Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

The x. Persecution.

BY reason whereof (the wrath of God being kindled a∣gainst his church) ensued the tenth and last persecucion against the christians,* 1.1 so horrible and greeuous, that ma∣keth the pen almost to tremble to writ vpon it, so tedious that neuer was any persecution before or since compara∣ble to it for the time it continued, lasting the space of tenne yeares together. This persecution although it passed tho∣row the handes of diuers tyrantes and workers moe then one or two, yet principally it beareth the name of Dioclesiā who was Emperour as is aboue noted,* 1.2 next after Carus & Numerianus. Thys Dioclesian euer hauyng an ambitious minde, aspired greatly to be Emperour. To whom Druas his Concubine sayd,* 1.3 that first he should kill a wilde Boore before he should be Emperour. Hee taking effect at these wordes, vsed much with handes to kill wylde Boores: but seeing no successe to come thereof, vsed this prouerbe: Ego Apros occido, alius pulpamento fruitur, that is, I kill the Boores, but other doe eate the fleshe. At length the sayde Dioclesian beyng nominate to be Emperour,* 1.4 and seeyng Aper (who had killed Numerianus the Emperour) stan∣ding thereby sware, to the souldiers that Numerianus, was wrongfully killed, and forthwith runing vpon Aper with his sworde,* 1.5 slew him. Vopisc. After this he being stablished in the Empire, and seeing on euery side diuers and sundrie cōmotions rising vp against him, which he was not well able himselfe to sustaine, in the first beginning of his raign he chuseth for his Colleage Maximianus surnamed Herculi∣us,* 1.6 Father of Maxentius. Which two Emperours, because of diuers warres that rose in manye prouinces, choose to thē two other noble men, Galerius, & Constantinus, whome they called Caesars. Of whome Galerius was sent into the East partes against the Persians.* 1.7 Constantinus was sent ouer to Britannie to this our country of England, to re∣couer the tribute. Where he toke to wife Helena the daugh∣ter of king Coil, which was a maiden excelling in beautye, and no lesse famously brought vp in the study of learning of whome was borne Constantinus the great.* 1.8

All this while hitherto no persecution was yet stirred of these 4. princes against the church of Christ, but quietlye and moderatly they gouerned the common wealth, wher∣fore accordingly God prospered their doings and affaires, and gaue them great victories, Dioclesian in Egipt, Maxi∣minian in Aphricke and in Fraunce, Galerius in Persia, Constantinus in England and in Fraunce also. By reason of which victories Dioclesian and Maximian pu••te vppe in pride, ordeyned a solemne triumph at Rome, after which triumph Dioclesian gaue commaundement that he woulde be worshipped as God, saying, that he was brother to the Sunne and Moone,* 1.9 and adourning his shooes with golde and precious stones commaunded the people to kysse hys feete.

And not long after by the iudgement of God, for cer∣taine enormities vsed in the church,* 1.10 aboue touched, began the great and greuous persecution of the Christians, mo∣ued by the ragious cruelty of Dioclesian,* 1.11 which was about the nyneteenth yeare of his rayne, who in the Moneth of Marche when the feast of Easter was nye at hande,* 1.12 com∣maunded all the churches of the Christians to bee spoyled and cast to the earth, and the bookes of holy scripture to be burned.

Thus most violent edictes and proclamations were set foorth,* 1.13 for the ouerthrowing as is saide, of the Christians temples throughout all the Romane Empire. Neyther did there want in the officers any cruell execution of the same proclamations. For their temples were defaced euen when they celebrated the feast of Easter. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 2. And this was the first edicte giuen out by Dioclesian,* 1.14 the next proclamation that came forth, was for the burning of the bookes of the holy scripture, which thyng was done in the open market place as before: then next vnto that were edictes giuen forth for the displacing of such as were Ma∣gistrats,* 1.15 and that with a great ignominie, & al other what∣soeuer bare anye office. Imprisoning suche as were of the common sorte, if they would not abiure Christianitie, and subscribe to the heathen religion.* 1.16 Euseb. lib. 8. cap 3. & Nice∣phorus lib. 7. cap 4. Zonoras also in his seconde tome. And these were the beginning of the Christians euils.

It was not long after but that new edictes were sent forth, nothing for their cruelty inferiour to the first: for the casting of the elders and bishops into prisō, and then con∣straining them with sundry kindes of punishments to of∣fer vnto their Idoles. By reason whereof ensued a great persecutiō amongst the gouernors of the church, amongst whom many stood manfully, passing through many excee∣ding bitter torments, neyther were ouercome therwyth, being tormented and examined diuers of them diuerslye, some scourged, all their bodies ouer with whips & scour∣ges, some with racks, rasinges of y^e flesh intolerable were cruciated: some one way, some another way put to death. Some againe violently were drawen to the vnpure sacri∣fice, and as though they had sacrificed, when indeede they did not, were let go. Other some neither comming at al to their aultars, nor touching anye peece of their sacrifices, yet were borne in hand of thē that stoode by, that they had sacrificed, & so suffering that false infamation of their eny∣mies, quietly went away. Other as dead men were caried and cast away, being but halfe dead. Some they cast down vpon the pauement, and trailing them a great space by the legs, made the people beleue that they had sacrificed. Fur∣thermore other there were which stoutly withstood them, affirming with a loud voice that they had done no such sa∣crifice. Of whom some saide they were Christians, & glo∣ried in the profession of that name: some cryed saying, that neither they had, nor would euer be pertakers of that ido∣latry. And those being buffeted on the face & mouth wyth the handes of the soldiers, were made to hold their peace, and so thrust out with violence. And if the Saintes did seeme neuer so little to doe▪ what the enimies would haue

them, they were made much of. Albeit all this purpose of the aduersary, did nothing preuayle against the holye and constaunt seruaunts of Christ. Notwithstanding, of the weake sort innumerable there were, which for feare & in∣firmity fell and gaue ouer, euen at the first brunt.

At the first comming downe of these edictes into Ni∣comedia, there chanced a dede to be done,* 1.17 much worthy of memory, of a Christien, being a noble man borne, whiche moued by the zeale of God, after the proclamation made at Nicomedia was set vp, by and by ranne and tooke downe the same, and openly tare and rent it in peeces, not fearing the presence of the two Emperours, then being in the citie. For which acte he was put to a most bitter death,* 1.18 whiche death he with great faith & constancie endured euen to the last gaspe, Euseb. lib. 8. lib. 3. & 5.

After this the furious rage of the malignaunt Empe∣rours, being let loose against the saintes of Christ proceeded more & more, making hauock of gods people through out all quarters of the worlde.* 1.19 First Dioclesian which had purposed with himselfe to subuert the whole christian reli∣gion, executed his tyranny in the east) and Maximianus in the west, But wily Dioclesian began very subtilye, for hee put the matter first in practise in his owne campe, among whom the marshall of the field, as Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 4. affir∣meth, put the Christian Souldiers to this choise,* 1.20 whether they would obey the Emperors commaundement in that maner of sacrifice he cōmaunded, and so both to keepe their offices, and leade their bands, or els to lay away from thē their armor and weapons.* 1.21 Whereunto the Christen men couragiously aunswered, that they were not only ready to lay away their armour & weapons, but also to suffer death if it should with tiranny be enforced vnto them, rather thē they would obey the wicked decrees and comaundements of the Emperour.

There might a man haue seene very manye whiche were desirous to liue a simple and poore life: and whiche regarded no estimation and honour in comparison of true pietie & godlines. And this was no more but a subtile and wily flattery in the beginning, to offer them to be at theyr owne liberty, whether they would willingly abiure their profession or not, as also this was an other, that in the be∣ginning of the persecution, there were but a few tormen∣ted with punishment, but afterwarde by little and little hee began more manifestlye to braste out into persecution: It can hardly be expressed with wordes what number of Martirs,* 1.22 and what bloud was shedde through all cities and regions for the name of Christ Eusebius, in his 8 booke & chap. 7. saith that he himselfe knew the worthy Martirs that were in Palestina.* 1.23 But in Tire of Phenicia he decla∣reth in the same a marueilous martyrdome made, where certayne christians being geuen to most cruell wild beasts were preserued without hurt of them, to the great admira∣tion of the beholders and those Lions, Beares, and Ly∣bardes (kept hungry for that purpose) had no desire to de∣uoure them, which notwithstanding most vehementlye raged against those by whome they were brought into the stage, and stoode as they thought without daunger of thē, such were first deuoured. But the Christian Martyrs be∣cause they could not be hurt of the beasts being slayne with the sworde, were afterwarde throwen into the sea. At that time was martyred the Bishop of Sydon. But Syluanus the Byshop of Gazensis with 39. other were slayne in the mettall mynes of Phenitia.* 1.24 Pamphilus the elder of Cesarea being the glory of that congregation, died a most worthy Martyr, whose both life and most commendable martyr∣dome, Eusebius oftentimes declareth in his 8. booke and 13. chapter, in so much that he hath written the same in a booke by it selfe. In Syria all the chiefe teachers of the congre∣gation were first committed to prison, as a most heauye & cruell spectacle to behold,* 1.25 as also the bishops, Elders, and Deacons, which all were esteemed as menquellers, and perpetratours of most wicked facts. Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 6, After that we read of an other, whose name was Tirannion which was made meate for the fishes of the sea, and of Ze∣nobius which was a verye good Phisition, which also was slaine with brickebates in the same place. Eusebius. lib. 8. cap. 13.

Furthermore he maketh mention in the same place of others which were not tormented to death, but euery day terrified and feared without ceasing: Of some others that were brought to the sacrifices and commaunded to doe sa∣crifice, which woulde rather thrust their right hande into the fire, then to touch the prophane or wicked sacrifice, also of some others that before they were apprehended, would cast downe themselues from steepe places, left that beyng taken they should commit any thing against their profes∣siō. Also of two virgines very faire and proper, with their mother also which had studiously brought them vp,* 1.26 euen from their infancy in all godlines, beyng long sought for and at the last founde, and straightly kept by their kepers, whilest they made their excuse to do that which nature re∣quired, threw thēselues downe headlong into a riuer, also of other two yong maidēs being sisters, & of a worshipfull stock, moued with many goodly vertues, which were cast of the persecutors into the sea: and these things were done at Antioche as Eusebius in his 8. booke, and 13. chap. affir∣meth. But Syluanus the Bishop of Emissa y^e notable mar∣tyr together with certaine others were throwen to the wilde beastes. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 13.

Diuers and sondry torments were the christians in Mesopotamia molested with, where they were hāged vp by the feete, & their heads downewards, & with the smok of a small fire strangled. And also in Capadocia, where the Martirs had their legs broken. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.

Henricus de Erfordia maketh mention of the Martyrs of Tharsus in Cilicia as Tharatus, Probus, and Andronicus: But yet the Martirs in the region of Pontus suffered far more passing and sharper tormentes, wherof I wil here∣after make mention. Eusebius ibidem. So outragious was the beginning of the persecution whiche the Emperour made in Nicomedia in Bithinia. as afore is saide, that he re∣frained not from the slaughter of the children of Empe∣rours, neither yet from slaughter of the most chiefest prin∣ces of his court, who a litle before he made as much of, as if they had ben his owne childrē: Such an other was Pe∣ter, which among diuers and sundry tormentes: (among whō he being naked was lefted vp, his whole body being beaten with whips and torne, that a man might see y^e bare bones, and after they had mingled vineger & salt togither they poured it vpon the most tender parts of his body, & lastly rosted at a soft fire, as a man would rost flesh to eate as a victorious Martir ended his life. Dorotheus and Gor∣gonius being in great authoritie and office vnder the Em∣perour, after diuers torments were strangled with a hal∣ter,* 1.27 which both being of the priuie chamber, to him, when they saw & beheld the greuous punishment of Peter their houshold cōpanion: wherfore (said they O Emperour) do you punish in Peter that opinion which is in all vs? Why is that accounted in him an offence, that all we confes? we are of that faith religion & iudgement y^t he is of. Therfore he commaunded them to be brought forth, & almost with like paynes to be tormented as Peter was,* 1.28 & afterwardes hanged. Euseb. Rufini Lib 8. cap. 6. After whom Anthimus the Byshop of Nicomedia after he had made a notable confes∣sion, & bringing with him a great company of Martyrs, was beheaded. These men being thus dispatched y^e Emp∣rour vainly thought y^t he might cause y^e rest to do whate∣uer him listed. To this ende came Lucianus the Elder of the congregation of Antioche, and was martired after hee had made his Apologie before the Emperour. Eusebius. Lib. 8. Cap. 13.

Hermanus also that monster, caused Serena the wife of Dioclesian the Emperour, to be martyred for the Christian Religion: so much did the rage of persecutiō vtterly forget all naturall affectes. Other Martyrs of Nichomedia doth Nicephorus in hys vii. booke and xiiii. chapter recite, as Eu∣lampius and Eulampia, Agapen, Irenea, Chionia, and Ana∣stacia, vnder Illyricus, chiefe officer, were bound hand & foote to a post and brent. Vincentius. Lib. 12 cap. 66. And also Eu∣seb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. mentioneth such an other like matter full of horror and grief. There assembltd together in their temple many Christian men to celebrate the memory of the Na∣tiuitie of Christ, of euery age and sorte some: There Maxi∣mianus thinking to haue bene geuen a very fit occasion to execute hys tyranny vpō the poore Christians, sent thether such as should burne the temple, the doores being shut and closed rounde about. Thether came they with fire, but first they commaunded the cryer with a loud voyce to cry, y^t who soeuer would haue life, should come out of the tem∣ple, & do sacrifice vpō the next altar they came vnto of Iupi∣ter, and vnles they would do this, they shoulde all be brent with the temple. Then one stepping vp in the temple, an∣swered in the name of all y^e rest with great courage & bold∣nes of minde, that they were all Christians, & beleued that Christ was their onely God & king,* 1.29 and that they woulde doe sacrifice to him, with his father and holy Ghost, & that they were now all readye to offer vnto him. Wyth these words the fire was kindled and compassed about the tem∣ple, and there were brent of men, women, and children certeine thousands. There were also in Arabia, very ma∣nye martyrs slayne with axes, as Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 12. There was in Phrigia a citie, vnto which the Emperour sent his Edictes that they should doe sacrifice to the gods, and worship Idoles, all which Citizens the Maior him∣selfe,

the Questor, and chiefe Captaine confessed that they were all Christians. The Citie vpon this was besieged & set on fire,* 1.30 and all the people, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 11. In Meliti∣na a region of Armenia, the bishops and Elders were cast in prison. Eusebius eodem cap. 6. In Arabrace a region neare adioyning to Armenia Eustratius was Martyred, as Nice∣phorus declareth, Lib 7 cap. 14. This Eustratius was y^• coun∣trey man borne, and very skilfull in the Greeke tong, exe∣cutyng by the Emperours commaundement, the shiriffes office at Licia in the East, which also did execution there vpon the Christians, and was a Scribe of great estimatiō called Ordinis Ducalis. This man beholding the meruai∣lous constancie of the Martyrs, thirsted with the desire of Martyrdome, for that he had priuily learned the Christian religion. Therfore he not abiding for other accusers, detec∣ted himself, and worthely professed that he was a christian, openly execrating the madnesse and vanitie of the wicked Ethnikes. He therefore being caried away, was tyed vp, beyng first most bitterly beaten. After that he was parched with fire, beyng put vnto his bowels, and thē basted with salt and vinagre, and lastly, so scotched & bemangled with the shardes of sharpe and cutting shels, that his whole bo∣dy semed to be all one continual wound, howbeit, by gods great goodnes afterward, it was restored to the first inte∣gritie. After this he was caried away to Sebastia, where, w^t his companion Orest he was burned.* 1.31 At that tyme also suffred Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Nicepho. Lib. 7. cap. 14. And in no lesse wise raged this persecution throughout al Egypt: where Eusebius in his 8. booke, and 13. chapter ma∣keth mention of Peleus and Nilus Martyrs and byshops in Egypt. But at Alexandria especially were declared most notable conflictes of Christian and true constant Martyrs that suffred: which Phileas the Bishop of Thumitane descri∣beth as after (God willing) shalbe declared. In this per∣secution of Alexandria, the principall that then suffred was Peter the bishop of Alexandria, with the Elders of y^e same most worthy Martyrs, as Faustus, Didius, and Ammonius, also Phileas, Hesichius, Pachiminus, and Theodorus, which all were bishops of the congregations within Egypt, and be∣sides them, many other both famous and singular mē. The whole legion of Christian souldiours which lay at The∣bes in Egypt, vnder the christian captaine Mauritius, when they would not obey the Emperours commaundement touching the worshippyng of Images, were tythed to death once, and then againe. And at last through the exhor∣tation of Mauritius, dyed altogether like constant Martyrs. Vincentius in speculo, Lib 13. cap. 2. Likewise at Antino di∣uers Christian souldiours, notwithstanding they were se∣riously dissuaded, suffred death together, amongst whome were Ascla, Philemon, and Apollonius, ibidem, cap. 50. and also in y^e other partes of Aphrica and Mauritania, was great per∣secution, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. Also in Sammium, of whiche place Chronicon maketh mention, and Scilia, where were 79. Martyrs slayne, for the profession of Christ, as writeth Henricus de Erfordia.

Now let vs come vnto Europe, Nicephorus in his vij. booke and xiiij. chap. sayth, that at Nicopolis in Thracia the Martyrs were in most miserable and pitifull wise hand∣led, where Lysia had the execution thereof. In Chalcedon suffred Euphemia, vnder Priscus the Proconsul. Vincentius, Lib. 12. cap. 77.

Henricus de Erfordia sayth that at Rome, Iohannes and Crispus, beyng priests, had the execution of Martyrs. And at Boemia Agricola, and Vitalis, Vincentius. Lib. 12. cap. 49. And at Aquileia the Emperour commaunded euery man to kill the Christians. Vincentius, Lib. eodem cap. 58. and amongest those Martyrs he maketh mention of Felices, and Fortuna∣tus. Reginus also writeth that in other places of Italy the persecution became great, as at Florentia, Pergamus, Neaples Campania, Beneuentus, at Venusa in Apulia, and in Thussia, and Henricus de Erfordia, saith, also at Verona. In France doubt∣lesse Rectionarus appoynted to that office,* 1.32 played the cruell helhound, of whose great cruelty agaynst y^e Christiās ma∣ny histories are full. At Mediolanus suffered Victor. And at Massilia, Maximianus set forth his decree, that either they should all do sacrifice to the Gods of the Gentils, or els be all slayne with diuers kindes of torments. Therfore many Martyrs there dyed for the glory of Christ. Antonius & Vin∣cent. lib. 12. cap. 2. In Beluacus suffred Lucian.

Vincentius and Reginus write of many places in Spain, where was great persecution, as at Emerita, where suffred Eulalia, of whom more foloweth hereafter, & Adula, where also suffred Vincentius, Sabina and Christina. At Toletum suf∣fred Lencadia the virgin, at Cesarea Augusta, where were put to death, 18. beside a great number of other Martirs, which suffred vnder Decianus the gouernour, which afflicted with persecution all the coast of Spayne, as sayth Vincentius, lib. 13. cap. 123.124.128.130.134▪ The foresayd Rictionarus made such persecution at Treuers neare the riuer of Mosella,* 1.33 that the bloud of christian men that were slayne, ran like small brookes, and couloured great and mayne riuers. Neyther yet did this suffise him, but from thence sent certaine horse∣men with his letters, commaunding them to ride into e∣uery place, and charge all such as had taken and apprehē∣ded any Christians, that they should immediatly put them to death. Vincent. Lib. 13. cap. 136.

Also Henricus de Erfordia,* 1.34 and Reginus make mention of great persecution to bee at Colonia where Agrippina and Augusta were martyred, as also in the Prouince of Rhetia.

Beda also sayth, that this persecution reached euen vn∣to the Britains in his booke De ratione temporum. And the Chronicle of Martinus, and the Nosegay or tyme do declare that all the Christians in Britanny were vtterly destroy∣ed. Furthermore, that the kindes of death & punishment were so great and horrible,* 1.35 as no mans tong is able to ex∣presse. In the beginning, when the Emperour by his sub∣tletie and wilines, rather dallied then shewed his rigor, he threatned them with bands and imprisonment: but with in a while when he began to worke the matter in good ear∣nest, he deuised innumerable sortes of torments & punish∣ments, as whippings and scourgings, rackings, horrible scrapings, sword, fire, and ship boates, wherin a great nū∣ber beyng put, were sunke & drowned in the bottom of the sea. Euseb. Lib 8. cap 6. & 7. Also hanging them vpon crosses, binding them to the bodies of dead trees with their heads donneward,* 1.36 hanging them by the middles vpon gallow∣ses, til they dyed for hunger, throwyng them aliue to such kind of wilde beastes as would deuour them, as Lyons, Beares,* 1.37 Libardes, and wild Buls. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 8. Pric∣king and thrusting them in with bodkins and talants of beastes till they were almost dead, liftyng them vp a high with their heads douneward, euen as in Thebaide, they did vnto the women beyng naked and vnclothed, one of theyr feete tyed and lifted a high, & so hanging doune with theyr bodies, which thing to see was very pitifull, with other deuised sortes of punishments most tragicall, or rather ti∣rannicall, and pitiful to describe: as first, the bindyng of thē to trees, and to the boughes therof. The pulling & tearing asunder of their members and iointes,* 1.38 beyng tyed to the boughes and armes of trees. Euseb. Lib 8. cap. 9. The mang∣ling of them with axes, the choking them with smoke by small and soft fires,* 1.39 the dismembring of their hands, eares, and feete, with other ioyntes, as the holy Martyrs of Alex∣andria, suffred, the scorching and broyling of them w^t coales, not vnto death, but euery day renued. With such kynde of torments the Martyrs at Antioche were afflicted.* 1.40 But in Pontus other horrible punishmentes and fearefull to bee heard, did the Martyrs of Christ suffer, of which, some had their fingers endes vnder the nayles thrust in with sharpe bodkins, some all to be sprinckled with boyling lead, ha∣uing their most necessary members cut from them, some other suffryng most filthy, intollerable, and indurable tor∣mentes and payne in theyr bowels and priuy members. Eusebius eodem,* 1.41 cap. 12.

To conclude, how great the outrage of the persecution which raigned in Alexandria, was, and with how many & sundry kindes of new deuised punishments the Martyrs were afflicted:* 1.42 Phileas, the byshop of the Thumitanes, a man singularly well learned, hath described in his epistle to the Thumitanes, the copy wherof Eusebius hath in his 8. booke & x. chapter, out of the which we meane here briefly to recite somewhat.

Because (sayth he) euery man might torment the holy Martyrs as they listed themselues,* 1.43 some beat them with cud∣gels, some with rods, some with whippes, some with thongs, and some with cordes, and this example of beating was in sundry wise executed, and with much crueltie. For some of them hauyng their handes bound behynde their backes, were lifted vp vpon tymber logs, and with certaine instruments their members & ioints were stretched forth, whereon their whole bodies hanging, were sub∣iect to the will of the tormentors, who were commaunded to af∣flict them with all maner of torments, and not on their sides one∣ly (like as homicides were) but vpon their bellies, thighes, and legges, they scratched them with the talents and clawes of wylde beasts. Some other were seene to hang by one hand vpon the en∣gine, wherby they might feele the more grieuous pullyng out of the rest of their ioyntes and members. Some other were suche sort bound vnto pillers with their faces turned to the wall, hauing no stay vnder their feete, and were violently wayed downe with the payse of their bodies, that by reason of their straight binding, they beyng drawn out, might be more greuously tormēted. And this suffered they not onely during the tyme of their examinati∣on, and while the Shiriffe had to do with them, but also the whole day long. And whilest the Iudge went thus from one to another, he by his authoritie appointed certaine officers to attende vpon

those he left, and not to be let downe vntill either through the in∣tollerablenes of the payne, or by the extremitie of cold, they being neare the point of death, should be let downe: and so were they haled vpon the ground. And further they were commaunded that they should shew not so much as one sparke of mercy or compas∣sion vpon vs, but so extremely and furiously did deale with vs, as though our soules and bodies should haue died together.* 1.44 And therfore yet an other torment our aduersaries deuised to augmēt our former plagues. After that they had most lamentably beaten them, they deuised moreouer a new kinde of racke, wherein they lying vpright, were stretched by both the feete aboue the fourth stop or hole with sharpe shels or shares strowed vnder them, after a strange kind of engine to vs here vnknowen. Other some were cast downe vpon the pauement where they were oppressed so thicke, and so grieuously with tormentes, that it is not almost to be thought what afflictions they suffred.

Thus they lying in paines and torments, some died therwith, not a little shaming and confounding their enemies by their sin∣gular pacience. Some halfe dead and halfe aliue, were thrust into prison, where shortly after by paynes and woundes of their bo∣dies they ended their bitter life. Some again beyng cured of their woundes by their indurance in prison, were more confirmed, who beyng put to the choise whether they would come to their cursed sacrifice, and enioy their wicked libertie, or els sustaine the sen∣tence of death,* 1.45 did willingly and without delay abide the extre∣mitie, remembring with themselues what is written in the Scrip∣tures: He that sacrificeth (sayth he) to straunge Gods, shall be exterminate, &c. Item, thou shalt not haue any strange Gods be∣side me, &c.

Thus much wrote Phileas to the Congregation where he was Bishop, before he receyued the sentence of death,* 1.46 beyng yet in bandes, and in the same exhorteth his brethren constantly to persist after his death, in the truth of Christ professed. Euseb Lib 8. cap. 10.

Sabellicus in his vij. Ennead. and viij. booke, sayth that that christened man, which tore and pulled down the wic∣ked Edict of the Emperour in Nicomedia, beyng stript and beaten y^t the bones appeared, and after washed in salt and vineger, was then slaine with this cruell kind of torment. But Platina writeth that Dorotheus and Gorgonius exhor∣teth him to dye so constantly.

But as all their torments were for their horriblenesse, meruailous and notable, and therewithall so studiously, deuised, & no lesse greuous and sharpe: so notwithstāding therwith were these Martyrs neither dismayd, nor ouer∣come, but rather thereby confirmed and strengthened, so merily and ioyfully sustained they what so euer was put vnto them.* 1.47 Eusebius sayth that he himselfe beheld and sawe the huge and great persecution that was done in Thebaide, in so much that the very swordes of the hangmen and per∣secutors beyng blunt with the great and often slaughter, they themselues for wearines sate downe to rest them, and other were fayne to take their places. And yet all this not∣withstanding the murthered christians, shewed their mer∣uailous readines▪ willingnes, and diuine fortitude, which they were indued with, with stout courage, ioy, and smi∣ling, receiuing the sentence of death pronounced vpon thē, and song euen vnto the last gaspe,* 1.48 Hymnes and Psalmes to God. So did also the Martyrs of Alexandria, as witnes∣seth Phileas aboue mentioned. The holy martyrs (saith he) keping Christ in their myndes, beyng led with the loue of better rewards, sustained not onely at one tyme, whatsoe∣uer labour and deuised punishments they had to lay vpon them: but now also the second tyme haue done the same, and haue borne all the manaces of the cruell souldiors, not onely in wordes, wherwith they threatned them, but also whatsoeuer in deede and worke they could deuise to their destruction, and that with most manly stomackes, exclu∣ding all feare, with the perfection of their inspeakable loue towards Christ, whose great strength and fortitude cānot by wordes bee expressed. And Sulpitius sayth in the second booke of his sacred history, that then the Christians with more greedie desire preased and sought for Martyrdome,* 1.49 then now they desire bishoprikes.

Although some there were also, as I haue sayd, that with feare and threatnings, and by their owne infirmitie, were ouercome and went backe. Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap. 3. A∣mongst whom Socrates nameth Miletius, Lib. 1. cap. 6. and A∣thanasius in his second Apologie, nameth the bishop of Li∣cus a Citie in little Egypt, whom Peter the Bishop of A∣lexandria, excōmunicated,* 1.50 for that in this persecution he sa∣crificed to the Gentiles Gods. Of the fall of Marcellinus the Byshop of Rome, I will speake afterwardes. For he be∣yng perswaded by others, and specially of the Emperour Dioclesian himselfe, did sacrifice, whereupon he was excō∣municated, but afterwardes he repēting the same, was a∣gayne receaued into the congregation, and made Martyr as Platina and the compiler of the booke of the general coū∣cels, affirme. The number of the Martyrs increased daily, sometymes tenne, sometymes twenty were slaine at once, some whiles 30. and oftentymes 60. and otherwhiles a C. in one day, men, women, and children by diuers kindes of death. Eusebius, Lib 8. cap. 9 also Damasus, Beda, Orosius, Ho∣norius and others do witnes, that there were slayne in this persecution by the names of Martyrs, within the space of 30. days, 17. thousand persons, beside an other great num∣ber and multitude that were condemned to the mettall mines and quaries with like crueltie.

At Alexandria with Peter the Bishop, of whom I haue made mention before, were slayne with axes 300. & aboue, as Sabellicus declareth. Gereon was beheaded at Colonia A∣grippina, with 300. of his fellowes, as saith Henricus de Er∣fordia. Mauritius the Captaine of Christian religion, with his fellowes 6666. Victor in the citie of Troy now called Xanthus, with his fellowes 360. were slayne, as sayth Otto Phrinsigensis, Lib. 2. cap 45. Reginus reciteth the names of many other Martyrs, to the number of 120.

And for as much as mention here hath bene made of Mauritius and Victor, the perticular description of the same history I thought here to insert, taken out of Ado & other story writers, as insueth.

Mauritius came out of Syria into Fraunce and Italy, beyng Captaine of the bande of the Theban souldiours, to the number of 6660. beyng sent for of Maximianus, to goe a∣gaynst the rebellious Bangandes, but rather as it should seeme by the treason of the ••irant, which thought he might better in these quarters vse his tiranny vpon the Christi∣ans, then in the East part. These Thebans with Mauritius the Captaine, after that they had entred into Rome, who were there of Marcellus the blessed bishop, confirmed in the fayth, promising by othe that they would rather be slayne of their enemies, then forsake that faith which they had re∣ceaued, who followed the Emperours hoste through the Alpes euen into Fraunce. At that tyme the Caesarians were incamped not farre from the towne called Ottodor, where Maximianus offred sacrifice to his deuils, and called all the souldiours both of the East and West to the same, straight∣ly charging them by the aultars of his Gods, that they would fight against those rebels the Bangandes, and perse∣cute the christian enemies of the Emperors Gods: which his commaundement was shewed to the Thebanes hoste, which were also incamped about the riuer of Rode, and in a place that was named Agawne, but to Ottodor they wold in no wise come, for that euery man did certainly appointe and perswade with themselues rather in that place to dye, then either to sacrifice to the gods, or beare armour against the Christians. Which thing in deede very stoutly and va∣liantly they affirmed,* 1.51 vpon their othe befor taken to Maxi∣mianus when he sent for them. Wherwith the tyrant beyng wrathfull and all mooued, commaunded euery tenth man of that whole band to be put to the sworde, whereto stri∣uingly and with great reioysing they committed theyr neckes. To which notable thing and great force of fayth, Mauritius himselfe was a great incourager, who by & by w^t a most graue Oration exhorted & animated his souldiours both to fortitude & cōstancie.* 1.52 Which beyng again called of y^e Emperor, answered in this wise saying:

We are O Empe∣rour your souldiours, but yet also to speake freely, the seruants of god. We owe to thee seruice of war, to him innocēcie: of thee we receaue for our trauell, wages: of hym the beginning of lyfe. But in this we may in no wayes obey thee O Emperour, to deny God our author and Lord, and not onely ours, but your Lord likewise, will ye, nill ye. If we be not so extreemely enforced that we offend him, doubtles as we haue hitherto before, we will yet obey you, but otherwise we will rather obey hym then you. We offer here our handes agaynst any other enemies: but to defile our handes with the bloud of innocentes, that we may not doe. These right hands of ours haue skill to fight agaynst the wicked and true ene∣mies: but to spoyle and murder the godly and Citizens, they haue no skill at all. We haue in remembraunce how we tooke armour in hand for the defence of the Citizens, and not agaynst them. We fought alwayes for iustice sake, pietie, and for the health of innocentes. These haue bene alwayes the rewardes of our perils and trauell We haue fought in the quarrell of fayth, whiche in no wife we can keepe to you, if we doe not shewe the same to our God. We first sware vpon the Sacramentes of our God, then af∣terward to the king: and doe you thinke the second will aduaile vs▪ if we breake the first▪ By vs you would plague the Christians, to doe which feate we are onely commaunded by you. We are here ready to confesse God the author of all thinges, and beleue in hys sonne Iesus Christ our Lord. We see before our eyes our fellowes and partakers of our labours and trauailes, to be put to the sword, and we sprinkled with their bloud, of which our most blessed companions and brethrē, their end and death we haue not bewayled nor mourned, but rather haue bene glad, and haue re∣ioyced

thereat, for that they haue bene counted worthy to suffer for the Lord their God. The extreeme necessitie of death cannot moue vs agaynst your maiesty, neyther yet any despiratiō, O Em¦perour, which is wont in ventrous affayres to do much, shal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vs agaynst you. Behold here we cast downe our weapons, and resist not, for that we had rather to be killed, then kill, and guilt∣les to dye, then gilty to liue. What soeuer more ye will commaūd appoynt and inioyne vs, we are here ready to suffer, yea both fire sword, and whatsoeuer other tormentes. We confesse our selues to be Christians, we cannot persecute Christians, nor will do sa∣crifice to your deuilish Idols.

With which their aunswer the kyng beyng altogether incensed and mooued,* 1.53 commaunded the second tyme the tenth man of them that were left to be in like case murde∣red. That crueltie also beyng accomplished, at length whē the christian souldiours would in no wise condescend vn∣to his mynde, he set vpon them with his whole host, both footemen and also horsemen, and charged them to kil them all. Who with all force set vpon them, they making no re∣sistance, but throwyng downe their armour, yelded theyr lyues to the persecutors, and offered to them theyr naked bodies.

* 1.54Victor at the same tyme was not of that bande, nor yet then any souldiour, but one beyng an old souldior, and dis∣missed for his age. At which tyme he comming sodainly v∣pon them as they were haketting and making mery with the spoyles of the holy Martyrs, was bidden to sit downe with them: and first asking the cause of that their so great reioysing, and vnderstanding the truth therof, detested the guestes, and refused to eate with them. And then being de∣maunded of them whether happily he were a Christian or no, openly confessed and denied not, but that he was •• chri∣stian, and euer would be. And therupon they rushing vpō him, killed him, and made him partner of the like Mar∣tyrdome and honour.

* 1.55Beda in his history writeth, that this persecution beyng vnder Dioclesian, endured vnto the seuenth yere of Constan∣tinus, and Euseb Lib 8. cap. 6 sayth, that is lasted vntill the x. yeare of Constantinus. It was not yet one yeare from the day in which Dioclesian & Maximianus ioyning themselues together, began their persecution, when that they sawe the number of the Christians rather to encrease then to dimi∣nish, notwithstanding all the cruelty that euer they coulde shew; and now were out of all hope for the vtter rootyng out of them▪* 1.56 which thing was the cause of their first enter∣prise, and had now euen their fill of bloud, and lothed as it were, the shedding thereof, they ceased at the last of theyr owne accord to put any mo christians to death: But yet of a great multitude they did thrust out their right eyes, and maymed their left legs at the hamme with a searing iron, condemning them to the mines of mettals, not so much for the vse of their labour, as for the desire of afflicting them. And this was the clemencie and release of the crueltie of those Princes, which sayd that it was not meete that the cities should be defiled with the bloud of citizens, and to make the Emperours highnesse to bee destained with the name of cruelty, but to shew his princely beneficence and liberalitie to all men.* 1.57 Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap 10.

When Dioclesianus and Maximianus had raigned toge∣ther Emperours twenty yeares and one (Nicephorus saith xxij. yeares) at length Dioclesian put himselfe from his im∣periall dignitie at Nicomedia, and liued at Salona, Maximini∣anus at Mediolanum, and led both of thē a priuate life in the 309. yeare after Christ. This strange and meruailous al∣teration gaue occasion, and so came to passe, that within short space after,* 1.58 there were in the Romaine commō welth many Emperours at one tyme.

* 1.59In the beginning of this persecution, you heard how Dioclesian beyng made Emperour, tooke to him Maximini∣an. Also how these two gouerning as Emperours toge∣ther, chose other two Caesars vnder them, to wit, Galerius Maximinus & Constantius the father of Constantine the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Thus then Dioclesian raigning with Maximinian, in the 19. yeare of his raigne, began his furious persecution against the christians, whose raigne after the same continued not long. For so it pleased God to put such a snaffle in the ty∣rants mouth, that within two yeares after, he caused both him and Maximinian (for what cause he knoweth) to geue ouer his Imperial function▪ and so to remayne not as em∣perours any more, but as priuate persones: So that t••ey beyng now displaced and dispossessed, the Imperial domi∣nion remayned w^t Constantius & Galerius Maximinus, which two deuided the whole Monarchie betwene them: so that Maximinus should gouerne the East countreys, & Constan∣tius the west partes. But Constantius as a modest Prince, onely contented with the Imperial title, refused Italy and Aphrike, contenting himselfe only with Fraunce, Spaine, and Britaine. Wherefore Galerius Maximinus chose to hym his two sonnes Maximinus and Seuerus. Likewise Constan∣tius tooke Constantinus his sonne, Caesar vnder him. In the meane tyme,* 1.60 while Maximinus with his two Caesars were in Asia, the Romaine souldiours set vp for their emperour Maxentius the sonne of Maximinian, who had before deposed himselfe. Against whom Maximinus the Emperour of the East, sent his sonne Seuerus, which Seuerus was slayne in the same voyage of Maxentius. In whose place then Maxi∣minus tooke Licinius. And these were the Emperours and Caesars, which succeeding after Dioclesian, and Maximinian, prosecuted the rest of that persecution, which Dioclesian and Maximinian before begun,* 1.61 duryng neare the space of seuen or viij. yeares, which was to the yeare of our Lorde, 318. Saue onely that Constantius with his sonne Constantinus,* 1.62 was no great doer therin, but rather a maintainer and a supporter of the Christians. Which Constantius surnamed Chlorus for his palenesse, was the sonne of Eutropius, a mā of great nobilitie of the Romaine union, as Loetus affir∣meth. He came of the lyne of Aeneas and Claudia, the daugh∣ter of Claudius Augustus. This man had not the desire of great and mightie dominion, and therefore parted he the Empire with Galerius, and would rule but in France, Bri∣taine, and Spayne, refusing the other kingdomes for the troublesome and difficult gouernment of the same. Other∣wise he was a Prince, as Eutropius maketh description of him, very excellent, ciuill, meeke, gentle, liberall, and desi∣rous to do good vnto those that had any priuate authoritie vnder him.* 1.63 And as Cyrus once sayd, that he ga••e treasure i∣nough, when he made his friendes rich: euen so it is sayd that Constantius would often tymes say, that it were better that his subiects had treasure, thē he to haue it in his trea∣sure house. Also he was by nature suffised with a little, In so much, that he vsed to eate and drinke in earthen vessels (which thing was counted in Agathotles the Sicilian, a great commendation) and if at any tyme cause required to garnish his table, he would send for plate and other furni∣ture to his frendes.* 1.64 To these vertues he added yet a more worthy ornament, that is, deuotion, loue, and affection to∣wards the word of God, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13. affirmeth, after which vertues ensued great peace and tranquillitie in all his Prouinces: By which worde he being guided, neither leuied any warres contrary to pietie and christian religion, neither he aided anye other that did the same: neither destroyed he the churches, but commaunded that the christians should be preserued and defended, and kept them safe from all contumelions iniuries. And when that in the other iurisdictions of the Empire,* 1.65 the congregatiōs were molested with persecution, as Sozomenus declareth, Lib. 1. cap. 6. he only gaue licence vnto the Christians to liue after their accustomed maner. This wonderfull acte of his followyng, besides other, doth shew that he was a sincere worshipper of the christian religion.

Those which bare the chiefe offices among the Eth∣nikes, draue out of the emperors count all the godly Chri∣stians: wherupon this ensued, that the Emperors them∣selues at the last, were destitute of helpe, when suche were driuen away,* 1.66 which dwelling in their courtes, and liuyng a godly lyfe, poure•• out their prayers vnto God for y^e pro∣sperous estate and health both of the Empire & Emperor. Constantius therefore thinkyng at a certayne tyme to try what sincere and good Christians he had yet in hys courte, called together all hys officers and seruaunts in the same, fayning himselfe to chitse out such as would do sacrifice to deuils, and that those only should dwell there & keep their offices, and that those which would refuse to doe the same, should be thrust out & banished the court. At this appoint∣ment, all the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deuided thēselues into 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪* 1.67 The Emperor marked which were the constantest & god∣liest from the rest▪ And when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sayd that they would willingly do sacrifi••e, other serue openly and boldly denied to do the same: Then the Emperor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rebuked those which were so redy to doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & iudged them as false traitors vnto God accountyng their vnworthy to bee in his court, which were such traitors to God, and forthwith commaunded that they only should be banished the same. But greatly he commended them, which refused to doe sa∣crifice and confessed God, affirmyng that they onely were worthy to be aboue •• prince, forthwith 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thē that thenceforth they should be the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 counsellors and defēders both of his person & kingdom, saying thus much more that they onely were worthy to be in office, whome he might make account of as his assured friends, and that he ment to haue them in more estimation,* 1.68 then the substāce he had in his treasurie. Eusebius maketh mention hereof in his first booke of the life of Constantius, and also Sozomenus in his 1. booke and ••. chap.

With this Constantius was ioyned (as hath bene afore∣sayd) Galerius Maximinus,* 1.69 a man as Eutropius affirmeth, ve∣ry ciuill and a passing good souldior: Furthermore, a fa∣uourer of wise and learned men, of a quiet disposition, not rigorous, but in his dronkennesse, wherof he would soone after repent him, as Victor writeth. whether he meaneth Maximinus the father, or Maximinus his sonne, it is vncer∣tayne. But Eusebius farre otherwise describeth the conditi∣ons of him in his viij. booke, and first chapter. For he sayth he was of a tyrannicall disposition: The feareinllest man that might be, and curious in all magicall superstition, in so much that without the diuinatiōs and aunsweres of di∣uels he durst do nothing at al, & therefore he gaue great of∣fices and dignityes to enchaunters. Furthermore that he was an exactor and extortioner of the Citizens, liberall to those that were flatterers, geuen to surfeting and riote, a great drinker of wine, and in his furious drounkennesse most like a mad man, a Ribaud, an adulterer, which came to no City but he rauished virgins & defiled mens wiues.* 1.70 To conclude he was so great an idolater, that he built vp Temples in euery City, and repayred those that were fal∣len in great decay: and he chose out the most worthiest of his politicall Magistrates to be the idols priestes, and de∣uised that they should execute that their office with great authority and dignity, and also with warlike pompe. But to Christian piety and religion he was most incensiue, and in the East Churches exercised cruel persecution, and vsed as executioners of the same, Pencetius, Quintianus, and The∣otechnus beside others.

Notwithstanding he was at length reuoked from his cruelty by the iust iudgemēt and punishment of God.* 1.71 For he was sodenly vexed with a fatall disease most filthy and desperate, which disease to describe was very straunge, ta∣king the first beginning in his flesh outwardly, frō thence it proceeded more and more to the inward parts of his bo∣dye. For in the priuy members of his body ther happened vnto him a suddayne putrificatiō, and after in the bottome of the same a botchy corrupt bile, with a Fistula, cōsuming & eating vp his entrals, out of the which came swarming forth an innumerable multitude of lice, with such a pestife∣rous stinche that no man coulde abide him, and so muche more, for that all the grosenesse of his body by aboundance of meat before he fell sick, was turned also into a fat: which fat now putrified, and stincking was so vgsome and hor∣rible, that none that came to him coulde abide the sight thereof. By reason whereof, the Phisitions which had him in cure,* 1.72 some of thē notable to abide the intollerable stinch were commaunded to be slayne. Other some because they could not heale him being so swollen and past hope of cure were also cruelly put to death. At length being put in re∣membraunce that his disease was sent of God, he began to forethinke the wickednesse that he had done agaynst the sayntes of God, and so comming agayne to himselfe, first confesseth vnto god all his offences, then calling them vn∣to him which were about him, forthwith commaunded all men, to cease from the persecutions of the Christians. Re∣quiring moreouer that they should set vp his Imperiall proclamatiōs, for the restoring and reedyfiyng of their tē∣ples, and that they would obtayne this of the Christians, in their assembles (which without all feare and doubt they might be bolde to make) that they would deuoutly pray to theyr God for the Emperour. Then forthwith was the persecution stayed, and the Imperiall proclamations in e∣uery City were set vp, contayning the retraction or coun∣termaund of those thinges which agaynst the Christians were before decreed, the copy whereof ensueth.

* 1.73Amongst other thinges which for the benefite and cō∣modity of the common weale we established, we cōmaun∣ded to reforme all thinges according to the auncient lawes and publicke discipline of the Romaines, and also to vse this pollicy, that the Christians which had forsaken the re∣ligion of those forefathers should be brought agayne to the right way. For such phātasticall singularity was amongst them, that those thinges which their elders had receiued and allowed, they re••ected and disallowed, deuising euery man such lawes as they thought good, and obserued the same, assembling in diuers places great multitudes of people.

Therefore when our foresaid decree was proclaymed, many there were that felt the penalty therof, and many being troubled therefore suffered many kindes of death. And because we see yet that there be many which perseuere in the same, which neither geue due worship vnto the Celestiall Gods neither receiue the God of the Christians, we hauing respect to our accustomed be∣nignitie, wherewith we are wont to shew fauour vnto all men, thinke good in this cause also to extend our clemencye, that the Christians may be agayne tollerated, and appoynt them places where againe they may meet together, so that they doe nothing contrary to publick order and discipline By an other Epistle we meane to prescribe vnto the iudges, what shal be conuenient for them to do. Wherefore according as this our bountifull clemen∣cie deserueth, let them make intercession to God for our health, common weale, and for themselus, that in all places the state of of the common weale may be preserued, and that they themselues may be able safely to liue within their bondes.* 1.74 Euseb. lib. 8. cap. vl∣timo.

But one of his inferior officers whose name was also Maximinus, was not well pleased when this countermaūd was Published throughout all Asia, and the Prouinces where he had to do. Yet he being qualified by this example that it was not conuenient for him to repugn the pleasure of those Princes which had the chiefe authority as Constan∣tius and Maximinus, set forth of himselfe no edict touching the same: but commaunded his officers in the presence of others, that they should somewhat stay from the persecu∣tion of the Christians: of which commaundement of the inferiour Maximinus,* 1.75 each of them gaue intelligence vnto their fellowes by their letters. But Sabinus which then a∣mongst them all, had the chiefest office and dignitie: to the substitutes of euery countrey, wrote by his letters the Emperours pleasure in this wise.

The maiestie of our most gracious and Soueraigne Lordes the Emperours, hath lately decreed with speciall diligence and deuotiō, to induce all men to an vniforme life, so that they which seemed to dissent from the Romaine custome by a straunge ma∣ner of liuing, shoulde exhibite to the immortall Gods their due and proper worshipp, but the wilfull and obstinate minde of di∣uers so much, and so cōtinually resisted the same, that by no law∣full meanes they might be reuoked from their purpose, neither made afraid by any terror or punishment. Because therefore it so came to passe, that by this meanes many put themselues in perill and ieoperdy: The maiestie of our soueraigne Lordes the Empe∣rours according to their noble pietie, considering that it was far from the meaning of their princely maiesties that suche thinges should be, whereby so many men and muche people should be, destroyd, gaue me in charge that with diligence I shoulde write vnto you, that if any of the Christians from henceforth fortune to be taken in the exercise of their religion, that in no wise you molest the same, neither for that cause you doe iudge any man worthy of punishment: for that in all this time it hath euidentlye appeared that by no meanes they might be allured from such wil∣fulnesse. It is therefore requisite that your wisdome write vnto the Questors, Captaynes, and Constables of euery City and vil∣lage, that they may know it not to be lawfull for them, or any of them,* 1.76 to do contrary to the prescript of this commaundement, neither that they presume to attempt the same. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 1.

The gouernours therefore of euery prouince, suppo∣sing this to be the determinate pleasure (and not fayned) of the Emperour,* 1.77 did first aduertise thereof, the rusticall & Pagan multitude: After that they released and set at liber∣tye all suche prisoners as were condempned to the mettall mines, & to perpetuall imprisonmēt for their fayth, think∣ing therby (where in deed they were deceiued) that the do∣ing thereof would well please the Emperor. This therfore seemed to them as vnlooked for, and as light to trauellers in a darcke night.* 1.78 They gather themselues together in e∣uery City, they call their Synodes and counsels, & much maruell at the sodden chaunge and alteration. The Infi∣dels themselues extoll the onely and true God of the chri∣stians. The Christians receiue agayne all their former li∣bertie, and such as fell away before in the tyme of persecu∣tion, repent themselues and after penaunce done, they re∣turned agayne to the congregation. Nowe the Christi∣ans reioyced in euery Citty, praying God with hymnes and Psalmes.* 1.79 Eusebius ibidem. This was a maruailous so∣daine alteration of the Church, from a most vnhappy state into a better, but scarce suffered Maximinus the Tyraunt the same vj. monethes vnuiolated to continue. For whatsoe∣euer seemed to make for the subuersion of the same peace (yet scarcely hatched) that did he onely meditate. And first of all he tooke from the Christians all libertie and leaue for them to assemble and congregate in churchyardes vnder a certayne coulour. After that he sent certayne Miscreants vnto the Athenians, to sollicite them agaynst the Christi∣ans, and to prouoke them to aske of him as a recompence and great reward, that he would not suffer any Christian to inhabite in their countrey: and amongest them was one Theotechnus, a most wicked miscreant, an inchaunter, and a most deadly enemy agaynst the Christians. He first made the way whereby the Christians were put out of credite, and accused to the Emperour, to which fraud also he erec∣ted a certayne Idoll of Iupiter to be worshipped of the in∣chaunters and coniurers,* 1.80 and mingled the same wor∣ship with ceremonies, full of deceiueable witchcra••t. Last∣ly, he caused the same Idoll to geue this sound out of hys

mouth. That is: Iupiter commaundeth the christians to be ba∣nished out of the Citie and suburbes of the same, as enemies vn∣to him. And the same sentence did the rest of the gouernors of the prouinces publish against the Christians, and thus at length persecution began to kindle against them. Maxi∣minus appoynted and instituted high priestes and bishops in euery citie to offer sacrifice vnto Idoles, & inueigled all those that were in great offices vnder him, that they should not onely cease to pleasure them & to do for them, but also that they should with new deuised accusatiōs agaynst thē, at their pleasure,* 1.81 put as many to death as by any meanes they might. They also did counterfet certaine practises of Pilate against our sauiour Christ full of blasphemie, and sent the same into all the Empire of Maximinus by their letters, commaunding that the same shoulde be published and set vp in euery citie and suburbes of the same, and that they should be deliuered to y^e scholemaisters, to cause their scholers to learne by roate the same.

* 1.82After that one named Praefectus castrorum, whome the Romaines do call captaine, allured certaine light womē, partly by feare, and partly by punishment, dwelling at Damascus in Phenicia, and taken out of the court where∣in they were accused, that they shoulde openly say in wry∣ting that they were once Christians, and that they knewe what wicked & lasciuious actes the Christians were wont to execute amongst themselues vpon the sondaies, & what other things they thought good to make more of their own head, to the slander of the Christians. The capitaine shew∣eth vnto the emperour theer words, as though it had bene so in deede, and the Emperour by and by commanded the same to be published throughout euery city.* 1.83 Furthermore, they did hange vp in the midst of euery Citie (which was neuer done before) the Emperours edicts against y^e Chri∣stians, grauen in tables of brasse. And the children in the scholes with great noise and clapping of handes did euery day resound, the contumelious blasphemies of Pilate vn∣to Iesus,* 1.84 & what other things so euer were deuised of the magistrates, after most despitefull maner. Euseb. lib. 8, cap. 3.4.5.6.7. And this is the copie of the edict, which Maximinus caused to be fastened to pillers fraught, with all arrogant and insolent hate against God and Christ.* 1.85

The weake and imbecil rebellion of mans minde (all obscuri∣tie and blindnesse of ignorance set aparte, which hetherto hath wrapped the mindes of impious and miserable men, in the perni∣tious darkenesse of ignoraunce) is now at the length able to dis∣cerne, that the same is gouerned, as also corroborated by the pro¦uidence of the immortall gods the louers of vertue: which thing, how acceptable it is to vs, howe pleasant and gratefull, and howe much proofe the same hath declared of your wel disposed willing minds, is incredible to be tolde: Although this was not vnknown before with what diligence and deuotion yee serued the immor∣tall Gods, whose wonderfull and constant faith is not knowen by bare and naked wordes, but by your worthy & notable deeds. Wherefore worthely is your Citie called the habitation and seate of the immortall Gods, and by many examples it appeareth that the same flourisheth, and prospereth by the presence of the cele∣stiall Gods. For beholde, your Citie not regarding your priuate businesses, nor esteeming that which shoulde haue bene for the speciall commoditie thereof, when it perceaued that cursed vani∣tie to begin againe to creepe, and as a fire negligently quenched, when the dead brandes thereof began to kindle and make a great flame: by and by without delay ye hauing recourse vnto our pie∣tie, as vnto the Metropolitan of all diuine worship and Religion,* 1.86 craued remedie and helpe, which wholesome minde for your pie∣ties sake, it is most manifest that the gods haue indued you with. Therefore hee, euen that most mightie Iupiter I say, which preser∣ueth your most famous Citie: to that intent he might deliuer and make free your countrey Gods, your wiues and children, your housholde Gods and houses, from all detestable corruption, hath inspired you with this wholesome and willing minde, shewing & declaring howe worthy, notable, and healthfull a thing it is to worship & to sacrifice to the immortall Gods.* 1.87 For who is so void of reason & vnderstanding, that knoweth not that this thing hap∣peneth vnto vs by the carefull studie of the goodnes of our gods, that the grounde denieth not to geue her timely increase, nor maketh frustrate the husband mans hope, nor that wicked warre dare shew her face vpon the earth, nor that the corruption of the aire is nowe cause of pestilence, neither that the sea swelleth with immoderate windes,* 1.88 neither that sodaine stormes are cause of hurtfull tempestes. To conclude, that the ground which is as the nurce and mother of all things, is not swallowed vp of her deepe chappes and gapings, by terrible earthquake, neither that the hils made leuell with the earth, are not with gaping cliftes deuoured, all which euils and greater then these, before this time to haue happened euery mā knoweth. And all these mischiefes came vpō vs for the pernitious errours sake of the extreeme follie of those wicked men the Christanis, when filthinesse it selfe (as I may call it) so occupied their mindes, and ouerranne the worlde. Let them beholde the fieldes nowe all about full of corne,* 1.89 and ouerflowen as it were with eares of corne. Let them vewe the pleasant me∣dowes clothed with flowers, and moistned with showers from heauen, and also the pleasant and temperate weather. Therefore let all men reioyce, that by your pietie, sacrifices, & worshipping, the maiestie of the most stearne God of battell Mars is appeased, & that therfore we enioy pleasant & firme peace. And how many so euer haue left that blind errour and straying of the Christians vnfainedly, and be of a better minde, let them specially reioyce, as men deliuered out of a sodaine great tempest, and from a gree∣uous disease, and haue afterward obtained a delectable and plea∣sant life. For doubtlesse, if they had remained in that execrable vanitie, farre of had they bene chased from your Citie & suburbs of the same (according to your desire) that your Citie by that meanes, according to your commēdable diligence, clensed from all impuritie and impietie, may offer sacrifices according to the meaning of the same, with due reuerence of the immortall Gods. And that you may perceiue in how good part your supplication (yea vnasked and desired) we are most willing and ready to fur∣ther your honest endeuours, and graunt vnto you for your deuo∣tion, whatsoeuer you aske of our magnificence. And that thys thing may be accomplished, forthwith aske and haue. And thys thing with all speede, indeuour you to obtaine, which shall bee a perpetuall testimony of pietie exhibited of your Citie to the im∣mortall Gods, and shalbe a president to your children and poste∣ritie, and withall you shall obtaine of vs for this your willing de∣sire of reformation,* 1.90 condygne and worthy rewardes. Eusebius. Lib 9. cap. 7.

Thus came it to passe that at the length persecutiō was as great as euer it was, and the magistrates of euery pro∣uince were very disdainefull against the Christians which cōdemned some to death, and some to exile. Among whom they condemned three christians at Emisa,* 1.91 in Phenicia, w^t whom Siluanus the bishop a very old man, being 40. yeres in the ecclesiasticall function, was condemned to death. At Nicomedia, Lucianus the elder of Antioche, brought the∣ther, after he had exhibited to the emperour his Apologie concerning the doctrin of the Christians, was cast in pry∣son, and after put to death. In Amasea a City of Capado∣cia, Bringes the lieftenaunt of Maximinus, had at that time, the executing of that persecution. At Alexandria, Petrus a most worthy byshop was beheaded with whome manye other Egiptian byshops also died. Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 7. Nice∣pho. Lib. 7. cap. 44. Quirinus the Byshop Scescanius hauing a hanmyll tyed about hys necke, was throwne headlong from the bridge, into the flood, and there a long while flee∣ted aboue the water, and when hee opened his mouth to speake to the lookers on that they shoulde not be dismaied with that his punishmēt, was with much a do drowned. Chron. Euseb. At Rome dyed Marcellus the bishop as sayeth Platina, also Timotheus the elder, with many other bishops & Priests were martyred. To cōclud many in sundry pla∣ces euery where were martyred, whose name y^e booke inti∣tuled Fasciculus temporum declareth, as Victorianus, Sym∣phorianus, Castorius, with his wife, Castulus, Cesarius, Men∣nas, Nobilis, Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Petrus, and other innu∣merable martirs,* 1.92 Erasmus, Bonifacius, Iuliana, Cosmas, Da∣mianus, Basilinus with seuen others, Dorothea, Theophilus, Theodosia, Vitalis, Agricola, Acha, Philemon, Hireneus, Ianuari∣us, Festus, Desiderius, Gregorius, Spoletanus, Agapes, Chionia, Hirenea. Theodora, and 270. other Martyrs, Florianus, Pri∣mus and Felicianus, Vitus and Modestus, Crescentia, Albi∣nus, Rogatianus, Donatianus, Pancratius, Catharina, Margareta, Lucia, the virgin, and Antheus the king with many thousād martirs mo. Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrix, Panthaleon, Geor∣gius, Iustus, Leocandia, Anthonia, and other mo to an infinite number,* 1.93 suffered martirdome in this persecution, whose names God hath written in the booke of life. Also Felix Vi∣ctor, with his parents Lucia the widow, Gemenianus, with 79 others, Sabinus, Anastasia, Chrisogonus, Felix, and Auda∣ctus, Adrianus, Nathalia, Eugenia, Agnes, also when she was but 13. yeare old was martyred▪ Euseb. in his 8. booke and 15. chap. rehearseth these kinds of torments and punishmēts,* 1.94 that is to say, Fire, wilde beastes, the sword, crucifyinges, the bottome of the sea, the cutting and burning of mēbers, the thrusting out of eyes, dismembring of the whole body, hūger, imprisonment, & whatsoeuer other cruelty y^e Ma∣gistrates coulde deuise. All which notwithstanding the godly ones, rather then that they woulde doe sacrifice as they were bid, māfully endured. Neither were the womē any thing at al behind thē. For they beyng intised to the fil∣thy vse of their bodies, rather suffered banishmēt, or wil∣lingly killed themselues. Neither yet could the Christians liue safely in the wildernes, but were fetched euē frō thēce to death and tormentes, in so much that this was a more greeuous persecution vnder Maximianus, the tyraunt, then

was the former cruell persecution, vnder Maximianus the Prince.* 1.95 Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 6. &. 10.

And forasmuch as yee haue hearde the cruell Edict of Maximinus proclaymed against the Christians, grauen in brasse, which he thought perpetually should endure to the abolishing of Christ & his Religion: Now marke againe the great handy worke of God, which immediatly fel vp∣on the same,* 1.96 checking the proud presumption of the tyrant, prouing al to be false and contrary, that in the brasen Pro∣clamation was contained. For where the foresaide Edict boasted so much of the prosperitie and plentie of all things in the time of this persecution of the Christians, sodenly befell such vnseasonable drought with famine and pestilēce among the people, besides also the warres with the Arme∣nians, that all was founde vntrue that hee had bragged so much of before. By reason of which famine and pestilence y^e people were greatly consumed, in so much that one mea∣sure of wheat was sold for two thousand and fiue hundred peeces of money of Athens coyne, by reason whereof in∣numerable died in the Cities, but many more in the coun∣trey and villages, so that most part of the husbād men and countreymen died vp with the famine and pestilence. Di∣uers there were which bringing out their best treasure,* 1.97 were glad to geue it for any kinde of sustenāce, were it ne∣uer so litle. Other selling away their possessions, fel by rea∣son thereof to extreme pouertie and beggary. Certaine ea∣ting grasse, and feeding on other vnholsome herbes, were faine to relieue them selues with such foode as did hurt and poyson their dodies. Also a number of women in the Ci∣ties, being brought to extreeme miserie and penurie, were constrained to depart the Citie, and fal to begging through the coūtrey.* 1.98 Some other were weake and faint (as Ima∣ges without breath) wandring vp and downe, & not able to stand for feblenesse, fel downe in the middle of y^e streetes, and holding vp their handes most pitifull, cried for some scrappes or fragments of bread to be geuen them, & being at the last gaspe, ready to geue vp the Ghost, and not able to vtter any other words, yet cried out that they were hū∣gry. Of the richer sort diuers there were, who being wea∣ry with the number of beggers and askers, after they had bestowed largely vpon them, became hard harted, fearing least they should fall into the same miserie themselues, as they which begged. By reason wherof the market place, streetes, lanes, and alleis lay full of dead & naked bodies, being cast out and vnburied, to the pitifull & grieuous be∣holding of them that saw them. Wherefore many were ea∣ten of dogges, for which cause they that liued fell to the kil∣ling of dogges, least they running mad, shoulde fall vpon them, and kill them.

* 1.99In like maner the pestilence scattering through all hou∣ses and ages of men, did no lesse consume them, especially those which through plēty of vitail escaped famine. Wher∣fore the rich Princes Presidentes and other innumerable of the Magistrates, being the more apt to receiue the infec∣tion, by reason of their plēty, were quickly dispatched, and turned vp their heeles. Thus the miserable multitude be∣ing consumed with famine and with pestilence, all places was full of mourning, neither was there any thing else seene, but wailing and weeping in euery corner. So that death, what for famine and pestilence in short time brake vp and consumed whole housholdes, two or three dead bodies being borne out together from one house to one fu∣nerall,

These were the rewards of the vaine bragges of Maxi∣minus and his Edicts, which he did publish in all townes and Cities against vs, whē it was euident to al men, how diligent and charitable the Christians were to them all in this their miserable extremitie. For they onely in all this time of distresse, shewing compassion vpō them, trauelled euery day, some in curing the sicke, & some in burying the dead, which otherwise of their owne sort were forsaken. Other some of the Christians calling and gathering the multitude together,* 1.100 which were in ieopardie of famine, distributed bread to them, whereby they ministred occasi∣on to all men to glorifie the God of the Christians, and to confesse them to be the true worshippers of God, as ap∣peard by their workes. By the meanes and reason hereof, the great God and defender of the Christians, who before had shewed his anger and indignation against al men, for their wrongfull afflicting of vs, opened againe vnto vs the comfortable light of his prouidence, so that by meanes thereof peace fell vnto vs, as light to them that sit in dark∣nesse, to the great admiration of all men, which easely per∣ceiue God himselfe to be a perpetuall director of our do∣ings, who many times chasteneth his people with cala∣mities for a time to exercise them, but after sufficient cor∣rection, againe sheweth himselfe mercifull and fauourable to them which with trust call vpon him.

By the narration of these things heeretofore premised, taken out of the storie of Eusebius, like as it is manifest to see, so is it wonderfull to marke and note, how those coun∣sailes and rages of the Gentiles, atchieued against Christ and his Christians, when they seemed most ••ure against them, were most against them selues. And whereby they thought most to confoūd the Church & Religion of Christ, the same turned most to their owne confusion,* 1.101 and to the profite and praise of the Christians, (God of his maruei∣lous wisedome so ordering & disposing the end of things.) For where the brasen Edict of the Emperour promised temperate weather, God sent drought, where it promised plentie, God immediatly sent vpon them famine and pe∣nurie: where it promised health, God stroke them euen vpon the same, with grieuous pestilence, and with other moe calamities, in such sort, that the most reliefe they had, was chiefly by the Christians, to the great praise both of them, and to the honour of our God.

Thus most plainely and euidently was then verified the true promise of Christ to his Church,* 1.102 affirming and as∣suring vs, that the gates of hell shall not preuaile against his Church builded vpō his faith: as sufficiently may ap∣peare by these x. persecutiōs aboue specified and described. Wherein as no man can deny, but that Sathan & his ma∣lignaunt world haue assayed the vttermost of their power and might to ouerthrow the Church of Iesus: so must all men needes graunt, that read these stories, that when Sa∣than and the gates of hell haue done their worst, yet haue they not preuailed against this mount of Sion, nor euer shall. For els what was here to be thought, where so ma∣ny Emperours and tyraunts together, Dioclesian, Maximi∣nian, Galerius, Maximinus, Seuerus, Maxentius, Licinius with their Captaines and officers, were let loose, like so many Lyons, vpon a scattered and vnarmed flocke of sheepe, in∣tending nothing els, but the vtter subuersion of all Chri∣stianitie, and especially also when lawes were set vp in brasse against the Christians, as a thing perpetually to stand: what was here to be looked for, but a finall desolati∣on of the name and Religion of Christians? But what fo∣lowed, partly ye haue heard, partly more is to be marked, as in the storie foloweth.

I shewed before how Maxentius the sonne of Maximini∣an, was set vp at Rome by the Pretorian souldiours to be Emperour. Whereunto the Senate, although they were not consenting, yet for feare they were not resisting. Maxi∣minian his father, who had before depriued him selfe with Dioclesian, hearing of this, tooke heart againe to him, to re∣sume his dignitie, and so laboured to perswade Dioclesian also to do the same: but when he could not moue him ther∣unto, he repaireth to Rome, thinking to wrast the Empire out of his sonnes hand: but when the souldiours woulde not suffer that, of a craftie purpose he flieth to Constantinus in Fraunce, vnder pretense to complaine of Maxentius his sonne, but in very deede to kill Constantinus. Notwithstā∣ding that conspiracie being detected by Fausta the daugh∣ter of Maximinian, whom Constantinus had maryed, so was Constantinus through the grace of God preserued,* 1.103 & Maxi∣minian retired backe. In y^e which his flight by the way hee was apprehended, and so put to death. And this is the end of Maximinian.

Now let vs returne to Maxentius againe,* 1.104 who all this while raigned at Rome, with tiranny and wickednes in∣tollerable, much like to an other Pharao or Nero. For hee slewe the most part of his noble men, and tooke from them their goodes. And sometime in his rage he would destroy great multitudes of the people of Rome by his souldiors, as Eusebius declareth,* 1.105 lib. 8. cap. 14. Also hee left no mischie∣uous nor lasciuious acte vnattempted, but was the vtter enemie of all womanly chastity, which vsed to send the ho∣nest wiues whome he had adulterated with shame and di∣shonestie vnto their husbandes (being worthy Senators) after that he had rauished them. He abs••ained from no ad∣ulterous acte, but was inflamed with the inquencheable lust of deflouring of women.* 1.106 Letus declareth that he being at a time farre in loue with a noble & chaste gentlewoman of Rome, sent vnto her such courtiers of his, as were mete for that purpose, whome also he had in greater estimation then any others, and with such was wont to cōsult about matters for the common weale. These first fell vpon her husbande and murdred him within his owne house, then when they coulde by no meanes neither with feare of the tyrant,* 1.107 nor with threatning of death pull her away from him: At length she being a Christian desired leaue of them to go into her chamber, and after her prayers shee woulde accomplish that which they requested. And when she had gotten into her chamber, vnder this pretence, she killed her

selfe. But the Courtiers when they sawe that the woman taryed so long, they being displeased therwith, brake open the doores, and found her there lying dead. Then returned they and declared this matter to the Emperor, who was so far past shame, that in steade of repentance, hee was the more set on fire in attempting the like.

He was also much addict to the arte Magicall, which to execute,* 1.108 hee was more fitte then the Imperiall dignitie. Also sometime he would rippe women when they were in laboure, and would search the place where the infant lay, being borne a little before. Often he woulde inuocate Di∣uels in a secrete maner, and by the answeres of them hee sought to breake the warres, which he knew Constantinus and Licinius prepared against him. And to the ende hee might the rather perpetrate hys mischieuous and wicked attemptes, which in his vngracious minde he had concei∣ued, according to his purpose,* 1.109 in the beginning of his raigne he fained himself to be a fauourer of the Christians. In which thing doing, thinking to make the people of Rome hys friendes, hee commaunded that they shoulde cease from persecuting of the Christians, and hee himselfe in the meane season abstained from no contumelious vex∣ation of them, till that he began at last to shewe hymselfe an open persecutour of them: at which time as Zonaras wryteth hee most cruelly raged against all the Christians thereabouts, vexing them w^t all maner of iniuries. Which thing he in no lesse wise did, then Maximinus, as Euse. in his 8. booke and 15. chap. seemeth to affirme.* 1.110 And Platina decla∣reth in the life of Marcellus the Bishop, that hee banished a certaine noble woman of Rome, because shee gaue her goodes to the Church.

Thus by the grieuous tyranny and vnspeakable wic∣kednesse of thys Maxentius,* 1.111 the Citizens and Senatours of Rome, being much grieued and oppressed, sent theyr complaintes wyth letters vnto Constantinus, wyth much sute and most hearty petitions, desiring hym to helpe and release their Countrey and Citie of Rome: who hearyng and vnderstanding theyr miserable and pitifull state, and grieued therewyth not a little, first sendeth by letters to Maxentius, desiring and exhorting him to refrayne his cor∣rupt doinges, and great crueltie. But when no letters nor exhortations woulde preuaile, at length pitying the wofull case of the Romaines, gathered together hys po∣wer and armie in Britayne and Fraunce, wherewyth to represse the violent rage of that tyraunt. Thus Constanti∣nus sufficiently appoynted with strength of men, but espe∣cially wyth strength of God, entred hys iourny comming towarde Italie, whyche was about the last yeare of the persecution.* 1.112 Anno 318. Maxentius vnderstanding of the comming of Constantine, and trusting more to his diuelish Arte of Magike, then to the good will of hys subiectes, whych hee little deserued, durst not shewe himselfe out of the Citie, nor encounter wyth him in the open fielde, but wyth priuie garrisons laide in waite for him by the waye, in sundry straightes as he should come. With whom Con∣stantine had diuers skirmishes, and by the power of the Lorde did euer vanquishe them and put them to flight.* 1.113 Notwythstanding Constantinus yet was in no great com∣fort, but in great care and dread in hys minde (approching nowe neare vnto Rome) for the Magicall charmes and sorceries of Maxentius, wherewith hee had vanquished be∣fore Seuerus sent by Galerius against hym,* 1.114 as hath bene de∣clared, which made also Constantinus the more afrayde. Wherefore being in great doubt and perplexity in himself, and reuoluing many thinges in his minde, what helpe he might haue against the operatiōs of hys charming, which vsed to cut women great with childe, to take hys diuelishe charmes by the entrals of the infants, with such other like feates of deuilishnes which he practised: These thinges (I say) Constantinus doubting and reuoluing in his minde, in his iourney drawing toward the Citie, and casting vp his eyes many times to heauen, in the South part, about the going downe of the sunne, sawe a great brightnesse in hea∣uen, appearing in the similitude of a crosse, wyth certaine starres of equall bignesse, geuing this inscription like La∣tine letters, IN HOC VINCE, that is: In thys ouer∣come. Euseb. De vita Constant lib. 2. Nicep. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutrop. lib. 11. Sozom. lib 1. cap 3. Socrat lib. 1. cap. 2. Vrspurgens. Chro∣nic. Paul. Diacon. lib. 11. Thys miraculous vision to be true, for the more credite, Eusebius Pamphilus in hys first booke De vita Constantini doeth witnesse moreouer, that hee had hearde the sayde Constantinus himselfe oftentimes reporte, and also to sweare this to be true and certaine, which hee did see with his owne eyes in heauen, and also his souldi∣ours about him. At the sight wherof, when he was great∣ly astonied, and consulting with his men vpon the mea∣ning thereof, behold in the night season in his slepe Christ appeared to him with the signe of the same crosse, which he had seene before, bidding him to make the figuration ther∣of, and to carie it in hys warres before him, and so shoulde he haue the victorie.

¶Wherin is to be noted (good Reader) that this signe of the Crosse,* 1.115 and these letters added withall: In hoc vince, was geuen to him of God, not to induce any superstitious worship or opynion of the Crosse, as though the crosse it self, had any such power or strength in it, to obtaine victo∣rie: but onely to beare the meaning of an other thing, that is, to be an admonition to him, to seeke and aspire to the knowledge and faith of him, which was crucified vppon the crosse for the saluation of him, and of all the world, and so to set forth the glory of his name, as afterwarde it came to passe. This by the way, now to the matter.

The next day following after this nights vision,* 1.116 Con∣stantinus caused a crosse after the same figuratiō to be made of golde and precious stone, and to be borne before him in steade of his standard: and so with much hope of victory & great confidence, as one armed from heauen spedeth him∣selfe towarde his enemie. Against whom Maxentius being constrained perforce to issue out of the Citie, sendeth al his power to ioyne with him in the fielde beyonde the riuer of Tybur, where Maxentius craftely breaking down▪ y^e bridge called Pons Miluius, caused an other deceitfull bridge to be made of boates and whirries, being ioyned together, and couered ouer with boordes and planckes in maner of a bridge, thinking therwith to take Constantine as in a trap. But here it came to passe which in the 7. Psalme is writtē. He digged a pit,* 1.117 and fell therein himselfe. Let his working returne vpon his owne head, and his vnrighteousnesse vppon hys owne pate, which heere in this Maxentius was rightly verified. For after the two hostes did meete, hee being not able to sustaine the force of Constantine fighting vnder the crosse of Christ against hym,* 1.118 was put to such a flight, and driuen to suche an exigent, that in retyring backe, for hast thinking to get the Citie, vppon the same bridge which he did lay for Constantine, was ouerturned by the fall of hys horse into the bottome of the floude, and there with the waight of his armour, he with a great part of his beatē men were drow∣ned. Representing vnto vs the like example of Pharao & his host drowned in the red sea. Who not vnaptly seemeth to beare a Propheticall figuration of this Maxentius. For as the children of Israel were in long thraldome and per∣secution in Egypt vnder tyrantes there, til the drowning of this Pharao theyr last persecutour: so was this Maxenti∣us and Maximinus and Licinius the last persecutours in the Romane Monarchie of the Christians, whome thys Con∣stantinus fighting vnder the crosse of Christ, did vanquishe and set the Christians at liberty,* 1.119 who before had bene per∣secuted nowe 300. yeares in Rome, as hath bene hetherto in this historie declared.

Wherefore as the Israelites with their Moses at the drowning of their Pharao,* 1.120 song gloriously vnto the Lorde, who myraculously had cast downe the horse and horsemen into the sea: So no lesse reioycing and exceeding gladnesse was heere, to see the gloryous hande of the Lorde Christe fighting with his people, and vanquishing hys enemyes and persecutours.

In histories we read of many victories and great con∣quests gotten:* 1.121 yet we neuer read, nor euer shal of any vic∣tory so wholsom, so commodious, so opportune to mākind as this was, which made an ende of so much bloudshed, & obtained so much libertye & life to the posterity of so many generations. For albeit that some persecutiō was yet stir∣ring in the East countreys by Maximinus and Licinius, as shall be declared: Yet in Rome and in all the West partes, no martyr died after this heauēly victory gotten. And also in the East partes the said Constantinus with the said crosse borne before him, consequently vpon the same so vanqui∣shed the tyrants,* 1.122 and so established the peace of the church, that for the space of a iust M. yeares after that, we reade of no set persecution against the Christians, vnto the time of Iohn Wickliffe, when the bishops of Rome began with fire to persecute the true members of Christ, as in further pro∣cesse of thys historie (Christ graunting) shall appeare. So happie, so glorious (as I sayde) was this victorie of Con∣stantine, surnamed the great. For the ioy & gladnes wher∣of, the Citizens who had sent for him before, with exceding triumph brought him into the citie of Rome, where he w^t the crosse was most honourably receiued and celebrated the space of vij. dayes together, hauing moreouer in the market place, his image set vp, holding in his right hande the signe of the crosse, w^t this inscription: Hoc salutari signo, veraci fortitudinis indicio, ciuitatem nostram iugo tyranni erep∣tam liberaui. That is, with this wholesome signe, the true

token of fortitude, I haue rescued and deliuered our Citie from the yoke of the tyrant.* 1.123 Euseb lib. 9. cap 9.

By this heauenly victorie of Constantinus, and by the death of Maxentius no little tranquillity came to the church of Christ. Although notwithstāding in the East churches the storme of this tenth persecutiō was not yet altogether quieted, but that some taile thereof in those partes remai∣ned for the space of ij. or iij. yeare.* 1.124 But of this we minde to speake (Christ willing) hereafter. In the meane season, to returne againe to the West partes here in Europe, where Constantinus then had most to doe, great tranquillitie fol∣lowed, and long cōtinued in the church without any open slaughter, for a thousande yeares together (to the time of Iohn Wickliffe and Waldenses, as is before touched) by the meanes of the godly beginning of good Constantinus, who with his fellow Licinius, being now stablished in their do∣minion, eftsones set foorth their generall proclamation or edict, not cōstraining therein any man to any religion, but geuing liberty to all men, both for the Christians to persist in their profession without any danger, and for other men freely to adioyne wyth them, whosoeuer pleased. Which thing was very wel taken, and highly allowed of the Ro∣maines, and al wise men. The copie of the Edict or consti∣tution here ensueth.

The copie of the Imperial constitution of Constantinus and Licinius, for the establishing of the free worshipping of God, after the Christian religion.

NOt long agone we weying with our selues, that the libertie and freedome of religion ought not in any case to be prohi∣bited,* 2.1 but that free leaue ought to be geuen to euery man to doe therein according to his wil and minde, we haue giuen comman∣dement to all men to qualifie matters of religion as they them∣selues thought good, and that also the Christians shoulde keepe the opinions and faith of their religion. But because that many & sundry opinions by the same our first licence spring and increase through such libertie graunted, we thought good manifestly to adde thereunto, and make plaine such things, wherby perchance some of them in time to come, may from such their obseruaunce be let or hindered. When therfore by prosperous successe, I Con∣stantinus Augustus, and I Licinius Augustus came to Mediola∣num, and there sate in councell vpon such thinges as serued for the vtilitie and profit of the common weale, these things amongst others, we thought woulde be beneficiall to all men, yea and be∣fore all other things we purposed to establish those things, wher∣in the true reuerence and worship of God is comprehended, that is, to geue vnto the Christians free choise to followe what reli∣gion they thinke good, and whereby the same sinceritie and ce∣lestiall grace which is in euery place receaued, may also be em∣braced and accepted of all our louing subiects. According there∣fore vnto this our pleasure vpon good aduisement and sounde iudgement, we haue decreed, that no man so hardy, be denied to chuse and followe the Christian obseruance or religion: But that this libertie be geuen to euery man, that he may apply his minde to what religion he thinketh meete himselfe, whereby God may performe vpon vs all his accustomed care and goodnesse. To the intent therefore you might knowe that this is our pleasure, wee thought it necessary this to wryte vnto you, whereby all such er∣rours and opinions being remooued, which in our former letters (being sent vnto you in the behalfe of the Christians) are con∣teyned, and which seeme very vndiscreete and contrary to our clemēcy, may be made frustrate & adnihilate. Now therfore firm∣ly and freely we will and commaunde, that euery man haue a free libertie to obserue the Christian religion, and that without any griefe or molestation hee may be suffered to doe the same. These things haue we thought good to signifie vnto you by as plaine wordes as we may, that we haue geuen to the Christians free and absolute power to keepe and vse their religion. And for as much as this libertie is absolutely geuen of vs vnto them, to vse and exercise their former obseruance, if any be so disposed, it is ma∣nifest that the same helpeth much to establishe the publike tran∣quillitle of our time, euery man to haue licence and libertie to vse and chuse what kinde of worshipping he list himself. And this is done of vs onely for the intent, that we woulde haue no man to be enforced to one religion more then an other. And this thing also amongst others we haue prouided for the Christians, that they may haue againe the possessiō of such places, in which here∣tofore they haue bene accustomed to make their assemblies, so that if any haue bought or purchased the same either of vs, or of any other: the same places without either mony or other recom∣pence, forthwith and without delay we will to be restored againe vnto the sayd Christians. And if any man haue obtained the same by gift from vs, and shall require any recompence to be made to them in that behalf: Then let the Christians repaire vnto the Pre∣sident (being the iudge appoynted for that place) that conside∣ration may be had of those mē by our benignitie: al which things we will and commaunde, that you see to be geuen and restored freely, and with diligence vnto the societie of the Christians, all delay set apart. And because the Christians themselues are vn∣derstoode to haue had not onely those places wherein they were accustomed to resort together, but certaine other peculiar pla∣ces also, not being priuate to any one man, but belonging to the right of their congregation and societie: you shall see also al those to be restored vnto the Christians, that is to say, to euery fellow∣ship and company of them, according to the decree, whereof we haue made mention, all delay set apart. Prouided that the order we haue taken in the meane time be obserued, that if any (taking no recompence) shall restore the same lands and possessions, they shall not mistrust but be sure to be saued harmelesse by vs. In all these things it shall be your part to employ your diligence in the behalfe of the foresayde companie of the Christians, whereby this our commaundement may speedely be accomplished, and also in this case by our clemencie the common and publike peace may be preserued. For vndoubtedly by this meanes, as before we haue sayde, the good will and fauour of God towardes vs (whereof in many cases we haue had good experience) shall alwayes conti∣nue with vs. And to the intent that this our constitution may be notified to all men, it shall be requisite that the copie of these our letters be set vp in all places, that men may reade and knowe the same, least any should be ignorant thereof.

By these hystories I doubt not (good reader) but thou doest right well cōsider and behold with thy selfe the mar∣ueilous working of God his mighty power:* 2.2 to see so ma∣ny Emperours at one time conspired and confederate to∣gether against the Lord and his Christ annoynted, whose names before we haue recited, as Dioclesian, Maximinian, Galerius, Maxentius, Maximinus, Seuerus, Licinius, who ha∣uing the subiection of the whole world vnder their domi∣nion, did bende and extende their whole might and deui∣ses, to extirpate the name of Christ, and of all Christians. Wherein if the power of man could haue preuailed,* 2.3 what coulde they not doe? or what coulde they doe more then they did? If policie or deuises could haue serued, what po∣licie was there lacking? If torments or paines of death could haue helped, what cruelty of torment by man could be inuented, which was not attempted? If lawes, edictes, proclamations, wrytten not onely in tables, but ingrauen in brasse, could haue stande, all this was practised against the weake Christians. And yet notwithstanding, to see howe no counsaile can stand against the Lorde, note heere how all these be gone, and yet Christ and his Church doth stande. Fyrst, of the taking away of Maximinian you haue heard, also of the death of Seuerus, of the drowning moreo∣uer of Maxentius,* 2.4 inough hath bene sayde. What a terrible plague was vpon Galerius, consuming his priuie mem∣bers with Lice, hath bene also described. Howe Dioclesian the quondam being at Salona, hearing of the proceedings of Constantinus,* 2.5 and this his Edict, either for sorrow died, or as some say did poyson himselfe. Onely Maximinus now in the East partes remained aliue, who bare a deadly ha∣tred against the Christians, and no lesse expressed the same wyth mortall persecution, to whome Constantine and Lici∣nius caused this constitution of theirs to be deliuered: at the sight whereof, although hee was somewhat appaled, and defeated of his purpose: yet forasmuch as he saw him∣selfe too weake to resist the authoritie of Constantinus and Licinius the superiour Princes:* 2.6 Hee dissembled his coun∣terfet pietie, as though hee himselfe had tendered the quiet of the Christians: directing downe a certaine decree in the behalfe of the Christians, wherein hee pretendeth to wryte to Sabinus afore mentioned, first repeating vnto him the former decree of Dioclesian and Maximinian in few wordes, with the commandement therein contained touching the persecution against the Christians. After that hee reciteth the Decree which he himselfe made against them, when he came first to the imperiall dignitie in the East part ioyned wyth Constantius. Then the Countermaund of an other Decree of his agayne, for the rescuing of the Christi∣ans, wyth such fayned and pretensed causes, as is in the same to be seene. After that declareth howe he comming to Nicomedia, at the sute and supplication of the Citizens (which he also fained, as may appeare before) he applying to their sute, reuoked that his former Edict, and graunted them that no Christian should dwell within their Citie or territories. Upon which Sabinus also had geuen foorth his letters, rehearsing withall the generall recountermaunde sent forth by him, for the persecution againe of the Christi∣ans. Last of all nowe hee sendeth downe againe an other Surrecountermaund,* 2.7 with the causes therein conteyned, touching the safetie of the Christians, and tranquillitie of them: Commaunding Sabinus to publish the same. Which edict of his is at large set foorth of Eusebius, lib. 9. cap. 9. But this Surrecountermaunde hee then dissimuled, as he had

done in the other before. Howbeit shortly after, he making warres, and fighting a battaile with Licinius, wherein hee lost the victory,* 2.8 comming home againe, tooke great indig∣nation against the Priestes and Prophetes of his Gods, whom before that time he had great regard vnto, and ho∣nored: vpon whose answers he trusting, & depending vp∣on their enchantments, began hys warre against Licinius. But after that he perceaued himselfe to be deceaued by thē,* 2.9 as by wicked enchaunters and deceauers, and such as had betrayed hys safety and person, he kylled and put them to death. And hee shortly after, oppressed with a certaine dis∣ease, glorified the God of the Christians, and made a most absolute law for the safety and preseruation of them, wyth fraunchise and liberty: the copy wherof ensueth.

Imperator Caesar, Gaius, Valerius, Maximinus, Germani∣cus, Pius, Fortunatus, Augustus. It is necessary that we alwaies carefully prouide and see vnto, the benefite and commoditie of such as be our subiects, & to exhibit such things vnto them, wher∣by they may best obtaine the same. But we suppose that there are none of you so ignorant, but knowe and vnderstand what things make best for the profite & commoditie of the common weale, & best please euery mans disposition. But it is meete and conuenient that euery man haue recourse to that which they haue sene done before their eyes, and that all sortes of men consider the same, & beare it in their mindes. When therfore, and that before this time it came vnto our knowledge: vpon the occasion that Dioclesia∣nus, and Maximinianus, our progenitours of famous memorie, commaunded the assemblies and meetings of the Christians to be cut of, there were many of them spoyled and robbed of our Offi∣cials: which thing we also perceiue is now put in practise against our subiects, that they in like case may be spoyled of their goods and substance, which thing chiefly to preuent, is our onely inde∣uour. By our letters sent to the gouernours of euery prouince the yere past, we ordeined that if any man were disposed to leane vn∣to the Christian religion, that he might without any iniury done vnto him, accomplish his desire, neither to be of any man either let or molested: and that he might without any feare or suspition, do whatsoeuer he therein thought good. But now also we vnder∣stand that there be certaine iudges which haue neglected▪ our commandemēt, and haue put our subiects in doubt, whether that hath ben our pleasure or not, which thing they did, that such men might be the better aduised, how they entred into such religion: wherein they followed their owne phantasie. To the entent ther∣fore that after this, all suspition, doubt, and feare may be taken a∣way: we haue thought good to publish this our edict, whereby it may be made manifest to euery man, that it shalbe lawfull for all such as will follow that religion, by the benefit of this our graunt and letters patents, to vse what religion they like best. And also hereby we graunt vnto them licence to build them Oratories or Temples.* 2.10 And furthermore, that this our graunt may more amply extende vnto them, we vouchsafe to appoynt and ordaine, that whatsoeuer landes and substance, before belonging and apper∣taining to the Christians, and by the commandement of our pre∣decessors were transposed to our reuenew and exchequer, or els be in the possession of any Citie, by meanes of the franchises of the same, or els otherwise sold or geuen to any man: all and euery parcell thereof we commaund shall be restored vnto the proper vse of the Christians againe, whereby they may all haue in this matter more experience, of our godly deuotion and prouidence. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 10.

* 2.11Maximinus thus being conquered of Licinius, and also plagued wyth an incurable disease in the guts, sent by the hande of God,* 2.12 was compelled by torments and aduersitie to cōfesse the true God, whom before he regarded not, and to write thys Edicte in the fauour of those Christians, whom before he did persecute.* 2.13 Thus the Lord doth make many times hys enemyes, be they neuer so sterne & stout, at length to stoupe, & mauger their harts, to confesse him, as this Maximinus here did, who not long after, by the ve∣hemencie of his disease ended his life.* 2.14 Whereby, no mo ty∣rauntes nowe were left aliue, to trouble the Church, but onely Licinius. Of which Licinius, and of hys persecutions stirred vp in the East partes, against the Saints of God, now remaineth in order of story to prosecute.

This Licinius being a Dane borne, and made first Cae∣sar by Galerius,* 2.15 as is aboue specified, was afterward ioyned with Constantinus in gouernement of the Empyre, and in setting foorth the Edicts, which before we haue described: although it seemeth, all this to be done of him w^t a dissem∣bling minde. For so is he in all hystories described, to be a man passing all other in desire of vnsatiable riches, geuen to lechery, hasty, stubburne, and furious. To learning hee was such an enemie, that he named the same a poyson and a common pestilence,* 2.16 and especially the knowledge of the lawes. Hee thought no vice worse became a Prince, then learning, because hee him selfe was vnlearned. Eutropius, Letus, Ignatius. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13.

There was betweene him and Constantinus in the be∣ginning great familiaritie: and such agreement, that Con∣stantinus gaue vnto him his sister Constantia in Matrimo∣nie, as Aurelius Victor wryteth. Neither woulde any man haue thought him to haue bene of any other Religion then Constantinus was of, hee seemed in all thinges so well to a∣gree with him. Wherupon he made a decree with Constan∣tinus in the behalfe of the Christians, as we haue shewed. Eusebius,* 2.17 Lib. 9. cap. 9. And such was Licinius in the begin∣ning. But after arming him selfe with tyrannie, began to cōspire against the person of Constantinus, of whom he had receaued so great benefites, neither fauorable to the law of nature, nor mindful of his othes, his bloud, nor promises. But when hee considered that in his conspiracies he no∣thing preuailed,* 2.18 for that he saw Cōstantinus was preserued and safely defended of God: And partly being puffed vp w^t the victory against Maximinus, he began vehemētly to hate him, and not onely to reiect the Christian religion, but al∣so deadly to hate the same. Hee saide he would become an enemy vnto the Christiās, for that in their assemblies and meetinges they prayed not for him, but for Constantinus. Therefore, first by litle and litle and that secretely, he went about to wrong and hurt the christians,* 2.19 & banished them his Court, which neuer were by any meanes preiudiciall to his kingdom. Then he commāded that all those should be depriued which were knights of the honourable order, vnlesse they would do sacrifice to deuils. Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 8. The same persecution afterwardes stretched he from his court, into all his prouinces, which with most wicked and deuised lawes hee set forth. First, that for no cause the By∣shops shoulde in any matter communicate together: nei∣ther that any man should come at the Churches next vnto them, or to call any assemblies, and consult for the necessa∣ry matters and vtilitie of the Church.

After, that the men & women together should not come in companies to pray, nor that the women should come in those places where they vsed to preach and read the worde of God, neither that they should be after that instructed a∣ny more of the Byshops, but should chuse out such women amongest them as shoulde instruct them.* 2.20 The thirde most cruell and wickedst of all was, that none should helpe and succour those that were cast in prison, nor shoulde bestowe any almes or charitie vpon them, though they shoulde die for hunger: and they which shewed any compassion vpon those that were condemned to death, should be as greatly punished,* 2.21 as they to whome they shewed the same shoulde be. Eusebius libro primo de vita Constantini. These were the most horrible cōstitutions of Licinius, which went beyond and passed the boundes of nature.

After this he vsed violence against the Byshops, but yet not openly,* 2.22 for feare of Constantinus, but priuely and by conspiracie: by which meanes hee slewe those that were the worthiest men amongest the Doctours and Prelates. And about Amasea and other Cities of Pontus, he razed the Churches euen to the ground. Other some he shut vp, that no man should come after their accustomed maner to pray and worship God: and therefore as we sayde before, his conscience accusing him, all this hee did, for that he sus∣pected they prayed for Constantinus, and not at all for him. And from this place in the East parties vnto the Libians, which bordered vpon the Egyptians, the christians durst not assemble and come together for the displeasure of Lici∣nius,* 2.23 which hee had conceaued against them. Zozomenus. Lib. 1. cap. 2.

Furthermore, the flattering officers that were vnder him, thinking by this meanes to please him, slewe & made out of the way many byshops, and without any cause put them to death, as though they had bene homicides & hai∣nous offenders: and such rigorousnes vsed they towards some of them, that they cut their bodyes into gobbets and small peeces in maner of a Boucher, and after that threwe them into the Sea to feede the fishes.* 2.24 Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 8. What shall we speake of the exiles & confiscations of good and vertuous men? For he tooke by violence euery mans substaunce, and cared not by what meanes he came by the same: But threatned them with death, vnlesse they would forgoe the same. Hee banished those which had committed none euill at all. He commanded that both gentlemen and men of honour, should be made out of the way, neither yet herewith content, but gaue their daughters that were vn∣maried, to varlets and wicked ones to be defloured. And Licinius himselfe (although that by reason of his yeres, his body was spent) yet shamefully did hee vitiate many wo∣men, mens wiues & maids.* 2.25 Euseb Lib. 1. de vita Constantini. Which cruel outrage of him caused many godly mē of their owne accorde to forsake their houses: and it was also seene that the woodes, fieldes, desert places and mountaines,

were faine to be the habitations, and resting places of the poore and miserable Christians.* 2.26 Eusebius. Lib. 10. cap, 14. Of those worthy men and famous Martyrs, which in this persecution founde the way to heauen, Nicephorus. Lib. 7. cap. 10. first speaketh of Theodorus, who first being hanged vpon the crosse, had nawles thrust into his arme pits, and after that his head striken of. Also of another Theodorus be∣ing the Byshop of Tyre, the thirde was a man of Perga. Basilius also the Byshop of Amasenus, Nicolaus, the By∣shop of Mirorus, Gregorius, of Armenia the great: After that, Paule of Neocaesaria, which by the impious comman∣demēt of Licinius had both his hands cut of with a searing yron. Besides these were in the Citie of Sebastia, xl. wor∣thy men, & Christian souldiours in the vehemēt cold time of winter, soused and drowned in a horse pond, whē Locias as yet, of whom we spake before, and Agricolaus executing the Shrieues office vnder Licinius in the East parts, were aliue: and were in great estimation, for inuenting of new and strange torments against the Christians. The wiues of those 40. good men, were caried to Heraclea a Citie in Thracia, and there with a certaine Deacon whose name was Amones, were (after innumerable torments by them most constauntly indured) slaine with the sworde. These thinges wryteth Nicephorus. Also Zozomenus in his ninth booke & 2. Chapter maketh mention of the same Martyrs. And Basilius in a certaine Oration seemeth to intreate of their history, sauing that in the circumstances he somwhat varieth. And surely Licinius was determined, for that the first face of this persecution fel out according to his desire, to haue ouerrunne all the Christians: to which thing nei∣ther counsell, nor good will, nor yet oportunitie, perchance wanted: vnlesse God had brought Constantinus into those parties, where he gouerned: where, in the warres which hee himselfe began (knowing right well that Constantinus had intelligence of his conspiracy & treason) ioyning bat∣taile with him, was most cowardly ouercome.

Diuers battailes betweene them were fought, the first fought in Hungarie, where Licinius was ouerthrowen: Then he fled into Macedonia, & repairing his army, was againe discomfited. Finally, being vāquished, both by sea and lande: he lastly, at Nicomedia, yelded himselfe to Con∣stantine: and was cōmaunded to liue a priuate life in Thes∣salia, where at length he was slaine by the souldiours.

Thus haue ye heard, the ende and conclusion of all the vij. tyrants,* 2.27 which were the authors and workers of this x. and last persecutiō, against the true people of God. The chiefe Captaine, and incentour of which persecution was first Dioclesian, who died at Salena, as some say, by his owne poyson. An. 319. The next was Maximinian, who as is sayde, was hanged of Constantine at Masilia, about the yeare of our Lorde. 310. Then died Galerius, plagued with an horrible disease sent of God. Seuerus was slaine by Maxi∣minian, father of Maxentius the wicked tyraunt was ouer∣come and vanquished of Constantine. an. 318. Maximinus the vi. tyraunt taried not long after, who being ouercome by Licinius, died, about the yere of our Lord. 320. Lastly, how this Licinius was ouercome by Constantine and slaine. An. 324. is before declared. Only Constantius, the father of Con∣stantine being a good and a godly Emperour, died in the third yeare of the persecution. An. 310. and was buried at Yorke. After whom succeeded after his godly father, Con∣stantinus, as a seconde Moses sent and set vp of God to de∣liuer his people out of this so miserable captiuitie, into li∣bertie most ioyfull.

* 2.28Now remaineth after the end of these persecutors thus described, to gather vp the names & stories of certain par∣ticular Martyrs, which nowe are to be set forth worthy of speciall memory: for their singular constancie & fortitude, shewed in their sufferings & cruell torments. The names of all which that suffered in this foresaid tenth persecution, being in number infinite, in vertue most excellēt, it is im∣possible heere to comprehend: but the most notable, and in most approued authors expressed, we thought heere to in∣sert, for the more edification of other Christiās, which may and ought to looke vpon their examples, first beginning with Albanus, the first Martyr that euer in England suffe∣red death for the name of Christ.

At what time Dioclesian & Maximinian the Pagan Em∣perours had directed out their letters with all seueritye, for the persecuting of the Christians:* 2.29 Alban being then an infidell, receiued into his house a certaine Clerke, fleeing from the persecutours hands, whom when Alban beheld, continually both day & night to perseuer in watching and in prayer: sodenly by the great mercy of God, he began to imitate the example of his faith & vertuous life:* 2.30 whereup∣on by litle and litle he being instructed by his holesom ex∣hortation, and leauing the blindnesse of his Idolatrie, be∣came at length a perfect Christian.* 2.31 And when the forena∣med Clerke had lodged with him a certaine time, it was enformed the wicked Prince, that this good man & Con∣fessour of Christ (not yet condemned to death) was harbo∣red in Albans house, or very neare vnto him. Whereupon immediately he gaue in charge to the souldiours, to make more diligent inquisition of the matter. Who as soone as they came to the house of Alban the Martyr, hee by and by putting on the apparell wherewith his guest and maister was apparelled (that is,* 2.32 a garment at that time vsed, na∣med Caracalla) offered him selfe in the steade of the other to the souldiours: who binding him, brought him forthwith to the iudge. It fortuned that at that instant when blessed Alban was brought unto the Iudge, they founde the same Iudge at the aulters offering sacrifice vnto Deuils, who as soone as hee sawe Alban, was straight waies in a great rage, for that hee woulde presume of his owne voluntary will, to offer him selfe to perill, and geue him selfe a priso∣ner to the souldiours, for safegarde of his guest whome he harbored: and commaunded him to be brought before the Images of the deuils whome he worshipped,* 2.33 saying: For that thou haddest rather hide & conuey away a rebell, then to deliuer him to the officers, and that (as a contemner of our Gods) he should not suffer punishment and merite of his blasphemye: looke what punishment he shoulde haue had, thou for him shalt suffer the same: if I perceiue thee a∣ny whit to reuolt from our maner of worshipping. But blessed Alban, who of his owne accorde had bewrayed to the persecutors that hee was a Christian, feared not at all the manaces of the Prince, but being armed with spiritu∣all armour, openly pronounced that hee woulde not obey his commandement. Then sayd the Iudge: of what stocke or kindred art thou come?* 2.34 Alban answered, what is that to you, of what stocke soeuer I am come of, if you desire to heare the veritie of my Religion, I do ye to wit that I am a Christian, and apply my selfe altogether to that calling. Then sayd the Iudge, I would knowe thy name, and see thou tell me the same without delay. Then sayde hee, my parentes named me Alban, and I worship and honour the true and liuing God, which hath created all the worlde. Then sayd the Iudge fraught with fury, if thou wilt enioy the felicitie of this present life,* 2.35 doe sacrifice (and that out of hande) to these mighty Gods. Alban replieth: these sacrifi∣ces which ye offer vnto deuils, cā neither helpe them that offer the same, neither yet can they accomplish the desires and prayers of their suppliāts: But rather shal they, what soeuer they be, that offer sacrifice to these Idoles, receaue for their meede euerlasting paines of hell fire. The Iudge, when he heard these words, was passing angry, and com∣maunded the tormentors to whip this holy Confessour of God,* 2.36 indeuoring to ouercome the constancy of his hart w^t stripes, which had preuailed nothing with wordes. And when he was cruelly beaten, yet suffered he the same paci∣ently, nay rather ioyfully, for the Lordes sake. Then when the Iudge saw that he would not with torments be ouer∣comen, nor be reduced from the worship of Christian Re∣ligion, he commaunded him to be beheaded.

The rest that foloweth of this story in the narration of Bede,* 2.37 as of drying vp the Riuer, as Alban went to the place of his execution: then of making a welspring in the top of the hill, and of the falling out of the eyes of him that did be∣head him (with such other prodigious miracles mētioned in his story) because they seeme more legēdlike, then truth∣like: againe, because I see no great profit, nor necessitie in the relation thereof, I leaue them to the free iudgement of the Reader, to thinke of them, as cause shall moue him.

The like estimation I haue of the long story,* 2.38 wherein is written at large a fabulous discourse of all the doings & miracles of S. Alban, taken out of the Librarie of S. Albans, compiled (as there is saide) by a certaine Pagan, who (as he sayth) afterwarde went to Rome, there to be Baptised. But because in the beginning or Prologue of the Booke, the sayde writer maketh mention of the ruinous walles of the towne of Verolamium, containing the storye of Albanus, and of his bitter punishments: which walles were then falling downe for age, at the wryting of the sayde booke, as he saith: Therby it seemeth this story to be written a great while after the martyrdome of Alban either by a Britaine, or by an English mā. If he were a Britaine, how then did the Latin translation take it out of the English tounge, as in the Prologue hee him selfe doeth testifie. If hee were an Englishmā, how then did he go vp to Rome for baptisme, being a Pagan, when he myght haue bene baptised amōg the Christian Britaines more neare at home.

But among al other euidences and declarations suffi∣cient to disproue this Legendary story of S. Alban, nothing maketh more against it, then the very storie it selfe: as

where he bringeth in the head of the holy martyr, to speake vnto the people after it was smitten of from the body. Al∣so where he bringeth in the Angels going vp, & comming downe in a piller of fire, & singing al the night long. Item in the riuer which he sayth, S Alban made drie, such as were drowned in the same before in the bottome, were founde aliue. With other such like Monkish miracles and grosse fables,* 2.39 wherewith these Abbey Monkes were wont in time past to deceaue the Church of God, and to beguile the whole world for their owne aduātage. Notwithstanding this I write not to any derogatiō of the blessed and faith∣ful martyr of God, who was the first that I did euer finde in this Realme, to suffer Martyrdome for the testimonie of Christ. And worthy no doubt of condigne commendati∣on, especially of vs here in this land: whose Christian faith in the Lorde, and charitie toward his neighbour: I pray God all we may followe. As also I wishe moreouer that the stories both of him, and of al other Christian Martyrs might haue bene deliuered to vs simply as they were, w^t∣out the admixture of all these Abbey like additiōs of Mon∣kish miracles,* 2.40 wherwith they were wont to paint out the glory of such saintes to the moste, by whose offerings they were accustomed to receaue most aduauntage.

As touching the name of the Clearke mētioned in this story,* 2.41 whome Alban receaued into his house, I finde in the Englishe stories to be Amphibalus, although the latine au∣thors name him not, who y^e same time flying into Wales was also set from thence againe to the same towne of Ue∣rolamium, otherwise called Uerlancaster, where hee was martyred, hauing his bellie opened, and made to runne a∣bout a stake, while all his bowels were drawen out, then thrust in with swordes and daggers: and at last was sto∣ned to death, as the foresaid legend declareth.

Moreouer the same time with Alban, suffered also ij. ci∣tizens of the foresaide Citie of Uerlancaster, whose names were Aaron and Iulius:* 2.42 beside other, whereof a great num∣ber the same time no doubt, did suffer, although our Chro∣nicles of their names doe make no rehearsall.

The time of the Martyrdom of this blessed Alban and the other, seemeth to be about the second or thirde yeare of this tenth persecution, vnder the tyrāny of Dioclesian, and Maximinianus Herculius, bearing then the rule in England, about the yeare of our Lorde 301. before the comming of Constantius to his gouernement.* 2.43 Where, by the way is to be noted, that this realme of Britaine being so christened before, yet neuer was touched with any other of the nine persecutions, before this tenth persecution of Dioclesian & Maximinian. In which persecution our stories and Poli∣chronicon doe recorde, that all Christianitie almost in the whole Ilelande was destroyed, the Churches subuerted, all bookes of the Scripture burned, many of the faithfull both men & women were slaine. Among whome the first and chiefe ringleader (as hath bene sayde) was Albanus. And thus much touching the martyrs of Britaine. Nowe from Englande to returne againe vnto other countries, where this persecution did more vehemētly rage: we will adde hereunto (the Lorde willing) the stories of other, al∣though not of all that suffered in this persecution (which were impossible) but of certaine most principal, whose sin∣gular constancie in their strong torments are chiefly re∣nowmed in latter histories: beginning first with Romanus the notable and admirable souldiour and true seruaunt of Christ, whose historie set forth in Prudentius, doth thus pro∣ceede: so lamentably by him described, that it will be harde for any man almost with dry cheekes to heare it.

* 2.44Pitiles Galerius with his graunde captaine Asclepiades violently inuaded the citie of Antioche, entending by force of armes to driue all Christians to renounce vtterly their pure religion. The Christians as god would, were at that time cōgregated together, to whom Romanus hastely ran, declaring that the Wolues were at hande, which woulde deuour the christian flocke, but feare not (sayde he) neither let this imminēt perill disturbe you, my brethren: brought was it to passe, by the great grace of God working in Ro∣manus, that olde men and matrones,* 2.45 fathers and mothers, young men and maidens were all of one will and minde, most ready to shed their bloud in defence of their Christian profession. Word was brought to y^e captaine that the band of armed souldiors was not able to wrest the staffe of faith, out of the hand of the armed congregation: and all by rea∣son that one Romanus so mightely did encourage them, that they sticke not to offer their naked throtes, wishing glori∣ously to die for the name of their Christ. Seeke out that re∣bell (quod the captaine) and bring him to me that he may aunswer for the whole sect. Apprehended he was, & bound as a sheepe appoynted to the slaughter house, was presen∣ted to the Emperor: who w^t wrathfull countenance behol∣ding him, sayde: What? Art thou the author of this sediti∣on? art thou the cause why so many shall loose their liues? By the gods I sweare thou shalt smart for it, and first in thy flesh shalt thou suffer the paines,* 2.46 whereunto thou hast encouraged the hearts of thy felowes. Romanus answered: Thy sentence O Emperour I ioyfully embrace, I refuse not to be sacrificed for my brethren, and that by as cruell meanes as thou mayest inuent: and whereas thy soldiors were repelled from the christian cōgregation, that so hap∣pened, because it lay not in Idolaters and worshippers of Deuils to enter into the holy house of God, and to pol∣lute the place of true prayer. Then Asclepiades wholy en∣flamed with this stoute answere, commaunded him to be trussed vp, and his bowels drawne out. The executioners themselues more pitiful in hart then the captaine, said: not so sir, this man is of noble parentage: vnlawful is it to put a noble man to so vnnoble a death: scourge him then with whips (quod the captaine) with knaps o•• lead at the ends. In stede of teares,* 2.47 sighs & grones, Romanus song psalmes al the time of his whipping, requiring them not to fauour him for nobilities sake, not the bloud of my progenitours (said he) but Christian profession maketh me noble. Then with great power of spirit he inueied against the capitain, laughing to scorne the false gods of the heathen, with the idolatrous worshipping of them, affirming the God of the Christians to be the true God that created heauen and earth, before whose iudiciall seat all nations shall appeare. but the wholsome wordes of the Martyr were as oyle to the fire of the captaines fury. The more the Martyr spake, the madder was hee, in so much that he commaunded the Martyrs sides to be launced with kniues, vntil the bones appeared white againe. Sorie am I, O captain (quod the Martyr) not for that my flesh shall be thus cut and man∣gled, but for thy cause am I sorowfull, who being corrup∣ted with damnable errours, seducest others. The seconde time hee preached at large, the liuing God, and the Lorde Iesus Christ his welbeloued sonne,* 2.48 eternall life through faith in his bloud, expressing therewith the abhomination of idolatry, w^t a vehement exhortation to worship & adore the liuing God. At these words Asclepiades commaunded the tormentors to strike Romanus on the mouth, that his teeth being striken out, his pronunciation at least wise might be impeired: The commandement was obeied, his face buffeted, his eye liddes torne with their nailes, his cheekes scorched with kniues, the skin of his bearde was plucked by little and little from the flesh, finally his seeme∣ly face was wholy defaced. The meeke Martyr sayde: I thanke thee, O Capitaine, that thou hast opened vnto me many mouthes, whereby I may preach my Lord & Saui∣our Christ. Looke howe many woundes I haue, so many mouths I haue lauding and praising God. The captaine astonished w^t this singular constancie, commanded them to cease from the tortures. Hee threatneth cruell fire, he re∣uileth the noble martyr,* 2.49 he blasphemeth god, saying: Thy crucified Christ, is but an yesterdaies God, the gods of the Gentiles are of most antiquitie.

Heere againe Romanus taking good occasion, made a long Oration of the eternitie of Christ, of his humane na∣ture, of the death & satisfaction of Christ for all mankinde. Which done, he sayde: geue me a childe (O Capitaine) but seuen yeres of age, which age is free from malice and other vices, wherwith riper age is commōly infected, and thou shalt heare what he will say, his request was graunted. A pretie boy was called out of the multitude, and set before him. Tell me my babe (quoth the Martyr) whether thou thinke it reason that we worship one Christ, and in Christ one father, or els that we worship infinite gods? Unto whom the babe aunswered:* 2.50 That certainly, whatsoeuer it be, that men affirme to be God, must nedes be one: which with one, is one and the same: and in as much as this one is Christ, of necessitie Christ must be the true God, for, that there be many gods, we children cannot beleue. The capi∣taine hereat cleane amased, said: thou yong villaine & trai∣tor, where and of whom learnedst thou this lesson? Of my mother (quod the childe) with whose milke I sucked in this lesson,* 2.51 that I must beleue in Christ. The mother was called, and shee gladly appeared, the captaine commanded the childe to be horsed vp, and scourged. The pitiful behol∣ders of this pitilesse acte, could not temper thēselues from teares: the ioyful and glad mother alone, stood by with dry cheekes: yea, shee rebuked her sweete babe for crauing a draught of colde water, she charged him to thirst after the cup,* 2.52 that the infantes of Bethleem once dranke of, forget∣ting their mothers milke and pappes, shee willed him to remember little Isaac, who beholding the sworde where∣with, & the altar wheron he should be sacrificed, willingly profered his tender necke to the dent of his fathers sword.

Whilest this counsel was ingening, the boucherly torture pluckt the skin from the crowne of his head,* 2.53 heare and all. The mother cried, suffer my childe, anone thou shalt passe to him that will adorne thy naked head, with a crowne of eternall glory. The mother counselleth, the childe is coun∣selled: the mother encourageth, the babe is encouraged: & receiued the stripes with smiling countenaunce. The cap∣taine perceiuing the childe inuincible, and himselfe vāqui∣shed, committeth the sillie soule, the blessed babe, the childe vncherished, to the stinking prison, commaunding the tor∣mentes of Romanus to be renued and encreased, as chiefe author of this euill.

Thus was Romanus brought foorth againe to newe stripes and punishments, to be renued and receiued vpon his old sores, in so much the bare bones appeared, the flesh all torne away: wherein no pitie was shewed, but the ra∣ging tyrant puffing out of his blasphemous mouth, like a madde man these woordes, cried out to the tormentors, saying:

Where is quod the Captaine, where is your might? What?* 2.54 are ye not able one body to spill? Scant may it, so weake is it, stand vpright: And yet in spite of vs, shall it liue still?

The Gripe with talent, the dog with his tooth, Could soone ye dastardes, this corpes rent and teare, He scorneth our gods in all that he doth, Cut, pricke, and pounce him, no longer forbeare.

Yea, no longer could the tyrant forbeare, but nedes he must draw nearer to the sentence of death: is it painefull to thee (sayde he) to tary so long aliue? a flaming fire doubte thou not shalbe prepared for thee, by and by, wherein thou and that boy, thy fellow of rebellion shall be consumed in∣to ashes. Romanus and the babe were led to the place of exe∣cution. As they laide handes on Romanus, hee looked backe saying: I appeale from this thy tyrannie, O iudge vniust, to the righteous throne of Christ that vpright iudge: not because I feare thy cruell torments and mercilesse hand∣lings, but that thy iudgements may be knowne to be cru∣ell and bloudy. Nowe when they were come to the place, the tormentor required the child of the mother, for she had taken it vp in her armes:* 2.55 And shee onely kissing it, deliue∣red the babe. Farewel she said my sweete childe, and as the hangman applied his sword to the babes necke, shee sang on this maner.

All laude and praise with heart and voice, O Lorde we yelde to thee:* 2.56 To whome the death of all thy Saintes, We know most deare to bee.

The innocentes head being cut off, the mother wrap∣ped it vp in her garment, and laide it to her brest. On the other side a mighty fire was made, wherinto Romanus was cast: who sayde, y^t he should not burne: wherewith a great storme arose (if it be true) and quenched the fire.* 2.57 The Ca∣pitaine gaue in commandement that his toung should be cut out, out was it plucked by the harde rootes and cut of: Neuerthelesse, hee spake▪ saying: hee that speaketh Christ shall neuer want a tongue, thinke not that the voyce that vttereth Christ, hath neede of the tong to be the minister. The Capitaine at this, halfe out of his wit, bare in hande that the hangman deceiued the sight of the people by some subtile sleight and craftie conueiance. Not so (quoth the hangman) if ye suspect my dede, open his mouth and dili∣gently search the rootes of his tongue. The Captaine at length being confounded with the fortitude and courage of the Martyr, straightly commaundeth him to be brought backe into the prison,* 2.58 and there to be strangled. Where his sorowfull life and paines being ended, hee nowe enioyeth quiet rest in the Lord, with perpetuall hope of his misera∣ble body to be restored againe with his soule into a better life: where no tyrant shall haue any power: Prudentius in hymnis de coronis Martyrum.

Gordius was a citizen of Caesaria, a worthy souldiour, and Captaine of an hundreth men. Hee in the time of ex∣treme persecution, refusing any lōger to execute his charge did chuse of his owne accord willing exile, and liued in the desert many yeares a religious and solitary life. But vpon a certaine day when a solemne feast of Mars was celebra∣ted, in the citie of Caesarea, and much people were assembled in the Theatre to beholde the games: he left the desert, and got him vp into the chiefe place of the Theatre,* 2.59 and with a loude voyce vttered this saying of the Apostle: Beholde I am foūd of them which sought me not, and to those which asked not for mee, haue I openly appeared. By which wordes he let it to be vnderstood, that of his owne accorde he came vnto those games. At this noise, the multitude li∣tle regarding the sights, looked about to see who it was y^t made such exclamation. As soone as it was knowne to be Gordius, and that the crier had commanded silence, he was brought vnto the shiri••e,* 2.60 which at that instant was pre∣sent, and ordeined the games. Whē he was asked the que∣stion who he was, from whence, and for what occasion he came thether, he telleth the truth of euery thing as it was. I am come,* 2.61 saith he, to publish, that I set nothing by your decrees against the Christian religion: but that I professe Iesu Christ to be my hope and safety. And when I vnder∣stood with what crueltie ye handle other men: I tooke this as a fitte time to accomplish my desire. The Shirife with these wordes was greatly mooued, and reuengeth all his displeasure vpon poore Gordius, commaunding the execu∣tioners to be brought out with scourges, while gibbet, & whatsoeuer torments els might be deuised. Whereunto Gordius answered, saying, that it shoulde be to him an hin∣derance and damage if hee coulde not suffer and endure di∣uers torments and punishments for Christ his cause. The shirife being more offended with this his boldnesse, com∣maunded him to feele as many kinde of torments as there were, with all which Gordius notwithstanding, coulde not be mastered or ouercome: but lifting vp his eies vnto hea∣uen singeth this saying out of the Psalmes. The Lorde is my helper, I will not feare the thing that man can doe to me: and also this saying, I will feare none euill, because thou Lord art with me.* 2.62

After this, he against him selfe prouoketh the extremi∣tie of the tormentours, & blameth them if they fauour him any thing at al. When the Shrife saw, that hereby he could winne but little, he goeth about by gentlenes and intising wordes, to turne the stoute and valiant minde of Gordius. He promiseth to him great and large offers if he wil denie Christ:* 2.63 as to make him a Captaine of as many men as any other is, to geue him richesse, treasure, & what other thing so euer hee desireth. But in vaine as the Prouerbe is, pi∣peth the minstrell to him that hath no eares to heare, for he deriding the foolish madnesse of the Magistrate sayth, that it lieth not in him to place any in authority, which he wor∣thy to haue a place in heauen. The Magistrate with these wordes throughly angred and vexed, prepareth him selfe to his condemnation.* 2.64 Whom after that he had cōdemned, he caused to be had out of the Citie to be brent. There run∣neth out of the Citie great multitudes by heaps to see him put to execution, some take him in their armes, & louingly kisse him, persuading him to take a better way and saue himself,* 2.65 and that with weeping teares. To whom Gordius answered, weepe not I pray you for me, but rather for the enemies of God which alwaies make warre against the Christians: weepe I say for them which prepare for vs a fire, purchasing hell fire for themselues in the day of ven∣geance: And cease of further, I pray you, to molest and dis∣quiet my setled minde. Truly (saith he) I am ready for the name of Iesus Christ, to suffer and indure a thousande deathes if neede were. Some other came vnto him which persuaded him to deny Christ with his mouth, & to keepe his conscience to himselfe. My toung (sayeth hee) which by the goodnes of God I haue, cannot be brought to denie the author and geuer of the same: for with the heart we beleeue vnto righteousnesse, and with the toung we confesse vnto saluation. Many moe such like wordes he spake: but espe∣cially vttering to them such matter, wherby he might per∣swade the beholders to death, and to the desire of Martyr∣dome. After all which, with a mery and glad countenance, neuer changing so much as his colour, hee willingly gaue himselfe to be brent. Basilius in Sermone in Gordium militem Caesariensem.

Not much vnlike to the story of Gordius is the story al∣so of Menas an Egiptian, who being likewise a souldiour by his profession, in this persecution of Dioclesian forsooke al, & went into the desert, where a long time he gaue hym selfe to abstinence, watching, and meditation of the Scrip∣tures. At length returning againe to y^e Citie Cotys, there in the open threatre, as y^e people were occupied vpon their spectacles or pastimes, he with a loude voice openly pro∣claimed himselfe to be a christian, and vpon the same was brought to Pyrrhus the President:* 2.66 of whome, he being de∣maunded of his faith, made thys aunswere: Conueny∣ent it is that I shoulde (sayth he) confesse God in whome is light and no darkenes, for so much as Paule doth teache that with hart we beleue to righteousnes, with mouth cō∣fession is giuen to saluation. After this the innocent Mar∣tyr was most painfully pinched and cruciate with sundrie punishments. In all which, notwithstanding he declared a constant heart, and faith inuincible, hauing these wordes

in his mouth being in the middest of his torments.* 2.67 There is nothing in my minde that can be compared to the king∣dome of heauen. Neither is al the world, if it were wayed in balance able to be conferred with the price of one soule. And sayd, who is able to separate vs from the loue of Ie∣sus Christ our Lord: shal afflictiō or anguish? And more∣ouer (said he) I haue thus learned of my Lord & my king, not to feare them which kill the body and haue no power to kill y^e soule, but to feare him rather, who hath power to destroy both bodye and soule in hell fire. To make the story short, after manifold tormentes borne of him, and suf¦fered, when the last sentence of death was vpon him pro∣nounced which was to be beheaded:* 2.68 Menas being then had to the place of execution said: I giue thee thanks my Lord god, which hast so excepted me to be foūd a partaker of thy precious death, & hast not giuen me to be deuoured of my fierce enimies,* 2.69 but hast made me to remaine cōstant in thy pure faith vnto this my later end: And so this blessed soul∣diour fighting valiantly vnder the baner of Christ, lost his head,* 2.70 & wan his soule. Symeon Metaphrast. tom. 5. In the which autor there foloweth a long narration of the mira∣cles of this holy man, which here for prolixity I doe omit,

Basilius in a certayne Sermon of 40. Martyrs rehear∣seth this story not vnworthye to bee noted. There came (saith he) into a certaine place (which place he maketh no mention of) the Emperours Marshall or officer, with the edict which the Emperour had set out against the Christi∣ans, that whosoeuer confessed Christ, shoulde after manye tormentes suffer death. And first they did priuily suborne certaine which should detect & acuse the Christians whom they had found out, or had layde wayte for: vpon this the sword,* 2.71 the gibbet, the wheele, & the whips were brought forth: At the terrible sight whereof, the harts of all the be∣holders did shake & tremble. Some for feare did flee, some did stand in doubt what to do: Certaine were so terrified at the beholding of these engines & tormenting instruments that they denied their faith. Some other began the game, and for a time did abide the conflict and agony of Marty∣dome, but vanquished at length, by the intollerable paine of their torments,* 2.72 made shipwracke of their consciences, & lost the glory of their confession. Amōg other xl. there were at that time younge gentlemen all souldiers, which after the Marshall had shewed the Emperours Edict, and re∣quired of all men the obedience of the same, freely & boldly of their owne accord confessed themselues to be Christians & declared to him their names. The Marshall somewhat amased at this their boldnes of speach, stādeth in doubte, what was best to do. Yet forthwith he goeth about to win them with faire words, aduertising them to consider their youth, neither that they shoulde chaunge a cruell and vn∣timely death,* 2.73 ••or a sweete and pleasant life: After that hee promiseth them money, and honorable offices in the Em∣perours name. But they little esteming all these thinges breake forth into a long and bolde Oration, affirming that they did neither desire life, dignitie, nor money, but onelye the celestiall kingdome of Christ, saying further that they are ready for the loue and faith they haue in god, to indure the afflictiō of the wheele, the crosse, and the fire. The rude Marshall being herewith offended,* 2.74 deuiseth a newe kinde of punishment. He spied out in the middle of the citie a cer∣taine great pond, which layfull, vpon the cold Northren winde, for it was in the winter time, wherein he caused them to be put all that night, but they being merry & com∣forting one another, receiued this their appointed punish∣ment, and sayd, as they were putting of their clothes: we put off (said they) now not our clothes, but we put of y^e old mā, corrupt with the deceipt of cōcupiscence. We giue thee thanks (O Lord) that with this our apparell we may al∣so put of by thy grace, the sinfull man: for by meanes of the Serpent we once put him on, and by the meanes of Iesus Christ we now put him of.* 2.75 When they had thus said: they were brought naked into y^• place where they felt moste ve∣hement colde: in so much that all the partes of their bodies were starke & stiffe therewith. Assone as it was daye, they yet hauing breath, were brought into the fire, wherin they were consumed, and their ashes throwne into the flud. By chaunce there was on of the company more liuely, and not so neere dead as the rest, of whome y^e executioners takyng pitie, saide vnto his mother standing by, that they would saue his life. But shee with her owne handes taking her sonne brought him to the pile of wood where y^e residue of his fellowes (crooked for cold) did lie ready to be brent, ad∣monished him to accomplish the blessed iourney he had ta∣ken in hand with his companions. Basil.

A lyke hystory of 40. Martyres, which were maryed men, we read of in Niceph. & Zozomenus. Lib. 9. cap. 2. which were killed likewise in a lake or pond at Sebastia, a towne of Armenia, vnder Licinius, if the story be not the same with this, Niceph. Zozom.

In this felowship and company of martyrs can not be left out and forgotte the story of Cyrus: This Cyrus was a Phisition borne in Alexandria, which fleing into Egipt, in the persecution of Dioclesianus, and Maximianus, led a so∣litary life in Arabia, being much spoken of for his learning and myracles, vnto whose company after a certaine tyme did Ioannes, borne in the Citie of Edessa, beyond the ryuer Euphrates, ioyne himself, leauing the souldiers life which before that time he had exercised. But whilest as yet the same persecution raged in a city in Egipt called Canope, there was cast into prison for the confession of their fayth, a certayne godly Christian woman, called Athanasia, and her three daughters,* 2.76 Theoctiste, Theodota, and Eudoxia: wyth whom Cyrus was well acquainted. At whose inf••rmities he much fearing accompanied with his brother Iohn, came and visited them for their better confirmation: at which time Lyrianus was chiefe captaine and Lieutenaunt of E∣gypt, of whose wickednes and crueltie, especially agaynst women and maydens: Athanasus maketh mention in hys Apologies, and in his Epistle to those that lead a solitarye life. Thys Cyrus therefore and Ioannes, being accused and apprehended of the Heathen men, as by whose perswasi∣ons, the maydens and daughters of Athanasia contumely∣ously,* 2.77 despised the Gods and the Emperours religion, & could by no meanes be brought to doe sacrifice, were af∣ter the publication of their constaunt confession put to death by the sworde. Athanasia also and her three daughters being condemned to death. This history writeth Symeon Metaphrastes▪* 2.78

Sebastian being borne in the part of Fraunce called Gal∣lia Narbonensis was a Christian, and was Lieutenaunte generall of the vawward of Dioclesian the Emperor, who also encouraged many martyrs of Christ by his exhortati∣ons, vnto constancy, and kept them in the faith. He being therfore accused to the Emperor, was commaunded to be apprehended, and that he should be brought into the open fielde, where of his owne souldiers he was thrust through the body with innumerable arrowes, and after that hys body was throwne into a iaques or sinke. Ambrosius ma∣keth mention of this Sebastian the martir in his Cōmenta∣ry vpon the 118. Psalme. & Symeon Metaphrastes amongest oher Martyrs that suffered with Sebastian numbreth also these followyng: Nicostratus wyth Zoe hys wyfe, Tran∣quillinus wyth Martia his wyfe: Traglinus Claudius, Castor, Tiburtius, Castullus, Marcus, and Marcellinus wyth other moe.

Basilius in an other Sermon also maketh mention of one Barlaam being a noble and famous Martyr, which a∣bode al the torments of the executioners euen to the point of death, which thing when the tormentors sawe, they brought him and laid him vpon the altar, where they dyd vse to offer sacrifices to their idoles,* 2.79 and put fire & frank∣ensence into his right hād wherin he had yet some strēgth, thinking that the same his right hand, by the heate & force of the fire, would haue scattered the burning incense vpon the aultar and so haue sacrificed. But of that their hope, the pestiferous tormentors were disapointed: for the flame eate round about his hand, and the same indured euen as though it had bene couered with hote embers, when Barla∣am, recited out of the Psalmes this saying:* 2.80 Blessed is the Lord my God which teacheth my handes to fight.

To this narration of Basilius touching the Martyr∣dome of Barlaam, we will anexe cōsequently an other sto∣ry of Ambrose: Hee making a certaine exhortation to cer∣taine virgins, in the same Oration cōmendeth the martir∣domes of Agricola & Vitalis, who suffered also in the same persecution vnder Dioclesian and Maximinian (as they so affirme) at Bononie. This Vitalis was seruaunt to Agrico∣la, who both togyther betweene themselues had made a compact to giue their liues wyth other Martyrs for the name of Christ. Wherupon Vitalis, being sent before of his maister to offer himselfe to Martirdome, fe••l first into the hands of persecutors, who laboured about him by all ma∣ner of meanes to cause him to deny Christ. Which when he would in no case do▪ but stoutly persisted in the confessiō of his faith, they began to exercise him with all kinds of tor∣ments: So vnmercifully that there was no whole skinne left in all his body. So Vitalis in the middest of the agonie, & paineful torments, after he had in a short praier, cōmen∣ded him selfe to God, gaue vp his life. After him the tor∣mentours set vpon Agricola his Master, whose vertuous manners & gentle conditions, bicause they were singular∣ly wel liked and knowen to the enimies, his suffring ther∣fore was the longer deferred. But Agricola not abyding the long delay and driuing of, and prouoking moreouer y^e

aduersaries to quicker speede, at length was fastned vnto the crosse and so finished his martirdome,* 2.81 which he so long desired, Ambros in Exhortatione ad Virgines.

No lesse worthy of commemoration is the lamentable Martyrdome of Vincentius, whose historie here followeth. This Vincentius was a Spaniard, and a Leuite most god∣ly and vertuous, who at this time suffered Martyrdom at Valence, vnder Dacianus the President, as we may gather by Prudentius in his hymne.* 2.82 Bergomensis in his supplement reciteth these words concerning his martyrdome, out of a certaine sermon of S. Augustine: Our heart conceiued not a vaine and fruitles sight (as it were in beholding of lamen∣table tragedies) but a great sight & marue••lous, certain∣ly, and there with singulare pleasure receiued it, when the paineful passion of Victorius Vincentius was read vnto vs. Is there any so heauye harted, that will not be mooued in the contemplation of this immooueable Martyr so manly, or rather so godly fighting against the craft and subtilty of that Serpent, against the tiranny of Dacianus, against the horrors of death, & by the mightie spirite of his God con∣quering all: But let vs in few wordes rehearse the de∣grees of his tormentes though the paynes thereof in ma∣ny wordes can not be expressed. First Dacianus caused the Martir to be layde vpon the torture,* 2.83 and all the ioyntes of his body to be distended and racked out, vntill they crackt againe. This being done in most extreme and cruel maner al the members of his painful and pittiful body were gre∣uously indented with deadly woundes. Thirdly (that his dolors & griefes might be augmēted) they miserably vex∣ed his flesh with yron combes sharpely filed. And to y^e end the tormentors might vomit out al their vengeāce on the meeke & milde martyrs fleshe, the tormentors themselues also were vily scourged at the Presidentes commaunde∣ment. And lest his passion through want of paines might seeme imperfect or else to easie, they laid his body being all out of ioint, on a grate of iron, which body when they had opened with iron hookes, they seared it with firie plates, with hote burning salt sprinkling the same. Last of all in∣to a vyle dongeon was this mighty Martir drawen, the floure whereof first was thicke spredde wyth the sharpest shels that might be gotten, his fete then being fast locked in the stockes, there was he left alone without all worldly comfort: but the Lorde his God was with him, the holye spirit of God (whose office is to comfort the godly afflicted) fulfilled his hart with ioy & gladnes. Hast thou prepared a terrible racke (O cruell tyraunt, O deuouring Lion) for the Martirs bed:* 2.84 the Lorde shall make that bed softe and sweete vnto him. Rackest thou his bones and ioyntes al a sunder, His bones, his ioints, his heares are al numbred. Tormentest thou his flesh with mortal wounds: the Lord shal poure abūdantly into al his sores of his oyle of glad∣nes. Thy scraping combes, thy sharpe fleshookes, thine whote searing yrons, thy parched salte, thy stincking pri∣son, thy cutting shelles, thy pinching stockes shal turne to this patient Martyr to the best. Altogether shall worke contrary to thine expectation, great plenty of ioy shall hee reap into the barne of his soule, out of this mighty haruest of paines that thou hast brought him into. Yea thou shalte proue him Vincentius indede: that is, a vanquisher, a try∣umpher, a conqueror subduing thy madnes, by his meke∣nes, thy tiranny by his pat••ence, thy manifold meanes of tortures, by the manifold graces of God, wherewith he is plentifully enriched.

In this cataloge or company of such holy martirs, as suffered in this foresaid tenth persecutiō, many mo and al∣most innumerable there be expressed in authors, beside thē whom we haue hetherto comprehended, as Philoromus, a man of noble byrth,* 2.85 & great possessions in Alexandria, who being perswaded by his friendes to fauour himselfe, to re∣spect his wife, to consider his children and familie did not onely reiect the counsels of them,* 2.86 but also neglected the threates and torments of the Iudge, to keepe the confes∣siō of Christ inuiolate vnto the death, & losing of his head. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 9. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 9. of whome Euseb. bear∣eth witnes that he was there present himselfe.

Of like estate and dignitie was also Procopius in Pale∣stina, who after his conuersion brake his images of siluer, and golde, and distributed the same to the poore and after al kinde of torments, of racking, of cording, of tearing hys flesh, of goring and stabbing in, of fiering, at lēgth had his head also smitten of, as witnesseth. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 15.

To this maye be ioyned also Georgius, a younge man of Capadocia, who stoutly inueighing against the impyous idolatry of the Emperours, was apprehended, and cast in prison, then torne wyth hooked yrons, burnt with hoate lyme, stretched with cordes, after that his hands and feete with other members of his body being cut of, at last wyth a sworde had his head cut of. Niceph. ibid.

With these aforenamed adde also Sergius,* 2.87 and Bacchi∣us, Panthaleon, a phisition in Nicomedia, mentioned in Sup∣plem. Lib. 8. Theodorus of the Citie Amasia in Hellesp. mentio∣ned of Vincentius. Lib. 3. Faustus a martyr of Egypt, mentio∣ned of Niceph. Lib. 8. cap. 5. Gereon with 318. fellow martirs which suffered about Colour. Petr. de nat. Lib, 9. cap. 49. Her∣mogenes the President of Athens, who being conuerted by the constancie of one Menas, and Eugraphus in their tor∣ments, suffered also for the like faith. Item Samonas, Guri∣as and Abibus, mentioned in Symeon Metaphrast. Hieron also w^t certaine of his confessors, vnder Maximinus, mentioned in Metaphrastes. Iudes, and Domuas, who suffred with many other Martirs aboue mentioned, at Nicomedia, as recor∣deth Metaphrastes. Euelasius, Maximinus the Emperors of∣ficers, whom Fausta the virgin in her torments conuerted. Also Thyrsus, Lucius, Callinicus, Appollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leonides, with Arrianus president of Thebaide, Cyprianus, likewise a Citizen of Antioche, who after he had continued a long time a filthy Magitian, or sorcerer, at length was conuerted, & made a Deacon then a Priest, and at last the Bishop of Antioche, Vincent lib. 12. cap. 120. of whome partly we touched somwhat before. Pag. 72. This Cyprian w^t Iustina a virgin suffered amōg the martirs, Item, Glycerius at Nicomedia, Felix a mini∣ster, Fortunatus, Achilleus, Deacons in the ci∣tie of Valent. Arthemius of Rome, Cyriacus Deacon to Marcellus the bishop. Carpopho∣rus Priest at Thuscia, with Abundus his dea∣cō. Item, Claudius, Syrinus, Antonius, which suffered with Marcellinus the Bishop Sabell Enead. 7. Lib. 8. Cucusatus, in the citie Barcino∣na. Felix Byshop of Apulia, with Adauctus & Ianuarius his priests, Fortunatus & Septimus hys readers, who suffered in the Citie Ve∣nusina vnder Dioclesian. Bergom. Lib. 8.

It were to long a trauell or trouble to recite al and sin∣gular names of them particularly,* 2.88 whom this persecutiō of Dioclesian did consume. The number of whom being al∣most infinite is not to be collected or expressed: One storye yet ramayneth, not to be forgotten of Cassianus, whose piti∣full story being described of Prudentius we haue here inser∣ted, rendring metre for metre as followeth.

1

THrough Forum, as in Italy, I passed once to Roome: Into a Church by chaunce came I, And stoode fast by a toome.

2

Which church sometime a place had bene, Where causes greate in lawe: Were scand and tryed, and iudgement giuen, To keepe brute men in awe.

3

Thys place Sylla Cornelius, First built: he raysed the frame: And called the same Forum, and thus, That City tooke the name.

4

In prayer feruent as I stoode, casting mine eie aside: A picture in full piteous moode, (Imbrude) by chaunce I spied.

5

A thousand wounded markes full bad, All mangled, rent, and torne: The skinne appeared as though it had, Bene iagde and prickt with thorne.

6

A scull of pictured boyes did bande, About that lothsome sight: That with their sharpned gads in hand, His members thus had dight.

7

These gads were but their pens wherewith, Their Tables written were: And such as scholers often sith, Vnto the scholes doe beare.

8

Whom thou seest heere thus picturde sitte, And firmely dost behold: No fable is, I do thee witte, Vnaskte a Prelate tolde

9

That walkt thereby: but doth declare, The history of one, Which written, would good recorde beare, What faith was long agone.

10

A skilfull scolemaister this was, That here sometime did teach: The Bishop once of Brixia as, And Christ full plaine did preach.

11

He knew well how to comprehende▪ Long talke in few lynes:

And it at length how to amende, By order and by times.

12

His sharpe precepts, and sterne lookes, His beardles boyes did feare: When hate in hart (yet for their bookes) Full deadly they did beare.

13

The childe that learnes, I doe yee weete, Termes aye his tutor crule. No discipline in youth seemes sweete, Count this a common rule.

14

Behold the raging time now here, Oppressing sore the faith: Doth persecute gods children dere, And all that Christ bewraith.

15

This trusly teacher of the swarme, Profest the liuing God: The chiefe good thing, they compt their harme, Perhaps he shakes his rod.

16

What rebels aske the president, Is he, Theare so loude Vnto our youth an instrument, They say, and low they bowde.

17

Go bring the caytiffe foorth he bids, And make no long delay: Let him be set the boyes amids, They doe as he doth say.

18

Let him be giuen vnto them all, And let them haue their will: To doe to him what spite they shall, So that they will him kill.

19

Euen as they list let them him fray And him deride so long: Till wearines prouokes their play, No lenger to prolong.

20

Let them I say then vncontrold, Both pricke and scotch his skinne: To bath their hands let them be bold, In the hote bloud of him.

21

The scholers hereat make great game, It pleaseth them full well: That they may kill and quench the flame, They thought to them a hell.

22

They binde his hands behind his back••, And naked they him stripe: In bodkinne wise at him they nacke, They laugh to see him skippe.

23

The priuy hate that ech one hath, In hart it now appeares: They poure it foorth in gally wrath, They wreake them of their teares.

24

Some cast great stones, some other breake, Their tables on his face: Lo here thy Latine and thy Greeke, (Oh barren boyes of grace.)

25

The bloud runnes downe his cheekes and doth, Imbrue the boxen leames: Where notes by them were made (though loth) And well proponed theames.

26

Some whet, some sharpe, their penseles pointes, That serude to write with all: Some other gage his flesh and ioyntes, As with a pointed nall.

27

Sometimes they pricke, sometime they rent, This worthy martirs flesh: And thus by turnes they do torment, This confessour a fresh.

28

Now all with on consent on him, Their bloudy handes they lay: To see the bloud from limme to limme, Drop downe they make a play.

29

More painefull was the pricking pange, Of children oft and thicke: Then of the bigger boyes that stange, And neere the hart did sticke.

30

For by the feeble strokes of the one, Death was denied his will: Of smart that made him wo begon, He had the better skill.

31

The deeper strokes the great ones gaue, and neerer toucht the quicke: The welcomer he thought the same, Whom longing death made sicke.

32

God make you strong he saith I pray, God giue you might at will: And what you want in yeares I say, Let crueltie fulfill.

33

But whilest the hangman breatheth still, and me with you do match: That weakely worke, yet want no will, my 〈…〉〈…〉 to dispatch.

34

My griefes waxe great, what gronest thou now? Sayd some of them againe? In schoole, aduised well art thou? Whom there thou pu••st to payne?

35

Behold we pay, and now make good, as many thousande stripes: As when with weeping eyes we stoode, In daunger of thy gripes.

36

Art thou now angry at thy bande, that alwayes cried writ••, write, And neuer wouldst that our right hand, Should rest in quiet plyte▪

37

We had forgot our playing times, Thou churle deniedst vs of: We now but pricke and point our lines, And thus they grinne and scof.

38

Correct good sir your viewed verse, If ought amisse there be: Now vse thy power and then rehearse, that haue not marked thee.

39

Christ pittying this groaning man, With tormments torne and tyred: Commaundes his hart to breake euen then, And life that was then hyered.

40

He yeeldes againe to him that gaue, And thus he makes exchaunge: Immortall▪ for mortall to haue, That in such payne did ••aunge.

41

This is saith he, that this plesure, Thou so beholdst, Oh g••••t: Of Cassianus Martir pure,* 2.89 Doth preach I doe protest.

42

If thou Prudence haue ought in store, In pietie to deale: In hope of iust reward therefore, Now shew thy louing zeale:

43

I could not but consent, I weepe, Hys tombe I doe embrace: Home I returne, and after sleepe, This pittifull preface,

44

I write as a memoriall, For euer to endure: Of Cassianus scolemaster, All others to allure.

45

To constancy vnder the crosse, Of their profession: Accompting gaine what euer losse, For Christ they take vpon.

No lesse admirable then wonderfull was the constan∣cy also of woemen and maidens, who in the same persecu∣tion gaue their bodyes to the tormentes & their liues for the testimony of Christ, with no lesse boldnes of spirite, thē did the men themselues aboue specified, to whome howe much more inferiour they were in bodely strēgth, so much more worthy of prayse they be, for their constant standing. Of whom some examples here we minde (Christ willing) to inferre, such as in our stories and Chronicles seem most notable, first beginning with Eulalia, whose story we haue taken out of the foresayd Prudentius as followeth.

In the West part of Spaine called Portingall, is a Ci∣ty great and pop••lous, named Emerita, wherein dwelt and was brought vp a virgine borne of noble parentage, whose name was Eulalia,* 2.90 which Emerita although for the apte situation therof, was both rich & famous, yet more a∣dourned and famous was the renowne therof, by y^e mar∣tyrdome, bloud,* 2.91 and sepulture of this blessed virgine Eula∣lia. Twelue yeares of age was shee and not much aboue, when she refused great and honourable offers in mariage, as one not skilfull, nor yet delighting in courtly daliaunce, neyther yet taking pleasure in purple and gorgeous appa∣rell, or els in precious balmes, or costly ornamentes and iuels:* 2.92 But forsaking and despising all these and such lyke pompeous allurements, then shewed she her self most bu∣sie in preparing her iourney to her hoped inheritance, and heauenly patronage. Which Eulalia as she was modest and descrete in behauiour, sage and sober in conditions, so was she also witty and sharp in aunswering her enemies. But when the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rage of persecution inforced her to ioyne her self amongest Gods Children in the houshold of faith, and when the Christians were commaunded to offer in∣cense and sacrifice to deuils or dead Gods: Then began the blessed spirite of Eulalia to kindle, and being of a pro••tipt & ready wit thought forthwith (as a couragious captayne)

to geue a charge vpon this so great, and disordered a bat∣tayle: and so she,* 2.93 silly woeman, pouring out the bowels of her innocent hart before God, more prouoketh therby the ••orce and rage of her enemies agaynst her. But the godly care of her parentes, fearing least the willing minde of the Damsel, so ready to dye for Christes cause, might make her gilty of her owne death,* 2.94 hid her and kept her close at their house in the countrey, being a great way out of the Citty. She yet misliking that quiet life, as also detesting, to make such delay, softly stealeth out of the doores (no man know∣ing therof) in the night and in great hast leauing the com∣mon waye, openeth the hedge gappes, and with werye feete (god knoweth) passed through y^e thorny & bryery pla∣ces, accompanied yet w^t spirituall garde: & although darke & dreadfull was the silent night, yet had shee with her the Lord & guider of light. And as the children of Israel com∣ming out of Egipt, had by the mightye power of God, a cloudy piller for their guide in y^e day, & a flame of fire in the night, so had this godly virgine, traueling in this darke night, when she fleing & forsaking the place where al filthy idolatry abounded, & hastened her heauenly iourney, was not oppressed with the dreadfull darknes of the night, But yet she before the day appeared in this her speedy iourney, with her selfe considered & mused on a thousand matters, & more.* 2.95 In the morning betime with a bould courage she goeth vnto the tribunall or iudgement seat, & in the midst of them all with a loud voice, crying out sayde: I praye you what a shame is it for you thus rashely, and without aduisement to destroy and kill mens soules, and to throwe their bodies aliue against the rocks, and cause them to de∣ny the omnipotent god?* 2.96 Would you know (O you vnfor∣tunate) who I am? behold, I am one of the Christians: an enimie to your deuilish sacrifices, I spurne your idols vnder my feete: I confesse God omnipotent with my hart and mouth. Isis, Apollo, and Uenus, what are they? Max∣iminus himselfe, what is he? The one a thing of naught, for that they be y^e workes of mens hands, y^e other but a cast away bicause he worshippeth the same worke. Therfore friuolous are they both, and both not worthy to be set by. Maximinus is a Lorde of substaunce, and yet he himselfe falleth downe before a stone, and voweth the honor of hys dignitie vnto those that are much inferior to his vassals. Why then doth he oppresse so tirannically, more worthye stomacks and courages then himselfe? He must neds be a good guid, and an vpright iudge, which fedeth vpon inno∣cent bloud: and breathing in the bodies of godly men doth rent and teare their bowels, and that more is, hath his de∣light in destroying and subuerting the faith.

Go to therfore thou hangman, burne, cut and mangle thou these earthly mēbers. It is an easie matter to breake a britle substance, but the inward mind shalt not thou hurt for any thing thou canst do. The pretor thē or iudge wyth these words of hers, set in a great rage, saith, hangmā take her and pull her out by the heare of her head & torment her to the vttermost. Let her feele the power of our countrey gods, and let her know what the Imperiall gouernement of a Prince is.* 2.97 But yet, O thou sturdy girle, faine woulde I haue thee (if it were possible) before thou dye, to reuoke this thy wickednes. Behold what pleasures thou maiest enioy by the honorable house thou camest of. Thy fallen house and progenie followeth thee to death with lamenta∣ble teares, & the heauy nobility of thy kindred maketh dol∣full lamētation for thee. What meanest thou, wilt thou kill thy self so younge a flower, & so neare these honorable ma∣riages and great dowries that thou mayest enioy? Doth not the glistering and golden pompe of the bried bed moue thee? Doth not the reuerende pietie of thyne Auncitours pricke thee? whom is it not, but that this thy rashnes and weakenes sorroweth? behold here the furniture ready pre∣pared for thy terrible death. Either shalt thou be beheaded with this sword, or else with these wild beastes shalt thou be pulled in peeces, or els y^u being cast into the fiery flames shalbe (although lamentably bewailed of thy friends and kinsfolks) consumed to ashes. What great matter is it for thee I pray thee, to escape al this? If thou wilt but take & put with thy fingers a little salt & incense into the censers, thou shalt be deliuered from al these punishmēts. To this Eulalia made no aunswere, but being in a great furye shee spitteth in the tirauntes face, she throweth downe the I∣doles, and spurneth abroad with her feete the heape of in∣cense prepared to the censers: then without further delay, the hangmen with both their strengthes tooke her, & puld one ioynte from an other, and with the talantes of wilde beastes, scotched her sides to the hard bodes: she all this while singing and praysing God in this wise. Beholde, O Lord I will not forget thee: what a pleasure is it for them O Christ that remember thy triumphant victoryes, to at∣tayne vnto these high dignities, and still calleth vpon that holy name,* 2.98 al stained and embrued with her owne bloude. This sang she with a bold stomacke, neither lamentyngly nor yet wepingly, but being glad and mery, abandonyng from her mind all heauines and griefe, when as out of a warme fountain her mangled members with fresh bloud bathed her white and fayre skinne. Then proceede they to the last and final torment, which was not only the goring and wounding of her mangled body with the yron grat, & hurdle, and terrible harrowing of her flesh, but burned, on euery side with flaming torches her tormented brests,* 2.99 and sides: her heare hanging about her shoulders in two parts deuided (wherewith her shamefast chastitie and virginitie was couered) reached downe to the ground: but when the cracking flame fleeth about her face, kindled by her heare, and reacheth the crowne of her head: thē she desiring swift death, opened her mouth and swalowed the flame, and so rested shee in peace.

The sayde Prudentius and Ado,* 2.100 also Equilinus adde moreouer, writinge of a white doue issuing out of her mouth at her departing, and of the fire quenched about her body, also of her body, couered miraculously wyth snow, with other things more, wherof let euery reader vse hys owne iudgement.

As ye haue heard now the Christian life and constant death of Eulalia,* 2.101 much worthy of praise & commendation: So no lesse commendation is worthely to be giuen to bles∣sed Agnes, that constant Damsell and martir of God, who as she was in Rome of honorable parentes begotten, so lyeth she there as honorably intombed & buried. Whiche Agnes for her vnspotted & vndefiled virginitie, deserueth no greater praise and commendation, then for her willing death and martirdome.* 2.102 Some writers make of her a long discourse, more in my iudgement then necessary, reciting diuers & sundry straunge miracles by her done in the pro∣cesse of her history, which partly for tediousnes, partly for the doubtfulnes of the author, (whome some father vpon Ambrose) and partly for the straungenes and incredibilitie therof I omit, being satisfied with that which Prudentius, brefly writeth of her,* 2.103 as foloweth: Shee was (sayth hee) yong & not mariageable, when first she being dedicated to Christ, boldly resisted the wicked Edictes of the Empe∣ror: least that through idolatry she might haue denied and forsaken the holy faith: but yet first proued by diuers and sundry pollicies to induce her to the same (as now with y^e flattering and intising words of the Iudge, now with the threatnings of the storming executioner) stoode notwyth∣standing,* 2.104 stedfast in al couragious strength: and willingly offered her body to hard & painful torments, not refusing as she sayd, to suffer whatsoeuer it should be, yea though it were death it selfe. Then said the cruell tyraunt: if to suf∣fer paine & torment, be so easie a matter and lightly regar∣ded of thee & that thou accomptest thy life nothing woorth: yet y^e shame of thy dedicated or vowed virginity is a thing more regarded I know, and esteemed of thee. Wherefore this is determined, that vnles thou wilt make obeisaunce to the aultar of Minerua, and aske forgiuenes of her for thy arrogancy,* 2.105 thou shalt be sent or abandoned to the cōmon stewes or brothelhouse. Agnes y^e virgine, with more spirit and vehemency inneieth against both Minerua & her ver∣ginitie: the youth in sculs flocke and runne togither, and craue that they may haue Agnes their ludibrious pray:* 2.106 thē saith Agnes, Christ is not so forgetfull of those that be hys, that he wil suffer violently to be taken frō them their gol∣den and pure chastitie, neither wil he leaue them so desti∣tute of helpe: he is alwaies at hande and ready to fight for such as are shamfast and chast virgines, neither suffereth he his giftes of holy integritie or chastitie to be polluted. Thou shalt sayth shee, willingly bathe thy sworde in my bloud if thou wilt, but thou shalt not defile my body with filthy lust for any thing thou canst doe. She had no sooner spoken these wordes, but he commaunded that she should be set naked at the corner of some streete, (whiche place at that time, such as were strumpets cōmonly vsed, the grea∣ter part of the multitude both sorrowing and shaming to see so shameles a sight,* 2.107 went their wayes, some turninge their heades, some hiding their faces. But one amongst y^e rest, with vncircumcised eies, beholding the Damsell, and that in such opprobrious wise: behold a flame of fire lyke vnto a flash of lightning, falleth vpō him, striketh his eies out of his head, wherupon he for dead falling to the groūd, sprauleth in the chanel durt, whose cōpanions taking him vp, & carrying him away, bewayled him as a dead man. But the virgin for this her miraculous deliuery from the danger and shame of that place, singeth prayses vnto God and Christ.

There be (saith Prudentius) that report how that shee

beyng desired to pray vnto Christ for the partie, that a litle before with fire frō heauen for hys incōtinency was stric∣ken was restored by their prayer,* 2.108 both vnto hys perfect health & sight. But blessed Agnes after that she had climed this her first griefe and step vnto the heauēly pallace, forth∣with began to clime an other: for fury ingendring now, y^e mortall wrath of her bloudy enemy, wringing his handes crieth out saying, I am vndone: O y^t the executioner draw out thy sword, and doe thyne office that y^e Emperour hath appoynted thee. And when Agnes saw a sturdy and cruell fellow (to behold) stand behinde her, or approaching neere vnto her with a naked sword in his hand: I am now glad¦der sayth she, & reioyce, y^t such a one as thou, being a stout, fierce, strong and sturdy souldiour art come, then one more feable, weake, & faynt should come, or els any other yong man sweetly enbalmed,* 2.109 and wearing gaye apparell that might destroy me with funerall shame. This, euen this is he I now cōfesse, y^t I do loue. I wil make hast to meet him and will no longer protract my longing desire: I wil wil∣lingly receaue into my papes the length of hys sword, and into my brest will draw the force therof euē vnto the hilts: That thus I being maryed vnto Christ my spouse,* 2.110 may surmount and escape all the darckenes of this world, that reacheth euen vnto y^e skyes. O eternal gouernour, vouch∣safe to opē the gates of heauen once shut vp agaynst al the inhabitantes of the earth, and receaue (oh Christ) my soule that seeketh thee. Thus speaking and kneeling vpon her knees, she prayeth vnto Christ aboue in heauen, that her necke might be the redyer for the sword,* 2.111 now hāging ouer the same. The executioner then with his bloudy hand, fini∣shed her hope, & at one stroke cutteth off her head, & by such short & swift death doth he preuente her of y^e payne therof.

I haue oftentimes before complayned that the stories of Sayntes haue bene poudered and sawsed with diuers vn∣true additions and fabulous inuentiōs of men,* 2.112 who either of a superstitious deuotion, or of a subtill practise, haue so mingle mangled their stories and liues, that almost no∣thing remayneth in them simple and vncorrupt, as in the vsuall Portues wont to be read for dayly seruice, is mani∣fest and euident to be seene, wherein, few Legendes there be, able to abide y^e touch of history, if they were truely tried. This I write vpon the occasiō specially of good Katherine, whome now I haue in hand. In whom although I no∣thing doubt, but in her life was great holines, in her knowledge excellency, in her death constancy: yet that all thinges be true that be storyed of her, neyther dare I af∣firme, neyther am I bound so to thinke: So many strange fictions of her be fained diuersly of diuers writers, wherof some seeme incredible, some also impudent. As where Pe∣trus de Natalibus,* 2.113 writing of her conuersion declareth, how that Katherine sleeping before a certaine picture or table of the Crucifixe, Christ with his mother Mary appeared vn∣to her: And when Mary had offered her to Christ to be his wife, he first refused her for her blackenes. The next tyme, she beyng baptised, Mary appearing againe, offered her to mary with Christ, who then being liked, was espoused to hym and maryed, hauing a golden ring the same tyme put on her finger in her sleep. &c. Bergomensis writeth thus, that because she in y^e sight of the people openly resisted the Em∣perour Maxentius to hys face and rebuked hym for hys cru∣eltie,* 2.114 therfore she was commaunded and committed vpon the same to prison, which seemeth hetherto not much to di∣gresse from trueth. It followeth moreouer, that the same night an angell came to her,* 2.115 comforting and exhorting her to be strong and constant vnto the Martyrdome, for that she was a mayd accepted in the sight of God, and that the Lord would be with her, for whose honor she did fight, and that he would geue her a mouth and wisedome, which her enemies should not withstand: with many other thinges mo, which I here omit. As this also I omit concerning y^e 50. Philosophers, whom she in disputation conuicted, and conuerted vnto our religion, and dyed martyrs for y^e same. Item, of the conuerting of Porphyrius kinsmā to Maxentius and Faustina the Emperours wife. At length (saith the sto∣ry) after she proued the racke, and the foure sharpe cutting wheeles,* 2.116 hauing at last her head cut off with the sword, so she finished her martyrdome, about the yeare of our Lord (as Antoninus affirmeth) 310 Symeon Metaphrastes, writing of her, discourseth the same more at large, to whome they may resort, which couet more therein to be satisfied.

Among the workes of Basill a certayne Oration is ex∣tant concerning Iulitta the martyr,* 2.117 who came to her mar∣tyrdome (as he witnesseth) by this occasion. A certayne a∣uaricious and greedy person, of great authoritie, and as it may appeare, the Emperour his deputy, or other like offi∣cer,* 2.118 (who abused the decrees and lawes of the Emperour agaynst the Christians, to hys own lucre and gayne) vio∣lently tooke from this Iulitta all her goodes, landes, cattell, and seruaunts, contrary to all equity and right. She made her pittifull cōplaint to the Iudges, a day was appointed, when the cause should be heard.* 2.119 The spoyled woman, and the spoiling extorcioner stode forth together, y^e woman la∣mentably declareth her case, y^e man frowningly beholdeth her face. When she had proued that of good right the goods were her owne & that wrongfully he had dealed with her: the wicked & bloudthirsty wretch, preferring vile worldly substaunce, before the precious substaunce of a Christen body, affirmed her action to be of no force, for that she was as an outlaw in not seruing the Emperors Gods, since her christian faith hath bene first abiured.* 2.120 His allegation was allowed as good and reasonable. Whereupon incense & fire were prepared for her to worship the Gods, which vnles she would do,* 2.121 neither the Emperors protectiō, nor lawes, nor iudgment, nor life, should she enioy in that cō∣mon weale. When this handmaid of the Lorde heard these wordes, she saide, farwell life, welcome death: farwell ry∣ches welcome pouerty. All that I haue if it were a thou∣sand times more,* 2.122 would I rather loose, then to speake one wicked & blasphemous word against God my creator. I yeeld thee thanks most harty, O my God, for this gift of grace, that I can contemne & despise this frayle and tran∣sitory world, esteming Christian profession aboue all trea∣sures. Hence forth whē any question was demaunded, her aunswere was:* 2.123 I am the seruaunt of Iesus Christ. Her kindred & acquaintaunce flocking to her, aduertised her to chaunge her minde. But that vehemently she refused, with detestation of their Idolatry. Forthwith the Iudge, with the sharpe sworde of sentēce not only cutteth of al her goodes & possessions, but iudgeth her also to the fire most cruellye. The ioyfull Martyr imbraceth the sentence as a thing most sweete and delectable.* 2.124 She addresseth her selfe to the flames, in countenaunce, iesture, and wordes, decla∣ring the ioy of her hart, coupled with singular constancy. To the women beholding her, sententiouslye shee spake: Sticke not,* 2.125 O sisters, to labour and trauell after true piety and godlines. Cease to accuse the fragilitie of feminine na∣ture. What? are not we created of the same matter, that mē are? Yea, after Gods Image and similitude are we made, as liuely as they. Not flesh only God vsed in the creation of the woman, in signe and tokē of her infirmitie, & weak∣nes, but bone of bones is she, in token that shee must be strong in the true and liuing God, all false Gods forsaken. Constant in faith al infidelity renounced patient in aduer∣sity, all worldly ease refused. Waxe wery, (my dere sisters) of your liues lead in darkenes, & be in loue with my christ, my God, my redeemer, my comforter which is the true light of the worlde. Perswade your selues, or rather the spirite of the liuing God perswade you, that there is a world to come, wherin the worshippers of idoles and de∣uils shal be tormented, perpetually, the seruauntes of the high god shalbe crowned eternally. With these words she embraced the fire, and swetely slept in the Lord.

There haue bene moreouer beside these aboue recited diuers godly women and faithfull Martirs,* 2.126 as Barbara a noble woman in Thuscia, who after miserable prisonmēt sharpe cordes, & burning flames put to her sides, was at last beheaded. Also Fausta the virgin, which suffered vnder Maximinus by whome Euelasius a ruler of the Emperours palace, and Maximinus the President were both conuerted and also suffered martirdome, as witnesseth Metaphrastes. Item Iuliana a virgine of singular beautie in Nicomedia, who after diuers agonies suffered likewise vnder, Maximi∣nus. Item, Anysia a mayd of Thessalonica, who vnder the said Maximinus suffred. Metaphr. ibid. Iustina which suffered with Cyprianus bishop of Antioche, not to omit also Tecla although most writers doe accorde that she suffered vnder Nero. Platina in vita Caij, maketh also mentiō of Lucia, & Aga∣tha. All which holy maides and virgins glorified the Lord Christ with their constant martirdome in this tenth & last persecution of Dioclesian.

During the time of which persecution these bishops of Rome succeded on after another▪* 2.127 Caius who succeded next after Xist{us} mētioned. pag. 71. Marcellinus Marcellus (of whō, Eusebius in his story maketh no mention) Eusebius, & then Miltiades: al which, died martirs in the tempest of this per∣secution. First Marcellinus after the Martirdome of Caius was ordeined Bishoppe, he being brought by Dioclesian, to the Idoles,* 2.128 first yeelded to their Idolatry & was seene to sacrifice, wherfore being excommunicated by the Chri∣stians, fell in such repentaunce, that he returned agayne to Dioclesian, where he standing to his former confession, and publikely condemning the idolatry of the heathen, reco∣uered the crowne of martirdome: suffering with Claudius, Cyrinus, and Antoninus.

Marcellus likewise was vrged of Maxentius to renounce his bishoprick & religion,* 2.129 & to sacrifice with them to idols. which when he constantly refused, was beaten with cud∣gels, and so expelled the city. Then he entring into y^e house of Lucina a widow, assembled there the cōgregation, which when it came to the eares of Maxentius the tiraunt, he tur∣ned the house of Lucina into a stable, and made Marcellus the keeper of the beasts, and so with the stinch thereof and miserable handling was put to death. Eusebius late byshop of Rome, as Euseb. in Chron. saith. 7. monethes: Marianus Scotus saith 8. months.* 2.130 Damasus affirmeth 6. yeares, Sabelli∣cus alledgeth certaine authors that say, that he was slayne by Maximinianus: but correcteth that himselfe, affirming that Maximinianus died before him.

Miltiades by the testimony of Platina, and other that fol∣low him sat 3. yeares, & 7. moneths, & suffred vnder Maxi∣minianus. But that semeth not to be true, as both Sabellicus doth rightly note,* 2.131 affirming that the same cannot stand by the supputation of time: Forasmuch as the saide Galerius Maximinus raigned but 2. yeares, and died before Miltiades. Also Eusebius manifestly expresseth the example of a letter of Constantine written to this Miltiades Byshop of Rome,* 2.132 playnely conuicting that to bee false, which Platina affir∣meth.

* 2.133In the booke collected of general councels among the decretal epistles, there is a long tractation about y^e iudge∣ment and condemnation of Marcellinus: wherof the May∣sters & Patrones of popery, in these our daies, take great hold to proue the supremacy of the pope to be aboue al ge∣nerall councels, and that he ought not to be subiect to the condemnation of any person or persons, for that there is written: Nemo vnquam iudicauit Pontificem, nec Praesul sa∣cerdotem suum,* 2.134 quoniam prima sedes non iudicabitur a quoquā. &c. Although this sentence of Miltiades seemeth apparant∣ly to be patched in, rather by some Heldibrandus, then by Miltiades: both for that it hangeth with little order of sense, vpon that which goeth before: & againe bicause that prima sedes here mentioned, was not yet ordained nor attributed to the sea of Rome before the councell of Nice, where the order and placing of byshops was first established. But to let this sentence passe, yet notwithstanding the circūstance & proceding of this iudgement, if it be rightly weyed, ma∣keth very little to the purpose of these men. Neither is it true that the bishops of this councell of Sinuesse, did not condemne Marcellinus: for the wordes of the councell bee plaine. Subscripserunt igitur in eius damnationem & damnaue∣runt eum extra ciuitatem. That is: They subscribed therfore to his comdemnation, and condemned him to be expelled out of the citie. Moreouer by y^e said councell were brought in, the 42. witnesses against Marcellinus. In the saide coun∣cell the verdit of the same witnesses was demaunded and also receiued. Furthermore, Quirinus there, one of the By∣shops openly protested, that he would not depart y^e coun∣cell, before the malice of the bishops were reuealed: what doth al this declare, but that the bishop of Rome was cal∣led there,* 2.135 and did appeare before the iudgement seat of the Councell, and there stoode subiecte to their sentence & au∣thoritie, by the which he was expelled out of the City? As for the wordes of the councell, whereupon our Papistes stand so much. Non enim nostro, sed tuo ipsius iudicio cōdem∣naberis, &c. Item: Tuo ore iudica causam tuā. &c. These words import not here the authority of the Romane bishop to be aboue the councel, neither do they declare what the coun∣cell could not do, but what they would and wished rather to be done, that is, that he should rather acknowledge his crime before God & them, with a voluntary yelding of his hart, then that the confession of such an hainous fact should be extorted from him through their condemnatiō: for that they saw to be expedient for hys soules health. Otherwise their cōdemnation should serue him to smal purpose. And so it came to passe. For he being vrged of thē to condemne himselfe,* 2.136 so did: prostrating himselfe and weeping before them. Wherupon immediatly they proceded to the sentēce against him, condemning & pronouncing him to be expel∣led the city. Now whether by this may be gathered, that y^e Byshop of Rome ought not to be cited, accused, and con∣demned by any person or persons, let the indifferent Rea∣der iudge simply.

* 2.137As touching y^e decretal epistles, which be intituled vn∣der the name of these foresaide bishops: who so well adui∣seth them, and with iudgement will examine the stile, the time, the argument the hanging togither of the matter, & the constitutions in them contained (little seruing to anye purpose, and nothing seruing for those troublous dayes then present) may easely discerne them: either in no part to be theirs, or much of the same to be clouted and patched by the doings of other, which liued in other times: speciallye seing al the constitutions in them for the most part tend to the setting vp and to exalt the sea of Rome aboue al other, Bishops and churches, and to reduce all cames & appeals to the said sea of Rome. So the epistle of Caius beginnyng with the commendation of the authoritie of his sea, endeth after the same tenor, willing and cōmaunding all difficult questions in al prouinces whatsoeuer emerging, to be re∣ferred to the sea Apostolicall. Moreouer, the greatest part of the said epistle from this place. Quicunque illi sunt ita ob∣caecati. &c. to the ende of this periode: Quoniam sicut ait. B. Apostolus Magnum est pietatis. &c. is conteyned in the epistle of Leo, vnto Leo the Emperour: & so rightly agreeth in al poynts with the stile of Leo, that euidēt it is the same to be borrowed out of Leo, out of the epistle of Caius, or to bee patched into the epistle of Caius taken out of Leo.

Likewise the epistle of Marcellinus to get more authori∣tie with y^e reader,* 2.138 is admixed with a great part of S. Paules epistle to the ephesians, worde, for worde. And howe is it like that Marcellinus which died in the 20. yeare of Dioclesian coulde write of consubstantialitie of the diuine persons, when that controuersie and terme of Consubstantialitie, was not heard of in the Church,* 2.139 before Nicene councell, which was 23. yeares after him? But especially the two e∣pistles of Marcellus bewray themselues, so that for the con∣futing therof needeth no other probation, more then onely the reading of the same. Such a glorious stile of ambition therein doth appeere, as it is easie to be vnderstoode, not to proceede either frō such an humble Martir, or to sauour any thing of the misery of such a time.* 2.140 His wordes of hys first epistle written to the brethren of Antioche, and allea∣ged in the popes decrees by Gratianus are these:

We desire you brethren that ye doe not teach nor conceiue any other thing, but as yee haue receiued of the blessed Apostle S. Peter, and of other Apostles & fathers. For of him ye were first of all instructed.* 2.141 wherefore you must not forsake your owne fa∣ther and followe others. For hee is the head of the whole Church to whom the Lord sayd: Thou art Peter and vpon this rocke I will build my church. &c. whose seate was first with you in Antioche: which afterward by the commaundement of the Lord was trāslated frō thence to Rome, of the which church of Rome I am this day placed (by the grace of god) to be the gouernour. Frō the which church of Rome, neither ought you to separate your selues, seeing to the same church all maner causes ecclesiasticall, being of any importance (Gods grace so disposing) are common∣ded to be referred: by the same to be ordered regularly, from whence they tooke their first beginning. &c. And followeth con∣sequently vpon the same. And if your Church of Antioche, which was once the 1. wil now yeld her self vnto the sea of Rome, ther is no other Church els,* 2.142 which will not subiect it selfe to our domi∣nion: to whom all other Byshops, who so euer listeth, and as they must needes do (according to the decrees of the the Apostles and of their successors) ought to flee vnto, as to their head, and must appeale to the same, there to haue their redresse, and their prote∣ction from whence they tooke their first instruction and conse∣cration. &c.

Whether this be like matter to proceed from the spirit of Marcellus that blessed martyr, in those so dreadfull dayes, I say no more,* 2.143 but onely desire thee (gētle reader) to iudge.

In hys second Epistle moreouer, the sayd Marcellus, writing to Maxentius, the bloudy tyraunt, first reprehen∣deth him for his crueltie, sharpely admonishing him howe & what to do: to learne and seeke the true religion of God, to mayntayne hys Churche, to honor and reuerence the Priestes of God, and specially exhorteth him to charitie, and that he would cease from persecution. &c. All this is possible,* 2.144 and like to be true: but now marke (good reader) what blanched stuffe here followed withall: as where hee alledging the statutes and sanctions of hys predecessors, declareth and discusseth that no byshop nor minister ought to be persecuted, or depriued of hys goodes. And if they be, then ought the to haue their possessions and places againe restored (by the law) before they were bound (by the law) to aunswere to their accusations layd in agaynst thē. And so after that, in conuenient tyme, to be called to a councell. The which councell notwithstanding, without the autho∣ritie of the holy sea, cannot proceede regularly (albeit it re∣mayne in hys power to assemble certayne Byshops toge∣ther.) Neyther can he regularly condemne any Byshop, appealing to this hys Apostolicall sea, before the sentence diffinite do proceede from the foresayd sea. &c. And it follo∣weth after: and therefore (sayth he) let no Byshop of what crime soeuer he be attached, come to hys accusation or be heard, but in hys owne ordinary Synode at hys conue∣nient time: the regular and Apostolicalll authoritie beyng ioyned withall. Moreouer in the sayd Epistle writing to Maxentius, hee decreeth that no lay men, or any suspected Byshop, ought to accuse Prelates of the Church:

so that if

they be either laye men, or men of euill conuersation, or pro∣ued manyfest enimies, or incensed with anye hatred, their accu∣sations against any Byshops ought not to stande. Wyth other such matters moe, concerning the disposition of iudiciall court. Which matter, if Pope Gregory the seuenth, had written to Hen∣rye the third Emperour, or if Pope Alexander the third, had writ∣ten to the Emperour Predericus the first: it might haue stand with some reason and opportunity of time.

But nowe for Marcellus to write these decrees in such persecution of the Churche, to Maxentius the Heathen and most cruell Emperour: howe vnlyke it is to bee true, and howe it serued then to purpose, the Reader may soone discerne. And yet these be the epistles and constitutions decretal, whereby (vnder the pretensed title of the fathers) al churches of late time,* 2.145 & al ecclesiastical causes haue beene, & yet are in this realme of england to this day gouerned, directed, and disposed.

The like discussion & examination I might also make of the other epistles that followe of Eusebius and Miltiades, which al tende to the same scope, that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answere (or ad litem cōtestatam, as the words of their writing do terme it) before they be orderly & fully restored again to their possessiōs. Who moreouer in y^e said their epistles stil harpe vpon this key of y^e scripture: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, Declaring more ouer that this priuiledge of iudging al mē and to be iudge of no man, but onely to be left to y^e iudge∣ment of the Lord: was gyuen to this foresayd holy sea of Rome, from tyme of the Apostles, & chiefly lefte w^t Peter the holye key keeper: so that although the election of the Apostles was equall, yet this was chieflye graunted to Saint Peter; to haue preheminenes aboue the rest. Con∣cluding in the ende hereby.* 2.146 Quod semper maiores causae, si∣cut sunt episcoporum, & potiorum curae negotiorum, ad vnam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent: That is: that alwaies all greater causes, as be the matters of By∣shoppes, and such other cares of weighty importaunce, should be brought to the sea of S. Peter, the blessed prince of the Apostles. &c. These be the wordes of Miltiades and Eu∣sebius, whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath a∣ny nose, what was the meaning of thē which forged these writings and letters, vpon these auntient holy martirs.

This I cannot but maruell at, in the thirde Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome, that where as Marcellius his late predecessor before,* 2.147 in his owne time and remembrance did fall so horribly, and was condemned for the same iustly to be expulsed the Citie by the counsell of 300. Byshops: yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epi∣stle alledging y^e place of Tu es Petrus, bringeth in for a profe of the same and saith: Quia in sede Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio. &c. That is, for in the A∣postolicall sea, alwaies the Catholike Religion hath bene preserued without any spot or blemish.

But howsoeuer the forgers of these decretal Epistles haue forgottē themselues,* 2.148 most certeine it is that these ho∣ly bishops, vpon whom they were and are ascribed: liued perfect good men, and died blessed martirs. Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishoppes of Rome here in the west Church of Europe, that euer was in daū∣ger of persecution to be Martired, yet to this present day.

And thus haue ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saintes, which suffered in the time of persecution, from the xix. yeare of Dioclesian, to the vij. and last yeare of Maxentius with the deathes also & plagues described vpon these tormentors,* 2.149 and cruel tiraunts, which were the cap∣taines of the same persecutiō. And here commeth in (bles∣sed be Christ) the ende of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe, so far as the dominion of bles∣sed Constantinus did chiefly extend.

Yet notwithstanding in Asia al persecution as yet cea∣sed not for the space of foure yeres, as aboue is mentioned by the meanes of wicked Licinius.* 2.150 Under whome diuers there were holy and constant martirs, that suffered gree∣uous torments: as Hermylus a Deacon, and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison, which both, after their punishments sustained,* 2.151 were strangled in the floud Ister. Metasth. Also Theodorus y^e Captaine, who being sent for of Licinius, be∣cause he would not come, and because he brake his Gods in peeces, and gaue them to the pore, therfore was fastned to the crosse, and after being pearsed with sharpe pricks or bodkins, in the secret parts of his body, was at last behea∣ded. Adde to this also Milles, who first being a Souldiour, afterward was made bishop of a certaine Citie in Persia, where he seing himselfe could do no good to conuert them, after many tribulations and great afflictions among thē, cursed the Citie and departed. Which citie shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroied.

In the same countrey of Persia, about this time suffe∣red vnder Sapores the king (as recordeth Symeon Metasthe∣nes) diuers valiant & constant martirs,* 2.152 as Acindymus, Pe∣gasius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus, also Symeon Archbishop of Seleucia, with Ctesiphon an other bishop in Persia, with other ministers & religious men of that region, to y^e num∣ber of 128. Of this Symeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zo∣zomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magitians in Persia, taking counsaile togither against y^e Christians, accused Sy∣meon & Ctesiphō, to Sapores y^e king, for y^t they were gratefull & accepted vnto y^e Romane Emperor & bewraied to him, such things as were done in y^e land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moued, toke great displeasure against y^e chri∣stians, oppressing them with taxes & tributes vnto their vtter impouerishing, killing also their Priestes with the sword: After that calleth for Symeon the Archbyshop, who there before the king declared himselfe a worthy & a vali∣ant captaine, of Christs church. For when Sapores had cō∣maūded him to be led to suffer torments, he neither shronk for any feare, nor shewed any great humble sute of submis∣sion for any pardon: wherat the king partly marueiling, partly offended, asked why he did not knele downe, as he was wont before to do. Symeon to this aūswered, for that saith he, before this time I was not brought vnto you in bondes to betray the true God,* 2.153 as I am nowe, so long I refused not to accomplishe that which the order & custome of the Realme of me required: but now it is not lawful for me so to do, for now I come to stand in defence of our Re∣ligion and true doctrine. When Symeon thus had aunswe∣red, the king persisting in his purpose, offereth vnto him y^e choise, either to worship with him after his maner (pro∣mising to him many great gifts, if he would so doe) or if he would not,* 2.154 threatneth to him and to al the other christians within his land, destruction. But Symeon neither allured with his promises, nor terrified with his threatnings, cō∣tinued constaunt in his doctrine professed, so that neyther he could be induced to Idolatrous worship, nor yet to be∣tray the truth of his religion. For the which cause he was committed into hands, and there commaunded to be kept to the kings pleasure further knowne.

It befel in the way as he was going to y^e prison, there was sitting at the kings gate a certaine Eunuche,* 2.155 an olde Tutor or scholemaister of y^e kings, named Vsthazares, who had bene once a christian, and afterward falling from hys profession, fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idola∣trie. This Vsthazares sitting at the doore of the kinges pal∣lace, and seing Symeon passing by led to the prison, rose vp and reuerenced the Bishop. Symeon againe with sharpe wordes (as the time would suffer) rebuked him & in great anger cried out against him:* 2.156 which being once a christian, woulde so cowardly reuolt from his profession, & returne againe to the Heathenish Idolatry. At the hearing of these words the Eunuch forthwith brasting out in teares, lay∣ing away his courtly apparell, which was sumptuous & costly & putting vpon him a blacke and mourning weede, sitteth before the court gates weping and bewailing, thus saying with himselfe:* 2.157 wo is me, wyth what hope, wyth what face, shall I looke hereafter for my God, which haue denied my god: whē as this Symeon my familiar acquan∣tance, thus passing by me, so much disdaineth me, that he refuseth with one gentle word to salute me?

These things being brought to the ••ares of the King (as such tale cariers neuer lacke in Princes courtes) pro∣cured against him no litle indignation. wherupon Sapores the king sending for him, first with gentle words & court∣ly promises began to speake him faire, asking him what cause he had so to mourne, & whether there was any thing in his house, which was denied him, or which he had not at his owne will and asking.* 2.158 Whereunto Vsthazares aun∣swering againe saide: That there was nothing in that earthly house, which was to him lacking, or wherūto his desire stod. Yea would god (said he) O king any other grief or calamitie in al the world, whatsoeuer it were, had hap∣pened vnto me, rather thē this for y^e which I do most iust∣ly mourne and sorrow. For this sorroweth me that I am this day aliue, who should rather haue died long since, & that I see this sonne, which against my hart and mynde, for your pleasure dissēblingly I appeared to worship, for which cause doublewise I am worthy of death. First, for y^t I haue denied Christ. Secondly, because I did dissemble with you. And incontinent vpon these wordes, swearing by him that made both heauen & earth, affirmed most cer∣tainly, that although he had plaied y^e foole before, he would neuer be so mad againe, as in steede of the creator and ma∣ker of all thinges, to worship the creatures which he had made and created. Sapores the king being astonied at the so sodaine alteration of this man, and doubting with hym selfe, whether to be angry with those inchaunters, or with

him, whether to intreat him wyth gentlenes, or wyth ry∣gour, at length in this moode commaunded the sayde Vst∣hazares his old auncient seruaunt,* 2.159 and first Tutor & bryn∣ger vp of his youth, to be had away, and to be beheaded: as he was going to the place of execution, he desired of the ex∣ecutioners, a lyttle to staye, whyle he myght sende a mes∣sage vnto the king, which was this (sent in by certayne of the kings most trusty Eunuches) desiring him that for all the old and faythfull seruyce he had done to his Father,* 2.160 & to him, he would now requite him w^t thys one office a∣gayne, to cause to bee cryed openlye by a publike cryer in these wordes followyng: that Vsthazares was beheaded not for any trechery or cryme committed against the king or the Realme,* 2.161 but onelye for that hee was a Christyan, and woulde not at the Kinges pleasure denye hys God. And so accordyng to hys requeste it was performed and graunted. For thys cause dyd Vsthazares so much desire the cause of hys death to be publyshed: because that as his shrynking backe from Christ, was a great occasion to ma∣nye Christians to doe the lyke: so nowe the same hearing y^t Vsthazares dyed for no other cause but only for y^e religion of Christ, shoulde learne lykewyse by hys example to bee feruente and constaunt in that which they professe. And thus thys blessed Eunuch dyd consummate hys Martyr∣dome.* 2.162 Of the which hys Martyrdome, Symeon hearing being in pryson was very ioyfull, and gaue god thanks. Who in the nexte daye followyng, being brought foorth before the Kyng, and constantly refusyng to condescende to the Kynges request,* 2.163 to worshyp visible creatures, was lykewyse by the commaundement of the Kyng beheaded, wyth a great number mo, whithe the same daye also did suffer, to the number as is sayd of an hundreth and more. All whiche were put to death before Symeon,* 2.164 he standing by, and exhortyng them, wyth comfortable wordes: ad∣monishing them to stande fyrme and stedfast in the Lord, Preachyng and teachyng them concernyng death, resur∣rection, and true pietye, and prooued by the Scryptures y^t to be true which he had sayde. Declaryng moreouer that to be true lyfe in deede, so to dye: and that to be death in deede, to deny or to betray God for feare of punishment. And added further, that there was no man alyue, but needes once must dye. For so much as to all men is appoyn∣ted necessarelye, here to haue an ende. But those thyngs which after this lyfe followe hereafter, to bee eternall, which neyther shall come to all men after one sorte. But as the condition and trade of lyfe in dyuers men doth dyffer, and is not in all men like: so the tyme shall come, when all men in a moment shall render and receaue accordyng to theyr dooynges in thys present lyfe immortall rewardes: such as haue here done well, of lyfe and glory, such as haue done contrary, of perpetual punish∣ment: As touching therefore our well doyng, here is no doubte but of all other our holy actions and vertuous deedes, there is no hyer or greater deede, then if a man here loose his lyfe, for hys Lord God. Wyth these wordes of comfortable exhortation, the holye Martyrs beyng prepared, willyngly yeelded vp their liues to death. After whom at last followed Symeon, with two other Priestes or Mynisters of his Church,* 2.165 Abedecalaas, and Ananias, which also wyth him were pertakers of the same Martyrdome. At the sufferyng of those aboue mentioned, it happened that Pusices one of the Kynges offycers, and ouerseer of hys Artificers,* 2.166 was there present: who seeyng Ananias beyng an aged olde Father, somwhat to shake and trem∣ble at the syght of them that suffered: O Father (sayde he) a lyttle moment shut thyne eies, and be strong, and short∣ly thou shalt see the sight of God. Upon these words thus spoken, Pusices immediately was apprehended & brought to the King.* 2.167 Who there confessing himselfe constantly to be a Chrystian, and for that he was very bould and hardy before the king in the cause of Christs faith, was extreme∣ly and most cruelly handled in the execution of his Mar∣tyrdome.* 2.168 For in the vpper part of hys necke they made a hole to thrust in theyr hande, and pluckt out hys tongue out of hys mouth, and so he was put to death. At y^e which time also the daughter of Pusices, a godly virgine, by the malicious accusation of the wicked, was apprehended & put to death.

The next yeare followyng, vpon the same day, when the Christians did celebrate the remembraunce of y^e Lords passion,* 2.169 which wee call good Frydaye before Easter (as wytnesseth the sayde Zozomenus.) Sapores the king direc∣ted out a cruell and sharpe Edict throughout al his land, condemning to death all them, whosoeuer confessed them∣selues to be Christians.* 2.170 By reason whereof an innume∣ble multitude of Christians, through the wicked procu∣ring of the malignant Magitians suffered the same tyme by the sworde, both in Citie and in Towne: some beyng sought for, some offeryng themselues willyngly, least they shoulde seeme by their sylence to deny Christ. Thus al the Christians that could be founde, without pitie were slaine and diuers also of the kinges owne court and housholde. Amonge whome was also Azades an Eunuche,* 2.171 and whome the Kyng did entirely loue and fauour. Which Asades after that the King vnderstoode to be put to death, beyng greatly mooued with the sorrow thereof commaun∣ded after that,* 2.172 no Christians to bee slayne, but them one∣ly which were the Doctours and teachers of Chrystian Religion.

In the same tyme it happened that the Queene fell in∣to a certaine disease:* 2.173 vpon the occasion whereof the cruell Iewes with the wicked Magicians, falsely and malicy∣ously accused Trabula, the sister of Symeon, the Martyr, a godly Uirgine, with an other sister also of hers: that they had wrought pryuie charmes to hurt the Queene, for the reuenging of the death of Symeon. This accusation beyng receaued and beleeued: innocent Trabula, with the other were condemned, and with a sawe cut in sunder by the middle. Whose quarters were then hanged vpon stakes: the Queene goyng betweene them, thinking thereby to be deliuered of her sickenes. This Trabula, was a mayde of a ryght comelye beauty, and verye amiable, to whome one of the Magicians cast great loue, much desiring and labouryng by gyftes and rewardes sent into the pryson to wynne her to hys pleasure: promising that if she woulde applye to hys request shee shoulde bee deliuered and set at lybertye.* 2.174 But she vtterly refusing to consente vnto hym, or rather rebukyng him for his incontinent attempt dyd chuse rather to dye, then to betray eyther the Religi∣on of her minde or the virginitie of her body. Zozom.

Now forsomuch as the king had cōmaunded that no Christians should be put to death,* 2.175 but onely such as were the teachers and leaders of the flocke: the Magicians and Archmagitians, left no diligence vntried, to set forward the matter. Whereby great affliction and persecutions was a∣mong the Byshops and teachers of the Church, which in all places, went to slaunghter, especially in the country of Diabenor, for that part of Persia aboue al other was most Christian.* 2.176 Where Acepsimas y^e Byshop with a great num∣ber of his flocke and clergy, were apprehended and taken: vpon the apprehension of whō the Magicians to satisfie y^e kings commaundement, dismissed al the rest, onely depri∣uing them of their liuing and goods. Onely Acepsimas the bishop they retayned, with whom one Iacobus a Minister or priest of his church was also ioined: not of any compul∣sion, but onely as himselfe so desired and obtained of those Magicians, y^t he might folow him, & be coupled in y^e same bonds to serue the aged byshop, and to relieue (so much as he might) his calamities, and heale his woundes. For he had bene sore scourged before of the Magians,* 2.177 after they had apprehended him, and brought him to worshippe the sunne, which thing because he would not do, they cast him into prison againe, where this Iacobus was waiting vpō him. At the same time likewise Athalis a Priest or Mini∣ster, also Azadanes and Abdiesus Deacons were impryso∣ned, and miserably scourged for the testimony of the Lorde Iesus. After this the Archimagus espying his time, com∣plaineth to the king of them, hauing authoritie and com∣mission giuen him (vnles they would worship the sunne) to punish them as he pleased. This commaundement re∣ceyued of the king, the master Magus doth declare to thē in prison. But they aunswered againe plainely, that they would neuer be either betraiers of Christ, or worshippers of the sunne. wherupon without mercy they were put to bitter torments. Where Acepsimas strongly persisting in the confession of christ, endureth to death. The other being no lesse rent & wounded with scourges, yet cōtinued mer∣uailously aliue. And because they woulde in no case turne from their constant sentence, were turned againe into pri∣son. Of whome Athalas in the time of his whipping was so drawne & rackt with pulling, that both his armes be∣ing loosed out of the ioynts, hanged downe from his bo∣dy: which he so caried about without vse of any hande to feede himselfe,* 2.178 but as he was fed of other.

Miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters vnder the raigne of this Sapores, of Byshops, Ministers, Deacons, religious men holy virgins, and other ecclesias∣ticall persons such as did then cleaue to the doctrine of Christ and suffered for the same. The names of the bishops besides the other multitude taken in that persecution, is recited in Sozom. lib. 2. and in Niceph. lib. 8 cap. 37. in this or∣der following, Barbasymes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Ma∣reas, Mocius, Iohannes, Hormisdas, Papas, Iacobus, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, Ioannes, Abramius, Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausas Bicor. also with Maureanda his fellow bishop, and the rest of his Churches vnder hym,

to the number of 250. persons, which were the same time apprehended of the Persians.* 2.179 &c. Briefly to cōprehend the whole multitude of them that suffered in that persecution, the maner of their apprehension, the cruelnes of their tor∣mēts, how and where they suffered, & in what places it is not possible for any history to discharg. Neither are y^e Per¦sians them selues (as Zozomenus recordeth) able to recyte them. In summe, the multitude and number of thē whom they are able to recite by name, commeth to the summe of xvj. thousand men and women.

The rumor and noyse of this so miserable affliction of the Christians in the kingdome of Persia, comming to the eares of Constantinus the Emperour, put him in great heauines, studing and reuoluing with himselfe, howe to helpe the matter, which in deede was very hard for him to do. It so befell the same time, that certaine Embassadours were then at Rome from Sapores king of Persia, to whom Constantinus did easely graunt, and consent, satisfying all their requestes, and demaundes, thinking thereby to ob∣taine the more friendship at the kings handes, that at hys request, he would be good to the Christians to whome he writeth his Epistle in their behalfe, and sendeth the same by his messengers beginning thus:

Diuinam fidem seruans veritatis lucem sortior. Veritatis luce ductus diuinam fidem cognosco. Per ea igitur, quibus illa res agēdas confirmat, sanctissimam religionem cognitam redd••, & hunc m•• cultum doctorem cognitionis sancti dei habere confiteor. &c. Eu∣sebius. de vita. Constantinus. lib. 4. The contentes whereof, briefly do tende to this effect. Declaring vnto him how he should stand much beholden to him, if at his request he would shew some quiet and rest to the Christians. In whose religion there was no∣thing which he could iustly blame. For so much as in their sacrifi∣ces they vse to kil nothing, nor to shed no bloud, but only to of∣fer vp vnbloudy sacrifices, to make their praiers vnto God, who delighteth not in bloud shedding, but onely in the soule that lo∣ueth vertue, and followeth such doctrine and knowledge, which is agreeing to true pietie. And therefore such men as doe leade him and learne so to beleue, and to worship God, are more to bee commended. Moreouer he assureth him to finde God more mer∣cifull to him, if hee woulde embrace the godlye pietye and truth of the Christians. And for example thereof, bringeth in the stories of Galienus and Valerianus,* 2.180 who so long as they were fauorers of the Christiās did prosper and florish. But as soone as they moued any persecution agaynst them, it happened to them, as it did to all other Emperors before them, that all went backward with them, as especially might appere by Valerianus, who after he had raged so cruelly against the Christians, was eftsoones ouercome of the Persians, the reuenging hand of God falling vpon him, where hee led euer after a miserable life, in wretched captiuitie. Farther also for the more euidèce of the same, inferreth the examples of those Emperors and tyrants in his time, whom he vanquished & sub∣dued only by his faith in Christ, for the which faith, God was hys helper, and gaue him the victory in many battailes, and tryumph ouer great tyraunts, whereby he hath also enlarged the dominiō of the Romane monarchie from the west Ocean, to the vttermost parts wel neere of al the East. To the doing and working wherof, he neither called to him the helpe of any charmer, or diuination of southsayer, nor vsed the killing of any sacrifice: but onely the following of the crosse, and prayer made to almightie God, with∣out any other bloudy sacrifice, was the armour wherewith hee ouercame, &c. And in the end of the Epistle addeth these words What ioy (saith he) what gladnes would it be to my hart, to heare the state also of the Persians to florish, as I wish it to do, by embra∣cing this sort of men, the Christians I meane? so that both you with them, and they with you in long prosperite may enioy much feli∣city together as your harts would desire, & in so doing no doubt ye shall. For so shall you haue God, which is the author and crea∣tor of all this vniuersall worlde, to be mercifull and gratious to you. These men therefore I commend vnto you vpon your king∣ly honour, And vpon your clemency and piety, wherewith you are indued, I commit them vnto you, desiring you to embrace & receaue them according to your humanitie and benignity, agre∣ing and conuenient to your estate: who in so doing shal now both procure to your selfe grace through your faith, and also shall de∣clare to me a great pleasure and benefit worthy of thanks.

This Epistle wrot Constantinus to king Sapores Such care had this godly Prince for them that beleued in Christ not onely in his owne Monarchie,* 2.181 but also in all places of the world: neither is it to be doubted but this intercessiō of the Emperour did something mittigate the heate of the Persians persecution. Although thereof we reade no cer∣taine thing in our historyes.

Of other troubles and persecutions we read of, which happened afterward in the said country of Persia, vnder Isdigerdes the king, but these followed long after about the time of the Emperour Theodosius. At which time suffered Andas their bishop, and Hormisda a great noble mans sōne, and of great reputation among the Persians:* 2.182 whom whē the king vnderstod to be a Christian, and to deny to turne from his religion, condemned him to kepe his Elephants naked. In processe of time the king looking out, and seeing him all swarted and tanned in the sunne, commanded him to haue a shirt put on, & to be brought before him. Whome then the king asked, if he woulde denye Christ. Hormisda hearing this, tare of his shirt from his body, and cast it frō him saying: If yee thinke that I will denye my faith to Christ for a shirt, haue heere your gift againce &c. And so was vpon that expelled the country. Theodor. lib. 5.

An other there was that same time, named Suenes, which had vnder him an hundreth seruaunts. The king takyng displeasure with him, for that he would not alter from hys religion and godly truth, asked who was the worst of all his seruaunts. And him the king made ruler of all y^e rest, and coupling him with his maisters wife,* 2.183 brought also Suenes vnder his subiection, thinking therby to subdue al∣so the faith of Suenes, but it was builded vpon a sure foun∣dation.

Of Beniamin the Deacon thus writeth the saide Theo∣ret,* 2.184 in his fift booke, that after two yeares of his imprison∣ment, at the request of the Romaine Legate hee was deli∣uered, who afterward contrary to the kings commaunde∣ment hee preached and taught the Gospell of Christ, was most miserable excarnificate, hauing xx. sharpe prickes of reeds thrust vnder his nayles, but when he did laugh at y^t, then in his priuye yarde had a sharpe reede thrust in with horrible paine. After that a certaine long stalk ragged and thorny being thrust into his body by the nether part, was forced into him with the horriblenes of the paine,* 2.185 whereof the valiant and inuincible souldiour of the Lord gaue ouer his life. Theodor. ibid. And thus much concerning the mar∣tirs and persecutions among the Persians, although these persecutions belong not of this time, which came (as it is sayd) long after the daies of Constantinus, about the yeare of our Lorde. 425.

Likewise vnder Iulianus the wicked Apostata, certaine there were which constanly suffered Martyrdome by the Heathen Idolaters,* 2.186 as Emilyanus, who was burned in Thracia, and Domitius, which was slayne in hys caue. Theodorus also for singing of a Psalme at the remoouing of the body of Babylas (wherof mention is made of before pag 60.) being apprehended, was so examined with exquisite torments, and so cruelly excruciate from morning almost to noone,* 2.187 that hardly he scaped with life. Who being asked afterward of his friendes, howe he coulde abide so sharpe torments, said that at the first beginning he felt some paine but afterward there stode by him a yong man, who as he was sweating, wiped of his sweate, and refreshed him w^t cold water, oft times: wherewith he was so delited, that when he was let downe from the engine, it greeued hym, more then before. Ruff. lib. 5. cap 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zo∣zom. lib. 5. cap. 10.

Artemius also the captaine of the Egiptian soldiours the same time lost his head for his religiō indede: although other causes were pretended against him. Theo. Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 11.

Adde to these moreouer, Eusebius and Nestabus twoo brethren, with Nestor also, which for their christianitie were dragged through the streetes, and murdered of the idola∣trous people of Gaza. Sozo. Lib. eod. cap. 11.

But especially the crueltie of the Arethusians, a people of Syria, exceeded against the Christian virgines, whome they set out naked before the multitude to be scorned, after that being shauen, they couered them with swil and draffe woont to be giuen to their hogs, & so caused theyr bowels and flesh to be deuoured of the hungry swine. This rage & furye of the wicked Arethusians, Zozomenus supposeth to come of this, because that Constantinus before had broken them from their country maner, of setting forth and expo∣sing their virgins, filthely to whom soeuer lusted, and de∣stroyed the temple of Venus in Heliopolis, restrayning the people there from their filthines and vile whoredome. So∣zom. Lib. 5 cap. 10.

Of the lamentable story or rather Tragedy of Marcus Arethusius, their Byshop, thus writeth the said Sozomenus, and also Theodoretus in his third booke, in these words as followe.

This Tragedye (saith hee) of Marcus Arethusius,* 2.188 doth require the eloquence and worthines of Aeschilus, and So∣phocles, which may, as the matter deserueth, set forth, and beautify his great afflictions. This man at the commaun∣dement of Constantinus, pulled downe a certayn temple de∣dicated to Idols, and in the stead thereof built vp a church where the Christians might congregate. The Arthusians remembring the little good wil that Iulianus bare vnto him

accused him as a traitour and enimie to him. At the first, according as the scripture teacheth he prepared him selfe to flee. But when he perceiued that there were certaine of his kinsmen or frynds apprehēded in his steed,* 2.189 returning agayne of his owne accord he offred himselfe to those that thirsted for his bloude. whome when they had gotten as men neither pytiyng his old age & worne yeares, nor aba∣shed at his vertuous conuersation, being a man so adour∣ned both with doctrine & maners, first strypt him naked, & pittifully beate him, then within a while after, they cast him into a foule filthy sinke, & from thence being brought, they caused boyes to thrust him in with sharpned stickes, made for the nonce to prouoke his paine the more.* 2.190 Lastly, they put him into a basket, and being annointed with ho∣ny, & broth, they hung him abroad in the heate of the sunne as meate for waspes and flies to feede vpon. And all this extremity they shewed vnto him, for that they woulde en∣force him to do one of these things (y^t is either to build vp-againe y^e temple, which he had destroied, or else to giue so much money as should pay for the building of y^e same:* 2.191 but euen as hee purposed with him selfe to suffer & abide theyr greuous torments, so refused he to doe that they demaun∣ded of him. At the length they taking him to be but a poore man, and not able to pay such a summe of mony, promised to forgiue him the one halfe, so that he would be contented to pay the other halfe. But he hanging in the basket woū∣ded pitifully with the sharpned sticks of boies & children, and all to be bitten with waspes & flyes, did not only con∣ceale his paine & griefe, but also derided those wicked ones and called them, base, low, and terrene people, and he him∣selfe to be exalted and set on high. At length they demaun∣ding of him but a small some of money, he answered thus, it is a great wickednes to confer one halfe penye in case of impietie,* 2.192 as if a man should bestow the whole. Thus they beyng not able to preuayle against him, let hym downe. And leauyng him went their waye, so that euery man might learne at his mouth the example of true pietie and faithfulnes.

Although the tractation of these foresayd stories & per∣secutions of Persia, aboue premised, do stray somwhat out of the order & course of time and place, as which came nei∣ther in the time of Constantine, nor be pertinent to the mo∣narchy of Rome: yet because in this present history we are in hand with the holy martirs and Saintes of Christ, for as much as these also gaue such a faithfull testimony of the Lord Iesus with their bloud, I thought therefore not to passe them ouer with some testimony in this our Catalo∣gue of holy Martirs. And here an end of these persecutions of the primitiue church.

¶It may peraduenture be marueiled of some, reading the history of these so terrible persecutions aboue specified, why God the almighty director of al things, would suffer his owne people and faithfull seruaunts, beleeuing in his owne and onely begotien sonne Iesus, so cruellye to bee handled, so wrongfully to be vexed, so extreemly to be tor∣mented and put to death, & that the space of so many yeres together, as in these foresaid persecutiōs may appeare. To the which admiration I haue nothing to aunswere, but to say with the words of Hierome:* 2.193Non debemus super hac re∣rum iniquitate, perturbare videntes, &c. We ought not to be mooued with this iniquitie of things, to see the wicked to preuaile against the godly: for so much as in the beginning of the worlde we see Abell the iuste to bee killed of wicked Cain. * 2.194 And afterward Iacob being thrust out, Esau to reigne in his fathers house. In like case the Egyptians with bricke and tyle, afflicted the sonnes of Israel. Yea and the Lorde himselfe, was hee not crucified of the Iewes, Barrabas the thief being let go? Time would not suffise me, to recite, & recken vp how the godly in this world go to wracke, the wicked flourishing and preuailing. Hiero. Briefly, howso∣euer the cause hereof proceedeth, whetherfor our sins here in this life, or how else, soeuer, yet this is to vs, & may be to all men a sufficient stay,* 2.195 that we are sure these afflictions and persecutions of God his people in this worlde, not to come by any chaunce, or blinde fortune, but by the prouy∣dent appointment, and forewarning of God. For so in the old law by the affliction of the children of Israell,* 2.196 he hath prefigured these persecutions of his Christians. So by the words of Christes owne mouth in the Gospell, he did for∣warne his church of these troubles to come. Again neither did he suffer these so great afflictions to fall vpon hys ser∣uaunts, before that he had premonished them sufficientlye by speciall Reuelation in the Apocalips of Iohn his ser∣uaūt,* 2.197 in the which Apocalips he declared vnto his church before, not onely what troubles were comming at hande toward them, where, and by whome, they shoulde come, but also in playne number, if the wordes of the prophecye be well vnderstoode assygneth the true tyme,* 2.198 howe longe the sayde persecutions shoulde continue, and when they shoulde cease. For as there is no doubte, but by the beast with seauen heades, bearing the whoore of Babylon, dronken wyth the bloude of Saintes, is signified the Ci∣tie of Rome: So in my iudgement, the power of making fortie two moneths (in the thirteene of the Apocalips) is to bee expounded,* 2.199 taking euery Moneth for a Sabboth of yeares, that is, reckonyng for seauen yeares a moneth: so that forty and two such Sabbots of yeares, being gathe∣red togither make vppe the yeres iust,* 2.200 betweene the time of Christes death, to the last yeare of the persecution of Maxentius, when Constantinus fyghting vnder the banner of Christ, ouercame him, and made an ende of all persecu∣tion, wythin the Monarchye of Rome. The number of which yeares,* 2.201 by playne computation come to 294. to the which 294. yeares, if yee adde the other sixe yeares, vnder the persecution of Licinius in Asia, then it fylleth vp full the three hundreth yeares. And so long continued the persecution of Christes people, vnder the heathen tirants and Emperours of the Monarchie of Rome, accordyng to the number of the fortye two monethes which the beast had power to make, specified in the thirteenth of the Apo∣calips. For the better explication wherof, because the mat∣ter, being of no small importance greatly apperteineth to the publike vtilitie of the Church, & least any shoulde mis∣doubt me herein to follow any priuate interpretation of mine own, I thought good to cōmunicate to the Reader, that, as hath bene imparted to me, in opening these mis••y∣call numbers in the foresayd booke of Reuelation contey∣ned, by occasion as followeth.

As I was in hand with these histories, and therin cō∣sidered the exceeding rage of these persecutions, the intole∣rable tormentes of the blessed Sainctes, so cruelly rackt, rent, torne, and pluckt in peeces, with all kinde of tortures paynes and punishmentes that could be deuised, more bit∣ter then any death it selfe, I coulde not without great sor∣row & passiō of minde, behold their sorrowfull afflictions, or write of their bloudy passiōs. Wherin much like it hap∣pened to me, as did to T. Liuius, who writing of the warres of Carthage, was so moued in the writing thereof: Ac si in parte aliqua laboris ac periculi ipse pariter fuisset. Further I proceeded in the story, & the hoater the persecutions grew, the more my griefe with them, & for thē encreased, not one∣ly pitiyng their wofull case, but also almost reasoning with God, thus thinking like a foole with my selfe, why God of hys goodnesse would suffer hys children and seruaunts, so vehemently to be cruciated and afflicted. If mortal things were gouerned by heauenly prouidence (as must needs be graūted) why did y^e wicked so rage & florish, & the godly so to go to wrack? If sinnes deserued punishmēt, yet neyther were they sinners alone, & why was their death aboue all other so sharpe and bitter? At least why woulde the Lord suffer the vehemency of these so horrible persecutiōs to en∣dure so long tyme agaynst hys poore Church, shewing to thē no certayne determined end of their tribulatiōs, wher∣by they knowing the appoynted determinatiō of almighty God, with more consolatiō might endure out the same. As the Israelites in the captiuitie of Babilon had 70. yeares limitted vnto them. And vnder Pharao they were promised a deliueraunce out. Also vnder the Syrian tyrauntes. 62. Weekes were abriged vnto them. Onely in these persecu∣tions, I could finde no end determined, nor limitation set for their deliuerance. Wherevpō much marueiling w^t my selfe, I searched the booke of Reuelatiō, to see whether any thing there might be found. Where although I well per∣ceaued, the beast there described to signifie the Empire of Rome, which had power to ouercome the Saintes: yet cō∣cerning the tyme & continuance of these persecutions vn∣der the beast, I found nothing to satisfie my doubt. For albeit I read there of. 42. monethes, of a tyme, tymes and halfe a tyme, of 1260. dayes, yet all this by computation cō∣ming but to 3. yeares & a halfe, came nothing neare the lōg continuance of these persecutiōs, which lasted. 300. yeares. Thus being vexed and turmoyled in spirite, about the reckening, of these numbers and yeares, it so happened vpon a Sonday in the morning lying in my bed, & musing about these nūbers, sodēly it was answered to my minde, as with a maiestie, thus inwardly saying within me: thou foole count these monethes by Sabbots, as the Weekes of Daniell are counted by Sabbots. The Lorde I take to witnes thus it was. Wherupon thus being admonished, I began to recken the 42. monethes by Sabbats, first of monethes, that would not serue, thē by Sabbots of yeres wherin I began to feele some probable vnderstāding. Yet not satisfied herewith, to haue the matter more sure, eft∣soones repaired to certaine Merchaūts, of myne acquain∣tance.

Of whom one is departed a true faythfull seruaunt of the Lord, the other two be yet aliue, and witnes hereof. To whom the number of these foresayd 42. monethes, be∣ing propounded and examined by Sabbots of yeares, the whole summe was found to surmount to 294. yeres, con∣teining the full and iust tyme of these foresayd persecutions neither more nor lesse.

Now this one claspe beyng opened, the other numbers that follow, are plaine and manifest to the intelligent rea∣der to be vnderstood. For where mention is made of three yeares and a half: of one tyme, two times, & halfe a tyme, also of 1260. dayes, all these come to one reckoning, & sig∣nifie 42. monthes, by which monthes, as is sayd, is signi∣fied the whole tyme of these primitiue persecutiōs, as here in order may appeare.

The mysticall numbers in the Apocalyps opened.

FIrst, where mention is made, Apocal. chap. 11. that the two Prophetes shall prophesie 1260. dayes. And also that the woman fleing into the de∣sert shall there be fed. 1260. dayes: who knoweth not, that. 1260. dayes make three yeares & a halfe: that is, monethes

1 2.20242

Secondly, where we read, chap. 11. the bodyes of the two foresaid Prophets shal lye in the streetes of the great citie vnburied, the space of iij. days & a half, and after the said iij. dayes & a half they shall reuiue againe, &c. let the houres of these iij. dayes and a half (which be 42.) bee reckoned euery day for a Sabboth of yeares, or els euery day for a mo∣neth, and they come to moneths

2 2.20342

Thirdly, where as in the same booke is expres∣sed that the woman had ij. wings geuen her to flye vnto the desert for a tyme, tymes, and halfe a tyme, geue for one time, one yere, or one day: for ij. times ij. yeares, or ij. dayes: for halfe a tyme, halfe a yere, or half a day. And so it is manifest, that those three yeares & a halfe, mounteth to monthes

3 2.20442

Fourthly, account these 42. moneths aforesaid (which the beast had power to make. Apoc. 11.) by Sabbots of yeares, that is, vij yeares for a moneth: or euery moneth for seuen yeares, & it amounteth to the summe of yeares

4 2.205294

And so haue ye the iust yeares, dayes, times, & months of these foresaid persecutions vnder the beast, neither shor∣ter nor longer, reckoning from the death of Iohn Baptist vnder Herode the Romain king to the ende of Maxentius, and of Licinius, ij. last great persecutors, the one in the West the other in the East, who were both vanquished by god∣ly Constantinus. And so peace was geuen to the Church, al∣beit not in such ample wise, but that diuers tumultes and troubles afterward ensued, but they lasted not long: & the chief brunt, to speake of these Romain persecutions, which the holy ghost especially considered aboue all other, in this his Reuelatiō thus ended, in the time of this Constantinus. Then was the great Dragon the deuill, to witte, the fierce rage & power of his malicious persecuting, tied short for a thousand yeres after this, so that he could not preuaile in any such sort, but that the power and glory of the gospel by little and litle encreasing and spreading with great ioy and libertie, so preuailed that at length it got the vpperhand, & replenished the whole earth,* 2.206 rightly verifiyng therein, the water of Ezechiel, which issuing out of the right side of the aulter, the farther it ran, the deeper it grew, till at length it replenished the whole Ocean Sea, & healed all the fishes therin. No otherwise the course of the Gospell proceeding of small & hard beginnings kept still his streame, the more it was stopped, the swifter it ranne: by bloud it seeded, by death it quickned: by cutting it multiplied, through vio∣lence it sprong, till at last out of thraldome and oppressiō it brast forth into perfect libertie, & florished in al prosperitie, had it so bene, that the christians wisely & moderatly could haue vsed this rest & libertie, & not abused the same, forget∣ting their former estate to their own pride, pomp & world∣ly ease, as it came afterward to passe, wherof more is to be seene & said (the Lord willing) in place & time conuenient.

And thus much touching the propheticall numbers in the Apocalips. Wherein is to be noted and magnified the eternall wisdome, and hie prouidence of almighty God, so disposing and gouerning his church, that no aduersitie or perturbation hapneth at any time vnto it, which his pro∣uident wisedome doth not foresee before & preordaine, nei∣ther doth he preordaine or determine any thing, which he doth not most truly perform, both foreseing the beginning of such persecutions, and limiting the end therof how long to continue and when to cease.* 2.207 In much like sort we reade in the bookes of Genesis, how the stocke of Israell, was. 400. yeares in the lande of Egipte. During the space of which 400. yeares, after the death of Ioseph, (who beareth a playne figure of Christ) they were hardly intreated and cruelly afflicted of the Egiptians, about the space of. 300. yeares, reckning from after the death of Ioseph, to their deliuerance out of the bōdage of Egipt, semblably as these Christians, after Christes time suffered the like bondage vnder the Romane tyrauntes.

Thus much by the way I thought to insinuate, least any should ••••se, or take any offēce in himself, to see or read of the Church, so long & so many yeares to be vnder so mi∣serable & extreme afflictions.* 2.208 Wherin neither chaunce nor fortune, nor dispositiō of man, hath had any place: but one∣ly the forecounsaile & determination of the Lord so gouer∣ned and desposed the same. Who not only did suffer thē to fall, and foresee those persecutions before they fell: but also appointed the times and yeares how long they should last & when to haue an ende. As by the foresaide. 42. monethes in the 13. and 11. chap. of S. Iohns Apocalips haue beene declared. Which monethes conteyning. 294. yeares, if they be rightly gathered, make the full time betweene the first yeare of the persecution of Christ vnder the Iewes & He∣rode, till the last yeare of persecution vnder Licinius, which was from the natiuitie of Christ, an. 324. from the fyrst persecution of Christ, an. 294. as is aforesaide. After the which yeare, according to the preordinate counsel of God, when his seueritie had bene sufficiently declared vpon his own house, it pleased him to shew mercy againe, & to bind vp Sathan the old serpent, according to the xx. chap. of the Reuelation for the space of a thousand yeares, that is, frō this time of Licinius, to the time of Iohn Wickleffe, and Iohn Husse. During all which time, albeit certaine conflicts and tumults haue bene among Christian byshops themselues in the church, yet no vniuersal murdering persecutiō was stirring, before the preaching of Iohn Wickleffe, of Husse, and such other, as in the further processe of this history (Christ willing and aiding vs) shall more appeare hereafter.

Thus hauing at large discoursed these horrible perse∣cutions past, and heauy afflictions of Christian Martyrs, now by the grace of God, cōming out of this redde sea of bloudy persecution, leauing Pharao and his host behynde: let vs sing gloriously to the worthy name of our god, who through the bloud of the lambe, after long & tedious afflic∣tiōs at length, hath visited his people with comfort, hath tide vp Sathan shorte, hath sent his meeke Moses (gentle Constantine I meane) by whom it hath so pleased the Lord to worke deliueraunce to his captiue people, to see his ser∣uants at liberty, to turne their morning into ioy, to mag∣nifie the church of his sonne, to destroy the Idoles of al the world, to graunt life and liberty (and would God also not so much riches) vnto them which before were the abiectes of all the world: and all by the meanes of godly Constanti∣nus, the meeke and most christian Emperour of whose di∣uine victories against so many tyraunts and Emperours persecutors of Christes people, and lastly against Licinius, an. 324. of whose other noble actes & prowesses of whose blessed vertues and his happy birth and progeny, part we haue comprehended before, part now remaineth (Christ willing) to be declared.

This Constantine was the sonne of Constantius the Emperour,* 2.209 a good and vertuous childe, of a good and ver∣tuous father, borne in Britaine, as saith Eutropius whose Moother was named Helena, daughter, in deede of King Coilus, although Ambrosius in his funerall Oration of the death of Theodosius, sayth was an Inhoulders daughter. He was a most bountifull and gracious Prince, hauyng a desire to nourishe learning and good artes,* 2.210 and did often∣times vse to read, write, and study himselfe. He had mar∣ueilous good successe & prosperous atchieuing of al things he tooke in hand, which then was (and truely) supposed to proceede of this, for that he was so great a fauourer of the Christian fayth.* 2.211 Which faith when he had once embraced, he did euer after most deuoutly and religiously reuerence: and commaunded by especiall commission and proclama∣tions, that euery man shoulde professe the same Religion throughout al y^e Romaine Monarchy.* 2.212 The worshipping of Idoles, whereunto he was addict, by the allurement of Fausta his wife: in so much that he did sacrifice vnto them: after the discomfite of Maxentius in battaile, he vtterly ab∣iured. But Baptisme he deferred euen vnto his olde age, because hee had determined a iourneye into Persia, and thought in Iordan to haue beene baptised.* 2.213 Eusebius. lib. 4. de vita Constantini.

As touching his naturall disposition and wit, he was

very eloquent, a good philosopher, & in disputation sharp and ingenious.* 2.214 He was accustomed to say, that an Em∣perour ought to refuse no labor, for the vtilitie of the com∣mon weale: yea, & that to aduenture the mangling of hys body for the remedy thereof, but if otherwaies it maye bee holpen to cherish the same. This Aurelius, Victor, Pomponi∣us, Letus, & Ignatius write of him. And Aelius Lampridus saith writing vppon the life of Heliogabalus, that Constantinus was woont to saye, that an Empire was giuen by the de∣terminate purpose of God, that he to whom it was giuen should so imploy his diligēce, as he might be thought wor¦thy of the same at the hands of the gyuer. Which same sai∣ing also Augustine noteth in his 3. booke against Cresconi∣us.* 2.215 epist. 49. and 50.

He first entred into the Empire, by the mercifulnes of God minding after long waues of dolefull persecution to restore vnto his church peace and tranquilitie, an. 311. as Eusebius accompteth in his Chronicle.* 2.216 His raigne cōtinu∣ed, as Eutropius affirmeth, 30. yeares, Letus saith 32. yeares lacking, 2. monethes. Great peace and tranquilitie enioied the Churche vnder the raigne of this good Emperour, which tooke great paine and trauell for the preseruation thereof. First, yea and that before he had subdued Licinius, he set forth many edictes for the restitution of the goods of the church,* 2.217 for the reuoking of the Christians out of exile, for taking away the dissension of the Doctours out of the Church, for the setting of them free from publike charges, and such like, euen as the copies of his constitutions here vnder declare, which Eusebius in his 10. booke, and 5. chap∣ter, repeateth in this wise.

The copy of an Epistle of Constantinus, sent to his subiectes inhabiting in the East.* 3.1

VIctor Constantinus Maximus, Augustus, to our louing sub∣iectes inhabiting throughout the east parts, sendeth greting.

The thing it selfe, which in the sure and most firme law of nature is conteyned, doth giue vnto all men (euen as God hath ordey∣ned the same) sufficient perseueraunce and vnderstanding,* 3.2 both of such things as man ought to foresee, as also what things pre∣sently he ought to meditate. Neither is there any thing therein to be doubted, of such as haue their mindes directed to the scope or marke of perfect vnderstanding: so that the perfect comprehen∣ding of sound reason, and the perseuerance thereof, be compared with the knowledge of God,* 3.3 being the true and perfect vertue. Wherefore let no wise man be troubled, although he see diuers men of diuers dispositions. For wisdome which springeth of ver∣tue cannot abide, or acquaint her selfe with fonde ideotes, vnles, that (on the other side) the malice of peruerse lithernes prolong her daies, and cause the same Ideocie to suruiue. Wherfore assu∣redly the crowne and price of vertue lieth open vnto all men, & the moste mightie God ordereth the iudgement of the same. I vndoubted as manyfestly as possible is, will endeuour my selfe to testifie and confesse vnto you al, the hope which is in me. I think verily that the Emperours which before this time haue latelye bene, euen for their tiranny had the Empire taken from them: & my father onelye exercising and vsing al meekenes and lenity in his affaires, calling vpon God the father, with great deuotion & humility, hath beene exalted to the same. And all the rest, as men wanting their wits, and in comparison as sauage beastes, rather did giue themselues to like cruelty, then vnto any lenitie & gen∣tlenes towards their subiects: in which tyranny euery one for his time being nooseled,* 3.4 vtterly subuerted the true and vnfallible doctrine. And so great malice was their kindled in their brestes, that when all things were in peaceable tranquilitie, they made and raysed most cruell and bloudy intestine or ciuill warres. It is credibly informed vs, that in those daies, Apollo gaue aunsweres but not by any mans mouth, but out of a certaine caue & darke place (saying) that he was much disquieted by those that were the iust men and liuers vpon the earth, so that he could or would not for them, declare a truth of such things as others demaunded: & hereby it came to passe that such false deuinations were geuen from the golden tables in Apollos temple. And this thing did his propheticall priest complayne of, when he tooke vp againe the heare of his head, that other had cōtemptuously cast down, & that the neglecting of his diuination was the cause of so many euils, amongst men. But let vs see what was the ende hereof: we now boldly & without all feare inuocate & worship the omnipotent God▪ when I was a childe I heard, that he which then was chiefe Emperour of Rome, vnhappy, yea, most vnhappy man being se∣duced, and brought into errour, by his souldiers, curiously in∣quired who were those iust men vpō the earth that Apollo ment: and one of his priests which was nere about him, made answere that they were the christiās. This answere hereupon vnto him be¦yng as delectable, as hony vnto the mouth, drew the sword giuen vnto him to be a reuenger vpon euill doers and malefactours a∣gainst the professors of the irreprehensible sanctimony and rely∣gion.* 3.5 And straight way he gaue forth a commission (to bloudy homicides as I may well cal them) & gaue commaundement to all the Iudges, that they should endeuour themselues with all the cunning they had to the deuising of more greeuouser, & sharper punishments against the poore Christians. Then, then I say, a man myght haue seene, how greatly the honest professors of that reli∣gion, were molested with cruelty, and daily suffered no smal in∣iuries and contumelies,* 3.6 and that also they suffered and sustained the same with such tēperancy as though they had had no iniuries done vnto them at all. Which temperancie and patience of theirs was the cause why the furious citizens were the more madder & raging against them. What fires, what tortures, what kinde of torments were there, but they without respecte either of age, or sexe were enforced to feele?

Then did the earth without doubt,* 3.7 herselfe bewayle her chil∣dren and the round worlde which conteineth all things, beyng sprinkled and imbrued with their bloud made dolefull lamentati∣on for them, and the daye it selfe prouoked for to mourne, was made amased for them. But what is this to purpose. Now the very barbarous nations reioyce for their sakes which receaued and harboured them, when they were afraid and fled from vs: keping them as it were in most louing & amiable captiuity. And they sa∣ued not onely their liues, but also were a defence for their religi∣on. And now also the Romaine nation remembreth and hath be∣fore there eies this blame and spotte, which the Christians that were of that time, worthely gaue vnto them when they by them were banished (as vnfitte members of their common wealth) a∣mongst the barbarous people. What needeth to make further re∣hearsall of the mourning lamentation, which the heathen people themselues throughout all the world, made for the pittifull mur∣ther and slaughter of them? After this it came to passe that they which were authors of all these mischiefes died also,* 3.8 and were cō∣mitted for there reward to the most filthy & horrible dungeon of hel. They being so intangled with intestine and ciuile warres, left aliue neyther name nor kinsmen of their owne: which thing vn∣doubtedly had not chaūsed vnles the wicked deuinatiōs of Apol¦los oracles had deceiued & bewitched thē.* 3.9 To thee therfore now I pray, oh most mightie God, that thou wilt vouchsafe to be mer∣cifull, and pardon all the east parts and inhabitaunts of the same, being oppressed with present calamitie: and that by mee thy ser∣uaunt thou wilt of thy goodnes helpe and relieue the same. And these things rashly craue I not at thy hands: oh Lord, most migh∣ty and holiest God of all.* 3.10 For I being perswaded by the onely ora∣cles haue both begone and also finished wholesome and profita∣ble things, and further by the bearing and shewing of thine en∣signe, haue ouercome a mighty and strong host, and when any ne∣cessitie of the common weale (to my charge committed) requi∣reth thereunto, (following those signes & tokens of thy vertues) I bouldly go forth and fight against mine enimies: and for this cause haue I sacrificed my soule vnto thee, purified and clensed both with thy loue and feare. Yea truely, thy name doe I sincerely loue,* 3.11 and thy power doe I reuerence, which by many tokens and wonders hast shewed and confirmed thereby my beleefe & faith. Therefore will I doe my endeuour, and bende my selfe thereunto, that I may redifie thy most holy house, which those wicked & vn¦godly Emperours haue with so great ruine laid wast, thy people do I desire to bring & stablish, in firme peace & trāquilitie, & that for the publike vtilitie of all the inhabitants of the earth. Those which yet erre & are out of the way, enioy the benefite of peace and quietnes, with, and amongst the number of the faithful sort: for I trust the restitution of the like societie, and participation may be a meanes to bring them also that erre into the perfecte way of verity. Let no man therfore be greeuous one vnto another but what euery man thinketh best that let him doe.* 3.12 For such as are wi••e ought throughly to be perswaded, that the onely meane to liue holily and as they should doe, whome the spirite of God moueth,* 3.13 to take their delight and recreation in reading his holye will. And if others wilfully will go out of the way, cleauing to the Synagogues of false doctrine, they maye at their owne perill: as for vs we haue the most worthy house or congregation of Gods veritie, which he according to his owne goodnes & nature hath giuen vs. And this also we wish vnto the, that with like partici∣pation & common consente,* 3.14 they may fele wyth vs the same de∣lectation of mind. For this our religiō is neither new nor newly inuented, but is as old as wee beleeue the creation of the worlde to be: and which God hath commaunded to be celebrated with such worship as both seemed and pleased him. But all liuing men are lye••s,* 3.15 and are deceiued with diuers and sundrye illusions. Thou O God for Christ thy sonnes sake, suffer not this wicked∣nes againe to take roote: thou hast set vp a cleare burning light, that thereby as manye as thou hast chosen maye come vnto thee. These thy myracles approoue the same. It is thy power that ke∣peth vs in innocencye and fydelitye. The Sunne and the Moone runne their appointed course: neyther yet in ranging wi••e, wan∣der the starres to what place of the worlde they list themselues.

The dayes, yeares, monethes, and times, keepe their appoynted turnes The earth abideth firme and vnremoueable at thy worde, and the winde at the time (by thee directed) stormeth & bloweth. The streaming waterie floudes, ebbe in time according as they flow. The raging sea abideth within her bounded limites And for that the Ocean Sea stretchech out her selfe in equall length and breadth with the whole earth: this must needes be wrought with some marueilous workmanship of thine owne hand: which thing vnlesse it were at thy will made and disposed,* 3.16 without all doubt, so great difference and partition betweene, woulde or this time haue brought vtter ruine & destructiō, both to the life of man, as to all that belōgeth to man beside. Which for that they haue such great and huge conflictes amongest themselues, as also the inui∣sible spirites haue: we geue thee thankes, O Lorde most mighty God of all Gods, that al mankinde hath not bene destroyed there∣by. Surely,* 3.17 euen as greatly as thy benignitie and gentlenes, is ma∣nifested by diuers & sundry benefites bestowed vpon vs: so much also is the same set foorth and declared in the discipline of thy e∣ternall word, to those that be heauenly wise, & apply themselues to the attainement of sincere & true vertue. But if any such there be, that litle regard or haue but small respect vnto the considera∣tion thereof▪ let them not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same.* 3.18 For that Phisicke whereby health is obtained, is manifestly offered vnto all men: now therefore let no man go about to sub∣uert that, which experience it selfe doth shew (of necessitie) to be pure and good. Let vs therefore altogether vse the participation of this benefite bestowed vpon vs, that is to say, the benefite of peace and tranquillitie, setting a part all controuersie. And let no man hurt or be preiudiciall to his fellowe for that thing, wherein he thinketh him selfe to haue done wel. If by that, which any man knoweth and hath experience of, hee thinketh he may profite hys neighbour, let him doe the same, if not, let him geue ouer, and re∣mit it til on other time. For there is a great diuersitie betwixt the willing and voluntary embracing of religion, and that whē a man is thereunto inforced and coacted. Of these things haue I made a more larger discourse, then in deede, the scope of mediocritie re∣quireth: especially because I woulde not haue my faith (touching the veritie) to be hid.* 3.19 For that I heare there be some, which com∣plaine the olde accustomed haunting of their temples, & that the power of such darkenesse is cut of and taken away: which thing surely I would take in better part, were it not that the violent re∣bellion of flagitious errour, were so fixed in many mens heartes, whereby they thirst after the vtter subuersion of the common weale and Empire.

Such was the goodnesse of this Emperour Constanti∣nus, or rather such was the prouidēce of almighty God to∣ward his Church, in stirring him vp: that all his care and study of minde was set vpon nothing els, but onely howe to benefit & enlarge the commodities of the same. Neither was it to him inough to deliuer the Church and people of God,* 3.20 from outward vexation of foraine tyrants and per∣secutors. No les beneficial was his godly care also in qui∣eting the inward dissentions and disturbaunce within the Church among the Christian bishops themselues, accor∣ding as we read of Moses the deliuerer of y^e Israelits, in agreing the brethren together, when he saw them at vari∣ance. Exod. 2. No lesse also did his vigilant study extend in erecting, restoring, & enriching the Churches of God in al Cities, and in prouiding for the ministers of the same. And therefore wryting to Anilinus his chiefe captaine, declareth his will & minde to him in letters, concerning the goodes whych did appertaine to the Churches of the Christians: that hee shoulde procure vigilantly for the same: that all suche goodes, houses, and gardens, belonging before to the right of Churches, shoulde agayne be restored in all speedie wise: and that hee therein might be certified with speede. &c.

* 3.21Moreouer, he writing to the saide Anilinus in an other letter, signifieth vnto him in this effect: that for so much as the contempt of God his reuerent religion, is & hath bene euer the greatest decay to the name & people of Rome, as contrary the maintaining and reuerencing the same, hath euer brought prosperitie to all common weales:* 3.22 Therfore he in consideration therof, hath taken that order, & geueth to him in charge, that through y^e prouince, where he hath to doe, which was in Aphrica where Cecilianus was By∣shop, he should there see & prouide, that all such ministers and Clerkes, whose vocation was to serue in the Church, should be freed and exempted from all publike duties and burdens: whereby they being so priuileged, and all impe∣diments remoued, which shoulde hinder their diuine mi∣nistration: thereby the cōmon vtilitie of the people might the better flourish,* 3.23 &c.

Furthermore, the sayde Constantinus in an other letter wryting to Miltiades, Byshop of Rome, and to Marcus, de∣clareth in his letters to them, howe Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage, hath ben accused vnto him by diuers of his col∣leages and fellow byshops. Wherfore his will is, that the sayd Cecilianus, with x. byshops his accusers, with x. other his defendants should repaire vp to him at Rome,* 3.24 where in the present assistance of the foresayde Miltiades, Rheticus, Maternus, Marinus, and of other their fellowe Colleages, the cause of Cecilianus myght be harde, and rightly exami∣ned, so that all schisme and deuision might be cut of from a∣mong them: wherein the feruent desire of Constantinus to peace and vnitie, may well appeare.

Upon the lyke cause and argument also,* 3.25 he wryteth to Chrestus Byshop of Syracusa, so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church, that he offereth to him with his vnder Ministers and three seruaunts, hys free caryage to come vp to him vnto the Councel of other bishops, for the agreeing of certaine matters belonging to the Church.

Hee writeth also an other letter to the forenamed Ceci∣lianus Byshop of Carthage.

To the prouinces likewise of Palestina & those partes about,* 3.26 hee directeth his Edict in the behalfe of the Christi∣ans: for the releasing of such as were in captiuitie: and for the restoring againe of them, which had sustained any losse in the former persecution before, & for the refreshing of such as heeretofore had bene oppressed with any ignominie, or molestation, for their confession sake: declaring in the sayd Edict, howe that his whole body, life and soule, and what soeuer is in hym, hee oweth to God, and to the seruice of him, &c.

Moreouer an other leter he wryteth to Eusebius,* 3.27 for the edifying of newe Christian Churches, & restoring of them whych had bene wasted before by forreine enemies. And after hee had collected the Synode of Nice, for the studie of peace and vnitie of the Church,* 3.28 he wryteth vpon the same to Alexander and Arrius. In which hys letters hee most la∣mentably vttered the great griefe of his hear••, to see and heare of theyr contention and diuision: whereby the peace and common harmonie of the Churche was broken, the Synode prouoked & resisted, the holy people of the Lorde deuided into partes and tumultes, contrary to the office of good and circumspect men, whose duetie were rather to nourish concorde and to seeke tranquillity. And though in some small poynts and light trifles they did disagree from other: yet as the example of Philosophers might teache them, who although in some part of a sentence or peece of a question, some might dissent from other: yet in the vnitie of their profession, they did all ioyne as fellowes together. In like case were it theyr duetie in such fruitles questions (or rather peeces of questiōs) to keepe them in the concep∣tions of their mindes, in silence vnto themselues, and not to bring them foorth into publicke Synodes, to breake therefore from the communion of the reuerent Councell. Declaring moreouer in the sayde Epistle, the first origine and occasion of thys theyr contentious dissention to ryse vpon vaine & trifling termes, vile causes, and light que∣stions, and peeces rather of questions: about such matters as neither are to be moued, nor to be answered vnto, being mooued, more curious to be searched, and perillous to be expressed, then necessary to be inquired, magisque puerilibus ineptijs, quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae conuenientia, as he there doth terme them. Wherefore by al maner meanes he doth labour them, doth entreate them, and perswade them, not onely with reasons, but also with teares and sighing sobbes, that they would restore againe peace vnto the Church, and quietnesse to the rest of his life (which otherwise would not be sweet vnto him) and that they would returne againe to the communion of the reue∣rent Councell. Who in so doing should open his way and purposed iourney into the East partes, which otherwyse hearing of their discorde and dissention, would be sorye to see with his eyes, that which greeueth him nowe to heare with hys eares: with much more in the same Epistle con∣tained, but this is the effect of the whole. Euseb. de vita Con∣stant. Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to compre∣hende,* 3.29 whereby the diuine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meeke & religious Constantine might more notoriously appeare to all Princes: for them to learne by hys example, what zeale and care they ought to beare to∣ward the Church of Christ, & how gently to gouerne, and how to be beneficiall to the same.

Many other Edicts & Epistles wrytten to other pla∣ces and parties, be expressed at large in the seconde booke of Euseb De vita Constantini: wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperour toward the Church of Christ may appeare. Wherof in a briefe recapi∣tulation such specialities we haue collected as here follo∣weth, and is to be seene in Zozo. Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9.

First hee commaunded all them to be set free, who soe∣uer for the confession of Christ, had bene condemned to ba∣nishment,

or to the mines of metall,* 3.30 or to any publike or priuate labour to them inflicted. Such as were put to any infamie or open shame among the multitude, hee willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominie. Souldiours whych before were depriued eyther of theyr place, or put out of theyr wages: were put to their liberty, eyther to serue againe in theyr place, or quietly to lyue at home. Whatsoeuer honour, place, or dignitie had bene ta∣ken away frō any man, should be restored to them againe. The goods and possessions of them that had suffered death for Christ, howsoeuer they were alienated, should returne to theyr heires, or next of kinne: or for lacke of them should be geuen to the Church. Hee commaunded moreouer that onely Christians shoulde beare office. The other he char∣ged and restrayned, that neither they should sacrifice, nor exercise any more diuinations and ceremonies of the Gē∣tiles, nor set vp any Images, nor to keepe any feastes of the heathen Idolaters. He corrected moreouer and aboli∣shed all such vnlawfull manners and vnhonest vsages in Cities, as might be hurtfull any waies to the Church, as the custome that the Egyptians had in the flowing of Ni∣lus, at what time the people vsed to runne together lyke brute beasts,* 3.31 both men & women, and with all kinde of fil∣thines and Sodomitrie to pollute their Cities, in celebra∣ting the increase of that riuer. This abhomination Con∣stantine extinguished, causing that wicked order called An∣drogynae, to be killed. By reason whereof the Riuer after∣ward (through the benefite of God) yelded more increase in his flowing, to the greater fertilitie of the ground, then it did before.

Among the Romanes was an olde lawe, that such as were barren hauing no fruite of children, should be amer∣ced of halfe their goodes. Also, that such as being aboue the yeares of xxv. vnmaried, should not be nūbred in the same priuileges with them that were maried, neither should be heires to them, to whom notwithstanding they were next in kinde. These lawes because they seemed vnreasonable, to punish the defect of nature, or gift of virginitie, by mās lawe, hee abrogated and tooke away. An other order was among the Romanes, that they which made their willes being sicke, had certaine prescribed and conceiued wordes appoynted to thē to vse, which vnlesse they followed, their willes stoode in none effect. This law also Constantine re∣pealed, permitting to euery man in making his testament to vse what wordes, or what witnesses he woulde. Like∣wise among the Romaines hee restrained and tooke away the cruel and bloudy spectacles & sights, where men were wont with swordes one to kill an other. Of the barbarous and filthy fashion of the Arethusians in Phoenicia, I haue mentioned before, pag. 104. where they vsed to expose and set foorth their virgines to open fornication, before they should be maried,* 3.32 which custome also Constantine remoo∣ued away. Where no Churches were, there he commaun∣ded new to be made: where any were decayed, he commā∣ded them to be repaired: where any were to litle, he caused them to be enlarged, geuing to the same great giftes and reuenewes: not onely of such tributes and taxes comming to him from certaine sundry Cities, which hee transferred vnto the Churches, but also out of his owne treasures. When any Byshops required any Councell to be had, hee satisfied their petitions: And what in their Councels and Synodes they established, being godly & honest, hee was ready to confirme the same.

The armour of his soldiours, which were newly come from Gentilitie, he garnished with the armes of the crosse, whereby they might learne the sooner to forget their olde superstitious idolatry. Moreouer like a worthy Emperor he prescribed a certaine forme of prayer in steade of a Cate∣chisme for euery man to haue, & to learne how to pray and to inuocate God. The which forme of prayer is recited in the fourth booke of Eusebius De vita Constantini,* 3.33 in wordes as foloweth.

Te solum noulmus Deum, te regem cognoscimus, te adiuto∣rem inuocamus, abs te victorias referimus, per te victorias ini∣micorum constituimus, tibi praesentium bonorum gratiam ac∣ceptam ferimus, & per te futura quoque speramus, tibi supplices sumus omnes: Imperatorem nostrum Constantinum, ac pientis∣simos eius filios, in longissima vita incolumes nobis ac victores custodire supplices oramus, per Christum dominum nostrum. Amen.

In English.

We knowledge thee onely to be our God, we confesse thee onely to be our king, we inuocate and call vpon thee our onely helper, by thee we obtaine our victories, by thee we vāquish and subdue our enemies, to thee we attribute whatsoeuer present commodities we enioy, & by thee we hope for good thinges to come, vnto thee we direct all our sute & petitions: most humbly beseeching thee to conserue Constantine our Emperour, and his noble childrē in long life to cōtinue, and to geue them victory ouer all their ene∣mies, through Christ our Lord.* 3.34 Amen.

In hys owne palace, hee set vp an house peculiar for prayer and doctrine, vsing also to pray and sing with his people. Also in hys warres hee went not without hys ta∣bernacle appoynted for the same. The Sonday he cōman∣ded to be kept holy of all men, and free from all iudiciarie causes, from markets, martes, faires, & all other manuall labors, onely husbandry excepted: especially charging that no Images or Monuments of Idolatry should be set vp.

Men of the Clergy and of the ministery in al places he endued with speciall priuileges and immunities,* 3.35 so that if any were brought before the ciuill Magistrate, and listed to appeale to the sentence of his Bishop, it should be law∣full for him so to doe: and that the sentence of the Byshop should stande in as great force as if the Magistrate or the Emperour himselfe had pronounced it.

¶But here is to be obserued & noted by the way, that y^e Clerkes & ministers thē newly creeping out of persecutiō, were in those dayes, neyther in nūber so great nor in order of life, of y^e like dispositiō to these in our dayes now liuing.

No lesse care and prouision the sayd Constantinus also had to the maintenance of scholes pertayning to y^e Church and to the nourishing of good artes and liberall sciences,* 3.36 especially of Diuinitie: not onely with stipends and subsi∣dies furnishing them, but also with large priuilegies and exemptiōs defending y^e same, as by the wordes of his own law is to be seene: and read as followeth: Medicos, Gramati∣cos, & alios professores literarum & doctores legum, cum vxo∣ribus & liberis.* 3.37 &c. In English: Phisitions, Gramarians, and all other prefessors of liberal artes, and Doctors of the law, with their wiues and childrē, and all other their pos∣sessions, which they haue in Citties: we commaund to be freed from all ciuill charges and functions, neyther to re∣ceaue forren straungers in prouinces, nor to be burdened with any publique administration, nor to be cited vp to ci∣uill iudgement, nor to be drawne out, or oppressed with a∣ny iniury. And if any man shall vexe them, he shall incurre such punishment, as the Iudge at his discretion shall a∣warde him. Their stipendes moreouer and solaries, we commaunde truely to be payd them, whereby they may more freely instruct other in artes and sciences. &c.

Ouer and besides this,* 3.38 so farre did hys godly zeale and princely care and prouision extend to the Church of Christ, that he commaunded and prouided bookes and volumes of the Scripture, diligently and playnly to be written and copied out, to remayne in bublique Churches to the vse of posteritie, Whereupon writing to Eusebius byshop of Ni∣comedia in a speciall letter (recorded in the 4. booke of Eu∣sebius, De vita Constant.) he willeth him with all diligence to procure 50. volumes of parchment well bound and cō∣pacted: wherein he shoulde cause to be written out of the scripture in a fayre legeable hād, such things as he thought necessary and profitable for the instruction of the Church. And alloweth him for that busines two bublique Mini∣sters. Also writeth concerning the same, to the generall of hys army, to support and further hym with such necessa∣ries, as thereunto should appertayne.* 3.39 &c.

¶In vewing, perusing, and writing this story, and in considering the Christian zeale of this Emperour, I wish that eyther this our Printing and plēty of books had bene in his dayes: or that this so heroycal hart toward Christes Religion, as was in this so excellent Monarche, might something appeare in inferiour Princes raigning in these our Printing dayes.* 3.40 &c.

The liberal hand of this Emperor, borne to do al men good, was no lesse also open and ready towarde the needie pouertie of such, which either by losse of parents, or other occasions were not able to helpe them selues: to whom he commaunded and prouided dew subuention both of corne and raiment to be ministred out of his owne coffers, to the necessary reliefe of the poore men, women, children, or∣phanes, and widowes, Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib 4.

Finally,* 3.41 among al the other monuments of his singu∣lar clemencie and munificence, this is not to be pretermit∣ted: that through all the Empire of Rome and prouinces belonging to the same, not only he diminished such taxes, reuenewes, and impostes, as publickly were comming to him, but also clearely remitted and released to the contri∣buters, the fourth part of the same.

This present place would require somthing to be sayd of the donation of Constantine whereuppon as vpon their chiefest anchor holde,* 3.42 the Byshops of Rome doe grounde theyr supreame dominion and right, ouer all the politicall gouernement of the West partes, & the spiritual gouerne∣ment of all the other Seas and partes of the world. Which

donation to be falsly fained and forged, and not to procede from Constantine, many arguments might heere be infer∣red, if laisure from other matters would suffer me.* 3.43

1. First, for that no ancient history, nor yet Doctour ma∣keth any mention thereof.

2. Nauclerus reporteth it to be affirmed in the hystorie of Isidorus: but in the olde copies of Isidorus no such thyng is to be founde.

3. Gracianus the compiler of the decrees, reciteth that de∣cree, [unspec 3] not vpon any auncient authoritie, but only vnder the title of Palea.

[unspec 4] 4. Gelasius is sayd to geue some testimony therof, in Dist. 15. Sancta Romana, but that clause of the said distinction tou∣ching that matter, in the olde ancient bookes is not extant.

[unspec 5] 5 Otho Phrisingensis, who was about the time of Gracian, after hee hath declared the opinion of the fauourers of the Papacie: affirming this donation to be geuen of Constan∣tine, to Siluester the Pope: induceth consequently, the opi∣nion of them that fauour the Empire, affirming the con∣trary.

[unspec 6] 6. How doth thys agree, that Constantine did yeelde vp to Siluester all the politicall dominion ouer the West, when as the sayd Constantine at hys death, deuiding the Empire to his three sonnes, gaue the West part of the Empire to one, the East part to the secōd, the middle part to the third?

[unspec 7] 7. How is it like that Theodosius after them, being a iust and a religious Prince, would or could haue occupyed the Citie of Rome, if it had not bene his right, but had belon∣ged to the pope, & so did many other Emperors after him?

[unspec 8] 8. The phrase of this decree being conferred w^t the phrase and stile of Constantine, in his other Edictes and letters a∣boue specified doth nothing agree.

[unspec 9] 9. Seeing the papists themselues confesse that the decree of this donation was writtē in Greeke, how agreeth that with truth: when as both it was written not to the Greti∣ans, but to the Romanes, and also Constantine himselfe for lacke of the Greeke toung, was faine to vse the Latine toung in the Councell of Nice?

[unspec 10] 10. The contents of this donation (who soeuer was the forger thereof) doeth bewray it selfe. For if it be true which there is confessed, that he was Baptised at Rome of Silue∣ster, & the iiij. day after his baptisme this patrimonie was giuen (which was before his battaile against Maximinus or Licinius, An. 317. as Niceph. recordeth) howe then accordeth this wyth that which followeth in the donation, for him to haue iurisdiction geuen ouer the other iiij. principall seas of Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople and Hieru∣salem? when as the Citie of Constantinople was not yet begun, before the death of Maximinus or Licinius, and was not finished, before the xxviij. yere of the raigne of Constan∣tine, an. 339. or if it be true, as Hierome counteth, it was fini∣shed the xxiij. yere of his raigne, which was the yere of our Lorde 334. long after this donation by their owne accōpt.

[unspec 11] 11. Furthermore, where in the sayde constitution is sayd that Constantine was baptised at Rome of Siluester, & ther∣by was purged of Leprosie: the fable thereof agreeth not with the trueth of historie: for so much as Eusebius, lib. 4. De vita Constantini, Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 11. So∣crates, lib. 1. cap. 39. Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 31. Sozomenus, lib 2. cap. 34. doe altogether consent that hee was Baptised not at Rome, but at Nicomedia: and that moreouer, as by theyr testimonie doth appeare, not of Siluester but of Eusebius bi∣shop of Nicomedia, not before his battaile against Maxi∣minus, or Licinius, but in the xxxj. yeare of his raigne, a litle before his death.

[unspec 12] 12. Againe, where as Constantine in this donation ap∣poynted him to haue the principalitie ouer the other iiij. Patriarchall Seas: that maketh Constantine contrary to himselfe. Who in the Councell of Nice afterwarde agreed with other bishops, that al the iiij. patriarchal seas should haue equall iurisdiction, euery one ouer his owne territo∣rie and precinct.

[unspec 13] 13. In summe, briefly to conclude: who so desireth more aboundantly to be satisfied touching this matter, let hym read the bookes of Marsilius Patauinus, intituled: defensor pacis, An 1324. of Laurētius Valla, An. 1440. of Antoninus arch∣bishop of Florence, who in hys hystorie, plainely denieth the tenour of thys donation to be founde in the old bookes of the decrees. Of Cusanus Cardinalis. Lib. 3. Cap. 2. wryting to the Councell of Basil, Anno 1460. Of Aeneas Syluius in Dialogo, of Hier. Paulus Cattalanus, An. 1496. of Raphael Vola∣teranus, An. 1500. of Lutherus, An. 1537. &c. all which by ma∣ny and euident probations, dispute and proue this dona∣tion taken out of a booke De gestis Syluestri, and translated (as they faine) by one Bartholomeus Picernus, out of Greke into Latine: not to proceede from Constantinus, but to be a thing vntruely pretensed, or rather a fable imagined, or els to be the deede of Pipinus or Charles, or some such other, if it were euer the deede of any.

And thus hast thou (beloued Reader) briefly collected the narration of the noble actes and heauenly vertues of thys most famous Emperour Constantine the great:* 3.44 a sin∣gulare spectacle for all Christian Princes to beholde and imitate, and worthy of perpetuall memorie in all congre∣gations of Christian Saintes. Whose feruent zeale & pie∣tie in generall, to all cōgregations, and to all the seruants of Christ was notable: but especially the affection and re∣uerence of hys heart toward them was admirable, whych had suffered any thyng for the confession of Christ, in the persecutions before, them had hee principally in price and veneration, in so much that hee embraced and kissed theyr woundes and stripes, and their eyes, being put out. And if any suche Byshops or any other Ministers brought to hym any cōplaints one against an other,* 3.45 (as many times they did) he would take theyr bils of complaint, and burne them before theyr faces: so studious and zealous was hys mind to haue them agree, whose discord was to hym more griefe, then it was to themselues. All the vertuous actes and memorable doings of this diuine & renowmed Em∣perour to comprehende or commit to hystorie: it were the matter alone of a great volume: wherfore contented with these aboue premised, because nothing of him can be sayde inough, I cease to discourse of him any further.

One thyng yet remaineth not to be omited,* 3.46 wherein (as by the way of a note) I thought good to admonish the learned Reader, suche as loue to be conuersant in reading of auncient authors: that in the Ecclesiasticall hystorie of Eusebius, where in the latter ende of the booke, is added a certaine Oration, Ad cōuentum Sanctorum, vnder the name of Eusebius Pamphilus, here is to be vnderstād, that the sayd Oration is wrongly intituled vpon the name of Eusebius, whych in very truth is the Oration of Constantinus hym∣selfe. For the probation whereof, beside the stile and mat∣ter therein contained, and tractation heroycall) liuely de∣claring the religious vaine of Constantine) I alledge the very testimonie of Eusebius himselfe in his fourth booke De vita Constantini, where he in expresse wordes not onely de∣clareth that Cōstantine wrote such an Oration intituled Ad Conuentum Sanctorum, but also promiseth in the end of hys booke, to annexe the same: declaring moreouer what diffi∣cultie the interpretors had, to translate the same from the Romaine speeche, to theyr Grecian toung. Eusebius de vita Constantini. Lib. 4 pag. 211.

And here an end of these lamentable & doleful persecu∣tions of the primitiue Church, during the space of the 300. yeres frō the passion of our Sauiour Christ, til the cōming of this Constantinus, by whom, as by the elect instrumēt of God, it hath so pleased his almighty maiesty, by his deter∣minat purpose to giue rest after lōg trouble to his church, according to that S. Cyprian declareth before,* 3.47 pag. 68. to be reueled of God vnto his Church: that after darkenes and stormy tempest should come peaceable calme, & stable qui∣etnes to his church, meaning this time of Constantine now present.* 3.48 At which time it so pleased the almightie, that the murdering malice of Sathan should at length be restrai∣ned, and he him selfe to be tied vp for a thousande yeares, through his great mercie in Christ, to whome therefore ••e thankes and praise now and for euer. AMEN.

Notes

• * 1.1

  The tenth persecution.
• * 1.2

  Dioclesian Emperour.
• * 1.3

  Eup. vopis.
• * 1.4

  Aper slayne which slew Numeria∣nus.
• * 1.5

  Anno. 290.
• * 1.6

  Maximianus, Herculius fel∣low Emperour with Diocle∣sian.
• * 1.7

  Galerius, Con∣stantius, Caesars vner Dioclesian and Maximini∣an.
• * 1.8

  Helena daugh∣ter of Coil▪ mar∣ryed to Con∣stantius.
• * 1.9

  Pryde in Dioclesian.
• * 1.10

  Cruelty follo∣weth pride.
• * 1.11

  Anno. 308.
• * 1.12

  Persecution a∣gaynst the ch••••∣stians.
• * 1.13

  Christian tem∣ples destroyed. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 2.
• * 1.14

  Bookes of the scriptures bur∣ned.
• * 1.15

  Christian Ma∣gistrates displa∣sed.
• * 1.16

  Christian sub∣iectes impriso∣ned.

  Euseb. lib. 8. c. 3. Nicepho. lib. 7. cap. 4.

  Zonoras. tom. 2. Byshops and Elders constray∣ned with tor∣mentes to sacri∣fice.
• * 1.17

  The noble cou∣rage and con∣stancie of a Christian Mar∣tyr.
• * 1.18

  Euseb Lib. 8. Cap. 3.4.
• * 1.19

  Persecution first beginning in the Emperours Campe.
• * 1.20

  Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 4.
• * 1.21

  A notable reli∣gion and fayth in souldiours.
• * 1.22

  Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 7.
• * 1.23

  Martyrs of Tyre in Phoenicia.
• * 1.24

  Pamphilius Byshop of Ce∣sarea martyr. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.
• * 1.25

  Martyrs of Syria.

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 6. Tirannion Martyr.

  Zenobius a Phi∣sition Martyr.
• * 1.26

  Two Vir∣gines with their mo∣ther mar∣tyrs.

  Two other maydens si∣sters mar∣tyrs.

  Syluanus Byshop of Emissa mar∣tyr.

  Martyrs of Mesopota∣mia.

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12. Martyrs of Capodocia. Martyrs of Tarsus▪

  Tharatus, Probus, Andronicus martyrs.

  Martyrs of Pontus. Martyrs of Nichome∣dia.

  Persecution in Nicho∣media exce∣ding.

  Peter a most valiant and constāt martyr.
• * 1.27

  Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Martyrs.
• * 1.28

  Anthimus Byshop of Nicomedia with a great multitude of martyrs headed.

  Lucianus the elder of Antioche martyr.

  Serena wife of Dioclesian Emperour Martyr.

  Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 14. Eulampius, Eulampia, Agape, Irene, Chionia, Anastacia. Martyrs.
• * 1.29

  Twenty thousand Martyrs burnt toge∣ther in one Church. Martyrs of Arabia. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.
• * 1.30

  Martyrs in a certayne Ci••tie of Phrigia brent with the whole Cittie.

  Euseb. lib. 8. ca. 11.6. Martyrs of Melitina in Armenia.

  Eustratius of a perse∣cutor made a Martyr. Ex Nice∣phoro lib. 7. cap. 14.
• * 1.31

  Niceph. lib. 7. c. 14. Orestes Martyr. Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Peleus, Nilus, Byshops and Martyrs in Egipt.

  Petrus By∣shop of A∣lexandria. Faustus, Didius, Ammonius, Phileas, Hesichius, Pachimi∣nus, Theodorus, Byshops and martirs. The Chri∣stian sould∣iours, and Martyrs of Thebes.

  The Chri∣stian sould∣iours and Byshops in Antino. Asela, Philemon, Apollonius, Martyrs. 79. Martirs. The perse∣cution in Europe.

  Euphemia, Persecution in Fraunce.
• * 1.32

  Victor mar∣tyr.

  Lucianus Martyr.

  The perse∣cucion in Spayne. Eulalia, A∣dula, Vin∣centius, Sabina, Christina, Lencadia, Martyrs.
• * 1.33

  18. Martyrs in Spayne. Rictionaru. notable 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made riuers▪
• * 1.34

  Agrippina, Augusta, Martyrs. The persecuti∣on in Brittany or England. Beda de ratione temporum.
• * 1.35

  Dioclesianus did but dally in the beginning of the persecu∣tion.

  Sundry sortes of tormentes deui∣sed agaynst the Christians.
• * 1.36

  Euseb. lib 8. cap. 6.7.8.
• * 1.37

  The woemen of Thebaide, Mar∣tyrs.
• * 1.38

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 8.
• * 1.39

  The persecution in Antioche.
• * 1.40

  Persecution in Pontus.
• * 1.41

  Persecution in Alexandria.
• * 1.42

  The contentes of the Epistle of Phileas sent to hys congrega∣tion.
• * 1.43

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap 10.
• * 1.44

  Straunge kindes of tormentes.
• * 1.45

  Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 10. Ex Sabellico. Lib. 7. cap. 9.
• * 1.46

  An holy martyr of Nicomedia tormented.
• * 1.47

  Eusebius a be∣holder and a witnes of their suffering. The swordes blunt, and the hangmen wery∣ed with slaugh∣ter.
• * 1.48

  The marueilous constancie of the martyrs of God in persecu∣tion and at the tyme of death.
• * 1.49

  Martyrdome more desired in the olde tyme, then Bishop∣prickes be now. Christians that denyed in this persecution.
• * 1.50

  Miletius reuol∣teth from the fayth, and is ex∣communicated. Marcellinus the bishop re∣uolteth and cōmeth agayne to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and is m••••••tyred.

  A hundre•• martyrs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one day.

  Euseb. li•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 9.

  Seuenteen thousand Martyrs a one mo•••••••• Three hun∣dred slayne at one tyre in Alexan∣dria.

  Gereon Martyr. Mauritius with 6666 Martyrs.

  Victor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 360. martyrs slayne.

  The history of Mauri••••••us captaine of the The∣ban sould∣iours.
• * 1.51

  Euery tenth man in the legion slayne.
• * 1.52

  The oration of the soul∣diours to the Empe∣rour.
• * 1.53

  Mauritius and hys company Martyred.
• * 1.54

  The con∣stant bold∣nes of Vi∣ctor in re∣fusing to eat with the cruell per∣secutors, for the whiche he was also slayne. Victor Mar∣tyr.
• * 1.55

  The num∣ber of the Christians increased for all this persecutiō.
• * 1.56

  Dioclesian and Maxi∣minian were tyred with perse∣cution, and gaue vp their king∣dome.
• * 1.57

  Euse. lib. 8. cap. 10.
• * 1.58

  An. 309.
• * 1.59

  The names of the ty∣rantes.

  Dioclesian, Maximini∣an Empe∣rors depo∣sed.

  Gale Maxi∣minus. Constantius Emperours. Maximinus Seuerus, Constanti∣nus, Caesars
• * 1.60

  Maxentius, Emperour. Licinius Caesar.
• * 1.61

  Anno. 318.
• * 1.62

  The commen∣dation of Constantius.
• * 1.63

  O happy Con∣stantius.
• * 1.64

  Euseb. lib. 8. Cap, 13. Constantius gratious to the Christians.
• * 1.65

  Zozomenus. lib. cap. 6.
• * 1.66

  Constantius proueth who were true Chri∣stians in hys Court, and who were not.
• * 1.67

  Ex Euseb. de vita Constan. Lib. 1. Ex Zozomeno. lib. cap. 6. False Christians discerned from true.
• * 1.68

  Euseb. lib de vita Constan.
• * 1.69

  Maximinus an enemy to the Christians.
• * 1.70

  The wickednes of Maximinus described.
• * 1.71

  A terrible plague sent by God to Maximinus.
• * 1.72

  Maximinus killeth hys phi∣sitions.
• * 1.73

  Maximinus countermaund in the behalfe of the Christi∣ans.
• * 1.74

  Euseb. lib •• cap. vlt.
• * 1.75

  Sabinus in the fauour of the chri∣stians pub∣lisheth the decree.
• * 1.76

  Euseb. lib. 9. Cap. 1.
• * 1.77

  Persecution ceaseth for a time.
• * 1.78

  The infi∣dels ac∣knowledge the God of the Christi∣ans.
• * 1.79

  One altera∣tion vpon an other.
• * 1.80

  The deue∣lish practise of Theo∣technus.
• * 1.81

  The vayne practises of the Heathē agaynst Christ and his religion.
• * 1.82

  A deuised accusation agaynst the Christians by harlots.
• * 1.83

  Maximi. recounter∣maund gra∣uē in brasse.
• * 1.84

  Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 3.
• * 1.85

  The copy of the recoun∣termaund made a∣gaynst the Christians.
• * 1.86

  Wicked blasphemy.
• * 1.87

  The workes of the liuing God falsly imputed to dead stockes and Idoles.
• * 1.88

  Horrible blasphemy.
• * 1.89

  The lyke argu∣ment of wether & corne, & plen¦ty, made the vn∣faithfull Iewes, and also make now our fayth∣lesse Papistes.
• * 1.90

  Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 7. Persecution re∣nued a fresh.
• * 1.91

  Syluanus By∣shop. Lucianus Elder, Petrus Byshop, Quirinus Byshop. Marcellus Byshop. Tymotheus Elder. Martyrs.

  The persecution of Maximinus the yonger. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 7. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 44. Ex facisculo temporum.
• * 1.92

  Cosmas, Damianus, Dorothea, with other mar∣tyrs. 270. Martyrs.
• * 1.93

  Gemenianus with 79. Mar∣tyrs.
• * 1.94

  Seuerall kindes of tormentes. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 15.
• * 1.95

  Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 6.10. The worke of God agaynst the foresayd edict.
• * 1.96

  The proud and blasphemous proclamation of the Emperour proued false and contrary.
• * 1.97

  Ex Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 8.
• * 1.98

  A terrible hun∣ger among the heathen perse∣cutors descri∣bed.
• * 1.99

  Pestilence a∣mong the perse∣cutors.
• * 1.100

  The charity of the Christians to the enemyes. Let your light so shine among men, that they may see your good works and glorifie your fa∣ther which is in heauen.
• * 1.101

  The wise∣dome and pollicy of man ouer∣throwne in hys owne turne. Qui com∣prehendit sapientes in astutia.
• * 1.102

  The pro∣mise of Christ veri∣fied. Mat. 6. the gates of hell shall not preuaile agaynst the Churche builded vp∣on the fayth of Christ.
• * 1.103

  The death and end of Maximini∣an.
• * 1.104

  The wic∣kednes of Maxentius described.
• * 1.105

  Euseb. lib. 8. Cap. 14.
• * 1.106

  A shameful act of incon∣tinency.
• * 1.107

  A Christian matron slay∣eth her selfe to auoyd the lust of Maxentius.
• * 1.108

  A monster in the like∣lihoode of an Empe∣rour.
• * 1.109

  A liuely paterne of an hipocrite
• * 1.110

  Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 15.
• * 1.111

  The Ro∣maines send to Constan∣tine for suc∣cour.
• * 1.112

  An. 318.
• * 1.113

  Maxentius feared for hys magicke and sorcery.
• * 1.114

  A miracle of a crosse appearing to Constan∣tine in hea∣uen.

  In hoc Vin∣ce. Euse. lib. 2. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutropo. lib. 11. Sozom. li. 1. cap. 3. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 2. Vrspurgens. Chronic. Paul. Diacon. lib. 11.

  This vision reported and testified by constantine himselfe to be true.
• * 1.115

  An admonition concerning the material crosse not to be wo••∣shipped, but to be a meanes to bring Constan∣tine to the faith of him whiche was crucified.
• * 1.116

  Constantinus with hys army approcheth to∣ward Rome.
• * 1.117

  Psal. 7. Maxentius ta∣ken in hys owne trap.
• * 1.118

  Maxentius beaten in the field.

  Maxentius drowned by hys owne bridge.

  Pharao a figure of Maxentius the last perse∣cutor in Rome.
• * 1.119

  Pharao and Maxentius compared.
• * 1.120

  Exod. 15. The figure of the old testa∣ment verefied in the new.
• * 1.121

  The glorious and victorious host of Christ.
• * 1.122

  Persecution in the West cea∣seth for a M. yeares till the time of Wyck∣l••ffe.
• * 1.123

  Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 9.
• * 1.124

  Note well these thousand yeares and then read the xx. chap. of the Apoc. Sata∣nas was bound vp for a thou∣sand yeares. &c.
• * 2.1

  The copy of the imperiall con∣stitution of Constantinus and Licinius. Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5.
• * 2.2

  The consi∣deration of Gods work in defen∣ding hys Christians.
• * 2.3

  The kinges of the earth haue risen, and Princes together a∣gaynst the Lord, and a∣gaynst hys Christ. Psal. 2. No counsell standeth a∣gaynst God.
• * 2.4

  The destru∣ction of the cruell Em∣perours.
• * 2.5

  Dioclesian dyeth for sorrow.
• * 2.6

  The effect of the de∣cree which Maximinus made a∣gainst hys wil or surie∣counter∣maund for feare of C. and L. in the behalfe of the Christi∣ans.
• * 2.7

  The surre∣counter∣maunde of Maximi. dissembled.
• * 2.8

  Ex Euseb. Lib. 9. ca. 9.
• * 2.9

  The vnfay∣ned repen∣taunce and finall de∣cree of Maximinus for the chri∣stians.
• * 2.10

  A large graunt of Maximinus to the Chri∣stians.
• * 2.11

  Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 10.
• * 2.12

  An. 319.
• * 2.13

  God ma∣keth his ene¦mies to cō∣fesse him.
• * 2.14

  The end and death of Maxi∣minus.
• * 2.15

  The perse∣cution of the church vnder Lici∣nius.
• * 2.16

  An enemy to learning. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13.
• * 2.17

  Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 9. Licinius an A∣postata.
• * 2.18

  The fountayne of Apostacie.
• * 2.19

  Knightes of the order d••pilued for not doyng sacrifice. Euseb. Lib. 10. Cap. 8.
• * 2.20

  A straight charge agaynst the relieuing of the imprisoned Christians.
• * 2.21

  Euseb. Lib. 1. de vita Constā∣tini.
• * 2.22

  Secret persecu∣tion for feare of Constantinus.
• * 2.23

  Zozomenus. Lib. 1. Cap. 2.
• * 2.24

  Euseb. lib. 10. Cap. 8. The violent wronges of Licinius.
• * 2.25

  Euseb. lib. 1. de vita Const. The Christians flee into the wildernes.
• * 2.26

  Hote persecuti∣on renued. Theodorus.

  An other Theodorus By∣shop of Tyrus. A man of Per∣ga.

  Nicholaus By∣shop of Mirorus.

  Gregorius By∣shop of Arme∣nia.

  Paulus Byshop of Neocaesaria, with 40. other martyrs.

  XL good men and their wiues martyrs.

  Amones with xl wiues of xl. men martyrs. The wicked purpose of Licinius had he not bene preuented by God and slayne by Constanti∣nus.

  Licinius ouer∣come in battaile by Constanti∣nus.
• * 2.27

  The end and death of the ty∣rauntes whiche were the au∣thors of this x. persecution.
• * 2.28

  A briefe story of the most no∣table Martirs, that suffered in this x. persecu∣tion.
• * 2.29

  Albanus, Martyr.
• * 2.30

  Fruite of hospi∣talitie to be noted.
• * 2.31

  Albanus first conuer∣ted▪ and by what occa∣sion.
• * 2.32

  Albanus offereth himselfe to death for an other.
• * 2.33

  The words of the Iudge to Albane.
• * 2.34

  The con••••∣cy and zeale of Albane.
• * 2.35

  The confes∣sion of Albane.
• * 2.36

  The suffe∣ring and martyr∣dome of Alban.
• * 2.37

  Superfluous miracles in this story written by Bede omit∣ted.
• * 2.38

  The legend of S Alban disproued.
• * 2.39

  S. Alban the first martyr in this realme of England.
• * 2.40

  The stories of the Saintes cor∣rupted with lyes.
• * 2.41

  Amphiba∣lus, Martyr. Flores Hi∣storiarum. The mar∣tyrdome of Amphiba∣lus.
• * 2.42

  Aaron, Iu∣lius, Martyrs.
• * 2.43

  Persecution in thys realme of Britaine.
• * 2.44

  The lamen∣table story of Roma∣nus Martyr.
• * 2.45

  The exhor∣tation of Romanus to the chri∣stians.
• * 2.46

  The Christian boldnes of Romanus.
• * 2.47

  The noble pati∣ence of Roma∣nus in his suf∣fering.
• * 2.48

  The preaching of Romanus to the Cap∣taine.
• * 2.49

  Antiquitie al∣leadged of the pagans.
• * 2.50

  The confession of a childe a∣gainst Idolatry.
• * 2.51

  A childe mar∣tyred for the te∣stimonye of Christ.
• * 2.52

  An example of vertuous edu∣cation.
• * 2.53

  A godly mo∣ther of a godly childe.
• * 2.54

  The cruell wordes of the tyrant.
• * 2.55

  The Christian childe beheaded for confessing of Christ.
• * 2.56

  Nature ouer∣come of religi∣on.
• * 2.57

  The fire quen∣ched with rayne that shoulde burne Roma∣nus.

  Romanus speaketh after hys tongue was pluckt out.
• * 2.58

  Romanus after long tormentes strangled in pri∣son.

  Prudent. in hymnis de coro∣••i•• Martyrum.

  The story of Gordius a Cen∣turian Martyr.
• * 2.59

  Gordius of hys accord vttereth hymselfe to be a Christian.
• * 2.60

  Gordius brought to examinat••••••.
• * 2.61

  The confe∣sion of Gor∣dius.
• * 2.62

  The bolde constancy & couragious sprite of Gordius.
• * 2.63

  Gordius attempted with fayre promises and good giftes.
• * 2.64

  Gordius condemned to be brent.
• * 2.65

  The aun∣swere of Gordius to his frēds. A subtile kynde of disswa∣ders.

  None ought to deny Christ with hys mouth, and confesse hym with hys hart.

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Gordius. Ex Basili. in Ser. in Gordium militem Caesarien∣sem.

  Menas Martyr. Ex Symeon Metaphr. tom. 9.
• * 2.66

  The confes∣sion of Menas.
• * 2.67

  The words of Menas, in hys tor∣mentes.

  All the world is not to be weyed with one soule saued.
• * 2.68

  The prayer of Menas at his death.
• * 2.69

  Menas martyred.
• * 2.70

  Symeon Metaphr. tom. 5. The story of ••0. martirs.
• * 2.71

  Tormentes brought out to terrifie the Chri∣stians.
• * 2.72

  The coura∣gious bold∣nes, and Christian confession of these 40. martyrs.
• * 2.73

  Martyr∣dome and death for Christ▪ preferred before lyfe and riches of this world.
• * 2.74

  The Mar∣tirs in a cold ponde all a winters night.
• * 2.75

  The Mar∣tyrs taken out of the pond were cast into the fire.

  A good mother ca∣ring more for the soule then for the body of her sonne.

  Ex Basil. in Serm. de. 40. Martiribus. Another story of 40. Martyred in a colde ponde at Sebastia.

  Cyrus. Ioannes. Athanisia, with her three daugh¦ters.

  Theoctiste, Theodota, Eudoxia, Martyrs.
• * 2.76

  The louing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of one Christian toward an o∣ther.
• * 2.77

  Cyrus to doe others good, lost hys life.
• * 2.78

  The story of Sebastian Martyr.

  A worthy ex∣ample of a cap∣tayne to be fol∣lowed.

  Marcus, Marcellinus, Nicostratus with Zoe hys wife.

  Tranquillinus with Martia hys wife.

  Traglinus, Claudius, Castor.

  Tiburtius, Castellus, Martyrs. Barlaam.
• * 2.79

  What desire the Heathen had by some meanes to allure the Chri∣stians to offer sacrifice.
• * 2.80

  Agricola, with hys ser∣uaunt Vitalis, martyrs.

  Ex Ambro. in▪ Serm aa Vir∣gines.

  Vitalis first martyred.
• * 2.81

  Agricola, desi∣rous of martyr∣dome.

  Agricola dyed martyr vpon the Crosse.
• * 2.82

  The cruell mar∣tyrdome of Vincentius. Ex August. in Sermon.
• * 2.83

  The tormentes exercised vpon Vincentius.
• * 2.84

  The comfort of the Lord vppon hys Sainctes.
• * 2.85

  Philoromus, Martyr.
• * 2.86

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 9.

  The confession and Martyr∣dome of Philoromus.

  Procopius Martyr.

  The tormentes and constancie of Procopius to death.

  Nicephor. lib. 7. cap. 15.

  Gregorius Mar∣tyr. The sundry tormentes of Georgius.
• * 2.87

  Sergius. Bacchius▪ Panthaleō▪ Theodorus, Faustus, Gereō, with 318. fel∣lowes. Hermoge∣nes, Menas a man of A∣thens. Eugraphus, Samonas, Gurias, Abibus, Hieron, with hys fellowes. Iudes, Dom. Eualasius, Maximinus, Thie∣sus, Lucius, Callinicus, Apol∣lonius, Philemon, Asilas, Le∣onides, Arrianus the Presi∣dent. Cyprianus, Byshop of Antioche. Iustina, Glicerius, Felix Priest. Fortunatus and Achilleus Deacons. Carpo∣phorus, Abundus hys Dea∣con. Claudius, Syrinus, An∣tonius, Cucusatus, Felix By∣shop. Adauctus, and Ianuari∣us, Fortunatus, Septimus, Martyrs.
• * 2.88

  The Lamē∣table story of Cassia∣nus Martyr. Ex Aurel. Prudentius. lib. periste∣phanon.
• * 2.89

  Cassianus Martyr.
• * 2.90

  Eulalia Martyr.
• * 2.91

  Ex Arel. Prudentio. lib. peristephano••.
• * 2.92

  The chaste and continent beha∣uiour of Eulalia.
• * 2.93

  Eulalia geueth the onset, deny∣ing to sacrifice to deuils.
• * 2.94

  Eulalia kept secret by her pa∣rentes.
• * 2.95

  Eulalia dispro∣ueth the Hea∣then Iudge.
• * 2.96

  The godly con∣fession of Eulalia.
• * 2.97

  Eulalia allured with fayre per∣swasions.
• * 2.98

  Eulalia singeth an•• prayseth God in he tormente.
• * 2.99

  Eulalia put in the fire.

  The end and martyr∣dome of Eulalia.
• * 2.100

  Ex Prude••••
• * 2.101

  Agnes mar∣tyr.
• * 2.102

  Straunge and vnne∣cessary my∣racles omi••∣ted.
• * 2.103

  Ex pruden. lib. de C••∣ronis.
• * 2.104

  Agnes con∣stant in the confession of her fayth,
• * 2.105

  Agnes threatned to the bro∣thel house.
• * 2.106

  Agnes bolde vpon the helpe of Christ.
• * 2.107

  The incon∣tinent eyes of a young man behol∣ding Agnes strunken out.
• * 2.108

  The young man resto∣red agayne to his health by the pray∣er of Agnes.
• * 2.109

  Agnes desirous of martirdōe.
• * 2.110

  The prayer of Agnes.
• * 2.111

  Agnes be∣headed.
• * 2.112

  The history of Kathe∣rine martir. All thinges be not true and proba∣ble, that be written of Sainctes liues.
• * 2.113

  Petrus de Natalibus. lib. 10.
• * 2.114

  Katherine resisteth the Emperour openly to hys face.
• * 2.115

  Katherine committed to prison and comfor∣ted by an Aungell.
• * 2.116

  The tor∣mentes and end of Katherine.
• * 2.117

  The history of Iulitta Martyr.
• * 2.118

  Ex Basil. in Serm.
• * 2.119

  Iulitta violen••••ly spoyled of her goodes.
• * 2.120

  Iulitta once abiured.
• * 2.121

  Iulitta stan∣deth to the cō∣fession of her fayth.
• * 2.122

  A Christian voyce of a true martyr.
• * 2.123

  The answere of Iulitta.
• * 2.124

  Iulitta con∣demned to the fire.
• * 2.125

  The words and exhortations of Iulitta to woe∣men about her
• * 2.126

  Barbara, Fau∣sta, Euclatius, Maximinus, Iuliana, Any∣sia, Iustina, Tecla, Martirs.
• * 2.127

  Caius, Marcel∣linus, Marcel∣lus, Eusebius, Miltiades Byshops of Rome and mar∣tyrs.
• * 2.128

  Marcellinus denyeth and re∣penteth. Ex Lib Concili∣or &. Platina.
• * 2.129

  Euseb. in Chro.
• * 2.130

  Authors dissent. Ex Sabel. Ene∣ad. 7. Lib. 8.
• * 2.131

  Sabel. ibid.
• * 2.132

  A place of Platina con∣futed.
• * 2.133

  The order and proceeding de∣scribed in iudge¦ment agaynst the Bishop of Rome.
• * 2.134

  An obiection of the Papistes an∣swered vnto.
• * 2.135

  The Byshop of Rome cyted vp and appeareth before the coun∣cell.
• * 2.136

  The Byshop of Rome condem∣ned by the Councell.
• * 2.137

  The decretall Epistles and constitutions of these Byshops of Rome exami∣ned.

  The chief scope of the constitu∣tions decretall, to magnifie the Church •••• Rome.

  The Epistle of Caius.

  A great part of the Epi∣stle of Caius, taken out of the Epistle of Leo, to Leo the Emperour.
• * 2.138

  The Epistle of Marcelli∣nus.
• * 2.139

  The epistle decretall of Marcellus.
• * 2.140

  24. q. 1. Re∣gamus vn fratres.
• * 2.141

  In what chapter or leafe in all the Byble doth the Lord com∣maund the sea of Pete•• to be tran∣slated from Antioche to Rome.
• * 2.142

  The church of Rome ••••••eth to the Church of Antioche to yeld vnto her.
• * 2.143

  The second Epistle of Marcellus written to Maxentius.
• * 2.144

  The Epistle of Marcel∣lus to Mar∣entius blan∣ched.
• * 2.145

  The church of England gouerned by the pope•• Canō law with∣out suffici∣ent ground of antiqui∣tie.

  The Epi∣stles decre∣tall of Eusebius and Milti∣ades.
• * 2.146

  Ex Epist. Decretal. Miltiades.
• * 2.147

  A place of the third E∣pistle decre∣tall of Eusebius sound vn∣true.
• * 2.148

  Miltiades the last By∣shop of Rome be∣ing in dan∣ger of per∣secution.
• * 2.149

  The end of these perse∣cutions in all the West Churches.
• * 2.150

  The perse∣cutiō vnder Licinius.
• * 2.151

  Hermylus, Straconicus Martyrs. Theodorus Captayne, Martyr. Milles, mar∣tyr.

  The kinges of Persia were com∣monly cal∣led by the name of Sapores.
• * 2.152

  Persecution in Persia.

  Acindimus, Pe∣gacius, Anem∣podistus, Epide∣phorus. Symeon Archbishop.

  Cresiphon. Byshop, Mar∣tyrs.

  128. Martirs in Persia.

  The story of Symeon Archb. of Seleucia. Ex Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 8.9.10.
• * 2.153

  The worthy an∣swere of Symeon vnto the king.
• * 2.154

  The constancie of Simeon.
• * 2.155

  The fall of Vsthazare••.
• * 2.156

  The fruite of Ecclesiasticall discipline and chastisment.
• * 2.157

  The repentance of Vsthazares.
• * 2.158

  The aunswere of Vsthazares to the king.
• * 2.159

  Vsthazares the kinges tu••or condemned to be beheaded.
• * 2.160

  The message of Vsthazares To the king.
• * 2.161

  The cause open∣ly cryed, why Vsthazares was beheaded.
• * 2.162

  The end and martirdome of Vsthazares.
• * 2.163

  The martir∣dome of Symeon Archb.
• * 2.164

  The exhortatiō of Symeon the Archbishop to the martyrs at their death, when he also hymselfe should suffer.
• * 2.165

  Abedecalaas, Ananias, Martirs.
• * 2.166

  The story of Pusices Martyr.
• * 2.167

  The free speach and boldnes of Pusices.
• * 2.168

  The cruell mar∣tyrdome of Pusices.

  The daughter of Pusices Mar∣tyr.
• * 2.169

  A cruell edict of Sapores agaynst the Christians.
• * 2.170

  Innumerable martyrs in Per∣sia.
• * 2.171

  Azades, a noble 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yet Martyr.
• * 2.172

  The pro•••••••• of God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 2.173

  Trabula 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her sister, mar∣tyrs.

  Trabula 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sister of Sym••••on.

  False accusa••••∣on rashly be∣leued.

  Trabula and her sister sawne in s••••∣der.

  The blinde charme of the wicked Queene.
• * 2.174

  Example of maydenly chastitie. in Trabula.
• * 2.175

  Ex ecclesiast. Hist. Zozom. lib. 2. cap. 13. Persecution a∣gaynst the ••••∣shops and teachers of the church in Pe••∣sia.
• * 2.176

  Acepsimas by∣shop Martyr. Iacobus Priest Martyr.

  Example of true Christian charitie and singuler piety in Iacobus.
• * 2.177

  Athal•••• Dea∣con, Azadanes Deacon, Abdiesu•• Dea∣con, Martyrs. This Archi∣magus, and magi (as ••o∣nophon. sayth) was as order of religi∣on among the Persians, which had the greatest str••ke in the land next to the king.

  The end and martirdome of Acepsimas Byshop. Athalas lost the vse of both hys armes beyng pluckt from the ioyntes of his body.
• * 2.178

  Ex Sozo. li. ••. cap. 13. ex Ni∣cepho. Lib. 8. cap. 17. Barbasimes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Ma∣reas, Mocius, Iohannes, Hor∣misdas, Papas, Iacobus. Romas, Maa∣res, Agas, Bo∣chres, Abdas, Abiesus, Ioan∣nes, Abramius
• * 2.179

  Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dau∣sa••, Bico••, Maurean∣da. with 250. other martirs. The num∣ber of the martirs that suffered in Persia, were 16. thousand. Constanti∣nus the Emperour writeth to the king of Persia in the behalfe of the affli∣cted Chri∣stians.

  The copy and effect of the Epi∣stle of Constantine Sapores.
• * 2.180

  Of this Galienus and Valeri∣anus read the pag. 75.
• * 2.181

  The gene∣rall care of godly Con∣stantinus for all chri∣stians in all places.

  Other for∣rayne perse∣cutions in Persia.

  Andas By∣shop martir.
• * 2.182

  The story of Hormisda Martyr. Ex Theodor. Lib. 5. cap. 39. The faythfull constancie of Hormisda. Hormisda ba∣nished the coun∣try of Persia. Suenes Martir.
• * 2.183

  The constancy of Suenes.
• * 2.184

  The story of Beniamin Deacon and Martyr.
• * 2.185

  Beniamin tor∣mented. The martir∣dome of Beniamin.
• * 2.186

  The martirs vn∣der Iulianus Apostata. Aemilianus Domitius Martyrs.
• * 2.187

  The story of Theodorus Martyr.

  Ruff. Lib. 5. cap. 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom. lib. 5. Cap. 10.

  A miracle to be noted.

  Artemius. Martyr. Eusebius, Nestabus, brethren. Nestor. Martirs. Eupsychius, with other men of Cesar••a mar∣tyr.

  Miserable cru∣eltie agaynst the Christian virgins of Are∣thusia.

  The people made to be pluckt from their olde cu∣stomes, though it be neuer so wicked.
• * 2.188

  The story of Marcus Are∣thusius.
• * 2.189

  The true consci∣ence of Mar∣cus Arthusius.
• * 2.190

  Great cruelty shewed.
• * 2.191

  Couetousnes the cause of cruelty.
• * 2.192

  A notable say∣ing.
• * 2.193

  Hierony. in Aba cap. 1.
• * 2.194

  The wicked in this world doe most florish and preuayle.
• * 2.195

  Persecution commeth by no chaunce.
• * 2.196

  Persecution of Gods people prefigured and forewarned of God.
• * 2.197

  The Churche forewarned of Christ by speci∣all reuelation in the Apoc.
• * 2.198

  The beast 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Apoc. expounded.
• * 2.199

  42. monthe•• in the Apoc. cap. 13. ex∣pounded.
• * 2.200

  The beast had power to make 42. monthes.
• * 2.201

  The perse∣cuting tyme of the pri∣mitiue Church vn∣der the be•••• lasted 300. yeares.

  The Israe∣lites 300. yeares.
• 1 2.202

  MCCLX. Reuelation. 11.12.
• 2 2.203

  Three dayes and a halfe. Reuela. cap. 11.
• 3 2.204

  A time, tymes and halfe a time. Reuela. cap. 12.
• 4 2.205

  Xlii. mo∣nethes or 3. yeares and a halfe. Reuel. cap. 11.
• * 2.206

  Ezech. cap. 47.
• * 2.207

  The persecuted Israelites bea∣ring a figure of the persecuted Church of Christ.
• * 2.208

  From the first persecution of the primitiue Church to the last persecution▪ 294. yeares.

  Vniuersall per∣secution ceaseth for a 1000. yeares in the Church. Apoc. 10.

  From the tyme of Lic••••••us. to Wirkliffe 1000. yeares.

  Sathan bound vp for a thou∣sand yeares.

  The time of Sa∣thans binding opened.
• * 2.209

  Doxologia.
• * 2.210

  The good qual∣lities of Con∣stantinus.
• * 2.211

  The cause of all hys prosperous successe.
• * 2.212

  Constantine sometime by mean••s of hy•• wife was an I∣dolater.
• * 2.213

  Euseb. lib. 4. de vita Constant.
• * 2.214

  The common saying of Constantinus.
• * 2.215

  August. contra. Crescon epist. 49.50.
• * 2.216

  The raygne of Constantinus.
• * 2.217

  The effect of some of hys constitutions.
• * 3.1

  Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5.
• * 3.2

  The law of na∣ture made per∣fect, compared with the know∣ledge of God.
• * 3.3

  Lithernes the nurse of igno∣raunce, and ig∣noraunce the e∣nemy to wise∣dome.

  Tyranny depri∣ueth Empe∣rours.
• * 3.4

  Bloudy tyrantes make ciuile warres.

  Apollo gaue answere out of a caue in the ground, that he was disquyeted by the Christi∣ans.
• * 3.5

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 geuen for to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon malefacto••▪
• * 3.6

  A great ••••••mendation of the chri∣stians.
• * 3.7

  The earth bewayled the martyr deathes.
• * 3.8

  The au∣thors of all mischiefe punished.
• * 3.9

  Apollo ly∣ing oracles the cause of so many martirs deathes.
• * 3.10

  Constant. prayer.
• * 3.11

  Constant. Fayth confirmed by the my∣racles of the crosse.
• * 3.12

  The clem••••••cy of a good Emperour.
• * 3.13

  A good iudgement.
• * 3.14

  One religi∣on from the beginning of the world.
• * 3.15

  The prayer of Constan∣tine was fulfilled. Ech thing in their cre∣ation preach the very and true God.
• * 3.16

  The earth stayd vp by the power of God.
• * 3.17

  Who they be that Constant. accompteth wise in deede.
• * 3.18

  Experience a tryall of the truth.
• * 3.19

  Constanti∣nus neyther for feare dissembleth hys fayth, neyther through pollicye defaceth Gods glo∣ry.
• * 3.20

  Constanti∣nus com∣pared to Moses, in deliuiring the people, and agree∣ing them together. The letter of Constan∣tinus to A∣••ilinus hys captayne.
• * 3.21

  Another letter of Constantine to A••ili∣nus.
• * 3.22

  The con∣tempt of gods religi∣on, chiefest decay of common weales.
• * 3.23

  An other letter of Constantine to Miltia∣des Byshop of Rome.
• * 3.24

  The feruent de∣sire of Constan∣tinus to peace and vnitie.
• * 3.25

  The letter of Constantine to Crestus By∣shop of Syracu∣sa.
• * 3.26

  The edicte of Constantinus to the rulers of the prouince of Palestina.
• * 3.27

  The letter of Constantine to Eusebius.
• * 3.28

  The councell of Nice. The effect of the letter of Constantine to Alexander and Arrius, ex Eu∣seb. de vita Con∣stan. Lib. 2.
• * 3.29

  Constantine set forth a spe∣ctacle to all Princes to fol∣low.
• * 3.30

  A briefe recapi∣tulation of such benefites as w••re wrought by Constantine vpon Christes Church.
• * 3.31

  Where wicked∣nesse is puni∣shed there goodnes fol∣loweth.
• * 3.32

  The liberalitie of Constantine in geuing to Churches.
• * 3.33

  Euseb. lib 4. de vita Constan∣tini.

  The forme of prayer appoyn∣ted of Constan∣tine for hys souldiours. The souldiours prayer.
• * 3.34

  The sonday appoynted to be kept holy.
• * 3.35

  Liberties and priui∣ledges graunted to the clergy.
• * 3.36

  The prouisi∣on and li∣beralitie of Constantine in mayntay∣ning scholes.
• * 3.37

  The priui∣ledge gran∣ted by Constant. to vniuersi∣ties and scholes.
• * 3.38

  The proui∣dent care of Constant. to haue the scripture in Churches. Ex Euseb. lib. 4. de vi∣tae Constant.
• * 3.39

  A wish of the author admonitory to Princes.
• * 3.40

  The libera∣litie of Constant. towardes the poore and needy.
• * 3.41

  Constant. remitteth the fourth part of hys rentes and reuenewes.
• * 3.42

  Deuotion of Constan∣tine.
• * 3.43

  Reasons and argu∣mentes pro∣uing the do∣nation of Constantine to be false∣fied.
• * 3.44

  Commendation of Constantine▪ the Emperour.
• * 3.45

  Constantine kissed the woundes of them that suffe∣red for Christ. Constantine burneth the bils of complayntes, and breaketh strife among the Byshops.
• * 3.46

  Note, that the oration ad con∣uentum sancto∣rum is wrong∣ly ascribed to Eusebius, which in deede is the oration of Constantine.
• * 3.47

  Looke aboue pag. 68. Col. ••. line. 52.
• * 3.48

  Satan bound vp for a M. yeares.