from Constanti∣nople.
• * 19.65

  Baiazetes o∣uercome of Tamerlanes king of Par∣thians.
• * 19.66

  The iust hād of God vpō a cruell per∣secutour. Baiazetes made for a blocke for Tamerlanes to get vpon his horse. Vi••d. supra. pag. 73. The great victories of Tamerlanes in Asia.
• * 19.67

  Ex Seb. Mū∣stero lib. 4. Cosmograph
• * 19.68

  Tanais is the vttermost floud in the North side: and Nilus the vtter∣most floud in the South side of Asia.
• * 19.69

  A generati∣on of Vipers
• * 19.70

  Calepinus the fift, after Otto∣mannus.
• * 19.71

  Vide supra. pag. 7••9. The ouerthrow of Sigismund, fighting agaynst the Turke. Some stories re∣cord this cōflict to be after the time of thys Turke.
• * 19.72

  Orchanes and Moses his vncle. Diuersitie in hy∣stories.
• * 19.73

  Tirany betwene vncle and ne∣phew. Murther reuen∣ged with mur∣ther.
• * 19.74

  Mahometes the 7. after Ottomā∣nus. Wallachia as∣saulted by Ma∣hometes.
• * 19.75

  The Turkes seat at Adrianopolis.
• * 19.76

  Vide supra. pag. 719.
• * 19.77

  Amurathes the 8. after Otto∣mannus.
• * 19.78

  Mustaphas mur∣thered by Amu∣rathes his ne∣phew.
• * 19.79

  The turke mur∣thereth his bro∣ther. Amurathes set against the Gre∣cians. Thracia subdu∣ed to the turke. Thessalonica subdued. The defection spoken of Saint Paule declared. 2. Thess. 2.
• * 19.80

  Ioannes Castri∣otus.
• * 19.81

  Croia geuen to •••• turke. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. sonnes of ••••••triotus, ho∣stages with the turke. Georgius Scan∣derbeius, Alex∣der the great.
• * 19.82

  The valiant Actes of Geor∣gius Scander∣beius.
• * 19.83

  Georgius Scá∣derbeius stea∣leth away from the turke to hys countrey Cro••ia recoue∣red Epyrus and Ma∣cedonia recoue∣••••d from the turke. The valiaunt a••••es of Geor∣g••us Scanderbei∣•••••• against the turkes.
• * 19.84

  Illi••le••, or Selauonia, Dalmatia, Croatia, I∣stria, Libur∣nia, Alba∣nia, Bosna, spoyled and wasted by the turke.
• * 19.85

  Georgius Despota prince of Seruia. An vngodly graunt of a Christen fa∣ther to Ma∣rye hys daughter to the turke. Scopia, Sophia, Nouomōte, Mysia sub∣dued of the turke. Georgius Despota fled into Hungary. The crueltie of the turke vpon hys wiues bro∣ther. Belgradum besieged of the turke.
• * 19.86

  Ioānes Hu∣niades, Vai∣uoda.
• * 19.87

  Fiue victo∣ries of Ioan. Huniades, against the turke gotten in one day. The great Baslaor duke of the turkes ouerthro∣wen by Hu∣niades.
• * 19.88

  The victory of Huniades against Ca∣rambeis the great cap∣taine of the turkes. The great turk brought to a great distresse.
• * 19.89

  Amurathes seketh truce of the Chri∣stians.
• * 19.90

  The condi∣tions be∣tweene La∣dislaus kyng of Polonie, and Amu∣rathes.
• * 19.91

  Truce be∣twene the Christians & the turkes for x. yeares.
• * 19.92

  Amurathes returneth into Asia. The Popes dispensation and absolu∣tion abused.
• * 19.93

  The popes rashe coun∣sayle perni∣cious to Christen∣dome. Nothyng prospereth that is taken in hand by the popes setting on. The pope breaketh truce made betwene the Christians and the turke. The pope moued La∣dislaus to breake truce The false dealing of the Italian Nauie. The battell of Varna, betwene Ladislaus king of Po∣lonie, and Amurathes.
• * 19.94

  The popish prelats were the cause of losing the field. A iust pu∣nishment vpon the popish pre∣lates for their vniust dealing. Iulianus the Cardinall slaine in the warre and spoyled. Huniades escapeth. The worthy commenda∣tion of Iohn Huniades.
• * 19.95

  Amurathes ta∣keth his viage against the G. e∣cians.
• * 19.96

  Peloponesus, Sycione, Patris, with all the partes of Thes∣saha & Achaia, brought vnder the turke. The memorable actes of Scan∣derbeius against Amurathes.
• * 19.97

  This Epyrus is a countrey in Grecia borde∣ring neare to the partes of Mace∣donia. Vij. captaines of the turkes ouer∣come by Castri∣o••us. Scanderbeius.
• * 19.98

  Amurathes re∣nounced his do∣minion, & made himselfe a tur∣kish monke.
• * 19.99

  Two Christian warriers in Eu∣rope stirred vp of God to van∣quish the turks.
• * 19.100

  This Iohn Hu∣niades is repor∣ted of 20. battels with the turke, to lose but two.
• * 19.101

  Epyrus & Ma∣cedonia, defen∣ded by Scander∣beius.
• * 19.102

  Amurathes o∣uercome by Scā∣derbeius.
• * 19.103

  Ianizari among the turkes.
• * 19.104

  A lamentable slauery of Chri∣stian mens chil∣dren vnder the turke.
• * 19.105

  Mahumetes the 9. turke after Ottomannus.
• * 19.106

  The tyranny of Mahumets in murthering hys brethren.
• * 19.107

  Halibassa a trai∣tour to his mai∣ster.
• * 19.108

  Horrible pari∣cide of the ab∣hominable turke Gods prouidece can fetch out of the deuils mouth whom he list to saue. Note here gods punishment vp∣on the betraer of innocent bloud.
• * 19.109

  Mahumete first setteth vpon Ath••••
• * 19.110

  The fury of Mahumete the turke a∣gaynst the Citie and schoole of Athens.
• * 19.111

  Athens de∣stroyed.
• * 19.112

  The siege & taking of Constanti∣nople.
• * 19.113

  Vid. supra. pag. 708.
• * 19.114

  Ex Ioanne Ramo lib. 2. rerum Tur∣cicarum.
• * 19.115

  Vid. supra. pag. 67.
• * 19.116

  Ex Ramo.
• * 19.117

  An image of the Crucifix in Constan∣tinople.
• * 19.118

  What ossen∣ces be giuen to the infi∣dels, by I∣mages in Christian Churches.
• * 19.119

  Vienna ad∣monished.
• * 19.120

  The cruell murther by the turkes in the citie of Constan∣tinople.
• * 19.121

  A lamenta∣ble destruc∣tion of the Citie of Constanti∣nople.
• * 19.122

  The bloudie cruelty of the turk against the Christi∣an captiues.
• * 19.123

  The citie of Pera yel∣deth it selfe for feare to the turke.
• * 19.124

  The citie of Pera spoy∣led.
• * 19.125

  Dronken Mahumete false of pro∣mise. The merci∣full proui∣dence of God in sa∣uing his people.
• * 19.126

  Constanti∣nople made the imperial seat of the turke. The siege of Belgradum in Hungary. Ioan. Huni∣ades.
• * 19.127

  40000. turkes slain at the siege of Belgradum.
• * 19.128

  Ex Hier. Zie∣glero, in lib. de illustrab. virts Germa c•• 98.
• * 19.129

  The noble act of a Bohemian in defence of his countrey.
• * 19.130

  The towne of Belgradium va∣liauntly defen∣ded from the turke.
• * 19.131

  200. thousand turkes at the siege of Belgra∣dum.
• * 19.132

  The decease of Ioannes Hunia∣des.
• * 19.133

  The turkes war against Vsum∣cassanos.
• * 19.134

  The turke agayn returneth a∣gainst the Chri∣stians.

  Synope, Paph∣lagonia, Trapezuntus gotten of the turkes.

  Dauid Empe∣rour of Trape∣zuntus with hys two sonnes and vncle cruelly killed of the turke.

  Corinthus, Mi∣tylene, Lesbos. Lemnus subdu∣ed of the turke.
• * 19.135

  The falshood •••• the wretched turke agaynst the Prince of Mysia. The crueltie of the turke against the kyng of Mysia.
• * 19.136

  The siege of Chalcis in Eu∣boia.
• * 19.137

  The cruell tyrā∣ny of the turke against the City of Chalcis.
• * 19.138

  Ex Ioanne Ra∣mo de rebus Turcicis.
• * 19.139

  The noble stra∣tageme of wo∣men in defen∣ding that Citie.
• * 19.140

  Peloponesus, Achaia, Messe∣nia, Laconia, Argolica, Ar∣chadia, Christen prouinces in Grecia, subdued of the turke.
• * 19.141

  Capha taken of the turke.
• * 19.142

  The counsayle of Scanderbeius, how to fight a∣gainst the turke.
• * 19.143

  A notable ex∣ample of singu∣lar courage in a Captaine.
• * 19.144

  The commen∣dation of Scan∣derbeius agaynst the turkes.
• * 19.145

  Mathias the sonne of Huniades.
• * 19.146

  Stiria, Ca∣rinthia, ta∣ken of the turke.
• * 19.147

  Rhodes be∣sieged.
• * 19.148

  Lencadia, Cephalenia Zacinthus, Fauelona, taken of the turke. The pope flyeth for feare of the turke. Hydruntum taken.
• * 19.149

  These two Empires were Con∣stantinople and Trape∣zunce.
• * 19.150

  Of these Ianizarites, read before pag. 636.
• * 19.151

  Baiazetes slayeth his brothers & mother, and his two ne∣phewes.
• * 19.152

  Readbefore pag 734.
• * 19.153

  False treasō worthely re¦compensed.
• * 19.154

  Lithosto∣mus, Mon∣castrum, Christian fortes sub∣dued othe turke. The turke ouerthro∣wen at Tar∣sus.
• * 19.155

  Dyrachium taken of the turke.
• * 19.156

  The turke a¦gainst the Venetians.
• * 19.157

  The Chris∣tians caryed away cap∣tiues.
• * 19.158

  Pelopone∣sus agayne inuaded by the turke.
• * 19.159

  Methone taken of the turkes, and miserably destroyed.
• * 19.160

  Coron, Pi∣lus, Crisseū yelded to the turkes.
• * 19.161

  Ch•••••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 L•••••• 〈…〉〈…〉 Ilan•• 〈…〉〈…〉 red of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 19.162

  Truce 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the V•••••••• the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 19.163

  Warre 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sophus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 iazetes.
• * 19.164

  Caragius the turkes captayne taken prisoner & slaine of Sophus
• * 19.165

  Halibassa the turkes captayne slaine.
• * 19.166

  Rest geuen to the Christians by the discor•• of the turkes
• * 19.167

  Zelymus made Emperour a∣gainst his fathers will.
• * 19.168

  What these Ia∣nizarites mere, read pag. 736.
• * 19.169

  The counsaile of Baiazetes to his sonne Zelymus.
• * 19.170

  The displeasure of Baiazetes a∣gainst his sonne Zelymus.
• * 19.171

  The dissembling wordes of Zely∣mus to his father
• * 19.172

  Zelymus the sonne poysoneth his father.
• * 19.173

  Zelymus the 11. after Ottoman¦nus.
• * 19.174

  The crueltie of Zelymus against his father and his bretheren.
• * 19.175

  The crueltie of Zelymus against his cousins.
• * 19.176

  Ex Christ. Ri∣cherio.
• * 19.177

  Zelymus the turke warreth a¦gainst his bro∣ther.
• * 19.178

  The crueltie of Zelymus against his brother. The two sonnes of A¦comates flie away from the tyrannie of Zelymus the turke.
• * 19.179

  The proui∣dēce of God in stirring vp occasions for his peo∣ple.
• * 19.180

  Warre be∣tweene Ze∣lymus and Sophus the Persiā king.
• * 19.181

  Warre be∣tweene Ze∣lymus and Aladulus an other turke.
• * 19.182

  Preparatiō of warre betweene Zelymus &c the Christi∣ans.
• * 19.183

  The turke called away from the Christians. A turkishe vowe.
• * 19.184

  Campson the Sultane or ruler of the Egipti∣ans. Mamalucy.
• * 19.185

  Caierbeius ••alse to his maister.
• * 19.186

  Campson slaine.
• * 19.187

  Tomoūbe∣ius made Sultane of Egipt.
• * 19.188

  Tomoūbei∣us executed
• * 19.189

  A worthy destruction of the Ma∣maluci for∣saking their faith and religion. Note a∣gaine the prouidence of God. The death of Zelymus.
• * 19.190

  The beastly crueltie of Zelymus against his kinred.
• * 19.191

  The cruelty of Zelymus against his sonne Soly∣man.
• * 19.192

  A note of Gods pro∣uidence for the reforma¦tion of reli∣gyon.
• * 19.193

  Solymānus the 12 after Ottomānus Read in the pag. 738.
• * 19.194

  Belgradum againe be∣sieged of the turke.
• * 19.195

  Read before pag 743.
• * 19.196

  Discorde a∣mongest Chris∣tian princes what mischiefe it bringeth.
• * 19.197

  The pope so busie against Luther, that he neglecteth the ruine of Christē dome.
• * 19.198

  True compassiō lacking in the Pope.
• * 19.199

  The city of Bel∣grade wonne of the turke.
• * 19.200

  Rhodes besie∣ged.
• * 19.201

  Christian prin∣ces negligent in helping their felowes.
• * 19.202

  Rhodes wonne of the turke.
• * 19.203

  Christen warres against the turke neuer speede well vnder the guiding of Po∣pishe prelates.
• * 19.204

  Christians were the speciall gun¦ners to the turke
• * 19.205

  The rathe arch∣bishop slaine.
• * 19.206

  king Ludouicke perished in war
• * 19.207

  Ferdinandus K. of Hungary.
• * 19.208

  Buda, Varadi∣num, and the citie called Quinquecclesia taken of the turke.
• * 19.209

  Contention be∣tweene Ferdi∣nandus, and Vaiuoda. Vaiuoda flieth to the turks.
• * 19.210

  Horrible examples of the turkes crueltie.
• * 19.211

  The essemi∣nate cow∣ardlynes of the souldi∣ours in Al∣tenburch.
• * 19.212

  The castell of Alten∣burch yel∣ded to the turke.
• * 19.213

  Neapolis besieged of the turke. The turkes army of 250 thousand souldiours.
• * 19.214

  Vienna be sieged of the turke.
• * 19.215

  Fridericus Earle pala∣latine cap∣taine of Vi∣enna.
• * 19.216

  Fridericus Earle Pala∣tine, Williā Rogen∣dorffius, Nicholaus Earle of Salme, cap∣taines of Vienna.
• * 19.217

  Preparation within the Citie of Vienna, a∣gainst the turke.
• * 19.218

  Prouision made for victualing the citie.
• * 19.219

  Good coū∣saile & ex∣perience re∣fused.
• * 19.220

  Rashe hardi¦nes of our Christians in skirmi∣shing with the turke. The wret∣ched cruelty of the turkes against the Christian captiues.
• * 19.221

  The mes∣sage of the turke to the Viennians.
• * 19.222

  The aun∣swere of the Viēnians to the turke.
• * 19.223

  Solymanus approcheth Vienna with three great armies
• * 19.224

  A messenger sent from Ferdinādus to Vienna.
• * 19.225

  The siege of Vienna be∣ginneth.
• * 19.226

  The Lordes power and pro∣uidence in kee∣ping the Citie of Vienna.
• * 19.227

  The slaughter of the turkes a∣bout the walles of Vienna.
• * 19.228

  The manlynes of Captaine Rogendorffius a¦gainst the turkes
• * 19.229

  An other assault of the turkes a∣gainst Vienna.
• * 19.230

  Another repulse of the turkes.
• * 19.231

  Vienna vnder∣mined by the turkes.
• * 19.232

  An other assault of the turkes a∣gainst Vienna.
• * 19.233

  The turkes a¦gayne repulsed.
• * 19.234

  An other assault of the turkes re∣pelled.
• * 19.235

  The turkes at variance among themselues.
• * 19.236

  The Turke and his souldiours could not agree.
• * 19.237

  The turke en∣treateth his sol∣diours.
• * 19.238

  Compul•••• of men ser∣ueth not where the Lord defen∣deth.
• * 19.239

  The slaugh∣ter of the turkes at Vienna.
• * 19.240

  The turkes slaine.
• * 19.241

  The turke beginneth to take coū∣saile to re∣tire.
• * 19.242

  Solyman remoueth & raiseth his siege from Vienna.
• * 19.243

  The turkes campe pur∣sued in their flight.
• * 19.244

  The priuy purpose of the turkes preuented.
• * 19.245

  The rest of the turkes slaine in the campe.
• * 19.246

  The mercy∣full protecti¦on of God ouer Chris∣tendome.
• * 19.247

  Gods bles∣sing goeth with the mainteyners of his true worship & religion.
• * 19.248

  Ex Melch∣iore Soitero lib. 2. de Bello Pan∣nonico.
• * 19.249

  Nicholaus Iureschitz a valiaunt Captayne.
• * 19.250

  A miraculous example of the Lordes protecti¦on & prouidence
• * 19.251

  The turke fal¦seth his siege from Gunza.
• * 19.252

  The Emperour Charles & Fer∣dinandus begin at length to sturre against the turke.
• * 19.253

  The turke refu∣seth to tarry the Christian army.
• * 19.254

  The turke war∣reth against the king of Tunece. Tunece wonne of the turke. Tunece recoue∣red againe by Charles the Emperour.
• * 19.255

  Taurus a citie of Persia taken of the turkes.
• * 19.256

  20 thousand turkes slaine of the Persian king
• * 19.257

  Corcyra the Iland wasted & spoyled by the turkes.
• * 19.258

  The Ile of Za∣zinthus & Cy∣thara spoiled by the turkes.
• * 19.259

  Captiues of the Christians. Warre betwene the Egyenetes & the turkes.
• * 19.260

  Egina taken of the turke. The citizens of Egina slaine of the turkes.
• * 19.261

  The women of Egina miserably entreated and captiued of the turkes.
• * 19.262

  The Ile Parum and Naxus. Ciclades subdu∣ed of the turke. Ex Ioan. Crispo
• * 19.263

  Note what hurt commeth by the dissention of Christiā princes Stiria is a coun∣trey or prouince neare adioyning to Austria.
• * 19.264

  The falshood of the turke with the Venetians.
• * 19.265

  Nouum Castel∣lū in Dalmatia, ouer thro wen by the turke, & the people slaine.
• * 19.266

  The contention in Hungary be∣tweene Ferdinā¦dus & Vaiuoda & his successors.
• * 19.267

  The communi∣cation betweene Monachus and Ferdinandus.
• * 19.268

  What hurt may come of rashe suspicion.
• * 19.269

  The turke called a∣gayne into Hungary by the dislentiō betweene Monachus and Ferdi∣nandus. The cow∣ardly viage of Ioachi∣mus Duke of Brande∣burg, against the turke.
• * 19.270

  500. Chris∣tian souldi∣ours taken and carried away of the turkes.
• * 19.271

  The horri∣ble punish¦ments prac∣tised of the turkes a∣gainst the Christians.
• * 19.272

  Ex Ioan Ramo, de rebus turci∣cis. lib. 2.
• * 19.273

  The false∣nes of the turke in kee∣ping no pro¦mise with the Christi¦ans.
• * 19.274

  An horrible example of the beastly crueltie of the false turke.
• * 19.275

  Ex epist. Marti. Stel∣lae. de suc∣cessibus tur carum. &c.
• * 19.276

  The castle of Walpo wonne of the turkes.
• * 19.277

  A notable example of Gods iudge¦mentes ligh¦ting vpon themselues, which meane false hoode to∣ward the in¦nocent.
• * 19.278

  The citie of 5. churhes yelded to the turkes.
• * 19.279

  The byshop leaueth his flocke in the bryers.
• * 19.280

  Soclosia a towne in Hungary subdued of the turkes.
• * 19.281

  Couetous∣nes of word¦ly goodes is the destruc∣tiō of many a man.
• * 19.282

  The turke keepeth no promise.
• * 19.283

  Example what commeth by Christen mens yelding to the turke.
• * 19.284

  Strigonium a ci∣tie in Hungary besieged of the turkes.
• * 19.285

  Negligence of Christen princes in publicke de∣fence.
• * 19.286

  Three speciall helpes of the turkes in win∣ning townes & cities.
• * 19.287

  The citizens of Strigonium flie the citie.
• * 19.288

  The towne of Strigonium de∣stroyed after the flying of the ci∣tizens, & the castell defended.
• * 19.289

  An Italian feare in yelding the castle of Strigo∣niū to the turke.
• * 19.290

  A turkishe truce taken with the Christians, they not knowing thereof.
• * 19.291

  The false turkes neuer true in promise.
• * 19.292

  The miserable affliction of our Christen souldi∣ours taken at Strigonium.
• * 19.293

  Holy souldiours & Martius slaine of the turkes for their faithfull religion.
• * 19.294

  Ex Ioan. Mart. Stella in Epist. ad fratros.
• * 19.295

  Diuers opinions of the Viēnians touching these miserable afflic∣ted souldiours.
• * 19.296

  Tath, sub∣dued of the turkes.
• * 19.297

  Victory hath neuer successe vn∣der awicked captaine and swearer.
• * 19.298

  Alba Rega∣lis besieged of the turke.
• * 19.299

  The turkes deuise in filling vpp the marishe
• * 19.300

  A strata∣geme of the Christians against the turkes.
• * 19.301

  A note tou∣ching the French king that then was.
• * 19.302

  Ex epist. Ioan. Marti Stella. ad fratres. De Turcar. in Hungaria successibus.
• * 19.303

  The out∣wardwalles gott by the turkes.
• * 19.304

  A miserable slaughter of Christen souldiours.
• * 19.305

  Let neuer good Chris¦tians stand to the turks gentlenes.
• * 19.306

  The cruelty of the turks against the Christians. What it is to yeld to turke and to sticke to hys promise.
• * 19.307

  The City∣zēs of Alba destroyed of the turkes. Halfe of a young child found in the satchell of a captiue coming frō the turkes. The castell of Pappa wonne of the turkes. Wizigradū gotte and surprised of the turkes. The false dealing and crueltie of the turkes against the Christians. Nouum ca∣stellum in Dalmatia wonne by the turkes.
• * 19.308

  The discord of Christiā princes within themselues. The turke occasioned to returne out of Europe into Asia.
• * 19.309

  The prouidence of God for his Christians.
• * 19.310

  An other exam∣ple of Gods pro¦uidence for his
• * 19.311

  Sylyman the turke murdereth Mustapha his owne sonne.
• * 19.312

  The louing pro∣uidence of our Lord for his Christians.
• * 19.313

  Good hope at Gods hand to be conceaued of Christians.
• * 19.314

  Good newes of the turkes lately repulsed by the Christian.
• * 19.315

  8000. turkes slaine.
• * 19.316

  Christian cap∣tiues rescued & taken from the turkes. 800. turkes slaine.
• * 19.317

  A great captaine of the turkes slaine and his treasure taken.
• * 19.318

  The turke pear∣cing into Italy.
• * 19.319

  Coniectures why it is to be feared that the turke shall gette Rome.
• * 19.320

  The phro∣phesi of the 18. chap. of the Apocca∣lipse•• poun∣ded.
• * 19.321

  The third cause Ex Paulo Iou••o.
• * 19.322

  The fourth cause Ex Ioan. Auentino. Annal. lib. 3. fol. 30.
• * 19.323

  A prophesi.
• * 19.324

  A caucat to the bishop of Rome, if he be wise.
• * 19.325

  Ex Pau••o Ionio.
• * 19.326

  Authours of the turkes stories.
• * 19.327

  Persecution vnder the turkes.
• * 19.328

  Compari∣son betwene the persecu∣tions of the primitiue church and of the latter church. Three speci∣all enemies of Christes Church.
• * 19.329

  Apoc. 16. The crueltie of the furi∣ous turkes described.
• * 19.330

  Two things to bee noted in the turks: how many victories they haue got, & howe cruelly they haue vsed their victo∣ries.
• * 19.331

  Ex Marino Bar∣letio de Scodr. ex pugnat. lib. 2.
• * 19.332

  Ex Michael. Sottero. lib. 1. de Bello Panno∣nico fol. 525.
• * 19.333

  Ex Bernardo de Breydenbach Decano Eccl. Maegun••.
• * 19.334

  The superstiti∣ous vse of the materiall crosse.
• * 19.335

  Vide supra. pag. 755.
• * 19.336

  Ex Bernardo Breydenb.
• * 19.337

  A notable ex∣ample of may∣denly chastitie.
• * 19.338

  Vid. supra. pag. 7••4.
• * 19.339

  The miserable spillyng of Christen mens bloud by the wretched turk••.
• * 19.340

  A briefe recitall of Christen townes & forts wonne of the tu••ke in Europe.
• * 19.341

  The crueltie of the turk against the Citizens of Constantinople Vide supra. pag. 706.
• * 19.342

  The crueltie of the turk against the prisoners of Methone. Ex Leonico Chalcondyla de rebus Turci∣cis. lib. 10.
• * 19.343

  A straunge and a prodigious wonder of a brute beast to∣warde a dead Christian body.
• * 19.344

  More humani∣tie seene in a brute beast then in the turke.
• * 19.345

  The Byshop with the Citi∣zens of Methone slayne of the turke. Ex Andrea de L••cuna, & a∣liss. Ex Ioanne Fa∣bro, in oratione ad Regem. Henr. 8.
• * 19.346

  The crueltie of the turke in Eubo••a.
• * 19.347

  The prince of Seruia slayne & slayne of the turke.
• * 19.348

  ••et neuer Christen prince trust the turke. The turkes stirred vp of the deuil to fight against Christ.
• * 19.349

  The turkes are butchers of the Chri∣stians.
• * 19.350

  The misera∣ble state of the Christi∣an captiues vnder the turke.
• * 19.351

  The buying and sellyng of Christen captiues vn∣der the turks
• * 19.352

  Christen capriues ty∣thed of the turke.
• * 19.353

  O wicked∣nes passing all miserie.
• * 19.354

  O miserie aboue all miseries.
• * 19.355

  The serui∣tude of yong women cap∣tiues.
• * 19.356

  Ex Bartho∣lomeo Geor∣gioniz Pe∣regrina lib. de afflictio∣nibus Chri∣stianorum sub Tuica.
• * 19.357

  The mise∣rable cala∣mitie of Christen women be∣ing in capti∣nitie vnder the turkes. The maner of Christen captiues, how they are brought to markets and solde.
• * 19.358

  Christians in their cap∣tiuitie, put to drawe in the plough like horses.
• * 19.359

  The great daungers of Christen captiues which flye out of turky.
• * 19.360

  The maner and shift of our men in getting o∣uer the sea.
• * 19.361

  The mani∣fold daun∣gers by the way in fly∣ing.
• * 19.362

  The mysery of Christian cities & pro∣uinces which line vnder the turkes tri∣bute.
• * 19.363

  If Christians may not goe lyke turkes, why should our Gos∣pellers goe like Papistes? The turkes haue their fire & fa∣gots, as well as our papistes. The Christians must light from their horse, me∣ting a turkish priest, and adore hym.
• * 19.364

  An other mise∣rie most lamen∣table, in takyng away Christen mens children from their pa∣rentes, to serue the turke.
• * 19.365

  O myserie.
• * 19.366

  This is with teares rather thē with words to be expressed.
• * 19.367

  Priuy Gospel∣lers in Turkie,
• * 19.368

  An olde Pro∣phesie of the turkes touching the sword of the Christian.
• * 19.369

  Necessary for many causes that the trou∣bles of the church bekno∣wen.
• * 19.370

  The largenes of the Turkes dommions de∣clared.
• * 19.371

  A pamea, is a citie in Bi∣thinia, also another in Mesopotamia, Apamea Cybotus also a citie in great Phrygia, and ano∣ther also in parthia.
• * 19.372

  Phrygia Minor in Pto∣lomy is called Iroas.
• * 19.373

  At Carura, a certayne baude with a company of harlots, beeing there lodged, sodenly hapned an earthquake in the ci∣tie, wherein the sayde baude with al his strom∣pettes were swallowed vp. Pius 2. papa. lib. De¦scriptione cap. 16.
• * 19.374

  Here Basilius Mag∣nus was Bishop.
• * 19.375

  The coūtrey where S. Paule was borne.
• * 19.376

  Another Corycus is also in the Ile of Creta.
• * 19.377

  Bessabee is a citie in Iury, also an other in Ipumaea.
• * 19.378

  Antiochia, apud Orentem, chiefe ci∣tie in Siria, where the disciples of christ were first named Christians. Acts. 11.
• * 19.379

  Nicopolis, is a City also in Macedonia, mentioned in the E∣pistle of S. Paule to Titus. Cap. 3.
• * 19.380

  Seleucia, is a citie in Siria, Also ano∣ther in Pamphilla, another in Cilicia pisidiae, an other in Coelisyria, and in Mesopotamia ano∣ther.
• * 19.381

  In this Laodicaea was the councell kept, which is called Concilium Laodi∣cense.

  There is another Laodicaea, in Lydiae neare to Colos••ae, in Asia minor, Co∣loss. 5.

  Lacodicae a also is the chief Citie in Phrigia pa catiana, neare to Galatia, Act. 18. 1. Tim. 6.

  In Edessa raigned king Abgarus, men∣tioned in Euseb. lib. 1. cap. 15. to whome Christ wrote, pro∣mysing to send vnto him after his death. Babylon in Chal∣doea, where Nabu∣chodonoser raigned, and was after de∣stroyed and transla∣ted by Seleucus Ni∣canor. Another is in Egypt, called Alcay∣••••s.
• * 19.382

  Ilands belonging to Asia Minor.
• * 19.383

  This Cyprus K. Rich. the first, did once sub∣due, fighting agaynst the Saracens. Ex Aene. syluio. Lib. De Orbis Descrip. cap 74.
• * 19.384

  A memorable facte of a virgine, in defence of her countrey.
• * 19.385

  Ex Sebast. Munst, Cos∣mo. lib. 5. in praefat.
• * 19.386

  Vide supra. pag. 98.99.
• * 19.387

  Argos, is a citie in Am∣philochia, and an other also in Peloponesus.
• * 19.388

  Of Corinthus, Strabo writeth that more then a thousande virgines, there in the temple of Venus, vsed yearely to be set out to bee made common: and therfore not without cause Saint Paule writeth: Eratis Scortatores, Idololatrae. &c. 1. Cor. 6.
• * 19.389

  The Ilands about Grae∣cia.
• * 19.390

  Vide supra pag. 719.
• * 19.391

  In Creta, S. Paule or∣dained Titus to be By∣shop and ouerieer.
• * 19.392

  Corcica, is an Iland be∣yond Italy, whiche the Turkes nauie, ioynyng with the French, dyd o∣uercome. an. 1553.
• * 19.393

  The region of My∣sia is deuided into two partes: wherof the one is in Asia, & is deuided into My∣sia maior, and Mysia minor. The other is in Europa, & is de∣uided into Mysia, or Moesia superior, and Mysia inferior.
• * 19.394

  Epidaurus is a citie in Illiria, and also an other in Pelopone∣sus.
• * 19.395

  These regions were in the former tyme called by the name of Illyria, or Illyri∣cum and Afterward by reason of certaine Scythians commyng thether, they were also called Sclauo∣nia.
• * 19.396

  Stephanus kyng of Bosna, & afterward of Rascia and Mysia, was by subtil trayne allured to come and speake with Mahu∣mete the Turk: who being come, was ta∣ken and his skinne flayne off.

  All this tracte of Bulgaria, Walachia, Transyluania, Ser∣uia, Rascia, & Mol∣dauia, was wont to be called Dacia, but afterward was seue∣red into diuers lands and dominions. Of Ioannes Hunia∣des, read before, pag. 720.721.
• * 19.397

  At Columbetz, Si∣gismunde loste the fielde fightyng a∣gainst the Turkes, Vide supra. pag. 719. In Varna, a Citie in Rascia, Ladislaus K. of Hungary, fought with the Turke, and was ouercome. an. 1444. Vide supra, pag. 720.
• * 19.398

  Prophesies con∣sidered for the beginning and falling of the Turkes king∣dome.
• * 19.399

  Two things to be consi∣dered in the tyme and order of the olde Testa∣ment. The scrip∣tures, & the people.
• * 19.400

  In Dan. Pro∣phe. Phil. Me∣lanct.
• * 19.401

  Gen. 4.
• * 19.402

  The Sara∣cens come of Ismael. Resemblāce betweene the 12. sōnes of Ismaell: and the 12. Ottoman Turkes. 4. Reg. 17.
• * 19.403

  The olde church of the Israelites beareth a re∣presentatiō or image of the publicke church of Christ Iesus
• * 19.404

  1. Cor. 10.
• * 19.405

  The church of the Iewes a fi∣gure of Christes Church.
• * 19.406

  Ex Phil. Me∣lanct. in Danie∣lem. cap. 9.
• * 19.407

  The tymes and yeares of the old church, compa∣red with the newe.
• * 19.408

  The rule and dominion of the high priestes in the Iewes com∣mon wealth, and of our pre∣lates, compared.
• * 19.409

  Antiochus bea∣reth a figure of Antichrist.
• * 19.410

  The family of Antiochus.
• * 19.411

  The family of the Turkes.
• * 19.412

  Resemblāce be∣twene the Syri∣an kings, and the Turkes.
• * 19.413

  The tyme of Antichrist exa∣mined by pro∣phesies.
• * 19.414

  One Antichrist prefigureth an other.
• * 19.415

  Apoc. cap. 20.
• * 19.416

  Machab. lib. & cap. 1. The furious cru∣eltie of Antio∣chus agaynst Gods people.
• * 19.417

  1. Machab. cap. 1. Daniel. 9.
• * 19.418

  Antiochus a figure of the Turke.
• * 19.419

  Ex Lyra in Glosa ordin. cap. 1. Ma∣chab.
• * 19.420

  The name of Antichrist what it con∣teyneth.
• * 19.421

  Dan. cap. 11.
• * 19.422

  Dani. cap. 7.
• * 19.423

  Vide Ro∣dulphum Gualt. de Antichristo.
• * 19.424

  The first note.
• * 19.425

  The second note.
• * 19.426

  Helpes of the Christi∣ans against the Pope.
• * 19.427

  The third note.
• * 19.428

  The fourth note.
• * 19.429

  The fift note.
• * 19.430

  Mauzzim the popes God.
• * 19.431

  The sixte note.
• * 19.432

  The 7. and 11. chapt. of Dan. mea∣neth the great Anti∣christ the turke.
• * 19.433

  Ezech. cap. 38.39.
• * 19.434

  Gog & Magog.
• * 19.435

  The prophesies of the new Te∣stament, concer∣ning the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 19.436

  2. Thessal. 2.
• * 19.437

  The defection in time of An∣tichrist decla∣red.
• * 19.438

  Vide supra, pag. 903.
• * 19.439

  The place of S. Paule 1 Thess. 2. applyed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Pope.
• * 19.440

  Ex Bonifacio Extrauag.
• * 19.441

  Apoc. 20.
• * 19.442

  The 7. trumpets of the 7. Angels in the Apoc. ex∣pounded.
• * 19.443

  The sixt trum∣pet.
• * 19.444

  Loosing of the angels vpon the ryuer Euphra∣tes. Apoc. 19.
• * 19.445

  Apoc. cap. 16.
• * 19.446

  The 4. beastes in the Apoc. mean the 4. Monar∣chies.
• * 19.447

  The kings of the East.
• * 19.448

  Drying vp of Euphrates. Ibid.
• * 19.449

  Ibid. An exhortation of the holy ghost to the faithfull.
• * 19.450

  Apoc. cap. 13.
• * 19.451

  The prophesie of the Apo. cap. 13. discussed.
• * 19.452

  The beast ha∣uing hornes like the lambe, must needes meane the Pope.
• * 19.453

  The first reason.
• * 19.454

  Ex Boni. 8. Extr. de Maiorit. & obed.
• * 19.455

  The second reason. Anno. 1553.
• * 19.456

  Vid. supra. pag. 649.
• * 19.457

  The Pope hath the hornes of a Lambe, but the mouth of a Dragon
• * 19.458

  The third reason.
• * 19.459

  The two beastes in the 13. cap. of the Apoc. expounded.
• * 19.460

  A descripti∣on of the Citie and Monarchy of Rome.
• * 19.461

  The descrip∣tion of the beast with the two hornes of the Lambe. Apoc. 13.
• * 19.462

  The Pope hauing all the rule and power of Rome. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. Apoc. 13.
• * 19.463

  The fourth reason.
• * 19.464

  The fift rea∣son.
• * 19.465

  Rome al∣most dead.
• * 19.466

  Roma cal∣led Odacria
• * 19.467

  To geue life to the image of the beast. The Image of Rome speaketh a∣gain as cru∣elly as euer it did.
• * 19.468

  Et faciet eos occidi, qui non adora∣uerint ima∣ginem be∣itiae. Apoc. 13.
• * 19.469

  The sixt rea∣••••••.
• * 19.470

  The number of the name of the beast discussed. 666.
• * 19.471

  The num∣ber of these let∣ters in greeke, ma∣keth the full number of 666.

  • 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
  • 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
  • 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
  • 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
  • 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
  • o.
  • 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• * 19.472

  Nicol. de Lyra and other po∣pish writers de∣ceaued in the 13. chap. of the Apoc.
• * 19.473

  Apoc. cap. 20.
• * 19.474

  The bynding and loosing out of Sathan exa∣mined. Three things to be noted in thys prophesie.
• * 19.475

  What is meant by bynding vp of Sathan.
• * 19.476

  The tyme of bynding vp of Sathan.
• * 19.477

  Apoc. 11.13.42. monethes in the Apoc. declared.
• * 19.478

  Supputation of yeares betwene the beginning & ceasing the per∣secutions in the primitiue Church.
• * 19.479

  Vide supra. pag. 385.
• * 19.480

  The pope pro∣ued to be the seconde beast mentioned in the Apoc. ca. 13.
• * 19.481

  Et hic bibet de vino irae dei A∣poc. 14.
• * 19.482

  The 3. part of the prophesie for the loosing out of Satan.
• * 19.483

  The beginning of the Turkes progenie.
• * 19.484

  The tyme of Transubstantia∣tion. The tyme of the Turkes.
• * 19.485

  Ex Laonico Chalcondyla. lib. 1. The prophesie of Ezech. ca. 38.
• * 19.486

  Methodius prophesies.
• * 19.487

  The booke of Metho∣dius mista∣ken.
• * 19.488

  The pro∣phesies of Methodius, concerning the turkes.
• * 19.489

  Viij. weekes of yeares, counting e∣uery weeke for a Sab∣bate of yeres, that is, euery day for a yeare, com∣meth to 56. yeares.
• * 19.490

  The first state or al∣teration of tymes con∣cerning the comming of the Saracens
• * 19.491

  Christians plagued by the Saraces.
• * 19.492

  The seconde state or al∣teration of the Christi∣ans relieued of theyr plagues and tribulations
• * 19.493

  Christians abusing Gods bene∣fites.
• * 19.494

  The third alteratiō by the cōming of the turks.
• * 19.495

  The reigne of Christian kinges in Hierusalem lasted 88. yeares 'an. 1187.
• * 19.496

  By this re∣signing vp the crowne to the cruci∣fixe in Gol∣gotha, is sig¦nified, the ceasing of the reigne of the christiās in Hierusaiē tyll the cō∣ming of Christ. By this tribe of Dā, and the citie Chorosaim, Bethsaida, & Capernaū is signified Gods great malediction vpon Anti∣christ.
• * 19.497

  The destruc¦tion of An∣tichrist.
• * 19.498

  The inter∣pretation.
• * 19.499

  The com∣ming of the Saracens.
• * 19.500

  The coming of the turks.
• * 19.501

  Seythia iux ta C••ueassi.
• * 19.502

  Victory of the Christians gotte against the Sa∣racens. Ex Paulo Ionio The citie of Hie¦rusalē recouered by the Christias frō the Saracens Hierusalem pos∣sessed of the christians 88. yeares. Hierusalē wōne frō the Christiās by the turkes, an 1187.
• * 19.503

  The cōming & markes of Anti∣christ described.
• * 19.504

  The time of An∣tichrist. Petrus Lombar¦dus. Gratianus. Innocentius. 3.
• * 19.505

  Trāsubstātiatiō, The first perse∣cution by the church of Rome Dominicke. Frier Fraunces, Ex antonino part. 3. tit. 19. c 1. The orders of Fryers beganne.
• * 19.506

  The pope exal∣ting himselfe aboue kings and Emperours.
• * 19.507

  Notes of Anti∣christ.
• * 19.508

  Enoch & Hely.
• * 19.509

  Iohn Hus & Hierome of Prage. Vid. in pri∣mo Tom. operū Iohā. Hus. De A∣natomia.
• * 19.510

  Hierome of Prage a pro¦phet and Martir.
• * 19.511

  The nearnes of the Lordes iudgement.
• * 19.512

  The prophesy of Hildegardis and Brigiete, of the Turkes.
• * 19.513

  Ex Auentino lib. 3. Annalium. A caneat to England.
• * 19.514

  Ex Brigitta. lib. 4. cap. 57.
• * 19.515

  Prophesies of Brigitte, against Rome.
• * 19.516

  The Prophesies of Erithrea Sy∣billa named Eri∣phila.
• * 19.517

  Ex Erithrea Sy∣billa in suo Na∣zilographo. i. im¦periali scripto.
• * 19.518

  Prophesies of Sybilla of christ.
• * 19.519

  By his feete is supposed to be ment the yeares of his age.
• * 19.520

  The lambe lying, &c. that is, the Church without tra¦uell shall be mainteyned with some liuing or possessions of chiefe ru∣lers.
• * 19.521

  By these foure beasts is ment the 4. Monar∣chies of the worlde, that is the mul∣titude of all the kingdōs of the Gen∣tiles, as is in the Apocal. By the citye of Aeneas is ment Rome The prophe¦sies of Sybil¦la, of Anti∣christ. The 663. feet do meane the yeares of his reigne.
• * 19.522

  These two starres seme to meane Iohn Hus, & Hierome, who being put to death by the pope their doc∣trine rose a∣gayne more strongly then before.
• * 19.523

  Ex libro cui titulus, onne Ecclesiae.
• * 20.1

  By the prince of the Gentiles the turkes do here meane the king∣domes and dominions of the Chris∣tians, whom they call Gentiles, becuse they are not cir∣cumcised after their maner.
• * 20.2

  The exposition of the turkes prophesie.
• * 20.3

  Ex Barthol Georgienitz.
• * 20.4

  An other ••••••••∣sition.
• * 20.5

  Gen. 25.
• * 20.6

  The Saracēs beginne their reigne.
• * 20.7

  The Egipti∣an Saracens or Sultans.
• * 20.8

  The Saracēs kingdome ceaseth.
• * 20.9

  The turkes kingdome beginneth.
• * 20.10

  Transubstantia∣tion.
• * 20.11

  Vide supra pag. 312.
• * 20.12

  Tartarians.

  Portae Caspiae.

  Saladinus stocke in Aegipt cea∣seth.
• * 20.13

  Mamaluchi in Aegipt.

  Vide supra pag. 747.
• * 20.14

  Why the pope cannot preuaile a∣gainst the Turkes.
• * 20.15

  God offended with Idolatrie and wrong faith of the Christi∣ans.
• * 20.16

  A prayer a¦gainst the Turkes.
• * 20.17

  Psal. 119. Galat. 4. Sapien. 5. Elai. 55. Genes. 6.
• * 20.18

  Iudic. 14. Ioa. 22. Luke. 6. Colosl. 2.
• * 20.19

  Anno. 1500.
• * 20.20

  A question whether is the greater Antichrist the turke or the Pope.
• * 20.21

  Babram and an olde man Mar∣tirs. Vide: supra. pag. 737.
• * 20.22

  Diuers, kentish∣in ••n bearing fagots.
• * 20.23

  Will Tilsworth, Martir.
• * 20.24

  The daughter compelled to set fire to her father
• * 20.25

  Amersham men bearing fagots.
• * 20.26

  Tho Barnard, Iames Mordon Martirs.
• * 20.27

  Father Ro∣berts Martir
• * 20.28

  Father Re∣uer Martir.
• * 20.29

  Men of A∣mersham burnt in the cheeke for Gods word
• * 20.30

  Anno. 1506. Tho. Chase Martir.
• * 20.31

  Tho. Chase brought be∣fore the B.
• * 20.32

  Tho. Chase condēned to the Bishops prison at Wooburne called little ease.
• * 20.33

  A worthy almes of a Bishop.
• * 20.34

  The perfect patience & constancy of Tho. Chase.
• * 20.35

  Tho. Chase cruelly mur¦thered in the Bishops prison.
• * 20.36

  Tho. Chase falsely slaū∣dered to hang him∣selfe.
• * 20.37

  God bring∣eth to light the secret murthers of the papistes. Math. 10. Luke. 12.
• * 20.38

  Tho. Norice Martir. Anno. 1507.
• * 20.39

  Elizabeth Sampson. Anno. 1508
• * 20.40

  Laurence Ghest. Martir.
• * 20.41

  Laurēce Ghest two yeares in prison at Salis∣bury.
• * 20.42

  Laurence would not be turned for wyfe nor childrē
• * 20.43

  Laurence died a Martir.
• * 20.44

  Witnes to the story.
• * 20.45

  A notable storke of a faithfull woman burned in Chipping∣sadbery.
• * 20.46

  D. Whittington Chauncellour a persecutour.
• * 20.47

  A faithfull Christian womā and Martir, bur∣ned at Chip∣pingsadbery.
• * 20.48

  A comparison betweene but∣chers, and the popes murthe∣ring ministers.
• * 20.49

  A rare & speciall example of the iust punishment of God vpon a persecutour.
• * 20.50

  D. Whittington slaine of a Bull.
• * 20.51

  Witnes to the story.
• * 20.52

  The state of the commō wealth, co∣monly folo∣weth the state of the church.
• * 20.53

  The duetie of princes to defend their subiectes frō the slaugh∣ter of the Church of Rome.
• * 20.54

  Ex comenta riis Phil Co minaei De bello Nea∣politano. lib 3.
• * 20.55

  Vid supra pag. 731. The prophe¦sie of Hie∣rome Sauo∣narola.
• * 20.56

  Note.
• * 20.57

  Vide Phil. Cominaeū de bello Ne¦opol. lib. 5.
• * 20.58

  De bello Neopolit. lib. 5.
• * 20.59

  Examples of kinges of England, which were blessed of God with long prospe∣ritie, being enemies to the byshops of Rome. Augustus reigned 55 yeares.
• * 20.60

  Vide supra pag. 340.
• * 20.61

  Vide supra pag. 352.
• * 20.62

  Vide supra pag. 383.
• * 20.63

  What diffe∣rence be∣tweene mo∣derat prin∣ces, and thē that were persecutors.
• * 20.64

  The death of K. Henry. 7.
• * 20.65

  Couentry men persecuted.
• * 20.66

  I. Blomstone.
• * 20.67

  The power of Peter flitteth not to his suc∣cessours.
• * 20.68

  Purgatory deni∣ed.
• * 20.69

  Images not to be worshipped.
• * 20.70

  Richard Heghā.
• * 20.71

  Merites condem¦ned.
• * 20.72

  Images serue rather to be bur∣ned, then to be worshipped.
• * 20.73

  Robert Crow∣ther.
• * 20.74

  Against Pilgri∣mage.
• * 20.75

  Iohn Smith.
• * 20.76

  The Lordes prayer to be in Englishe.
• * 20.77

  Roger Browne.
• * 20.78

  Against Pilgri∣mage.
• * 20.79

  Fleshe eating in Lent.
• * 20.80

  Against Purga∣tory and confes∣sion auricular.
• * 20.81

  Against confes∣siō & satisfactiō.
• * 20.82

  Thomas Butler.
• * 20.83

  Against Purga∣tory.
• * 20.84

  Against merites.
• * 20.85

  Iohn Falkes.
• * 20.86

  Against Images.
• * 20.87

  It is heresie to say a stone is a stone, & a blocke is a blocke.
• * 20.88

  Richar. Hilmin.
• * 20.89

  Scripture in En∣glishe.
• * 20.90

  Margery Goyt.
• * 20.91

  Against the Sacrament of the Aul∣tar.
• * 20.92

  Picus Mirā∣dula Earle.
• * 20.93

  This Tho∣mas Lāgh∣ton was e∣lected Archbysh. but died be∣fore he was confirmed.