Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

To returne now to the story againe, Gregory after he had sent these resolutions to the questions of Austen, sen∣deth moreouer, to the Church of Englande moe coadiu∣tors, and helpers, as Mellitus, Iustus, Paulinus, and Ruffia∣nus, with bookes and such other implemēts as he thought necessary, for the English Church. He sendeth moreouer to the foresaide Austen a palle with letters wherein he set∣teth an order betweene the twoo Metropolitane seates, the one to be at London the other to be at Yorke. Not∣withstanding he graunteth to the sayde Austen during his lyfe to be the onely chyefe Archbyshop of al the lande: and after hys tyme, then to returne to the two foresaide seats of London and Yorke, as is in y^e same letter conteined, the tenour whereof here followeth in hys owne wordes as ensueth.

The copie of the Epistle of Gregory, sent to Augustinus into Englande.

REuerendissimo & sanctis. fratri Augustino coepiscopo, Grego∣rius seruus seruorum Dei. Cum certum sit, pro omnipotente Deo laborātibus ineffabilia aeterni Regis praemia reseruari, nobis tamen eis necesse est bonorum beneficia tribuere, vt in spiritualis operis studio ex remuneratione valeant multiplicius insudare: and so forth as followeth here in English.

TO the reuerende and vertuous brother Augustine, his felow Byshop, Gregorius the seruaunt of the seruaunts of God. Al∣though it be most certaine that vnspeakeable rewardes, of the heauenly king, be laide vp for all such, as labour in the wordes of almighty God, yet it shall be requisite for vs, to reward the same also with our benefites, to the ende, they may be more encoura∣ged, to go forward in the study of their spirituall worke. And for asmuch now, as the new church of Englishmen is brought to the grace of almightie God, through his mightie helpe, and your tra∣uayle, therefore we haue graunted to you the vse of the palle, on∣ly to be vsed at the solemnitie of your Masse: so that it shall bee lawfull for you to ordaine twelue Bishops, such as shal be subiect to your prouince or dition. So that hereafter alwaies the Byshop of the Citie of London, shall be ordeyned and consecrate by his owne proper Synode: and so to receaue the palle of honour frō the holy and Apostolike seate, wherein I here (by the permission of God) doe serue. And as touching the Citie of Yorke, we wyll sende also a Bysh. thether, whō you may thinke meet to ordayne. So that if that Citie with other places bordering thereby, shall re∣ceiue the word of God, he shall haue power likewise to ordayne twelue byshops, and haue the honour of a Metropolitane: to whō also if God spare me life, I entend by the fauour of God, to sende a palle: this prouided, that notwithstanding he shal be subiect to your brotherly appointment. But after your decease, the same Metropolitane, so to be ouer the Byshops whom he ordereth, that he be in no wise subiect to the Metropolitane of Londō after you. And here after betwixt these two Metropolitanes, of London, & Yorke, let there be had such distinction of honour, that hee shall haue the prioritie, which shall in time first bee ordeyned: Wyth common counsell, and affection of hart, let them go both toge∣ther, disposing with one accord, such things as be to be done, for the zeale of Christ. Let them forethinke and deliberate together prudently, and what they deliberate wisely, let them accomplish concordly, not gerryng, nor swaruing, one from the other. But as for your part, you shall be indued with authoritie, not onelye ouer those Byshops, that you constitute, and ouer the other con∣stituted by the byshop of Yorke. But also you to haue all other Priestes of whole Brytaine, subiect to our Lord Iesus Christ: to the ende that through your preaching and holines of life, they may learne both to beleeue rightly and to liue purely, and so in directing their life, both by the rule of true faith and vertuous maners, they may attaine, when God shall call them, the fruition and kingdome of heauen.* 1.1

God preserue you in health reuerend brother:

the x before the Kalend. of Iuly, in the raygne of our so∣ueraigne Lord Mauritius, most vertuous Emperour.

Besides this, the said Gregory sendeth also an other let∣ter to Mellitus,* 1.2 concerning his iudgement what is to bee done with the idolatrous temples and Phanes of the Eng∣lishmen newly cōuerted, which Phanes he thinketh not best to plucke downe, but to conuert the vse thereof, and so let them stand. And likewise of their sacrifices and killyng of Oxen, how the same ought to be ordered, and howe to bee altered: disputing by the occasions therof, of the sacrifices of the old Egiptians, permitted of God vnto the Israelits the ende 〈…〉〈…〉 thereof being altered. &c.

He sendeth also an other letter to the foresaid Austen,* 1.3 wherein he warneth him not to be proude or puft vp, for the myracles wrought of God by him, in conuertyng the people of Englande, but rather to feare and tremble, least so much as he were puft vp by the outward work of mira∣cles, so much he shoulde fall inwardly through the vayne glory of his hart: and therfore wisely exhorteth him to re∣presse the swelling glory of hart, with the remembraunce of his sinnes rather against God, whereby he rather hath cause to lament, then to reioyce for the other. Not all the e∣lect of God (saith he) worketh miracles, and yet haue they their names written in the booke of life. And therefore he shoulde not count so much of those miracles done, but re∣ioyse rather with the Disciples of Christ, & labor to haue his name written in the booke of life, where al the electe of God be contained, neither is there any ende of that reioy∣cing. And whatsoeuer miracles it hath pleased god by him to haue beene done, he shoulde remember they were not done for him: but for their conuersion, whose saluation god sought thereby, &c.

Item,* 1.4 he directed an other Epistle to king Ethelbert, as is expressed at large in the Chronicle of Henry Huntyngton, Lib. 3. in the which Epistle, first he praised God, then com∣mendeth the goodnes of the king, by whom it pleased god so to worke such goodnes of the people. Secondly exhort∣teth him to persist and continue in the godly profession of Christes faith, and to be feruent and zealous in the same: in conuerting the multitude, in destroying the temples and works of idolatry, in ruling and gouerning the people in all holines & godly conuersation, after the godly example of the Emperour Constantinus the great. Lastly, cōforting him with the promises of lyfe and reward to come, wyth the Lord that raigneth and liueth for euer: premonishyng him besides, of the terrours & distresses that shall happen (though not in his dayes) yet before the terrible daye of Gods iudgement: wherfore he willeth him alwaies to be sollicitous for his soule, and suspectfull of the houre of hys death, and watchfull of the iudgement, that he may be al∣waies prepared for the same, when that iudgement shall come. In the ende he desireth him to accept such presentes as giftes which he thought good to sende vnto him from Rome, &c.

Austen thus receyuing his palle from Gregory,* 1.5 as is a∣boue said, and now of a Monke beyng made an Archby∣shop, after he had baptised a great part of Kent: hee after made two Archbyshops or Metropolitanes, by the com∣maundement of Gregory, as witnesseth Polychronicon, the one at London, the other at Yorke.

Mellitus, of whō mention is made before, was sent spe∣cially of the Eastsaxons in the prouince of Essex, where af∣ter he was made Bishop of London, vnder Sigebert kyng of Essex: which Sigebert together with his vncle Ethelbert, first built the church and minster of saint Paule in Lon∣dō, and appointed it to Mellitus for the byshops sea, Austē (associate with this Mellitus and Iustus through the help of Ethelbert) assembled and gathered togither the Byshops & Doctours of Britaine in a place, which taking the name of the sayd Austen, was called Austens Oke. In this assēbly

he charged the sayd Byshops, y^t they should preach w^t him y^e word of God to the Englishmen,* 1.6 & also that they should among themselues reforme certayne rytes and vsages in their church, specially for keping of their Eastertyde: bap∣tising after the maner of Rome, and such other lyke. To these the Scotes and Brytons woulde not agree refusing to leaue the custome, which they so long time had conty∣nued, wythout the assent of them all which vsed the same. Here the stories both of Bede, Cestrensis in Polychron. Hun∣tyngtonensis, Iornalensis, Fabianus and other moe, write of a certaine miracle wrought vpon a blinde Englishe man: whom when the Britons could not helpe, Austen kneeling downe and praying, restored the blynde man to sight be∣fore them all: for a confirmation (as these authours saye) of hys opinion in keeping of Easter. But concerning the credite of this miracle, that I leaue, to the authours of whom I had it.* 1.7 Then Austen gathered an other Synode, to the which came seauen Byshops of Brytons, with the wisest men of that famous Abby of Bangor. But first they tooke counsell of a certayne wyse and holye man amongest them, what to doe: and whether they shoulde be obedient to Austen or not. And he saide: if he be the seruaunt of god agree vnto him. But howe shall wee knowe that, sayde they? To whom he aunswered againe: If he be meeke and humble of hart, by that know that he is the seruant of god. To this they said againe: & how shal we know him to bee hūble & meeke of hart? By this quoth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seing you are y^e greater number, if he at your comming 〈◊〉〈◊〉 your Synode rise vp, & courteously receaue you, 〈…〉〈…〉 him to bee an humble and a meke man. But if he shall contemne and de∣spise you (being as ye are) the greater part, despise you him agayne. Thus the Brytaine Byshops entring into the Counsell, Austen after the Romishe maner keeping hys chaire would not remoue. Whereat they being not a little offended, after some heate of words, in disdain & great dis∣pleasure departed thence. To whō then Austen spake: and said, that if they would not take peace with their brethren, they should receaue war with their enimies: And if they disdained to preach with them the way of life to the Eng∣lish nation, they should suffer by their handes the reuenge of deth.* 1.8 Which not lōg after so came to passe by the meanes of Ethelfride king of Northumberlande: who being yet a Pagan, and stirred with a fierce fury against the Britanes came with a great army against the city of Chester: where Brocmayl the Consull of that Citie, a fryend and helper of the Britaines side, was readye with his force to receaue him. There was at the same time at Bangor in Wales an exceding great Monastery,* 1.9 wherin was such a number of Monkes, as Galfridus with other authors doe testifie that if the whole company were deuided into seuen parts in e∣uery of the seuen parts were conteined not so few as 300. Mōkes: which al did liue with the sweat of their browes, and labor of their owne hands, hauing one for their ruler named Dinoe. Out of this Monastery came the Monks to Chester to pray for the good succes of Brocmayl, fighting for them against the Saxons. Thre daies they cōtinued in fasting and praier. When Ethelfride the foresaide king, se∣ing them so intent to their praiers: demaunded the cause of their comming thether in such a cōpany. When he per∣ceaued it was to pray for their Consull, then (saith he) al∣though they beare no weapon, yet they fight against vs, & with their praiers & preachings they persecute vs. Wher∣vpon after that Brocmayl, being ouercome did flee awaye, the king commaunded his men to turne their wepons a∣gainst the sely vnarmed Monkes: of whome he slewe the same time, or rather Martired .1100. onely fiftie persons of that number did flee and escape awaye with Brocmayl: the rest were all slaine. The authors that write of this la∣mentable murder, declare & saye howe the forespeaking of Austen, was here verefied vpon the Britanes: which be∣cause they would not ioine peace with their frends, he said should be destroied of their enimis. Of both these parties, the reader may iudge what he pleaseth:* 1.10 I can not see but both together were to be blamed. And as I cannot but ac∣cuse the one, so I cannot defend the other. First Austen in this matter can in no wise be excused, who being a monke before, & therfore a scholer & professor of humilitie: shewed so litle humilitie in this assembly, to seuen Byshops & an Archbishop, cōming at his cōmaundement to the Coun∣cell, that he thought scorne once to stirre at their comming in. Much lesse would his Pharisaicall solemnity haue gir∣ded himselfe, & washed his brethrens feete, after their tra∣uaile, as Christ our great maister did to his Disciples: se∣yng his Lordship was so hie, or rather so heauy, or rather so proude, that coulde not finde in his hart to giue them a little moouing of his body to declare a brotherly & humble hart. Againe the Britaynes were much, or more to blame, who so much neglected their spirituall duety, in reuenging their temporal iniury: that they denyed to ioyne vnto their helping labour, to turne the Idolatrous Saxons to the way of lyfe and saluatiō. In which respect all priuate cases ought to geue place, and to be forgotten. For the whiche cause, although lamentable to vs, yet no great meruaile in them, if the stroke of gods punishment did light upon thē: according to the wordes of Austen, as is before declared. But especially the cruell king, in this fact, was most of all to blame, so furiously to flee vpon them, which had neither weapō to resist him, nor yet any will to harme him. And so likewise the same or like, happened to himselfe afterward. For so was he also slayne in the field by Christian Edwine, who succeeded him: as he had slayne the Christians before, whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 610. But to re∣turne to Austen agayne, who by report of authors was de∣parted before this cruelty was done: after he had baptised and christened x. thousand Saxons or Angles in the West riuer, that is called Swale, beside Yorke on a Christēmasse day: perceauing hys end to draw neare, he ordayned a suc∣cessor named Laurentius to rule after him the Archbishops sea of Dorobernia.* 1.11 Where note by the way Christian Rea∣der, that wheras Austen baptised then in riuers: it follow∣eth, there was then no vse of fontes. Agayne, if it be true that Fabian sayth,* 1.12 he baptised x. thousād in one day: the rite thē of Baptising at Rome was not so ceremoniall, neither had so manye trinkets at that tyme, as it hath had since, or els it could not be, that he coulde baptise so many in one daye.

In the meane season, about this time departed Grego∣ry Byshop of Rome: of whom it is sayd, that of the num∣ber of al the first Bishops before him in the primitiue time, he was the basest:* 1.13 of all them that came after him, hee was the best. About whiche tyme also dyed in Wales, Dauid Archbishop first of Kayrleion, who then translated the sea from thence to Meneuia,* 1.14 and therefore is called Dauid of Wales. Not long after this also, deceased the foresayd Au∣sten in England after he had set there xv. or xvi. yeares: by the which count we may note it, not to be true that Henry Huntington and other doe witnesse, that Austen was dead before that battaile of Ethelfride agaynst the Mōkes of Bā∣gor. For if it be true that Polycronicon testifieth of this murder,* 1.15 to be done about the yeare of our Lorde. 609. and the comming of Austen first into the Realme, to be an. 596. then Austen enduring xvi. yeares could not be dead at thys battell. Moreouer Galfridus Monumetensis declareth, con∣cerning the same battell,* 1.16 that Ethelbert the king of Kent, beyng (as is sayd) conuerted by Austen to Christes fayth: after he saw the Britaynes to disdayne and deny their sub∣iection vnto Austen, neyther would assist him w^t preaching to the English nation: therefore stirred vp he the foresayd Ethelfride to warre agaynst the Britaynes. But that see∣meth rather suspicious then true, that he being a Christen king, eyther could so much preuayle with a Pagan Idola∣ter, or els would attempt so farre to commit such a cruell deede. But of vncertayne things I haue nothing certain∣ly to say, lesse to iudge.

About this present tyme aboue prefixed,* 1.17 which is 610. I read in the story of Ranulphus Cestrensis, the writer of Polychronicon, of Iohn the Patriarche of Alexandria who for his rare example of hospitality and bountifulnes to the poore:* 1.18 I thought no lesse worthy to haue place amongest good men, then I see the same now to be followed of few. This Iohn (beyng before belike a hard and sparing man) as he was at hys prayer vpon a tyme (it is sayd) there ap∣peared to him a comely virgine hauing on her head a gar∣land of Oliue leaues: which named her selfe mercy, saying to him and promising that if he would take her to wi••e, he should prosper well. This, whether it were true or not, or els inuented for a moralitie,* 1.19 I would wish this florishing damsell so to be maryed to moe then to this Iohn, that shee should not liue so long a virgine now as she doth, because no man will marry her. But to returne to his Patriarch, who after that day (as the story recordeth: was so merciful and so beneficiall, especially to the poore and needy, that he counted them as hys maysters, and himself as a seruaunt and steward vnto them. This Patriarch was wont com∣monly twise a weeke to sit at hys doore all the day long, to take vp matters, and to set vnitie, where was any vari∣aunce: One day it happened, as he was sitting all the day before hys gate, and saw no man come, lamented that all that day hee had done no good: To whome his Dea∣con standing by, aunswered agayne, that hee had more cause to reioyse, seeing he had brought the Cittie in that order and in such peace, that there needed no reconcile∣ment amongest them. An other time as the sayd Iohn the Patriarche was at the Seruice and reading the Gospell

in the church, the people (as their vsed maner is) went out of the church to talke and iangle: he perceauing that, went out likewise, and sat amongst them: wherat they maruey∣ling to see him do so. My children said he, where the flocke is, there ought the shepherd to be: wherefore either come you in, that I may also come in with you, or els if you tary out, I will likewise tary out together with you, &c.

* 1.20As touching the actes and deedes of Gregory aboue mentioned, how he withstood the ambitious pryd of Iohn, Patriarche of Constantinople, which woulde be the vny∣uersall Priest, and onely chiefe Byshop of all other: de∣claring him to be no lesse then the forerunner of Antichrist, that woulde take that name vppon him: howe and wyth what reasons he aunswered againe the letters of the Em∣peror Mauritius in that behalfe, sufficient relation is made thereof in the first entry and beginning of this booke. This Gregory among manye other thinges induced into the Churche (the specialties whereof hereafter shall followe Christ willing more at large) fyrst beganne and brought in thys title among the Romaine Bishoppes, to be called Seruus seruorum Dei:* 1.21 putting them in remembraunce ther∣by both of their humblenes, and also of their duetie in the Churche of Chryst. Moreouer as concerning his acte for the sole lyfe of Pryestes fyrst begonne, and then broken a∣gaine. Also concerning the order of Gregoryes Masse boke, to be receaued in all churches, hereof who so lifteth to read more, shall fynde the same in other places hereafter, namelye when wee come to the tyme of Pope Adrian the first.

* 1.22After the death of Gregory, aboue mentioned, first came Sabinianus, who as he was a malicious detractor of Grego∣ry & of his works, so he continued not long, scarse the space of two yeares. After whom succeded next Bonifacius the 3. which albeit he reigned but one yeare,* 1.23 yet in y^e one yeare he did more hurt then Gregory, with so great labours, and in so many yeres could do good before: for that which Gre∣gorye kept out, he brought in, obtaining of Phocas the wic∣ked Emperour for him and his successours after him, that the sea of Rome aboue al other churches should haue the preeminence: and that the Bishop of Rome should be the vniuersall head, through all Churches of Christ in Chri∣stedome: alleadging for him this friuolous reason, that S Peter had and left to his successours in Rome the keyes of byndyng and loosing, &c. And thus began first Rome to take an head aboue all other Churches, by the meanes of Boniface the 3.* 1.24 who as he lacked no boldnes nor ambitiō to seeke it, so neither lacked he an Emperour fit and meete to gyue such a gift. Thys Emperours name was Phocas a man of such wickednes and ambitiō most like to his owne Bishop Boniface, that to aspire to the Empire, he murthe∣red his owne maister and Emperour Mauritius, & his chil∣dren. Thus Phocas coming vp to be Emperour, after this detestable vilanie done: thinking to establish his Empire with friendship and fauour of his people, & especially with the byshop of Rome: quickly condescended to al hys peti∣tions, & so graunted him (as it is sayd) to be that he would, the vniuersall and heade Bishop ouer all Christen Chur∣ches. But as bloud commonly requireth bloud againe, so it came to passe on the said Phocas. For as he had crueltye slayne the Lorde and Emperour,* 1.25 Mauritius, before, so he in lyke maner (of Heraclius the Emperour succeedyng hym) had his hands and seete cut of, & so was cast into the Sea. And this wicked Phocas which gaue the first supremacy to Rome, lost his owne. But Rome would not so soone loose his supremacy once giuen, as y^e gyner lost his life: for euer since frō that day it hath holden, defended, and maintained the same still, and yet doth to this present day, by al force & policy possible. And thus much concerning Boniface, whō, by the words of Gregory, we may well call the runner be∣fore Antichryst. For as Gregory brought into their stile, Seruus seruorum Dei,* 1.26 so this Boniface brought into theyr heades, first Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus. That is. We will and commaunde, we enioyne and charg you. &c.

Mention was made a little before of Ethelbert kyng of Kent, and also of Ethelfride king of Northsaxone or Nor∣thumbria. This Ethelbert hauing vnder his subiection al the other Saxon kinges, vnto Number, after he had fyrst receaued himselfe, and caused to be receaued of other, the Christian faith by the preaching of Austen, being cōfirmed afterward in the same faith, amōg other costly dedes, with the helpe of Sigebert kyng of Essex his nephew,* 1.27 then reig∣ning vnder him, began the foundation of Paules Church within the Citie of London,* 1.28 & ordained it for the Bishops sea of Londō. For the Archbishops sea which before tyme had bene at London, was by Austen and this Ethelbert at the praier of the Citizens of Dorobernia translated to the said Citie Malmesberiēsis Lib. de pontific.* 1.29 Wherfore such au∣thors as say that Paules was diuided by Sigebert, say not amisse: which Sigebert was y^e king o•• Essex, ••n which pro∣uince standeth the Citie of London. This Ethelbert also founded the Church of Saint Andrewe in the Citie of Do∣rubres in Kent, nowe called Rochester, of one Rot, distaunt from Dorobernia, 24. miles. Of this citie, Iustus was bishop ordained before by Austen. Moreouer the ••orenamed Ethel∣bert, styrred vp a dweller or Citizen of London to make a Chappell or church of Saint Peter in the west end of Lō∣don, then called Thorny, nowe the Towne of Westmin∣ster, which Church or Chappell was after by Edward the confessour inlarged or newe builded:* 1.30 lastly of Henry the 3. it was newly agayne reedified and made as it is nowe a large Monasterye. &c. After these Christian and worthye actes this Ethelbert when he had reigned the course of lvj. yeares chaunged thys mortall life about the yeare of our Lorde 616. whome some stories say to be slaine in a fyghte betweene him and Ethelfride king of Northsaxons.* 1.31

In the meane time the foresaid Ethelfride king of Nor∣thumberland, after the cruell murther of the Monkes of Bangor, escaped not long vnpaied his hire, for after he had raigned.* 1.32 24. yeares he was slaine in the fielde of Edwine, who succeded in Northumberland after him.

This Edwyne being the sonne not of Ethelfride,* 1.33) as Galfridus Monumetensis saith) but rather of Alla (as Giral∣dus Gambrensis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to witnes more truely) was first a Panim or 〈◊〉〈◊〉: afterward by Paulinus was Christ∣ned and the first 〈◊〉〈◊〉 king in Northōberland. The occasion of which his calling or conuersion, as is in sundry stories contained, was this.

Edwine being yet a Pagane, maryed the daughter of Ethelbert king of kent, called Edelburge a Christian womā, otherwise called Tace. But before this mariage, Edwyne beyng yet young, Ethelfride the king, conceyuing enuy a∣gaynst him: persecuted him so sore, that he was forced to flee to Redwaldus king of Eastangles, as in the table of the kings is expressed. The which Redwaldus what for feare, what with bribes being corrupted of Ethelfride, at length priuily had intēded to haue betrayed Edwyne. But as gods will was, Edwyne hauing warning thereof by a secrete frynde of his, was mooued to flee and to saue himselfe be∣yng promised also of his friendes to bee safely conueyed a∣waye, if he would thereto agree. To whome Edwyne said, whether shall I flee which haue so long fleene the handes of myne enymies, through all prouinces of the Realme? And if I must nedes be slayne I had rather that he should doe it, then an other vnworthy person. Thus he remay∣ning by himselfe alone & solitarie, sitting in a great study, there appeared vnto him sodainely, a certaine straunger, to hym vnknowne, and saide, I knowe well the cause of thy thought and heauines. What wouldest thou giue him that should deliuer thee out of this feare, & should recōcile king Redwald to thee againe? I woulde gyue him (saide Edwyne) al that euer I coulde make. And he saide agayne: And what if he make thee a mightier king, then was anye of thy Progenitours? Hee aunswered againe as before. Moreouer, (saith he) and what if hee shewe thee a better kind and way of life, then euer was shewed to any of thine aunceters before thee: wilt thou obey him & doe after his counsell? yea (said Edwyne) promising most firmely, wyth al his hart so to do.* 1.34 Thē he laying his hand vpon his head when (said he) this token hapneth vnto thee: then remem∣ber this time of thy tribulation, & the promise which thou hast made, and the word which now I say vnto thee. And with that he uanished out of his sight sodainely. After this so done as Edwyne was sitting alone by him selfe pensiue and sad:* 1.35 his foresaid friend, which moued him before to fle commeth to him, bidding him be of good chere, for the hart (said he) of king Redwaldus which had before intended thy destruction, was nowe altered through the counsell of the Queene, and is fully bent to keepe his promise wyth you, whatsoeuer shall fall thereupon. To make the story short Redwaldus the King (although Fabian following Henry Huntyngton) saith it was Edwyne) with al conuenient speed assembled an host:* 1.36 wherwith he sodainly comming vpon Ethelfride, gaue battaile vnto him aboute the borders of Mercia, where Ethelfryde king of Northumberlande, also with Reyner Redwaldus sonne was slaine in the fielde. By reason wherof Edwyne (his enimies now being destroyed) was quietly placed in the possessiō of Northumberlād.* 1.37 All this while yet Edwyne remained in his old Paganisme, al∣beit his Queene being (as is aboue declared) king Ethel∣bertes daughter a Christen woman, with Paulinus the by∣shop, ceased not to stirre and perswad the king to christian fayth. But he taking counsell with his nobles and coun∣sellers vpon the matter, was hard to be wonne. Then the

Lord, who desposeth all things after his purpose, to bring al good things to passe, sent an other trouble vpon him, by meanes therof to cal him.* 1.38 For by affliction God vseth cō∣monly to call them whom he wil saue, or by whom he wil worke saluation vnto other. So his diuine wisdome thin∣keth good to make them first to knowe themselues, before they come to know him, or to teach him to other: so it was with Paule, who was striken downe, before hee was lyf∣ted vp, with Constantinus Edwynus and many moe. Howe long was Ioseph in prison before he bare rule? How hardly escaped this our Queene nowe being (Queene Elizabeth) by whō yet notwithstanding it hath pleased god to restore this his gospel now preached amongst vs? In what con∣flictes and agonies inwardly in his spirite was M. Luther before he came to preach the iustification of Christ openly? And so be all they most commonlye, which come to anye liuely feeling or sensible working of Christ the Lord.

* 1.39But to returne to Edwyne againe. The occasion of hys trouble was this: Quicelinus with Kynegilsus his brother, Kings of Westsaxons (as aboue is mentioned in the table of the Saxon kings) conspiring the death of Edwyne now king of Northumberland:* 1.40 vpon enuy and malice sent vp∣on an Easter day, a swordman named Emner, priuelye to slay the said Edwyne.* 1.41 This swordman or cutthrote came to a Citie beside the water of Darwent in Darbishire, there to waite his time, and lastly founde the king smallye accompanied, and intēded to haue runne the ki•••• through with a sword inuenemed. But one Lilla the kinges trustye seruaunt, disgarnished of a shield or other weapon to defēd his maister,* 1.42 start betwene the king & the sword, and was strikē through the body and died, and the king was woū∣ded with the same stroke. And after he wounded also the third which was a knight, & so was taken, and confessed by whom he was sent to worke that treason. The other knight that was secondly wounded died, and the king lay after long sicke, or he were healed.

After this, about whitsontide the king being scantlye hole of his wounde, assembled his host, intending to make against the king of westsaxons: promising to Christ to be Christened, if he would giue him the victory ouer his eni∣mies. And in token therof caused his daughter borne of E∣delburge y^• same Easter day when he was woūded, named Eufled to be baptised:* 1.43 with xij other of his familye, of Pauli∣nus. Thus Edwyne proceded to the battel against Quicel∣ne and Kynegilsus with his sonne Kenwalcus and other eni∣mies, who in the same battell being al vanquished & put to flight, Edwyn through the power of Christ returneth home victorer. But for all this victory & other things gy∣uen to him of God, as he was in wealth of the worlde, for∣gat his promise made, and had little mind therof, saue only that he by the preaching of Paulinus forsoke his maumen∣try. And for his excuse saide that he might not clearly deny his olde lawe, which his forefathers had kept so long, and sodeinly to be Christened without authority and good ad∣uise of his counsaile.

About the same season Pope Boniface the 5. sent also to the sayd Edwyne letters exhortatory, wyth sundrye pre∣sentes from Rome to him, and to Edelburge the Queene. But neither would that preuaile. Then Paulinus seyng the king so hard to be conuerted, poured out his praiers vnto God for his cōuersion: who the same time had reuealed to him by the holy ghost, the oracle aboue mentioned, which was shewed to the King, when hee was with Redwaldus king of the Eastangles. Wherupon Paulinus comming af∣terward to the king, on a certaine day, and laying his hād vpon the kings head, asked him if he knew that tokē. The king hearing this & remembring wel the token, was rea∣dy to fall downe at his feete. But Paulinus not sufferyng that, did lift vp hym againe, saying vnto him: behold, O king, you haue vanquished your enimies, you haue obtei∣ned your kingdome, now performe the third, which you haue promised, that is to receaue the faith of Christ, and to be obedient to him. Wherupon the king conferryng with his Counsell, & his nobles, was baptised of the said Pauli∣nus at Yorke, with many of his other subiectes with hym: Insomuch that Coyfi the chiefe of the Prelates of his olde maumentry armed him selfe wyth hys other Idolatrous Bishops, and bestrode good horses, which before by their old law they might not do, nor ride but onely a Mare: & so destroied al the altars of the maumentrye, & their tem∣ple of Idoles, which was at Godmundham, not far from Yorke,* 1.44 and this was the xi. yeare of his raigne,

From that time ••orth, during the life of Edwyne which was the terme of vj. yeares moe,* 1.45 Paulinus christened, con∣tinually in the riuers of Gweny, & Swala, in both pro∣uinces of Deira, and in Bernicia, vsing the said riuers for his fountes, and preached in the shire of Lincesey, where he builded also a Church of stone at Lincolne.* 1.46

In this time was so great peace in the kingdome of Edwyne after his conuersion, that a womā laden with gold might haue gone from the one side of the sea to the other, and no man molest hir. Moreouer by the hye waye sydes, through al his kingdom he caused by euery wel or spryng to be chayned a dish, or bole of brasse to take vp water; for the refreshing of such as went by the way, which boles of brasse there remained safe, that no man touched them, du∣ring all the life of the said Edwyne. Such was then the ten∣der care and study of Christen Princes, for the refreshing of their subiectes. But that was then the Brasen worlde, which now is growne to yron and leade, called Aetas ferrea or rather plumbea.

This Edwyne,* 1.47 who first brought in the fayth in the North partes continuing after his Baptisme. vj. yeres, at length was slaine in battell by Cedwalla,* 1.48 king of the Bri∣taines. and by wicked Penda, king of the Mercians, wyth his sonne also Offricus in the field called Hatfield.

This Paulinus was the first Archbyshop of Yorke, and as he was of Iustus Archbyshop of Caunterbury, or∣dained Archbyshop of the sea of Yorke, so he againe after the discease of Iustus, ordained Honorius to be Archbyshop of Caunterbury.

Paulinus after the death of godly Edwyne, seing vnmer∣ciful Cedwalla or Cedwallon with his Britaines,* 1.49 and wyc∣ked Penda w^t the Idolatrous merciās, to spoile the land in such sort, as they made no spare neither of age nor sexe, nor Religion, was compelled to fle with Edelburg the Queene and Euflede her daughter, by water into Kent: where the said Archbishop Paulinus remained Bishop of Rochester, the space of xix. yeares. And so the Churche of Northum∣berland lacked a Byshop for the space of xxx. yeares after. Notwithstanding he lett there one Iames his Deacon,* 1.50 a good man, who continued their baptising and preaching, in the North parts, till that peace being recouered, & the number of the faithfull increasing, the church came againe to his stay.* 1.51 Hunting. Lib. 3.

By the meanes of this Edwyne Erpwaldus King of the Eastangles sonne to Redwaldus aboue mentioned, was reduced to Christes faith.* 1.52

After the decease of Edwyne and his sonne Offrike, both slayne in battell, reigned Ofricus and Eufridus the one in Deyra, the other in Bernicia. Osricus was the sonne of El∣fricus which was brother to Ethelfride. Eaufridus, was the eldest sonne of Ethelfride (for Ethelfride had three sonnes to wit, Eaufridus, Oswaldus, & Osricus. These two kinges of Desyra and Bernicia, Osricus, and Eaufride, beyng fyrst Christened in Scotlande: after being kinges returned to their old idolatry, & so in the yeares following were slaine one after the other, by the foresaide Cedwalla, and wycked Penda, as is in the table aboue expressed.* 1.53

After whō succeded in Northumberlaad, the seconde sonne of Ethelfride named Oswaldus, hauing rule on both the Prouinces as well Deyra, as of Bernicia.* 1.54 Whereof when the foresaide Cedwalla, (or Cadwallo) the Brytayne king had vnderstanding:* 1.55 who before had made hauoke of the Saxons and thought to haue rooted them vtterlye out of England: he sent king Penda w^t a mighty host of y^e Brit∣taines, thinking to slea also Oswald, as he had before slaine his brother Eaufride, and King Edwyne before them. But Oswald when he was warned of the great strength of this Cadwal, and Penda made his prayes to God, and besought him meekely of helpe to withstand his enimie: for the sal∣uation of his people. Thus after Oswald had prayed for the sauing of his people, the two hostes met in a fielde named Denesburne, some say Heuenfield, where was faught a strōg battell. But smally the armye and power of Penda, & Ced∣wall, which were farre exceeding the number of Oswaldus host, was chased and most part slaine by Oswaldus, after he reigned ouer the Britanes xxij. yeares leauing after him a sonne, whom Gaufridus called Cadwaladrus, the last king of the Britanes.

Of this Oswald, much praise and commendation is written in authors, for his feruent zeale in Christes Reli∣gion, & mercifull pitty toward the poore, with other great vertues moe. As touching the miracles of S. Oswald, what it pleased the people of that time to reporte of him, I haue not here to affirme: This I find in stories certaine, that he being well and vertuously disposed to the setting foorth of Christes faith and doctrine, sent into Scorlande for a cer∣teine Bishop,* 1.56 there called Aidanus, which was a famous preacher. The king what time he was in Scotland bany∣shed, had learned the scotish toung perfectly: wherfore as this Aidanus preached in his scotish toung to the Saxons, the king himselfe interpreting that which hee had said, dis∣dayned not to preach & expounde the same to his nobles &

subiects in the English toung.

Moreouer, toward the poore and needy, his pitty & tendernes was such, being notwithstanding of so highe & Princely calling:* 1.57 that vpon a time being then Easter day, he sitting with the saide Aidanus at meate and serued after the maner of kings in siluer, there commeth to him one of the seruitures bringing him word, that there was a great multitude of poore people sitting in the strete, which desi∣red some almes of the king. Hee hearing this, commaun∣deth not only the meate prepared for his owne table to be caried vnto them,* 1.58 but also taking a Siluer platter whiche stode before him, brake it in peeces and sent it among thē: And so relieued his pore subiectes, not onely with y^e meate of his table, but with his dishes also. Aidanus the Byshop seing this and marueiling therat, taketh him by the hand, wishing and praying in this wise. This hand, sayth he, I pray God may continue and neuer putrifie. What the sto∣ries say more concerning this hand of Oswald, I entēd not to medle farther then simple, true, and due probalitie will beare me out. In those dayes and partly by the meanes of the said Oswald Kynigilsus king of the Westsaxons was cō∣uerted to Christes faith,* 1.59 especially through the godly labor of Berinus which was sent by Pope Honorius to preach in England, and was then made Bishop of Dorchester. To whom Quicelinus brother of Kynigilsus after he had also re∣ceiued baptisme of the said Berinus gaue to him y^e sayd Ci∣tie to make there his sea.* 1.60 And as Guydo witnesseth the said Quicelinus gaue after to the Byshop of Winchester, seauen myles compasse of land, to builde there the Byshops sea, the which was accomplished and finished Kenwalkus hys sonne.

Of this Berinus Malmesbery, Polychronicon, with dy∣uers other writers do report, a thing straunge and myra∣culous which if it be a fable as no doubt it is,* 1.61 I cannot but maruel that so many authors so constantly agre in repor∣ting and affirming the same. The matter is this: this Be∣rinus being sent as is said, by Honorius to preach in Englād promiseth him to trauell to the vttermost borders therof, and there to preach the Gospell, where the name of Christ was neuer heard. Thus he seting forward in his iourney passeth through Fraunce, and so to the sea side, where hee found a passage ready, and the winde serued so faire, that he was called vpon in such hast, that he had no leysure to remember himselfe to take all things with him, which hee had to cary. At length as he was on the sea sailing and al∣most in the middle course of his passage, remembred him∣selfe of a certaine relique left behinde him for hast: which Honorius had giuen him at his comming out. Malmesberi∣ensis calleth it Corporalia. Historia Iornalensis calleth it Pallu∣lam super quam Corpus Christi consecraret, which wee call a Corporas or such a like thing, and what els enclosed with in it I can not tell. Here Berinus in great sorow coulde not tell what to doe, if he should haue spoken to the Heathen mariners, to turne their course backe againe, they woulde haue mocked him,* 1.62 and it had bin in vaine. Wherfore as y^e stories write, he boldly steppeth into the Sea, and walke∣yng on fote back again, taketh w^t him that which was left behind, & so returneth to his company againe, hauing not one thred of his garments wette. Of his miracle, or whe∣ther I should cal it a fable rather, let the reader iudge ther∣of, as he thinketh, because it is not written in the Scrip∣ture we are not bound to beleeue it. But if it were true, it is then thought to be wrought of god not for any holines in the man: or in the Corporas, but a speciall gifte for the conuersion of the heathen, for whose saluation God suffer∣eth oft many wonders to be done. This Berinus being re∣ceiued in the ship againe with a great admiration of the Maryners, beyng therewyth conuerted and Baptysed: was driuen at last by the weather, to the coast of the West∣saxōs, where Kynigilsus and his brother Quicelinus aboue mentioned did raigne.* 1.63 Which two kinges, the same time by y^e preaching of Berinus were conuerted, and made Chri∣sten men, with the people of the country, being before rude and barbarous. It happened the same time when the for∣said kings shoulde bee christened, that Oswaldus (mentio∣ned a little before) king of Northumberland, was thē pre∣sent, and the same day maried Kynigilsus his daughter,* 1.64 and also was godfather to the king.

* 1.65Thus Oswald after he had reigned ix. yeares in such holines and perfectnes of life, as is aboue specified, was slayne at length in the field called Maxfield, by wicked Pē∣da, king of the Mercians,* 1.66 which Penda, at length after all his tyranny was ouercome and slaine by Oswy brother to Oswald, next king after Oswald of Northumberland, not∣withstanding he had thryse y^e people which Oswy had: this Penda being a Panim had iii. sonnes Wolferus, Weda, and Egfridus. To this seconde sonne Weda, Oswy had before time maried his daughter, by consent of Penda hys father. The whiche Weda by helpe of Oswy was made Kyng of Southmercia,* 1.67 the which Lordship is seuered from north∣mercia by the ryuer of Trent. The same Weda moreouer, at what time he maried the daughter of Oswy, promised to him that he would become a christen man, which thing he performed after the death of Penda his Father, but after∣ward within iij. yeares of his reigne, he was by reason of his wife slaine: And after him the kingdome fell to Wolfe∣rus the other brother, who beyng wedded to Ermenilda, daughter of Ercomber kyng of Kente, was shortlye after Christened, so that he is accounted the first christened king of Mercia. This Wolferus conquered Kenwalcus Kyng of Kent, and gat y^e Ile of Wight, which after he gaue to Sig∣bert King of Theastangles,* 1.68 vpon condition he would be Christened. And thus the Eastangles, which before had expulsed Mellitus there bishop,, as is declared recouered a∣gaine the Christian faith vnder Sigbert their King, who by the meanes of the foresayd Wolferus was reduced and Baptised by Finanus the Byshop.

But to returne againe to Oswy,* 1.69 from whom we haue a litle digressed, of whom we shewed before how he succe∣ded after Oswald in the prouince of Bernicia, to whom al∣so was ioyned Oswynus hys cosin, ouer the Prouince of Deyra, and therwith his felow, Oswy, raigned the space of vij. yere: this Oswyne was gentle, & liberal to his people and no ••••sse deuout towarde God: who vpon a time had giuen to Aidanus the bishop aboue mentioned, a Princely Horse with the trappers, & al that appertained therto:* 1.70 be∣cause he should not so much trauel on foote but some tyme ease himselfe withall. Thus Aidanus the Scottishe By∣shop as he was riding vpon his kingly horse, by the way meteth him a certaine poore man asking and crauing hys charitie. Aidanus hauing nothing els to giue him: lighted down,* 1.71 and giueth to him his horse trapped and garnished as he was. The King vnderstanding this, & not conten∣ted therwith, as he was entring to dinner with the sayd Aidanus what ment you father Byshop, (sayd he) to giue away my horse I gaue you, vnto the begger? Had not I other horses in my stable that might haue serued him well inough, but you must giue awaye that which of purpose was pickt out for you among the chiefest? To whome the Bishop made aunswere againe saying or rather rebuking the king, what be these wordes (O king saide he) that you speake? Why set you more price by an horse, which is but the sole of an horse, then you do by him which is the sonne of Mary, yea which is the sonne of God? He said but thys when the king forthwith vngirding his sword frō about him (as he was then newly come in from hunting) falleth downe at the feete of the Bishop,* 1.72 desiring him to forgiue him that, and he would neuer after speake word to him, for any treasure he should afterward giue away of his. The Bishop seing the king so mekely affected, hee then takyng him vp, & chering him againe with words, began shortly after to weepe & to be very heauy, his minister asking the cause therof, Aidanus aunswered in his scottish language saying to him: I weepe saith he for that this king cannot liue lōg. This people is not worthy to haue such a Prince as he is to raigne among them.* 1.73 And so as Aidanus sayd, it came to passe. For not long after Oswy the king of Berni∣cia disdaining at him, when Oswyne either being not able or not willing to ioyne with him in Battaile,* 1.74 caused hym traiterously to be slaine. And so Oswy, with his sonne Eg∣fride raigned in Northumberland alone.

In the time & also in the house, of this Oswy king of Northūberland, was a certaine man named Benedict, who was the bringer vp of Bede from his youth, & tooke him to his institution, whē he was but seuen yere old, & so taught him during his life. This Benedict, or Benet, descending of a noble stocke and rich kinne & in good fauour with Oswy: forsoke seruice, house, and al his kindred to serue Christ, & wēt to Rome (where he had bene in his life time v. times) and brought from thence bookes,* 1.75 into Monasteries, wyth other things which he thought then to serue for deuotion. Thys Bennedict surnamed Byshop, was the fyrst that brought in the arte and vse of glasing into this lande. For before that, glasse windowes were not knowen, either in churches, or in houses.

In the raigne of the foresaid Oswye and Egfride hys sonne, was Botulphus Abbot: which builded in the East part of Lincolne an Abbey. Also Aidanus, Finianus, & Col∣mannus, with iii. Scottish Bishops of Northumberlande holy men, held with y^e Britaines, against the Romish or∣der, for the keeping of Easter daye. Moreouer Cutbertus Iarumannus, Cedda, and Wilfridus liued the same time, who as I iudge to be Byshops of an holy conuersation, so I thought it sufficient here only to name them. As touching

their miracles wherefore they were made Saintes in the Popes calender, seing they are not written in the Gospel, nor in my Crede, but in certaine old chronicles of that age so they are no matter of my faith: notwithstanding as tou∣ching there conuersation,* 1.76 this I read, and also do credite, that the Clergy both of Britaine & Englande at that time, plied nothing that was worldly, but gaue thē to preching and teaching the word of our Sauiour, and followed the life that they preached, by giuing of good ensample. And o∣uer that, as our histories accord, they were so voyd of co∣uetousnes, that they receiued no possessions or territories as was forced vpon them.

About this season or not much before, vnder the raigne of Oswy & Oswyne,* 1.77 kynges of Northumberlande, an o∣ther Synode or Councell was holden against the Bry∣taines and the Scottish bishops, for the ryght, obseruyng of Easter, at Sternehalt. At what time Agilbertus By∣shop of westsaxons came to Northumberlande, to insty∣ture Wilfride, Abbot of Rypon, where this question for Easter day began to be moued.* 1.78 For Colmannus then By∣shop of Northūberland followed not y^e custome of Rome, nor of the Saxons: but followed the Brytaynes, and the Scottish Bishops, his predecessors in the same sea before. Thus on the on side was Colmannus the Archbyshop of Yorke and Hilda the Abbes of Sternhalt: which alleaged for them the doinges and examples of their predecessours, both godly and reuerend byshops: as Aidanus, Finianus, Archbishops of that sea of Yorke before them, and diuers moe. Who had vsed alwaies to celebrate the Easter, from the xiiij. day of the first moneth, till the xxviij. of the same. And specially for that S. Iohn y^• Euangelist at Ephesus, kept and obserued that day, &c. On the otherside was A∣gilbert bishop of westsaxons, Iames the Deacon of Paulinus aboue mentioned: Wilfride Abbot of Ripon: and King Al∣fride Oswyes sonne, with his Queene, holding on the same side. The full contentes of which disputation here follow∣eth, according as in the story of Beda at large is described: with their reasons and argumentes, on both sydes as insueth, &c.

* 1.79The question of Easter, and of shauing, and other Ec∣clesiasticall maters being moued, it was determined that in the Abbey which is called Streneshalch, of the which Hilda a deuout woman was Abbes: a conuocation should be had and this question there determined. To the which place came both the kinges, the father and the sonne. By∣shop Colman with his clergy of Scotland. Aigelbert wyth Agathon and Wilfride Priestes,* 1.80 Iames and Roman were on their sides. Hilda the Abbes with her company was on the Scottish part. And the reuerend Byshop Cedda was ap∣pointed Prolocutor for both parties in that Parliament. King Oswye begā first with an Oration: declaring that it was necessary for such as serued one God, to liue in one v∣niforme order, and that such as loked for one kingdome in heauen should not differ in celebration of the heauenly sa∣craments, but should rather seeke for the true tradition & follow the same. This said, he commaunded his Byshop Colman to declare what the rite and custome was in thys behalfe that he vsed,* 1.81 and from whence it had the originall. Then Colman obeying his princes cōmaundement, sayd: the Easter,* 1.82 which I obserue I receaued of my auncestors that sent me hether a Bishop. The which, all our forefa∣thers being men of God, did celebrate in like maner, & left it should be coutēned or despised of any man, it is mani∣festly aparant, to be y^e very same, which y^e holy Euangelist S. Iohn (a disciple especially beloued of the Lord) did cu∣stomably vse, in al churches and congregations, where he had authoritie. When Colman had spoken manye thinges to this effect, the king cōmaunded Aigelbert to declare his opinion in this behalfe, and to shew the order that he then vsed, from whence it came & by what authoritie he obser∣ued the same. Aigelbert requested the king, that his scooler Wilfride, a Priest, might speake for him: in as much as they both with the rest of h•••• clergy, were of one opinion here∣in: and that the said Wilfride coulde vttey his minde better and more plainely in the Englishe toung then he himselfe could.* 1.83 Then Wilfride at the kings cōmaundements, began on this sort and sayd: The Easter which we keepe, wee haue seene at Rome, whereas the holye Apostles, Peter, & Paule, did liue and teach, did suffer and were buried. The same also is vsed in Italy, and in Fraunce: the which coū∣tries we haue traueled for learning,* 1.84 and haue noted it to be celebrated of them all. In Asia also and in Aphricke, in Egipt and in Greece, and finally in all the world, the same maner of Easter is obserued, that we vse▪ saue onelye by these here present with their accomplice & the Pictes & the Britanes: with the which two (& yet not altogither agre∣ing) they condescend & striue foolishly in this order against the vniuersal world.* 1.85 To whom Colman replied, saying, I maruel you wil cal this order folish, that so great an Apo∣stle as was worthy to lie in the Lordes lap, did vse, whom all y^e world doth wel know to haue liued most wisely: and Wilfride aunswered,* 1.86 god forbid that I should reprooue S. Iohn of folye who kept the rites of Moses law according to the letter (the Churche being yet Iewishe in manye pointes) and the Apostles not as yet able to abdicate al the obseruations of the law before ordained: as for example y^• could not reiect Images inuented of the Diuel, the which all men that beleue on Christ ought of necessitie to forsake, and detest:* 1.87 least they should be an offence to those Iewes that were amongst the Gentiles. For this cause dyd S. Paule Circumcise Timothie, for this cause did hee sacrifice in the temple, and did shaue his head with Aquila and Pris∣cilla, at Corinth. all which thinges were done to none o∣ther purpose, then to eschue the offēce of the Iewes. Here∣upon also said Iames to Paule, thou seest brother howe ma∣ny thousand Iewes do beleue & all these be zealous (not∣withstanding) of the law. Yet seing the Gospell is so many∣festly preached in the worlde, it is not lawfull for the faith∣full to bee Circumcised, neither to offer sacrifice o•• carnall things to God. Therefore Iohn according to the custome of the law, the xiiij. day of the first moneth at euening, did begin the celebration of the feast of Easter, nothing respec∣ting whether it were relebrated in the Sabboth, or in any other feriall day. But Peter when hee preached at Rome, remembring that the Lord did arise from death on the first day after the Sabboth giuing thereby an hope to y^e world of the resurrection,* 1.88 thoughht good to institute Easter on y^e day, & not after the vse and precepts of the law (that was) the xiiij. day of the first moneth. Euen so Iohn looking for the Moone at night if it did arise, & the next day after were Sonday, which was then called the Sabboth, then did he celebrate the Easter of the Lord in the euening like as wee vse to do euē at this day. But if Sonday were not the next day after the xiiij,* 1.89 day, but fel on the xvi. day, or xvij or on a¦ny other day vnto the xxi: he taried alwayes for it, and did begin the holy solemnitie of Easter, on the euening nexte before y^e sabboth. And so came it to passe that Easter, was alwaies kept on the Sonday, and was not celebrated but from the xv. day vnto the xxj. Neither doth this tradition of the Apostle breake the law, but fulfilled the same. In the which it is to be noted, that Easter was instituted frō the xiiij. day of the first moneth at euening vnto the xxj. day of the same moneth at euening, the which manner all S. Iohns successours in Asia, after his death did follow, and the Catholike Church throughout the whole worlde. And that this is the true Easter, and onely of all Christians to be obserued, it was not newly decred: but confirmed by y^e Councell of Nice,* 1.90 as appeareh by the Ecclesiasticall histo∣ry. Wherupon it is manifest that you (Colman) do neither folow the example of S. Iohn as ye thinke, nor of S. Pe∣ter whose tradition you do willingly resist, nor of y^e church nor yet of the gospel, in the celebration of Easter. For S. Iohn obseruing Easter according to the preceptes of the law kept it not on the first daye after the Sabboth. But you precisely keepe it, onely on the first day after the Sab∣both. Peter did celebrate Easter from the xv. daye of the moone to the xxj. day, but you keepe Easter from the xiiij. vnto the xx, day, so that you begin Easter oftentimes the xiij. day at night: of which maner neither the law nor the Gospell maketh any mention.* 1.91 But the Lord in y^e xiiij. day either did eate the olde passouer at night, or els did cele∣brate the sacraments of the new Testament in the remē∣braunce of his death and passiō. You doe also vtterly reiect from the celebration of Easter the xxj. daye, the whiche the law hath chiefly willed to be obserued. And therfore as I saide in the keeping of Easter, you neither agree wyth S. Iohn, nor with Peter, nor with the lawe, nor yet with the Gospel. Then Colman againe aunswered to these things, saying. Did then Anatholius a godly man and on much cō∣mended in the foresaid Ecclesiasticall history, agaynst the law & the Gospell? who writeth that the Easter was to be kept frō the xiiij. day vnto the xx: or shal we thinke that Columba our reuerend father, and his successors being mē of God, who obserued the Easter, after this maner, did a∣gainst the holye Scripture? where as some of them were men of such godlines and vertue as was declared by their wonderful miracles. And I hereby (nothing doubting of their holines) do endenor to fallow their life,* 1.92 order, & dys∣cipline. Then saide Wilfride, it is certaine that Anatholius was both a godly and a learned man, and worthy of great commendation, but what haue you to do with him, seyng you obserue not his order? For he following y^e true rule in keping his Easter, obserueth the circle of xix. yeares. The which either you know not, or if you do, you cōtemne the

common order obserued in the vniuersal church of Christ. And moreouer the saide Anatholius doth so count the xiiij. day in the obseruation of Easter, as he confesseth the same to ••e the xv day at night, a••ter the maner of the Egiptiās. and likewise noteth the xx. day to be in the feast of Easter, the xxi. in the euening: the which distinctiō that you know not, by this may appeare, for that you keepe the Easter on the xiij. daye before the full Moone. Or otherwise I can aunswere you touching your father Columba, and his suc∣cessors, whose order you say you follow, moued therto by their miracles on this wise: that the Lorde will aunswere to many that shall say in the day of iudgement,* 1.93 that in his name they haue prophesied & cast out deuils, & haue done many miracles. &c. that he neuer knew thē. But God for∣bid that I should say so of your fathers, bicause it is much beter to beleue wel of those we know not, then ill. Where∣vpō I deny not, but they were the seruaunts of God and holy men,* 1.94 the which loued the Lord of a good intēt, though of a rude simplicitie. And I thinke that the order whiche they vsed in y^e Easter, did not much hurt them, so long as they had none amongst them that could shew thē the right obseruation of the same, for them to follow. For I thinke if the truth had beene declared vnto them, they woulde as well haue receiued it in this mater as they did in others. But you and your felowes if you refuse the order of the a∣postolicall sea, or rather of the vniuersal Church, which is confirmed by the holy scripture, without al doubt you doe sinne:* 1.95 and though your forefathers were holy mē, * what is their fewnes being but a corner of an Ilelād, to be pre∣ferred before the vniuersall Churche of Christ dyspersed throughout the whole world? And if Columba your father (& ours also being of Christ) were mighty in miracles, is he therefore to bee preferred before y^e Prince of the holy A∣postles? to whom the Lord said, thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke will I builde my Church, and the gates of hell shal not preuayle against it, & I will giue thee the keyes of the Kingdome of heauen?

Wilfride hauing thus ended his argument, the kyng said to Colman: Is it true that the Lord spake these things to S. Peter?* 1.96 And Colman aunswered yea. Then sayde the King: Can you declare any thing that the Lorde gaue to Colum. Colman aunswered no. Then quoth the king doe both of you agree and consent in this matter, without any controuersie, and that these wordes were principally spo∣ken to Peter, and that the Lord gaue him the keyes of the kingdome of heauen? And they both aunswered yea. Then concluded the king on this wise: for asmuch as S. Peter, is the doore keper of heauen. I will not gainesay him: but in that I am able, I will obeye his orders in euery point least when I come to the gates of heauen, he shut them a∣gainst me.

Upon this simple & rude reason of the king, the mul∣titude eftsoones consented:* 1.97 and with them also Cedda was contented to giue ouer. Onely Colmanus the Sto••, beyng thē Archbishop of Yorke, in displeasure left the Realme, & departed into Scotlande, carying with him the bones of Aidanus, Bed. Lib. 3. cap. 25. And thus much concerning this matter of Easter.

After the decease of Oswy,* 1.98 Egfride his sonne was King after him in Northumberland xv. yeares. By this Egfride Cutbert was promoted to the Bishopricke of the Ile of Farne. And Wilfride which before had bene Archbishop of Yorke, was displaced through the meanes of Theodore Archbishop of Canterbury:* 1.99 and Cedda possessed that sea, Wilfride when he was put out, went to Rome & complai∣ned of him to Agathon the Bishop, and was well allowed in some things. But the king and Theodorus had there such Proctors and frindes, that hee returned without speeding of hys cause. Wherfore he returned into the Southsaxons and builded an Abbey in Silesey, and preached vnto the Southsaxons xv. yeares. The king of the Southsaxons at that time, Ethelwold, to whom he declared a little before, that Wolferus king of the Mercians, gaue the Ile of wight vpon condition, that he would be Christened, and so was baptised by Berinus:* 1.100 the sayd Wolfer being his Godfather and sonne in law, both in on day. Wherfore Wolferus now being licensed by Ethelwod the king, preached vnto his no∣bles & people of Southsexe, and conuerted thē to Christ. In y^e tune of whose baptising the raine which before they lacked three yeares together, was giuen them plentifully: whereby their great famine slaked, and the countrey was made frutefull,* 1.101 which before was dried vp with barēnes: In so much that as in some storyes is said, the people pe∣nured with famine, would go▪ xl. together, vpon the rocks by the seaside, and taking handes together would throw themselues downe to the sea. Moreouer, where they lac∣ked before the arte of fishing, the foresaide Wilfride taught them how with nets to fish,

And thus by processe haue we discoursed from tyme to tyme how and by what meanes the Idolatrous people were induced to the true fayth of Christ:* 1.102 of whome these Southsaxons with the Ile of wight was the last.

After Egfride who was slaine in the strayghtes of Scotland, next succeeded Alfride his brother, and bastarde sonne to Oswy, & raigned xviij. or xix. yeres in Northum∣berland. This Alfride restored againe the foresaid Wilfride to the sea of Yorke, whom his brother had before expelled, & put in Cedda. Notwithstanding, the same king within v. yeares after, expulsed the saide Wilfride againe and so went he to Rome. But at length by Osrike his successour was placed againe, the Archbishop of Yorke: and Cedda was ordayned by Theodorus Byshop of Mercia. The which prouince of Mercia,* 1.103 y^e said Theodorus Archbishop of Can∣terbury by the authoritie of the Synode holdē at Hatfield, did after diuide into fiue bishoprickes: that is, one to Che∣ster, the second to worceter, the third to Lichfield, y^e fourth to Cederna, in Lindesey, the fift to Dorchester, which was after translated to Lincolne.

Neare about this time,* 1.104 in the yeare of our Lord, 666. y^e detestable sect of Mahumet, begā to take strēgth & place: Although Polychronicon differing a little in yeares, accoū∣teth the beginning of this sect somwhat before:* 1.105 but y^e most diligent searchers of thē which write nowe, refer it to this yeare, which wel agreeth with the number of y^e beast, sig∣ned in the Apocalips. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, That is. 666. Of this Mahu∣met came the kingdome of Agarenes (whome hee after na∣med Saracenes) to whom he gaue sondry lawes, patched of many sectes & religions togither, he taught thē to pray euer to the South: And as we keepe the Sonday, so they keepe the friday, which they call the day of Venus. He per∣mitted them to haue as many wiues as they were able to maintaine: to haue as many concubines as they list: to abstaine from vse of wyne, except vppon certaine solemne daies in the yeres:* 1.106 to haue & worship onely one God om∣nipotent: saying that Moses & the Prophetes were great men, but Christ was greater, and greatest of all the Pro∣phets, as being borne of the virgine Marye by the power of God, without mans seede: and at last was taken vp to heauen, but was not slaine: but an other in his likenes for him, with many other wicked blasphemies in his law cō∣tained. At length this kingdome of y^e Saracenes beganne to be conquered of the Turkes, & in processe of time wholy subdued to them.

But now to returne again to the time of our English Saxons. In this meane season Theodorus was sent from Italy into England by Vitellianus the Pope, to bee Arch∣byshop of Caunterbury, & with him diuers other monks of Italy, to set vp here in Englād Latine seruice, Masses, ceremonies,* 1.107 letanies, with such other Romishe ware, &c. This Theodorus being made Archbishop and Metropoli∣tane of Canterbury began to play the rex, placing & dys∣placing the byshops at his pleasure. As for Cedda & Wil∣fride Archbishops of Yorke he thrust them both out vnder the pretence, that they were not lawfully consecrated, not∣withstanding they were sufficientlye authorised by theyr kinges, and were placed against their willes. Wherfore Wilfride as is before touched went vp to Rome, but could haue no redres of his cause: yet to shew what modesty this Wilfride vsed against his enimie, being so violently mole∣sted as he was, because the wordes of his complainte are expressed in W. Malmesbery, I thought here to expresse the same both for the commendation of the partie, and also for the good example of other, in case any such be, whome good examples will mooue to well doing. This Wilfride there∣fore hauing such iniury and violence offered vnto him by the handes of Theodore: although he had iust cause to doe his vttermost, yet in prosecuting his complaint, how hee tempered himselfe: what wordes of modestie he vsed, ra∣ther to defende his innocencie, then to impugne his ad∣uersary, by this his suggestion offered vp to the Byshop of Rome, may appeare: whose words in effect were these: Quid autem acciderit,* 1.108 vt Theodorus sanctiss. Archiepiscopus (me superstite in sede) quam, licet indignus dispensabam: absque consensu cuiuslibet Episcopi ex sua autoritate (mea humilitate non acquiescente) ordinauit tres Episcopos: omittere magis quam vrgere, pro eiusdem viri reuerentia *cōdecet. Quem quide, pro eo quod ab hac Apostolicae sedis summitate directus est, ac∣cusare non audeo, &c. In English. Howe it chaunceth that Theodorus, the most holy & reuerend Archbishop (my selfe being aliue in the sea, which I though vnworthy did rule and dispose) hath of his own authority, without the cōsent of any bishop (neither hauing my simple voice agreing to the same) ordained iij. Bishops: I had rather passe ouer in silence, then to stir any farther therin, because of the reue∣rence

of that man, and no lesse thought I it my duetie so to doe. The which man for that he hath beene dyrected by the authoritie of this sea Apostolicall,* 1.109 I wyll not nor dare not here accuse, &c. Thus the cause of the sayd Wilfride, al∣beit it was sufficiently knowne in the Court of Rome, to be well allowed for iust and innocent, yet it was not then redressed. In such estimation was this Theodorus then a∣mong y^e Romaines. Upon this controuersie of these two Bishops I may wel here inter y^e words of W. Malmelbury, not vnworthy in my minde, to be noted, whiche be these in his Latine story.* 1.110 Vbi videri & doleri potest humana miseria, quod videlicet quantum libet, quis sanctitate polleat, non ad ple∣num peruicaces mores exuat, &c. That is: In the whiche Theodore, saith hee, the weake and miserable infirmitie of man, may be sene and also lamented, considering, that al∣though a mā be neuer so holy, yet in the same man is some thing, whereby it may be perceaued, that hee hath not vtterly put of all his stubburne conditions, &c.

* 1.111In the time of this Theodorus, and by the meanes of hym, a prouincial Synode was holden at Thetford, men∣tioned in the storye of Bede:* 1.112 the principall contents wherof were these.

[unspec 1] First that Easter day shoulde bee vniformely kept and obserued through the whole Realme, vpon one certayne daye videlicet prima, 14. Luna mensis primi.

[unspec 2] Secondly, that no Byshop should entermedle within the Dioces of an other.

Thirdly, that monasteries consecrated vnto GOD, [unspec 3] should be exempt and free from the iurisdiction of the by∣shops.

Fourthly that the Monkes should not stray from one [unspec 4] place (that is) from one Monastery to another, without y^e license of his Abbot: also to kepe the same obedience which they promised at their first entryng.

Fiftly, that no Clergyman shoulde forsake his owne [unspec 5] Byshop, and to be receaued in any other place, wyth out letters commendatory of his owne Byshop.

Sixtly, that forraine Byshops & Clergimen cōming [unspec 6] into the Realme, should be content onely with the benefite of such hospitality, as should be offered thē: neither should entermedle any further within the precinct of any bishop, without his speciall permission.

[unspec 7] Seuenthly, that Synodes prouinciall should be kept within the Realme at least once a yeare.

[unspec 8] Eightly, that no Bishop shoulde preferre himselfe be∣fore an other, but must obserue the time and order of hys consecration.

[unspec 9] Ninthly, that the number of Byshops should be aug∣mented, as the number of the people encreaseth.

[unspec 10] Tenthly, that no mariage should be admitted, but that which was lawfull, No incest to be suffered: neyther any man to put away his wyse for any cause, except onelye for fornication, after the rule of the Gospell. And these bee the principall chapters of that Synode. &c.

In the next yere following was the sixt general coun∣cell kept at Constaunce, whereat, this Theodore was also present vnder Pope Agatho, where Mariage was permit∣ted to Greeke priests, and forbidden to the Latin. In this Councell the Latine Masse was first openly saide by Iohn Portuensis the Popes Legate, before the Patriarche and Princes at Constantinople, in the temple of S. Sophy.

After the decease of Alfride king of Northumberlande (from whom he was digressed) succeeded his sonne Osre∣dus,* 1.113 raigning xj. yeares. After whome raigned Kenredus 2. yeares.* 1.114 And next Osricus after him .xj. yeares.

In the time and raigne of these 4. kings of Northum∣berland, king Iua reigned in westsaxe: who succeding after Cadwalder, the last king of the Britaines, began his reigne about the yeare of the Lorde, 689. and raigned with great valiauntnes ouer the westsaxons, the tearme of xxxvij. yeares. Concerning whose actes and wars mayntayned against the Kentish saxons, and other kinges: because I haue not to entermedie withal, I referre the reader to o∣ther Chroniclers.

About the sixt yeare of the raigne of this Iua or Iue, Po∣lychronicon, & other make mentiōn of one Cuthlacus, whō they call S. Cuthlake a confessour, who about the 24. of hys age, renouncing the pompe of the world, professed himself a Monke in the abby of Repindon, and the third yeare af∣ter went to Crowlande, where he led the life of an Anker. In the which Ile and place of his buriyng was builded a faire Abbey, called afterward for the great resort and gen∣tle entertainment of straungers, Crowlande the courte∣ous: but why this Cuthlake should be saincted for his do∣inges, I see no great cause, as neither doe I thinke the fa∣bulous miracles reported of him to be true: as where the vulgare people are made to beleeue, that he enclosed the deuill in a boyling pot, and caused wicked spirits to erecte vp houses,* 1.115 with such other fables and lying miracles, &c. Among which lying miracles also maye be reckened that, which the stories mention in the xi. yeare of the raigne of Iua, to be done of one Brithwalde or Drithelmus: who ••eing dead a long season, was restored to lyfe againe, & told ma∣ny wonders of straunge things that he had seene, causing thereby great almes & deedes of charitie to bee done of the people. And so y^e disposing of his goods giuen in iij. partes went to the Abbey of Mailroos, where he continued the rest of his life.

Moreouer, about the xvj. yeare of the saide Iua Ethel∣dred king of Mercia, after he had their raigned, 30. yeares, was made a Monke: and after an Abbot of Bacducy.

And about the xviij. yeare of the raigne of Iue, died the worthy and learned bishop Aldelmus, first Abbot of Mal∣mesbery, afterward bishop of Schirborn: of whō William Malmesbery, writeth plenteously, with great commenda∣tion, and that not vnworthelye as I suppose: especially for the notable praise of learning and vertue in him aboue the rest of that time (nexte after Bede) as the great number of bookes and Epistles and Poemes by him set forth, will declare. Although concerning the miracles which the sayd author ascribeth to him,* 1.116 as first in causing an infant of ix. daies old to speak at Rome, to cleare pope Sergius, which was then suspected the father of the said child. Also in han∣ging his cauiule vpō the sunne beames. Item, in making whole the altarstone of Marble, brought from Rome. Ite in drawing a length one of the timber peces, which wente to the building of the temple in Malmesbery. Item, in sa∣uing the Mariners at douer, &c. As concerning these and such other myracles, which William Malmesbery, to hym attributeth, I can not consent to him therein, but thynke rather the same to be Monkishe deuises,* 1.117 forged vpon their Patrons, to maintaine the dignitie of their Houses. And as the Authour was deceaued (no doubt) in beleuing such fables himselfe: so maye he likewise deceaue vs, through the dexteritie of his style,* 1.118 and fyne handling of the matter, but that father experience hath taught the worlde nowe a dayes more wisedome, in not beleuing such practises: this Aldelmus was Byshoppe of Schyrborne, which sea after was vnited to y^e sea of Winton. In which Church of Win∣chester the like miracles also are to be read of Byshop A∣delwod, and S. Swithune, whom they haue canonized like∣wise for a Saint.

Moreuer neare about the xxv. yeare of Iue,* 1.119 by the re∣port of Bede S. Iohn of Beuerley, which was then Byshop of Yorke died, and was buried at the porche of the Min∣ster of Deirwod or Beuerley. In the which portch it is recorded in some Chronicles, that as the said Iohn vpon a time was praying, being in the portch of S. Michaell in Yorke: y^e holy Ghost in the similitude of a Doue sat before him vpon the altar, in brightnes shining aboue the sunne. This brightnes being sene of other,* 1.120 first commeth one of his Deacons running vnto the portche: who beholding the Bishop their standing in his praiers,* 1.121 and all the place replenished with the holy ghost, was strokē with the light therof, hauing al his face burnt, as it were with hote bur∣ning fire. Notwithstanding the Bishop by and by cured the face of his Deacon againe, charging him as the storye saith, not to publishe what hee had seene duryng hys lyfe time. &c. which tale semeth as true, as that we read about the same time done of S. Egwyne,* 1.122 in Polychron Abbot of Eusham, and Byshop of Worcester (then called Wyctes:) who vpon a time when he had fettered both his feete Iny∣rons fast locked, for certaine sinnes done in his youth, and had cast the key therof in the sea:* 1.123 afterward a fish brought the key againe into the ship, as he was saying homeward from Rome.

But to leaue these Monkishe phantasies, and returne into the right course againe of the story. In y^e time of this foresaide Iue, began first the right obseruing of the Easter day to be kept of the Pictes,* 1.124 and of the Britaines. In the obseruation of which day (as is largely set foorth in Bede, and Polychron, Lib. 5. cap. 17. and 22.) three thinges are ne∣cessary to be obserued, the full Moone of the first Moneth, that is of the month of March: Secondly, the Dominical Letter: Thirdly, the Equinoctiall day, which Equinocti∣all was wont to be counted in the East church, and espe∣cially among the Egiptians, to bee about the 17. daye of Marche.* 1.125 So that the full Moone either vppon the Equi∣noctiall day, or after the Equinoctiall day being obserued the next dominicall day following that full moone, is to be taken for Easter day. Wherin is diligētly to be noted two thinges. First the fulnes of the Moone, must be perfectly ful, so that it be the beginning of the third weke of y^e mooue which is the 14. or 15. day of the moone. Secondly, is to be

noted, that the said perfect fulnes of the moone beginnyng the thirde weeke,* 1.126 must happen either in the very euening of y^e Equinoctial day, or after the Equinoctial day. For els if it happen either on the Equinoctiall day before the eue∣ning, or before the Equinoctial day, then it belongeth to y^e last moneth of the last yeare, and not to the first moneth of the first yeare, and so serueth not to be obserued.

This rite and vsage in keping Easter day being re∣ceiued in the Latin church, began now to take place amōg the Pictes & Britaines, through the busie trauaile of Theo∣dorus Cuthlacus, but namelye of Elbert the holy Monke, as they terme him: and of Colfrid Abbot of Sirwin in Nor∣thumberlande, which wrote to Narcanus, or Naitonus the King of Pictes, concerning the same: who also among o∣ther thinges writeth of the shauen crownes of Priestes, saying:* 1.127 that it was as necessary for the vow of a Mōke, or degre of a Priest, to haue a shauen crowne for restrainte of their lustes: as for any Christen man, to blesse him against spirits, when they come vpon him. Bede Lib. 5. The coppy of which letter as it is in Bede, I haue here annexed, not for any great reason therin conteined, but only to delite y^e Reader with some pastime, in seing the fond ignorance of that Monkish age: the copy of the letter thus proceedeth.

¶ Of the shauing of Priestes, out of the fift booke of Beda the xxi. chap.

* 2.1 COncerning the shauing of Priests (wherof you wryte also vnto me) I exhort you that it be decently obserued according to the Christian faith. We are not ignorant that the Apostles were not al shauen, after one maner, neither doth the Catholicke Church at this day agree in one vni∣forme maner of shauing, as they do in faith, hope, and cha∣rity. Let vs consider the former time of the Patriarches, and we shall finde that Iob (an example of patience) euen in the very point of his afflictions, did shaue his head: and he proueth also: that in y^e time of his prosperitye, he vsed to let his heare grow. And Ioseph an excellent Doctour & ex∣ecutor of chastity, humilitie, pietie and other vertues: whē he was deliuered out of prison & seruitude was shauen: wherby it appeareth that whilst he abode in prisō he was vnshauen.* 2.2 Behold doth these being men of god did vse an order in the habite of their body one contrary to the other, whose consciences notwithstanding within did wel agree in the like grace of vertues. But to speake truely and ••rely the difference of shauing hurteth not such as haue a pure faith in the Lord, & sincere charity, towardes their neigh∣bor: especially for that there was neuer any controuersie amongst the Catholike fathers about the diuersitie there∣of, as there hath beene of the difference of the celebration of Easter and of faith. But of all these shauinges that wee fynde either in the Churche or els where: there is none in mine opinion so much to be followed & embraced, as that which he vsed on his head, to whō the Lord said, thou art Peter, and vpon this rocke. I will builde my Church and the gates of hel shall not preuaile against it, & I will gyue thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen. And contrary∣wise there is no shauing so much to be abhorred and dete∣sted as that which he vsed to whom the same S. Peter said, thy money bee with thee to thy destruction,* 2.3 because thou thinkest to possesse the gift of God by thy money, therefore thy part nor lot is not in this worde. Neither ought we to bee shauen on the crowne onely because Saint Peter was so shauen, but because Peter was so shauen; in the remebraunce of the Lords Passion: therfore we that de∣sire by y^e same Passion to be saued, must weare the signe of the same passion with him vpon the top of our head which is the highest part of our body. For as euery Church that is made a Church by the death of the Sauiour, doth vse to beare the signe of the holy crosse in the front: that it maye the better by the defence of that banner, bee kept from the inuasions of euill spirits: & by the often admonition ther∣of, is taught to crucifie the flesh, with the concupiscence of the same: In like maner it behoueth such as haue y^e vowes of Monkes and degres of the Clergy, to bind them selues with a straiter bit of continencie for the Lords sake. And as the Lord bare a crowne of thorne on his head in his pa∣ssion,* 2.4 wherby he tooke & caried away from vs the thornes and prickes of our sinnes: so must euery one of vs by sha∣uing our heads, patiently beare and willinglye suffer, the mockes and scorners of the worlde for his sake: That wee may receaue the crowne of eternall life, which God hath promised to all that loue him, & shall by shauing their cor∣poral crownes beare the aduersity, & contemne the pros∣perity of this worlde. But the shauing which Symon Ma∣gus vsed, what faithful man doth not detest together with his magicall arte? The which at the first apparance hath a shew of a shauen crowne, but if you marke his necke, you shal finde it curtailed in such wise as you will say it is ra∣ther meete to be vsed of the Symonistes then of the Christi∣ans.* 2.5 And such (of foolishe men) be thought worthye of the glory of the eternall crowne, whereas indede for their yll liuing they are worthy not only to be depriued of the same but also of eternall saluation.* 2.6 I speak not this against thē that vse this kinde of shauing, & liue Catholikely in fayth and good workes, but surely I beleeue there be diuers of them be very holy and godly men. Amongst the which is Adamnan, the Abbot and worthy Priest of the Columbians: who when he came Embassadour from his country vnto king Alfride desired greatly to see our Monastery: where be declared a wonderful wisedowe, humilitie and Religiō both in his maners and wordes. Amongest other talke I asked him why he, that did beleue to come to the crown of life y^t should neuer haue end, did vse contrary to his belief a definite Image of a crowne on his head. And if you seke (quoth I) the felowship of S. Peter, why doe you vse the fashion of his crowne whom S. Peter did accurse, and not of his rather with whom you desire to liue eternally? Adā∣nā answered saying: you know right well brother though I vse Symons maner of shauing, after the custome of my country, yet doe I detest & with all my heart abhorre hys infidelitie.* 2.7 I desire notwithstanding to imitate the foote∣steps of the holy Apostle as far forth as my power wil ex∣tend. Then said I: I beleeue it is so. But then is it appa∣raunt you imitate those thinges which the Apostle Peter did frō the bottom of your hart, if you vse the same vpon your face that you know he did. For I suppose your wise∣dome vnderstandeth that it is right decent, to differ in the triming your face or shauing, frō his whom in your hart you abhorre. And cōtrariwise as you desire to imitate the doings of him whom you desire to haue a * 2.8 mediator be∣tweene God & you, so it is meete you imitate the maner of his apparell and shauing. Thus much saide I, to Adam∣nan, who seemed then well to like our Churches: in so much that he returning into Scotland, reformed many of his churches there, after our celebratiō, albeit he could not do so amongst the Monks,* 2.9 with whom he had special au∣thority. He endeuoured also to haue reformed their maner of shauing if he had bene able. And nowe (O King) I ex∣hort your maiestie to labor together with your people (o∣uer whom the King of Kinges and Lorde of Lordes hath made you gouernor, to imitate likewise in all these points the Catholicke and Apostolical churches. So shall it come to passe that in the end of this your temporall kingdome y^e most blessed prince of the Apostles shall opē you the gates of the heauenly kingdome together with the other elect of god. The grace of the eternal king preserue you most dere∣ly beloued sonne in Christ long time to reigne ouer vs to the great tranquility of vs all.

When this letter was read before king Nayton wyth other of his learned men, and diligentlye translated into his proper language, he semed to reioyce very much at the exhortation therof, insomuch as rising vp from among his noble men, he kneled on the ground and gaue God than∣kes that he had deserued to receaue so worthye a presente out of England, & so caused it forthwith by publike procla∣mation to be writen out, learned, & obserued throught out all the prouinces of the Pictes, defacing the errours that had bene vsed there by the space of 700. and 4. yeares. For all the ministers of the altar & all Monkes, were shauen, on the crowne. And al the people reioiced for the new dys∣cipline of the most blessed Prince of the Apostles, S. Peter which they had receaued.

¶By this monkish letter aboue prefixed,* 2.10 voide of all Scripture, of all probation & truth of history, thou maiest note gentle Reader: howe this vaine tradition of shauen crownes hath come vp, & vpon how light and trifling oc∣casion: which in very deede was none other but the drea∣ming phantasies of Monkes of that time, falsely groun∣ding vpon the example of Peter: when by no olde monu∣ment of any aūtient record they can euer proue, either Pe∣ter or Symon Magus to haue bene shauen. Moreouer in the said leter also is to be noted, how the Scottish Clergy at that season, did weare no such Priestly crownes, as our English Churchmen then did.

But to cut of this matter of shauing,* 2.11 more worthy to be laught at thē to be storied, let vs now againe returne where as we left at king Iue, of whom W. Malmesbery, and Fabian in his chronicle do record that whē the foresaide Iue had ruled the west saxons by y^e tearme of 37. yeares, by the importunate perswasion, and subtile policie of his wife E∣thelburga, was allured to go to Rome, & there to be made a Monke. Which Ethelburga, after she had a long tyme la∣boured

him to leaue the world, and could not bring about her purpose:* 2.12 vpon a season when the king and she had re∣sted them in a faire pallace richly behanged, & were vpon the morow thence departed: she by her commaundement caused the pallace to be replenished with all kinde of filth & dong,* 2.13 and hogs and vile beasts therin to be sayd, as wel in the chambers as other houses of office. And in theyr owne chamber where they did lye, there was a Sow laid with her yong pigs. And when she knew that this palace was thus deformed, being a certain space out of the town, she besought the king to visite the said pallace. And when she had brought him therunto, she said to him: I pray you my Lord behold now this house, where are now the rich tappets and clothes of gold & silke,* 2.14 and other rich apparel, that we left here this other day? And where be the delica∣cies & pleasant seruitors, and costly dishes, that you and I lately were serued with? Be not all these passed & gone? My Lord (saith she) in like maner shall we vanish away, as sodainly as you see these worldly things bene passed. And our bodies which now be delicately kept, shal fal and turne into the filth of the earth. Wherefore haue in mynde my wordes that before tyme to you I haue often shewed & told, and busie you to purchase that palace that euer shal endure in ioy without transmutation.

By meane of these wordes and other, the Queene tur∣ned so the kings mynd,* 2.15 that shortly after he resigned the gouernance of his kingdom vnto Ethelardus his nephew: & for the loue of Christ tooke vpon him the habite of a poore man. And setting apart all the pompe & pride of this wic∣ked world, associated himself in the felowship of poore men, and traualled to Rome with great deuotion, when he had bene king of Westsaxons, as before is sayd 37. yeares. Af∣ter whose departing, the foresaid Ethelburga his wife, went vnto Barking 7. miles from London, where in the Nun∣ry of Barking before of Erkenwald founded,* 2.16 she continu∣ed & ended the rest of her life, when she had bene Abbes of the place a certaine time. The said Malmesbery in his story also testifieth, that this Iue was the first king that granted a peny of euery fire house through his dominion to be paid vnto the Court of Rome, which afterward was called Romescot, or Peter pence, & long after was paid in many places of England.

This Iue, like as for his time, he was worthy and va∣liaunt in his actes: so was he the first of the Saxon kings (that I read of) which set forth any lawes to his country: the rehersall of which lawes, to the number of 80. & odde, were not vnprofitable here to be inserted together with o∣ther lawes of the Westsaxon kings after him, before the tyme of William Conquerour: in case it were not for the length & prolixitie of this present volume. And thus much concerning the raigne of king Iue, king of Westsaxons by the way. Now to repaire againe to the course of Northū∣berland kings something intermitted.

* 2.17Next vnto the foresaid Osricus, folowed Celulfus, whom he had adopted, brother to Kēred aboue specified. This Ce∣lulfus as he was himselfe learned, so were in his tyme di∣uers learned mē then florishing in England, among whō was Beda, who vnto the same king Celulfus offred his sto∣ry intituled Anglorum Historia, not onely to be ratified by his authoritie, but also to be amended, as Malmesburiensis writeth by his knowledge and learnyng.

* 2.18And for as much as I haue here entred into the men∣tion of Bede, a man of worthy and venerable memory, be∣cause of the certifiyng of the truth of that man: and for that I see all writers (as touching his life) do not agree,* 2.19 some saying that he was no Englishman borne: I thought so much to report of him, as I finde by his owne words te∣stified of himselfe in the latter end of his ecclesiastical histo∣ry of England, offred to the said Celulfus aboue mentioned the wordes of whom be these.

Thus much by the helpe of God, I Bede the seruant of Christ, and Priest of the Monastery of Peter and Paule at wire, haue compiled and digested concerning the Britain history. And so the same Bede proceding further in his nar∣ration, declareth that he being borne in the territorie of the sayd Monastery, beyng of the age of vij. yeares, was com∣mitted of his parents and friends,* 2.20 to the tuition and edu∣cation of Benedict (of whom aboue relation is made) and of Celfride Abbots of the foresaid Monastery. In the which place or Monastery he continuyng, from that tyme forth, all his lyfe long, gaue hymselfe and all his whole study to the meditating of holy scripture. Whatsoeuer tyme or lai∣sure he had frō his daily seruice in the church, that he spent either in learning, or in teaching, or writing somthing. A∣bout xix. yeares of his age, he was made Deacon, the xxx. yeare of his age he was made priest. From the which time to the age of 59. yeares, he occupied himself in interpreting the workes of the auncient fathers for his owne vse, and the necessitie of others: and in writing of treatises, which came in all to the number of 37. volumes, which he dige∣sted into 78. bookes.

Some say that he went to Rome either there to defend his bookes to be consonant to catholike doctrine either els if they should be found faulty, to amend & correct the same as he should thereto be commaunded. Albeit the reporter of this his life dare not certainly affirme that euer he was at Rome: but that he was inuited and called thether to come: both it is manifest in stories, and also this Epistle of Pope Sergius doth sufficiently prooue, declarnig moreo∣uer in what price and estimation Bede was accepted, as wel in the court of Rome, as in other places besides. The Epistle of Sergius sent to Celfride, thus proceedeth in tenor and forme as followeth in Latin.

The Epistle of Pope Sergius sent to Celfride Abbot of Wire Abbey, requiring Bede to be sent vp to him to Rome for the same of his worthy learning.

SErgius Episcopus seruus seruorsi Dei,* 3.1 Celfrido religioso Ab∣bati. Sal. Quibus modis ac verbis clementiam Dei nostri, at{que} inenarrabilem prouidentiam possumus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 & dignas gratiarum actiones pro immensis eius circa nos beneficijs persoluere qui in tenebris & in vmbra mortis positos ad lumen scientia perducit? Et infra Benedictionis gratlam: quam nobis per praesentem por∣tatorem tua deuota misir religio; lib••i & hilari animo ficuti ab ea directa est nos suscepisse, cognosce Oportunis igitur ac dignis amplectandae tuae sollicitudinis petitionibus, arctissima deuotio∣ne satisfacientes: hortamur Deo dilectam religiositatis tuae boni∣tatem, vt quia exortis quibusdam Ecclesiasticarum causarum ca∣pitulis, non sine examinatione longius innotescendis, opus no∣bis sunt ad conferendum artes literaturae, sicut decet Deo deuo∣tum auxiliatorem sanctae matris vniuersalis Ecclesiae obedientem deuotionem huic nostrae exhortationi non desistas accommoda∣re: sed absque vlla immoratione religiosum Dei famulum Bedam, venerabilem Monasterij tui Praesbyterum, ad limina Apostolorū principum dominorum meorum Petri & Pauli amatorum tuo∣rum ac protectorum, ad nostrae mediocritatis conspectum non moreris dirigere: Quem, satisfaciente domino sanctis tuis preci∣bus, non diffidas prospere ad te redire (peracta praemissorum ca∣pitulorum cum auxilio Dei desiderata solennitate.) Erite enim vt confidimus etiam cunctis tibi creditis profuturum, quicquid Ec∣clesiae generali claruerit per eius praestantiam impartitum &c.

So notable and famous was the learning of this fore∣sayd Bede,* 3.2 that the Church of Rome (as by this letter ap∣peareth) both stood in need of his helpe, and also requireth the same, about the discussing of certaine causes and con∣trouersies appertaining to learning. Moreouer the whole Latin church at that time, gaue him the maisterie in iudge∣ment and knowledge of the holy Scripture.* 3.3 In all his ex∣planations his chiefest scope and purpose did euer driue, to instruct and informe his Reader simplely and without all curiousnes of stile, in the sincere loue of god, & of his neigh∣bour. As touching the holynes and integritie of his life, it is not to be doubted: for how could it be, that he should at∣tend to any vicious idlenes, or had any laisure to the same, who in reading & digesting so many volumes, consumed all his whole cogitations in writing vpon the scriptures: for so he testifieth of himselfe in the 3. booke vpon Samuel, saying in these wordes. If my treatises and expositions, saith he, bring with them no other vtilitie to the Readers therof: yet to my selfe they conduce not a little in this, that while all my study and cogitatiō was set vpon them, in the meane while of the slipperie intitements and vayne cogi∣tations of this world I had little mynd. Thus in this tra∣uail of study he continued til the age of 62. yeres.* 3.4 At length drawyng to his latter end, beyng sicke vij. wekes togither besides other occupiyngs of his mynde,* 3.5 and other studies which he did not intermit: he translated also the gospell of S. Iohn into English. At length with great comfort of spirite departed this lyfe, pronouncyng many comfortable sayings to them that stood about him, vpon the Ascension day, the same yeare when Nothelinus was instituted Arch∣bishop of Caunterbury. And thus much concernyng the story of Bede.

This Celulfus king of Northumberland afore mentio∣ned,* 3.6 after he had raigned viij. yeares was made a Monke in the Abbey of Farne, otherwise called Lindefar, or holy Iland: where by his meanes licence was geuen to the monkes of that house to drinke wyne or ale, which before by the institution of Aidanus aboue mentioned, dronke nothing but milke and water. After whom succeded Egbert his cosin, brother to Egbert (the same tyme beyng bishop of Yorke) which brought againe thether the palle that hys

predecessors had forgone,* 3.7 since the tyme that Paulinus had left the sea, & fled to Rochester, as is before declared. The said Egbert also erected a noble Library in Yorke, whose example I would other bishops now would follow.

About the beginning of the raigne of this Egbert, was Cutbert Archbishop of Canterbury: who collected a great Synode of Bishops and Prelates, in the yere of our Lord, 747. in the month of September,* 3.8 neare to the place called Clonesh••. In the which Synode assembled, these decrees were enacted.

• 1. First, that Bishops should be more diligent in seing to their office,* 3.9 and in admonishing the people of their faults.
• 2. That they shoulde liue in a peaceable minde together, notwithstanding they were in place disseuered a sunder.
• 3. That euery Bishop once a yere should go about al the Parishes of his Dioces.
• 4. That the said Bishops euery one in his dioces should monish their Abbots & monks to liue regularly: and that Prelates should not oppresse their inferiors, but loue thē.
• 5. That they should teach the Monasteries which the se∣cular men had inuaded, and coulde not then be taken from them, to liue regularly.
• 6. That none should be admitted to orders, before his life should be examined.
• 7. That in Monasteries the reading of holy Scripture should be more frequented.
• 8. That Priests should be no disposers of secular busines.
• 9. That they should take no mony for baptising infants.
• 10. That they shoulde both learne and teache the Lordes Prayer and Creede in the English toung.
• 11. That all should ioyne together in their ministery after one vniforme rite and maner.
• 12. That in a modest voice they should sing in the church.
• 13. That all holy and festinall dayes should be celebrate at one time together.
• 14. That the Sabboth day be reuerently obserued & kept.* 3.10
• 15. That the vij. houres Canonical euery day be obserued.
• 16. That the Rogation dayes both the greater and lesser should not be omitted.
• 17. That the feast of S. Gregory, and S. Austen our Patron, should be obserued.
• 18. That the fast of the foure times shoulde be kept and obserued.
• 19. That Monkes and Nunnes should go regularly ap∣parelled.
• 20. That Byshops should see, these decrees not to be ne∣glected.
• 21. That the Churchmen should not geue them selues to dronkeunesse.
• 22. That the Communion should not be neglected of the Churchmen.
• 23. Item, that the same also should be obserued of the laye men, as time required.
• 24. That lay men first shoulde be well tried, before they entred in Monkerie.
• 25. That almes be not neglected.
• 26. That Byshops should see these decrees to be notified to the people.
• 27. They disputed of the profite of Almes.
• 28. They disputed of the profite of singing Psalmes.
• 29. That the Congregation shoulde be constitute, after their habilitie of their goodes.
• 30. That Monkes should not dwell among lay men.
• 31. That publike prayer should be made for kinges and Princes.

* 3.11These decrees and ordinaunces beyng thus among the Bishops concluded: Cutbert the Archbishop, sendeth the copy therof to Boniface, whiche Boniface otherwise na∣med Winfride an English man borne, was than the Arch∣bishop of Mentz, and after made a Martyr, as the Popish stories terme him.* 3.12

This Boniface being, as is sayd, Archbishop of Mentz in the time of this foresayd Synode, wrote a letter to Ethel∣bald king of Merceland: which Ethelbald was also present in the same Synode, of whome Bede maketh mention in his historie, calling him proude Ethelbald, and the greatest of the Saxon kinges in his time. First this Ethelbald after the departing of Ceolulphe into his Monkerie, inuaded and spoiled the countrey of Northumberland. Moreouer he exercised mortall and horrible warre a long space wyth Cudred, otherwise of some named Cutbert, King of West∣saxons. Furthermore he with other Saxon kings, so im∣pugned the Britains, that from that time they neuer durst prouoke the Saxons any more. At length the said Cudred refusing the intollerable exactions of proud Ethelbald, doth incounter with him in battaile: Where notwythstanding the great power that Ethelbald had to him adioyned, of the Mercians, of the Eastsaxons, of the Eastangles, and of Cantuarites: yet the saide Cudred through Gods power, and the meanes of a certaine valiant warriour called E∣delhim a Consul,* 3.13 ouerthrewe the pride of Ethelbald, after a sore and terrible cōflict. Which Ethelbald notwithstanding repairing his power againe the next yeare after, renued battaile with the foresayd Cudred. In the which battaile E∣thelbald after her had raigned xli. yeares in Mercia, was slaine by one Beornered, who after raigned in that dition but a smal tyme. For Offa nephew to the sayd Ethelbald ex∣pulsed the sayd Beornered, and succeeded king in that pro∣uince of Mercia, where he raigned xxxix. yeares, of whom more followeth hereafter (the Lord Iesu speeding therein our purpose) to be declared as place and time shal require. In the meane season not to forget the letter before mentio∣ned of Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, sent vnto thys E∣thelbald: I thought the same not vnworthy here to be in∣serted (at the least the effect thereof) not so much for the au∣thors sake, as for that some good matter peraduenture may be picked thereout, for other Princes to behold & consider.

The copy and tenor of the Letter of Boniface Arch∣bishop of Mentz, and Martyr of God (an Englishman) sent to Ethelbald king of Mercia, freely and yet charitably ad∣monishing him of his adulterous lyfe, and oppression of Churches.

REgi & filio charissimo,* 4.1 & in Christi amore caeteris regibus Anglorum praeferendo Ethelbaldo, Bonifacius Archiepisco∣pus legatus Germanicus Romanae Ecclesiae perpetuam in Chri∣sto charitatis salutem. Consistemus coram Deo, qui nouit an ve∣rè atque ex animo dicam: Quando prosperitatem vestram, & fi∣dem, & bona opera audimus, laetamur. Quando autem aliquid ad∣uersum vel in euentu bellorum, vel de periculo animarum de vo∣bis cognoscimus, tristamur. Audiuimus enim quòd eleemosinis intentus, furta & rapinas prohibes, & pacem diligis, & defensor viduarum & pauperum es, & inde gratias Deo agimus. Quòd verò legitimum matrimonium spernis, si pro castitate faceres, es∣set laudabile. Sed quia in luxu & adulterio & cum sanctimoniali∣bus volutaris, est vituperabile, & damnabile. Nam & famam glo∣riae vestrae, coram Deo & hominibus confundit, & inter idolola∣tras cōstituit, quia templum Dei violasti. Quapropter fili Charis∣sime poenitere, & memorare oportet, quàm turpe sit, vt tu qui multis gentib{us}, dono dei, dominaris, ad iniurià eius sis libidinis ••er uus. Audiuimus praeterea quòd optimates penè omnes gentis Merciorum, tuo exemplo legitimas vxores deserant, & adulteras & sanctimoniales constuprent. Quod quàm sit peregrinum ab honéstate, doceat vos alienae gentis institutio. Nam in anti∣qua Saxonia, vbi nulla est Christi cognitio: si virgo in ma∣terna domo, vel maritata, sub coniuge suerit adultera, manu pro∣pria strangulatam cremant, & supra fossa sepultae corruptorem suspendunt, aut cingulo tenus (vestibus abscissis) flagellant eam castae matronae, & cultellis pungunt. Et de villa in villam missae occurrunt nouae flagellatrices: donec interimant. Insuper & vi∣nuli, quod est faedissimum genus hominum, hunc habent morem vt mulier viro mortuo, se in rogo cremantis pariter arsura praeci∣piter. Si ergo gentiles Deum ignorantes, tantum zelum castitatis habent: quid tibi conuenit fili Charissime, qui Christianus & rex es' Parce ergo animae tuae: Parce multitudini populi tui pereù∣tis exemplo tuo: de quorum animabus redditurus es rationem. Attende & illud, quid si gens Anglorum (sicut in Francia, & Ita∣lia, & ab ipsis Paganis nobis improperatur) spretis legitimis ma∣trimonijs per adulteria deficit: nascitura{que} sit ex ea commixtio∣ne gens ignaua & Dei contemptrix,* 4.2 quae perditis moribus patri∣am pessundet: sicut Burgundionibus & prouincialibus, & Hispa∣nis contigit, quos Saraceni multis annis infestarunt propter pec∣cata praeterita? Praeterea nunciatum est nobis, quòd multa pri∣uilegia Ecclesiarum & monasteriorum auferens, ad hoc audendù duces tuos exemplo prouoces. Sed recogita quaeso quàm terri∣bilem vindictam Deus in anteriores reges exercuit, eiusdem cul∣pae conscios, quam in te arguimus. Nam Celredum praedecesso∣rem tuum stupratorem Sanctimonialium, & ecclesiasticorum pri∣uilegiorum fractorem, splendidè cum suis comitibus epulantem spiritus malignus arripuit: & sine confessione & viatico, cum di∣abolo sermocinanti, & legem Dei detestanti animam extorsit. Os∣redum quo{que} regem Deiorum & Bernicorum, earundem culpa∣rum reum, ita effrenatum regem egit: vt regnum & iuuenilem aetatem contemptibili morte amitteret. Carolus quo{que} princeps Francorum monasteriorum multorum euersor, & Ecclesiasticarū pecuniarum in vsus proprios commutator, longa tortione, & ve∣renda morte consumptus est. Et mox infra: Quapropter fili Cha∣rissime, paternis & obnixis precibus deprecamur. vt non despi∣cias consilium patrum tuorum, qui pro Dei amore celsitudinem tuam appellare satagunt. Nihil enim bono regi salubrius, quàm, fi talia commissa cum arguuntur, libenter emendentur. Quia per Salomonem dicitur: Qui diligit disciplinam, diligit sapientiam. Ideo, fili Charissime, oftendentes consilium iustum, contestamur

& obsecramus per viuentem Deum & per filium eius Iesum Chri∣stum, & per spiritum sanctum, vt recorderis quàm fugitiua sit vi∣ta praesens, & quam breuis & momentanea delectatio spurcae car∣nis: & quam ignominiosum sit, vt breuis vitae homo mala exem∣pla in perpetuum posteris relinquat. Incipe ergo melioribus mo∣ribus vitam cōponere, & praeteritos errores iuuentutis corrige∣re: vt hic coram hominibus laudem habeas, & in futuro aeterna gloria gaudeas. Valere celfitudinem tuam, & in bonis moribus proficere optamus.

In this Epistle here is to be seene and noted, first the corruption and great disorder of lyfe, which alwayes from tyme to tyme hath bene found in these religious houses of Nūnes,* 4.3 whose professed vow of coacted chastitie, hath yet neuer bene good to the Church, nor profitable to the com∣mon wealth, and least of all to themselues. Of such yong & wanton widowes, S. Paul in his tyme complayneth, 1. Tim. 5. which would take vpon them the wilfull profession of single lyfe, which they were not able to perform, but fal∣ling into damnable luxurie deserued worthily to be repre∣hended. How much better had it bene for these lasciuious Nunnes not to haue refused the safe yoke of christian ma∣trimonie, then to intangle themselues in this their super∣stitious vow of perpetuall maidēhood, which neither was required of them, nor they were able to keepe.

Secondly, no lesse are they also to be reprehēded, which mainetayned these superstitious orders of vnprofitable Nunnes and of other religions: In the number of whom was this foresayd Boniface otherwise called Winfride, who although in this epistle doeth iustly reprehend the vicious enormities both of secular, and of religious persons: yet he him self is not without the same or rather greater reprehē∣sion,* 4.4 for that hee gaue the occasion thereof in maintaining such superstitious orders of such lasciuious Nunnes and other religions, & restraining the same from lawful mari∣age. For so we finde of him in stories that hee was a great se••ter vp & vpholder of such blinde superstition, and of all Poperie. Who being admitted by Pope Gregory the secōd, Archbishop of Magunce, and indued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 full authoritie le∣gantine ouer the Germanes, brought diuers countreys there, vnder the Popes obedience: held many great Coū∣cels, ordained Bishops,* 4.5 builded Monasteries, canonised Saints, commaunded reliques to be worshipped, permit∣ted religious fathers to cary about Nunnes with them a preaching. Amongst all other he founded the great mona∣stery of Fulda in Germany of English monkes: into the which no women might enter, but only Lieba, & Tecla, two English Nunnes. Item, by the authoritie of y^e said Arch∣bishop Boniface, which he receiued frō Pope Zacharie, Chil∣dericus king of Fraunce, was deposed from the right of his crowne:* 4.6 and Pipinus betraier of his maister was cōfirmed, or rather intruded in. From this Boniface proceeded that detestable doctrine which now standeth registred in the Popes decrees, Dist. 40. cap. Si Papa which in a certaine E∣pistle of his, is this. That in case the Pope were of most filthy liuing, and forgetfull or negligent of himselfe, and of the whole christianitie, in such sort, that he led innumera∣ble soules with him to hell: yet ought there no man to re∣buke him in so doing. For he hath (saith he) power to iudge all men, and ought of no man to be iudged agayne.

In the tyme of this Archbishop, Pope Gregory the se∣cond, also Gregory the third, and Pope Zachary, and before these also Pope Constantine the first: wrought great mai∣steries against the Greeke Emperours, Philippicus, & Leo, and others, for the maintaining of Images to be set vp in Churches. Of whom Philippicus lost both his Empire and also his eyes. Leo for the same cause likewise was excom∣municate of Gregory the third. This Gregory the third (so farre as I can coniecture) was he that first wrote the foure bookes of Dialogues in Greeke, falsely bearyng the name of Gregory the first, which bookes afterward Zachary hys successour translated out of Greeke into Latin. Item, the same Gregory the third; first brought into the Masse Land, the clause for reliques beginning, Quorum solemnitates ho∣die in conspectu, &c. Item, brought into the sayd Canon the memoriall, the offring, and sacrifice for the dead: Lyke as Zachary brought in the Priests vesture and ornaments: & as the foresaid Constantinus also was the first that gaue his feete to be kissed of the Emperours. But turne agayne in∣to the course of our English story.

In the tyme of this Egbert king of Northumberland, Sigebert or Sigbert raigned in Westsaxony: a man of so cru∣ell tyranny to his subiectes (turning the lawes & customs of his forefathers after his owne will and pleasure) that when he was somewhat sharpely aduertised by one of his nobles, an Earle called Combranus, to chaūge his maners, and to behaue him more prudently toward his people: he therfore maliciously caused him to be put to cruell death. Whereupon,* 4.7 the sayd king Sigebert continuing in his cru∣ell conditions, by his subiectes conspyring agaynst hym, was put from his kingly dignity: and brought into suche desolation, that wandring alone in a wood without com∣fort,* 4.8 was there slayne euen by the swineheard of the sayd Earle, whom before he had so wrongfully murdered, as partly is aboue touched: whereby is to be seene, the cruell tyranny of Princes neuer to prosper well▪ without the iust reuenge both of God and man.* 4.9

This Sigebert being slayne, in his place succeeded Ke∣nulphus, in the yeare of our Lord 748. who with the agree∣mēt of the westsaxons was one of the chiefe doers against Sigebert his Maister. This Kenulphus kept stronglye his Lordship agaynst Offa; and agaynst the power of all hys enemies: till at length, after that he had raigned, as Fabian sayth 31. yeares,* 4.10 he resorting to a paramour which he kept at Merton, was there beset & likewise slayne by the trayn and meanes of a certayne kinsman of the foresayd Sigebert, named Clito or Cliton, in reuengement of king Sigebertes death.* 4.11

Moreouer in the raigne of the foresayd Egbert kyng of Northumberland, and in the viij. yeare of Kenulphus king of Westsaxons: Offa after he had slayne the tyraunt Beoru∣redus, which before had slayne Ethelwald kyng of Mercia, and Uncle to this foresayde Offa: raigned King of that Prouince.

Of this Offa are told many notable deedes, which be∣cause they concerne rather politicall affaires, and doe not greatly appertayne to the purpose of this ecclesiastical hi∣story, I omit here to recite.* 4.12 As his warres and victories against Egbert & the Northumbres, as also against Ethel∣dred king of East Angles. Item, against Egbert king of Kent, otherwise called Wren, whom Fabian saith he tooke prisoner, & led him bound with him to Mercia. Malmesbu∣ry witnesseth otherwise, this to be done not by Offa, but by Kenulphus, as Christ willing hereafter shall appeare. After these victories Offa had such displeasure vnto the Citizens of Canterbury,* 4.13 that he remooued the Archbishops sea, and landes of Lambrith Archbishop of Caunterbury (by the a∣greement of Pope Adrian) vnto Lichfield. He also chased the Britaines or Welchmen into Wales, and made a fa∣mous dyke betwene Wales and the vtter bonds of Mer∣cia or middle England, which was called Ofditche. And builded there a Church which long tyme a••ter was called Offekyrke.* 4.14 This Offa also married one of his daughters to Brightricus that was king of Westsaxons. And for that in his tyme was variance betwene him and the French∣men, in so much that the passage of merchants was forbid∣den: therfore he sent Alcuinus a learned man, vnto Charles the great, then king of France, to common the meanes of peace: which Charles had after that, y^e said Alcuinus in great fauour and estimation, and afterward made him Abbot of Turonia in Fraunce.

About the latter tyme of the raigne of Offa,* 4.15 kyng of Mercia: Ethelbert beyng then kyng of Eastangles (a lear∣ned and a right godly Prince) came to the Court of Offa: prouoked by the counsell of his Nobles, to sue for the ma∣riage of his daughter, wel accompanied like a prince, with his men about him. Wherupon, the Queene conceiuyng a false suspicion, and fearing that which was neuer minded: that Ethelbert with his company vnder the pretence and made matter of mariage,* 4.16 was come to worke some vio∣lence against her husband, and the kingdom of Mercia, so she perswaded with king Offa: and cettrine of her counsel that night: that the next day followyng, Offa caused him to be trayned into his pallace alone from his company, by one called Guymbertus: who tooke him and bound him, & there stroke of his head,* 4.17 which forthwith he thā presented to the king & Queene. And thus the innocent king Ethel∣bert was wrongfully murthered, about the yeare of our Lord, 793. but not without a iust reuenge at Gods hand. For as the story recordeth, the foresayd Queene worker of this villanie, liued not iij. monthes after: and in her death was so tormented, that she was fayne to bite and rent her tong in pieces with her owne teeth. Offa vnderstanding at length the innocencie of this king, and the haynous cruel∣ty of his fact: gaue the tēth part of his goods to holy church and to the church of Hereford, in remembraunce of this E∣thelbert, he bestowed great landes.* 4.18 Moreouer, builded the Abbey of S. Albons, with certayne other monasteries be∣side. And so afterward he went vp to Rome for his penāce, where he gaue to the Church of S. Peter a peny through euery house in his dominion, which was called common̄ly Romeshot, or Peterpence, payed to the Church of S. Pe∣ter: and there at length was transformed from a king to a monke, about the yeare of our Lord .794. with Kenredus

king of Northūberland aboue mentioned, although some storyes deny that he was a Monke.* 4.19

After Offa king of Mercia, when he had raigned xxxix. yeares succeded his sonne Egfretus, who raigned but foure monthes: of whome thus writeth the foresayd Alcuinus: Non arbitror quòd nobilissimus iuuenis Egfretus,* 4.20 propter pec∣cata sua mortuus sit: Sed quia pater suus, pro confirmatione reg∣ni eius multum sanguinem effudit, &c. That is: This noble yong man died not so much for offences of his owne, as for that his father had spilled much bloud, to confirme him in his kingdome.

* 4.21Next to which Egfretus, succeeded Kenulphus in the said kyngdome of Mercia, which Kenulphus keping and retai∣ning the hatred of Offa his predecessor against the Cantu∣arites, made warre against them: where he tooke Egbert their king otherwise called Wren, whom he bound and led prisoner to Mercia. Notwithstanding, shortly after being mollified with princely clemency in the towne of Winch∣combe, where he had builded the same tyme a church: vpō the day when he should dedicate the same in the presence of xiij. bishops,* 4.22 and of Cutbert, whom he had placed in y^e same kingdom of Canterbury before, and x. Dukes, and many other great estates. Kyng Kenulphus brought the sayd Eg∣bert king of Kent out of prison into the Church, where he enlarged him of imprisonment, and restored hym to his place agayne.* 4.23 At the sight whereof, not onely Cutbert the foresayd king reioyced, but also all the estates and people beyng there present, made such an exclamation of ioy and gladnes, that the church, (and not onely the Church, but also the streetes) range withall. At which tyme such boū∣tifulnes of gifts and iewels was then bestowed, that from the highest estate to the lowest, none departed without somthing geuē, according as to euery degree was thought meete.* 4.24 Although Fabian referreth this story to king Offa, yet causes there be, why I assent rather to Malmesbury and to Polychronicon, which attribute the same to Kenulphus the second king of Mercia, after Offa.

A little before in speaking of certain bishops of Rome, mention was made of Pope Constantine the first, Pope Gregory the second, Pope Gregory the third, & of Pope Za∣chary, which deposed Childerike, & set vp Pipinus the French king,* 4.25 &c. Next after this Zachary, in order followed Pope Stephen the second, to whom the foresayd Pipinus to gratitie agayne the sea of Rome for this their benefite shewed to him, gaue and contributed to the said sea of Rome, the ex∣archat or Princedome of Rauenna, the kingdome of the Lombardes, and many other great possessions of Italie, with all the Cities thereto adioyning vnto the borders of Uenice.* 4.26 And this donation of Pipine, no doubt if the truth were rightly tried, should be found to be the same, which hitherto falsly hath bene thought to be the donatiō of Con∣stantine. For els how could it be, that the exarchate of Ra∣uenna could belong all this while to the Emperours of Constantinople, if Constantine before had geuen it and all Italy from the Empire to the sea of Rome?* 4.27

To this Pipinus, as witnesseth Polychronicon, was sent first into France, the mention of the Organs out of Gre∣cia, by Constantine Emperour of Constant. 757.

Next to this Stephen the ii. succeeded Paule the first, who following his predecessors, thundred out great excō∣munications against Constantinus the Emperor of Con∣stantinople, for abrogating and plucking downe Images set vp in Temples. Notwithstandyng this Constantine neglecting the Popes vaine curses perseuered in his bles∣sed purpose, in destroying Idolatry till the end of his lyfe. Then came to be Pope, Constantinus the second a lay man, and brother to Desiderius the king of Lombardy: for the which cause he was shortly deposed, and thrust into a mo∣nastery, hauing his eyes put out.

In whose stead succeeded Stephen the iij. who ordained that after that, no lay man should be Pope: condemnyng moreouer the councel of Constantinople the vii. for here∣tical, because in that councell the worshipying of Images was reprooued and condemned. Contrary to the which Councell, this Pope not only maintained the filthy Ido∣latry of Images in Christian Temples, but also aduaun∣ced their ueneration, commaunding them most Ethnical∣ly to be incensed, &c. At this tyme Carolus Magnus called Charles the great a little before mentioned, began to raign, by whom this Pope caused Desiderius the Lombard king, to be depriued,

Then in this race of Popes, after this Stephen the iij. commeth Hadrianus the first, who likewise followyng the steps of his forefathers the Popes, added and attributed to the veneration of Images more then all the other had done before, writing a booke for the adoration and the vti∣litie proceding of them, commaunding them to be takē for lay mens Calenders, holdyng moreouer a Synode at Rome against Felix,* 4.28 and all other that spake against the setting vp of such stockes and Images. And as Paul the first, before him made much of the body of Petronilla S. Pe∣ters daughter: so this Hadrian clothed the body of S. Pe∣ter all in siluer, and couered the aulter of S. Paule with a Palle of gold,* 4.29 This Pope Hadrian was he, whome we de∣clared in the former part of this treatise, to ratifie and con∣firme by reuelation the order of S Gregories Masse, aboue the order of S. Ambrose masse, for vnto this time which was about the yeare of our Lord, 780. the Liturgie of S. Ambrose was more vsed in the Italian churches. The story where∣of, because it is registred in Durandus,* 4.30 Nauclerus, and Iaco∣bus de Voragine, I thought here to insert the same, to this especiall purpose, for the Reader to vnderstand the tyme, when this vsuall Masse of the Papists began first to be v∣niuersall & vniforme, & generally in churches to be recea∣ued. Thus it foloweth in the story by the foresayd authors set forth. Iacobus de Voragine in the life of Pope Gregory the first telleth a tale concerning this matter.

In tymes past (saith he) when the seruice which Am∣brose made, was more frequented and vsed in Churches, then was the seruice which Gregory had appointed, the bi∣shop of Rome then called Adrian, gathered a Councell to∣gether: in the which it was ordained, that Gregories ser∣uice should be obserued and kept vniuersally: which de∣termination of the Councell, Charles the Emperor did di∣ligētly put in executiō while he ran about by diuers Pro∣uinces, & inforced all the Clergy, partly with threatnings, and partly with punishments, to receiue that order. And as touching the bookes of Ambrose seruice, he burnt them to ashes in all places, and threw into prison many priests that would not consent and agree to the matter. Blessed Eugenius the Bishop comming vnto the Councell, found that it was dissolued iij. dayes before his comming. Not∣withstanding through his wisedome, he so perswaded the Lord Pope, that he called agayne all the Prelates that had bene present at the Councell, and were now departed by the space of three dayes. Therfore when the Councell was gathered agayne together, in this all the fathers did con∣sent and agree, that both the Masse bookes of Ambrose and Gregory should be layd vpon the aulter of blessed Peter the Apostle, and the church dores diligently shut, and most warily sealed vp with the signets of many and diuers bi∣shops. Againe, that they should all the whole night geue themselues to prayer, that the Lord might reueale, open & shew vnto them by some euident signe or token, which of these two seruices he would haue vsed in the Temples.* 4.31 Thus they doing in all pointes as they had determined, in the morning opened the church dores, and founde both the Myssals or Masse bookes open vpon the aulter: or ra∣ther, as some say, they found Gregories Masse booke vtter∣ly plucked asunder one piece from an other, and scattered ouer all the church. As touching Ambrose booke, they only found it open vpō the aulter in the very same place where they before laid it.* 4.32 This miracle Pope Adrian like a wyse expounder of dreames, saith, that as the leaues were torne and blown abroad all the church ouer, so should Gregories booke be vsed throughout y^e world, whereupō they thought themselues sufficiently instructed and taught of God, that the seruice which Gregory had made, ought to be set abroad & vsed throughout the world, and that Ambrose his seruice should onely be obserued and kept in his owne church of Mediolanum, where he sometyme was bishop.

Thus hast thou heard (brother Reader) the full and whole narration of this misticall miracle, with the Popes exposition vpon the same, which semeth to be as true, as that which Daniell speaketh of, how the Idoll Bell did eate vp all the meate that was set before him all the night, Daniel, 14. Concerning the which miracle, I need not ad∣monish thee to smell out the blind practises of these night∣crowes, to blind the world with forged inuentiōs in stead of true stories. Albeit to graunt the miracle to be most true & vnfallible, yet as touching the exposition therof, another man beside the Pope, percase might interprete this great miracle otherwise, as thus: That God was angry with Gregories booke, and therfore rent it in pieces, and scatered it abroad, and the other as good, lay sound vntouched, and at the least so to be preferred. Notwithstanding, whatsoe∣uer is to bee thought of this miracle with the exposition therof,* 4.33 thus the matter fell out, that Gregories seruice had only the place, and yet hath to this day in the greatest part of Europe, y^e seruice of Ambrose beyng excluded. And thus much touching the great act of Pope Adrian, for the setting vp of the Masse. By the relation wherof, yet this know∣ledge may come to the Reader, at least to vnderstand, how that commonly in christen nations abroad, as yet no vni∣forme

order of any Missall or Masse booke was receiued, as hath bene hetherto discoursed.

Now from the Popes to returne againe to the empe∣rours from whence we digressed, like as Pipinus the father of Charles (as hath bene before sufficiently told) had geuen to the sea Papall all the princedome of Rauenna, with o∣ther donations and reuenewes, & landes in Italy: so this Carolus following his fathers deuotion, did confirme the same, adding moreouer therunto, the Citie and dominion of Venice,* 4.34 Histria, the Dukedome Foroiuliense, the dukedom Spoletanum and Beneuentanum, and other possessions moe, to the patrimonie of S. Peter, making him the Prince of Rome and of Italy. The Pope agayne to recompence his so gentle kindnes, made him to be intituled most Christen king, and made him Patricium Romanum Moreouer ordei∣ned him onely to bee taken for Emperour of Rome.* 4.35 For these and other causes moe, Carolus bare no little affection to the sayd Adrian aboue all other Popes: as may well appeare by this letter of Carolus Magnus sent to king Offa, what tyme the said Offa (as is aboue prefixed) sent to hym Alcuinus for entreatie of peace: whereunto the foresayd Ca∣rolus aunswereth agayne to the message of Offa in a letter, the contents whereof be these.

The tenour of a Letter sent by Carolus Magnus to king Offa, answering to his request con∣cerning the intreatie of peace betwene them.

* 5.1CArolus Rex Francorum & Longobardorum, Patricius Ro∣manorum viro venerando, & fratri charissimo Offae Regi Merciorum Salut. Primò gratias agimus omnipotenti Deo, de Catholicae fidei sinceritate, quam in vestris laudabilibus paginis reperimus exaratam. De peregrinis verò qui pro amore Dei, & salute animarum suarum, beatorum Apostolorum limina deside∣rant adire, cum pace sine omni perturbatione vadant. Sed si ali∣qui religioni non seruientes, sed lucra sectantes inueniantur in∣ter eos, locis opportunis statuta soluant telonia. Negociatores quoque volumus vt ex mandato nostro patrocinum habeant in regno nostrolegitime. Et si in aliquo loco, iniusta affligantur op∣pressione, reclament se ad nos, vel nostros iudices, & plenam ••••∣stitiam iubemus fieri. Cognoscat quoque dilectio vestta quod a∣liquam benignitatem de Delmaticis nostris vel pallijs ad singu∣las sedes Episcopales regni vestri vel Ethelredi direximus, in e∣leemosinam Domini Apostolici Adriani, deprecantes vt pro eo intercedi iubeatis, nullam habentes dubitationem beatam illius animam in requie esse, sed vt fidem & dilectionem ostendamus in amicum nobis charissimum. Sed & de thesauro humanarum rerum, quum Dominus Iesus gratuita pietate concessit aliquid per Metropolitanas ciuitates: Direximus vestrae quoque dilecti∣oni vnum baltheum, & vnum gladium & duo pallia serica, &c.

* 5.2The cause why this Carolus writeth so fauorablye of Adriā partly is touched before, partly also was, for y^e Caro∣lomane his elder brother being dead, his wife called Bertha with her two Children came to Adrian, to haue them con∣firmed in their fathers kingdome: whereunto the Pope to shew a pleasure to Carolus would not agree: but gaue the mother with her two children, & Desiderius the Lombard king with hys whole kingdome, hys wife and Children, into the hands of the said Carolus, who led them with him captiue into Fraunce, and there kept them in seruitude during their lyfe.

Thus, Carolus Magnus beyng proclaymed Emperour of Rome, through the preferment of Adrian, and of Pope Leo the third which succeeded next after him, was the Em∣pire translated from the Grecians about the yeare of our Lord 801.* 5.3 vnto the Frenchmen: where it continued about 102. yeares till the comming of Conracus and hys nephew Otho, which were Germaynes: and so hath continued af∣ter them amōg the Almanes vnto this present time. This Charles builded so many Monasteries as there be letters in the row of A.B C. he was beneficiall chiefly to Church∣men also mercifull to the poore, in hys actes valiaunt and triumphaunt, skilde in all languages, he held a counsell at Francford, where was condemned the Councell of Rice and Irene, for setting vp and worshipping Images, &c.

Concerning which Councell of Nice, & thinges there concluded and enacted (because no man shal thinke, the de∣testing of Images to be any new thing now begon) thus I finde it recorded in an auncient written history of Roger Houeden, called Continuationes Beda▪ His wordes in Latin be these: Anno 792. Carolus Rex Francorum misit Sinodalem librum ad Britanniam, sibi à Constantinopoli directum. In quo lib. Heu, proh dolor, multa inconuenientia, & verae fidei contra∣ria reperiuntur, maximè quòd pene omnium orientalium Do∣ctorum non minus quàm 300. vel eo amplius Episcoporum vna∣nimi assertione confirmatum sit, imagines adorari debere: Quod omnino Ecclesia Dei execratur. Contra quod scripsit Albinus E∣pistolam ex autoritate diuinarum scripturarum mirabiliter affir∣matam,* 5.4 illam{que} cum eodem libro ex persona Episcoporum ac principum nostrorum, Regi Francorum attulit. Haec ille. That is. In the yeare of our Lorde, 792. Charles the Frenche King sent a booke contayning the actes of a certeine Sy∣node, vnto Brittayne, directed vnto hym from Con∣stantinople.* 5.5 In the which booke (lamentable to behold) many thinges inconuenient, & cleane contrary to the true fayth are there to be found: especially for that by the com∣mon consent of almost all the learned bishops of the East Church, not so few as 300. it was there agreed that Ima∣ges should be worshipped.* 5.6 Which thing the church of god hath alwayes abhorred. Against which booke Albin{us} wrote an Epistle substantially grounded out of the authoritie of holy Scripture. Which Epistle with the booke, the sayde Albinus in the name and person of our Bishops and Prin∣ces, did present to the French king.

And thus much by the way of Romish matters: now to returne agayne to the Northumberland kings where we left at Egbert.* 5.7 Which Egbert as is before declared, succee∣ded after Ceolulphus after he was made Monke.* 5.8 And like∣wise the sayd Egbert also followyng the deuotion of hys vncle Ceolulphus, and Kenredus before him: was likewyse shorne monke after he had raigned 20. yeres in Northum∣berland, leauing his sonne Osulphus after him to succeede:* 5.9 about which tyme, and in the saine yeare when Ceolulphus deceased in his Monastery, which was the yeare of our Lord, 764. diuers Cities were burnt with sodaine fire, as the citie of Wenta, the citie of London, the citie of Yorke, Dōacester, with diuers other townes besides. Roger Ho∣ueden. Lib. Contin. post Bedam, who the first yeare of hys raigne, which was the yere of our Lord, 757, beyng inno∣cently slayne, next to him followed Mollo, otherwise called Adelwald, who likewise beyng slayne of Alcredus after hee had raigned ii. yeres departed. After, Alcredus whē he had raigned 10. yeres, was expulied out of his kingdom by his people. Then was Ethelbert otherwise named Edelred the sonne of the foresayd Mollo receaued kyng of Northum∣berland. which Ethelbert, or Adelred in like sort after he had raigned v. yeares, was expulsed. After whome succeeded Alswold,* 5.10 who likewise when he had raigned ii. yeres, was vniustly slaine. So likewise after him his nephew, and the sonne of Alcredus named Osredus raigned one yeare & was slayne. Then the foresayd Ethelbert the sonne of Mollo after 12. yeares banishment, raigned agayne in Northumber∣land the space of foure yeares, and was slayne: the cause wherof (as I finde in an old written story) was that for∣saking his old wife, he maried a new. Concerning the re∣storing of whō Alcuinus writeth in this maner: Benedictus Deus qui facit mirabilia solus. Nuper Edelredus filius Edelwal∣di de carcere processit in solium, & de miseria in maiestatem, cu∣ius regni nouitate detenti sumus ne veniremus ad vos, &c. And afterward the same Alcuinus againe speaking of his death, writeth to king Offa, in these wordes: Sciat veneranda dile∣ctio vestra, quod Do. Carolus amabiliter & fideliter saepe mecum locutus est de vobis, & in eo habetis fidelissimum amicum. Ideo & vestrae dilectioni digna dirigit munera, & per Episcopales se∣des regni vestri, similiter & Edelredo Regi, & ad suas Episcopo∣rum sedes direxit dona. Sed heu Proh dolor, donis datis, & Epi∣stolis in manus missorum, superuenit tristis legatio per missos qui de Scotia per nos reuersi sunt, De infidelitate gentis, & nece Re∣gis. Ita Carolus retracta donorum largitate in tantum iratus est contra gentem illam, vt ait, perfidam & peruersam, & homicidam dominorum suorum, peiorem eam paganis estimans, vt nisi ego intercessor essem pro ea quicquid eis boni abstrahere potuisset, & mali machinari, iam fecisset, &c.

The kingdom of Northumberland ceaseth.

Thus as you haue heard,* 5.11 after the raigne of king Eg∣bert, before mentioned, such trouble and perturbatiō was in the dominion of Northumberland: with slaying, ex∣pulsing, and disposing, their kings one after an other, that after the murdering of this Edelred aboue specified, none durst take the gouernemēt vpon him, seing the great dan∣ger thereupon insuing. Insomuch that the foresayd king∣dome did lye void and waste the space of xxxiij yeares to∣gether, after the terme of which yeares this kingdome of Northumberland, with the kingdomes also of the other Saxons besides, came all together into the handes of Eg∣bert king of the Westsaxons and his progeny: which Mo∣narchy began in the yeare of our Lord. 827. and in the 28. yeare of the raygne of the sayd Egbert: whereof more shall be sayd (Christ willing) hereafter.* 5.12 Of this troublesome & ragious time of Northumberland people, speaketh also the sayd learned man Alcuinus otherwise called Albinus, in

the same country borne: writing out of Fraūce into Eng∣land, and complayning of the same in diuers his letters, as first to Offa, where he thus writeth. Ego paratus eram eū muneribus Caroli regis ad vos venire, & in patriam reuerti. Sed melius visum est propter pacem gentis meae, in peregrinatione remanere,* 5.13 nesciens quid fecissem inter eos, vbi nullus securus es∣se, vel in salubri consilio proficere potest. Ecclesia sancta a Paga∣nis vastata, altaria periurijs faedata, monasteria adulterijs violata, terra sanguine dominorum & principum faedata, &c. Moreouer the sayd Alcuinus writing to the foresayd Edelred a little a∣boue mentioned, after the same tenor reporteth: Ecce Ec∣clesia sancti Cuthberti sacerdotum Dei sanguine aspersa (omni∣bus spoliata ornamentis) locus, cunctis in Britannia venerabili∣or. Paganis gentibus datur ad depraedādum. Et vbi primùm post decessum S. Cuthberti ab Eboraco, Christiana religio in nostra gente sumpsit exordium: ibi miseriae & calamitatis caepit initiū, &c. Item, writing to Osbert a noble piere of the Mercians, complayning on the same maner, sayth: Regnum nostrum Northumbrorum penè perijt, propter intestinas dissentiones, & fallaces coniurationes, &c.

Item, in another place the sayd Alcuinus writing to A∣delard Archbishop of Caunterbury, complayneth moreo∣uer: Hoc dico propter flagellum, quod nuper accidit partibus insulae nostrae, quae prope trecentis & quadraginta annis à paren∣tibus inhabitata est nostris. Legitur in libro Gildae sapientissimi Britonum, quòd ijdem Britones propter auaritiam & rapinam principum: propter iniquitatem & iniustitiam iudicum: propter desidiam praedicationis Episcoporum: propter luxuriam & ma∣los mores populi: patriam perdidere. Caueamus haec eadem vi∣tia nostris temporibus inolescere, quatenus benedictio diuina nobis patriam conseruet in prosperitate bona, quam nobis mise∣ricordissima pietate perdonare dignatus est, &c.

Ouer and besides the same author Alcuinus writyng to the foresayd Edelred king of Northumberland,* 5.14 maketh re∣cord of a straunge sight which he himselfe did see the same time in y^e citie of Yorke, to raine bloud: wherof, his words which he wrote concerning the same,* 5.15 to the said king Edel∣red be these. Quid significat pluuia sanguinis, quam quadragesi∣mali tempore in Eboraco ciuitate, quae caput est totius regni in Ecclesia beatiprincipis Apostolorum, vidimus de borealibus par∣tibus domus, (sereno aëre) de summitate minanter cadere? Non∣ne potest putari, à borealibus partibus venire sanguinem super terram? That is: what signifieth the rayne of bloud which in tyme of Lent in the Citie of Yorke, the chiefe Citie of that dominion, and in the church of S. Peter the chiefe of the Apostles, we our selues did see to fall from the Church top (the element being cleare) out of the North partes of the temple,* 5.16 &c. This wondrous sight testified by Malmes∣buriensis, is thought of Fabian to happen in the second yere of the raigne of Brigthricus (as with the tyme doth well a∣gree) which was the yeare of our Lord,* 5.17 780. & is thought of some expositors to betoken the comming of the Danes into this land, which entred shortly after about vij. yeres, in the 9. yeare of the raigne of Brigthricus king of the West∣saxons. Which Brigthricus in defence therof, sent foorth hys Steward of his housholde with a small companie which shortly was slaine: but by the strength of the sayd Brig∣thricus and the other Saxon kings, they were compelled to voyd the land for that time,* 5.18 which was, An. 790. To this Brigthricus king Offa, as is aforesaid, gaue his daughter E∣thelburga to wife, by whom he at length was impoysoned, be••ides certaine other of his nobles: vpon whom, the said Queene before hym had practised the same wickednesse. Who then after that, fledde ouer to Charles the great into Fraunce, where she beyng offred for her beautie to marrie either to him, or to his sonne, because she chused rather his sonne, married neither the one nor yet the other: but was thrust in a Monastery,* 5.19 where she then playing the harlot with a Monke, was expulsed from thence, and ended her lyfe in penury and misery.

* 5.20In the meane tyme while this Edelburga was thus workyng her feates in England: Irene Empresse of the Greekes, was as busie also for her part at Constantino∣ple. Who first through the meanes of Pope Adrian,* 5.21 tooke vp the body of Constantine Emperour of Constantinople, her owne husbands father. And when she had burned the same, she caused the ashes to be cast into the sea, because he disanulled, Images. Afterward raigning with her sonne Constantine the 6. sonne to Leo the 4. (whome also we de∣clared before to be excommunicate for taking away Ima∣ges) beyng at dissention with him,* 5.22 caused him to be taken & laid in prison. Who afterward through power of frends beyng restored to his Empire againe, at last she caused the same her owne sonne to bee cast in prison, and his eyes to be put out so cruelly, that within short space he dyed. After this the sayd Irene Empresse, with the counsaile of Therasi∣us Bishop of Constantinople, held a Councell at Nicea, where it was decreed that Images should agayne be re∣stored to the church: which Councell, after was repealed by an other Councell holden at Franckford by Charles the great.* 5.23 At length she was deposed by Nicephorus (who raigned after) and was expulsed the Empire: who after the example of Edelburga aboue mentioned (condignely punished for her wickednesse) ended likewise her lyfe in much penurie and miserie.

About the tyme when the foresayd Brigthricus was im∣poysoned by Edelburga his wife, died also king Offa,* 5.24 which was about the yeare of our Lord, 795. or as some say, 802. After which Offa (as is aforesayd) succeeded Egfert, then Kenelphus, after whom succeeded Kenelmus his sonne, who in his yonger age was wickedly murthered by his sister Quindreda, and Askebertus, about the yeare of our Lorde, 819.* 5.25 And in the Church of Winchecombe was counted for an holy Martyr. After him succeded his vncle Ceolulphus, whom Bernulphus in the first yeare of his raigne expulsed and raigned in his place. Who likewise the third yeare of his raigne was ouercome and expulsed by Egbert kyng of the Westsaxons, and afterward slayne by the Eastangles. And the kingdom of Mercia also ceased, and came into the handes of the Westsaxons.

¶Hetherto I haue brought, as thou seest (good Rea∣der) the confused and turbulent raignes of these vij. Sax∣on kings, who after the expulsion of the Britaines, ruled and raigned asunder in sundry quarters of this land toge∣ther, vnto this present tyme of Egbert king of the Westsax∣ons. By whom it so pleased God to begin to reduce and vnite all these scattred kingdomes into one monarchicall forme of dominion. Wherfore, as in the foresayd Egbert be∣ginneth a new alteration of the common wealth here in this land among the Saxons: so my purpose is (the Lord willing) with the same Egbert to enter a new beginnyng of my third booke, after a briefe recapitulation first made of such things as in this second booke before, are to be col∣lected and noted, especially touching the monasteries buil∣ded, the kings which haue entered the life and profession Monastike: also Queenes & Queenes daughters, which the same tyme professed solitary life in monasteries, which they or their auncetors had erected.

The conclusion of the story precedent, concer∣ning the seuen kingdoms of the Saxon kings aboue mentioned.

¶And thus hast thou (gentle Reader) concerning the vij. kingdoms of these Saxons, ruling altogether in En∣gland, the course and order of their doings briefly descri∣bed and discoursed vnto thee, in such order, as the matter beyng so intricate, in such confusion & diuersitie of things incident together, would permit: followyng especially in this story hitherto, the line of the Northumberland kings as the other stories most folow the line of Westsaxō kings. The which seuen kingdoms of these sayd Saxones, after they had vntruely expulsed and chased out the Britaines from their land, like as they neuer were in quietnes amōg themselues, raigning thus together till the tyme of this Egbert: so also after the raigne of Egbert, the whole realme beyng reduced into one regimēt, no lesse were they impug¦ned & afflicted by the Danes continually frō tyme to time, till the last conquest of William the Normand Thus it ple∣seth (God euer) lightly to reuenge with bloud,* 5.26 bloudy vi∣olence, and the vniust dealings of men, with iust and lyke retribution. But of this let the christian Reader consider, as Gods grace shall worke in him. In the meane tyme we, as much as in vs did lye, satisfiyng the part of an Hi∣storician, haue thus hetherto set forth and declared concer∣ning these vij. foresayd kingdoms: first the names and li∣neall descent of the kings seuerally by themselues, as by the table precedent may appeare, then what were the do∣ings and actes of the same. How first being Pagans, they were conuerted to the christian faith: what things in their time happened in the church, how many of them, of kings were made monkes: how deuout they were then to holy church and to the churchmen, and especially to the church of Rome. But the churchmen then were much otherwyse in lyfe, then afterward they declared themselues to bee. Through which deuotion of the said kings, first came in, the Peterpence or Romeschots in this Realme, as by Iue first in his dominion, then by Offa in his Lordship, & af∣terward by Adelwulph brought in and ratified through the whole Realme: where also is to be noted, that by the fore∣sayd Kings and Queenes of the sayd Saxons, the most part of the greatest Abbais & Nunneries in this realme, were first begun and builded, as partly the names of some

here follow to be seene.

* 5.27First the Church or Minster of S. Paule in London, was founded by Ethelbert king of Kent, and Sigebert kyng of Essex, about the yeare of our Lord. 604.

* 5.28The first crosse and aulter within this realm was first set vp in the North partes in Heuenfield, vpon the occa∣sion of Oswald king of Northumberland, fighting against Cadwalla, where he in the same place set vp the signe of the crosse, kneelyng and praying there for victory, Polychron. lib 5. cap. 12. An. 635.

The Church of Winchester was first begon and foun∣ded by Kingilsus king of Mercians,* 5.29 hauing 9. myles about it: after finished by his sonne Kewalcus, where Wyne, of en∣glishmen was first bishop, An. 636. Guliel. Malmesb. Lib. De gestis pont. Ang.

* 5.30The Church of Lincolne first founded by Paulinus Bi∣shop, An. 629.

The Church of Westminster began first by a certayne Citizen of London,* 5.31 through the instigatiō of Ethelbert king of Kent, which before was an Ile of thornes, Bed. An. 614.

* 5.32The common schooles first erected at Cambridge by Si∣gebert king of Eastangles, An. 636.

The Abbey of Knouisburgh builded by Furceus the Hermite, An. 637.

The monasterie of Malmesbery by one Meldulfus a Scot, about the yeare of our Lord, 640. Afterward inlarged by Agilbert bishop of Winchester.

The Monasterie in Glocester, first builded by Ofricus King of Mercia,* 5.33 as Cestrensis sayth. But as William Mal∣mesb. writeth, by Vlferus, and Etheldred brethren to Kinebur∣ga Abbesse of the same house, An 679.

* 5.34The monastery of Mailrose by the floud of Twide by Aidanus a Scottish bishop.

The Nunnery of Heorenton by Heui, who was the first Nunne in Northumberland,* 5.35 Bede, Lib. 4. cap. 1.

* 5.36The Monastery of Hetesey by Oswy Kyng of Nor∣thumberlād, who also with his daughter Elfred, gaue pos∣sessions for twelue monasteries in the partes of Northū∣berland, An. 656.

* 5.37The monasterie of S. Martine in Douer, builded by Whitred king of Kent.

The Abbey of Lestingey by Ceadda (whom we call S. Cedd) through the graunt of Oswald, sonne to S. Oswald, King of Northum. An. 651.* 5.38

The Monastery of Whitby called otherwise Stren∣halt by Hilda daughter to the nephew of Edwyne Kyng of Northumberland, An▪ 657.

Item an other monastery called Hacanos, not far from the same place builded by the sayd Hilda the same yeare.

The Abbey of Abbington builded by Cissa Kyng of Southsex, An. 666.

Item an Abbey in the East side of Lyncolne, called Io∣anno, by S. Botulph. Polychro. Lib. 5. cap. 16. An. 654.

The monastery in Ely founded by Etheldred or Edel∣drida daughter of Anna king of Eastangles, and the wyfe of Elfrid king of Northumb. An. 674.

The Monastery of Chertsey in Southrey, founded by Erkenwald bishop of London, an. 674. thrown down by the Danes, after reedified by king Edgar.

Item the Nunnery of Berking edified by the sayd Er∣kenwaldus bishop of London about the same tyme.* 5.39

* 5.40The Abbey of Peterborough called otherwise Mode∣hamstede founded by King Ethelwald King of the Merci∣ans, An. 675.

* 5.41Bardney Abbey by Etheldredus King of the Merciās, An. 700.

* 5.42Glastonbury by Iua king of the Westsaxons, and after repayred and enriched by King Edgar, an. 701.

* 5.43Ramesey in the tyme of king Edgar by one Ailwinus a noble mā, an. 973. King Edgar builded in his tyme 40. mo∣nasteries, who raigned, an. 901.

* 5.44The Nunnery of Winburne builded by Cuthburga si∣ster to Ingilsus, king Iua his brother, an. 717.

* 5.45The Monastery of Sealesey by the Ile of Wight, by Wilfridus bishop of Yorke, an. 678.

* 5.46The Monastery of Wincombe by Kenulphus Kyng of the Mercians, an. 737.

* 5.47S. Albanes builded by Offa, King of the Mercians. Anno. 755.

* 5.48The Abbey of Eusham by Egwinus Byshop. An. 691.

* 5.49Ripon in the North by Wilfridus Bishop. An. 709.

* 5.50The Abbey of Echelinghey, by king Aluredus, an. 891.

* 5.51The Nunnery of Shaftesbury by the same Aluredus, the same yeare.

Thus ye see what monasteries in what tyme began to be founded by the Saxons kings, newly conuerted to the Christian fayth, within the space of 200. yeares: who, as they semed then to haue a certain zeale & deuotion to god∣ward, according to the leading & teaching that then was: so it semeth againe to me, two things to be wished in these foresayd kings.* 5.52 First, that they which began to erect these monasteries and celles of Monkes and Nunnes, to lyue soly and singlely by themselues out of the holy state of ma∣trimony: had forseene what daunger & what absurd enor∣mities might and also did thereof ensue, both publikely to the Church of Christ, & priuately to their own soules. Se∣condly, that vnto this their zeale & deuotion had bene ioy∣ned like knowledge & doctrine in Christes gospell, especi∣ally in the article of our free iustification by the faith of Ie∣su Christ.* 5.53 Because of the lacke wherof, as wel the builders & founders therof, as they that were professed in the same, seeme both to haue run the wrong way, & to haue bene de∣ceiued. For albeit in them there was a deuotion & zeale of mynd, that thought well in this their doyng, which I wil not here reprehend: yet the end and cause of their deedes & buildings cannot be excused, beyng contrary to the rule of Christes Gospel, for so much as they did these things see∣king thereby merites with God, and for remedy of theyr soules, and remission of their sinnes, as may appeare testi∣fied in their owne recordes, wherof one here I thought to set forth for probation of the same. Read this Charte (if it please thee gentle Reader) of king Ethelbald his donation, & charter giuen to churches and religious persons, which Ethelbald was the builder (as is sayd) of Peterborough, the wordes of his record and instrument be those.

* The donations and priuiledges granted and ge∣uen by King Ethelbald, to religious men of the Church.

PLerum{que} contingere sole••it,* 5.54 pro incerta temporum vicissitu∣dine, vt ea quae multarum fidelium personarum testimonio consilio{que} roborata fuerint fraudulenter per contumaciā pluri∣morum, & machinamenta simulationis, sine vlla consideratione rationis, periculose dissipentur, nisi autoritate literarum (testa∣mento Chyrographorum) aeternae memoriae comittantur. Qua∣propter, ego Ethelbaldus Rex Merciorum, pro amore caelestis patriae, & remedio animae meae studendum esse praeuidi: vt eam per bona opera liberam efficerem in omni vinculo delictorum. Quoniam enim mihi omnipotens Deus per misericordiam cle∣mentiae suae, absque vllo antecedente merito, sceptra regiminis largitus est: ideo libenter ei, ex eo quod dedit, retribuo. Huius rei gratia hanc donationem, me viuente, concedo, vt omnia mo∣nasteria & Ecclesiae regni mei, à publicis vectigalibus, & operi∣bus, & oneribus absoluantur: nisi instructionibus arcium, vel pontium quae nulli vnquam prosunt. Praeterea habeant famuli Dei, propriam libertatem in fructibus siluarum & agrorum, & in captura piscium, ne munuscula praebeant vel regi, vel principi∣bus, nisi voluntaria. Sed liberi Deo seruiant, &c.

By the contentes hereof may well be vnderstand (as where he sayth, pro amore caelestis patriae, pro remedio animae, pro liberatione animae, & absolutione delictorum, &c) how great the ignoraunce and blindenesse of these men was: who lacking no zeale, onely lacked knowledge to rule it withall: seeking their saluation not by Christ onely, but by their owne deseruings and meritorious deedes. Which I recite not here to any infamy or reprehensiō of them, but rather to put vs in minde and memory, how much we at this present are bound to God, for the true sincerity of his truth: hidden so long before to our foreauncetors, and ope∣ned now to vs by the good will of our God, in his sonne Christ Iesu. This onely lamēting by the way, to see them to haue such works, and to lacke our fayth: and vs to haue the right fayth, and to lacke their workes. And this blinde ignoraūce of that age, thus aboue prenoted, was the cause not onely why these kinges builded so many Monasteries vpon zealous superstition, but also why so many of them, forsaking their orderly vocation of Princely regiment, gaue themselues ouer to Monasticall profession, or rather wilfull superstition. Concerning the names and number of which kings that were professed Monkes, is sufficient∣ly in the storye before declared:* 5.55 the names of whome wee shewed to be seuen or eight, within the space of these two hundreth yeres. Such was then the superstitious deuotiō of kings & Princes in that age: and no lesse also to bee no∣ted in Queenes and kings daughters, with other noble women, of the same age and time. The names of whom, it were to long here to recite. As Hilda daughter to the ne∣phew of Edwine king of Northumberland. Abbesse of the house of Ely. Erchengoda with her sister Ermenilda daugh∣ters of Ercombertus king of Kent:* 5.56 whiche Erchengoda was professed in Saint Brigets order in Fraunce. Item Edel∣berga wyfe and Queene to Kyng Edwyne of Northum∣berland, and daughter of kyng Anna, which was also in

the same house of S. Brigit made a Nunne. Item, Ethel∣dreda whō we terme S. Eldride, wife to king Ekfride of Nor∣thumberland, who beyng maried to two husbands, could not be obtained to geue her consent to either of them du∣ring the space of 12. yeares, but would needes liue a Uir∣gin, and was professed Nunne at Helings.* 5.57 Werburga was the daughter of Vlferus king of Mercians, & made Nunne at Ely.* 5.58 Kinreda sister of king Vlferus and Kinswida her sister, were both Nunnes professed. Sexburga daughter of kyng Anna king of Mercians, and wyfe of Ercombert kyng of Kent, was Abbesse at Ely. Elfrida daughter of Oswy kyng of Northumberland, was Abbesse of Whitney. Mildreda, Milburga, and Milguida, all three daughters of Merwaldus king of West Mercians, entred the profession and vow of Nūnish virginitie.* 5.59 Kineburga, wife of Alfride king of Nor∣thumberland, and sister to Ofricus king of Mercians, and daughter of king Penda, was professed Abbesse of the Mo∣nastery in Glocester, Elfleda, daughter of Oswy king, and wyfe of Peda, sonne of king Penda, likewise inclosed her self in the same profession and vow of Romish chastitie.* 5.60 Like∣wise Alfritha wyfe to king Edgar. And Editha daughter to the sayd Edgar, with Wolfrith her mother, &c. All which ho∣ly Nunnes with diuers mo, the Romish catholikes haue canonised for Saintes, and put the most part of thē in their Calender, and onely because of the vowe of chastitie so∣lemnly professed. Concerning the which chastitie, whether they kept or no, little I haue to say against them, and lesse to sweare for them. But whether they so kept it or not, if this gift of chastitie which they professed, were geuen them of God, small prayse worthy was it in them to keepe it: If it were not geuen them, I will not say here of them so much, as hath bene sayd of some other, which sufficiently haue painted out to the world, the demeanour of these ho∣ly votaries. But this will I say, that although they kept it neuer so perfectly, yet it is not that which maketh saints before God, but only the bloud of Christ Iesus, and a true fayth in him.

Likewise remayneth, that as we haue declared the de∣uotion of these noble women, which professing Monastick lyfe, haue cast of all worldly dignitie and delightes: so we should also intreate of such noble men, who among the Saxon kings in lyke zeale of deuotion, haue geuen ouer themselues from the world (as they thought) to the con∣templatiue life of Monkish profession. The names of whō as in the Catalogue of the Saxon kings before is descri∣bed, be these, to the number of ix.

A Table of such Saxon Kings, as were after made Monkes.

1.

* 5.61Kynigilsus, king of Westsaxons.

2.

Iue, king of Westsaxons.

3.

Ceolulfus, king of Northumberland.

4.

Eadbertus, king of Northumberland.

5.

Ethelredus, king of Mercia.

6.

Kenredus, king of Mercia.

7.

Offa, king of Eastsaxons.

8.

Sebbi, king of Eastsaxons.

9.

Sigebertus, king of Eastangles.

Of whiche kynges and their doynges, what is to be iudged, looke gentle Reader before▪ pag. 133.

By these historyes it is apparaunt: what mutations, what perturbations, and what alteratiō of state hath bene in this Realme of Britayne, first from Brittaynes kings, to Romaines, then to Britaynes agayn, afterward to the Saxons. First to vij. altogether raigning, then to one. &c. And this alteratiō not onely happened in y^e ciuile gouern∣ment, but also followed in the state Ecclesiastical. For as in the Britaynes tyme the Metropolitan sea was in Londō: so in the Saxons time after the comming of Austen, it was remoued to Cāterbury, the Catologue and order of which Metropolitanes, from the tyme of Austen to Egbertus, is thus, as in the history of Malmesberiensis described.

¶ The names and order of the Archbishops of Caunterbury, from Augustine, to the tyme of king Ethelbert.

1.	Augustinus.	16.
2.	Laurentius.	5.
3.	Mellitus.	5.
4.	Iustus.	3.
5.	Honorius.	25.
6.	Deus dedit.	10.
••.	Theodorus.	22.

¶Hitherto from Augustine all the Archbishops of Caunterbury were Italians and foreiners.

8.	Berctualdus English. 37	In his tyme the Monasterie of S. Martin was builded in Do∣robernia, by Witredus & hys bro∣ther, kings of Kent.
9.	Tacuinus. 3
10.	Nothelinus. 5
11.	Cuthbertus. 17	This Cutbert after his death forbad all funerall exequies or la∣mentation for him to bee made. William Malm. De vitis, Lib. 1.
12.	Breguinus. 3
13.	Lambrihtus, or Lambertus. 27	In his tyme king Offa tran∣slated the Metropolitane sea from Caunterbury to Lichfield by the graunt of Pope Adrian, beyng o∣uercome with Apostolicall argu∣ments, as sayth Flores Hist. that is with money.
	Ethelardus. 13
15.	Vlfredus. 28
16.	Fegeldus. 3 m.	This Ethelardus by his Epi∣stles to Pope Leo, obtayned the Metropolitane sea agayne to Cā∣terbury.
17.	Celnochus. 41

Duryng the course of these 17. Archbishops of Cant. in Rome passed in the meane tyme 34. Popes, of whome partly heretofore we haue declared.

And thus much touching the tyme of the seuen king∣domes of the Saxones, rulyng together in Englande, from the raygne of Hengist, vnto Egbert, the first Kyng and Monarche of the whole lande, after the expulsion of the Britaynes.

NOw remayneth (by the grace of Christ) in the next booke followyng, to prosecute the order of such kings as princi∣pally raigning alone, had this realme in their possession: from the tyme of Egbert king of Westsaxons, to the com∣ming of William Conqueror the Normand, comprehending therin the rest of the next 300. yeares, with the actes & state of Religion, as in that space was in the Church: wherin may appeare the declining tyme of the Church, and of true Re∣ligiō, preparing the way to Antichrist, which not long after followed. For here is to be noted, that during yet this mean tyme, Sathan (as is sayd) was bound vp from his raging and furious violence, counting from the tyme of Constanti∣nus, to the next loosing out of Sathan, which was foretold by the Reuelation of S. Iohn aboue mentioned, to be a thou∣sand yeares. Wherof by the order of the history (Christ graunting) more shall be sayd hereafter.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Gregory calleth t••e Emperor hys Lord.
• * 1.2

  A letter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gregory to Mellitus.
• * 1.3

  A letter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gregory•• Austen.
• * 1.4

  A letter of Gregory to King ••∣thelbert.
• * 1.5

  An. 600. Polycrō. lib. 5. ca. 9. Fab. part. 5. ca. 119. Archbi∣shops of London & of York made by Austen. Mellitus Byshop of London.
• * 1.6

  The Brit∣taynes and Scottes vsed not the rites of Rome.
• * 1.7

  Abbey of Bangor. Ex libro Iornalensi. Fabiano & alijs.
• * 1.8

  Ethelfride king of Northum∣berland. Brockmayl Consul of Chester.
• * 1.9

  The mona∣stery of Bangor. Galfridus Monume∣tensis. Polychron. Lib. 5. cap. 10. Liber bibli∣othecae lor∣nalensis. Gu Mal∣mes••erien∣sis. lib. 1. de. Reg. Fabian part. 5. cap. 109.120. A pittifull slaughter of vnarmed Monkes of Bangor.
• * 1.10

  Whether Austen or the Brit∣taynes in this case were more to blame.
• * 1.11

  Laurentius Archbish. after Austen.
• * 1.12

  Baptising in ri∣uers, not in footes.

  Baptising a∣mong the old Romaines was not vsed with so many cere∣monyes as since.
• * 1.13

  Anno. 60••.
• * 1.14

  S Dauid in Wales, other∣wise called Dewy.
• * 1.15

  Computation of tyme exami∣ned.
• * 1.16

  Galfridus Monumetensis.
• * 1.17

  Anno. 610.
• * 1.18

  Poly. lib. 5. cap. 10. A story of Iohn Patriarch of Alexandria.
• * 1.19

  Mercy may liue a mayden, for no man will marry her. This Iohn was so bounti∣full in geuing that he assayd to striue in a maner with the Lord, whether the Lorde should geue more or he should distri∣bute more of that whiche was geuen.
• * 1.20

  The actes of Gregory the first.
• * 1.21

  Whereupon the Romaine By∣shop, vse in their stile, Seruus seruorū Dei.
• * 1.22

  Sabinianus bishop of Rome.
• * 1.23

  Boni••acius 3. Byshop of Rome.
• * 1.24

  How Rome be∣gan first to take an head aboue other churches. Phocus traitor and murderer of hys Empe∣rour.
• * 1.25

  Bloud reuen∣ged with bloud.
• * 1.26

  Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac praecipimus brought in by Boniface the third.
• * 1.27

  Fabian. cap. 120.
• * 1.28

  Ethelbert and Sigebert buil∣ders of Paules Church.
• * 1.29

  The Arc••∣bishop 〈◊〉〈◊〉 translate from Lon∣don to Dorober•••••• Malmesbe∣riensis 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de pontif••▪ H. Hun∣tington▪ lib 3.
• * 1.30

  This Ed∣ward was the third of that name before the Conquest.
• * 1.31

  The Mona∣stery of Westmin∣ster.
• * 1.32

  An. 616.
• * 1.33

  Bloud re∣uenged with bloud. Edwine first Chri∣stened king in North••••∣berland. Giraldus Gambren•••••• The order and maner of the con∣uersion of Edwine, to the faith of Christ. The trou∣ble of Ed∣wine.
• * 1.34

  The marue∣lous calling of Edwine.
• * 1.35

  Edwine miraculous∣ly deliue∣red.
• * 1.36

  W. Malme∣sburiensis. lib. de. Reg.
• * 1.37

  This Queene was Edel∣burga, daughter to King Ethel∣bert the Christened King of Kent.
• * 1.38

  God calleth commonly by affliction and trouble
• * 1.39

  An other daunger of Edwyne.
• * 1.40

  An. 627.
• * 1.41

  Polycron. lib. 5. ca. ••2. Hen. Hunt. lib. 3.
• * 1.42

  Fabianus parte. 5. A part of a trusty ser∣uaunt.
• * 1.43

  Edwyne forgetteth hys promise to Christ. Prosperitie forgetfull. Olde cu∣stome in matters of religion, not to be follo∣wed, but onely truth. Old cu∣stome let∣teth Ed∣wyne to be Christened. A miracle of God in the conuer∣sion of kyng Edwyne. The part of a godly bish. exemplified in Pauli∣nus. Edwyne baptised. He was baptised in S. Peters Church at Yorke which he first caused to be made of woode, which after by S. Os∣wald was builded of stone.
• * 1.44

  An. 628.
• * 1.45

  Note Pau∣linus chri∣stened in ri∣••ers.
• * 1.46

  What true iu∣stice of a good Prince may do in a realme. Great peace and trueth a∣mong the peo∣ple in the dayes of Edwyne.
• * 1.47

  Anno. 634.
• * 1.48

  Archbishop of Canterbury and Yorke, the one ardayneth the other.
• * 1.49

  Ex Flor. hist.
• * 1.50

  Iames a godly Deacon.
• * 1.51

  A Deacon then might baptise.
• * 1.52

  Erpwaldus otherwise na••named Corp∣waldus, Kyng of Eastangles con∣uerted to the fayth of Christ.
• * 1.53

  S. Oswalde kyng of Northum∣berland.
• * 1.54

  Anno. 636.
• * 1.55

  Galfridus. Malmesberien∣sis.

  Polycro. Historia iorna∣lensis.

  Fabian. Strength of prayer ouer∣commeth ar∣myes.

  Penda beaten in the field. The commen∣dation of king Oswalde.
• * 1.56

  King Oswald•• disdayned not to expound and preach the gos∣pell to hys peo∣ple.
• * 1.57

  The goodnes and charitie of Oswald toward the poore.
• * 1.58

  Historia iorna∣lensis. Polycronicon. lib. 5. cap. 12.
• * 1.59

  Kinigilsus King of the Westsaxons, conuerted to Christes fayth.
• * 1.60

  Ex Polycron. lib. 5. cap. 13. Fabian part. 5. Landes geuen to Winchester.
• * 1.61

  Malmesberien∣sis lib. de pontifi. Angl. Gestrensis. lib. 5. Hist. Iornalen∣sis.
• * 1.62

  Hunting. lib. 3. Berinus wal∣king on the sea with lye and al.
• * 1.63

  Oswaldus god∣father and sonne in lawe to Kinigilsus, and all in one day.
• * 1.64

  Kyng Oswald slayne in the field.
• * 1.65

  Anno. 643.
• * 1.66

  Penda King of Mercians slayne. Oswy King of Northumber∣land.
• * 1.67

  The con••uerting o•• the Merc••∣ans to the fayth of Christ. Wolfer•••• first chri••••••ned king 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mercia.
• * 1.68

  The East••angles re∣duced to the Chri••••••••an fayth.
• * 1.69

  Oswy and Oswyne, fellow kinges in Northum∣berland.
• * 1.70

  Note the worthy li∣beralitie 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the king and no••••e in the birt••••
• * 1.71

  H Hunting de histori•• Angloru•• lib. 9. Example of true almo••e.
• * 1.72

  A perfect example of humilitie in a Prince.
• * 1.73

  Oswyne trayterously murdered.
• * 1.74

  An. 651.
• * 1.75

  Benedict•• Benet the bringer 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Bede. The vse of glasing first brought in∣to this Realme. Botulpus. Aida••eus. Finiam••s. Colma••••us. Cutbertus. Iarumann••••▪ Cedda••. Wilfridus.
• * 1.76

  O quanta mutatio? Beda. lib. 4. cap. 5. Hunting. Polycr. Iornalensis. Fabia.
• * 1.77

  An. 664.
• * 1.78

  Controuer∣sie about Easter day.
• * 1.79

  Ex Beda. lib. 2. cap. 23.
• * 1.80

  A disputa∣tion be∣tweene the Romayne Bishops and the Scottish bishops for the day of Easter and other cere∣monyes.
• * 1.81

  The king beginneth.
• * 1.82

  Colman speaketh.
• * 1.83

  Wilfride replyeth.
• * 1.84

  Vniuersali∣ty alledged.
• * 1.85

  Colman agayne spea∣keth.
• * 1.86

  Wilfride repli∣eth.
• * 1.87

  Why Paule circumcised Timothy.
• * 1.88

  Example of Peter alled∣ged, but no proofe brought thereof.
• * 1.89

  Peter and Iohn did not agree in the celebrating of Easter.
• * 1.90

  In the counsell of Nice no such matter appea∣reth.
• * 1.91

  Colman agayn•• aunswereth.
• * 1.92

  Wilfride re∣plyeth.
• * 1.93

  The aucthoritie of men is not to be sticked vnto, for their doyng of myracles.
• * 1.94

  The example of them that follow not, for lack of teaching excuseth not them which be∣ing taught will not follow.
• * 1.95

  Yea sir, Suffra∣gia ecclesiae a non numeranda sunt sed ponde∣randa. Aug.
• * 1.96

  The king con∣cludeth.
• * 1.97

  Mobile mutatur semper cum principe ••ulgus.
• * 1.98

  Egfride or Ed∣fride of Nor∣thumberland.
• * 1.99

  Malmesber. Huntingt. Fab. cap. 135. Wilfride Arch∣bishop of Yorke.
• * 1.100

  Southsaxons conuerted to Christen fayth.
• * 1.101

  H Huntingt. Lib. 3.
• * 1.102

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Wygh•••••• conuen•••• to Christ Alfride Kyng of Northe•••• Wilfride restored ••igayne to the sea of Yorke.
• * 1.103

  Mercia di∣uided in •• v. byshop∣prickes.
• * 1.104

  The wicke•• se••t of Ma∣humet. Apoc. 13.
• * 1.105

  An. 666.
• * 1.106

  Ex Poly∣cron. Ex Giran Cam••••••••. Ex Stepen no Cal•••••• riensi.
• * 1.107

  Theodorus Archbish. of Cant.
• * 1.108

  Gis. Mal∣mesbericir sis. lib. 1. de gestis pon∣tifi. Anglo∣rum.
• * 1.109

  Bede. lib. 4. cap. 22.
• * 1.110

  Gul. Mal∣mosb. lib. de gostes pon∣••ifo. Anglorum. Lib. 1. Polichron. lib. 5. ca. 19.
• * 1.111

  An. 680.
• * 1.112

  Bede. lib. 4. cap. 21.
• * 1.113

  An. 705.
• * 1.114

  Osredus, Kenredus, Osricus, Kinges of Northum∣berland. The king∣dome of Brittaine ceaseth. Iua. or Iue, King of Westsaxōs. Polycron, lib. 5. cap. 21.

  S. Cuthlake a popishe Sainct. Crowland the curte∣ous. Lying mira∣cles.
• * 1.115

  what straunge sightes this Berthwalde, or Drithelm, did see after hys death, read the ix. booke of Henr. Hunting∣ton. King E∣theldred made Abbot of Bard∣ney.

  Adelmus. Gu. Malmes••, lib. 5. de pontifi••
• * 1.116

  Lying miracles.
• * 1.117

  Malmesbery commended for hys stile.
• * 1.118

  Lying miracles reproued. Aldelme By∣shop. Swithune, Bi∣shop of Wine.
• * 1.119

  Bedo. lib. 5. cap. 23. Ex historia Iornalensi do regib us Nor∣thumb.
• * 1.120

  S. Iohn of Be∣uerlay.
• * 1.121

  Anno. 717.
• * 1.122

  Annother lying fable of Sainct Eguyne.
• * 1.123

  Ranulphus in Polychro. lib. 5. cap. 23.
• * 1.124

  Beda. lib. 5. de gestes. Angl. Polycron. lib. 5. cap. 17.
• * 1.125

  A generall rule seruing for the obseruation of Easter day. This rule of Easter seemeth to be taken out of the booke of Numer.
• * 1.126

  And they go∣ing out of Ra∣messe the 15. day of the first moneth, the next day after held their Ea∣ster. &c.
• * 1.127

  Why priestes crownes were shauen.

  Bede de. gest. lib. 5.
• * 2.1

  The copy of a Monkish letter of Colfride to King Naiton for the shauing of Priestes crownes.

  How proueth he that the A∣postles Iob and Ioseph were shauen.

  Much sayd, no∣thing proued.
• * 2.2

  Diuersitie of rites hurteth not the Church. See how these shauelinges would father their shauing vpon Peter, which is ney∣ther found in Scripture, nor in any approued story, but onely in paynted clo∣thes.
• * 2.3

  Why Priestes and Monkes be shauen in the crowne.

  The shauing of the crowne what it repre∣senteth.

  How doth the signe of the crosse defend Churches from euill spirites, when it cannot keepe them from euill Priestes?
• * 2.4

  If shauing of the crown doth each men pati∣ence in suffering how commeth it that we see none more washpish and irefull then these shorne ge∣nerations, of Monkish vipers.
• * 2.5

  Simon Ma∣gus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as he say••.
• * 2.6

  The diffe∣rence be∣tweene the shauing of Peter and Simon Ma∣gus.
• * 2.7

  In outward habite chri∣stians ought not to reli••••ble wicked doers.
• * 2.8

  There is but one mediator betweene God and man Christ Iesus.
• * 2.9

  The Scot∣tish monke and the Englishe monkes dif∣fered in their sha∣uing.

  If Peter shall let in the elect of God into heauen, Christ the•• serueth in little stede.
• * 2.10

  A note to admonish the reader.
• * 2.11

  Fabia. cap. 141. Guliel. Malmesb, de. Reg.
• * 2.12

  An. 724.
• * 2.13

  Ethelburge the Queene perswadeth her husbād to be a monke.
• * 2.14

  The crafty head of a woman.
• * 2.15

  King Iue resigning hys king∣dome, went to Rome and became a Monke.
• * 2.16

  Ethelburga the Queene made Nūne of Barking.

  Peter pence first graunted and payd to Rome.

  The lawes made by King Iue to his peo∣ple.
• * 2.17

  Celulphus King of Northum∣berland. Bede.
• * 2.18

  An. 729.
• * 2.19

  The life of Bede, briefly de∣scribed.
• * 2.20

  This Bene∣dict maister to Bede, was the first that brought in the vse of glasse win∣dowes into England. Also the sayd Benet 〈…〉〈…〉
• * 3.1

  An Epistle of Pope Sergius.
• * 3.2

  The famous learning of Bede.
• * 3.3

  Bede commen∣ded for integri∣tie of lyfe.
• * 3.4

  Anno. 735.
• * 3.5

  S. Iohns. Gospell translated into English by Bede.
• * 3.6

  Celulfus of a King made a Monke.
• * 3.7

  Egbert Kyng of Northumber∣land.
• * 3.8

  Anno. 747.
• * 3.9

  Ex Malmesb. lib. de. gestis pontifi. Anglo. Cutbert. Arch∣bishop of Caun∣terbury.
• * 3.10

  The rogation dayes had not then that super∣stition in them as they had af∣terward.
• * 3.11

  Boniface an English man Archb. of Mentz.
• * 3.12

  Ethelwold kyng of Merceland.
• * 3.13

  Edelhim a strong 〈◊〉〈◊〉 valiant warriour. Pride ouer••throwne.
• * 4.1

  A letter of Boniface. otherwise called Winfrid•• sent to kyng Ethelbald.
• * 4.2

  Nihil fa∣ctum quod non factum prius.
• * 4.3

  The corrupt lyfe of Nunnes no∣ted.
• * 4.4

  The popish actes and doynges of Boniface Archbishop of Magun∣ce.
• * 4.5

  The Mona∣stery of Fulda in Germany, builded by Boniface.
• * 4.6

  Childericus The French king depo∣sed, and Pipinus in∣truded. Dist. xl. cap Si Papa. Images in Churches subuerted by Empe∣rours, mayntained by Popes. Philippicus for holding agaynst I∣mages, lost hys Empyre & his eyes. The author of the book called the dialogues of Gregory. Memoriall of reliques, offring and sacrifice for the dead brought in∣to the masse Canon. The Popes feete first kissed of the Emperours. Segebert king of Westsax∣ons.
• * 4.7

  Sigebert slayne.
• * 4.8

  Cruell tyranny with like cruel∣ty reuenged.
• * 4.9

  Kenulphus king of West∣saxons.

  Anno. 748.
• * 4.10

  Murder reuen∣ged with mur∣der.
• * 4.11

  Offa King of Mercia.
• * 4.12

  An vntruth noted in the story of Fabia∣nus.
• * 4.13

  The primacy of Canterbury re∣moued to Lich∣field.

  Lambrith Archbishop of Cant.
• * 4.14

  This Alcuinus is commended for hys learning nex to Adelmus and Bede a∣boue all Saxons.
• * 4.15

  Ethelbert king of Eastangles wrongfully murdered by Offa.
• * 4.16

  The vayne sus∣picion and wic∣ked counsell of a woeman.
• * 4.17

  Ex historia Iornalensi & Malmesocriensi, Cruell murder reuenged.
• * 4.18

  Offa and Ken∣redus of Kinges made monkes at Rom••.
• * 4.19

  Egfretus King of Mercia.
• * 4.20

  Alcuinus Os∣b•••• to patritio.
• * 4.21

  The fathers fault punished in the childe. Egbert King of Kent taken pri∣soner.
• * 4.22

  A princely ex∣ample of cle∣mency in a no∣ble king.
• * 4.23

  The Church of Winchcombe builded by K. Kenulphus. Egbert King of Kent released out of prison.
• * 4.24

  A place of Fabian doub∣ted.
• * 4.25

  Pope Steuen the second.
• * 4.26

  The donation of Pipinus falsely taken to be the do∣nation of Con∣stantine.
• * 4.27

  Ex polyer. lib. 5. cap. 25.

  Pope Paule the first.

  Images agayne mayntayned by the Pope a∣gaynst the Em∣perour.

  A lay man pope who was de∣posed, and had hys eyes put out.

  Pope Steuen the third.

  The counsell of Constantino∣ple the 7. con∣demned of the Pope, for con∣demning Ima∣ges.

  The pope also ordayned Glo∣ria in Excelsis to be song in the masse at S. Peters altar by the Cardinals. Pope Hadrian the first.

  Images agayne mayntayned by the Pope to be mens Kalen∣ders.
• * 4.28

  The body of S. Peter clothed i•• siluer.
• * 4.29

  The order of the Ro∣mish masse book when it came in.
• * 4.30

  Ex Dura••∣do Nau••••∣ro. Iacob•••• Voragine▪ in vita. Greg.
• * 4.31

  Et tame•• ipsis com∣mentum placet. Te∣rent.
• * 4.32

  Note well the practise of Prelates in planting their popish masse.
• * 4.33

  Gregories masse ta∣keth place in Europe.
• * 4.34

  Carolus Magnus beneficiall to the sea of Rome.
• * 4.35

  Rex Chri∣stianissimus intituled to Fraunce.
• * 5.1

  A letter of Charles the great sent to king Offa.
• * 5.2

  How the Pope hea∣reth the cry of poore widowes and Or∣phanes
• * 5.3

  The Em∣pire transla∣ted from Greece to Fraunce.
• * 5.4

  Images written agaynst, as con∣trary to the true fayth.
• * 5.5

  This Albinus was Alcuinus aboue mentio∣ned.
• * 5.6

  The Bishops and Princes of England against Images.
• * 5.7

  King Egbert made a monke.
• * 5.8

  Anno. 757.
• * 5.9

  Osulphus, Mollo, other∣wise called Adelwold. Alcredus or A∣luredus.

  Ethelbert o∣therwise na∣med Adelred or Eardulphe. Alfweld. Osredus.

  Adelred, agayn kinges of Nor∣thumberland.
• * 5.10

  Anno. 764.
• * 5.11

  Northumber∣land kingdome ceaseth.
• * 5.12

  Alcuinus other∣wise called Al∣binus.
• * 5.13

  The troubles of the kingdome of Northum∣berland and descri∣bed by Alcui∣nus.
• * 5.14

  Ex Historia Malmesberiēsi.
• * 5.15

  How it rayned bloud in Yorke.
• * 5.16

  Anno. 780.
• * 5.17

  Brigthricus K. of Westsaxons.
• * 5.18

  Edelburga daughter to Offa, poysoned her husband.
• * 5.19

  Wickednes re∣uenged.
• * 5.20

  Irene.
• * 5.21

  Anno. 784.
• * 5.22

  Images restored agayne by Irene at Constantino∣ple.

  The second councell at Nicea.
• * 5.23

  The wic∣kednes of Irene con∣dingly re∣warded.
• * 5.24

  Kenelmus king of Mercia in∣nocently slayne.
• * 5.25

  Celulphus Ceolul∣phus, Bernulphus kings of Mercia. The king∣dome of Mercia cea∣ceth.
• * 5.26

  Vniust dea∣linges of men iustly rewarded.
• * 5.27

  Paules Church.
• * 5.28

  The first aultar and crosse set vp in England.
• * 5.29

  The church of Winche∣ster.
• * 5.30

  The church of Lincolne.
• * 5.31

  The church of West∣minster.
• * 5.32

  The scholes at Cam∣bridge. Abbey of Knouis∣burgh. Malmesb.
• * 5.33

  Abbey of Glocester.
• * 5.34

  Mailrose.
• * 5.35

  Heorenton.
• * 5.36

  Hetesey.
• * 5.37

  The mona∣stery of S. Martin at Douer. Lestingey.
• * 5.38

  Whitbie. This Hilda was first con∣uerted to the fayth by Pau∣linus a godly and learned woman, out of her Mona∣stery came fiue Byshops Do∣sa, Eatha, O••••∣ford, Ioannes, Wilfride. Hacanos. Abington. Ioanno at Lincolne. Ely Abbey. Chertsey.
• * 5.39

  Berkyng.
• * 5.40

  Peterbo∣rough.
• * 5.41

  Bardney.
• * 5.42

  Glastonbe∣ry.
• * 5.43

  Camesey.
• * 5.44

  Winburne.
• * 5.45

  Sealesey.
• * 5.46

  Wincombe.
• * 5.47

  S. Albones.
• * 5.48

  Eusham.
• * 5.49

  Ripon.
• * 5.50

  Echelin∣ghey.
• * 5.51

  S. Shaftes∣bury.
• * 5.52

  Two thinges to be wished in them, that first builded Mon∣kishe Monaste∣ries.
• * 5.53

  The article of free iustification not knowne.
• * 5.54

  Ex Crouici•• Gul••el. Mal∣mesb. Lib. ••.
• * 5.55

  A b••iefe Cata∣loge of Queenes and Kinges daugh∣ters, which lea∣uing their estate were made Nunnes. Hilda.
• * 5.56

  Erchengod•• Ermenilda. ••delberga. Etheldreda.
• * 5.57

  Werburga.
• * 5.58

  Kynreda. Kineswida. Sexburga. Elfrida. Mildreda. Milburga. Milguida.
• * 5.59

  Kineburga. Elfleda.
• * 5.60

  Alfritha. Wulfritha. Editha.
• * 5.61

  Kinges made Monkes.