Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

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Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.
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Foxe, John, 1516-1587.
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[At London :: Imprinted by Iohn Daye, dwellyng ouer Aldersgate beneath S. Martins],
An. 1583. Mens. Octobr.
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Martyrs -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A67922.0001.001
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"Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A67922.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 24, 2025.

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The eight Persecution.

IN the which persecution the chiefe administers and exe∣cutours were Emilianus President of Egipt,* 1.1 Paternus and Galerius Maximus, Proconsuls in Aphrica, Bergomen∣sis also maketh mention of Paternus.* 1.2 Uicegerent of Rome, and of Perennius. Vincentius speaketh also of Nicerius, and Claudius Presidentes. &c.

What was the chiefe originall cause of this persecution, partly is signified before,* 1.3 where mention was made of the wicked Egiptian. But as this was the outward and po∣liticall cause, so S Cyprian sheweth other causes more speci∣all, and Ecclesiasticall, in his iiii. booke. Epist. 4. whose wordes be these: but we (sayth he) must vnderstand and confesse, that thys turbulent oppression & calamitie, which hath wasted for the most part all our whole company, and doth dayly consume,* 1.4 riseth chiefly of our owne wickednes & sinnes: while we walke not in the way of the Lord, nor obserue his preceptes left vnto vs for our institution. The Lord obserued the will of his father in all poynts: but we obserue not the will of the Lord, hauing all our minde and study set vpon lucre & possessions, geuen to pryde, full of emulation and dissen∣tion, voyde of simplicitie and faythfull dealing, renouncing thys world in word onely, but nothing in deede, euery man pleasing himselfe, and displeasing all other. And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthely. For what stripes and scourges doe wee not deserue, when the confessors themselues (such as haue byd the tryall of their confession) and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well doyng, doe keepe no discipline? And therfore because some such there be, proudly puft vp with this swelling and vnmannerly bragging of their confession, these tormentes come: such as doe not easely send vs to the crowne, except by the mercy of God, some being takē away by quicknes of death, do preuēt the tediousnes of punishimēt. These things do we suf∣fer for our sinnes and desertes, as by the Lordes censure we haue bene forewarned, saying: If they shall forsake my lawe, and will not walke in my iudgementes: If they shall prophane my institu∣tions, and will not obserue my preceptes, I will visite their in∣iquities with the rod, and their transgressions with scourges. These rods and scourges (sayth he) we feele, which neyther please God in our good deedes, nor repent in our euill deedes. Where∣fore the sayd Cyprian, adding this exhortation withall, exhorted them to pray and intreate from the bottome of their hart and whole minde, the mercy of God which promiseth, saying: but yet my mercy I will not scatter from them. &c. Let vs aske, and wee shall obtayne, and though (sayth Cyprian) it be with tariance, yet for so much as we haue greeuously offended, let vs continue knocking, for to him that knocketh, it shalbe opened, if our pray∣ers, sighinges, and weepinges knocke still at the dore with conti∣nuance, and if our prayers be ioyned together with brotherly a∣greement &c.

Moreouer, what vices were then principally raygning a∣mong the Christians,* 1.5 hee further specifieth in the sayd Epistle: which chiefly were deuision and dissention among the brethren. For when it was spoken to them in a vision, by these wordes Pe∣tite & impetrabitis, that is: Pray, and ye shall obtayne, afterward it was required of the congregation there present, to direct their prayers, for certayne persons assigned to them by name: but they could not agree and cōdescend altogether of the names and per∣sons of them which they should pray for, but were dissonant in their consent and petition: whiche thing (sayth Cyprian) did greatly displease hym, that spake vnto them: Pray, and ye shal ob∣tayne, for that there was no vniforme equalitie of voyce and hart nor one simple and ioynt concorde among the brethren, whereof it is written the Psalme. 67. God which maketh to dwell in the house together men of one accord.* 1.6 &c. And so by the occasion hereof, he writeth vnto them in the foresayd Epistle, and moueth them to prayer and mutuall agreement. For (sayth he) if it be pro∣mised in the Gospell, to be graunted whatsoeuer any two consen∣ting together shall aske, what shall then the whole Churche do a∣greeing together? or what if this vnanimitie were among the whole fraternitie, which vnanimitie (sayeth Cyprian) if it had bene then among the brethren, non venissent fraetribus haec mala, si in vnum fraternitas fuisset animata, that is: these euiles had not happened to the brethren, if the brethren had ioyned to∣gether in brotherly vnanimitie.* 1.7 &c.

After the causes thus declared of this, or other persecu∣tions, the sayd, S. Cyprian moreouer in the forenamed Epi∣stle (worthy to be read of al men) describeth likewise a cer∣tayne vision, wherin was shewed vnto them by the Lord, before the persecutiō came, what should happen. The vision was this: There was a certayne aged father sitting, at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensiue: as one with an indig∣nation sorrowfull, holding hys hand vpon hys brest, hys counte∣naunce heauy and vnchearefull. On the left hand sate an other person, hauing in hys hand a net, whiche he threatned to lay to catch the people that stode about. And as he was marueiling that saw the sight thereof, it was sayd vnto him: The young man whō thou seest sit on the tight hand, is sad and sory, that hys preceptes be not obserued. But he on the left hand daunceth and is merry, for that occasion is geuen him to haue power of the aged Father geuen him to afflict men. And this vision was seene long before this tempest of persecution happened,* 1.8 Wherein is declared the same that before is sayd, the sinnes of the people to be the cause, why Sathan in this persecution and all other, hath had and hath still such power with hys net of destruction, to rage agaynst the bloud of Christen men, and all because (sayth Cyprian) we for∣slacke our praying, or be not so vigilant therein as wee shoulde: wherefore the Lord because he loueth vs, correcteth vs, correc∣teth vs, to amend vs, amendeth vs to saue vs. &c. Cyprian.

Furthermore,* 1.9 the same Cyprian, and in the same Epi∣stle, wrtting of his own reuelation or message sent to him, thus sayth: And to hys least seruaunt both sinfull and vn∣worthy (meaning by himselfe) God of his tender goodnes hath vouched safe to direct this word. Tell him sayth he that hee be quiet and of good comfort, for peace will come. Albeit a litle stay there is for a while, for that some remain yet to be proued and tryed.* 1.10 &c. And sheweth also in ye same place of an other reuelation of his, wherein he was admo∣nished to be spare in hys feeding, and sober in hys drinke, least hys minde geuen to heauenly meditation might be caryed away with worldly allurements, or oppressed with to much surfet of meates and drinkes, should be lesse apt or able to prayer and spirituall exercise.

Finally in the latter end of the foresayd Epistle, men∣tion also followeth of other reuelations or shewinges,* 1.11 wherein the Lord (sayth Cyprian) doth vouchsafe in many of hys seruantes to foreshew to come the restauring of hys Church, the stable quiet of our health and safegard, after rayne fayre wea∣ther, after darcknes light, after stormy tempest, peaceable calme, the fatherly helpe of his loue, the wont & old glory of hys diuine maiesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as haue fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand, shall re∣ioyce and glory. Thus much hath S. Cyprian, writing of these thinges to the Clergy. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.

As touching now the crymes and accusations in this persecution layd to the charge of the Christians,* 1.12 thys was the principall, first because they refused to doe worship to their Idols and to the Emperours: then for that they pro∣fessed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and euils that happened in the world, as warres, famine, and pestilence,* 1.13 were onely imputed to the Christians. Agaynst all which quarreling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his booke Contra Demetrianum: Like as Tertulian had done before, writing Contra Scapulam page. 55. And first touching the obiection for not worshipping Idoles, he cleareth the Christians both in his booke Contra De∣meir. & also De vanitate idol. prouing those Idols to be no true Gods, but Images of certayne dead kinges, which neyther could saue themselues from death, nor such as worship them. The true God to be but one, and that by the testimony of Sosthenes, Plato, and Trismegistus, the which God the Christians doe truely wor∣ship. And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of publique calamities, because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idoles, he purgeth the Christians thereof, prouing that if there be any defect in increase of thinges, it is not to be ascribed to them, but rather to the decrease of nature, languishing now to∣ward her age and latter end. Agayne for that it hath bene so fore∣sayd and prophecied, that toward the end of the worlde should come warres, famine, and pestilence. Moreouer if there be anye

Page 69

cause therof more proper then other, it is most like to be imputed to their vaine Idolatry, and to the contempt of the true God. Al∣so that such euils be increased by the wickednes of the people, so that to speake in his owne words famem maiorem facia rapacites quam siccitas, i. famine cometh more by auarice of men, then by drought of the aire, but especially the cause therof to procede of the cruell shedding of the innocent bloud of the Christians &c.

Thus with many other mo probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians, against the barbarous exclamatiōs of the heathē Gentiles. Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution, I mynde (Christ wylling) to recapitulate here in ample discourse, the ful summe, first of his life and bringing vp, then of his death, & Martyrdome, as the worthines of that man deserueth to be remembred. Of this Cyprian therfore, otherwise named Statius, thus writeth Nicephorus, Nazianzenns, Iacobus de Voragine,* 1.14 Henricus de Erfordia, Volateranus. Hieronymus, and other, that he being an Aphrican, and borne in Carthage, first was an Idolater and Gentill, altogether giuen to the study and practise of the Magicall Artes, of whose paren∣tage and education in letters from his youth, no mention is made but yt he was a worthy Rethorician in Aphrica. Of whose conuersion and baptisme he himselfe in his first booke & second Epistle, writeth a florishing and eloquent Hystory.* 1.15 Which his conuersion vnto the christian fayth as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary vpon Ionas, was through the grace of God and the meanes of Cecilius a Priest, whose name after he bare, and through the occasi∣on of hearing the history of the Prophet Ionas. The same Hierome moreouer testifieth how he immediatly vpon his conuersion distributed among the poore al his substaunce and after that being ordained a Priest,* 1.16 was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage. But whether he succeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention, which also was the first author of rebaptization, or some other bishop of Carthage, it remaineth vncertain. But this is most true, he himselfe shined in his office and dignitie with such good giftes, and vertues, that as Nazi∣anzenus writeth, he had the gouernment of the whole, east Church, and church of Spain, and was called the Bishop of the Christian men.

* 1.17And to the further setting foorth (to the praise of God) of his godly vertues wherwith he was indued appearing as well in his owne workes, to them that list to peruse the same, as also described by other worthy writers, he was curteous and gentle, louing and ful of patience, and ther∣withall sharpe & seuere in his office,* 1.18 according as the cause required, as appeareth in his first booke and third epistle. Furthermore he was most louing and kinde towarde his brethren, and tooke much payne in helping and relieuyng the Martyrs, as appeareth by his letters to the Elders, and Deacons of his Bishopricke, that with all study and indeuour they should gently entertaine and shewe plea∣sure vnto the Martirs in his absence, as partly is touched before.

The third Epistle of his first booke doth declare of what stomacke and godly courage he was, in executyng his office, and handling his matters. Neither was he void of prudence & circumspection, but was adorned with mar∣ueilous modestie,* 1.19 wherby he attempted nothing vpon his owne head and iudgement, but with the consent of his fel∣low byshops and other inferiour Ministers, & that chiefly (amōg others) doth the 10. Epistle of his third booke wit∣nes. He was of a marueilous liberal disposition towards the poore brethren of other countries: for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poore men to his fellow officers, and wrote vnto them, that of their own proper goods, they would helpe their banished brethren, to that which was necessary for them, as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his thirde booke.* 1.20 He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was indued, as touching the visions and heauenly admonitions of the persecutions that should fol∣low, and of other matters touching the gouernment of ye Church in his first booke & third Epistle, and fourth booke and fourth Epistle, where he reciteth and expoundeth the forme or maner of a certaine vision, which we haue before sufficiently expressed.

He had moreouer great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chaunce, as may be gathered in the vj. Epistle of his fourth booke. Also Augustine doth attribute vnto him many worthy vertues, which wryteth much in setting foorth his giftes of humilitie, in his seconde booke of Baptisme, the fourth chapter, against the Donatistes, and in his vij. booke and xj. chap. of his long sufferaunce and pati∣ence. Also of his curtesie and meekenes by which vertues he concealed nothing that he vnderstoode,* 1.21 but vttered the same meekely and patiently. Also that he kept the Ecclesi∣asticall peace & concorde with those that were of an other opinion then he was of: lastly, that he neither circumuen∣ted nor did preiudice any man, but followed y thing which seemed good in his iudgement, it is manifest in S. Augustine his fift booke, De Baptismo contra Donatistas. Neyther is this to be passed with silence, that Hierome writeth that he was very diligent in reading, especially the works of Ter∣tullian, For he saieth that he saw a certaine olde man whose name was Paulus,* 1.22 which tolde him he saw the notarye of blessed Cyprian, being then an olde man when he him selfe was but a springal in the Citie of Rome, and told him that it was Cyprians wont neuer to let one daye passe wythout some reading of Tertullian, and that he was accustomed of∣tentimes to say vnto him: giue me any master, meanyng thereby Tertullian.

Now a few wordes touching his exile, and Martyr∣dome. Of his Epistles which he wrote backe to his con∣gregation, leading his life in exile, mention is made aboue wherin he sheweth the vertue beseeming a faithfull pastor in that he tooke no lesse care, as wel of his owne church, as of other Bishops being absent, then he did beyng presente. Wherin also he himselfe doth signifie yt voluntarily he ab∣sented himselfe, least he should doe more hurt then good to the congregation, by reason of his presence, as is likewyse declared before. Thus from the desolate places of his ba∣nishment, wherein he was oftentimes sought for, he wri∣teth vnto his brethren, as in his third booke and x. Epistle is manifest, which thing semeth to be done in the raigne of Decius or Gallus. But after that he returned againe but of exile,* 1.23 in the raigne of this Valorianus, he was also after that the second tyme banished of Paternus the Proconsull of A∣phrica, into the Citie of Thurbin, as the oration of Augu∣stine touching Cyprian sheweth, or els as Pontius the Dea∣con saith,* 1.24 into a Citie named Furbilitana, or Curabilitana. But when Paternus the Proconsull was dead, Galienus Maximus succeded in the rowme and office of Paternus, who fynding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended by his Sergeauntes, and to be brought before the Idoles, to offer sacrifice, which when he woulde not doe, then the Proconsul breaking forth in these words sayd: Long hast thou liued in a sacrilegious mind, and hast gathered togi∣ther men of wicked conspiracie, and hast shewed thy selfe an enimie to the Gods of the Romanes, and to their holye lawes: neither could the sacrete Emperours Valerianus & Galienus reuoke thee to the secte of their ceremonies. At length the wicked tyraunt condemnyng him to haue hys head cut of,* 1.25 he patiently and willingly submitted his necke to the stroke of the sword (as Hieronimus affirmeth.) And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lorde, Xistus then being Byshop of Rome,* 1.26 as Eusebius noteth, in the yeare of our Lorde. 259. Sabellicus saith that he was Martired in the raigne of Gallus and Volusianus, Lucius, be∣ing bishop of Rome, but that seemeth not like.

Now remayneth to speake something likewise of hys workes and bookes left behind him,* 1.27 although al peraduē∣ture doe not remaine, that he wrote: wherof some are mis∣sing, some againe which in the liuery of his name & title, are not his, but such as be certainly his by the style & sense may soone be discerned: such is the eloquence of his phrase, & grauity of his sentence, vigour of wit, power in perswa∣sion, so much differing from many other, as he can lightlye be imitated but of fewe. Of the which his bookes with vs extant, as the florishing eloquence is worthely cōmended, proceeding out of the schoole of Rhetoricians, so is the au∣thoritie therof no lesse reputation, not onely among vs of this age of the Church, but also among the Auncient fa∣thers. Whereof S. Austen speaking of his commendation sayth,* 1.28 Ego inquit, literas Cypriani non vt canonicas habeo, sed eas ex canonisis considero: & quod in eis deuinarum Scriptu∣rarum autoritati congruit cum laude eius accipio: quod au∣tem non congruit, cum pace eius respuo. &c. By which words it may appeare that Austen, although he did not repute y bookes and writings of Cyprian, to be equiualent with the holy Scripture, yet notwithstanding next after the scrip∣tures he had the same in great admiration.

Vincentius, and Laziardus Celestinus, recyting the names of dyuers bookes, bearyng the tytle of Cyprian (moe per∣chaunce then be truly his) do collect out of them a certaine extract of his most pithy sentences, al which here to repeat were to tedious. To giue a tast of the speciall, I thought it not impertinent. As where he speaking of the treasures of a rich man, exhorteth saying:

Ne dormiat in thesauris tuis,* 1.29 quod pauperi prodesse potest i.

Let it not sleepe in thy treasures, that may profite the poore.

Duo nunquam veterascunt in homine, cor semper nouas cogi∣tationes machinando: lingua, cordis vanas conceptiones pro∣ferendo.

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i.

Two things neuer waxe old in man, the hart euer in imagining new cogitations, the toung euer in vttering the vaine conceptions of the hart.

Quod aliquando de necessitate amittendum est, sponte pro∣diuina remuneratione distribuendum est .i.

That which a man must needes forgo of necessitie, wisedome it is a man to distribute so, that God may euerlastingly reward him.

Disciplina est morum praesentium ordinata correctio, & malo∣rum praeteritorum regularis obseruatio. i.

Discipline is an ordinate amendment of maners pre∣sent, and a regular obseruation of euils past.

Integritas ibi nulla esse potest, vbi qui improbos damnent, de∣sunt: & soli qui damnentur, occurrunt.

There can be no integrity, wheras they which should condemne the wicked are euer wanting: and they on∣ly which are to be condemned, are euer present.

Auari ad hoc tantum possident, quae habent, vt ne alteri possidere liceat.

A couetous man onely possesseth his goodes for this, because an other should not possesse them.

Sericum & purpurum indutae, Christum induere non possunt.

Wemen that aduaunce themselues in putting on silks and purple, cannot lightly put on Christ.

Foeminae crines suos inficiunt malo praesagio: Capillos enim sibi flammeos auspicari non metuunt.

They which colour their lockes with red and yealow, beginne betime to prognosticate, of that colour theyr heades shall be in hell.

Qui se pingunt in hoc seculo, aliter quam creauit Deus metuant ne cum resurrectionis venerit dies, artifex creaturam suam non recognoscat.

They which loue to paynt themselues in this world otherwise then God hath created thē: let them feare, least when the day commeth of resurrection, the cre∣ator will not know them.

Qui pauperi eleemosinam dat, Deo suauitatis odorem sacri∣ficat.

He that gyueth an almes to the poore, sacrificeth to God an odour of swete smell.

Contemnenda est omnis iniuria praesentium molorum, fiducia fu∣turorum bonorum.

All iniurie of euils presēt to be neglected, for the good hope of good thinges to come.

Nihil prodest verbis proferre virtutem, & factis destruere.

To set out vertue in wordes, and to destroy the same in factes, is nothing worth.

Quo plures domi sint tibi liberi, hoc plus tibi non recondendum sed erogandum est, quia multorum iam delicta redimenda sunt multorum purgandae conscientiae.

The mo children and greater houshoulde thou hast at home the more cause thou hast not to horde vp, but to disperse abroode, for that many sinnes are to be redee∣med many consciences are to be purged.

* 1.30¶Moreouer, least the Papists here should take an occasi∣on by this text, grounded vpon the text of Tobi, cap. 4. Al∣mose (saith he) deliuereth from al sinne and death: to build vp the workes of satisfactiō, the said Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist, 2. more plainely expoundeth both himselfe, and that place of Scripture, writing in these wordes: Quia scriptum est, E∣leemosina ab omni peccato, & morte liberat. Yob. 4. non vtique ab ea morte, quam semel Christi sanguis extinxit, & a qua nos sa∣lutaris Baptismi & tedemptoris nostri gratia liberauit, sed ab il∣la quae per delicta postmodum serpit. &c. That is: Almose doth deliuer from all sinne and from death. Yob. 4. not from that (saith Cyprian) which the bloude of Christ hath once extincted, and from which the wholsome grace of our Baptisme, and of our redeemer hath deliuered vs, but frō that death which afterward creepeth in by sinne. &c. Cypri∣an. Lib. 4. Epist. 2. by which words it is apparant, that Cypri∣an meaneth this deliueraunce (which commeth by almose gyuing) from death and sinne, not to be expounded nor to be taken for death euerlasting, from which only the bloude of Christ doth saue vs, but for temporall or transitory pu∣nishment, which is wont to be inflicted in this body of sin. For so it is nothing repugnaunt, but that temporall ver∣tues may haue their temporall rewards in this life, & lik∣wise sinnes committed may haue temporal punishments both of vs and in our families, our eternal saluation stan∣ding euermore firme in Christ yet notwithstanding.

The foresaide Vincentius moreouer speaking of an o∣ther booke of Cyprian (although the said booke be not num∣bred in the Catalogue of his workes) maketh mention of xij. abuses, or absurdities in the life of man, which in order be these:

  • 1. Sapiens sine operibus. A wise man without good workes.
  • 2. Senex sine religione. An old man without religion.
  • 3. Adolescens sine obedientia.* 1.31 A young man without obedi∣ence.
  • 4. Diues sine eleemosina. A rich man without almose.
  • 5. Foemina sine pudicitia. A woman shameles,
  • 6. Dominus sine virtute. A guide without vertue.
  • 7. Christianus contentiosus. A Christian man contentious.
  • 8. Pauper superbus. A poore man proude.
  • 9. Rex iniquus. A king vnrighteous.
  • 10. Episcopus negligens. A byshop negligent.
  • 11. Plebs sine disciplina. People without discipline.
  • 12. Populus sine lege. Subiectes without law.

As I haue hetherto set forth the commendation of Cy∣prian this blessed Martyr:* 1.32 so must we nowe take heede a∣gaine, yt we do not here incurre the old & common daun∣ger, whiche the Papystes are commonlye accustomed to runne into, whose fault is alwayes almost to be immode∣rate and excessiue in their procedings, making to much al∣most of euery thing.* 1.33 So in speaking of the holye Sacra∣ments, they make more of them then doth ye nature of Sa∣craments require, not vsing them, but abusing thē, not re∣ferring or applying them, but adoring them, not taking thē in their kind for thinges godly as they are, but taking thē for God himselfe, turning religion into superstition, & ye creature to the creator, yt things signifying to the things them selues signified, &c. To the Church likewise and ce∣remonies of the church, to generall Councels, to the bles∣sed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, and to all other in like case, not contented to attribute that which is sufficient, they exceede moreouer the bounds of iudgement and veritie, iudging so of the Church, & gene∣ral coūcels, as though they could neuer, or did neuer erre in any iote. That the blessed mother of Christ amongest al women was blessed, and a virgine ful of grace, the Scrip∣ture & truth doth giue, but to say that she was borne with∣out al original sinne, or to make of her an aduocate, or mo∣ther of mercy, there they run further then truth wil beare. The ceremonies were first ordained to serue but onely for order sake, vnto the which they haue attributed so much at length, that they haue set in them a great part of our Reli∣gion yea & also saluation. And what thing is there els al∣most, wherein the Papistes haue not exceeded?

Wherfore to auoyd this common error of the papists,* 1.34 we must beware in cōmending the Doctors & writers of the Church, & so commend them, that truth and considera∣tiō, go with our cōmendation. For though this cannot be denied, but that holy Cyprian, and other blessed Martyrs were holy men, yet notwithstanding they were men that is such as might haue, & had their falles & faultes, men I say, & not aungels, nor gods, saued by God, not sauiours of men, nor patrons of grace: and though they were also men of excellent learning, & worthy Doctors, yet wt theyr learning they had their errors also annexed. And though their bookes be (as they ought to be of great authority, yet ought they not to be equall with the Scriptures. And al∣beit the saide well in most things, yet it is not therefore i∣nough that what they said it must stande for a truth.* 1.35 That preeminence of authority onely belongeth to the worde of God, and not to the pen of man. For of men and Doctors, be they neuer so famous, there is none that is voyde of his reprehension.* 1.36 In Origene (although in his time the admi∣ratiō of his learning was singuler) yet how many things be there, which the Church nowe holdeth not? but exami∣ning him by Scriptures, where he sayd well, they admit him, where otherwise they leaue him.* 1.37 In Polycarpus the church hath corrected and altered that which he did holde in celebrating the Easter day after the Iewes. Neither cā holy and blessed Ignatius be defended in al his sayings:* 1.38 as where he maketh the fasting vpon ye Sonday or the Sab∣both day as great an offence, as to kil Christ him selfe, Ig∣nat Epist. ad Phillip. contrary to this saying of Saint Paule. Let no man iudge you in meate & drinke. Also where the said Ignatius speaketh De virginitate, and of other thinges mo.* 1.39Irenaeus did hold that man was not made perfect in the beginning. He seemeth also to defend free will in man, in those thinges also that be spirituall. He saye that Christ suffered after he was fifty yeares old, abusing this place of the Gospell:* 1.40 Quinquaginta annos nondum habes. &c. Tertuli∣anus (whom S. Cyprian neuer laide out of his handes al∣most) is noted to be a Chiliaste: also to haue bene of Mōta∣nus sect. The same did hold also wt Iustine, Cyprian, & other, that the Aungels fel first for the concupiscence of women, Lib. de habitu mulierum. He defendeth fre wil of man after ye corruption of nature, inclining also to the errour of them, which defend the possibilitie of keeping God his law. Cō∣cerning Mariage. Vnum matrimonium (inquit) nouimus, si∣cut vnum Deum. i. We know (sayth he) one Mariage, as

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we know one God condemning the second maryage. Lib, de Monogam. Diuers other things of like absurditie in him be noted. Iustinus also seemeth to haue inclined vnto the er∣rour of the Chiliastes,* 1.41 of the fall of certaine Aungels by we∣men, offree will or man, of possibilitie of keeping the lawe and such other. Neither was this our Cyprian, the great schooler of Tertulian, vtterly exempt from the blot of them, who contrary to the doctrine of the Church,* 1.42 did hold with rebaptising of such, as were before Baptised of heretikes, Whereof speaketh S. Austen, myslyking the same errour of Cyprian, in these words contained in his 2. booke, Contra Cresconium. Cypriani, inquit, laudem ego consequi non valeo eius multis literis mea scripta non comparo, eius ingenium diligo eius ore delector, eius charitatem miror, eius Martyrium vene∣ror. Non accipio quod de baptisandis haereticis & schismaticis sensit.* 1.43 &c. Uppon the whiche matter there was a great contention betwene the sayd Cyprian, and Stephen Bishop of Rome, as partly afore is note. Of Austen himselfe like∣wise, of Ambrose, Hierome, Chrisostome, the same maye be said, that none of them also clearely passed away, but their peculiar faultes and errours went with them, whereof it were to long, and out of our purpose at this present to en∣treate. And thus much concerning the story of Cyprian the holy learned Martyr of Christ.

* 1.44Albeit here is to be noted by the way, touching the life and story of Cyprian that this Cyprian was not he, whome the narration of Nazianzen speaketh of (as is aboue menti∣oned) who from Arte Magicke was conuerted to bee a Christian, which Cyprian was a Citizen of Antioche, and afterward Bishop of the same Citie, and was Martyred vnder Diocletian. Where as this Cyprian was Byshop of Carthage, and died vnder Valerianus, as is sayd, &c. By the decrees of Gratiā. Dist. x. Quoniam. it appeareth more∣ouer that there was also a third Cyprian in the time of Iuli∣anus the Emperour Apostata,* 1.45 long after both these afore∣named. For so giueth the title prefixed before the saide Di∣stinct. Cyprianus Iuliano Imperatori: the distinction begin∣ning. Quoniam idem mediator Dei & hominum homo Chri∣stus Iesus, he actibus proprijs, & dignitatibus distinctis officia potestatis vtriusque discernit, &c. Upon the which distinctiō the glose commeth in with these words saying:* 1.46 yt the pope∣dome, and the seate Imperial, haue both one beginning of one that is, Christ: who was both Bishoppe, and king of Kings. And that the said dignities be distincted, albeit the Pope notwithstanding hath both the swords in his hand and may exercise them both some time. And therefore al∣though they be distincted, yet in exercise the one standeth line∣ally vnder the other, so that the imperiall dignitie is subiect vn∣der the Papall dignitie, as the inferiour is subiect vnder the supe∣riour: that as there is one ruler ouer the whole which is God: so in the Church is one Monarche, that is, the Pope, to whom the Lord hath committed the power and lawfull right both of the heauenly and terrene dominion. Haec Glosa.

* 1.47Thus much I thought here to note by the waye be∣cause this distinction is fathered vpon Cyprian, which is false, for this Cyprian was not in the time of Iulian, not by 200. yeares, and so likewise by the other Cyprian, which died Martyr vnder Diocletian. Of anye Cyprian besides these two, we read not. Neither is it credible, that if there were any such Cyprian, he would euer haue written of any such matter, of the difference and mutuall nede of Christiā Emperours and Christen Popes. When as that Empe∣rour being an Apostata, neither regarded Christ, nor ca∣red for any Pope.

* 1.48About this tyme, and vnder the same Emperour Va∣lerianus suffered also Xistus, or Sixtus, the seconde of that name, Byshop of Rome, who being accused of his aduer∣saries, to be a Christiā, was brought with his vj. deacons to the place of execution, where he with Nemesius & other hys Deacons were beheaded and suffered Martyrdome. Laurence in the same time being also Deacon folowed after complayning to Xistus, as one being greued, that he might not also suffer with him, but to be secluded as the sonne frō the father. To whom the Bishop aunswering againe, de∣clared that within thre daies he should folow after. In the meane time, hee willed him to go home, and to distribute his treasures, if he had any vnto ye poore. The iudge belike hearing mentiō to be made of treasures to be giuen to the poore, and thinking that Laurence had great store of trea∣sure in his custody, cōmaunded him to bring the same vn∣to him, according as the discourse of his storye here vnder written, more fully may appeare. Which history, because it is set foorth more at large in Prudentius, Ambrose, and other writers, and containeth in it mo things in it worthy to be noted of the Reader, we haue therfore with the more dily∣gence here inserted the more ample description of ye same, to the further admiration of his patience, and God his glory shewed in him.

Now then as order requireth,* 1.49 let vs enter the story of that most constaunt and couragious Martir of Christ S. Laurence, whose words and works deserue to be as freshe and greene in Christian harts, as is the florishing Laurel tree, This thirsty hart longing after the water of lyfe, de∣sirous to passe vnto it, through the straight doore of bitter death, when on a time he saw his vigilaunt Shephearde, Xistus led as an harmles lambe, of harmefull tyrauntes to his death, cried out with open mouth and hart inuincible, saying,* 1.50 O deare father, whether goest thou, without the company of thy deare sonne? Whether hastenest thou, O reuerend Priest, without thy Deacon? Neuer wast thou wont to offer sacrifice without thy minister. What cryme is there in me that offendeth thy fatherhod? Hast thou pro∣ued me vnnaturall? Now try swete father, whether thou hast chosen a faithfull minister or not. Deniest thou vnto him the fellowship of thy bloud, to whom thou hast com∣mitted the destribution of the Lordes bloud? See that thy iudgement be not misliked, whilest thy fortitude is liked & lauded. The abasing of the scholer, is the disgracing of the Maister. What? haue we not learned that worthy Mai∣sters, haue obtained most worthy same, by ye worthy actes of their Disciples and Scholers? Finally Abraham sacry∣ficed his onely begotten Isaac. Stoned Stephen prepared the way to preaching Peer, euen so father declare thy ma∣nifold vertues by me thy sonne. Offer thou him that pro∣ferreth him selfe. Graunt that the body of thy scholer may be sacrificed, whose mind with good letters thou hast beau¦tefied. These wordes with teares S. Laurence vttered, not becaue his master should suffer, but for that he might not be suffered to tast of deaths cup, which he thirsted ater.

Then Xistus to his sonne shaped this aunswere:* 1.51 I for∣sake thee not, O my sonne, I giue thee to wit, that a shar∣per conflict remaineth for thee. A feeble and weak old man am I, and therefore run the rase of a lighter & easier death. But lusty and young thou art, and more lustely, yea more gloriously shalt thou triumph ouer this tiraunt. Thy time approcheth, cease to wepe & lament, three daies after thou shalt follow me. Decent is it, that this space of time come betwene the Priest & the Leuite. It may not beseeme thee O sweete Pupill, to triumphe vnder thy master, least it be said he wanted an helper. Why crauest thou to be pertaker with me in my passion? I bequeath vnto thee the whole inheritaunce. Why requirest thou to enioy my presence: let weake scholers go before, and the strōger come after, that those without maister may get the victory, which haue no neede by maister to be gouerned. So Helias left behynde him his beloued Heliseus. I yeelde vp into thy handes the succession of my vertues. Such was their contention, not vnmeete for so godly a priest, so zelous a minister, striuing with themselues, who shoulde first suffer for the name of Christ Iesu.

In tragical histories we haue it mentioned, yt through ioy & admiration people claped their handes, whē Pylades named himselfe Orestes, Orestes, as truth it was, affirmed himselfe to bee Orestes. Pylades wishing to die for Orestes, Orestes, not suffering Pylades to loose his life for his sake: But neither of them might escape death, for both these lo∣uers were gilty of bloud the one committing the facte the other consenting. But this our Laurence the Martyr most constant, was by no meanes enforced to make this profer, sauing onely by his ardent zeale, and feruent spirite, who thirsting after the cup of Maytirdome, had it shortly after filled to the hard brymme.

Now let vs draw neare to the fire of Martyred Lau∣rence,* 1.52 that our colde hartes may be warmed thereby. The mercylesse tyraunt, vnderstanding this vertuous Leuite, not onely to be a minister of the Sacramentes, but a distri∣buter also of the Church riches (whereof mention is made before in the wordes of Xistus) promised to himselfe a dou∣ble pray, by the appresion of one silly soule. First with the rake of Auarice to scrape to himselfe the treasue of poore Christians, then with the firy forke of tyranny so to tosse and turmoyle them, that they should waxe weary of their Christian profession: With furious face, and cruell counte∣naunce, the greedy wolfe demaunded where this Deacon Laurence had bestowed the substaunce of the Church. Who crauing three dayes respite, promised to declare where the treasure might he had. In the meane time he caused a good number of poore Christians to be congregated. So when ye day of his aunswere was come, the persecutor straightly charged him to stād to hys promise. Then valiant Laurēce stretching out his armes ouer the poore sayde: These are the precious treasure of the church:* 1.53 These are the treasure in deede, in whom the faith of Christ raigneth, in whome Iesus Christ hath his mansion place. What more precious

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Iuels can Christ haue, thē those in whō he hath promised to dwel? For so it is written, I was hungry, & ye gaue me to eate: I was thirsty, and ye gaue me to drinke: I was harborles, and ye lodged me. And againe: Looke what ye haue done to the least of these, the same haue ye done to me. What greater riches can christ our maister posses, then the poore people, in whō he loueth to be sene? Oh, what toung is able to expresse the fury and madnes of the tirants hart? Now he stāped, he stared, he rāped, he fared as one out of his wit: his eies like fier glowed, his mouth like a bore fo∣med, his teeth like an helhoūd grinded. Now not a reaso∣nable man, but a roaryng lion he might be called. Kindle the fire (he cried) of wood make no spare. Hath this vyl∣laine deluded the Emperour? away with him, away with him. Whip him with scourges, iercke him with rods: buf∣fet him with fistes, braine him with clubs, iesteth the trai∣tour with the Emperour? Pinche him with fyrie tonges gyrde him with burning plates, bring out the strongest chaines, and the fireforkes, and the grated bedde of yron. On the firewith it, bind the rebell hande and foote, & when the bed is fire hot, on with him: rost him, broyle him, tosse him, turne him: On paine of our highe displeasure do eue∣ry man his office, O ye tormentors.

The worde was no soner spoken, but all was done. After many cruell handlings,* 1.54 this meeke lambe was layd I will not say on his firye bed of yron, but on his soft bed of downe. So mightily God wrought with his Martyr Laurence, so miraculously God tempered his element the fire, not a bed of consuming paine, but a pallet of nourish∣ing rest was it vnto Laurence. Not Laurence, but the Em∣perour might seeme to be tormented: the one broiling in the fleshe, the other burning in the hart. When this try∣umphant Martir had beene pressed downe with firepikes for a great space, in the mightie spirite of God he spake to the vanquished tyraunt:

* 1.55This side is now rosted inough, turne vp O tyraunt great, Assay, whether rosted or raw, thou thinkest the better meate.

O rare and vnaccustomed patience. O faith inuinci∣ble, that not onely not burnest, but by meanes vnspeaka∣ble doest recreate, refresh, stablish, & strengthen those that are burned, afflicted and troubled. And why so mightilye comfortest thou the persecuted? Because through thee they beleeue in gods promises infallible. By thee this glorious Martir ouercommeth his torments, vanquisheth this ty∣raunt, confoundeth his enimies,* 1.56 confirmeth the Christiās slepeth in peace, raigneth in glory. The God of might and mercy graunt vs grace, by the life of Laurence to learne in Christ to liue, and by his death to learne for Christ to dye. Amen.

Such is the wisdome and prouidence of God, that the bloud of his deare Saints (like good seede) neuer falleth in vaine to the grounde,* 1.57 but it bringeth some increase: so it pleased the Lord to worke at the Martirdome of this holy Laurence, that by the constant confession of this worthy & valiaunt Deacon, a certaine souldiour of Rome beyng therwith compuncted, and conuerted to ye same faith, desi∣red forthwith to be Baptised of him: for the which he be∣ing called for of the iudge, was scourged, and afterwarde beheaded. Henr. de Erford.

Under the same Valerianus suffered also Dionysius by∣shop of Alexandria much affliction and banishment,* 1.58 with certaine other brethren, Of the which he writeth himselfe, & is alledged in the Ecclesiasticall story of Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 11. the wordes whereof tend to this effect: Dionysius wyth three of his Deacons, to wit, Maximus, Faustus, and Chere∣mon, also with a certaine brother of Rome, came to Emilia∣nus then President, who there declared vnto them in cir∣cumstance of words how he had signified vnto them ye cle∣mencie of his Lords and Emperours: who had graunted them pardon of life, so that they would returne to them, & worship the Gods and keepers (as he called them) of their Emperie, asking them what aunswere they would gyue him there vnto: trusting as he saide that they woulde not shew themselues ingrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them. To this Dionysius aunsweryng, said:* 1.59 Al men worship not al Gods, but diuers men diuers gods, so as euery one hath in himselfe a mind or phantasie to worship. But we worship not many nor diuers Gods, but onely that one God, who is the creator of all things, & hath committed to our Lords Valerianus and Galienus the gouernmēt of their Empery, making to him our prayers ••••cessauntly for their prosperous health and continuance. Then the President sayde: And what hurt is it, but that you may both worship your God, what God soeuer he be, and these our Gods also? For you are cōmaunded wor∣ship such Gods, as al men know to be gods. Dionysius an∣swered we worship none other, but as we haue sayd▪ Emi∣lianus the President said: I see you are ingratfull men, and consider not ye benignitie of the Emperous,* 1.60 wherfore you shal remaine no longer in this City, but shal be sent out to the parts of Libya, vnto a towne called Cephro. For that place by the commaundement of the Emperour I haue chosen for you. Neither shal it be lawful for you, to cōuent your assemblies, or to resort, as ye are wont to your burial places. And if any of you shal be found out of your places wherunto you are apointed, at your peril be it. And think not contrary, but ye shal be watched well inough. Depart therfore to the place as is cōmaunded you. and it foloweth more in the said Dionysius speaking of himselfe:* 1.61 And as for me (sayth he) although I was sicke, yet hee vrged mee so straightly to depart, that he would not giue me one dayes respite. And how (saith he writing to Germanus) coulde I congregate or not congregate any assemblies? And after a few lines it followeth. And yet neyther am I altogether absent from the corporall societie of the Lordes flocke, but I haue collected them togither, which were in the Citye, being absent, as though I had bene present, absent in body yet present in spirit.* 1.62 And in the same Cephro, a great con∣gregation remayned with mee, as well of those brethren which followed me out of the City, as also of them which were remayning there out of Egypt. And there the Lorde opened to me the doore of his word, although at the first en∣traunce I was persecuted and stoned among them, yet af∣terward a great number of them fel from their Idoles and were cōuerted vnto the Lord. And so by vs the word was preached to them which before were infidels: which mini¦stery after that we had accomplished there, the lord remo∣ued vs to an other place. For Aemilianus translated vs frō thence to more sharpe and straighter places of Libya, com∣maunding vs to meete altogether at a city Mareota, think∣ing there to separate vs seuerallye into sundrye villages, or thinking rather to take and preuent vs by the way. Af∣ter we were come thether, it was assigned to me (saith Di∣onysius) to go to Colluthion, which place I neuer hearde of before: which was the more griefe to me, yet some solace it was to me, that the brethren told me, it was neare to a Citie named Paraetonium. For as my being at Cephrō got me the acquaintaunce of manye brethren of Egypt, so my hope was that the vicinitie of that place where I shoulde be, to the Citie, might procure the familiaritie and con∣course of certaine louing brethren, which would resort and assemble with vs,* 1.63 and so it came to passe, &c.

Moreouer the said Dionysius in his Epistle ad Domi∣ium & Dydymū, making mention of them whiche were afflicted in this persecution of Valerian, recordeth in these wordes saying: it were superflous (saith he) here to recite the names peculiarly of all our brethren slaine in this per∣secution, which both were manye and to me vnknowne.* 1.64 But this is certaine that there were men, wemen, younge men, maydens, olde wiues, souldiers, simple innocentes, and of all sortes and ages of men. Of whome some with courginges and fire, some with sworde obtained victo∣rye, and got the crowne. Some continued a great time, and yet haue bene reserued. In the whiche number am I reserued hetherto to some other oportune tyme know∣en vnto the Lord, which sayth: In the time accepted I haue herde thee, and in the daye of saluation I haue helped thee, &c. Nowe as concerning my selfe in what state I am, if thou desire to know first howe I and Caius, and Faustus Petrus, and Paulus, being apprehended by the Centurion, were taken away by certayne of the towne of Mareote, I haue declared to you before. Now I and Caius, and Petrus alone are left here included, in a west place of Libya, distant the space of thre daies iouney from Paraetonium. &c. And in processe farther he addeth: In the Citie (saith he) were cer∣taine priuily which visite the brethren: of Priestes Maxi∣mus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius. For they which were more notable in the world, Faustinus and Aquilla, do wan∣der abroade in Egipt. Of the Deacons besides them whō sicknes hath consumed, Faustus, Eusebius, & Cheremon, are yet alyue.* 1.65 Eusebius hath God raised and stirred vp to mini∣ster to the confessours lying in bandes, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martirs, not without great perill. Neither doth the President cease yet to this day, cruellye murderyng such as be brought afore him, some tearynge with torments, some imprisoning and keeping in custody commaunding that no man should come to them,* 1.66 inquy∣ring also who resorted vnto them. Yet notwithstanding God with chearefulnes and dailye resorte of the brethren doth comfort the afficted. Haec Dionysius.

Concerning these deacons aboue recited, here is to be noted, that Eusebius afterward was made Bishop of Lao∣dicia in Syria. Maximus the Priest aforesaide, had the myni∣stration of the Church of Alexandria after Dionysius▪ Fau∣stus

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long after continued in great age,* 1.67 vnto the latter per∣secution, where he being a very old man at length was be∣headed, and died Martyr.

As touching Dionysius him selfe, thus the stories re∣port, that he suruiuing all these troubles and persecutiōs, by the prouidence of God, continued after the death of Va∣lerian, vnto the xij. yeare of the raigne of Galienus, whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 268. and so departed in peace in great age, after that he had gouerned the Church of Alexandria the space of xvij. yeares, & before that, had taught the schole of the sayd Citie of Alexandria, the terme of xvj. yeares. After whom succeeded Maximus, as is aboue specified. And thus much touching the full storie of Dio∣nysius Alexandrinus, and of other also Martyrs and Con∣fessours of Alexandria.

In Caesaria Palestine, suffered also the same time, Priscus, Malchus,* 1.68 and Alexander, the which three dwelling in the countrey, and good men, seing the valiaunt courage of the Christians, so boldly to venter, & constantly to stand, and patiently to suffer in this persecutiō, as men being greued with them selues, began to repent & accuse their so great sluggishnes, and cowardly negligence, to see other so zea∣lous & valiant, & themselues so colde & faint harted, in la∣boring for the crowne of Christian martyrdome: first con∣sulting and agreing within themselues, came to Cesarea, & there stepping to the Iudge, declared thēselues what they were, & obtained the end they came for, being giuen to the wilde beasts. After which like maner also and in the same Citye of Cesarea, a certaine woman whose name Eusebius expresseth not, who had beene before of the secte of Marcion was brought before the President, and likewise obtayned the same Martyrdome.* 1.69 Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 12.

Neither was the citie of Carthage all this while free from the stroke of this persecution,* 1.70 if credit should be giuē to the speculatiue glasse of Vincentius, who cyting out of Hugo, recordeth of 300. Martyrs, of which 300. Martyrs the history saith thus, that the President setting before the cooles and incense to doe sacryfice, by a lyme kilne, which was there neere at hand, offred vnto them this condition, either to set incense to the coales, for sacrifice to Iupiter, or els to go into the fornace of lyme: wherupon they altoge∣ther with a generall motion sodenly rushed into the kilne, and ther with the dusty smoke of the lime were smothered Vincent. Erford.

* 1.71In Aphrica also in the City of Tuburba, the sayd Vincē∣tius out of the Martyrologe inferreth mention of thre con∣staunt virgins Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who in the persecution of this Valerian and Galienus, first had giuen for their drinke vinager and gaule, then with scourges were tried, after that vpon the gibbet were tormented, & rubbed with lime: then were scorched vpon ye fiery gridirō, at last were cast to the wilde beastes, who being not touched of them, finally with the sword were beheaded, Vincent. Erfor.

* 1.72In Symela a City in Italy, vnder the Alpes, one Pon∣tius beyng there apprehended, by the commaundement of Claudius the President, was hanged first vppon the racke, then was cast to the wilde beastes,* 1.73 of whom he being no∣thing hurt, was after cōmitted to the fire. And finally nei∣ther touched therwith, (if the storye of Vincentius be true) was headed by ye ryuers side, & his body throwne into the floude, where immediatlye the same houre, the foresayde Claudius with his assistant Anabius, were taken with wic∣ked spirits, by whom they were so miserablye vexed, that they byt of their tongues, and died.

* 1.74Zenon also Byshop of Verona, is saide also in the same persecution to sustayne Martyrdome.

* 1.75Moreouer in the same Citie of Alexandria aforesayde, Bergomensis in his 8. booke, writing of the story of Valeria∣nus Emperour, maketh mention of Philippus, bishoppe of the said sea of Alexandria, who (as he saith) was vnder the sayd Valerian beheaded. But that is not to be founde in any approued story, nor stādeth with the truth of time that any such Philip then was bishop of Alexandria, or any other ex∣cept onely Dionysius. After whom next succeeded Maximus, who remained xviij. yeares, and after him Theonas, &c. So that by the auncient recordes of olde writees it appeareth not that Philippus or any other of that name was Bishop of Alexandria, during this time signified by Bergomensis.

Although in some other later writers, as Equilinus An∣toninus, and Bergomensis▪ I finde a certaine historye of one Philippus, President of Alexandria about the same tyme of Valerian and Galienus, elected by the Emperour and Se∣nate of Rome, to gouerne those quarters, where he was at length conuerted to the christian faith, and after made Priest or Bishop,* 1.76 as they saye, of Alexandria, but that not to be so, the testimony of auntient writers doth refell. The history of this Philippus, witnessed in our later Chronicles is this: Philippus, being promoted to the Presidentship of Alexandria came downe with his wife Claudia,* 1.77 and his two sonnes, Auitus, and Sergius, and with his daughter named Eugenia, of the which Eugenia a long history full of straunge and prodigious miracles is written of Antoninus & other, wherof many things I will cut of, and brieflye touche the effect of the storye, leauing to the iudgement of the reader the credit of mine authors, as he shall see cause.

Thys Eugenia daughter of Philippus, being of singu∣lar beautie, and diligently brought vp by her parentes in ye studie of science and learnyng, was by occasion of hearyng Christians,* 1.78 reduced and brought vp to Christianitye, with two other Eunuches her Schoolefellowes called Prothus and Hiacynthus: wyth whome shee takyng counsaile, vp∣on occasion, whether to auoyde the daunger of persecu∣cion, or refusing to marry wyth a Pagane, vnknowne to her parents and fryendes dyd flee awaye, and because the more boldlye shee might resort to heare the readynges of Helenus then an aged Byshoppe and of others, chaunged her selfe into mans apparell, and named her selfe Eugenius,* 1.79 vnder the whiche name she was at length admitted vnto a certayne Monastery, or a societie of chri∣stians in the suburbes of Alexandria although I hardly beleeue that any Monasterye of Christians was then in the suburbes of Alexandria permitted, where also at the last for the excellencye of learnyng and vertue, shee was made head of the place. Here by the waye I omit the myracles of the foresayde Helenus) Byshoppe as the story saith of Hierapolis (howe he caried burning coales in his lap,* 1.80 & how he aduētured himself to goe in the burning fyre, to resell wicked Zereas a Pagane, remaining in the same vnburned. Here also I omit the careful search of her parents for her, and of the answere of the Pythonisse againe vnto them, that she was taken vp to the heauen among ye Goddesses. I omit moreouer the miracles done by ye sayde Eugenia, in healyng the diseases and sicknesses or such as came to her, &c. The story proceedeth thus: Among other which were by this Eugenius cured & restored, there was a certaine Matrone of Alexandria named Melancia, who after she had vsed the helpe and acquaintaun of Eugenius supposing her to be a man,* 1.81 fell into an inordiate loue, se∣kyng by al meanes how to accomplish the lust of her con∣cupiscence. In so much that in her daily visiting of her, at length she began secretly to breake her mind, and to entise her to her ludenes. Eugenius contrary exhorted her to ver∣tue & honesty, shewing her the miseries of this life, and the peryll of that folly. Melancia seeing that by no meanes shee would be allured, nor by force drawen to her desire, & fea∣ryng moreouer that she in detecting of her would bringe her to shame, beginneth first to make an outcry of Eugeni∣us, declaring howe yt she went about corruptly to defloure her, & so presented her accusation before Philippus ye Presi∣dent, as well against Eugenius, as also against the rest of that company. This matter being heard, and the woman well knowen, the crime began to seeme suspitious, and so much the more, because it was obiected against the Chry∣stians. By reason whereof Eugenius with her felow Chry∣stians was now not only in great hatred, but also in daū∣ger of present death and destruction. Then Eugenius pur∣ging herselfe & her honesty, although with sufficient pro∣bation, yet notwithstanding perceiuing that it coulde take no place, what so euer she said, and seeing no time now to dissemble any longer, for the daunger as well of her owne selfe, as specially of her brethren which troubled her more: desired of the Iudge place and time to make manifest to him the truth, and so shewed her selfe what she was, and how she was his daughter, the other to be Prothus & Hia∣cinthus the two Eunuches, her schoolefelowes, vtteryng moreouer to him and to her brethrē the cause of her depar∣ting from them. At the narration whereof Philippus her father,* 1.82 and her two brethren comming to the knowledge of her conceaued no litle ioy, in receauing their Eugenia a∣gaine whom they thought had bene lost. No lesse gladnes was among the people, to see ye euidence of the matter so plainely to try out the truth of the one,* 1.83 & the falsenes of the other. Wherat ye malignant accuser was to double shame cōfounded, first for her dishonesty falsly cloked, secondly for the vntruth of her accusation openly detected. Bergomensis addeth moreouer, yt the said accuser was stricken present∣ly with lightning. Thus Eugenia trying her honestly to her parents & friends, not onely was receaued of them a∣gaine, but also by the grace of the Lord working with her in the space of time did win thē to Christ. Wherby Philip∣pus the father of her by nature,* 1.84 now by grace was begottē of his own daughter to a more perfect life, & whō once he thought to haue bene lost, not only he foūd againe, but also wt her found his own soule, & his own life, which before he

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had lost indeede.* 1.85 This Phillippus (sayth the storye) was made afterwarde Bishop of Alexandria, and there suffered Martyrdome. Concerning whose Martyrdome I denye not but it may be true, but that he was byshop of Alexan∣dria, that cannot be admitted, as is before sufficiently proo∣ued, out of Eusebius and other auncient historicians.

Lykewyse it is sayd, that Eugenia after the Martyr∣dome of her father, returning to Rome with Prothus, and Hiacinthus, by occasion of conuertyng Basilla (who shoulde haue bene maried to a Pagane husband,* 1.86 and was then be∣headed) to the Christian faith, was assayled wyth sundrye kinds of death, first being tied to a great stone & cast into Tyber, where she was caried vp from drowning, thē put in the hoate bathes, which were extincted, and she preser∣ued: afterward by famishment in prison, where they saye she was fed at the hande of our Sauior, all which Legen∣dary miracles I leaue to the Reader to iudge of them, as shal seeme good vnto him. At last the story sayeth, she was with the sword beheaded, Antonin. Bergom. Ado.

* 1.87And because in this prent history mention was made of Helenus whom Antoninus with his fellowes noteth to be the byshop of Hierapolis, here is to be vnderstoode & ob∣serued by the way, yt as Philippus in the foresaide history is falsly saide to be byshop of Alexandria, so lykewise vntrue it is that Helenus was bishop of Hierapolis. For by Eusebius it appeareth, Lib. 7. cap. 5. alleadging the words of Dionysius that he was bishop of Tarus in Cilicia, and had there ouer∣sight of that Church from the tyme of our Lorde, 254. to the yeare. 274.

The vj. yeare of Valerianus and Galienus we read in the story of Herfordiensis,* 1.88 cited out of Isuardus, of Victor and Vi∣ctorinus, who lying in prison the space of three yeares with Claudianus and Bossa his wife,* 1.89 are sayde to haue sustayne great tormentes, and Martyrdome, for the testimony and name of Christ. Ex. luardo.

Aurelius Prudentius in his booke intituled Peristepha∣non, inferreth mention of Fructuosus Byshop of Tarracona in Spaine, who with his two Deacons Augurius and Eu∣logius, suffered also Martyrdome being burned after syxe daies imprisonment, vnder ye foresaid Emperours in this persecution. The cause of their punishment was for the profession of Christs name. Their Iudge and condemner was Emilianus: Their imprisonment indured sixe dayes. The kinde of death ministred vnto them was fire, wherin they being altogether cast with their armes bound behind them, their bandes (as Prudentius writeth) were dissolued, their hands vntouched with the fire, and their bodies re∣mayning whole. The charge of this Iudge vnto the By∣shop was this, that he would worship the Gods, whome the Emperour Galienus worshipped. To whom Fructuo∣sus the byshop aunswering: nay, (sayde he) I worship no dombe God of stockes and blockes, whom Galienus doth worship, but I worship the Lord and maister of Galienus, the Father and creator of all times, and his onely Sonne, sent downe to vs of whose flock I am here the Pastor and shepeherd. At this worde Emilianus aunswering agayne, Nay, (saith he) say not thou art, but say thou wast. And forthwith commaunded them to be committed to the fyre,* 1.90 where (as is sayd) their bandes and manicles being loosed, by the fire, they lifted vp their hands to heauen, praysyng the liuing God, to the great admiration of them that stode by, praying also that the element which seemed to fle from them, might worke his full force vpon them, & spedely dis∣patche them,* 1.91 which was after their request obtained. In the meane space as they were in the fire, there was a cer∣tayne Souldier in the house of Emilianus, who did see the heauens aboue to open, and these foresayd Martyrs to en∣ter in the same, which souldiour likewise shewed the sight the same time vnto the daughter of Emilianus, the president who beholding the same sight with the souldiour, was a present witnesse of the blessednesse of them, whom her cru∣ell father had condemned.

As thys godly Byshop was preparyng to his death (sayth Prudentius) the brethren approching to him, brought him drinke, desiring him with much weeping to receaue & drinke with them, but that he refused to do, requiring thē moreouer to refrayne their teares. With like readines the brethen also were diligent about him to pluck of his shoes & hose, as he was addressing himselfe to the fire. But ney∣ther would he suffer any seruaunts helpe in that,* 1.92 wherein he was no lesse willing as able to helpe himself. And thus this blessed and fruitefull byshop Fructuosus with his twoo Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, beyng brought to the fire, witnessed the constant confession of the name of christ, with the shedding of their bloude. Aurel. Prudentius. Ado. Equilinus.

And thus farre continued wicked Valerian, in his ty∣ranny against the Saintes of Christ. But as all the Ty∣rauntes before, and oppressors of the Christians had theyr deserued reward at the iust hand of God,* 1.93 which rendreth to euery man according to his workes: so this cruel Vale∣rian, after he had reigned with his sonne Galienus, ye terme of vj. or vij. yeares, and about two yeares had afflicted the Church of Christ, felt the iust stroke of his hande, whose indignation before he had prouoked, whereof we haue to witnes Eutropius, Pollio, Sabellicus, Volateranus: For ma∣king hys expedition agaynst the Persians, whether by the fraude and treason of some about him, or whether by his owne rashnes, it is doubtfull: But this is certayne, that he fell into the handes of hys enemies, being about the age of lxx. yeares, where he led hys wrethed age in a more wretched captiuitie.* 1.94 In so much that Sapores the king of the Persians vsed him (and well worthy) not for his ry∣ding foole, but for hys riding blocke. For whensouer the king should light vpon hys horse openly in the sight of the people, Valerian Emperour quondam, was brought forth in steede of a blocke, for the king to tread vpon hys backe, in goyng to hys horsebacke. And so continued this blockishe butcherly Emperour with shame and sport inough vnto his finall end, as witnesseth Laetus and Aurelius Victor.

And albeit Eusebius in a certaine Sermon to the Con∣gregation,* 1.95 declareth a more cruell handling of him, affir∣ming that he was slaine, writing in these wordes: Sed & tu Valeriane, quoniam eandem homicidiorum saeuitiam erga sub∣ditos Dei exercuisti, iustum Dei iudicium declarasti, dum cap∣tiuus ac vinctus vna cum ipsa purpura ac reliquo imparatorio ornatu abductus, ac tandem a Sapore Persarum Rege excoriari iussus, sale{que} conditus, perpetuum infaelicitatis tuae trophaeum e∣rexisti. &c. That is and thou Valerian, for so much as thou hast exercised the same crudelitie in murdering the subiects of God, therfore hast proued vnto vs the rightuous iudge∣ment of God, in that thy selfe hast bene bound in chaynes, and caryed away for a captiue slaue, with thy gorgeous purple, and thy imperiall attire, and at length also beyng commaunded of Sapores king of the Persians to be slayne and poudred with sault, hast set vp vnto al men a perpetu∣all monument of thine owne wretchednes. &c. Euseb.

The like seueritie of God his terrible iudgement is al∣so to be noted in Claudius,* 1.96 his Presidēt, and minister of his persecutions. Of which Claudius, Henricus de Erfordia thus writeth, that he was possessed and vexed of the deuill, in such sort, that he byting of his owne tongue in many small peeces, so ended hys life. Erford.

Neither did Galienus the sonne of Valerian, after the captiuitie of hys father, vtterly escape the righteous hand of God. For beside the miserable captiuitie of hys father whom he could not rescue, such portentes straunge, & out of the course of nature, such Earthquakes did happen, also such tumultes, commotions, and rebellions did followe, that Trebellio doth recken vp to the number of 30. together which in sundry places all at one time tooke vpon them to be tyrantes and Emperours ouer ye Monarchie of Rome, by the meanes whereof he was not able to succour hys fa∣ther, though he would. Notwithstanding the sayd Galie∣nus beyng (as is thought) terrified by the exāple of his fa∣ther,* 1.97 did remoue: at least did moderate the persecutiō stir∣red vp by the Edictes of Valerian hys father, directing forth hys imperiall Proclamation, the tenor whereof procee∣deth after this effect, as is to be sene in Euseb. Lib 7. ca. 13. Emperour and

Caesar, Publius Licinius, Galienus, Pius For∣tunatus, Augustus, vnto Dionysius, to Pinna, and to Demetrian and to all other the like Bishops. The bountifull benignitie of my gift, I haue willed and commaunded to be proclaymed through the whole worlde, to the intent that such whiche are deteined in banishment for discipline sake, may safely returne home agayne, from whence they came. And for the same cause I haue here sent to you the example of my rescript for you to peruse & to enioy, so that no man so hardy to vexe or molest you. And thys whiche you may now lawfully enioy, hath bene long since by me graun∣ted. And therefore for your more warrant in the same, I haue committed the examplar hereof to the custody of Aurelianus Cy∣renius my chiefe Steward, where you may et the copy to see at your pleasure.

This mandate aboue prefixed did Galienus sent to Dio∣nysius Alexandrinus,* 1.98 and to other Byshops as is premised. An other rescript also the sayd Emperour sent to other Christian Byshops, permitting to them full libertie to re∣ceaue agayne their wonted places, where they were wont to associate together, called of them Caemiteria▪

By this it may appeare that some peace was then graū∣ted vnder this Galienus,* 1.99 to the Church of Christ: albeit not so,* 1.100 but ye some there were which suffered. Among whome was one Marinus mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 7. This Ma∣rinus being a warriour and a noble man in Cesarea, stoode

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for the dignitie of a certaine order, whiche by all order of course, was next to fall vpon him by right, had not the en∣uious ambitiō of him yt should follow next after hym, sup∣planted him both of office & life. For he accused him to be a Christian, and therefore sayd that he was not to be admyt∣ted vnto their offices, which was against their Religion. Wherupon Achaius then being iudge examined him of his faith, who finding him to be a christian indede, & constant∣ly to stand to his profession, gaue him .iij. houres to delibe∣rate & aduise wyth himselfe. There was the same time in Cesarea a Byshop named Theotechnus,* 1.101 otherwise called Theodistus, who perceiuing him to stand in doubtfull dely∣beration and perplexitie in himselfe, tooke him by the hand & brought him into the house or Church of the Christians, laying before him a sworde (which he had vnder his cloke for the same purpose) and a booke of the new Testament & so willed him to take his free choyse which of them both he would preferre.* 1.102 The souldior immediately without de∣lay ran to the booke of the Gospell, taking that before the sword. And thus he being animated by the bishop, presen∣ted himselfe boldly before the iudge,* 1.103 by whose sentence he was beheaded, and died a Martyr. Euseb. ibid.

* 1.104Whose body he beyng dead, one Asyrius a noble Sena∣tour of Rome, and a man very wealthy among the chief of that order, (who the same tyme was there present at hys Martyrdome) toke vp and bare vpō his owne shoulders, wrapping it in a rich & sumptuous weede, & so honoura∣bly committed it to the burial.* 1.105 Euseb, Lib. 7. cap 16.

Of which Asyrius the sayde author writeth, moreouer this storye, howe that in the foresayde Citie of Cesarea, the Gentiles vsed ther, of an aūcient custome to offer vp a cer∣taine sacrifice by a fountaine side, the which sacrifice by the working of the deuill, was wont sodainly to vanish out of their eies, to the great admiraciō of the inhabiters by. Asy∣rius seing this and pittying the miserable errour of the sim∣ple people, lifting vp his eies to Heauen, made his praier to almightie God in the name of christ. yt the people might not be seduced of the deuil any lōger: by ye vertue of whose praier the sacrifice was seene to swimme in the water of the fountaine, & so the straunge wonder of that sight was taken away, and no such matter coulde be their wrought any more.* 1.106 Euseb. Lib, 7. cap. 17.

And because mention is made here of Cesarea, there fo∣loweth in ye next chapter of ye same author, a strange mira∣cle if it be true, which he there reporteth, howe yt out of the same City was the woman, which in ye gospel came to our Sauiour, and was healed of her bloudy issue. Her house being in the Citye of Cesarea, before the doore thereof was set vp a certayne pyller of stone, & vpon the piller, an I∣mage was made of brasse, of a woman mekely knelyng on her knes, and holding vp her hands, as one that had some sute. Against the which there was an other Image also of a man proportioned of the same mettall, cūningly engra∣uen, in a short semely vestur, & stretching forth his hand to the woman.* 1.107 At the foote of which piller grew vp a cer∣taine herbe of a straunge kind, but of a more straunge opi∣ration, which growing vp to the hemme of his vesture, & once touching the same, is saide to haue such vertue, that it was able to cure all maner of deseases. This picture of the man, (they say) represented the image of Christ. The history is written in Eusebius, as is said, the credite where∣of I referre to the Reader, whether he will thinke it true or false. If he thinke it false, yet I haue shewed him myne author: if he thinke it true, then must hee thinke with all that this miraculous operation of the herbe, proceded nei∣ther by the vertue of the picture, nor by the praier of the o∣ther being both dombe pictures, and engrauen no doubt at that time by the hand of Infidels, but to be wrought by some secret permission of God his wisedome, either to re∣duce the Infidels at that time to the belief of the storye,* 1.108 or to admonish the Christians to consider with them selues what strength and health was to be looked for onelye of Christ, and no other aduocate, seing the dumbe picture en∣grauen in Brasse, gaue his efficacie to a poore herbe to cure so many diseases. This picture saith Eusebius remained al∣so to his time which was vnder Constantinus the great.

* 1.109As touching the line and order of the Romaine By∣shops hetherto intermitted, after the martirdome of Xistus aboue specified, the gouernement of that church was con∣mitted next,* 1.110 to one Dionysius, about the yeare of our Lord, 266. who continued in the same the space of ix, yeares, as Eusebius saith,* 1.111 as Damasus recordeth but onely vj. yeares, and two moneths. Of his decretall Epistles because suf∣ficient hath bene sayd before concerning that matter, I o∣mit to speake. After whom succeded Felix, in the first yeare of Probus the Emperour, about ye yeare of our Lord, 280. who gouerned that church v. yeares, and died as Plaina saith, a martyr. After him followed Eutychianus, and then Gaius, both martyrs, as the histories of some do recorde.

About the time of these byshops, lyued Theodorus by∣shop of Neocesarea, who is otherwise called Gregorius Mog∣nus, whome also Nicephorus for his myracles, calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Thus Galienus the foresayd Emperour raygned as is declared, with his father Valerian, vij, yeares, after whose captiuitie he ruled the Monarchie, alone about ix. yeares, with some peace and quietnes graunted to the Church.

The daies of this Galiens being expired,* 1.112 followed Claudius a quiet Emperour,* 1.113 as most stories do record. Al∣though Vincentius affirmeth that he was a mouer of per∣secution against the Christiās, & maketh mention of 262. Martyrs, which in his time did suffer, but because no such record remaineth to be found in Eusebius, who woulde not haue omitted some memoriall thereof if it had bene true, therefore I referre the same to the free iudgement of the Reader to finde such credite as it maye.* 1.114 This Claudius raigned but two yeares, after whome came Quintilianus, his brother next Emperor, & a quiet Prince, who cōtinued but onely xvij. daies, and had to his successor Aurelianus, vnder whome Orosius in his seuenth booke, doth number the ix. persecution against the Christians.

Notes

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