Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

¶The first booke contayning the 300. yeares next after Christ. (Book 1)

THese things before premised, hauing thus hitherto prepared y^e way vnto our story, let vs nowe (by the grace and speede of Christ our Lord) enter into the matter: y^t as we haue heretofore set forth in a generall descriptiō the whole state as wel of the primitiue as of the latter times of this Church of Rome: so now consequently to discourse in particular sort the Actes and doings of euery age, by it selfe, in such order [unspec 1] as is afore prefixed.

First, to declare of the suffering time of the Church, which conteineth about the time of three hundreth yeares [unspec 2] after Christ.

Secondly, the florishing & growing time of the same: [unspec 3] conteyning other 300. yeares.

Thirdly the declining time of the Church, and of true [unspec 4] Religion, other 300. yeares.

Fourthly, of the time of Antichrist, raigning & raging [unspec 5] in the Church, since the loosing of Sathan.

Lastly, of the reforming time of Christes Church in these latter 300. yeares.

In the tractation of all which things our chiefe pur∣pose and indenor shalbe (so neare as the Lord will giue vs grace) not so much to intermedle with outward affaires of Princes, or matters ciuile,) except somtime for example of life) as specially minding (by the helpe of the Lorde) to prosecute such thinges, which to the Ecclesiasticall state of the Church are appertaining: as first to entreat of the sta∣blishing of Christian faith, then of the persecutions of ty∣raunts, the constancy and patience of Gods Saintes, the first conuersion of Christen Realmes to the faith of Christ namely of this Realme of England & Scotland: first be∣ginning with king Lucius, and so forwarde following the order of our English kings here in this land, to declare the maintenaunce of true doctrine, the false practise of Pre∣lates, the creping in of superstition, and hipocrisie, the ma∣nifold assaultes, warres and tumults of the princes of this world, against the people of God. Wherein may appeare the wonderfull operation of Christes mightie hand, euer working in his church, & neuer ceasing to defend the same against his enimies, according to the verity of his owne word, promising to be with his Church while the worlde shal stand, so as by the proces of this story may welbe pro∣ued, and be testified in the sequell thereof.* 1.1

In the traction of all which things 2. especiall pointes I chiefly commend to the reader, as most requisite and ne∣nessary of euery Christen man to obserue & to note for his owne experience and profite, as first the disposition & na∣ture of this worlde: secondly the nature & condition of the kingdome of Christ, the vanitie of the one, and stablsh∣ment of the other: The vnprosperous and vnquiet state of the one,* 1.2 ruled by mans violence & wisdome: And the hap∣py successe of the other euer ruled by Gods blessing & pro∣uidence. The wrath and reuenging hand of god in the one and his mercy vpon the other.* 1.3 The world I call al such as be without or against Christ, eyther by ignoraunce not knowing him, or by heathenish life not following him, or by violence resisting him. On the otherside the kingdome of Christ in this world I take to be all them which belong to the faith of Christ, & here take his part in this world a∣gainst the world. The nūber of whom although it be much smaller then the other and alwaies lightly is hated & mo∣lested of the world,* 1.4 yet it is the number, which the Lorde peculiarly doth blesse and prosper, and euer will. And this number of Christes subiects is it,* 1.5 which we cal the visible Church here in earth. Which visible Church hauing in it selfe a difference of 2 sorts of people, so is it to be deuided in two parts, of which the one standeth of such as be of out∣ward profession only, the other which by election inward∣ly are ioyned to Christ, the first in words & lips seemeth to honor Christ, and are in the visible Church onely, but not in the Church inuisible, & partaketh the outward Sacra∣ments of Christ, but not the inward blessing of Christ: the other are both in the visible & also in the inuisible Church of Christ, which not in wordes onely and outward profes∣sion, but also in hart doe truely serue & honour Christ, par∣taking not onely the Sacramentes, but also the heauenly blessings and grace of Christ.

And many times it happeneth, that as betweene the world, and the kingdome of Christ there is a continual re∣pugnaunce: so betweene these two partes of this visible Church aforesaid, oft times groweth great variaunce and mortal persecution, insomuch that sometime y^e true church of Christ hath no greater enimes, than of their owne pro∣fession and company, as happened not onely in the time of Christ,* 1.6 and his Apostles, but also from time to time almost continually, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 1. But especially in these lat∣ter daies of the Church vnder the persecution of Antichrist and his retinue, as by the reading of this volume more manifestly hereafter may appeare.

At the first preaching of Christ, and comming of the Gospel: who should rather haue knowen & receaued him, then the Phariseis and Scribes of that people, which had his law?* 1.7 And yet who persecuted and reiected him more, then they themselues? What followed▪ They in refusing Christ to be their king, and chosing rather to be subiect vn∣to Caesar, were by the sayde their owne Caesar at length de∣stroyed: when as Christes subiectes the same time esca∣ped the daunger. Whereby it is to be learned, what a dan∣gerous thing it is to refuse the Gospell of God, when it is so gently offered.

The like example of Gods wrathful punishment is to be noted no lesse in the Romanes also themselues.* 1.8 For when Tiberius Caesar, hauing receaued by letters frō Pon∣tius Pilate, of the doings of christ, of his miracles. Resur∣rection, and ascention into heauen, & how he was receiued as God of many, was himselfe also mooued with beliefe of the same, and did conferre thereof with the whole Senate of Rome, to haue Christ adored as god: but they not agre∣yng therunto refused him, because that contrary to the law of the Romanes, he was consecrated, (said they) for God, before the Senate of Rome had so decred & approued him.* 1.9 &c. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. Thus the vaine Senate following rather the law of man, then of God, & which were conten∣ted with the Emperour to reigne ouer them, were not cō∣tented with the meeke king of glory the sonne of God to be their king. And therfore after much like sort to y^e Iewes were scourged and intrapped for their vniust refusing, by the same way which they themselues did preferre. For as they preferred the Emperour, and reiected Christ, so the iust permission of God, did stirre vp their owne Empe∣rours against them in such sort, that both the Senatours themselues were almost all deuoured, & the whole Citye most horrible afflicted the space almost of 300. yeares togi∣ther. For first the same Tiberius, which for a great part of his reigne was a moderate and a tollerable Prince, after∣ward was to them a sharpe and heauy tyraunt, who ney∣ther fauoured his owne mother, nor spared his owne ne∣newes, nor the Princes of the City, such as were his own counselers, of whom to y^e number of xx, he left not past two or three aliue,* 1.10 & so cruell was he to the Citye, that as the story recordeth: Nullus a paena hominum cessabat dies, ne re∣ligiosus quidem ac sacer. Suet. reporteth him to be so sterne of nature and tirannical, that in time of his reigne, very ma∣ny were accused and condemned with their wiues & chil∣dren, Maydes also first defloured, then put to death. In one day he recordeth .xx. persons to be drawen to y^e place of execution. By whom also, through the iust punishment of God Pilate vnder whom Christ was crucified, was ap∣prehended and accused at Rome, deposed, then banished to the towne of Lyonce, and at length did slaye himselfe. Neither did Herode and Cayphas long escape,* 1.11 of whome more followeth hereafter. Agrippa also by him was cast into prison, albeit afterward he was restored. In y^e raigne of Tiberius the Lord Iesus the sonne of God, in the xxxiiij. yeare of his age, which was the xvij. of this Emperour by the malice of the Iewes, suffered his blessed passion for the conquering of sinne, death, and Sathan the Prince of this world,* 1.12 and rose againe the third day. After whose blessed Passion & resurrertiō, this foresayde Tiberius Nero (other∣wise called) Liberius Mero,* 1.13 liued vj. yeares, duryng which time no persecution was yet stirring in Rome against the Christians,* 1.14 through y^e commaundemēt of the Emperour.

In the raigne also of this Emperour, and yeare which was the next after the passion of our Sauior, or somewhat more,* 1.15. S. Paule was conuerted to the faith. After the death of Tiberius: whē he had raigned 23. yeares, succded C. Caesar Caligula,* 1.16 Claudius Nero, and Domitius Nero: which 3. were likewise such scourges to the Senate and people of Rome that the first not onely tooke other mens wiues violent∣lye from them, but also defloured three of his owne sisters. and afterward banished them.* 1.17 So wicked he was that he cōmaunded himselfe to be worshipped as God, and tem∣ples to be erected in his name, and vsed to sit in the temple among the Gods, requiring his images to be set vp in all temples, and also in the temple of Ierusalem whiche cau∣sed great disturbaunce among the Iewes, and then began the abhomination of desolation to be set vp in y^e holy place,

spoken of in the gospel. His cruel condition, or els displea∣sure was such toward the Romaines,* 1.18 that he wished that all the people of Rome had but one necke, that hee at hys pleasure might destroy such a multitude. By this sayd Ca∣ligula, Herode the murtherer of Iohn Baptist, and condem∣ner of Christ, was condemned to perpetuall banishment, where he died miserably. Cayphas also which wickedly sat vpon Christ, was the same tyme remoued from the high Priests roome, and Ionathan set in his place. The raging fiercenes of this Caligula incensed agaynst the Romaines, had not thus ceased, had not he bene cut of by the handes of a Tribune, and other gentle men, which slew him in the 4 yeare of hys raigne. After whose death was found in his closet. 2. litle libels, one called a sword, the other the dag∣gar. In the whiche libels were contayned the names of those Senatours, and noble men of Rome, whom he had purposed to put to death.* 1.19 Besides this sword and daggar, there was sound also a cofer, wherein diuers kindes of poyson were kept in glasses and vessels, for the purpose to destroy a wonderful number of people. Which poysons af∣terward being thrown into the sea,* 1.20 destroied a great num∣ber of fish. Gotfr. Vīterb.

But that which this Caligula had onely conceaued, the same did the other two, which came after, bring to passe, Claudius Nero,* 1.21 who raygned xiii. yeares with no little cru∣elty. But especially the third of these Neroes, called Domi∣tius Nero.* 1.22 Whiche succeeding after Claudius, rayned 14. yeares, with such fury and tyranny, that he slewe the most part of the Senats,* 1.23 he destroyd the whole order of knight∣hoode in Rome. So prodigious a monster of nature was he, more like a beast, yea rather a deuill then a man, that he seemed to be borne to the destruction of man.* 1.24 Such was his monstrous vncleannes, y^t he abstayned not from hys owne mother, his naturall sister, nor from any degree of kindred. Such was his wretched cruelty, that he caused to be put to death his mother, his brother in law, his sister, hys wyse great with childe, also his instructor Seneca and Lucane, with diuers moe of his owne kindred and consan∣guinitie. Moreouer, he commaunded Rome to be set on fire in vii. places, and so continued it 6. dayes and 7. nights in burning, while that he to see the example how Troy burned, sang the verses of Homere. And to auoide the infa∣mie therof, he layd the fault vpon the Christian men, & cau∣sed them to be persecuted. And so continued this miserable Emperour in his reigne 14. yeares, till at last the Senate proclaiming him a publike enemie of mankind, condem∣ned him to be drawn through the citie, and to be whipped to death. For the feare whereof, he flying the hands of his enemies,* 1.25 in the night fled to a manor of his seruants in the countrey, where he was forced to slay himselfe, complay∣ning that he had then neither friend nor enemie left, that would do so much for him. In the latter end of this Domi∣tius Nero,* 1.26 Peter also and Paul were put to death for the te∣stimonie and faith of Christ. an. 69.

Thus ye see, which is worthy to be marked, how the iust scourge and heauie indignation of God from tyme to tyme euer followeth there, and how all things there go to ruine, neither doth any thing well prosper, where Christ Iesus the sonne of god is contemned, and not receiued, as by these examples may appeare, both of Romains which not only were thus consumed and plagued by their owne Emperors, but also by ciuile warres, wherof three were fought in two yeres at Rome, after the death of Nero, and other casualties (as in Sueton is testified) so y^t in the dayes of Tiberius aforesaid, 5000. Romains were hurt and slaine at one time by fal of a Theatre. And also most especially by the destruction of the Iewes, which about this same tyme, an. 73. and 40. yeres after the passion of Christ, and the third yeare after the suffering of S. Peter and Paule,* 1.27 were de∣stroied by Titus & Vespasian his father, (who succeeded after Nero in the Empire, to the number of xi. hundred thousand besides them which Vespasian slue in subduing the country of Galilie, ouer and beside them also which were sold and sent into Egypt and other prouinces, to vile slauery, to the number of 17. thousand, 2000. were brought with Titus in his triumph,* 1.28 of which, part he gaue to be deuoured of the wild beasts, part otherwise most cruelly were slaine. By whose case al nations and realmes may take exāple, what it is to reiect the visitation of Gods veritie being sent, and much more to persecute thē which be sent of God for their saluation.

* 1.29And as this wrathfull vengeaunce of God thus hath ben shewed vpō this rebellious people both of the Iewes and of the Romains, for their contempt of Christ, whome God so punished by their own Emperours, so neither the Emperors themselues, for persecuting Christ in his mem∣bers escaped without their iust reward. For amongest so many Emperours, which put so many christian Martyrs to death, during the space of these first 300. yeares, fewe or none of them scaped either not slaine thēselues, or by some miserable end or other, worthily reuenged. First, of y^e poi∣soning of Tiberius, & of the slaughter of the other thre Neroes after him,* 1.30 sufficiently is declared before. After Nero, Domi∣tius Galba. within 7. monthes was slaine by Ottho. And so did Ottho afterward slay himselfe, being ouercome by Vi∣tellus. And was not Vitellus shortly after drawen through the citie of Rome, and after he was tormēted, was thrown into Tiber Titus a good Emperor, is thought to be poyso∣ned of Domitian his brother. The said Domitian after he had bene a persecutor of the christians, was slaine in his cham∣ber, not without the consent of his wife. Likewise Commo∣dus was murdered of Narcissus.* 1.31 The like end was of Perti∣nax and Iulianus. Moreouer, after that Seuerus was slayne here in England, and lieth at Yorke, did not his sonne Bas∣sianus slay his brother Geta, and he after slaine of Martialis▪ Macrinus with his sonne Diadumenus were both slayne, of their owne souldiours. After whom Heliagabolus that mō∣strous bellypanch, was of his owne people slain, & drawn through the citie, and cast into Tiber. Alexander Seuerus, that worthy and learned Emperour, which sayd he would not feede his seruants doing nothing, with the bowels of the common wealth, although in life and vertues, was much vnlike other Emperours, yet prooued the like ende, beyng slayne at Mentz, with his godly mother Mammea by Maxi∣minus whom the Emperour before of a Muletor had ad∣uaunced to great dignities. The which Maximinus also af∣ter three yeres was slaine himselfe of his souldiours. What should I speake of Maximus, and Balbinus, in like sort both slaine in Rome? Of Gordian slaine by Philip: of Philip the first christened Emperour, slaine or rather martired for the same cause? of wicked Decius, drouned, and his sonne slaine the same time in battail? Of Gallus and Volusianus his sōne, Emperours after Decius, both slaine by conspiracie of Ae∣milianus, who rose against them both in warre, and within three monthes after was slaine himselfe? Next to Aemilia∣nus succeded Valerianus and Galianus his sonne, of whome Valerianus (who was a persecuter of the Christians) was taken prisoner of the Persians, and there made a ridyng foole of Sapores their king, who vsed him for a stoole to leap vp vpon his horse, while his sonne Galienus sleepyng at Rome, either would not, or could not once proferre to re∣uenge his fathers ignominie. For after the taking of Vale∣rian, so many Emperors rose vp as were prouinces in the Romaine Monarch: At length Galienus also was killed by Aureolus, which warred against him. It were too long here to speake of Aurelianus an other persecuter,* 1.32 slain of his Secretarie: Of Tacitus and Florinus his brother, of whom the first raigned 6. months, and was slaine at Pontus, the other raigned two months, and was murdred at Tarsis. Of Probus,* 1.33 who although a good ciuill Emperour, yet was he destroied by his souldiers. After whom Carus the next em∣perour was slaine by lightning. Next to Carus followed the impious and wicked persecuter Dioclesian, with his fel∣lowes Maximian,* 1.34 Galerius, Maximinus, Maxentius, and Licini∣us, vnder whom all at one time (during the life of Dioclesi∣an) the greatest and most grieuous persecution was moo∣ued against the Christians x. yeares together. Of which, Dioclesian and Maximinian deposed themselues frō the Em∣pire. Galerius the chiefest minister of the persecution, after his terrible persecutions, fell into a wonderfull sicknesse, hauing such a sore risen in the neather part of his belly, which consumed his priuie members, and so did swarme with wormes, that being not curable, neither by Surge∣rie nor Phisike, he confessed, that it happened for his cruel∣tie toward the Christians, and so called in his proclamati∣ons against them. Notwithstanding, he not able to sustain (as some say) the stench of his sore slue himselfe. Maximinus in his warre being tormented with payne in his guttes, there died. Maxentius was vanquished by Constantine, and drouned in Tiber. Licinius likewise beyng ouercome by the said Constantine the great, was deposed from his Empire, and afterward slaine of his souldiours. But on the other side, after the tyme of Constantine, when as the fayth of Christ was receiued into Imperiall seate, we read of no Emperour ofter the like sort destroied or molested, except it were Iulianus or Basilius which expelled one Zeno, & was afterward expelled himselfe: or Valende, besides these we read of no Emperour to come to ruine, as the other before mentioned. Ex lib hist. tripart.

And thus haue we in a briefe summe collected out of the Chronicles, the vnquiet and miserable state of the Empe∣rours of Rome, vntill the tyme of Christian Constantine, with the examples no lesse terrible then manifest, of Gods seuere iustice vpon them, for their contemptuous refusing

and persecuting the faith and name of Christ their Lord.

Moreouer, in much like sort and condition, if leisure of tyme, or haste of matter, would suffer me a little to digresse vnto more lower tymes, and to come more nere home, the like examples I could also inferre of this our countrey of England, concerning the terrible plagues of God against the churlish and vnthankfull refusing or abusing the bene∣fite of his truth. First, we read how that God stirred vp Gildas to preach to the old Britains,* 1.35 and to exhort thē vnto repentance and amendment of life, and afore to warne thē of plagues to come, if they repented not. What auayled it? Gildas was laughed to scorne and taken for a false prophet, and a malicious preacher. the Britains with lusty coura∣ges, whorish faces, and vnrepentant hartes, went forth to sinne, and to offend the Lord their God. What followed? God sent in their enemies on euery side, & destroied them, and gaue the land to other nations. Not many yeres past, God seing idolatry, superstition, hipocrisie, and wicked li∣uing vsed in this Realme, raysed vp that godly learned man Iohn Wickliffe, to preach vnto our fathers repentance, and to exhort them to amend their liues, to forsake their Papistry & Idolatry,* 1.36 their hypocrisy, superstition, and to walke in the feare of God. His exhortations were not re∣garded. He with his Sermons was despised. His bookes and he himself after his death were burnt, what followed? they slue their right king, and set vp three wrong kings on a rowe, vnder whom all the noble bloud was slaine vp, & halfe the commons thereto, what in Fraunce, & with their own sword in fighting among themselues for the crowne, and the Cities and townes decayed, and the land brought halfe to a wildernes, in respect of that it was before. O ex∣treme plagues of Gods vengeance. Since that tyme euen of late yeares, God once againe hauing pitie of this realm of England, raised vp his prophets, namely, William Tin∣dall, Thomas Bilney, Iohn Frith, Doctor Barnes, Ierome Garret, Anthonie Person, with diuers other, which both with their writings and sermons earnestly laboured to call vs vnto repentaunce, that by this meanes the fierce wrath of God might be turned away from vs. But how were they in∣treated? how were their painfull labours regarded? they themselues were condemned and burnt as heretikes, and their bookes condemned and burnt as heretical. The time shall come saith Christ, that whosoeuer killeth you, will thinke that he doth God hie good seruice. Whether any thing since that tyme hath so chaunced this Realme wor∣thy the name of a plague, let the godly wise iudge. If God hath deferred his punishment, or forgeuē vs these our wic∣ked deedes, as I trust he hath, let vs not therfore be proud and hie minded, but most humbly thanke him for his ten∣der mercies, and beware of the like vngodly enterprises hereafter. Neither is it here any neede to speake of these our lower and latter tymes,* 1.37 which haue ben in king Henry and king Edwards dayes, seeing the memory thereof is yet fresh, and cannot be forgotten. But let this passe, of this I am sure, that God yet once againe is come on visitation to this church of England, yea and that more louingly & be∣neficially then euer he did afore. For in this his visitation he hath redressed many abuses, and cleansed his church of much vngodlines and superstition, and made it a glorious Church, if it be compared to the olde forme and state. And now how gratefull receiuers we be, with what hart, study and reuerence we embrace that which he hath giuen,* 1.38 that I referre either to thē that see our fruits, or to the sequele, which peraduenture will declare. But this by the way of digression. Now to regresse againe to the state of the first former tymes. It remaineth, that as I haue set foorth the iustice of God vpon these Romain persecutors: so now we declare their persecutions raised vp against the people and seruauntes of Christ, within the space of 300. yeares after Christ. Which persecutions in number commonly are coū∣ted to be tenne, besides the persecutions first mooued by the Iewes in Hierusalem and other places against the Apo∣stles. In the which,* 1.39 first S. Steuen the Deacon was put to death, with diuers other moe, in the same rage of tyme either slaine, or cast into prisō. At the doing wherof, Saule the same tyme playd the doughtie Pharisie, beyng not yet cōuerted to the fayth of Christ, wherof the history is playne in the Actes of the Apostles set forth at large by S. Luke.

After the Martyrdome of this blessed Steuen, suf∣fered next Iames the holy Apostle of Christ,* 1.40 and brother of Iohn. Of which Iames, mention is made in the Actes of the Apostles the xii. chap. Where is declared, how that not long after the stoning of Stephen, king Herode stret∣ched forth his hand, to take and afflict certaine of the cōgre∣gation: among whome Iames was one, whom he slew with the sword, &c. Of this Iames, Eusebius also inferreth mention, alleaging Clement, thus writing a memorable story of him. Thus Iames (saith Clement) when hee was brought to the tribunall seat,* 1.41 he that brought him (& was the cause of his trouble) seeing him to be condemned, and that he should suffer death: as he went to the execution, he being mooued therewith in hart and conscience, confessed himselfe also of his owne accord to be a Christian. And so were they both led foorth together, where in the way he desired of Iames to forgiue him that he had done. After that Iames had a little paused with him vpon the matter,* 1.42 turning to him Peace (sayth he) be to thee brother, and kissed him, and both were beheaded together, an. 36.

Dorotheus in his booke named Synopsis testifieth, that Nicanor one of the vii. Deacons, with 2000. other, which beleued in Christ, suffred also the same day, when as Ste∣uen did suffer.

The faith Dorotheus witnesseth also of Simon,* 1.43 an other of the Deacons, Bishop afterward of Bostrum in Arabie, there to be burned. Parmenias also an other of the Deacons suffred.

Thomas preached to the Parthians, Medes, and Per∣sians: Also to the Germains, Hiraconis, Bactris, & Ma∣gis. He suffred in Calamina a Citie of Iudea, being slaine with a dart.

Simon Zelotes preached at Mauritania, and in the Countrey of Affrike. And in Britania hee was lykewise crucified.

Iudas brother of Iames, called also Thaddeus, and Lebeus, preached to the Edessens, and to all Mesopota∣mia. He was slayne vnder Augarus. king of the Edessens in Berito.

Simon called Cananeus, which was brother to Iude aboue mentioned, and to Iames the younger, which all were the sonnes of Mary Cleopha, and of Alpheus, was Bishop of Hierusalem after Iames, and was crucified in a Citie of Egypt in the tyme of Traianus Emperour, as Do∣rotheus recordeth.* 1.44 But Abdias writeth, that hee with his brother Iude, were both slayne by a tumult of the people in Suanyr a citie of Parsidis.

Marke the Euangelist,* 1.45 and first Bishop of Alexandria, preached the Gospell in Egypt, and there drawen with ropes vnto the fire, was burned, and afterward buried in a place called there Bucolus, vnder the raigne of Traianus Emperour.

Bartholomeus is sayd also to preach to the Indians,* 1.46 and to haue conuerted the Gospell of S. Mathew into their tonge, where he continued a great space doing many mi∣racles. At last in Albania a citie of greater Armenia, after diuers persecutions, he was beaten doune with staues, then crucified, and after being excoriate, he was at length beheaded. Ioan. De Monte Regali.

Of Andrew the Apostle and brother to Peter, thus wri∣teth Ierome in his booke De catalogo scriptorum Eccles. An∣drew the brother of Peter (in the tyme and raigne of Ve∣spasianus, as our aunceters haue reported) did preach in the 80. yeare of our Lord Iesu Christ to the Scithians, Sog∣dians to the Saxons, and in a Citie which is called Augu∣stia, where the Ethiopians do now inhabite. He was bu∣ried in Patris a citie of Achaia, being crucified of Egeas the gouernour of the Edessians: hitherto writeth Ierome Al∣though in the number of yeares he semeth a little to misse, for Vespasianus reached not to the yere 80. after Christ. But Bernard in his second Sermon, and S. Cyprian in his booke De duplici Martyrio, doe make mention of the confession and Martyrdome of this blessed Apostle, wherof partly out of these, partly out of other credible writers we haue collec∣ted after this maner: that when as Andrew being conuer∣sant in a Citie of Achaia called Patris, through his diligent preaching had brought many to the faith of Christ: Egeas the gouernour knowing this, resorted thither to the intēt he might constraine as many as did beleeue Christ to bee God, by the whole consent of the Senate, to doe sacrifice vnto the Idols, and so geue diuine honor vnto them. An∣drew thinking good at the beginning to resist the wicked counsaile,* 1.47 and the doings of Egeas, went vnto him, saying in this effect vnto him: that it behooued him which was Iudge of men, first to know his Iudge which dwelleth in heauen, and then to worship him being knowen, and so in worshipping the true God, to reuoke his mynd from false Gods and blynd Idols. These wordes spake Andrew to the Consul.

But he greatly therwith discontented, demaunded of him whether he was the same Andrew that did ouerthrow the Temple of y^e gods,* 1.48 and perswaded men of that super∣stitious sect, which the Romaines of late had commaun∣ded to be abolished and reiected. Andrew did plainely af∣firme that the Princes of the Romains did not vnderstand the truth, & that the sonne of God comming from heauen

into the world for mans sake, hath taught & declared how these Idols, whom they so honoured as Gods, were not only not gods, but also most cruell Deuils, most enemies to mankind, teaching y^e people nothing els, but that wher∣with God is offended, and being offended turneth away and regardeth them not, and so by the wicked seruice of the Deuill doe fall headlong into all wickednesse, and after their departing, nothing remaineth vnto them, but their euill deedes.

But the Proconsul esteeming these thinges to bee as vayne, especially seing the Iewes (as he said) had crucified Christ before, therfore charged and commaunded Andrew not to teach and preach such thinges any more, or if he did, that he should be fastened to the crosse with all speede.

Andrew abiding in his former mynd very constāt, an∣swered thus concerning the punishment which he threate∣ned, he would not haue preached the honour and glory of the crosse, if he had feared the death of the crosse. Wherupon sentence of condemnation was pronounced, that Andrew teaching and enterprising a new sect, and taking away the religion of their gods ought to be crucified.* 1.49 Andrew com∣myng to the place, and seyng a farre of the crosse prepared, did chaunge neither countenance nor colour, as the imbe∣cillitie of mortal men is woont to do, neither did his bloud shrinke, neither did he faile in his speech, his body faynted not, neither was his mynd molested, his vnderstanding did not fayle him, as it is the maner of men to do, but out of the aboundance of his hart his mouth did speake.* 1.50 And feruent charitie did appeare in his words as kindled spar∣cles. He said, O crosse most welcome and long looked for with a willing mynde, ioyfully and desirously I come to thee, beyng the Scholer of him which did hang on thee: Because I haue bene alwayes thy louer and haue coue∣ted to embrace thee. So beyng crucified, he yelded vp the Ghost and fell on sleepe, the day before the Calendes of December.

Mathew otherwise named Leui, first of a Publicane made an Apostle, wrote his gospell to the Iewes in y^e He∣brue tongue, as recordeth Eusebius, lib. 3.24.39. lib 5. cap. 8. cap. 10. Also Iraeneus, lib 3. cap. 1. Item Hieronymus in Catalogo script. Ecclesiast. concerning the doings and decreementes of this blessed Apostle and Euangelist, diuers things bee recorded by Iulius Africanus, vnder the pretensed name of Abdias. Also of Vincentius, Perionius, and others, but in such sort, as by the contents may greatly be suspected, the mat∣ter not to lacke some craftie forgerie, for the more establish∣ment of latter decretals, and Romish doctrine, as tou∣ching merites, consecration of Nunnes, the superstitious prescription of Lent fast, not onely in abstainyng from all fleshmeates, but also from all matrimoniall copulatiō be∣twene man and wife, during the said tyme of holy Lent. Item, the straight prohibition not to taste any bodily su∣stenance, before the receiuing of the Lordes supper. In or∣daining of Masse, and that no Nunne must marry after the vowe of her profession, with such other like.

* 1.51Ioan de Monte Regali, testifieth of Mathias, that after he had preached to the Iewes, at length he was stoned & be∣headed. Some other record that he died in Ethiopia.

Philippus the holy Apostle, after he had much laboured among the barbarous nations in preaching the worde of saluation to them, at length he suffered as the other Apo∣stles did, in Hierapolis a citie of Phrygia, being there cru∣cified and stoned to death, where also he was buried, & his daughters also with him. Isido.

* Of Iames the brother of the Lord, thus we read in the story of Clement and Egesippus.

AFter that Festus had sent the Apostle Paul vnto Rome after his appellatiō made at Caesaria, & that the Iewes by the meanes thereof had lost their hope of performing their malicious vow against him conceiued, they fel vpon Iames the brother of our Lord, who was bishop at Ie∣rusalem, against whom they being bent with like malice, brought him forth before them, and required him to denye before all the people the faith of Christ. But he otherwise: then they all looked for, freely and with a greater constan∣cie before all the multitude, confessed Iesus to be the sonne of God, our Sauiour, and our Lord. Wherupon, they not being able to abide the testimonie of this man any longer, because he was thought to be the iustest among all, for the highnes of deuine wisedome, and godlinesse, which in li∣uing he declared, they killed him, finding the more oppor∣tunitie to accomplish their mischiefe, because the kingdom the same tyme was vacant. For Festus being dead in Iew∣rie, the administration of that prouince was destitute of a ruler, and a deputie. But after what maner Iames was killed,* 1.52 the words of Clement do declare, which writeth that he was cast doune from the pinacle of the temple, and be∣ing smitten with the instrument of a Fuller was slain, but Egesippus which liued in the tyme next after the Apostles, describeth this cause diligently, in his fift Commentarie, after this maner as followeth.

Iames the brother of our Lord, tooke in hand to gouern the Church after the Apostles (beyng counted of all men from the tyme of our Lord to be a iust and perfect man.) Many and diuers other Iameses there were beside him, but this was borne holy from his mothers wombe, he dronke no wine, nor any strong drinke. neither did he cate any liuing creature, the rasor neuer came vpon his head, he was not annointed with oyle, neither did he vse bathe, to him onely was it lawfull to enter into the holy place, ney∣ther was he clothed with woollen cloth; but with silke; and he onely entred into the temple, falling vpon his knees, asking remission for the people, so that his knees by ofte kneling, lost the sence of feeling, being benumined & harde∣ned like the knees of a Camell. He was (for worshipping God and crauing forgiuenes for the people) called iust, & for the exceliencie of his iust life named Oblias, which (if you do interprete it) is the sauegard, and iustice of the people as the Prophets declare of him: therefore when as many of the heretikes which were among the people asked him what maner of dore Iesus should be, he aunswered that he was the Sauiour. Wherof some do beleue him to be Iesus Christ, but the aforesaid heretikes neither beleue the resur∣rection, neither that any shall come, which shal render vn∣to euery man according to his workes, but as many as be∣leue, they beleued for Iames cause. When as many there∣fore of the Princes did beleue,* 1.53 there was a tumult made of the Scribes, Iewes, and Phariseis, saying: it is daunge∣rous least that all the people do looke for this Iesus, as for Christ, therfore they gathered themselues togither, & sayd vnto Iames: We beseech thee restrain the people, for they beleue in Iesus, as though he were Christ. We pray thee perswade them all which come vnto the feast of the Passe∣ouer of Iesus, for we are all obedient vnto thee, and all the people do testifie of thee that thou art iust, neither that thou doest accept the person of any man, therefore perswade the people that they be not deceiued in Iesus, and all the peo∣ple, and we will obey thee, therfore stand vpon the piller of the temple, that thou mayest be seene from aboue, and that thy wordes may be perceiued of all the people, for to this passeouer all the tribes do come with all the countrey. And thus the forenamed Scribes, and Phariseis did set Iames vpon the battlements of the Church, and they cried vnto him and sayd, thou iust man whom all we ought to obey, because this people is led after Iesus, which is crucified, tell what is the dore of Iesus crucified: and he aunswered with a great voyce, what do you aske me of Iesus y^e sonne of man, seeyng that he sitteth on the right hand of God in heauen, and shall come in the cloudes of the skie? But whō many were persuaded of this, they glorified God vpon the witnes of Iames, and sayd: Osanna in the highest to the sonne of Dauid. Then the Scribes and the Phariseis sayd among themselues, we haue done euill that we haue cau∣sed such a testimony of Iesus. But let vs go vp and let vs take him, that they being compelled with feare, may deny that faith. And they cried out, saying: O, O, this iust man also is seduced, and they fulfilled that Scripture which is spoken of in Esay.* 1.54 Let vs take away the iust man, because he is not profitable for vs: Wherfore let them eat the fruits of their workes. Therfore they went vp to throwe doune the iust man, and said among themselues: let vs stone this iust man Iames, & they toke him to smite him with stones for he was not yet dead whē he was cast doune, but he tur∣ning, fell doune vpon his knees, saying: O Lord God, Father, I beseech thee to forgeue them, for they know not what they do.* 1.55 But whē they had smitten him with stones one of the priests of the children of Rechas, the sonne of Cha∣robim, spake to them the testimonie which is in Ieremie the Prophet: leaue off, what do ye? The iust man praieth for you. And one of those which were present, tooke a Ful∣lers instrument, wherwith they did vse to beat and purge cloth, and smote the iust man on his head, and so he finished his Martyrdome, and they buried him in the same place, & his piller abideth yet by the temple. He was a true testi∣monie to the Iewes and the Gentiles. And shortly after Vespasianus the Emperour destroying the land of Iewrie, brought them into captiuitie. These thinges being thus written at large of Egesippus, do well agree to those which Clement did write of him. This Iames was so notable a man, that for his iustice he was had in honour of all men, in so much that the wise men of the Iewes shortly after

his Martyrdome did impute the cause of the besieging of Ierusalem and other calamities which happened vnto thē to no other cause, but vnto the violence and iniurie done to this man.* 1.56 Also Iosephus hath not left this out of his histo∣rie, where he speaketh of him after this maner: These things so chanced vnto the Iewes for a vengeance because of that iust man Iames which was the brother of Iesu, whō they called Christ, for the Iewes killed him although he was a righteous man.

The same Iosephus declareth his death in the same booke and chapter, saying: Caesar hearing of the death of Festus, sent Albinus the Lieuetenant into Iewrie, but Ana∣nus the yonger, being bishop, and of the sect of the Sadu∣ces, trusting that he had obtained a conuenient tyme, seing that Festus was dead, and Albinus entred on his iourney, he called a Councell, and calling many vnto him, among whom was Iames by name the brother of Iesu which is called Christ, he stoned them, accusing them as breakers of the law.

* 1.57Whereby it appeareth, that many other besides Iames also the same tyme were Martyred and put to death amōg the Iewes, for the faith of Christ.

A description of the X. first persecutions in the Primitiue Church.

* 1.58THese thinges being thus declared for the Martyrdome of the Apostles, and the persecutiō of the Iewes. Now let vs (by y^e grace of Christ our Lord) comprehend with like breuitie, the persecutions raised by the Romaines, against the Christians in the Primitiue age of the Church, during the space of 300. yeares, till the comming of godly Constantine, which persecutions are reckoned of Eu∣sebius, and by the most part of writers, to the number of x. most speciall.

Wherin meruailous it is, to see and read the numbers incredible of Christian innocents that were slaine and tor∣mented, some one way, some an other. As Rabanus saith, & saith truly.* 1.59 Alij ferro perempti. Alij flammis exusti. Alij flagris verberati. Alij vectibus perforati. Alij cruciati patibulo. Alij de∣mersi pelagi periculo. Alij viui decoriati. Alij vinculis mancipati. Alij linguis priuati. Alij lapidibus obruti. Alij frigore afflicti. Alij fame cruciati. Alij truncatis manibus, aliísue caesis membris spe∣ctaculum contumeliae, nudi propter nomen Domini portantes, &c. That is, Some slaine with sword. Some burnt with fire. Some with whips scourged. Some stabbed in with forkes of iron. Some fastned to the crosse or gibbet. Some drowned in the sea. Some their skinnes pluckt of. Some their tongues cut off. Some stoned to death. Some killed with cold. Some starued with hunger. Some their hands cut off or otherwise dismembred, haue bene so left naked to the open shame of the world, &c. Whereof Augustine also in his booke De Ciuit. 22. cap. 6. thus saith:* 1.60 Ligabantur, include∣bantur, caedebantur, torquebantur, vrebantur, laniabantur, truci∣dabantur, multiplicabantur, non pugnantes pro salute, sed salu∣tem contemnentes pro seruatore. Whose kindes of punish∣ments although they were diuers, yet the maner of con∣stancie in all these Martyrs was one. And yet notwithstā∣ding the sharpenes of these so many and sundry tormēts, and like cruelnes of the tormentors: yet such was the nū∣ber of these constant Saintes that suffered, or rather such was the power of the Lord in his Saints, that as Hierome in his Epistle to Chromatius,* 1.61 and Heliodorus saith: Nullus esset dies qui non vltra quin{que} millium numerum Martyrum re∣periri posset ascriptus excepto die Kalendarum Ianuarij. That is, There is no day in the whole yeare, vnto which the nū∣ber of fine thousand Martyrs cannot be ascribed, except onely the first day of Ianuary.

*The first Persecution.

THe first of these x. persecutions, was stirred vp by Nero Domitius,1 1.62 the vj. Emperour before mentioned, about the yeare of our Lord, 67. The tyrannous rage of which Emperour, was so fierce against the Christians (as Euse∣bius recordeth) Vs{que} adeò vt videres repletas humanis corpori∣bus ciuitates,* 1.63 iacentes mortuos simul cum paruulis senes: foemi. narúm{que} abs{que} vlla sexus reuerentia nudata in publico,* 1.64 reiectá{que} starent cadauera. That is, In so much that a man might then see cities lye full of mens bodies, the old there lying toge∣ther with the yong, and the dead bodies of women cast out naked,* 1.65 without all reuerence of that sexe in the opē streets. &c. Likewise Orosius writing of the said Nero, saith, that he was the first which in Rome did raise vp persecution a∣gainst the Christians, and not onely in Rome, but also through all the prouinces therof, thinking to abolish and to destroy the whole name of Christians in all places, &c. Whereunto accordeth moreouer the testimonie of Hierome vpon Daniel, saying: thàt many there were of the Christi∣ans in those dayes, which seyng the filthy abominations, and intollerable crueltie of Nero, thought that he should be Antichrist, &c.

In this persecution,* 1.66 among many other Saintes the blessed Apostle Peter was condemned to death, and cru∣cified as some doe write, at Rome, albeit othersome, and not without cause doe doubt thereof, concerning whose lyfe and hystory, because it is sufficiently described in the text of the Gospell, and in the Actes of S. Luke. chap. 4.5. 12. I neede not heere to make any great repetytion therof. As touching the cause and maner of hys death, diuers ther be,* 1.67 which make relation, as Hierome, Egesippus, Eusebius, Abdias, and other: although they doe not all precisely agree in the tyme. The wordes of Hierome be these: Simon Pe∣ter the sonne of Iona, of the prouince of Galile, and of the Towne of Bethsaida, the brother of Andrew. &c. After hee had bene Byshop of the Church of Antioch, and had prea∣ched to the dispersion of them that beleued, of the Circum∣cision in Pontus, Galacia, Capadocia, Asia, and Bithinia in the second yeare of Claudius, the Emperour, (whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 44.) came to Rome, to withstand Simon Magus, and there kept the priestly chayre, the space of * 1.68 25. yeares, vntill the last yeare of the foresayd Nero, which was the 14. yeare of hys raygne, of whome he was crucified, hys head being downe, and his feete vp∣ward, himselfe so requiring, because he was (he sayd) vn∣worthy to be crucified after the same forme and maner, as the Lord was. &c. Egesippus, prosecuting this matter some∣thing more at large, and Abdias, also, (if any authoritie is to be geuen to hys booke, who following not onely the sense, but also the very forme of wordes of Egesippus in this Hystory, seemeth to be extracted out of him, and of other authors) sayth, that Simon Magus being then a great man with Nero, and his president and keeper, of hys life, was required vppon a tyme to be present at the raysing vp of a certayne noble young man in Rome,* 1.69 of Neros kindred, lately departed. Wheras Peter also was desired to come to the reuiuing of the sayd personage. But when Magus in the presence of Peter could not doe it: Then Peter calling vp∣on the name of the Lord Iesus, dyd rayse him vp, and re∣stored him to hys mother, wherby the estimation of Simon Magus, began greatly to decay, and to be detested in Rome. Not long after the sayd Magus threatned the Romaynes, that he would leaue the Citie and in their light flye away from them into heauen. So the day being appoynted Ma∣gus taking hys winges in the Mounte Capitolinus, began to flye in the ayre. But Peter by the power of the Lord Iesus brought him downe with his winges headlong to the ground, by the whiche fall hys legges and ioyntes were broken, and he thereupon dyed. Then Nero sorrowing for the death of him, sought matter agaynst Peter to put hym to death. Which when the people perceiued, they entreated Peter with much a doe, that he would flye the Citie. Peter through their importunitie at length perswaded, prepared himselfe to auoyd. But comming to the gate he sawe the Lord Christ come to meete him, to whom he worshipping sayd: Lord whether doest thou goe? To whome he aun∣swered and sayd, I come agayne to be crucified. By this Peter perceauing hys suffering to be vnderstanded, retur∣ned backe into the Citty agayne. And so was he crucified, in maner as is before declared. And this out of Egesippus.

Eusebius moreouer, writing of the death not onely of Peter,* 1.70 but also of his wife, affirmeth, that Peter seeing his wife goyng to her Martyrdom (belike as he was yet han∣ging vpon the crosse) was greatly ioyous and glad there∣of, who crying vnto her with a loud voyce,* 1.71 and calling her by her name, bade her remember the Lord Iesus. Such was then (saith Eusebius) the blessed bonde of Mariage a∣mong the Saintes of God. And thus much of Peter.

Paule the Apostle, which before was called Saule, af∣ter his great trauail and vnspeakable labours in promoo∣ting the Gospell of Christ, suffred also in this first persecu∣tion vnder Nero, and was beheaded. Of whom thus wri∣teth Hierome in his Booke De viris illustr. Paule, otherwise called Saule, one of the Apostles, yet out of the number of xij. was of the tribe of Beniamin, and of a towne of Iew∣rie called Gisealis:* 1.72 which towne beyng taken of the Ro∣mains, he with his parents fled to Tharsus a town of Ci∣licia. Afterward was sent vp by his parents to Hierusalē,

and there brought vp in the knowledge of the law, at the feete of Gamaliel,* 1.73 and was at the death of Stephen a doer. And when he had receiued letters from the high Priest to persecute the Christians, by the way going to Damascus, was stroken downe of the Lordes glory, and of a persecu∣tor, was made a professor, an Apostle, a Martyr, a witnesse of the Gospell, and a vessell of election.

Among his other manifold labors & trauails in sprea∣ding the doctrine of Christ, he wan Sergius Paulus, the Pro∣consul of Cyprus, to the faith of Christ, whereupon he tooke his name as some suppose,* 1.74 turned from Saulus to Paulus. After he had passed through diuers places and countries in his laborious peregrinations, he tooke to him Barnabas, and went vp to Hierusalem, to Peter, Iames, and Iohn, where he was ordained and sent out with Barnabas to preach vnto the Gentils.

And because it is in the Actes of the Apostles sufficient∣ly comprehended, concerning the admirable conuersion, & conuersation of this most worthy Apostle, that which re∣maineth of the rest of his history, I will here adde, how the sayd Apostle Paule, the 25. yere after the passion of the lord, in the second yeare of Nero, what tyme Festus ruled in Iew∣rie, was sent vp in bondes to Rome,* 1.75 where he remaining in his free hosterie two yeares together, disputed daily a∣gainst the Iewes, proouing Christ to be come. And here is to be noted, that after his first answer or purgation there made at Rome, the Emperor Nero, not yet fully confirmed in his Empire, & yet not bursting out into those mischiefs, which histories report of him, he was at that tyme by Nero discharged, and dismissed to preach the Gospell in the West partes and about the coastes of Italy, as he himselfe wri∣ting vnto Timothie, afterward in his second apprehensi∣on, in his second Epistle witnesseth,* 1.76 saying: In my first purgation, no man stoode with me, but did all forsake me, the Lord lay it not to their charge. But the Lord stood with me, & did comfort me, that the preaching of his word might proceed by me, & that all the Gentiles might heare and be taught, and I was deliuered out of the Lions mouth, &c. In which place by the Lion he plainly meaneth Nero. And afterward likewise saith: I was deliuered from the mouth of the Lion, &c. And againe, the Lord hath deliuered me out from all euill workes, and hath saued me vnto his hea∣uenly kingdom, &c. speaking this, because he perceiued thē the tyme of his Martyrdome to be nere at hand. For in the same Epistle before. he saith: I am now offred vp, and the tyme of my dissolution draweth on.

Thus then, this worthy preacher and messenger of the Lord, in the 14. yeare of Nero, and the same day in which Peter was crucified (although not in the same yeare as some write, but in the next yeare following) was behea∣ded at Rome for the testimonie of Christ, and was buried in the way of Ostia.* 1.77 The yeare after the passion of the Lord 37. He wrote ix. Epistles to seuen Churches: to the Ro∣mains one, to the Corinthians two, to the Galathiās one, to the Ephesians one, to the Philippians one, to the Co∣lossians one, to the Thessalonians two. Moreouer, he wrote to his Disciples, to Timothie two, to Titus one, to Philemon one.

The Epistle which beareth the title to the Hebrues, is not thought to be his, for the difference of the stile & phrase, but either iudged to be written of Timothie, as Tertullian supposeth, or of S. Luke as other do thinke: or els of Cle∣ment afterward Bishop of Rome, who as they say, was adioyned with Paul, and compiling together his sayings and sentences, did phrase them in his stile and maner. Or els,* 1.78 as some do iudge, because S. Paul wrote vnto the He∣brues, for the odiousnes of his name among that people, therefore he dissimuled, and confessed his name in the first entre of his salutation, contrary to his accustomed condi∣tion. And as he wrote to the Hebrues he being an Hebrue, so he wrote in Hebrue, y^t is, in his own tongue more elo∣quently. And that is thought to be the cause why it diffe∣reth from his other Epistles, and is after a more eloquent maner translated into the Greeke, then his other Epistles be.* 1.79 Some also read the Epistle written to Laodicea, but that is explosed of all men. Thus much Hierome.

As touching the tyme and order of the death and Mar∣tyrdome of S. Paule, as Eusebius, Hierome, Maximus and o∣ther authors doe but briefly passe ouer: So Abdias (if his booke be of any substātial authoritie) speaking more large∣ly of the same doth say:* 1.80 that after the crucifying of Peter, & the ruine of Simon Magus, Paule yet remayning in free cu∣stody, was dimissed and deliuered at that time from Mar∣tyrdome by Gods permission, that all the Gentiles might be replenished with preaching of the Gospell by him.

And the same Abdias proceeding in his story, declareth moreouer, that as Paule was thus occupied at Rome, he was accused to the Emperour, not onely for teaching new doctrine,* 1.81 but also for stirring vp sedition against the Em∣pire. For this he being called before Nero, and demaunded to shew the order and maner of his doctrine, there declared what his doctrine was, to teach all men peace and charitie how to loue one an other, how to preuent one an other in honor,* 1.82 rich mē not to be puft in pride, nor to put their trust in their treasures, but in the liuing God. Meane men to be contented with foode and rayment, and with their pre∣sent state. Poore mē to reioyce in their pouertie with hope. Fathers to bring vp their children in the feare of God. Children to obey their parents. Husbandes to loue their wiues. Wiues to be subiect vnto their husbands. Citizens and subiects to giue their tribute vnto Caesar and to be sub∣iect to their magistrates. Maisters to be curteous not cur∣rish to their seruaunts. Seruants to deale faithfully with their maisters. And this to be the summe of his teaching, which his doctrine he receiued not of men nor by men, but by Iesus Christ, and the father of glory, which spake to him from heauen, the Lord Iesus saying to him, that he should goe and preach in his name, and that he would be with him, and would be the spirit of life to all that beleued in him, and that whatsoeuer he did or said, he would iustifie it, &c. After that Paule had thus declared vnto the Empe∣rour, shortly after sentence of death was pronounced a∣gainst him,* 1.83 that he should be headed. Unto whose execut••ō then Nero sent two of his Esquiers Ferega, and Parthemius to bring him word of his death. They comming to Paule, instructing then the people, desired him to pray for them that they might beleue. Who told them that shortly after they should beleue, and be baptised at his Sepulchre (as Abdias writeth.* 1.84) This done, the souldiours came and led him out of the Citie to the place of execution, where he af∣ter his prayers made, gaue his necke to the sword. Abdias reporteth,* 1.85 that as his head was strokē off, in stead of blood issued out white milke, and that at laying downe his head he signed himselfe with the signe of a crosse in his forehead, but this being found in no other historie,* 1.86 Abdias semeth ei∣ther to adde of his own, or els to borow out of the Legend as he doth many other things beside, wherof more shalbe sayd (Christ willing) hereafter. Although the same mira∣cle of milke flowing out of his necke, is referred also vnto Ambrose, who in his sermon 68. (if it be not counterfaited) seemeth to affirme the same. Of the tyme and yeare when these blessed Apostles did suffer, histories doe not all agree. They that follow the commō opinion,* 1.87 and the Popes de∣crees say, that both Peter and Paul suffred both in one day and in one yeare, which opinion semeth to be taken out of Dionysius bishop of Corinth. Hierome in his booke De viris illustr. affirmeth that they suffred both in one day, but he ex∣presseth not the yeare.* 1.88 So doth Isodorus and Eusebius. Symon Metaphrastes bringeth in the opinion of some, which thinke that Paul suffred not with Peter, but after Peter. Pruden∣tius in his Peristephanō, noteth that they both were put to death vpon the same day, but not in the same yere, and saith that Paule followed Peter a yeare after.

Abdias aboue mentioned, recordeth that Paule suffered two yeares after Peter. Moreouer, if it be true which Ab∣dias saith, that after the crucifiyng of Peter, Paul remained in his fyare custody at Rome, mētioned in the Actes of the Apostles, which was as Hierom witnesseth the 3. or 4. yere of Nero, then must it be x. yeare betwixt the Martyrdome of Peter and of Paule, for as much as it is by all writers confessed, that Paule suffered the 14. yeare, which was the last yeare of Nero. And so Abdias seemeth neither to agree with other authors, nor with himselfe. And thus much of the first persecution.

The second Persecution.

THe first Romaine persecution beginning vnder Nero, as is aforesaid,* 1.89 ceased vnder Vespasianus who gaue some rest to the poore Christians. After whose raigne was moo∣ued not long after the second persecution,* 1.90 by the Emperor Domitian brother of Titus. Of whome Eusebius and Orosius so write, that he first beginning mildly, afterward did so farre outrage in pride intollerable, that he commaunded himself to be worshipped as God, and that images of gold and siluer in his honour should be set vp in Capitolio.* 1.91 The chiefest nobles of the Senators, either vpon enuy, or for their goodes, he caused to be put to death, some openly, and some he sent into banishment, there causing them to be slaine priuilie.

And as his tiranny was vnmeasurable, so the intem∣perancie of his life was no lesse.* 1.92 He put to death all the ne∣phewes of Iuda, called the Lordes brother, and caused to be sought out, and to be slayne all that could be found of the

stocke of Dauid (as Vespasian also did before him) for feare least he were yet to come of the house of Dauid,* 1.93 which should enioy the kingdome. In the tyme of this persecu∣tor, Symeon Bishop of Hierusalem, after other torments, was crucified to death, whom Iustus afterward succeeded in that Bishopprike.

In this persecution Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist was exiled by the sayd Domitianus into Pathmos.* 1.94 Of whō diuers and sundry memorable actes, be reported in sundry Chronicles. As first how he was put in a vessell of boiling Oile,* 1.95 by the Proconsul of Ephesus. The Legend and Perio∣nius say, it was done at Rome. Isidorus also writing of him and comprehending many things in few wordes, decla∣reth that he turned certaine peeces of wood into gold, and stones by the seaside into Margarites, to satisfie the desire of two, whom he had before perswaded to renounce their riches: And afterward they repenting that for worldly treasure, they had lost heauen, for their sakes agayne he changed the same into their former substance. Also, how he raised vp a widow and a certaine yong man from death to life. How he dronke poison, and it hurt him not, raising al∣so to life two which had dronke the same before. These and such other miracles, although they may be true, & are foūd in Isidorus & other writers mo,* 1.96 yet because they are no arti∣cles of our Christian belief, I let them passe, and only con∣tent my selfe with that which I read in Eusebius, declaring of him in this wise: That in the 14. yeare after Nero, in the second persecution, in the dayes of Domitian, Iohn was banished into Pathmos for the testimonie of the word,* 1.97 an. 97. And after the death of the foresaid Domitian being slaine, & his actes repealed by the Senate,* 1.98 Iohn was againe re∣leased vnder Pertinax the Emperor, & came to Ephesus, an. 100. Where he continued vntill the tyme of Traianus, & there gouerned the Churches in Asia, where also he wrote his Gospell, and so liued till the yeare after the Passion of our Lord, 68. which was the yeare of his age. 99.

Moreouer, in the foresayd Ecclesiasticall story of Euse∣bius, we read that Iohn the Apostle and Euangelist,* 1.99 whō the Lord did loue, was in Asia, where he being returned out of Pathmos, after the death of Domitian, gouerned the Churches and congregations. Irenaeus in his second booke thus writeth: And of him all the Elders do witnes, which were with Iohn the Disciple of the Lord in Asia, that he spake and wrote these thinges, &c. for there he continued with them vnto the tyme of Traianus, &c. Also the said Ire∣naeus, Lib. 3. Hypothes. in like wordes declareth,* 1.100 saying: The Church of the Ephesians being first founded by Paul, af∣terward beyng confirmed of Iohn, (who continued in the same Citie vnto the tyme of Traianus the Emperour) is a true witnesse of this Apostolicall tradition, &c. Clemens A∣lexandrinus moreouer noteth, both the tyme of this holy A∣postle, and also addeth to the same a certain history of him, not vnworthy to bee remembred of such which delite in things honest and profitable.* 1.101 Of the which historie Sozo∣menus also in his Commentaries maketh mention. The wordes of the author setting forth this historie, be these: Heare a fable, and not a fable, but a true report which is told vs of Iohn the Apostle, deliuered and commended to our remembrance. After the death of the tyrant, whē Iohn was returned to Ephesus, from the Ile of Pathmos: he was desired to resort to the places bordering neare vnto him, partly to constitute bishops, partly to dispose the cau∣ses and matters of the church, partly to ordaine and set such, of the Clergy in office, whom the holy ghost should elect. Wherupon, when he was come to a certaine citie not farre of, the name of which also, many do yet remember, and had among other thinges comforted the brethren, he looking more earnestly vpon him which was the chiefe bishop a∣mong them, beheld a yong man mighty in body, and of a beautiful countenance, and of a feruent mind. I commend this man (saith he) to thee with great diligence, in the wit∣nesse here of Christ and of the Church.

When the Bishop had receiued of him this charge, and had promised his faithfull diligence therein. Agayne the se∣cond tyme Iohn spake vnto him and desired him in like maner and contestatiō as before. This done, Iohn retur∣neth againe to Ephesus. The Bishop receiuing the yong man, commēded & commicteth to his charge, brought him home, kept him and nourished him, and at length also did illuminate, (that is) he baptised him. And in short tyme through his diligence, brought him into such order and to∣wardnes, that he cōmitted vnto him the ouersight of a cer∣taine cure in the Lordes behalfe. The yong man thus ha∣uing more his libertie, it chanced that certaine of his com∣panions & old familiars being idle, dissolute, & accustomed of old time to wickednes, did ioyne in company with him. Who first brought him to sumptuous & riotous bankets. Then entised him forth with them in the night to rob and steale.* 1.102 After that, he was allured by thē vnto greater mis∣chiefe and wickednesse. Wherin by custome of tyme by litle and litle, he being more practised, and being of a good wit, and a stout courage, like vnto a wild or an vnbrokē horse, leauing the right way & running at large without bridle, was caried headlong to the profunditie of all misorder and outrage. And thus being past all hope of grace, vtterly for∣getting and reiecting the wholesome doctrine of saluatiō, which he had learned before, began to set his mynde vpon no small matters. And forasmuch as he was entred so farre in the way of perdition, he cared not how further he proce∣ded in the same. And so associating vnto him the company of his companions, and fellow thieues, tooke vpon him to be as head and captaine among them, in committing all kynd of murther and felony.

In the meane time it chaunced, that of necessitie Iohn was sent for to those quarters againe, and came. The cau∣ses being decided, and his busines ended, for the which he came, by the way meeting with the Bishop afore specified, requireth of him the pledge, which in the witnes of Christ and of the congregation then present, he left in his handes to keepe. The bishop something amased at the woordes of Iohn, supposing he had meant of some money committed to his custody, which he had not receiued, and yet durst not mistrust Iohn, nor contrary his woordes could not tell what to aunswer. Then Iohn perceauing his doubtyng, and vtteryng his mynde more plainely: The yong man (saith he) and the soule of our brother committed to your custody, I do require. Then the bishop with a loude voice, sorrowing and weeping, said, he is dead: to whom Iohn said, how? And by what death? The other said, he is dead to God: for he is become an euill man, and pernicious, to be briefe, a thiefe: & now he doth frequent this mountaine with a company of villains and thieues,* 1.103 like vnto himselfe against the Church. But the Apostle renting his garmēts, and with great lamentation, said, I haue lett a good keper of my brothers soule. Get me a horse, and let mee haue a guide with me, which being done, his horse and man pro∣cured, hasted from the Churche as much as he could, and comming to the same place, was taken of theeues y^t wat∣ched. But he neyther flying, nor refusing sayd: I came for this same cause hither, lead me (sayd he) to your captayne. So he being brought, the captaine all armed, fiercely begā to looke vpon him. And eftsoones comming to the know∣ledge of him, was stroken with confusion and shame, and began to flie. But the olde man followed him as much as he might, forgetting his age and crying: My sonne, why doest thou flie from thy father? an armed man, from one naked,* 1.104 a yong man, from an olde man. Haue pitie on me my sonne, and feare not, for there is yet hope of saluation, I will make an answer for thee vnto Christ, I will dye for thee if neede be, as Christ hath died for vs. I will giue my life for thee, beleeue me, Christ hath sent me. He hearing these things, first as in a mase stood still, and therewith his courage was abated. After that he cast downe his wea∣pons, by and by he trembled, yea and wept bitterly: and comming to the old man, embraced him, and spake vnto him with wepyng (as well as he could) beyng euen then baptised a fresh with teares, only his right hand beyng hid and couered. Then the Apostle, after that he had promised and firmly ascertained him that he should obtain remission of our Sauiour, and also prayed falling downe vpon his knees, & kissed his murdering right hand, which for shame he durst not shew before: as now purged through repen∣taunce, brought him to the congregation, and when he had prayed for him with continuall prayer and daily fastings, and had comforted and confirmed his mynde with many sentences, went not from him (as the author reporteth) before he had restored him to the congregation againe, and made him a great example and triall of regeneration, and a token of the visible resurrection.

Moreouer, the foresayd Irenaeus in Lib. 3. cap. 3. and Euse∣bius, Lib. 3. cap 28. and Lib. 4. cap. 14. prosecuting the historie of Iohn, declare in these wordes, saying, that there were certaine which heard Policarpus say; that Iohn the disciple of our Lord,* 1.105 goyng into Ephesus to be washed, seyng Co∣rinthus within, he leaped out of the bathe vnbathed, because he feared the bathe should haue fallen, seing that Cerinthus an enemy to the truth, was within. Such feare had the A∣postles (saith Irenaeus) that they would not communicate a word with them that adulterate the truth.

And forasmuch as we are here in hand with the story of Iohn the blessed Euangelist, commeth in matter and oc∣casion, not geuē by him, but takē of other, of a great doubt and difficulty, such as hath occupied all the Catholike, sub∣tile, illuminate, and seraphicall Doctors of the Popes Ca∣tholike

Church, these 500. yeares. The difficultie is this: that for so much as auricular confession hath bene,* 1.106 & is yet receiued in the Popes Catholike Church for an holy and necessary Sacrament, extending vniuersally to al & singu∣lar creatures Christian. Here then riseth a question, who was our Ladies confessour, or ghostly father? But that is decreed and confessed with full consent of all the Catho∣likes to bee S. Iohn. Whosoeuer denieth or doubteth of this,* 1.107 is straight wayes ipso facto an heretike. This then so determined, ariseth an other question or doubt, that seeyng our Lady was without all originall sinne, and also actuall or mortall: what need then had she of any Confessour? or what should she confesse vnto him? For if she had confessed any sinne, when she had none: then had she made herselfe a lyer,* 1.108 & so had sinned in deede. Here therefore gentle Rea∣der, in this perplexitie, these our illuminate Doctours stād in neede of thine ayde, to helpe at a pinch. Magnus Albertus y^e great diuine, denieth not, but that she in deede, although most pure, yet was confessed to her ghostly father, to keepe the obseruances of the law, appointed for such as had that neede, which she had not. And therfore (sayth he) necessary it was that she should confesse with mouth. But then here is to be asked, what did she say in her confession, when she had nothing to confesse? To this Albertus aunswereth a∣gayne, and telleth vs plainely what she sayd in her confes∣siō which was this:* 1.109 that she had receiued that great grace, not ex condigno, that is, not of any dignitie of her own, but yet notwithstanding of congruitie. And this was it (sayth Albert) that she sayd in her confession. Albert cap. 74. super E∣uang. Missus est, &c.

Moreouer, to helpe this case out of all doubt, commeth in famous Thomas of Watring,* 1.110 & thus looseth the knot, much after like effect, saying: that as Christ, although he did owe nothing to the law, yet notwithstanding receiued he Cir∣cumcision, to geue to other example of humilitie and obe∣dience: In like maner would our Lady shew her selfe o∣bedient to the obseruaunce of the law, albeit there was no cause, why she had any neede thereof. And thus hast thou (gentle Reader) this doubtful questiō mooued and soluted, to the intent I would reueale to thee some part of the deep diuinitie of our Catholike Maisters, that haue ruled and gouerned the Church in these their late Popish dayes.

* 1.111But breaking of this matter, to returne againe where we left, that is, to this foresayd 2. persecutiō vnder Domitia∣nus. In which persecution besides these afore mentioned, and many other innumerable godly Martyrs, sufferyng for the like testimonie of y^e Lord Iesus, was Flauia y^e daugh∣ter of Flauius Clemens, one of the Romaine Consuls, which Flauia with many other was banished out of Rome into the Isle Pontia, for the testimony of the Lord Iesus by the Emperour, Domitianus, Euseb. Lib. 3.

This Domitianus feared the comming of Christ as He∣rode did, & therefore commaunded them to be killed which were of the stocke of Dauid in Iewry. There were remai∣ning aliue at that tyme certayne of the Lordes kindred, which were the nephewes of Iude, that was called the Lordes brother after the flesh. These when the Lieuetenāt of Iewry had brought vp to Domitian to be slayn:* 1.112 the Em∣perour demaunded of thē, whether they were of the stocke of Dauid: which when they had graūted, he asked againe, what possessions, and what substaunce they had. They aū∣swered, y^t they both had no more betweene them in all, but xxxix. acres of grounde, & how they gat their liuing & su∣stained their families with the hard labours of their hādes shewing forth their hands vnto the Emperor,* 1.113 being hard and roughworne with labours, to witnes that to be true which they had spoken. Then the Emperour inquiring of them concerning the kingdome of Christ, what maner of kingdome it was, how and when it should appeare: they aunswered that his kingdome was no worldly nor terren thing, but an heauenly and Aungelicall kingdome, & that it should appeare in the consummation & end of the world what tyme he comming in glory, should iudge the quicke and the dead, and render to euery one according to his de∣seruinges. Domitian, the Emperour hearing this (as the saying is) did not condemne them, but despising them as vile persons, let them go, & also staid the persecution then mooued against the Christians. They being thus dischar∣ged and dismissed, afterward had the gouernmēt of Chur∣ches, beyng taken for Martyrs, and as of the Lords stock, and so consumed in good peace till the tyme of Traianus.* 1.114 Haec Egesip. & Euseb Lib. 3. cap. 20.

By this story here recited may appeare, what were the causes why the Emperours of the Romaine Monarchie did so persecute the Christians: which causes were chiefly these: feare, and hatred: 1. feare, for that the Emperors and Senate of blinde ignoraunce, not knowing the maner of Christes kingdome,* 1.115 feared and misdoubted least the same would subuert their Emperie. Like as the Pope thinkeeh now that this Gospel wil ouerthrow his kingdom of ma∣iestie. And therfore sought they all means possible, how by death and all kindes of torments vtterly to extinguish the name and memorie of the christians.* 1.116 And therupon semeth to spring the old law of the Romaine Senate: Non debere dimitti Christianos qui semel ad tribunal venissent, nisi proposi∣tum mutent. i. That the Christians should not bee let goe, which were once brought to the iudgement seate, except they chaunged their purpose, &c. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 21.2. Ha∣tred, partly for that this world of his owne naturall con∣dition hath euer hated and maliced the people of god,* 1.117 from the first beginning of the world. Partly agayne, for that the Christians beyng of a contrary nature and Religion, seruing only the true liuing God, despised their false gods, spake against their idolatrous worshippings, and many tymes stopped the power of Sathan, working in their I∣doles. And therfore Sathan the Prince of this world, stir∣red vp the Romaine Princes & blynd Idolaters to beare the more hatred and spite against them.

Upon these causes and such like, rose vp these malici∣ous slaunders, false surmises, infamous lies & slanderous accusations,* 1.118 of the Heathen idolaters against the Chri∣stian seruaunts of God, which incited the Princes of this world the more to persecute them: for what crimes so euer malice could inuent, or rash suspicion could minister, that was imputed to the Christians, as that they were a people incestuous, that in the night in their concourses, puttyng out their candles, they ranne together in all filthy maner, that they killed their owne children, that they vsed to eate mans flesh, that they were seditious and rebellious, that they would not sweare by the fortune & prosperitie of Cae∣sar, that they would not adore the Image of Caesar in the market place, that they were pernitious to the Emperie of Rome. Briefly, whatsoeuer mishappened to the Citie or Prouinces of Rome, either famine, pestilence, earthquake, warres, wonders, vnseasonablenes of weather, or what other euils soeuer hapned, it was imputed to the Christi∣ans, as Iustinus recordeth. Ouer and beside al these, a great occasion that stirred vp the Emperours against the Chri∣stians came by one Publius Tarquinius the chiefe Prelate of the idolatrous sacrifices,* 1.119 and Mamertinus the chiefe gouer∣nour of the Citie, in the tyme of Traianus, who partly with money, partly with sinister and pestilent counsa••••e, partly with infamous accusations (as witnesseth Nauclerus) incensed the mynde of the Emperour so muche against Gods people.

Also among these other causes abouesaid, crept in some piece of couetousnes withal (as in all other things it doth) in that the wicked promooters and accusers for sucre sake, to haue the possessions of the christians, were the more re∣dy to accuse them to haue the spoyle of their goods.

Thus hast thou (Christian reader) first the causes de∣clared of these persecutions.* 1.120 2. The cruell law of their con∣demnation. 3. Now heare more what was the forme of in∣quisition, which was (as is witnessed in the second Apolo∣gie of Iustinus) to this effect: that they should sweare to de∣clare the truth, whether they were in very deed Christians or not: and if they confessed then by the law the sentence of death proceeded. Iust. Apol. 2.

Neither yet were these tyrants and organes of Sathā thus contented with death onely,* 1.121 to bereaue the life from the bodye. The kindes of death were diuers, and no lesse horrible then diuers. Whatsoeuer the cruelnesse of mans inuention could deuise for the punishment of mans body, was practised against the Christians (as partly I haue mentioned before, and more appeareth by the Epistle sent from the brethren of France,* 1.122 hereafter following. Craftie traynes, outcries of enemies, imprisonments, stripes and scourgings, drawings, tearings, stonings, plates of iron layd to them burning hote, deep dungeons, racks, strang∣ling in prisons, the teeth of wild beasts, gridirons, gibbets and gallowes, tossing vpon the hornes of Buls: Moreo∣uer, whē they were thus killed, their bodies laid in heaps, and dogs there left to keep them, that no man might come to bury them, neither would any prayer obtayne them to be interred and buried. Ex Epistola fratrum Viennensium ac Lugdunensium. &c.

And yet notwithstanding for all these continual perse∣cutions,* 1.123 and horrible punishments, the church of the chri∣stians daily increased, deepely rooted in the doctrine of the Apostles,* 1.124 and of men Apostolicall, and watered plenteou∣sly with the bloud of Saintes, as saith Nicephorus. Tib. 3.

Whereof let vs heare the worthy testimony of Iustinus Martyr in his Dialogue with Tripheus: And that none (saith he) can terrifie or remoue vs which beleue in Iesus,

by this it daily appeareth: for when we are slaine, crucifi∣ed, cast to wild beastes,* 1.125 into the fire, or geuen to other tor∣ments, yet we goe not from our confession: but contrary, the more crueltie and slaughter is wrought against vs, the mo they be that come to pietie and faith by the name of Ie∣sus: no otherwise then if a man cut the vine tree, the better the branches grow. For the vine tree planted by God and Christ our Sauiour, is his people. Haec Iust.

¶To comprehend the names and number of all the Martyrs that suffered in all these ten persecutions (which are innumerable) as it is vnpossible, so it is hard in such varietie and diuersitie of matter, to keepe such a perfect or∣der and course of yeares and times, that either some be not left out, or that euery one bee reduced into his right place, especially seeing the Authors themselues, whome in this present worke we follow, doe diuersly disagree, both in the tymes, in the names, and also in the kynd of Martyrdome of them that suffered. As for example, where the common reading and opinion of the Church, and the Epistles De∣cretall doe take Anacletus to succeed after Clement,* 1.126 next be∣fore Euaristus. Contrary Eusebius, Lib. 3. & Lib. 5. cap 6. ma∣king no mention of Cletus, but of Anacletus, sayth that E∣uaristus succeeded next to Clement. Likewise Ruffinus and Epiphanius, speakyng nothyng of Anacletus, make menti∣on of Linus and of Cletus, next before Clement, but say no∣thing of Anacletus,* 1.127 whereby it may appeare that Cletus and Anacletus were both one. Sabellicus Aenead. 7. Lib. 2. spea∣keth of Linus and of Cletus, and sayth that they were ordai∣ned helpers vnder Peter, while he laboured in his Apo∣stleship abroad,* 1.128 and so sayth also Marianus Scotus. Contra∣ry Irenaeus Lib. 3. contra Haeres. speaketh of Anacletus, ma∣king no mention of Cletus. Wherby it may appeare by the way, what credite is to be geuen to the Decretall Epistles whom all the latter hystories of the Popes Church do fol∣low in this behalfe, &c. Moreouer, where Antoninus, Vin∣centius, Iacobus in Supplemento, Symoneta, Aloysius, with o∣ther, declare of Linus, Cletus, Clemens, Anacletus, Euaristus, A∣lexander, bishops of Rome, that they died Martyrs. Eusebi∣us in his Ecclesiasticall history writing of them, maketh therof no mention.

* 1.129And first as touching Clement (whom Marianus Scotus calleth the first Bishop of Rome after Peter) they say that he was sent out in banishment of Traianus, beyond Ponti∣cus, with 2000. christians, where he opened to them a wel∣spring, whiche in the wildernesse were condemned to the Mines. Afterward being accused to the Emperor, he was throwne into the sea with a Milstone fastened about his necke, and that not long after his body was cast vp & buri∣ed (as Platina saith) at the place where the wel was made. Some say it was found first in the dayes of Pope Nicholas the first, Fascicul. tempor. But forasmuch as I finde of his Martyrdome no firme relation in the auncient authors, but onely in such new writers of latter tymes,* 1.130 which are woont to painte out the liues and histories of good men, with fained additions offorged miracles, therfore I count the same of lesse credite, as I do also certaine Decretall E∣pistles, vntruely (as may seeme) ascribed and intituled to his name. Eusebius in his third booke, writing of Clemens, geueth no more of him, but thus: After he had gouerned the Church of Rome ix. yeares, the sayd Clement left y^e suc∣cession thereof to Euaristus.

Of which Euaristus next Bishop of Rome, thus we find in Irenaeus,* 1.131 Lib 3. cap. 3. Peter and Paule (sayth he) cōmit∣ted the charge of that church to Linus. After whom came Anacletus, then succeeded Clemens, next to Clemens follow∣ed Euaristus, after whome came Alexander, and then Sixtus the vj. Bishop of Rome after the Apostles. After Sixtus sate Telesphorus, then Higinus, then Pius, then Ani••etus. And when Soter tooke the place after hym, then the xij. Bishop of Rome was Eleutherius. Thus after Clement followed (as is sayd) Euaristus in the second or third yeare of Traianus as sayth Eusebius, or as Nicephorus sayth, the fourth yeare of the sayd Emperour. But howsoeuer the counte of the yeares stand, little or nothing remayneth of the Actes and Monuments either of this, or of other Bishops of Rome in those dayes. Whereby it may appeare that no great ac∣compt was then made of Romain Bishops in those dais, whose actes and deedes were then either so lightly repu∣ted, or so slenderly committed to history. Notwithstanding certaine Decretal Epistles are remayning,* 1.132 or rather thrust vpon vs in their names, containing in them litle substance of any doctrine, but all together stuffed with lawes, iniun∣ctions, and stately decrees, little to the purpose, and lesse sauoring of the nature of that time then present. Amongest whō also are nūbred the two epistles of this Euaristus. And when he had geuen these orders, & had made vi. Priestes, two Deacons, and fiue Byshops, for sondry places (sayth the story,) he suffered Martyrdome, but what kinde of death, for what cause he suffred, what constancy he shewed what was the order or conuersation of hys life, is nothing touched, and seemeth therefore the more to be doubted that which our new historyes do say: because the olde auncient writers haue no remembraunce thereof, which otherwise would not haue passed such thinges ouer in silence, if they had bene true.* 1.133 Agayne, neyther do the authors fully agree in the tyme of hys martyrdome, which Nauclerus witnes∣seth to be in the last yere of Traianus: but Platina thinketh ra∣ther that he suffered vnder. Hadrianus: Fascicul temporum, referreth it to the third yeare of Hadrian, Volateranus, to the begynning of the reigne of Hadrian, Contrary, Eusebius, comming neare to the simple trueth (as seemeth) doth af∣firme that Euaristus succeeded Clement in the third yeare of Traianus, and so geuing to him .ix. yeares, it should follow thereby that Euaristus deceased the xii. yeare of Trianus.

After whome succeeded next Alexander,* 1.134 in the gouer∣naunce of that Church, of whose tyme & death the like dis∣crepance is among the writers, Marianus Scotus, sayth, he was the fourth Byshop from Peter, but that could not be. Some say he was the sixt & some the vii. but they likewise were deceiued.* 1.135 For the most part all do graunt Sixtus to be the vi. Damasus affirmeth that hee was in the reigne of Traiane. And how can that be, when the sayd Damasus af∣firmed before that Euaristus hys predecessour suffered in the last yeare of Traiane, and then the Byshopricke stood at least a moneth voyde, except hee meane that the sayd Alexander succeeded Euaristus in the last yeare of Traianus? But then how can that stand with Bede and Marianus Scotus, which say, that he suffered vnder Traianus, or with Otto Frisingen∣sis, which sayth he suffered the fourth yeare of Hadrian, whē he had bene Byshop ten yeares, by the generall consent of most writers?

They which write of the deedes and doynges of thys blessed Byshop, as Bergomensis, Antoninus, Equelinus and such as follow them, declare that he had conuerted a great part of the Senators to the fayth of Christ, amongst whom was Hermes a great man in Rome, whose sonne being dead, Alexander raysed agayne to lyfe, and likewise resto∣red sight to hys mayd being blinde. Hadrian the Emperour then absent hearing this, sent word to Aurelianus gouer∣nour of Rome, to apprehend Alexander, with Euentius and Theodulus,* 1.136 otherwise called Theodorus, as Platina sayth, hys two Deacons, and Hermes, and to commit them to warde with Quirinus the Tribune: whiche being done as their story recordeth, Alexander inclosed in a diuers prison from Hermes. Notwithstanding by the guiding of an Aungell through three doores w^t three lockes a peece, was brought with candle light to the lodging of Hermes. And so retur∣ning to the prison agayne: cured the daughter of Quirinus his keeper, named Balbina. by reason whereof the sayd Qui∣rinus, with his whole houshold were all Baptised, and suf∣fered also for the fayth of Christ.

Thus then sayth the story, about the second yeare of Hadrian, Aurelianus the ruler tooke Alexander the Byshop, with Hermes, hys wife children, and hys whole houshold, to the number of a M, CC.L. and threw them in prison. And not long after the sayd Alexander with Euentius his Deacon, and Hermes and the rest were burned in a fornace, Theodulus an other Deacon of Alexander, seeyng and rebu∣king the crueltie of the tyrant, suffered also the same Mar∣tyrdome.

Quirinus also the same tyme (as sayth Antoninus) ha∣uyng first his tongue cut out,* 1.137 then his hands and feete, af∣terward was beheaded and cast to the dogs. Equilinus saith that he was beheaded and cast into Tyber in the raigne of the Emperour Claudius, but that cannot be. Albeit Plati∣na maketh relation but onely of Alexander with his two Deacons aforesayd.* 1.138 Declaring moreouer, that in the tyme of this Bishop, Saphira of Antioch, and Sabina a Romaine suffred Martyrdome.

Florilegus, the Author of Flores Historiarum, affirmeth that Alexander Byshoppe of Rome was beheaded seuen myles out of Rome, where he lyeth buried, anno. 105. but that agreeth not with the Chronicles aboue recited. Euse∣bius recordeth of him no more, but that in the third yeare of Hadrian, he ended his life and office, after he had bene bishop ten yeares.

Diuers miracles are reported of this Alexander, in the Canon Legends, and liues of Saintes: which as I deny not but may be true: so because I cannot auouch them by any graue testimony of auncient writers, therefore I dare not affirme them, but dd referre them to the authors & Pa∣trons thereof, where they are founde. Notwithstandyng, whatsoeuer is to be thought of his miracles. this is to bee

affirmed and not doubted, but that he was a godly & ver∣tuous Bishop.

* 1.139And as I say of his miracles, the like iudgement also I haue of the ordinaunces both of him and of Euaristus his predecessour testified in the Popes Decrees, by Gratianus, as 93. Dist. cap. Diaconi, where is sayd that Euaristus deuided diuers titles in the Citie of Rome to the Priestes,* 1.140 also or∣deined in euery Citie vij. Deacons to associate and assist the bishop in his preaching, both for his defence, and for the witnes of truth. Notwithstāding, if probable coniectures might stand against the authoritie of Gratianus and his de∣crees, here might be doubted whether this absolute ordi∣nation of Priestes was first forbidden by Euaristus, and whether the intitulation of Priestes was first by hym brought in or not: wherein an instaunce may be geuen to the contrary, that this intitulation seemeth to take his first beginning at the Councell of Chalcedon,* 1.141 and of Pope Vr∣bane in the Councell of Placent. In the which Councell of Chalcedon the wordes of the Canon (making no mention of Euaristus at all) doe expressely forbid, that any Ecclesi∣asticall person eyther Priest or Deacon should be orday∣ned absolutely, otherwise the imposition of handes with∣out some proper title of the party ordayned, to stād voyde and frustrate. &c. And likewise Vrbanus in the counsell of Placentia,* 1.142 doth decree the same, alledging no name of Eua∣ristus, but the statutes of former Councels.

Moreouer in the time of Euaristus the Church then be∣ing vnder terrible persecutions, was deuided in no pecu∣liar Parishes or Cures, wherby any title might rise, but was scattered rather in corners and desertes, where they could beast hide themselues. And as the Church of Rome, in those dayes was not deuided into seuerall Parrishes or Cures (as I suppose) so neyther was then any such open or solemne preaching in Churches, that the assistaunce or testimony of vii. Deacons eyther could auayle among the multitude of the Heathen, or els needed amongst the chri∣stian secret congregations. Agayne the constitution of vii. Deacons seemeth rather to spring out of the counsell of Neocesaria long after Euaristus,* 1.143 where it was appoynted that in euery Citie were it neuer so small, there should be vii. Deacons after the rule. And this rule the sayd Coun∣cel taketh out of the booke of the Actes of the Apostles, ma∣king no word or mentiō of Euaristus at all Dist. 93. but these (as is said) be but onely coniectures, not denying y^t which is commonly receiued, but onely shewing what may bee doubted in their Epistles Decretall.

More vnlike it seemeth to be true that is recorded and reported of Alexander,* 1.144 that he should be the first founder and finder of holy water mixt with salt, to purge and sanctifie them vpon whom it is sprinckeled. The wordes of the Dist. be these: Aquam sale conspersam in populis benedicimus, vt ea cuncti aspersi sanctifi∣centur & purificentur, quod omnibus sacerdotibus faciendū esse mandamus, &c. That is, We blesse water mixt with salte a∣mong the people, that all men being sprinckled therewith may be sanctified and purified. And this we commaund all Priests to do,* 1.145 &c.

The opinion is also, but how true I haue not to af∣firme, that by him first was ordained, water to bee mixte with wine in the chalice.

Item, that by him was brought in the piece of the Masse Canon,* 1.146 beginning: Qui pridie, &c. And thus much of these foresayd Bishops of Rome, martired in the dayes of Trai∣an and Hadrian.

*The third Persecution.

* 1.147BEtwene the second Romain persecution and the third, was but one yeare, vnder the Emperour Nerua. After whom succeeded Traianus. And after him followed the third persecution. So the second and the third, are noted of some to be both one,* 1.148 hauing no more difference but one yere be∣twene them. This Traianus if we looke well vpon his po∣litike and ciuill gauernance, might seeme in comparison of other, a right worthy and commendable Prince. Much fa∣miliar with inferiors, and so behauing himself toward his subiectes, as he himselfe would haue y^e Prince to be to him, if he himselfe were a subiect. Also he was noted to be a great obseruer of iustice, in so much that when he ordained any Pretour, geuing to him the sword, he would bid him vse the sword against his enemies in iust causes, and if he him selfe did otherwise then iustice, to vse then his power a∣gainst him also.* 1.149 But for all these vertues, toward christian Religion, he was impious and cruel, who caused the third persecution of the Church. In the which persecution Plinie the second, a man learned and famous, seyng the lamenta∣ble slaughter of Christians, and mooued therewith to pitie, wrote to Traianus of the pitifull persecution: certifiyng him that there were many thousāds of them daily put to death, of which none did any thing contrary to the Romaine lawes worthy persecution, sauing that they vsed to gather together in the morning before day, and sing Hymnes to a certaine God, whom they worshipped, called Christ. In all other their ordinaunces they were godly and honest. Wherby the persecution by commaundement of the Em∣perour, was greatly stayd and diminished. The forme and copy of which Epistle of Plinie I thought here not incon∣uenient to set downe as followeth.

*The Epistle of Plinie an Heathen Phi∣losopher to Traiane the Emperour.

IT is my propertie and maner (my soueraigne,* 2.1) to make rela∣tion of all those thinges vnto you wherein I doubt. For who can better, either correct my slackenesse, or instruct mine igno∣raunce then you? I was neuer yet present my selfe, at the exa∣amination and execution of these Christians. And therfore what punishment is to be administred, and how farre, or how to pro∣ceede in such Inquisitions, I am plaine ignoraunt, not able to resolue in the matter, whether any difference is to bee had in age and person, whether the young and tender ought to be with like crueltie intreated as the elder and stronger, whether repentance may haue any pardon, or whether it may profite him or not, to de∣nie which hath bene a Christiā, whether the name onely of Chri∣stians without other offences, or whether the offences ioyned with the name of a Christian ought to be punished. In the meane season, as touching such Christians as haue bene presented vn∣to me, I haue kept this order, I haue inquired the second and third time of them, whether they were Christians, manacing them with feare of punishment, and suche as did perseuere, I commaunded to execution. For thus I thought, that what so euer their profession was, yet their stubburnenesse and obstina∣cie ought to be punished. Whether they were also of the same madnesse, whom because they were Citizens of Rome, I thought to send them backe againe to the Citie. Afterward, in further processe & handling of this matter, as the sect did further spread, so the more cases did thereof ensue.

There was a libell offred to me bearing no name, wherein was contained the names of many which denied themselues to be Christians, contented to doe sacrifice with incense, and wine to the Gods and to your Image (whiche Image I for that pur∣pose caused to be brought) and to blaspheme Christ: whereun∣to none such as were true Christians in deede could be compel∣led, and those I did discharge and let goe. Other some confessed that they had bene Christians,* 2.2 but afterward denied the same, &c. Affirming vnto me the whole summe of that sect or errour, to consist in this, that they were woont at certain times appoin∣ted, to conuent before day, and to sing certaine Hymnes to one Christ their God, and to confederate among themselues to ab∣staine from all theft,* 2.3 murther, and adulterie, to keepe their faith and to defraude no man: which done, then to departe for that time, and afterward to resort againe to take meate in companies together both men and women, one with an other, & yet with∣out any acte of euils.

In the truth whereof to be further certified whether it were so or not,* 2.4 I caused two maidens to bee laied on the Racke, and with tormentes to bee examined of the same. But finding no o∣ther thing in them, but onely lewde and immoderate superstiti∣on, I though to surcease of further inquirie, til tyme that I might be further aduertised in the matter from you, for so the matter seemed vnto me worthy and needefull of aduisement, especially, for the great number of those that were in daunger of your sta∣tute. For very many there were of all ages and states, both men & women which then were & more are like hereafter to incurre the same perill of condemnation. For that infection hath crepte not onely in Cities, but Villages also and Boroughs about, which seemeth that it may be staied and reformed For as much as we see in many places that the Temples of our Gods whiche were woont to be desolate, beginne now againe to be frequented, and that they bring sacrifices from euerie parte to be solde, whiche before verye fewe were founde willing to buie them. Whereby it may easilie be coniectured, what multitudes of men may bee amended, if space and tyme bee giuen them, wherein they may be reclaimed.

The Epistle of Traianus to Plinie.

THe Acte and Statute my Secundus, concernyng the causes of the Christians whiche ye ought to followe,* 3.1 ye haue right∣lye executed. For no suche generall lawe can be enacted, wher∣in all speciall cases particularly can be comprehended. Let them not be sought for, but if they be brought and conuicted, then let them suffer execution: So notwithstanding that whosoeuer shall

deny himselfe to be a Christian, and that he do it vnfainedly in o∣pen audience, and do sacrifice to our Gods, howsoeuer he hath bene suspected before, let him be released vpō promise of amend∣ment. Such libels as haue no names, suffice not to any iust crime or accusation, for that should geue both an euill President, nei∣ther doth it agree with the example of our tyme.

Tertullian writing vpon this letter of Traianus aboue prefixed, thus saith: O sentence of a confused necessitie: He would not haue them to be sought for as men innocent, & yet causeth them to be punished as persons gilty. And thus the rage of that persecutiō ceased for a tyme, although not∣withstanding many naughty disposed men and cruell offi∣cers that were, which vpon false pretence to accomplishe their wicked myndes, ceased not to afflict the Christians in diuers prouinces. And especially if any occasiō were ge∣uē neuer so litle for the enemies to take hold, or if any com∣motion were raised in the Prouinces abroad, by and by the fault was laid vpon the christians. As in Hierusalem after that the emperor Traianus had sent doune his commaunde∣ment,* 3.2 that whosoeuer could be found of the stocke of Da∣uid, he should be enquired out and put to death: vpon this Egesippus writing, saith, that certaine sectaries there were of the Iewish nation, that accused Simeon the bishop then of Ierusalem and sonne of Cleophas to come of the stocke of Dauid, and that he was a Christian. Of the which his accusers it happened also (saith the said Egesippus) that cer∣taine of them likewise were apprehended and taken to bee of the stocke of Dauid, and so right iustly were put to exe∣cution themselues, which sought the destruction of other. As concerning Simeon the blessed bishop, the foresayd Ege∣sippus thus writeth: That Simeon the lordes nephew, whē he was accused to Attalus the Proconsul, by the malicious sect of the Iewes,* 3.3 to be of the line of Dauid, & to be a christi∣an, was scourged, during the space of many dayes toge∣ther, beyng of the age of an hundred and twentie yeres. In which his Martyrdome he indured so constant, that both the Consul and all the multitude did meruaile to see him of that age so constantly to suffer, and so at last being crucified finished his course in the Lord, for whome he suffered, as partly before also is recorded.

In this persecution of Traianus aboue specified, (which Traianus next followed after Nerua) besides the other afore mentioned,* 3.4 also suffred Phocas bishop of Pontus, whome Traianus because he would not do sacrifice to Neptunus, cau∣sed to be cast into an hote Limekilne: and afterward to be put into a skalding bathe, where the constant godly Mar∣tyr, in y^e testimony of Christ ended his life, or rather entred into l••••e. Anton. Equil. Fascic. temporum.

In the same persecution suffered also Sulpitius and Ser∣uilianus, two Romains.* 3.5 Whose wiues are sayd to bee Eu∣phrosina and Theodora, whom Sabina did cōuert to the faith of Christ, and after were also Martyred. Of which Sabina Iacobus Philippus author of the booke called Supplementum, reporteth that in the mount of Auentine in Rome, she was beheaded of Clepidus the gouernour, in the dayes of Hadriā. Under whom also suffred Seraphia a virgin of Antioche, as Hermannus witnesseth.

The forenamed authors Anton. and Equilius make mē∣tion moreouer of Nereus and Achilleus, who in this perse∣cution of Traiane, had the croune of Martyrdom, being put to death at Rome. Eusebius in his iiij. booke cap. 26. maketh mention of one Sagaris, who about the same tyme suffered Martyrdome in Asia, Seruilius Paulus beyng then Procon∣sul in that Prouince.

* 3.6In this persecution beside many other, suffred the bles∣ed Martyr of Christ Ignatius, who vnto this day is had in famous reuerence among very many.* 3.7 This Ignatius was appointed to the bishoprike of Antioch next after Peter in succession. Some do say, that he beyng sent from Syria to Rome,* 3.8 because he professed Christ, was giuen to the wilde beasts to be deuoured. It is also sayd of him, that when he passed through Asia, being vnder the most straight custody of his garders, he strengthned and confirmed the parishes through all the cities as he went, both with his exhortati∣ons and preaching of the word of God: and admonished them especially and before all other things, to beware and shunne those heresies risen vp, and sprong newly among them, and that they should cleaue and sticke fast to the tra∣ditiō of the Apostles, which he for their better safegard, be∣yng about to denoūce or put in writing, thought it a thing very necessary to trauaile in. And thus when he came to Smyrna, where Polycarpus was, he wrote one epistle to the congregation of Ephesus,* 3.9 wherin he made mention of O∣nesimus their Pastor, & an other he wrote to the congrega∣tion of Magnesia, beyng at Meandre, wherein also he forget∣teth not Dama their Bishop. Also an other he wrote to the congregation of Trallis: the gouernour of which Citie at that time he noteth to be one Polibius. Unto which congre∣gation he made an exhortation, lest they refusing Martyr∣dome, should loose the hope that they desired.

But it shalbe very requisite that I aledge somewhat thereof to the declaration of this matter.* 3.10 He wrote therfore as the wordes lye in this sort. From Syria (saith he) euen till I came to Rome had I a battell with beastes, as well by sea, as land, both day & night, being bound in the midst of ten cruell Libardes (that is, the company or band of the souldiers) which, the more benefites that they receaued at my hands, became so much the woorse vnto me. But I being exercised and now wel acquainted with their iniu∣ries, am taught euery day more and more: but hereby am I not yet iustified. And would to God I were once come to y^e beasts, which are prepared for me. Which also I wish with gaping mouthes were ready to come vpon me, whō also I will prouoke that they without delay may deuoure me, and forbeare me nothing at all, as those whome before they haue not touched or hurt for feare. And if they wyll not vnlesse they be prouoked, I will then inforce them a∣gaynst my selfe. Pardon me I pray you. How much bene∣ficiall it is to me, I knowe. Now begin I to be a scholer I force or esteeme no visible thinges,* 3.11 nor yet inuisible thinges, so that I may get or obtaine Christ Iesu. Let the fire, the galowes, the deuouring of wild beastes, the brea∣king of bones, the pulling a sunder of my members, the broosing or pressing of my whole body, and the tormentes of the deuill or hell it selfe come vpon me, so that I maye winne Christ Iesus.

And these things wrote he from the foresayde Citye, vnto the congregations which we haue recited. And when he was euen now iudged to be throwne to the beastes, he spake for y^e burning desire that he had to suffer,* 3.12 what tyme he heard the Lyons roaryng: I am the wheat or grayne (sayth he) of Christ, I shall be grounde wyth the teeth of wylde beastes, that I may be found pure bread. Hee suffered in the xj. yeare of Traian the Emperour. Haec Euse∣bius, & Hieronym.

Besides this godly Ignatius, manye thousandes also were put to death in the same persecutiō, as appeareth by the letter of Plinius secundus aboue recited, written vnto the Emperour.

Hierome in his booke intituled De viris illustrib,* 3.13 maketh mention of one Publius Byshop of Athens, who for the sayth of Christ, the same time during this persecution was put to death and martyred.

Hadrian Emperour.

NExt after this Traianus succeded Hadriā the Emperor, vnder whom suffered Alexander the Bishop of Rome, with his two Deacons: Euentius and Theodorus: Also Her∣mes, and Quirinus, with their families, as latly before was declared.

It is signified moreouer in the historyes, y^t in the time of this Hadrian,* 3.14 Zenon a noble man of Rome with ten thou∣sand, two hundreth and three, were slayne for Christ. Henr. de Erfordia, and Bergomensis, Lib. 8. make mention of tenne thousand, in the daies of this Hadrian, to be crucified in the mount Ararath, crowned with crownes of thorne, & thrust into the sides with sharpe Dartes, after the example of the Lordes passion. Whose Captaines (as Antonin us, & Vin∣centius in spec. histor. declareth (were Achaicus, Heliades, Theodorus, and Carcerius, &c. Whether this story be y^e same with the other aboue of Zenō,* 3.15 or not, it is doubted. As tou∣ching the miracles done, and the speaking of the angell, I referre the certainty therof to Vincentius and such other like authors where mo things seme to be told, then to be true.

There was one Eustachius a Captaine, whom Traianus in tyme past had sent out to warre against the Barbari∣ans. After he had by Gods grace ualiantly subdued his e∣nemies, and now was returning home with victory: Ha∣drian for ioymeting him in his iourney, to bring him home with triumph, by the way first would do sacrifice to Apol∣lo, for the victory gotten, willing also Eustachius to doe the same with him. But when Eustachius could by no meanes therto be inforced, being brought to Rome, there with his wife and children suffred Martyrdome vnder the foresayd Hadrian. It were a long processe here to recite all the mira∣cles conteined or rather suspected in this story of this Eusta∣chius concerning his conuersion and death. How the cru∣cifixe appeared to him betwene the hornes of an Hart. Of the sauing of his wife frō the shipmen. Of one of his sōnes saued from the Lion, the other saued from y^e wolf. Of their miraculous preseruation from the wild beasts, frō the tor∣ments of fire mentioned in Bergomensis, and Vincētius and

other. All which as I find them in no ancient records, so I leaue them to their authors and compilers of the Legēds.* 3.16

We read also of Faustinus and Iobita, citizens of the Ci∣tie of Brixia, which suffered Martyrdome with like grie∣uous torments. At the sight wherof, one Calocerius seeing their so great pacience, in so great torments, cried out with these wordes: Verè Magnus Deus Christianorum. That is, verily great is the God of the Christians. Which woordes being heard, forthwith he was apprehended, and being brought to the place of their executiō, was made partaker of their Martyrdome. Ex Ant. Equilin.

* 3.17The history of Nicephorus maketh mention of Anthia a godly woman, who committed her sonne Eleutherius to Anicetus bishop of Rome, to be brought vp in the doctrine of Christian faith, who afterward beyng Bishop in Apu∣lia, was there beheaded with his foresayd mother Anthia, Onomast.

Iustus also and Pastor two brethen, with like Martyr∣dome ended their liues in a citie of Spaine called Gomplu∣tum, vnder the said Hadrian the Emperour.

Likewise Symphorissa the wife of Ge••ulus the Martyr, with her vij. children, is said about the same time to suffer: who first was much, and oft beaten & scourged, afterward was hanged vp by the haire of her head. At last hauing an huge stone fastened vnto her, was throwne headlong into the riuer, & after that her seuen childrē in like maner, with sundry & diuers kindes of punishment diuersly were mar∣tyred by the tirants.

The story of M. Hermannus, and Antoninus, and other, report of Sophia,* 3.18 with her three children also. also of Serapia and Sabina, to suffer vnder the said Emperour, about the yeare of our Lord, 130.

As concerning Alexander bishop of Rome, with his ij. Deacons, also with Hermes, Quirinus, Saphyra, and Sabina▪ Some writers, as Bede, and Marianus Scotus recorde that they suffred vnder Traianus. Others againe, as Otto Frisin∣gensis with like mo, report that they suffred in the iiij. yeare of this Emperour Hadrian, but of these Martyrs sufficient∣ly hath bene sayd before.

While Hadrian the Emperour was at Athens, he pur∣posed to visite the countrey of Eleusina,* 3.19 and so did: where he sacrifising to the Gentiles Gods, after the maner of the Grecians, had geuen free leaue & libertie, whosoeuer would to persecute the Christians. Whereupon Quadratus a man of no lesse zeale excellent, as of famous learning, being thē Bishop of Athens, and Disciple of the Apostles, or at least succeding incontinent the age of the Apostles, and follow∣ing after Publius (who a litle before was martyred for the testimony of Christ) did offer vp and exhibite vnto Hadrian the Emperour, a learned and excellent Apologie in the de∣fence of the Christian Religion. Wherein he declared the Christians without all iust cause or desert, to be so cruelly entreated and persecuted,* 3.20 &c. The like also did Aristides an other no lesse excellēt Philosopher in Athens, who for his singular learning and eloquence being notified to the em∣peror, and comming to his presence, there made before him an eloquent Oration. Moreouer, did exhibite vnto the said Emperour a memorable Apologie for the christians, so ful of learning and eloquence, that as Hierome sayth, it was a spectacle and admiration to men in his tyme, that loued to see wit and learning. Ouer and besides these, there was al∣so an other named Serenus Granius a man of great nobility, who likewise did write very pithy & graue letters to Ha∣drian the Emperour, shewing and declaring therein, to be consonant with no right nor reason, for the bloud of inno∣cents so to be geuen to the rage and fury of the people, and so to be condemned for no fault, onely for the name and sect that they followed.

Thus the goodnes of God being mooued with the pray∣ers and constant labour of these so excellent men, so turned the hart of the Emperour, that he beyng better informed concerning the order & profession of the christians, became more fauorable vnto them. And immediatly vpō the same directed his letters to Minutius Fundanus (as is partly be∣fore mencioned) Proconsul of Asia,* 3.21 willing him frō hence∣forth to exercise no more such extremitie against the Chri∣stians, as to condemne any of them hauing no other crime obiected against them but onely their name. The copy of which his letter, because that Iustine in his Apologie doth alleage it, I thought therefore to expresse the same in his owne wordes as followeth.

The letter of Hadrian the Emperour, to Minutius Fundanus.

I Haue receiued an Epistle writen vnto me from Serennius Gra∣nianus, our right worthy and welbeloued, whose office you do now execute.* 4.1 Therefore I thinke it not good to leaue this matter without further aduisement and circumspection to passe, least our subiects be molested, and malicious sycophants boldned and supported in their euill: Wherefore if the subiects of our prouin∣ces, doe bring forth any accusation before the iudge agaynst the Christians, and can prooue the thing they obiect against them, let them doe the same, and no more, and otherwise for the name onely, not to impeach them, nor to cry out against them. For so, more conuenient it is, that if any man will be an accuser, you to take the accusation quietly, and iudge vpon the same. Therfore, if any shall accuse the Christians, and complaine of them as male∣factors, doing contrary to the law, then geue you iudgement ac∣cording to the qualitie of the crime But notwithstanding who so euer vpō spite and maliciousnes shal commence or cauil against them, see you correct and punish that man, for his vnordinate and malicious dealing.

Thus by the mercifull prouidence of God,* 4.2 some more quiet and rest was geuen to the Church, although Herman∣nus thinketh these Alcione dayes did not very long conti∣nue, but that the Emperour changing his Edict, began to renue agayne persecution against gods people, albeit this soundeth not to be so by the wordes of Melito in his Apo∣logic to Antoninus hereafter ensuing.* 4.3 In the meane tyme this is certain, that in the dayes of this Hadrian, the Iewes rebelled agayne & spoyled the country of Palestina. Against whom the Emperour sent Iulius Seuerus, who ouerthrew in Iurie, 50. castels, and burnt and destroyed 980. villages and Tounes, and slue of the Iewes 50. thousand, so that with famine, sickenes, sword, and fire, Iuda was almost desolate. But at length Hadrian the Emperour, which o∣therwise was named Aelius, repaired and enlarged the Ci∣tie agayn of Hierusalem, which was called after his name Aeliopolis, or Aelia Capitolina, the inhabitaunce whereof, he graunted only to the Gentiles, and to the Christians, for∣bidding the Iewes vtterly not to enter into the Citie.

After the death of Hadrian, who died by bleeding at the nose, succeded Antoninus Pius, about the yeare of our Lord, 140. and raigned 23. yeres.* 4.4 Who for his clemency and mo∣dest behauiour, had the name of Pius, and is for the same in histories commended. His saying was, that he had rather saue one Citizen, then destroy a thousand of his aduersa∣ries. At the beginning of his raigne,* 4.5 such was the state of the Church, as Hadrian his predecessour had left it, as in which, although there was no Edict set forth to persecute the Christians: yet the tumultuous rage of the Heathen multitude for the causes aboue specified, did not cease to disquiete and afflict the quiet people of God, impu••ing and ascribing to the Christians whatsoeuer misfortune happe∣ned contrary to their desires. Moreouer, inuentyng a∣gaynst them all false crimes and contumelies wherein to accuse them. By reason whereof, diuers there were in sun∣dry places much molested, and some put to death: albeit, as it is to be supposed, not by the consent of the Empe∣rour, who of nature was so mylde and gentle, that either he raysed vp no persecution agaynst the Christians, or els he soone stayed the same beyng mooued. As well may ap∣peare by his letter sent doune to the countreys of Asia, the tenor whereof here insueth.

The Epistle of Antoninus Pius, to the Common of Asia.

EMperour and Caesar,* 5.1 Aurelius, Antoninus, Augustus, Arme∣nicus, Pontifex Maximus, Tribune eleuen tymes, Consull thrise,

vnto the commons of Asia greeting.

I am very certayne, that the Gods haue a care of this, that they which be such, shall be knowen, and not lye hid. For they doe punish them, that will not worship them more then you: which so vexe and trouble them, confirming thereby the opinion which they haue conceaued, and doe conceaue of you, that is, to bee wicked men. For this is their ioy and desire, that when they are accused, rather they couet to dye for their God, then to lyue. Whereby they are Vi∣ctorers, and doe ouercome you,* 5.2 geuing rather their lyues, then to bee obedient to you, in doyng that which you require of them. And here it shall not be inconuenient to aduertise you of the Earthquakes, which haue, and doe happen among vs, that when at the sight of them you tremble and are afraide, then con∣ferre your case with them. For they vpon a sure confidence of their God, are bolde and fearelesse, much more then you: who in all the tyme of this your ignoraunce, both doe worship other Gods, and neglect the Religion of immortalitie, and such Chri∣stians as worship him, them you doe driue out, and persecute them vnto death. Of these and such like matters, many Presidents of our Prouinces, did write to our father of famous memorie heretofore. To whome he directed his aunswere agayne, wil∣ling them in no case to molest the Christians, except they were found in some trespasse preiudiciall against the Empire of Rome.

And to me also many there be, which write, signifiyng their mind in like maner.* 5.3 To whome I haue aunswered againe, to the same effect and maner as my father did. Wherefore, if any hereafter shall offer any vexatiō or trouble, to such, hauing no other cause, but onely for that they are such, let him that is appeached, be released and discharged free, yea although he be founde to bee such, (that is a Christian) and let the accuser sustaine the pu∣nishment, &c.

This godly Edict of the Emperour was proclay∣med at Ephesus, in the publique assēbly of all Asia, wherof Melito also Byshop of Sardis, who florished in the same tyme, maketh mention in his Apologie written in defence of our doctrine to M. Antoninus Verus as hereafter (Christ willing) shall appeare. By this meanes then the tempest of persecution in those daies began to be appeased, through the mercifull prouidence of God, which woulde not haue hys Church vtterly to be ouerthrowne, though hardly yet to growe.

*The fourth Persecution.

* 5.4AFter the decease of the foresayd quiet and milde Prince Aurelius Antonius Pius (who among all other Empe∣rours of that tyme made the most quiet end, followed his sonne M. Antoninus Verus, with Lucius his brother, about the yeare of our Lord .162. a man of nature more sterne and seuere.* 5.5 And although in study of Philosophy, & in ciuile gouernement no lesse commendable: yet to ward the Chri∣stians sharpe and fierce, by whome was moued the fourth persecution after Nero. In whose tyme a great number of them which truely professed Christ, suffered most cruel tor∣mentes, and punishments,* 5.6 both in Asia and in Fraunce. In the number of whome was Policarpus, the worthy Bishop of Smyrna. Who in the great rage of this persecution in A∣sia, among many other most constant Saintes was also Martyred. Of whose end and Martyrdome I thought it here not vnexpedient to cōmit to history, so much as Euse∣bius declareth to be taken out of a certaine letter or Epistle, written by them of hys owne Churche, to the brethren of Pontus the tenor of which Epistle here followeth.

The congregation which is at Smyrna, to the congrega∣tion which is at Philomilium,* 5.7 and to all the congregations throughout Pontus, mercy to you, peace, and the loue of God our father, and of our Lord Iesu Christ, be multipli∣ed, Amen. We haue written vnto you brethren of those men which haue suffred Martyrdome, and of blessed Polycarpus which hath ended and appeased this persecutiō, as it were by the shedding of his own bloud. And in the same epistle, before they enter into farther matter of Polycarpus,* 5.8 they dis∣course of other Martyrs, describing what patience they a∣bode and shewed in suffring their torments: which was so great and admirable (saith the Epistle) that the lookers on were amased,* 5.9 seeing and beholding. how they were so scourged and whipped, that the inward vaynes & arteries appeared, yea euen so much that the very intrailes of their bodies, their bowels and members were seen, & after that, were set vpon sharp shels taken out of the sea, edged, and sharpe,* 5.10 and certaine nailes and thornes for the Martyrs to go vpon, which were sharpned and pointed called Obeli∣sci. Thus suffred they all kind of punishment and torment that might be deuised: and lastly, were throwne vnto the wild beasts to be deuoured. But especially in the foresayd Epistle, mention is made of one Germanicus, how he most woorthily perseuered and ouercame by the grace of God,* 5.11 that feare of death which is ingraffed in the common na∣ture of all men, whose notable patience & sufferaunce was so notable, that the whole multitude wondring at this be∣loued Martyr of God, for this his so bold constancie, and also for the singular strength and vertue proceeding of the whole multitude of the Christians: began sodenly to cry with a loud voyce, saying: destroy the wicked men, let Po∣lycarpus be sought for. And whilest a great vprore and tu∣mult began thus to be raised vpon those cries: A certaine Phrigian named Quintus,* 5.12 lately come out of Phrigia, who se∣yng and abhorring the wilde beasts, and the fierce rage of them, of an ouer light mynd betrayed his own safetie. For so the same letter of him doth report, that he, not reuerent∣ly but more malipertly then requisite, was together with others rushed into the iudgement place, and so being takē, was made a manifest example to all the beholders, that no man ought rashly and vnreuerently with such boldnesse, to thrust in himself, to entermeddle in matters, wherwith he hath not to do.

But now we will surcease to speake more of them, and returne to Polycarpus, of whome the foresayd letter conse∣quently declareth as foloweth: How that in y^e beginning, when he heard of these things, was nothing at all afrayd nor disquieted in mynd, but purposed to haue taried stil in the Citie, till beyng perswaded by the intreatie of thē that were about him (which desired him instatly that he would conuey himselfe away) hid himselfe in a grange or village not farre of from the Citie,* 5.13 and there abidyng with a fewe more in his company, did nothing els (night nor day) but abode in supplication, wherin he made his humble petitiō for the obtaining of peace vnto all y^e congregatiōs through out the world.* 5.14 For that was his accustomed maner so to doe. And as he was thus making his prayers three dayes before he was apprehended, in a vision by night he saw the bed set on fire vnder his head, and sodainly to be cōsumed. And when he awaked,* 5.15 he told by and by & expounded vn∣to them that were present, his vision, and told them before what thing should come to passe, that is, how that in y^e fire he should lose his life for Christes cause. It is further men∣tioned. that whē they were hard at hand, which so narow∣ly sought for him, that he was inforced for the affection and loue of his brethren,* 5.16 to fleet into an other village, to which place notwithstanding within a little while alter the pur∣suers came, and when they had taken a couple of children that dwelt therabouts, they so beat one of them w^t whips, y^t by the bewraying or confession of him, they were brought to the Inne where Polycarpus was. And they say that the pursuers making no great hast to enter, found him in the vppermost place of the house,* 5.17 from whence he might haue escaped into other houses, if he would, but this he would not do, saying: the wil of God be done. Furthermore, whē he knew that they were come, as the said history sheweth: he came downe, and spake vnto them with a very chereful and pleasant countenaunce, so that it was a wonder to see those which a while agone knew not the man, now behol∣ding & viewyng his comely age, and his graue & constant countenaunce, lamented that they had so much employed their labour, that so aged a man should be apprehēded. To conclude, he commaunded that straightway without any delay the ••able should be layd for them, and persuaded thē that they would eate and di••e well, and required of them boldly, that he might haue an houres respite to make his prayers.* 5.18 Which thing after it was graunted, he arose and went to pray, so being replenished which the grace of God, that they which were present, and hearyng the prayers that he made, were astonied at it, and now many of them were sory that so honest and godly an aged man should be put to death.

After this, the foresaid Epistle or letter, prosecuting the historie, addeth more as followeth: After he had made an end of his prayers, & had called to his remēbrance al those things which euer hapned vnto him, and to the vniuersal catholike church throughout all the world (whether they were small or great, glorious or els inglorious) and that the houre was now come in which they ought to set for∣ward, they set him vpon an Asse, and brought him to the Citie vpon a solemne feast day. And there met him Irenar∣chus Herodes, and his father Nicetes, which causing him to come vp into the chariote where they sate, persuaded him & sayd:* 5.19 What hurt I pray thee shall come thereof to thee, if thou say (by the way of salutation.) My Lord Caesar, and to do sacrifice, and thus to saue thy selfe? But he at the be∣ginning made them none aunswere. Till that when they inforced him to speake, he sayd: I wil not do as ye counsail me I should. When that they sawe he could not be persua∣ded, they gaue him very rough language, & of purpose mo∣lested him, that in goyng doune the chariot from them, he might hurt or breake his legs. But he forcing very light of the matter, as though he had felt no hurt, went merily and diligently forward, making hast vnto the place appointed. And when there was such vprore in the place of execution,* 5.20 that he could not be heard but of a very few, there came a voyce from heauen to Polycarpus, as he was going into the Stage or appointed place of iudgement, saying: be of good cheare Polycarpus and play the man. No man there was, which saw him that spake, but very many of vs heard his voyce. And when he was brought in, there was a great noise made by them which vnderstood that Polycarpus was apprehended. The Proconsul asked him whē that he was come,* 5.21 whether his name was Polycarpus or not, and when he said, yea it was, he gaue him counsail to deny his name, and said vnto him, be good vnto thy selfe, and fauour thyne old age, and many other such like words which they accu∣stome to speake. Sweare saith he, by the Emperours good fortune, looke vpō this matter, say thou with vs: Destroy these naughtie men. Then Polycarpus beholding with con∣stant countenance the whole multitude which was in the place appointed, and geuing a great sigh, looked vp to hea∣uen, saying: Thou, thou it is that wilt destroy these wic∣ked naughty men. And the Proconsul thus being earnest∣ly

in hand with him, sayd, take thine othe, and I will dys∣charge thee, desye Christ, Policarpus aunswered: fourescore and syxe yeares haue I beene his seruaunt,* 5.22 yet in all this tyme hath he not so much as once hurt me: how then may I speake euill of my king & souereigne Lorde, which hath thus preserued me: Then the Proconsull againe inforced him and sayd: Sweare thou I aduise thee by Caesars pros∣perity. Policarpus replieth, if thou require of me this fonde word of vaine boasting,* 5.23 teyning not to know (as y^u saiest) who I am, I doe thee to wit, that I am a Christian: And if thou desire to know the doctrin of Christianity, appoint a day, & thou shalt heare. Perswade the people to this said the Proconsul: Truly sayth Policarpus, I haue thought it my part, thus to say vnto you, for so much as we are com∣maunded to giue vnto the gouernours & powers orday∣ned of God,* 5.24 the honor meete & due to them, and not hurt∣full vnto vs: but as for those I doe iudge them vnworthy, to purge my self vnto them. Hereupon the proconsul stode vp, I haue, saith he, wilde beasts, to whom I will throwe thee, vnles thou take a better way: Whereunto Policarpus answered let thē come: we haue determined with our sel∣ues that we will not by repentance turne vs from the bet∣ter way, to the worse, but rather conuenient it is, that a man turne from the thinges that be euill, to that which is good and iust.* 5.25 Agayne sayth the Proconsul, I will taine thee with fire, if that thou set not by the wilde beastes, nor yet repent. Then said Policarpus you threaten me with fyre which shal burne for the space of an houre, & shalbe within a litle while after put out & extinguished, but y^u knowest not the fire of the iudgement that is to come and of euerla∣sting punishment, which is reserued for the wicked & vn∣godly. But why make you all these delayes, giue me what death soeuer ye lift. These & many other such like thinges being by him spoken, he was so replenished with ioy, and boldnes, and his countenaunce appeared so full of grace & fauour, that not onely he was not troubled with those things which y^• Proconsul spake vnto him, but contrari∣ly the Proconsul himselfe began to be amased and sent for the crier, which in the middle of the stage was commaun∣ded to cry 3. times, Policarpus, hath confessed himself to be a Christian, which wordes of the cryer, were no sooner spo∣ken, but that all the whole multitude both of the Gentiles and Iewes inhabiting at Smyrna, with a vehement rage and loude voice cried. This is that Doctour or teacher of Asia, the father of the Christianes, and the destroyer of our gods, which hath instructed a great nūber that our Gods are not to be worshipped, & after this they crid vnto Philip the gouernour of Asia, and required him that he would let loose the Lion to Policarpus. To whom he made aunswere that he might not so doe, because he had already his praye. Then they cried againe altogither with one voice that he woulde burne Policarpus a liue. For it was requisite that y^t vision which he saw as concerning his pillow or bolster should be fulfilled: which when he had seene burnt, as he was in his prayer, he turned himselfe vnto the faithful sort which were with him, saying by the way of prophecie, it will so come, that I shall be burned a liue. And the Pro∣consul had no sooner spoken, but it was out of hande per∣formed. For why the multitude by and by brought out of their shops, workehouses, and baynes, woode and other dry matter for that purpose and especially the Iewes were most seruiceable for that matter, after their wōted maner. And thus the pile being layd, and that now hee had put of his garments & vndone his girdel, and was about to pul of his shooes, which he had not done before, for that all the faithfull sort amongst themselues striued (as it were) who should first touch his body at their farewell,* 5.26 bicause for the good conuersation of his life, yea, from his yonger age, he was had in great estimation of al men. Therfore straight∣way those instruments which are requisite to such a bon∣fire, were brought vnto him, & when the would haue nay∣led him to the stake with yron hoopes, he said, let me alone as I am, for he that hath giuen me strength to suffer and abide the fire, shal also giue power, that without this your prouision of nayles, I shall abide, & stirre not in the mid∣dest of this fire or pyle of woode. Which thing when they heard,* 5.27 they did not nayle him, but bounde him. Therefore when his handes were bounde behinde him, euen as the chiefest Ramme taken out of the flocke, he was sacrificed as an acceptable burnt offring to God saying: O father of thy wel beloued and blessed sonne Iesus Christ, by whom we haue attained the knowledge of thee, the God of aun∣gels and powers, and of euery creature, and of al iust men which liue before thee,* 5.28 I giue thee thankes, that thou hast vouchsafed to graūt me this day that I may haue my part amongest the number of the Martyrs in the cup of Christ vnto the resurrection of eternall life both of body & soule, through the operation of the holy spirit, among whome I shalbe this day receaued into thy sight for an acceptable sacrifice: & as thou hast prepared, and reueled the same be∣fore this time, so thou hast accomplished the same. Which canst not lye, O thou most true God. Wherefore Im lyke case for all things prayse thee, blesse thee, and glorifie thee by our euerlasting Bishop Iesus Christ to whom be glo∣ry euermore.* 5.29 Amen.

And assoone as he had ended this word Amen, and fini∣shed his prayer, the tormentors began to kindle the fire, & as the flame flashed out vehemently: we to whom it was giue to discerne the same, saw a marueilous matter, which were also to this purpose preserued, that we might shewe the same to other.* 5.30 For the fier being made like to ar••••fe or vaute of a house, and after the maner of a shipmans ••••yle, filled with wind, compassed about the body of the Martir as with a certaine wall, and he in the middle of the same, not as flesh, that burned, but as gold and siluer whe•• it is tried in the fier. And surely we smelt a sauour so swete as if Myrre or some other precious balme had giuen a sent. At the last when those wicked persons sawe y^e hys body could not be consumed by fire, they commaunded one of the tor∣mentors to come vnto him, & thrust him through with his sworde.* 5.31 Which being done, so great a quantitie of bloude ran out of his body that the fire was quenched therewith, & the whole multitude marueyled that there was so much diuersitie betwene the infidels and the elect, of whom this Policarpus was one, being a Disciple of the Apostles, and a propheticall instructour of our times, and Bishop of the Catholique Church of Smyrna, for what worde soeuer he spake both it was and shalbe accomplished. But the subtil and enuious aduersary, when he saw the worthines of his martirdome, & that his conuersation euen from his yoū∣ger yeares could not be reproued, and that he was adour∣ned with the crowne of martirdome, and had now obtai∣ned that incomparable benefite, gaue in charge, that we should not take & deuide his body. For feare least the rem∣naunts of the dead corps should be taken away, & so wor∣shipped of the people. Whervpon diuers whispered Niceta the father of Herode, and his brother Dalces in the eare, to admonish the Proconsul, that in no case he should deliuer his body, least (saith he) they leaue Christ & begin to wor∣ship him.* 5.32 And this spake they because the Iewes had gy∣uen them secret warning & prouoked them thervnto, who also watched vs that we shoulde not take him out of the fire. not being ignoraunt how that we ment, at no time to forsake Christ, which gaue his life for the saluation of the whole world, (as many I meane as are elected to saluatiō by him) neither yet that we could worship any other. For why? him we worship as the sonne of God, but the Mar∣tirs do we loue as disciples of the Lord (& that worthely) for their aboundaunt loue towardes their king and mai∣ster,* 5.33 of whom we also desire and wish to be companions, & to be made his disciples. Whē therfore the Centurion saw & perceaued the labour of the Iewes, the corps being layd abroad, they burnt the same, as was their maner to doe.

Thus good Policarpus with xij. other that came from Philadelphia,* 5.34 suffered Martyrdome at Smyrna, which Poli∣carpus specially aboue the rest is had in memory, so that hee in all places among the Gentiles is most famous. And this was the ende of this worthy disciple of the Apo∣stles. Whose hystory the brethren of the congregation at Smyrna, haue wrytten in this their Epistle as is aboue recited.

Iraeneus in his 3. booke against heresies,* 5.35 the 3, chap. and Eusaebius in his 4. booke, and 14. chap. of his Ecclesiasticall history reporteth this worthy saying of Poticarpus: This Policarpus (sayth hee) meeting at a certeine time Martion, the heretick, who said vnto him, doest thou not know me? made answere, I know that thou art the first begotten of Sathan. So great feare what euil might ensue therof, had the Disciples of the Apostles, that they would not speake to them whom they knew to be the deprauers of the very∣tie, euen as Paule saith: The hereticke after the first and second admonition, shonne, and auoyd: Knowing that he which is such one, is peruerse or frowarde, and damneth himselfe. This most holy confessour and Martyr of Christ Policarpus,* 5.36 suffered death in the fourth persecution after Nero, when Marcus Antonius, and Lucius Aurelius Commo∣dus raigned, an, Dom. 167. as Vrsperg. affirmeth, an. 170. as Eusebius witnesseth in his Chronicles the 7. before the Ca∣lendes of Februarie.

Of Germanicus mention is made aboue in the storye of Policarpus of whome writeth Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 15.* 5.37 notyng him to be a younge man, and most constantly to perseuere in the profession of Christes doctrine, whom whē the Pro∣consul went about to perswade, to remember his age, and

to fauor him selfe, being in the floure of his age, he woulde nor be allured: but constātly and boldly, and of his owne accorde incited and prouoked the wild beast to come vpon him, and to deuour him, to be deliuerd more spedely out of this wretched life. Haec Eusebius, an, 170.

* 5.38Thus haue you heard out of the Epistle of the brethren of Smyrna, the whole order and li••e of Policarpus, wherby it may appeare that he was a very aged mā who had serued Christ, lxxxvj. yeares since the first knowledge of him, and serued also in the ministery about the space of 70. yeares. This Policarpus was the schooler and hearer of Iohn the Euangelist,* 5.39 and was placed by the sayde Iohn in Smyrna. Of him also Ignatius maketh mention in his Epistle which he wrote in his iourney to Rome, going toward his mar∣tyrdome, and commended to him the gouernement of hys Church at Antioch, whereby it appeareth that Policarpus then was in y^• ministery. Likewise Iraeneus writeth of the sayd Policarpus after this maner.* 5.40 He alwaies taught (sayd he) those things which he learned of the Apostles, leauing them to the Church, and are onely true. Wherevnto also at the Churches that be in Asia, and all they which succeeded after Policarpus to this day beareth witnes, And the same Irenaeus witnesseth also that the sayd Policarpus wrote an Epistle to the Phillipians,* 5.41 which whether it be the same that is now extant and read in the name of Policarpus, it is doubted of some: notwithstanding in the sayd Epistle di∣uers things are founde very holesome and Apostolicke: as where he teacheth of Christ, of iudgement and of the re∣surrection. Also he writeth of faith very worthily, thus de∣claryng that by grace we are saued,* 5.42 and not by works, but in the will of God by Iesus Christ.

In Eusebius we reade in like maner a part of an Epi∣stle written by Irenaeus to Florinus,* 5.43 wherin is declared how that the said Irenaeus being yet yong, was with Policarpus in Asia: at what time he saw & well remembred, what Poli∣carpus did, and the place where he sat teaching, his who••e order of life and proportion of his body, with the sermons & wordes which he said to the people. And furthermore, he perfectly remembred howe that the saide Policarpus often times reported vnto him those thinges which hee learned and heard them speake of the Lord,* 5.44 his dooinges, power, and doctrine, who heard the worde of life with their owne eares, all which were more consonant and agreable to the holy Scripture. Thus with much more hath Irenaeus, con∣cerning Policarpus.* 5.45

Hierome also writing of the same Policarpus, hath howe he was in great estimation throughout all Asia, for that he was scholer to the Apostles and to them which did see and were conuersant with Christ himselfe, whereby it is to be coniectured his authority to be much not onely with them of his owne Church, but wyth all other Churches about him.

* 5.46Ouer and besides, it is witnessed by the sayd Irenaeus, that Policarpus came to Rome in the time of Anicetus By∣shop of Rome about the yere of our Lord. 157. in y^• raigne of Antoninus Pius, whose cause of his comming thether ap∣peareth to be about the controuersie of Easterday: wherin the Asians and the Romanes somthing disagreed amonge thēselues. And therfore the said Policarpus in the behalfe of the brethren and Church of Asia, tooke his long iourneye thether to come and conferre with Anicetus. Wherof wry∣teth also Nicephorus Lib. 4. declaring that Policarpus and A∣nicetus, something varied in opinions and iudgement a∣bout that mater. And that notwithstanding, yet both frēd∣ly communicated either with the other.* 5.47 insomuch that A∣nicetus in his Church gaue place to Policarpus to minister the Communion and Sacrament of the Lordes Supper for honour sake, which may be a notable testimony now to vs, that the doctrine concerning the free vse and liberty of ceremonies, was at that time retained in the church with∣out any offence of stomacke, or breach of Christian peace in the Church.

This Policarpus (as is aboue mentioned) suffered his Martyrdome euen in his owne Church at Smyrna, where he had laboured so many yeares in planting of the Gospel of Christ, which was about the yeare of our Lorde 170. as Eusebius rekoneth in his Chronicle, and in the 7. yeare of Antoninus Verus his raigne:* 5.48 wherby it appeareth that So∣crates in Historia tripartita was much deceaued saying that Policarpus suffered in the time of Gordianus.

In this fourth persecution beside Policarpus and other mentioned before, we read also in Eusebius of diuers other, who at the same time likewise did suffer at Smyrna.

Ouer and besides in the said persecution suffered more∣ouer Metrodorus a ministrr: who was giuen to the fier, & so consumed. An other was worthy Pionius, which after much boldnes of speeche, with his Apologies exhibited, & his sermons made to the people in the defence of christian sayth, and after much reheuyng and comforting of such as were in prisons, and otherwise discōforted, at last was put to cruell torments and afflictions, then giuen likewise to the fire, so finished his blessed martyrdome.

After these also suffered Carpus Papylus, and Agathony∣ca, a woman who after their most constaunt and worthye confessions were put to death at Pergamopolis in Asia, wit∣nessing Eusebius Lib. 4, cap 7.

And as these suffered to in Asia, so in Rome suffered Feli∣citas with her 7,* 5.49 children, who vnder this M. Antoninus Ve∣rus, sustayned also the cruelty of this persecution. The names of whose children Bergomensis and other histories doe thus recite, Ianuarius. Felix, Philippe, Siluanus, Alexander, Vitalis, Martialis. Of whom her first and eldest sonne Ianua∣rius after he was whipped and scourged with roddes, was prest to death with leaden waightes. Felix and Phillippe had their braynes beaten out with maules. Siluanus was cast downe headlong, and had his necke broken. Further∣more, Alexander, Vitalis, and Martialis was beheaded. Last of all Felicitas the mother (otherwise then the accustomed maner was, for such as hadde borne Children) was slayne with the sword. Ex Supplem.

In the rage of this fourth persecution, vnder the raigne of Antonius Pius,* 5.50 suffered also good Iustinus, a man in lear∣ning and Philosophy excellent, & a great defender of Chri∣stian Religion. Who first exhibited unto the Emperour & to the Senate, a booke or Apologie in the defence of the Christians,* 5.51 and afterward himselfe also dyed a Martyr. Of whom in the history of Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 16. it is thus recor∣ded: That about what tyme, or a little before that Polycar∣pus with other diuers Sainctes suffered Martyrdome in Pargamopolis, a Cittie of Asia, this Iustinus (as is aforesayd) pre••ented a booke in defence of our doctrine to the Empe∣rour, to wit vnto Antonius, and to the Senate. After which he was also crowned with like Martyrdome vnto those, whome he in his booke had defended, through the malici∣ous meanes, and crafty circumuention of Crescens.

This Crescens was a Philosopher confirming hys lyfe and maners to the Cynical sect,* 5.52 whom for because this Iustinus had reproued in open audience, and had borne a∣way the victory of the trueth which he defended, he there∣fore as much as in him lay, did worke & procure vnto him this crowne of Martyrdome. And this did also Iustine him selfe a Philosopher, no lesse famous by hys profession, fore∣see and declare in hys foresayd Apology, telling almost all those thinges before hand which should happen vnto him, by these words saying: And I looke after this good turne, that I be slayne goyng by the way, eyther of some of those whom I haue named, and to haue my braynes beaten out with a bat, or els of Crescens, whom I cannot call a Phy∣losopher, but rather a vayne boaster. For it is not conue∣nient to call him a Philosopher, whiche openly professeth thinges to him vnknowne, and whereof he hath no skil, saying and reporting of vs, that the Christians be vngod∣ly & irreligiouse: And all to please and flatter them, which are reduced by errour.

For whether he obiecteth against vs the doctrine of the Christians whiche he hath not read,* 5.53 yet is he very malici∣ous, and worse then the vnlearned ideotes, who for the most part vse not to dispute or iudge of thinges they know not, and to beare witnes of the fame. Or put case that he had read them, yet vnderstandeth he not the maiestie of the matters therein conteined, or if peraduenture he vnder∣standeth them, and doth it for thys purpose, that he would not be counted as one of them: then is he so much the more wicked and malicious, and the bondslaue of vyle & beastly both fame and feare. For this I testifie of him, geuing you truely to vnderstand that for a truth,* 5.54 which I declare vn∣to you, how that I haue apposed him, and haue put vnto him many questions, whereby I know and perceaue, that he vnderstandeth nothing. But if so be that this our dispu∣tatiō with him, hath not come vnto your eares, I am rea∣dy to communicate vnto you agayn those questions which I demaunded of him,* 5.55 whiche things shall not be vnfit for your Princely honour to heare. But if ye knowe and vn∣derstand both what thinges I haue examined him of, as also what aunswere he hath made, it shal be apparant vn∣to you, that he is altogether ignoraunt of our doctrine and learning, or els if he knoweth the same, he dare not vtter it for feare of hys auditors, which thing, as I sayd before, is a proofe that he is no Philosopher, but a slaue to vayne glory, which maketh none accompt of that, which his own Mayster Socrates had in so great estimation. And thus much of Iustine, out of Iustine himselfe.

Now to verifie that, which Iustine here of him selfe doth prophecie, that Crescens would and did procure his death,

Tacianus (a man brought vp of a childe in the institutions of the Gentiles,* 5.56 and obtayned in the same not a little fame, and which also left behinde him many good monumentes and Commentaries) writeth in hys booke agaynst y^e Gen∣tiles in this sort:* 5.57 And Iustine sayth he, that most excellent learned man, full well spake and vttered his minde, that the afore recited men were lyke vnto theeues or lyers by y^e high way side. And in the sayd book speaking afterward of certaine Philosophers, the sayd Tacianus inferreth thus: Crescens therefore (sayth he) when he came first into that great Cittie, passed all other in the vicious loue of children, and was very much geuen to couetousnes, and where he taught that men ought not to regard death, he himself doth feare death, that he did all his indeuour to oppresse Iustine with death, as with the most greatest euill that was, and all because that Iustine speaking trueth, reproued the Phi∣losophers to be men onely for the belly and deceauers,* 5.58 and this was the cause of Iustines Martyrdome. Hierome in his Ecclesiasticall Catalogue thus writeth: Iustine when in the Cittie of Rome he had his disputations, and had re∣prooued Crescens the Cinike, for a great blasphemer of the Christians: for a bellygod and a man fearing death, and also a follower of lust and lechery:* 5.59 at the last by his inde∣uour and conspiracie was accused to be a Christian, and for Christ shed his bloud in the yeare of our Lord. 154. vn∣der Marcus Antonius, as the Cronicles doe witnes, Abb Vr∣sperg: and Eusebius in his Cronicle in the xiii. yeare of the Emperour Antoninus.

Among these aboue recited is also to be numbred Praxe∣dis a blessed virgine, the daughter of a Citizen of Rome, who in the tyme of Anicetus there Byshop, was so brought vp in the doctrine of Christ, and so affected to hys religion, that she with her sister Potentiana, bestowed all her patri∣mony vpon the relieuing of poore Christians, geuing all her time to fasting and prayer, and to the burryng of y^e bo∣dyes of the Martyrs. And after she had made free all her famelie with her seruauntes, after the death of her sister, she also departed and was buryed in peace.

Under the same Antoninus also suffered Ptolomeus, and Lucius for the confession of Christ, in a Cittie of Egipt cal∣led Alexandria,* 5.60 whose history because it is described in the Apology of Iustinus Martyr, I thought therefore so to set forth the same, as it is alledged in Eusebius, declaring the manner and occasion therof. Lib. 4 cap. 17. in wordes and effect as followeth, &c.

* 5.61There was (sayth he) a certayne woman maryed vnto a husband, who was geuen much to laciuiousnes, where∣unto she her selfe in tymes past was also addict. But she af∣terward being instructed in the Christian religion, became chaste her self and also perswaded her husband to liue chast∣ly: often times telling him that it was written in the pre∣ceptes of the Christians, that they should be punished eter∣nally, which liued not chastely and iustly in this life. But he still continuing in his filthines, thereby caused his wife to estraunge her selfe from his company. For why? the woman thought it not conuenient to continue in her hus∣bandes company, which contemning the lawe of nature, sought otherwise to satisfie hys filthy appetite. Therefore she was purposed to be deuorced frō him. But her neigh∣bours and kinsfolkes prouoked her, by promising hys a∣mendment, to keepe company agayne with hym, and so she did. But he after this, tooke hys iourny into Alexandria and when it was shewed her, that there hee liued more li∣cenciously, then at any time before, for that she would not be counted partaker of his incestuous lyfe by coupling her selfe any longer with him, she gaue him a letter of diuorce, & so departed frō him. Then her husbād, who ought rather to haue reioyced to haue so honost and chaste a wife, which not onely would not commit any dishonest thing her selfe, but also could not abide any lewde or misordered behaui∣our in her husband, and that by this her seperation shee went about to reclayme hym from hys incest and wicked∣nes to better amendment of lyfe: He in recompence to hys wyfe agayne, accused her to be a Christian, whiche at that tyme was no lesse then death. Whereupon she being in great perill and daunger deliuered vp vnto the Emperour (as Iustinus in his Apology writing to the Emperour him selfe declareth) a supplication, desiring and crauing of hys maiesty, first to graunt her so much licence as to set her fa∣milie in order, and that done, afterward to come agayne & make aunswere to all that might or should be layd agaynst her: whereunto the Emperour condescended. Then her husband seing that he could haue no vauntage agaynst her deuised w^t himselfe, how he might bring Ptolomeus (which was her instructor in the fayth of Christ) in trouble and ac∣cusation: vsing the meanes of a certayne Centurion who was hys very frend, whom he perswaded to examine Pto∣lomeus whether he were a Christian or not. Ptolomeus (as one y^e loued the trueth, & not thinking good to hide hys profession) confessed no lesse then to the examinour, open∣ly declaring that he had (as truth was) taught and profes∣sed the veritie of Christian doctrine. For who so denyeth him selfe to be that he is, eyther cōdemneth in denying that thing that he is, or maketh himselfe vnworthy of that, the confession whereof he flyeth, whiche thing is neuer found in a true and sincere Christian. Thus thē he being brought before Vrbicius the iudge and by him condemned to suffer: One Lucius being also a Christian, standing by, and seing the wrong iudgement, and hasty sentence of the Iudge, sayd to Vrbicius: what reason, I pray you or equitie is this, that this man, who neyther is adulterer, nor fornicator, nor homicide, nor fealon, neyther hath committed any such crime, wherein hee may be charged, thus is condemned onely for hys name and confession of a Christian. This cō∣demnation and these maner of Iudgementes (O Vrbici) are neither seemely for the vertuous Emperour, nor to the Philosopher hys sonne, nor yet for the estate of hys Se∣nate of Rome.

Which wordes being heard, Vrbitius making no far∣ther examination of the matter,* 5.62 sayd vnto Lucius: me thin∣keth thou art also a Christian. And when Lucius had geuen him to vnderstand that he was also a Christian, the Iudge without further delay commaunded him to be had away to the place of execution. To whom he aunswered: I thanke you with al my hart,* 5.63 that you release me from most wicked gouernours, and send me vnto my good and most louing father, being also the king of all Gods. And in like maner the third man also, comming vnto him, and vsing the like libertie of speeche,* 5.64 had also the like sentence of death and condemnation, and crowned also with the same crowne of Martyrdome. And thus much out of the Apology of Iusti∣nus, by the which story it may appeare not to be true, that Gratianus attributeth vnto Higynus Byshop of Rome,* 5.65 the deciding of causes matrimoniall, seeing that in Iustinus tyme (who was in the same age of Higynus) the deuorce∣ment of this woman in this history aboue touched, was not decided by any Ecclesiasticall law, or brought before a∣ny Byshop, but was brought before a Heathen Prince, and determined by the law ciuill.

Henricus de Erfordia recordeth out of the Martyrologe of Isuardus,* 5.66 of one Concordus a minister of the Citie of Spo∣lete, who in the reigne of this Antoninus Verus, because he would not sacrifice vnto Iupiter, but did spit in the face of the Idole,* 5.67 after diuers and sundry punishments sustaynd, at last with the sword was beheaded. Vincentius in hys x. booke, chap. 108. reciteth a long story of his actes and life, wherof some part perhappes may seeme tollerable. But this verily appeareth to be false and fabulous, concerning the water flowing besides his sepulchre in the forenamed Cittie of Spolete, vnto the whiche water was geuen (sayth Vincentius) by the vertue of hym,* 5.68 for whose name hee suf∣fered, to restore sight to the blinde, to heale the sicke, and to cast out deuils. &c. Which kinde of vertue to open the eyes of the blinde, and to expell deuils, neither doth God geue to any creature of water, neither is it like that Concordius the blessed Martyr did or would require any such thing at the handes of God.* 5.69

Isuardus and Bede, Vincentius, and Henricus de Erfordia, with other authors moe, make relation of diuers other Martyrs that by sondry kindes of tormentes were put to death,* 5.70 vnder the foresayd Antoninus Verus: the names of whome be Simmetrius, Florellus, Pontianus, Alexander, Caius, Epipodus, Victor, Corona, Marcellus, Valerianus. The cause or whose Martyrdome was the reprehending of Idolatry and because at the Emperours cōmandement, they would not sacrifice to Idols. Many sortes of punishmentes and of miracles are tolde of them, but at length the end of them all is this, that they were beheaded. Whereby it may be the more suspected, the histories of these writers not to be certayne or true, aswell touching these, as also other Mar∣tyrs, as may appeare in Vincentius, in Petrus de Natalibus, & other authors of like sort. In which authors they which list to read more of their miracles, there may finde them.

A little before, pag 41 mention was made of Sympho∣rissa, otherwise named Symphorosa, wife of Getulus, with her vii. sonnes. This Getulus or Getulius, was a minister or a teacher (as witnesseth Martyrol. Adonis) in the Cittie of Tyber, which Getulus with Cerealis, Amantius, and Primi∣tiuus, by the commaundement of Adria were condemned to the fire, wherein they were Martyred and put to death. The names moreour of the seuen sonnes of this Sympho∣rosa, I finde to be Crescens, Iulianus, Nemesius, Primitiuus, Iustinus Statteus, and Eugenius, whom the Chronicle of Ado declareth to be put to death at the commaundement of Ha∣drian,

being fastened to vij. stakes, and so racked vp wyth a pulley,* 5.71 and at last were thrust through, Crescens in the necke, Iulianus in the brest, Nemesius in the hart, Primitiuus about the nauell, Iustinus cut in euery ioynte of his bodye, Stateus run through with speares, Eugenius cut a sonder frō the brest to the lower partes, and then cast into a deepe pyt, hauyng the name by the Idolatrous Priestes, inti∣tuled Ad septem Biothanatos. After the martirdome of whō also Symphorosa the mother did likewise suffer, as is before declared.

Under the sayd Antoninus Verus, and in the same per∣secution, which raged not in Rome and Asia onely,* 5.72 but in other countryes also, suffered the glorious & most cōstant Martirs of Lyons and Uienna, two Cities in Fraunce, gyuing to Christ a glorious testimony, & to all Christian men a spectacle, or example of singular constancie, and for∣titude in Christ our sauiour. The history of whom, because it is written and set forth by their owne Churches, where they did suffer, mentioned in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 2. I thought here to expresse the same in the forme and effecte of their owne wordes, as there is to be seene. The title of which their Epistle written to the brethren of Asia and Phrigia thus beginneth.

* The seruauntes of Christ inhabiting the Cities of Vienna and Lyons, to the brethren in Asia and Phrigia, hauing the same faith and hope of redemption with vs: peace, and grace, and glory, from God the father, and from Iesus Christ our Lorde.

* 6.1THe greatnes of this our tribulation, the furious rage of the Gentiles against vs, & the tormentes which the blessed martyrs suffered, neither can we in wordes, nor yet in writing exactly, as they deserue, set forth. For the aduer∣sary with all his force gaue his endeuor to the working of such preparatiues, as he himselfe listed, against his tyran∣nous comming, & in euery place practised he and instruc∣ted his ministers, how in most spitefull maner to set them against the seruauntes of God: so that not onely in our houses shoppes and markets we were restrained, but also were vniuersally cōmaunded, that none (so hardy) should be sene in any place. But God hath alwaies mercy in store and tooke out of their hands such as were weake amongst them, and other some did he set vp as firme and immouea∣ble pillers, which by sufferance were able to abide all vio∣lent force, and valiantly to withstand the enimie, induring all their opprobrious punishment they could deuise: to cō∣clude, they fought this battell for that intent to come vnto Christ, esteming their great troubles but as light: therby shewing that al that may be suffered in this present life, is not able to counteruayle the great glorye which shall be shewed vpō vs after this life. And first they patiently suf∣fered whatsouer the multitude of frantike people running vpon head did vnto them, as railings, scourgings, draw∣ynges and hailings, flynging of stones, imprisoninges, & what other thing soeuer the rage of the multitude are wōt to vse and practise against their professed enimies. Then afterwarde they being led into the marked place, and there iudged of the Captayne and rest of the Potentates of the Citie, after their confession made openly before the multi∣tude were commaunded againe to prisō, vntil the returne of their chiefe gouernor. After this they being brought be∣fore him, and he vsing all extremity that possibly he might against them:* 6.2 One Vetius Epagathus, one of the brethren, replenished with feruent zeale, both towards god and his brethren (whose conuersation, although he were a young man was counted as perfect, as was the life of Zachary the Priest, for he walked diligently in al the commaunde∣ments and iustifications of the Lord, and in all obedience towards his brethren blamles) he hauing within him the feruent zeale of loue, and spirit of god, could not suffer that wicked iudgement which was giuen vpon the Christians but being vehemently displeased, desired that the Iudge woulde heare the excuse which he was minded to make in the behalfe of the christians, in whom saith he is no impie∣tie founde, But the people cryed againe to those that were assistentes w^t the chiefe Iustice, that it might not be so (for indede he was a noble man borne) neither did the Iustice graunt him his lawfull request, but onely asked him whe∣ther he himselfe were a Christian or not. And he immediat∣ly with a loude and boulde voice,* 6.3 aunswered and sayde, I am a Christian. And thus was he receiued into the felow∣ship of the martirs, and called the aduocate of the Christi∣ans. And he hauing the spirite of God more plentifully in time, then had Zachary, the abundaunce thereof he decla∣red, in that he gaue his life in the defence of his brethren, being a true disciple of Christ, following the Lamb wher∣soeuer he goeth.

By this mans example the rest of the Martirs were the more animated to martirdome, and made more ioious with al courage of mind to accomplish the same. Some o∣ther there were vnready and not so well prepared,* 6.4 and as yet weak, not well able to beare the vehemency of so great conflict: of whom x. there were in number, that faynted, ministring to vs much heauines & lamentation. Who by their example caused the rest which were not yet appre∣hēded, to be lesse willing thereunto. Then were we all for the variablenes of confession not a litle astonied: not y^t we feared the punishment intended against vs, but rather as hauing respect to the ende, and fearing least any shoulde fal. Euery day there were apprehended such as were wor∣thy to fulful the number of them which were fallen. In so much that of two churches, such as were chiefest, & which were the principall gouernors of our Churches were ap∣prehended. With these also certeine of the Ethnicks, being our men seruaunts, were apprehended (for so the gouer∣nour commaunded, that all of vs ingenerall without any respect, should be taken) which seruants being ouercome by Sathan, and fearing the torments which they saw the Saintes doe suffer, being also compelled thereunto by the meanes of the souldiers, fained against vs that we kept the feastinges of Thiestes,* 6.5 and incest of Oedipus, and many such other crimes, which are neither to be remembred, nor named of vs, nor yet to bee thought that euer any man would commit the like.

These things being now bruted abroad, euery man began to shewe crueltie against vs, insomuch that those which before for familiarities sake were more gentle to∣ward vs,* 6.6 now vehemently disdained vs, and waxed mad against vs. And thus was now fulfilled that, which was spoken by Christ, saying, the time will come that whosoe∣uer killeth you, shall thinke that he doth God great good seruice. Thē suffered the Martirs of God such bitter per∣secution as is passing to be tolde: Sathan still shooting at this marke, to make them to vtter some blasphemy by all meanes possible. Marueilous therefore was the rage both of the people & Prince, specially against one Sanctus, which was Deacon of the congregation of Uienna, and agaynst Maturus, being but a litle before baptised, but yet a worthy souldiour of Christ, and also against Attalus, being borne in Pergama, which was the foundation and pyller of that congregation, and also against Blandina, by whome Christ sheweth, that those things which the world esteemed vyle and abiect, to be glorious in Gods sight, for the very loue which in hart and deede they beare vnto him, not in out∣ward face onely. For when all we were afrayd, & specially her mistres in flesh, who also was her selfe one of the nūber of the foresayd martirs, least happely for the weakenes of body she woulde not stande strongly to her confession, the foresaid Blandina was so replenished with strength & bold∣nes,* 6.7 that they which had the tormenting of her by course from morning to night, for very werines gaue ouer & fell downe, & were themselues ouercome, confessing that they could do no more against her, & marueiled that yet she li∣ued hauing her body so torne and rent. And testified that any one of those torments alone without any moe had ben inough to haue plucke the life from her body. But that blessed woman, fighting this worthy battell, became strō∣ger & stronger, & as often as she spake these words) I am a Christian, neither haue we committed any euill) it was to her a marueilous comfort and bolding to abide the torments.

Sanctus also another of the Martyrs,* 6.8 who in the mid∣dest of his tormentes, induring more paines, then the na∣ture of a man might away with, also at what time y^e wic∣ked supposed, to haue heard him vtter some blasphemous words, for the greatnes & intollerablenes of his torments & paines, that he was in, abode notwithstanding in such constancy of mind,* 6.9 that neither he told them his name, nor what countryman he was, nor in what Citie brought vp, neither whether he was a free man or a seruaunt, but vnto euery question y^t was asked him, he aunswered in the La∣tine toung, I am a Christian, and this was al that he con∣fessed both of his name, citie, kinred, and all other thinges in the place of execution, neither yet could the Gentils, get any more of him: whereupon both the Gouernour & tor∣mentours, were the more vehemently bent against him. And when they had nothing to vexe him with all, they clapped plates of Brasse red hote, to y^e most tenderest parts of his body, wherewith his body indede being schorched, yet he neuer shronke for the matter, but was bold and con∣stant, in his confession,* 6.10 being strengthened and moystened with the fountaine of liuely water, flowing out of Christs side. Truely his body was a sufficient witnes, what tor∣ments

he suffered for it was all drawne together and most pitifully wounded and scoarched, so that it had therwith lost the proper shape of a man, in whose suffering Christ obtained inspeakeable glory, for that he ouercame his ad∣uersa••y, and to the instruction of other declared, that no∣thing els is terrible, or ought to be feared where the loue of God is, nor nothing greeuous, wherein the glory of Christ is manifested.

And when those wicked men, began after a certayne time againe to torment the Martyr, & hoped well to bring it to passe, that either they should ouercome him in causing him to recant, by rei••erating his torments, now whē his body was so sore & swollen, that he might not suffer a man to touch him with his hande, or els that if hee died vnder their handes,* 6.11 yet that thereby they should strike such feare into the harts of the rest, to cause them to deny Christ. But they were not only disappointed here in, but also contrary to the expectation of men, his bodye was in the latter pu∣nishment & torments soupled & restored, and toke the fyrst shape and vse of the members of the same, so that the same his second torment was by the grace of Christ (in steede of punishment) a safe medecine.

Also Sathan now thinking to haue setteled himselfe in the hart of one Byblides, being one of them which had denied Christ,* 6.12 and thinking to haue caused her, beyng a weake and feable woman in faith, to haue damned her soule, in blaspheming the name of God, brought her to the place of execution: inforcing to wrest some wicked thing out of the mouth of the Christians. But she in midle of her torments, returning to her selfe, and waked as it were out of her dead slepe, by that temporall paine, called to her re∣membraunce the paynes of hell fire, and against all mens expectations reuiled the tormentors, saying. How should we Christians eate young infants (as ye reported of vs) for whom it is not lawfull to eate the bloud of any beast▪ Upon that so soone as she had confessed her selfe to bee a Christian, she was Martyred with the rest. Thus when Christ had ended those tyrannicall torments, by the pati∣ence & sufferaunce of our Saintes, the diuell yet inuented other engynes and instruments. For when the Christi∣ans were cast into prison,* 6.13 they were shut vp in darke and ougly dongeons, and were drawne by the feete, in a racke or ingine made for that purpose, euen vnto the fift hole. And many other such punishmentes suffered they which the furious ministers stirred vp with deuilish furye, are wont to put men vnto: so that very manye of them were strangled & killed in the prisons, whom the Lorde in thys maner would haue to enioy euerlasting life, & set forth his glory. And surely these good men were so pittifully tor∣mented, that and if they had had all the helpe, & medicines in the world, it was thought impossible for them to lyue, & to be restored. And thus they remaining in prison destitute of al humaine helpe, were so strengthened of the Lord, and both in body and minde confirmed, that they comforted & stirred vp the myndes of the rest,* 6.14 the yonger sor••e of them, whiche were latter apprehended, & put in prison, whose bodies had not yet felt y^e lash of y^• whip, were not able to in¦dure y^e sharpness of their imprisonment, but died of y^e same.

* 6.15The blessed Photinus, who was a Deacon to the bishop of Lyons, about. 90. yeares old, and a very feeble or weake man, & could scarsely draw breath for the imbecilitie of his body: yet was he of a liuely courage & spirit. For the great desire he had of martyrdome, when he was brought vnto the iudgement seate: although his bodye was feeble and weake, both because of his old age, and also through sick∣nes, yet was his soule or life preserued to this purpose, that by the same Christ might triumph & be glorified. He, being by the souldiers brought to the place of iudgement, many Citizens & men of great ability following him, and the whole multitude cried vpon him diuersly, as though he had beene Christ himselfe, gaue a good testimony. For being demaunded of the chiefe ruler, what was the Chri∣stian mans God, he aunswered: If thou be worthy to know thou shalt know. He being with these words some∣what neere touched, caused him to be very sore beaten. For those that stood next him, did him all the spit & displeasure y^t they could both with hand and foote, hauing no regarde at all to his olde age or white heares. And they which were further of,* 6.16 whatsoeuer came next to hande, they threwe at him, & euery man thought y^t he did very wickedly reframe that withheld his hande from not doing the like. For by this meanes they thought that they did reuenge the qua∣rell of their Gods. Photinus, now euen as it were gasping after life, was throwen into prison, and within two daies after dyed.

And here is the mighty prouidence of God, and the inspeakable mercy of Iesus Christ declared, which proui∣dence being assured amongest a fraternity, is neuer desti∣tute of the aide of Iesus Christ. For those which in theyr first persecution denied Christ, they also were put in pry∣son, and made pertakers of the others affliction. Neither yet did it any whit at all at that time helpe them that had demed Christ, but they which confessed him, were impri∣soned as christians, neither was there any other crime ob¦iected against them, but the other sort taken like homi∣cides and wicked doers, were layd hand on, and had dou∣ble more punishment then the others had.* 6.17 These mē were refreshed with the ioy of martyrdome, the hope ••. Gods promises, the loue toward Christ, and the spirite of God: The other their consciences accused them, & that very sore in so much that by their ga••e, their countenances bewra••ed vnto the rest their gi••••ie consciences. For the Christians went forth hauing cheerefull co••ntenaunces, very much adourned with glory and grace, insomuch that the verye bondes wherewith they were dyed, set them out are men in seemely apparel: and like as brides when they be decked in gorgeous and gay garments, and therewithal laud••ed as of the redolent smell of Christ, so that it might be suppo••ed them to be annointed with some sweete ba••••e: whereas the other were doubtfull and 〈…〉〈…〉, filled, w^t al shame, and furthermore related of the Gentils themsel∣ues, as wretches, degenerate, hauing the crime of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and dest••u•••• of the most precious, glo••ious, and likely cal∣ling o•• the Christian name. And truly by th••se lightes the rest were confirmed, & being apprehended, conf••••••ing christ without any 〈◊〉〈◊〉, no•• hauing so much as y^e thought of any such 〈…〉〈…〉 of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And in the same Epistle of the foresayd brethren of Fraunce, writing to the brethren of Asia, it followeth in this maner, After these things done, the Martirdome of these holy Sai••ts were deui••ed diuers••y. into diuers kindes and formes, as the offering to God the Father a garland decked with diuers and sundry kinds of colours and 〈◊〉〈◊〉. For it so behoued the wor••hy Cham∣pions of God, after they had suffered diuers kindes of tor∣ments, and so winning a triumphaunt victory to obtaine great reward of immortalitie.

Then Maturus Blandina, and Attalus together were brought to the cōmon 〈◊〉〈◊〉, there in the face of the peo∣ple to be cast & deuoured of the beasts. And Maturus with Sanctus being brought y^e second time to the scaffolde, suffe∣red againe all kinde of torments, as though hetherto they had suffered nothing at all, yea rather as though y^e aduer∣sarye being oftentimes put to the worst, they as striuyng for the crowne,* 6.18 suffered againe more scourginges. the tea∣ring of wilde beastes, & what thing els soeuer the frantike people on euery side cryed for and willed. And aboue al the rest they brought an yron chayre, in the which their bodies being set,* 6.19 were so ••ryed and scorched as on a gridiron fried vpon the coales, filled with the sauour of the frying all the people that stoode by. And yet for all that the tormentours cea••ed not, but waxed more fierce and mad against thē, la∣boring to ouercome the patience of the Saints. Notwith∣standing al this they could not get out of Sanctus mouth a∣ny other thing but the confession which at the beginning he declared. And thus these holy men, after they had long continued aliue in this their most horrible conflicte, at the length were slaine, being made al that whole day a specta∣cle vnto the worlde in place and in stede of the games and sightes, which were woont to be exhibited to the people. And thus much concerning Maturus and Sanctus.

Now concerning Blandina, who being fastened vpon a stake, was cast to the rauening beastes to be deuoured, which thing was not done without the determinate wyll of God:* 6.20 to this ende that while she seemed to hang vpon a crosse (as it were) by the feruentnes of her praier, she much cōforted the rest of the saints, as beholding vnto her christ, with their bodily eyes, which in that agonie suffered for them all, and that al which beleue in him, and suffer for the glory of Christ, might be assured to liue with him for euer. And when they sawe that no beast woulde come neare her thus hanging, they toke her downe from the tree, and cast her againe into prison till an other time, that she hauing y^e victory of many battels, might triumphe ouer that ang••y Serpent the deuill, & that she being a weake and fely wo∣man, and not regarded, armed with Christ the inuincible conquerour, might incourage her brethren, and by the in∣during of this battaile might winne a crowne of incor∣ruptible glory.

Now to Attalus, who being also required and cald for of the people to punishment, already prepared (for his con∣science sake) commeth forth to the ••ight. For he being wor∣thely exercised in the Christian profession, was alwayes a witnes and a mayntayner of our doctrine. Therfore when the presse of people was about the scaffolde, and the table

caried before him, wherein was written in the Romayne toung.* 6.21 This is Attalus the Christian. Then the people were in a marueilous rage against him, but the gouernor vnder∣standing y^t he was a Romane, commaunded him againe to prison, with the rest of his prison fellowes: whereof he wrote to the Emperour, and waited for aunswere what his pleasure herein was. The prisoners were not ydle in y^e meane seasō, nor vnprofitable to their brethrē, but by their patience the vnspeakable mercy of Christ shined out. For those which were dead before, were now reuiued by them that liued and they which were Martyrs, profited them which were none, & the Church did much reioyce, as re∣ceiuing them againe aliue, whō she had lost before as dead For many of them which before had denied,* 6.22 now by theyr denial were restored and stirred vp, and learned to be con∣fessours. And now being reuiued and strengthned, and ta∣sting the sweetenes of him which desireth not the death of a sinner, but is mercifull to the penitent, came of their own accorde to the iudgement seate againe, that they might bee examined of the Iudge. And for that the Emperour had written backe againe to him, that all the confessors should be punished and the other let go, and that the Sessions or Sises were now begun, which for the multitude that had repayre thether out of euery quarter, was marueilous great: he caused all the holy martirs to be brought thether, that the multitude might beholde them, & once againe ex∣amined them, and as many of them as he thought had the Romane fredome, he beheaded, the residue he gaue to the beastes to be deuoured. And truely Christ was much glo∣rified by those which a little before had denied him, which againe contrary to y^e expectation of the Infidels, confessed him euen to the death. For they were examined a part frō the rest. because of their deliuery, which being found Con∣fessours, were ioined to the company of the martirs, & had with them their part. But there were then abroade, which had no saith at all, neither yet so much as the feeling of the wedding garment, nor any cogitation at all, of the feare of God, but blasphemed his waies, by the lewd conuersatiō of their life, euen such as were the children of damnation. Al the residue ioined thēselues to the congregation: which whē they were examined one Alexander a phrigian, borne, and a Phisition,* 6.23 which had dwelt long in Fraunce, and knowen almost of euery man, for the loue he had to God, & boldnes of speaking (neither was he voide of the Aposto∣licall loue) this Alexander standing somewhat neare to the barre, by signes and beckes perswaded such as were exa∣mined to confesse Christ: so that by his countenaunce som∣time reioising, and some other while sorrowing, he was descryed of the standers by. The people not taking in good part to see those which now recanted, by and by againe to sticke to their first confession, they cried out against Alex∣ander, as one that was the cause of all this matter. And when he was inforced by the Iudge and cōmaunded what Religion he was of, he aunswered: I am a Christian. He had no sooner spoken the worde, but he was iudged to the beastes, of them to be deuoured.

The next day following, Attalus, of whome I made mention a litle before, and Alexander, were brought foorth together (for the gouernour graunting Attalus vnto the people, was baited againe of the beasts.) When these men were brought to the scaffold, and had taken a tast of all the instruments that there were prepared for their execution, and had suffered the greatest agonie they could put thē to, were also at the length slaine: Of whome Alexander neuer gaue so much as a sigh, nor held his peace, but frō the bot∣tome of his hart praised and praied to the Lorde.* 6.24 But At∣talus when he was set in the yron chaire, and began to frye, and the frying sauour of his burning body began to smell, he spake to the multitude in y^e Romane language: Behold (sayth hee) this is to eate mans flesh which you doe, for we neither eate men, nor yet cōmit any other wickednes. And being demaunded what was the name of their God: our God (saith he) hath no such name as men haue. Then said they, now let vs see whether your God can helpe you, and take you out of our handes or not.

* 6.25After this, being the last day of the spectacle, Blandine againe, & one Pōticus, a child of xv. yeare old was brought forth, and this was euery day, to the intent they seing the punishment of their fellowes, might be compelled thereby to sweare by their Idoles. But because they constantly a∣bode in their purpose, & defied their idols, the whole mul∣titude was in a rage with them, neither sparing the age of the child, nor fauoring the sexe of the woman, but put them to all the punishment and paine they could deuise, & often times inforced them to sweare, & yet were not able to cō∣pel them therevnto.* 6.26 For Ponticus so being animated of his sister, as the Heath••ikes standing by did see, after he had suffered all torments and paynes gaue vp the ghost. This blessed Blandina therefore being the last that suffered, after she had like a worthy mother giuen exhortations vnto her children, and had sent them before as conquerours to their heauenly k••ng, and had called to her remembrance al their batels & conflicts, so much reioiced of her childrens death, & so hastened her owne, as though she had bene bidden to a bridall, & not in case to be throwne to the wilde beastes. After this her pittifull whipping,* 6.27 her deliuery to y^e beasts, & her tormentes vpon the gridiron, at the length she was put in a net, and throwne to the wild Bull, and when she had bene sufficiently gored & wounded with the hornes of the same beast, & felt nothing of all that chaunced to her, for the great hope and consolation she had in Christ & hea∣uen••y thinges, was thus slaine, insomuch that the verye Heathen men themselues confessed that there was neuer woman put to death of them that suffered so much as this woman did. Neither yet was their furious crueltie thus asswaged against the Christians. For the cruel barbarous people, like wilde beastes when they be moued, knew not when the time was to make an ende, but inuented new & sundry torments euery day against our bodies. Neyther yet did it content thē when they had put the Christians to death,* 6.28 for y^t they wanted the sense of men: for which cause both the magistrate & people were vexed at the very harts that the scripture might be fulfilled, which saith, he that is wicked, let him be wicked stil, and he that is iust let him be more iust. For those which in their prisons they stran∣gled they threw after to the dogs setting keepers both day and night to watch them, that they shoulde not be buryed, and bringing forth the remnaunt of their bones & bodies, some halfe burnt, some left of the wilde beasts, & some al ••o be mangled, also bringing forth heads of other which were cut of, and like maner committed by them to the charge of the keepers to see them remaine vnburied.

The Gentiles grinded & gnashed at the Christians with their teeth, seeking which way they might amplifie their punishment: some other flouted and mocked them, extol∣ling their idoles, attributing vnto them the cause of thys crueltie and vengeaunce shewed to vs. Such which were of the meeker sort, and seemed to be moued with some py∣ty, did hit vs in the teeth, saying, where is your God, that you so much boast of: & what helpeth this your religion: for which you giue your liues? These were the sundrye passions and affects of the Gentiles, but the Christians in the meane while were in great heauines, that they might not burye the bodies and reliques of the holy Martirs. Neither could the dark night serue them to that purpose, nor any intreaty, nor waging them with money, whiche were appointed for watchmen: but they so narowly loked vnto the matter, as though they should haue gotten great benefite and profite thereby.

Thus were the bodies of the martirs made a wonde∣ryng stocke, and laye sixe dayes in the open streetes, at the length they burned them, & threwe their ashes into y^e riuer of Rods, so that there might appeare no remnaunt of thē vpō the earth. And this did they as though they had beene able to haue pulled god out of his seat, & to haue let the re∣generation of the Saintes, and taken from them the hope of the resurrection, whereof they being perswaded (sayd they) bring in this newe and straunge Religion, and set thus light by death and punishment. Atque haec: haec ex E∣pistola Viennensium. &c.

Amongest other that suffered vnder Antoninus,* 6.29 men∣tion was made also of Iustinus, who as it is said before, ex∣hibited two Apologies, concerning the defence of christian doctrine, the one to the Senate of Rome, and the other to Antoninus Pius the Emperour, cōcerning whose suffering, and the causes therof is partly before declared: this Iustine was borne in Neapoli, in the countrey of Palestine, whose father was Priscus Bachius, as he himselfe doth testifie. By whom in his youth he was set to schole to learne,* 6.30 wherin processe of time he became a famous and worthy Philoso∣pher, o•• whose excellency many learned & notable men doe record, For first, he being altogither inflamed and rauished with desire of knowledge, would in no wise be satisfied in his mind, before he had gotten instructors singularly seene in all kinde of Philosophy, wherevpon he writeth of him selfe in the beginning of his Dialogue Cum Tripone, thus declaring,* 6.31 that in the beginning he being desirous of that sect and societie, applied himselfe to be the scholer to a cer∣taine Stoicke, & remaining with him a time, when he no∣thing profited in diuine knowledge (wherof the Stoicke had no skill, and affirmed the knowledge therof not to be necessary) he forsoke him, and went to another of the sect of the Perepatetick, a sharp witted man, as he thought with whom after he had beene a while, he demaunded of him a

stipend•• for his teaching, for the better confirmatiō of their familiaritie. Whereupon Iustine accōpting him as no Phi∣losopher left him,* 6.32 & departed. And yet not satisfied in mind but desirous to heare of further learning in Philosophye. adioyned himselfe to one that professed y^e Pithagorian ••ect, a man of great fame, and one who made no small accompt of himselfe. Who after he had followed a time, his maister, demaunded of him whether he had any sight in Musicke, Astronomy, and Geometry, wythout the sight of whiche science, he saide he coulde not be apte to receiue the know∣ledge of vertue and felicitie, vnles before he had vsed to ap∣ply his minde from sensible matters to the contemplation of things intellible. And speaking much in the commen∣••ation of these sciences, how profitable and necessary they were: after that Iustine had declared him selfe not to bee sene therin, the Philosopher gaue him ouer, which greued Iustine not a little, & so much themore because he thought his master to haue some knowledge in those sciences. After this Iustine considering with himselfe what time was re∣quisite to the learning of these sciences, and thinking not to di••••erte any longer, thought best to resort to the secte of the Platonistes for the great fame that ran of them: where∣fore he chose vnto him a singuler learned man of that secte,* 6.33 which lately was come to those parties & so remaining w^t him seemed to profite not a litle in contemplation of super∣nall things, & inuisible formes, insomuch that he thought shortly to aspire to such sharpnes of witte and wisedome, that out of hand he might atchiue to the comprehension & contēplation of god,* 6.34 which is the end of Plato his Philoso∣phie. And in this maner he bestowed his youth: but after∣ward he growing to a riper age, howe & by what meanes the said Iustine came to the knowledge & profession of chri∣tianitie, it foloweth likewise in his saide first Apologie: where he affirmeth of him selfe (as witnesseth Eusebius in his fourth booke) that when he did behold the christians in their torments and sufferinges to be so constaunt in theyr profession,* 6.35 was therwith maru••ilously mooued: after this maner reasoning with himselfe, that it was impossible for that kinde of people to be subiect to any vice or carnalitie, which vices of their owne nature are not able to sustayne any sharpe aduersitie,* 6.36 much lesse the bytternesse of death. The sight wherof helped him not a litle (being of his own nature inclined to the searching of true knowledge & ver∣tue) to begin thereby to loue and imbrace Christian Rely∣gion, for so he doth witnes of himselfe in the ende of y^e fyrst Apologie: signifiyng there how it was his seking and in∣deuor to attaine to Christianitie: Understanding how the Christians by malice of wicked persons were cōpelled to suffer wrong and tormentes,* 6.37 and to be euill spoken of. By sight whereof, as he saith himselfe, he became a Christian, through this occasion, for being thus afflicted in his minde as is aforesaid, it came in his head for his more quietnes to go aside to some desert and solitary place void of concourse of people, vnto a village or graūge neare to y^e seaside: whi∣ther as he approched, thinking there to be al alone, there meeteth with him an old auntient father of a comly visage and gentle behauior,* 6.38 who folowing him a litle of began to reason with him, where after lōg disputation, when y^e old man had declared vnto him that there was no knowledge of truth amongst the Philosophers, which neither knewe God, neither were aided by the holy Ghost: & further had reasoned w^t him of y^e immortality of y^e soule, of the reward of the godly, & punishment of the wicked: then Iustine be∣ing confirmed with his reasons and arguments, yelded to him of his owne accorde, and demaunded of him by what meanes he might attaine to that true knowledge of God, Wherof he had spoken.* 6.39 Who then counsailed him to read & searche the Prophetes, adioyning therewith prayer: but what master, quoth Iustine should I vse for the instruction therof. & who shalbe able to helpe vs if these philosophers (as you say) lacke the truth, & are voide of the same? To whom the old father aunswering, there haue bene saide he many yeres before these philosophers, other more aūtient then all these, which beyng accompted for Philosophers were iust and beloued of God:* 6.40 who spake by the spirite of God, foreseing and prophesiyng these thinges which wee see now come to passe, & therfore they are called Prophets. These only haue knowen the truth and reueled it to men, neither fearing nor passyng for any: who were seduced w^t no opinions of mans inuention, but only spake & taught those things which they themselues both heard and sawe, being inspired with the holy spirit of god:* 6.41 whose writings and works yet to this day remaine. Out of which the rea∣der may receiue great profite & knowledge of thinges, as concerning the first creation of the worlde & end of y^e same, with al other things necessary to be knowne of euery true Philosopher which wil giue credite vnto them. Neither in their teaching they do vse any demonstration, as being more certaine o•• themselues, then that they neede any such demonstration to be made. For asmuch as the accomply∣shing and the end of things both paste,* 6.42 & now present con∣straineth vs of necessitie to beleue the words and doctrine which they taught: which men not only therefore are to be beleued, but also for their miracles and wonders done are worthy of credite, for that they both preached of God the maker and creator of all thinges: And also did prophecye before of Christ his sonne to be sent of him, The which the false Prophets being seduced with false and wicked spy∣rits, neither haue done, nor do, but onely take vpon them to worke certaine prodigious wonders for men to gase at, setting out thereby to the worlde false & vncleane spirites: But then afore all thinges make thy prayer, that y^e gate of light may be opened vnto thee, for otherwise these things cannot be attained vnto of euery man, but onely of such, to whom God and his Christ giueth vnderstanding. These thinges with much more (which now leasure serueth not, to prosecute) after the foresaid old father had declared vnto him he departed: exhortyng him well to follow the things which he had spoken. And after that Iustine as he himselfe witnesseth, saw him no more. Immediatly after thys Iu∣stine being all inflamed as with fyre kindled in his breast, began to conceiue a loue & zeale toward the Prophets and all such as were fauoured of Christ. And thus he reuol∣uing in his mind more and more these wordes, found on∣ly this Philosophie among all other professions, both sure and profitable,* 6.43 and so became he a Philosopher, & in time by these meanes afterwards he was made a Christian and Baptised. But where he receiued this holy Sacrament of Baptisme, it is not read of, nor yet by what occasiō he left his country and came to Rome. This only we read in Ie∣rome that he was in Rome, & there vsed certaine exercises which he called Diatribas, disputing there with Crescens, a Cinycal philosopher,* 6.44 as is before touched. But this is cer∣taine how that Iustine after he had receaued the professiō of Christian Religiō, became an earnest defēder of the same, traueiling and disputing against al the aduersaries there∣of fearing neither peril of life nor daunger of death where∣by he might maintaine the doctrine of Christ, against the malicious blasphemers and also augment the number of Christian beleuers.* 6.45 As may appeare by his vehement dis∣putations against y^e heathen Philosophers. Also moreo∣uer aswell appeareth in that long disputatiō which he had with one Tripho at Ephesus: as also in his confutations of heretikes.* 6.46 Furthermore his conflictes and Apologies which with great courage & security he exhibited against the persecutors of the Christians, both the Emperour and the Magistrates, yea and the whole Senate of Rome, doe testifie the same.

Of the which Apologies the first he wrote to the Se∣nate of Rome,* 6.47 and after to Antoninus Pius the Emperour as is before mentioned, where, in the fyrst writing wyth great liberty to the Senate he declared: that of necessitie he was compelled to write and vtter his minde and consciēce to them. For that in persecuting of the Christians they did neglect their duety, and highly offended God, and therfore neede they had to be admonished. And further writing to Vrbitius liefetenaunt of the Citie, sayd, that hee put men to death and tormentes for no offence committed, but for the confession onely of the name of Christ: which proceedinges and iudgementes neyther became the Emperour nor hys sonne, nor the Senate: defending moreouer in the sayd A∣pology and purgyng the Christiās of such crimes as false∣ly were layd and obiected agaynst them by the Ethnikes.

And likewise in hys second Apology writing to An∣tonius the Emperour and his successours,* 6.48 with like graui∣ty and free libertie, declareth vnto them how they had the name, cōmonly beyng reputed & taken as vertuous Phi∣losophers, mayntayners of iustice, louers of learning, but whether they were so, their actes declared. As for him nei∣ther for flattery nor fauour at their hands, he was cōstray∣ned thus to write vnto them, but onely to sue vnto thē and desire a serious & righteous kind of dealing in their iudge∣ments and sentences. For it becommeth Princes to folow vprightnes & pietie in their iudgements, not tiranny and violence: & also in playne wordes chargeth as wel the em∣perour as the Senate with manifest wrong. For that they did not graunt the Christians, that which is not denied to all other malefactors, iudging men to death not conuicted but onely for the hatred of the name: Other men which be appeached (said he) in iudgement, are not condemned, be∣fore they are cōuicted: but on vs you take your name only for the crime, when as indede you ought to see iustice done vpō our accusers. And againe (saith he) if a Christian be∣ing accused onely denie that name, him you release beyng

not able to charge him with any other offence. But if he stande to his name, onely for his confession you may cast him, where indeede it were your duety rather to examine their maner of life what thing they confesse or denye, and according to their demerites to see iustice done.

* 6.49And in the same further he saith, you examine not the causes, but incensed with rash affections as with the spur of fury, ye slay & murder them not conuicted, without any respect of iustice. And further he addeth: Some peraduen∣ture wil say certaine of them haue bene apprehended & ta∣ken in euill doinges, as though (saith he) you vsed to en∣quire vpō them being brought afore you, & not common∣ly to condemne thē before due examination of their offence for the cause aboue mentioned. Where also in the ende of y^e said Apology after this maner he reprehendeth thē. You do degenerate (quoth he) from the goodnes of your prede∣cessours, whose exāple you followe not: for your father A∣drian of famous memorye, caused to bee proclaymed that Christians accused before the iudge, should not be cōdem∣ned, vnles they were found gilty of some notorious crime I finde that all his vehement and graue Apologie stādeth vpon most strong & firme probations: denying y^t the chri∣stians ought by conscience at the will & commaundement of the Emperour & Senate to doe sacrifice to the Idols. For the which they being condemned, affirme y^t they suf∣fer open wrong: approuing moreouer that the true & only Religion, is the Religion of the Christians: whose both doctrine and conuersation hath no fault. Iustinus although with these and such like perswasions did not so preuayle with the Emperour to cause him to loue his Religion & become a christian (for that is not written) yet thus much he obtained, that Antoninus writing to his Officers in A∣sia in the behalfe of the Christians, required and cōmaun∣ded them, that those Christians which onely were founde giltie of any trespasse, should suffer, and such as were not conuicted, should not therfore onely for the name be puni∣shed, because they were called Christians. By these it is apparant with what zeale and faith this Iustinus did striue against the persecutors, which (as he said) could kill onely but could not hurt.

* 6.50This Iustinus by the meanes and malice of Crescens the Philosopher as is before declared, suffered Martyrdome vnder Marcus Antoninus Verus a little after that Polycarpus was martired in Asia, as witnesseth Eusebius. Lib. 4. Here is to be gathered how Epiphanius was deceiued in the time of his death, saying that he suffered vnder Rusticus the pre∣sident, and Adrian the Emperour, being of xxx. yeares of age, which indeede agreeth not neither with Eusebius, nor Ierome, nor Swide, nor other moe, which manifestly declare and testifie how he exhibited his Apology vnto Antoninus Pius which came after Adrian. Thus hast thou good Rea∣der the li••e of this learned & blessed martir although part∣ly touched before, yet now more fully & amply discoursed, for the better commendatiō of his excellent & notable ver∣tues of whose small ende thus writeth Photius saying that he suffering for Christ died cheerefully & with honor.

* 6.51Thus haue ye heard the whole discourse of Iustinus and of the blessed Saints of Fraunce, Vetius, Zacharias, Sanctus, Maturus, Attalus, Blandina, Alexander, Alcibiades, with other, recorded and set foorth by the writing of certaine Christian brethren of the same Church & place of Fraunce. In the which foresaid writing of theirs moreouer appeareth the great meekenes and modest constancie of the said martirs described in these words: such folowers were they of christ who when he was in the forme of God thought it no rob∣bery to be equal with god, being in y^e same glory with him, that they not once nor twise, but oft times suffered martyr∣dome, & taken againe from the beastes & bearing wounds tearinges and skarres in their bodies, yet neither woulde counte them selues Martirs, neyther woulde they suf∣fer vs so to cal thē: but if any of vs either by word or letter woulde call them Martirs, they did vehementlye rebuke them: saying that y^e name of martirdome was to be gyuen to Christ the faithfull and true martir, the first borne of the dead, & the captaine of life, testifiyng moreouer that mar∣tirdome belongeth to such, who by their martirdome were already passed out of this life, and whom as christ by their worthy confession hath receiued vnto him selfe and hath sealed vp their Martirdome by their ende finished:* 6.52 As for thē, which were not yet consūmated, they (said they) were not worthy the names of martirs, but only were humble and worthy confessours, desiring also their brethren with teares, to praye without ceasing for their confirmation. Thus they performing in deede that whiche belonged to true Martirs, in resisting the heathen with much lybertie, and great patience, without all feare of man, being reple∣nished with the feare of God, refused to be named of their brethren for martirs. And after in the said writing it follo∣weth more: they humbled themselues vnder the mightye hand of God, by which they were greatly exalted. Then they rendred to all men a reason of their faith, they accused no man, they loosed all, they bounde none. And for them which so euill did intreate them, they praied, following the example of Stephen the perfect Martir, which sayde: O Lord impute not their sinne to them. And after againe: Neither did they proudly disdaine against them which fell but of such as they had, they imparted to them that lacked bearing toward them a motherly affection, shedding their plentifull teares for them to God the Father, and prayed for their life and saluation, and as God gaue it them, they also did communicate to their neighbours. And thus they as conquerers of all thynges departed to God. They lo∣ued peace, and leauing the same to vs; they went to God, neither leauyng any molestation to their mother, nor sedi∣tion or trouble to their brethren, but ioye, peace, concorde, and loue to all.

Out of the same writyng moreouer concernyng these Martyrs of Fraunce afore mentioned, is recorded also an other history, not vnworthy to be noted, taken out of the same booke of Eusebius. cap. 3. Which history is this.

There was among these constaunt and blessed Mar∣tirs, one Alcibiades,* 6.53 as is aboue specified: which Alcibiades euer vsed a very straight died, receiuing for his foode and sustenaunce nothing els but only bread and water: when this Alcibiades now ••eing cast into prison, went about to accustome the same straightnes of diet, after his vsual ma∣ner before it was reueiled by God to Attalus afore mentio∣ned, one of the said company, being also the same time im∣prisoned after his first conflict vpon the scaffolde that Alci∣biades did not well in that hee refused to vse and take the creatures of God: & also thereby ministred to other a per∣nicious occasion of offensiue example. Whereupon Alcibi∣ades being aduertised, & reformed, began to take al thinges boldly and with giuing thankes, whereby may appeare to all scrupulous consciences,* 6.54 not only a wholesome in∣strucion of the holy Ghost, but also here is to be noted how in those dayes they were not destytute of the grace of God: but had the holy spirite of God to be their instructor, Haec Euseb.

The foresaide martirs of Fraunce also the same tyme, commended Irenaeus newly then made minister,* 6.55 with their letters vnto Eleutherus Bishop of Rome: as witnesseth Euseb. in the x. thap. of the same booke, which Irenaeus fyrst was the hearer of Polycarpus, then made minister (as is sayde) vnder these Martyrs. And after their death, made Byshop afterward of Lyons in Fraunce and succeded af∣ter Photinus. Besides this Iustinus there was also the same time in Asia, Claudius Apolinaris, or Apolinarius Byshop of Hierapolis, And also Melito Bishop of Sardis an eloquent & learned man, much commended of Tertullian, who succee∣ding after the time of the apostles, in the reigne of this An∣toninus Verus, exhibited vnto him, learned and eloquent Apologies, in defence of Christes Religion, like as Qua∣dratus and Aristides aboue mentioned, did vnto the Empe∣rour Hadrian whereby they mooued him somewhat to stay, the rage of his persecution. In like maner did this Apo∣linaris and Melito (stirred vp by God) aduenture to defende in writing the cause of the christians vnto this Antoninus. Of this Melito, Eusebius in his fourth booke making men∣tion, excerpeth certaine places of his Apologie,* 6.56 in these wordes as followeth. Nowe saith he which was neuer seene before, the godly suffereth persecution by occasion of certaine Proclamations & Edictes proclaimed through∣out Asia, for vilanous Sichophantes, robbers & spoylers of other mens goods grounding them selmes vpon those Proclamations, and taking occasion of them, robbe open∣lye night and daye, and spoyle those which doe no harme: And it followeth after: which if it be done by your com∣maundement, be it so well done. For a good Prince wyll neuer commaund but good things. And so we wil be con∣tented to sustaine the honor of his death. This onely wee most humblye beseech your Maiestie, that callyng before you and examining the authors of this tumult and cōten∣tion, then your grace would iustly iudge whether we are worthy of cruell death or quiet life. And then if it be not your pleasure, and that it proceedeth not by your occasion (which indeede against your barbarous enimies were to badde) the more a great deale we are petitioners to your hyghnes,* 6.57 that hereafter you wyll vouchsafe to heare vs thus so vexed and oppressed with these kinde of vylanous robberies. And verily our Philosophy & doctryne did first among the barbarous take place, which doctrine fyrst in the daies of Augustus your predecessor, when it did raygne and florish, thereby your Empire became most famous &

fortunate: and from that time more and more the state of the Romane Empire increased in honor wherof you most happely were made successour,* 6.58 and so shall your sonne to. Honor therefore this Philosophie, which with your Em∣pire sprang vp and came in with Augustus whiche your progenitors aboue al other honored & most esteemed. And verily this is no small argumēt of a good beginning, that since our doctrine flourished in the Empire, no misfortune or losse happened frō Augustus time: but contrary alwaies victory, good and honorable yeres, as euer any mā would wishe. Onely among all, and of all Nero and Domitian be∣yng kindled by diuers naughty and spitfull persons cauil∣lingly obiected against our doctrine, of whom this Sico∣phanticall slaundring of vs by naughty custome first came and sprang vp. But your godly fathers espying the igno∣raunce of these, oftentimes by their writing corrected their temerous attemptes in that behalfe. Among whom your granfather Adrian w^t many other is read of, to haue wryt∣ten of Fundayne the Proconsul and Lieutenāt of Asia. And your father, your own father I say, with whom you ruled in al things, wrote to the Cities vnder his signet, as the Laersens, Thessalonicenses, Athenienses and Grecians rashly to innouate or alter nothing of your highnes: ther∣fore, who in this case is of that sect as your predecessours were, yea & of a more benigne & Philosophicall minde, we are in good hope to obtaine our peticion and request.

* 6.59Thus much out of the Apologie of Melito, who writing to Onesimus, geueth to vs this benefite to knowe the true Catalogue, & the names of al the autentike bookes of the olde Testament, receaued in the auncient time of the pry∣mitiue Church. Concerning the number & names wher∣of the said Melito in his letter to Onesimus declareth, howe that he returning into the parts where these things were done and preached, there hee diligently inquired out the bookes aprooued of the old Testament, the names wherof in order he subscribeth & sendeth vnto him as followeth: The fiue bookes of Moses, Genesis, Exodus, Leuiticus, Numeri, Deuteronomi, Iesus Naue, The Iudges, Ruth, Foure bookes of Kings: Two bookes Paralipomenon. The Psalmes Prouerbes of Salomon The booke of Wisedome: The Preacher. The song of songs. Iob. The Prophets, Esay, Hieromie, twelue Prophetes in one booke, Daniel, Ezechiel, Esdras. And thus much of thys matter, which I thought here to record, for that it is not vnprofitable for these latter times to vnderstande what in the first times was receaued, and admitted as autentike, and what otherwise.

But from this little digression to returne to our matter omitted, that is, to the Apologies of Apolinarius and Meli∣to, in the story so it followeth, that whether it was by the occasiō of these two Apologies, or whether it was through the writing of Athenagoras a Philosopher, and a Legate of the Christians, it is vncertaine: but this is certaine that the persecution the same time was staid. Some do thinke, which most probably seeme to touch the truthe, that the cause of staying this persecution, did rise vpon a wonder∣full myracle of God, shewed in the Emperours campe by the Christians the story wherof is this: At what time the two brethren Marcus Antonius, and Marcus Aurelius Com∣modus Emperours,* 6.60 ioyning together, warred against the Quades, Vandales, Sarmates, and Germaines, in the expeditiō against them their army by reason of the imminent assault of their enimies, was cooped & shut in within the straights and hoate dry places, where their souldiours besides o∣ther difficulties of battaile, being destitute of water, fyue dayes, were like to haue perished, which dread not a little discomfited them, & did abate their courage. Wherin this their so great distresse and ieopardy, sodainely wythdrew from the army a legian of the christian souldiours for their succour: who falling prostrate vpon the earth, by ardent praier, by & by obtained of God double reliefe: by meanes of whom God gaue certaine pleasaunt showers from the element, whereby as their souldiors quenched their thirst so were a great number of their enimies discomfited & put to flight by the continual lightnings which shooted out of the aire. This miracle so pleased & won the Emperour, that euer after he waxed gentler & gentler to the Christi∣ans & dyrected his letters to diuers of his rulers, as Ter∣tullian in his Apologie witnesseth, commaūding thē ther∣in to giue thankes to the Christians, no lesse for his victo∣ry, then for the preseruation of him and all his men. The copy of which letter hereafter ensueth.

¶Marcus Aurelius Antonius Emperour, to the Senate and people of Rome.

I Giue you hereby to vnderstande, what I intend to doe, as also, what successe I haue had in my warres in Germany, and with how much difficultie I haue viteled my campe, being compassed about with 74. fierce Dragons, whome my Scottes descryed to be within ix. miles of vs, and Pompeianus our Liefetenaunt hath viewed as he signified vnto vs by hys letters: Wherefore I thought no lesse but to be ouerunne and all my bandes of so great multi∣tude, as well my vaward mayne warde as reere warde, with all my souldiours of Ephrata. In whose host there were numbred of fighting men ix. hundreth seuenty and fiue thousand. But when I saw my selfe not able to encounter with the enemy, I craued ayde of our countrey Gods, at whose hands I finding no comfort, and being driuen of the enemye vnto an exegent, I caused to be sent for those men which we call Christians who being mustred were found a good indifferent number, with whom I was in far∣ther rage, then I had good cause, as afterwardes I had experience by their merueilous power, who forthwith did their indeuour, but without either weapon, munition, armour or trumpets, as men abhorring such preparation and furniture but onely satisfied in trust of their God, whome they cary about with them in their consciences. It is therefore to be credited, although we call them wicked men, that they worship God in their hartes. For they fal∣ling prostrate vpon the ground, prayed not onely for me, but for the host also, which was with me, beseeching their God for helpe in that our extremitie of vittels and fresh water. For we had bene now v. dayes without water, and were in our enemies land, euen in the middest of Germany. who thus falling vppon their faces, made their prayer to a GOD vnknowne of me: and there sell a¦mongest vs from heauen a most pleasaunt and cold shower, but a∣mongest our enemies a great storme of hayle mixt with lightning so that immediately we perceiued the inuincible ayde of the most mighty God to be with vs. Therefore we geue those men leaue to professe Christianitie, least perhap by their prayer, we be punished with the lyke, and thereby make my selfe the author of such hurt as shalbe receiued by the Christian profession. And if any shall apprehend one that is a Christian, onely for that cause: I will that he being apprended without punishment, may haue leaue to con∣fesse the same, so that there be none other cause obiected agaynst hym, more then that he is a Christian: But let his accuser be bur∣ned aliue. Neither will I that he confessing and being founde a Christian, shalbe enforced to alter the same his opinion by the go∣uernour of any of our prouinces, but le••t to hys owne choyse. And this decree of myne I will to be ratified in the Senate house, and commaund the same publiquely to be proclaymed and read in the Court of Traianus and that farther from thence it may be sent into all our Prouinces by the diligence of Veratius gouer∣nour of our Citie Polione. And further we geue leaue to all men to vse and write out this our decree, taking the same out of our co••••e publiquely in the common Hall set forth.

Thus the tempestuous rage of persecution against the Christians began for a tyme to asswage partly by the occa∣sion hereof, partly also vpon other causes incident, cōpel∣ling the enimies to surcease their persecutiō, as great pla∣gues & pestilence lying vpon the countrie of Italy: lyke∣wise great warres, as well in y^e East partes, as also in I∣taly and Fraunce, terrible earthquakes great flouds, no••∣some swarmes of flies and vermine deuouring their corne fieldes,* 7.1 &c. And thus much of thinges done vnder Antoni∣nus Verus which Antoninus in the beginning of his raygne ioyned with him in the gouernement of the Empire, hys brother Marcus Aurelius Commodus, who also was wyth hym at the miraculous victory gotten by the Christiās, as Eusebius cap. 5. Lib. 5. recordeth, contrary Platina in vita Sote∣ris, and the book intituled Flores historiarū, referre the same to the time of Antoninus verus, and his sonne Lucius Antoni∣nus Commodus, and not of Marcus Aurelius Commodus hys brother. But howsoeuer the truth of yeares doe stand, cer∣taine it is,* 7.2 that after the death of Antoninus Verus, and of Aurelius Commodus, succeeded Lucius Antoninus, Commo∣dus the sonne of Verus who raigned 13. yeares.

In the time of this Commodus, although he was an incōmodious Prince to the Senatours of Rome,* 7.3 yet not∣w^tstanding there was some quietnes vniuersally through the whole Church of Christ from persecution by what oc∣casion it is not certaine. Some thinke of whom is Xiphili∣nus that it came through Marcia the Emperou••s concu∣bine, which fauoured the Christians: but how soeuer it came saith Eusebius, the furye of the raging enimies was then somwhat mittigated. & peace was giuen by the grace of Christ, vnto the Church throughout the whole worlde. At what time the wholesome doctrine of the Gospel allu∣red and reduced the harts of all forces of people, vnto the true Religion of God, insomuch that many both rich and noble personages of Rome, with their whole families and housholdes to their saluation, adioyned thē to the Church of Christ.

Among whom there was one Apollonius, a noble man and a Senatour of Rome,* 7.4 mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 5. ca. 21. who being maliciously accused vnto the Senate by one

whom Hierome writeth to be the seruaunt of y^e said Apollo∣nius, and nameth him Seuerus: but whose seruaunt soeuer he was,* 7.5 the wretched man came soone inough before the iudge, being condignely rewarded, for that his malicious diligence. For by a law which y^e Emperour made that no man vpon paine of death shoulde falsely accuse the Christi∣ans, he was put to execution, & had his legs broken forth∣with, by the sentence of Perenninus the iudge, which being an heathen man, he pronounced against him: but the belo∣ued martyr of God,* 7.6 when the iudge with much a doe had obtained of hym to render an accout before the honorable Senate of his faith, vnder whose defence and warrant of lyfe he did the same, deliuered vnto them an eloquēt Apo∣logie of the christian beliefe: but the former warrant not∣withstanding, he by the decree of the Senate, was behea∣ded, and so ended his life:* 7.7 For that there was an auncient law among them decreed, that none that professed Christ, and therefore araigned, should be released without recan∣tation, or altering his opinion.

This Commodus is said in stories to be so sure & sted∣dy handed in casting the dart, that in the open Theatre be∣fore the people, he would encounter with the wild beasts, and be sure to hit them in place where he appointed. A∣mong diuers other his vicious and wild parts he was to farre surpressed in pride & arrogancy,* 7.8 that he would be cal∣led Hercules, and many times would shewe himselfe to the people in the skinne of a Lion, to bee counted thereby the king of men, like as the Lion is of the beastes.

Upon a certaine time being his birth day, this Com∣modus, calling the people of Rome togither, in a great roi∣altye hauing his lions skinne vpon him, made sacrifice to Hercules & Iupiter, causing it to be cried through the Citty that Hercules was the patrone and defender of the Citye. There were the same time at Rome. Vincentius, Eusebius, Peregrinus, Potentianus, learned men, and instructors of the people,* 7.9 who folowing the steps of the Apostles, went a∣bout from place to place where the Gospell was not yet preached, conuerting the Gentiles to the sayth of Christ, These hearing the madnes of the Emperour & of the peo∣ple, began to reproue their idolatrous blindnes, teaching in villages & townes al that heard them, to beleue vpon y^e true and only God, and to come away from such worship∣ping of deuils, and to giue honor to God alone, which on∣ly is to be worshipped, willing them to repent and to bee Baptised,* 7.10 least they perished with Commodus. With thys their preaching, they conuerted one Iulius a Senatour and other to the Religion of Christ. The Emperour hearyng thereof, caused thē to be apprehended of Vitellus his Cap∣taine, and to be compelled to sacrifice vnto Hercules, which when they stoutly refused, after diuers greuous torments and great miracles by them done, at last they were pressed with ••eaden waightes to death, Vincentius. Lib. 10. cap. 119. & Chron. Henr. de Erfordia.

* 7.11This Peregrinus aboue mentioned had bene sent before by Xistus Byshop of Rome, into the parties of Fraunce, to supply there y^e rowme of a Bishop and teacher, by reason y^t for the continual and horrible persecutions there aboue touched, those places were left desolat and destitute of mi∣nisters and instructors, where after he had occupied hym selfe w^t much frute among the flocke of Christ, and had sta∣blished the congregation there, returning home againe to Rome, there finished at last (as it is said) his martirdome.

Now remaineth likewise to speake of Iulius, which Iulius being as is afore described, a Senator of Rome, and now won by y^e preaching of these blessed men, to the fayth of Christ, did eftsoones inuite them & brought them home to his house,* 7.12 where being by them more fully instructed in christian religiō, he beleued in the gospel. And sending for one Ruffinus a Priest, was with all his family by him bap∣tised, who (not as the common sort was wont to do) kept close and secret his faith: but incensed with a marueylous and sincere zeale openly professed the same: altogither wi∣shing and praying to be giuen to him by God, not only to beleue in Christ, but also to hasarde his life for him. Which thing the Emperour hearing, how that Iulius had forsakē his old religion, and became a christian, forthwith sent for him to come before him, vnto whom he spake on this wise O Iuly, what madnes hath possessed thee, that this thou doest fall from the olde & common Religion of thy forefa∣thers who acknowledged and worshipped Iupiter & Her∣cules their gods, & now doest embrace a new & fond kind of Religion of the Christians: At which time Iulius hauing good occasion to shew and opē his faith gaue straight way accompt thereof to him, and affirmed that Hercules & Iupi∣ter were false Gods, & how the worshippers of thē should perish with eternall damnation & punishmentes. Which the Emperour hearing, how that he condemned & despi∣sed his Gods, being then inflamed with a great wrath as he was by nature very cholericke, committed him foorth∣with to Vitellus, the master of the souldiours, a very cruell & fierce man, to see Iulius either to sacrifice to mighty Her∣cules or refusing the same to slea him. Vitellus as hee was commaunded) exhorted Iulius to obey the Emperors cō∣maundement and to worship his Gods, Alledging how that the whole Empire of Rome was not onely constitu∣ted, but also preserued and maintained by them. Which Iu∣lius denied vtterly to do, admonishing sharply in like ma¦ner Vitellus to acknowledge the true God, and obey hys commaundementes, least he with his maister should dye some greeuous death. Whereat Vitellus being moued, cau∣sed Iulius with cougels to be beaten vnto death.

These things being thus briefly recited touching such holy martirs, as hetherto haue suffered, nowe remayneth that wee returne againe to the order of the Romaine By∣shops such as followed next after Alexander,* 7.13 at whome we left, whose succeder next was Xistus or Sixtus, the sixt By∣shoppe counted after Peter, and gouerned that ministerye the space of x yeares as Damascus & other do write. Vrsper∣gensis maketh mention but of ix. yeares. Platina recordeth that he died a Martir, and was buried at Uaticane. But Eusebius speaking of his discease, maketh no word mentiō of any Martyrdome. In the 2. tome of the Councelles certaine Epistles be attributed to him, whereof Eusebius Damasus, Hierome, and other olde authors, as they make no relation, so seeme they to haue no intelligence nor know∣ledge of any such matter. In these coūterfeit epistles, & in Platina appeareth y^e Xistus was the first author of these or∣dinaunces.* 7.14 First that the holy misteries and holy vessels shoulde be touched, but onely of persons holy and conse∣crated, especially of no woman, Itē that the corporas cloth should be made of no other cloth, but of fine linnen. Item that bishops such as were called vp to the Apostolicke sea, returning home againe,* 7.15 should not be receiued at their re∣turne, vnlesse they brought with them letters from the bi∣shop of Rome, saluting the people. Itē, at the celebration he ordained to be song this verse, Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus, Dominus Deus Sabaoth. Where moreouer is to be noted, that the saide Platina, in the life of thys Xistus, doeth testifie that Peter ministred the celebration of the cōmunion onlie wyth the Lordes prayer. These tryflyng ordinaunces of Xistus, who is so rude that seeth not or may not easly cōiec∣ture to be falsly fathered of Xistus,* 7.16 or of anye father of that time, first by the vniforme rudenes and stile of all those decretal letters, nothing sauouryng of that age, but rather of y^e later dunsticall times that followed. Also by the mat∣ter and argument in those leters contained, nothing agre∣ing with the state of those troublesome daies. Neither a∣gaine is it to be supposed that any such recourse of bishops was then to the Apostolicall sea of Rome, that it was not lawfull to returne without their letters: when as the per∣secution against the Christians was then so hoate, in the daies of Hadrian that the Bishoppes of Rome themselues were more glad to flee out of the Citie, then other bishops were to come to them vnto Rome. And if Xistus added the Sanctus vnto the Masse cannon, what peece then of the ca∣non went before it, when they which put to the other pat∣ches came after Xistus: And if they came after Xistus that aded the rest, why did they set their peeces before his, seing they y^t began the first peece of the canon, came after him?

The same likewise is to be iudged of the Epistles & or∣dinaunces of Telesphorus,* 7.17 who succeded next vnto Xistus, and being Bishop of that congregation the terme of a 11, yeares, the first yeare of the raigne of Antoninus Pius, dyed Martyr, about the yeare of our Lorde. 138. His Epistle like vnto the rest containing in it no great matter of doc∣trine,* 7.18 hath these ordinaunces: First he cōmaundeth al that were of the Clergy to fast and abstaine from flesh eatyng, vij. weekes before Easter. That three Masses shoulde bee said vpon the Natiuity day of the Lord. That no lay man should accuse either bishop or priest. He ordained moreo∣uer Gloria in excelsis, to be added to the Masse, &c. but these things falsely to be fained vpon him may easely be coniec∣tured. For as touching the vij. weekes fast neither doth it agree with the old Romane terme cōmonly receaued, cal∣ling it Quadragesima,* 7.19 that is the xl. daies fast: neither with the example of our Sauiour, who fasted not seuen wekes but onelye xl. dayes. Moreouer, as concernyng this xl. daies fast, wee reade of the same in the Epistle of Ignatius, which was lōg before Telesphorus: wherby it may appere that this Telesphorus was not the first inuentour thereof. And if it be true, that is lately come out in the name of Ab∣dias (but vntruly, as by many coniectures may be proued) there is read, that in the daies of S. Mathewe this Lent, fast of xl. dayes was obserued long before Telesphorus: by

these wordes that followe: In the dayes sayd he, either of Lente, or in the time of other lawfull fastinges, he that ab∣staineth not as well from the eating meate as also from y^e mixture of bodies, doth incurre in so doing not onely pol∣lution, but also cōmitteth offence, which must be washed a∣way with the teares of repentaunce.* 7.20 Agayne, Apollonius, affirmeth that Montanus the heretike, was the first deuiser and brynger in of these lawes of fasting into the Churche, which before was vsed to be free. Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 18. but es∣pecially by Socrates, wryter of the Ecclesiasticali story, who lyued after the daies of Theodosius, maye bee argued, that this vij. wekes fast is falsely imputed to Telesphorus. For Socrates in his first booke, speaking of this time hath these wordes:* 7.21 Romani namque tres ante Pascha septimanas praeter Sabbatum & Dominicam continuas ieiuuant, that is: the Ro∣manes (saith he) doe fast three weekes continually before Easter, beside the Sabbaoth and the Sonday. And more∣ouer, speaking of the diuers and sundry fastings of Lent in sundry and diuers Churches, he addeth these words: And because that no man can bring forth any commaundement writ∣ten of this matter, it is therefore apparant, that the Apostles left this kind of fast free to euery mans will and iudgement, least anye should be constrayned by feare and necessitie to doe that which is good, &c. With this of Socrates, agreeth also the wordes of Sozomenus,* 7.22 liuing much about y^• same time, in his seuenth voke, where he thus writeth: The whole fast of Lent (saith he) some comprehend in sixe weekes, as doe the Illyrians, and the west churches, with al Libia, Egipt, & Palestina: some in vij. weekes, as at Cōstantinople, & y^e parties bor∣dering to Phoenicia: other some in three weekes, next be∣fore the day of Easter, & some againe in ij. weekes. &c. By y^e whiche it may be collected, y^t Telesph. neuer ordained any such fast of vij. wekes: whiche otherwise neither woulde haue ben neglected in Rome, & in y^e west churches: neither againe woulde haue bene vnremembred of these auncient Ecclesiasticall writers, if any such thing had bene. The like is to be thought also of the rest, not onely of his constituti∣ons: but also of the other auntient Byshops & Martyrs, which followed after him, as of Higinus. an. 142. who succe∣ding him & dying also a Martyr, as Volateranus, Lib. 22. declareth, is saide or rather fained to bring in the creame, one Godfather and Godmother in Baptisme, to ordayne the dedication of Churches: when as in his time so far it was of, that anye solemne Churches were standing in Rome, that vnneth the Christians could safely conuent in their own houses. Likewise they distincting the orders of Metropolitanes, Byshops, and other degres, sauour no∣thing lesse then of that tyme.

After Higynus followed Pius, who as Platina reporteth was so precisely deuout aboute the holye misteries of the Lords Table, that if any one croome therof did fall downe to the grounde, he ordained that the Priest shoulde doe pe∣naunce xl. daies. If any fell vpō the Superalter, he should doe penaunce iij. daies: if vpon the linen Corporas cloth iiij. daies: if vpon any other linnen cloth. ix. daies. And if any drop of the bloude (saith he) should chaunce be spilled, wheresoeuer it fell it should be licked vp, if it were possible if not the place should be washed or pared, & so being wa∣shed or pared, should be burned and layd in the vestry. All which toies may seeme to a wise man, more vaine and tri∣fling, then to fauour of those pure and straight times of those holy Martyrs. This Pius (as is reported) was much conuersaunt with Hermes called otherwise Pastor. Damasus saith he was his brother, but how is that like that Hermes being the disciple of Paule,* 7.23 or one of the lx. disciples, could be the brother of this Pius? Of this Hermes & of the reuela∣tions the foresaid Pius in his Epistle decretall (if it be not forged) maketh mentiō, declaring that vnto him appeared the aungel of God in the habite of a shepherde,* 7.24 commaun∣ding him, y^t Easter day should be celebrated of al men vpō no other day, but vpon a sonday, whereupon, saith the E∣pistle, Pius the Byshop, by his authoritie Apostolicall, de∣creed and commaunded the same to be obserued of al men.

Then succeeded Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutharius, about the yeare of our Lord.* 7.25 180. This Eleutherius, at the request of Lucius king of Britanes, sent to him Damianus, and Fu∣gatius, by whom the king was conuerted to Christes saith, and baptised about the yeare of our Lorde 179. Nauclerus, Lib. Chro. Gen. 6. saith, it was, an. 156. Henr. de Erfodia, saith, it was, 169. in the xix. yeare of Verus the Emperour, some say it was in the vj. yeare of Commodus, which shoulde be about the yeare of our Lorde, 185. Timotheus in his storye thinketh that Eleutherius came himself: but that is not like And as there is a variaunce among the writers for y^e count of yeres: So doth there rise a question among some, whe∣ther Eleutherius was the first that brought the faith from Rome into this lande or not. Nicephorus. Lib. 2. cap. 4. saith that Symō Zelotes, came into Britaine. Some other alledge out of Gildas de victoria Aurel Ambrosi,* 7.26 that Ioseph of Ara∣mathie after the dispersion of the Iewes, was sent to Phi∣lip the Apostle from Fraunce to Britaine; about the yeare of our Lord 63. and here remained in this land al his time, and so with his fellowes laide the first foundation of chri∣stian fayth among the Britaine people. Whereupon other preachers and teachers cōming afterwarde confirmed the same & increased it more. And therefore doth Petrus Cluni∣acensis call the Scotishmen & so doth count them as more auntient Christians. For the confirmation hereof might be alledged the testimonie of Origene, of Tertulian, and the wordes also of the letter of Eleutherius whiche importe no lesse, but that the faith of Christ was here in Englande a∣mong the Britaine people, before Eleutherius time, & before the king was cōuerted, but hereof more shalbe spokē here∣after (Christ willing,) when after the tractation of these .x. persecutiōs, we shal enter y^e matter of our English stories.

About this time of Commodus aforementioned among diuers other learned men and famous teachers whō God stirred vp at that time (as he doth at all other times rayse vp some) in his church, to confound y^e persecutors by lear∣ning and writing, as the Martirs to confirme the truth with their bloud,* 7.27 was Serapion Byshop of Antioche, Ege∣sippus a writer of the Ecclesiasticall historye from Christes Passion to his time, as witnesseth Hierome, & Eusebius Lib. 4. cap. 8. & 22. which bookes of his be not nowe remayning And those that be remaining (which be 5. de excidio Hiero∣sol.) be not mentioned neither of Hierome, nor of Eusebius Miltiades which also wrote his Apology in defence of chri∣stian Religion,* 7.28 as did Melito Quadratus, and Aristides be∣fore mentioned. About y^e same time also wrote Heraclitus, who first began to write annotations & enarrations vpon the newe Testament, and Epistles of the Apostles. Also Theophilus Byshop of Caesaria, Dionysius Byshoppe of Co∣rinthe a man famously learned, which wrote diuers Epi∣stles to diuers Churches, & among other writeth, exhor∣ting Penitus a certaine Byshop, Ne graue seruandae castitatis onus necessario fratribus imponat, sed multorum sese imbecilita∣ti attemperet, that is, that he would lay no yoke of chastitie of any necessity vpon his brethren: but that he would con∣sider the infirmitie of other, and beare with it. Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 23. Moreouer y^e sayd Dionisius in his Epistles writing of Dionisius Agiopagites, declareth of him how that he was first cōuerted to the Christian faith by S. Paule, according as in the actes is recorded, and afterwarde was made the first Byshop of Athens, but maketh there no mention of his booke de Hierarchia. Whereby it maye easely appeare, what is to be iudged of that booke. Furthermore, by the Epistles of the saide Dionisius Corint. this wee haue to vn∣derstande, to be the vse at that time in Churches to reade the letters and Epistles, such as were sent by learned Bi∣shops and teachers vnto the Congregations, as may ap∣peare by these words of Dionisius, who writing to y^e church of the Romanes, and to Soter saith. This day we celebrate the holy Dominical day. In which we haue read your E∣pistle, which alwaies we wil read for our exhortation,* 7.29 like as we doe reade also the Epistle of Clement sent to vs be∣fore, &c. Euseb. ibid. where also mention is made of keepyng the Sonday holy. Whereof wee finde no mention made in auntient authors, before his time, except onely in Iusti∣nus Martyr, who in his description declareth two tymes most especially vsed for Christen men to congregate toge∣ther, first, when any conuert was to be Baptised. The se∣cond was vpon the Sonday, which was wont for ij. cau∣ses then to be halowed. First, because (saith he) vpon that day God made the worde, Secondlye, because that Christ vpon that day first shewed himselfe after his resurrection to his Disciples, &c.

Ouer and beside these aboue named, about the daies of Commodus,* 7.30 wrote also Clemens Alexandrinus, a man of no∣table and singular learning, whose bookes, although for a great part be lost, yet certaine of them yet remaine wherin is declared among other thinges, the order and number of the bookes and Gospels of the new testament, &c.

The same time moreouer liued Pantenus, which was the first in Alexandria, that professed in open schoole to reade of whom is thought first to proceede the order and maner among the Christians to read and professe in Uniuersities This Pantenus for his excellency of learning was sent by Demetrius Bishop of Alexandria to preach to the Indeans,* 7.31 where he founde the Gospell of S. Mathewe written in Hebrew, left there by S. Bartelinewe, which booke af∣terward he brought with him from thence, to the Library of Alexandria.

Duryng all the raigne of Commodus; God graunted rest & tranquility, although not without some bloudshed

of certaine holy Martyrs, as is aboue declared, vnto his Church. In the which time of tranquillitie, the Christians hauing now some laisure from the foraine enemy,* 7.32 begā to haue a little contention among themselues, about the cere∣monie of Easter: which contention albeit of long time be∣fore had bene stirring in the church as is before mentioned of Polycarpus and Anicetus: yet the variance and difference of that ceremonie brought no breach of Christian concorde and societie among them: Neither as yet did the matter exceede so farre, but that the band of loue, and communion of brotherly life continued, although they differed in the ce∣remonie of the day. For they of the West Church preten∣ding the tradition of Paule and Peter, but in deede beyng the traditiō of Hermes and of Pius, kept one day, which was vpon the Sonday after the 14. day of the first moneth. The Church of Asia following the ordinance of Iohn the Apo∣stle, obserued an other, as more shalbe declared (the Lord willing) when we come to the tyme of Victor Bishop of Rome. In the meane tyme as concerning the fourth per∣secution, let this hetherto suffise.

The fift Persecution.

* 7.33AFter the death of Commodus, raigned Pertinax but few monthes, after whom succeeded Seuerus. Under whom was raised the fift persecution against the christian saints:* 7.34 who raigning the terme of 18. yeares, the first x. yeares of the same, was very fauourable and curteous to the Chri∣stians. Afterward through sinister suggestions and mali∣cio••s accusations of the malignāt,* 7.35 was so incensed against them, that by Proclamations he commaunded no Christi∣ans any more to be suffered. Thus the rage of the Empe∣rour beyng inflamed agaynst them, great persecution was stirred vpon euery side,* 7.36 wherby an infinite nūber of Mar∣tyrs were slayne, as Eusebius in his sixt booke recordeth, which was about the yeare of our Lord,* 7.37 205. The crimes and false accusations obiected against the Christians, are partly touched before, pag. 37. as sedition and rebellion a∣gainst the Emperour, sacriledge, murthering of Infants, incestuous polution, eating rawe flesh, libidinous cōmix∣ture, whereof certaine in deede called then Gnostici, were infamed. Item, it was obiected against them, for worship∣ping the head of an Asse, which whereof it should rise, I finde no certain cause, except it were perhaps by y^e Iewes. Also they were charged for worshipping the sunne, for that peraduenture before the sunne rise, they conuented toge∣ther, singing their morning Hymnes vnto the Lord, or els because they prayed toward y^e East: but especially for that they would not with them worship their idolatrous gods and were counted as enemies to all men. &c.

The Capitaines and Presidentes of this persecution vnder the Emperour were Hilarianus,* 7.38 Vigellius, Claudi∣us, Hermianus Ruler of Cappadocia, Cecilius, Capella, Ve∣spronius, also Demetrius mentioned of Cyprian. And Aqui∣la Iudge of Alexandria, of whom Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. maketh relation.

The places where the force of this persecution most ra∣ged, were Affrica, Alexandria, Cappadocia, and Carthage.

The number of them that suffered in this persecution, by the report of the Ecclesiasticall story was innumerable.* 7.39 Of whō the first was Leonides, the father of Origene, who was beheaded: with whō also Origene his sonne, beyng of the age thē of xvij. yeares, should haue suffered (such a ser∣uent desire hee had to be Martired for Christ) had not hys mother priuily in the night season conueied away his clo∣thes & his shirt.* 7.40 Wherupō more for shame to be seen, then for feare to die, he was cōstrained to remaine at home: and when he could do nothing els, yet he writing to his father a letter with these words: Caue tibi, ne quid propter nos a∣liud quam martyrij constanter faciendi propostum cogites, that is, Take heede to your selfe, that you tourne not your thought and purpose for our sake,* 7.41 &c. Such a feruency had this Origene being yet young, to the doctrine of Christes faith, by the operation of Gods heauenly prouidence, and partlye also by the diligent education of his Father, who brought him vp from his youth most studiously in all good literature, but especially in y^e reding & exercise of holy scrip∣ture, wherin he had such inward & mistical speculatiō, that many times he would moue questions to his father, of the meaning of this place, or y^t place in y^e scripture. Insomuch y^t his father diuers times would vncouer his brest being a sleepe,* 7.42 & kisse it, giuing thanks to God which had made him so happy a father of such a happy child. After the death of his father, and all his goodes confiscated to the Empe∣rour, he wyth his poore mother, and sixe brethren, beyng brought to such extreme pouerty, did sustaine both himself and them by teaching a schole. Til at length being wearye of y^t profession, he transferred his study onely to the know∣ledge and seeking of diuine Scripture, & such other lear∣ning conducible to the same. So much he profited both in the Hebrue and other toungs, that he conferred y^• Hebrue text with the translation of the lxx. And moreouer did con∣ferre and find out the other translations which we call the common translation of Aquila, of Symmachus, and Theodo∣tion. Also he adioyned to these aforesaid other foure trans∣lations, wherof more is in the story of Eusebius expressed.

They that write of the life of Origene, testifie of him that he was of wit quicke and sharpe, much patient of la∣bour, a great traueler in the tongues, of a spare dyet, of a straight life, a great faster, his teaching & his lining were both one: his going was much barefoot. A straight obser∣uer of that saying of the Lorde, bydding to haue but one coate, &c, he is said to haue written so much as seuen No∣taries, & so many maides euery day could penne. The nū∣ber of his bookes by the accōpt of Hierome, came to 7000. Uolumes, y^e copies whereof he vsed to sel for 3. d. or a little more, for the sustentation of his liuing. But of hym more shalbe touched hereafter. So zelous he was in the cause of Christ, and of Christes Martirs, that he nothing fearyng his owne perill would assist & exhort them going to theyr death, & kisse them, insomuch that he was oft in ieoperdie to be stoned of the multitude. And sometimes by the pro∣uision of Christen men had his house garded about wyth souldiers, for the safety of them, which daily resorted to heare his readings, & many times he was cōpelled to shift places & houses, for such as laid waite for him in al places, But such was the prouidence of God to preserue him in the middest of all this tempest of Seuerus. Among other which resorted vnto him, & were his hearers. Plutarchus, was one,* 7.43 and died a martyr, & with him Serenus hys bro∣ther who was burned. The third after these was Heracli∣des, The fourth Heron, who were both beheaded. The fift, was an other Serenus also beheaded, Rhais, and Potamiena. who was tormented with pitch poured vpon her, & mar∣tyred with her mother, Marcella, who died also in the fyre. This Potamiena was of a fresh and flourishing beautie, who because she could not be remoued from her profession was committed to Basilides one of the Captaines there in the armie, to see the execution done, Basilides receyuing her at the Iudges hand, & leading her to the place, shewed to her some compassion in repressing the rebukes and ray∣linges of the wicked aduersaries: for the which Potamiena, the virgine, to requite againe his kindnes, bad him bee of good comfort, saying that she would pray y^e Lord to shewe mercy vpon him. And so went she to her Martyrdome, which she both strongly and quietly did sustaine.

Not long after it happened that Basilides was requi∣red to giue an othe in a matter cōcerning his fellowe soul∣diours: which thing he denied to doe,* 7.44 plainely affirming y^e he was a Christian. For their othe then, was woont to be by the Idoles & the Emperor. At the first he was thought dissimulingly to iest, but after whē he was heard constant∣ly, & in earnest to confirme the same, he was had before the iudge, and so by him committed towarde. The Christians marueiling thereat, as they came to him in the prison in∣quired of him the cause of that his sodaine conuersion. To whom he aunswered againe and saide, that Potamiena had praied for him to the Lord, & so he saw a crowne put vpon his head: adding moreouer that it should not be long, but he should be receiued. Which things thus done, y^e next day following, he was had to the place of execution, and there beheaded, Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. Albeit the said Eusebius, giueth this story of no credite,* 7.45 but onely of heare say, as he there expresseth.

As diuers and many there were that suffered in the daies of this Seuerus:* 7.46 so some were againe which through the protection of God his prouidence, being put to great torments, yet escaped w^t life. Of whom was one Alexander who for his constant confessiō and torments suffered, was made Bishop afterwarde of Hierusalem, together with Narcissus, who being then an olde man of an hundred and threescore yeares and three, as sayeth Eusebius, was vn∣wieldy for his age to gouerne that function alone.

Of this Narcissus is reported in the Ecclesiasticall hi∣storie, that certaine miracles by him were wrought verye notable,* 7.47 if they be true. First of water by him turned into oyle at the solemne vigile of Easter, what time the cōgre∣gation wanted oyle for their lampes. Another miracle is also told of him, which is this. There were three euill dis∣posed persons, who seing the soundnes & graue constancy of his vertuous life, & fearyng their owne punishment, as a conscience that is giltie, is alwaies fearefull, thought to preuent his accusations, in accusing him first, & laying an haynous crime to his charge. And to make their accusatiō

more probable before the people, they bound their accusa∣tion with a great othe: One wishing to be destroied with fire if he sayd not true. The other to bee consumed with a grieuous sickenes. The third to loose both his eyes if they did lye. Narcissus although hauing his conscience cleare, yet not able beyng but one man to withstand their accusation bound with such othes gaue place, and remooued himself•• from the multitude, into a solitarie desert by himself, where he continued the space of many yeares. In the meane time to them which so willingly and wickedly forsweare them∣selues, this happened:* 7.48 the first by casualtie of one litle smal sparkle of fire, was burnt with his goods and all his fami∣lie. The second, was taken with a great sicknesse from the top to the toe, and deuoured with the same. The third, hea∣ring and seyng the punishment of the other, confessed his fault, but through great repentance poured out such tears, that he lost both his eyes.* 7.49 And thus was their false periu∣rie punished. Narcissus after long absence returning home agayne, was by this meanes both cleared of the facte, and receiued into his bishoprike agayne. To whom, as is said, for impotencie of his age, Alexander was ioined with him in execution of the function. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. Lib. 6. cap. 10. Of this Alexander is recorded in the sayd Ecclesiasticall hi∣story, that after his agonies and constancie of his confessiō shewed in the persecution of Seuerus, he was admonished by a vision in the night season to make his iourney vp to Hierusalem & Palestina (for that place remained free from this persecution) to see there the congregation, & to pray. Thus he taking his iourney,* 7.50 and drawing nere to the city, a vision with playne wordes was geuen to certaine chiefe heads of Hierusalem, to go out of the gate of the city, there to receiue the Bishop appointed to them of God. And so was Alexander met and receiued, and ioyned partner with aged Narcissus, as is before expressed in the Citie of Hieru∣salem, where he continued bishop aboue 40. yeares, vntill the persecution of Decius, and there crected a famous Li∣braric, where Eusebius had his chiefest helpe in writing his Ecclesiasticall history. He wrote also diuers Epistles to di∣uers churches, and licensed Origene openly to teach in his Church.* 7.51 At length beyng very aged, was brought frō Ie∣rusalem to Cesaria before the Iudge vnder Decius, where after his constant confession the second tyme, he was com∣mitted to prison, and there died.

Besides these that suffred in this persecution of Seuerus recited of Eusebius, Vincentius also, Lib. 11. cap. 6. Ex Martyrol. speaketh of one Andoclus,* 7.52 whom Polycarpus before had sent into Fraunce: which Andoclus because he spread there the doctrine of Christ, was apprehended of Seuerus, and first beaten with staues and battes, after was beheaded.

To these aboue named, may also be added Asclepiades, who although was not put to death in this persecution of Seuerus,* 7.53 yet constantly he did abide the trial of his confessiō & suffered much for the same, as Alexander did before menti∣oned. Wherefore afterward he was ordained bishop of An∣tioch, where he continued the space of vij. yeares of whom Alexander writeth to the Church of Antioche, out of prison, much reioysing and geuing thankes to God, to heare that he was their Bishop.

About the same tyme during the raigne of Seuerus, died Irenaeus,* 7.54 Henr. de Erfordia, Ado, and other Martyr writers, do hold, that he was martyred with a great multitude of other moe, for the confession and doctrine of Christ, about the fourth or fift yeare of Seuerus. This Irenaeus as he was a great writer, so was he greatly commended of Tertullian for his learning, whom he calleth omnium doctrinarum cu∣riosissimum exploratorem: a great searcher of all kynde of learning. He was first scholer and hearer of Polycarpus, frō thence either was sent or came to Fraunce, and there by Photinus, and the rest of the Martyrs was instituted into the ministery, commended by their letter vnto Eleutherius, as is before premonished. At length after y^e Martyrdom of Photinus, he was appointed bishop of Lions, where he cō∣tinued about the space of 23. yeres. In y^e tyme of this Irenae∣us, the state of the Church was much troubled, not only for the outward persecution of the foraine enemy, but also for diuers sectes and errours then stirring, against which he diligently laboured, and wrote much, although but few of his bookes be now remayning. The nature of this man well agreeyng with his name, was such, that he euer lo∣ued peace, and sought to set agreement when any contro∣uersie role in the Church. And therfore, when the question of keeping the Easter day was renued to the Church, be∣betwene Victor bishop of Rome, and the churches of Asia, and when Victor would haue excommunicated them as schisinatikes, for disagreeyng from him therein: Irenaeus with other brethren, of the French Church, sory to see such a contention among brethren for such a trifle, conuented themselues together in a common Councell, and directing their letter with their common consent subscribed, sent vn∣to Victor, intreating him to stay his purpose, & not to pro∣ceed in excommunicating his brethren for that matter. Al∣though they themselues agreed with him in obseruing the Sonday Easter as he did: yet with great reasons and ar∣guments exhorted him not to deale so rigorously with his other brethren, following the ancient custome of their coū∣trey maner in that behalf. And beside this he wrote diuers other letters abroad concerning the same contentiō, decla∣ring the excommunication of Victor to be of no force.

Not long after Irenaeus followed also Tertullian about the tyme of this Seuerus,* 7.55 and Antoninus Carcalla his sonne, a man both in Greeke and Latin wel expert, hauing great gifts in disputing, and in writing eloquent, as his bookes declare, & as the commendation of al learned men doth te∣stifie no lesse. To whom Vincentius Lirinensis geueth such prayse, that he calleth him the floure of all Latine writers, and of the eloquence of his stile so he writeth, that with the force of his reasons, he saith, whom he could not persuade, them he cōpelled to consent vnto him. How many words, so many sentences, and how many sentences, so many vi∣ctories he had, &.

Such men of doing and writing, God raiseth vp from tyme to tyme, as pillers and stayes for his poore Church, as he did this Tertullian in these dangerous dayes of perse∣cution. For whē the christians were vexed with wrongs,* 7.56 & falsly accused of the Gentils, Tertullian taking their cause in hand, defendeth them against the persecutors, & against their slaunderous accusations: First, that they neuer min∣ded any styre or rebellion, either against the Empire or Emperors of Rome: forsomuch as the vse of Christians was to pray for the state of their Emperours and gouer∣nours. And where as they were accused falsly to bee ene∣mies to all mankind,* 7.57 how could that be (saith Tertullian to Scapula) seyng the proper office of the Christians is by their profession to pray for all men, to loue their enemies, neuer requiting euil for euil, when as all other do loue but onely their friends, and scarcely them? As touching the horrible slaunder of murdering infants, how can that be true in the Christians (saith he)▪ whose order is to abstayne from all bloud, & strangled: in so much, that it is not lawful for thē to touch the bloud of any beast at their tables when they feede? From filthy copulation no sort more free then they: which are and euer hath ben the greatest obseruers of cha∣stitie, of whom, such as may, liue in perpetuall Uirginitie all their life, such as cannot, contract matrimony, for auoy∣ding all whoredom and fornication. Neither can it be pro∣ued of the christians to worship the sunne, which false sur∣mise, Tertulliā declareth to rise hereof,* 7.58 for that the maner of the Christians was to pray toward the East. Much lesse was there any of them so mad as to worship an Asses head whereof the occasion beyng taken onely of the Iewes, the slaunder therof therfore he prooueth to be falsly and wrōg∣fully laid to the charge of the Christians.

And likewise against all other lies and slaunders, ob∣iected of the Heathen against the Christians, the sayd Ter∣tullian purgeth the Christians, declaring them falsly to be belied, & wrongfully persecuted, not for any defect of theirs but only for the hatred of their name. And yet notwithstā∣ding by the same persecutions, he prooueth in the same A∣pologie, the religion of the christians nothing to be empai∣red, but rather encreased. The more (saith he) we are mow∣en doune of you,* 7.59 the moe rise vp. The bloud of Christians is seede. For what man sayth he, in beholding the painfull torments, and the perfect patience of them will not search and inquire what is in the cause? And when he hath found it out, who will not agree vnto it? And when he agreeth to it, who will not desire to suffer for it? Thus (faith he) this sect will neuer die, which the more it is cutdoune, the more it groweth. For euery man seing and wondring at the suf∣ferance of the Saints, is mooued the more therby to search the cause in searching, he findeth it, and in finding, he fol∣loweth it. Tertul in eodem Apolog.

Thus Tertullian in this daungerous tyme of persecu∣tion, being stirred vp of God, defended the innocēcie of the Christians, against the blasphemy of the aduersaries, and moreouer for the instruction of the church compiled many fruitfull workes, whereof some are extant, some are not to be found.* 7.60 Notwithstanding the great learning & famous vertues of this worthy mā, certaine errors and blemishes are noted in his doctrine, as were before both of Origine, & Irenaeus, and likewise of them were they neuer so excellent, that followed them. Which errors all here in order to note and comprehend, were too long a matter for this story to prosecute. This by the way shall be sufficient to admonish the Reader, neuer to looke for any such perfection of any

man in this world, how singular so euer he be (Christ one∣ly excepted) but some blemishe or other ioyneth himselfe withall, whereof more perchaunce shall be sayd when we come to Cyprian.

* 7.61And now to returne agayne to the order of bishops of Rome intermitted: after Eleutherius afore mentioned, next in the bishoprike of Rome succeded Victor, who as Platina sayth, died quietly in the dayes of Seuerus. But Damasus Supplementum, Lib. 8. and such as folow the common Chro∣nicles, affirme that he died a Martyr, after he had sitten x. or as some say xij. yeares. This Victor was a great styrre•• (as partly before is signified) in the controuersie and con∣tention of Easterday. For the which he would haue proce∣ded in excommunication against the churches of Asia, had not Irenaeus then bishop of Lions, with the counsaile of o∣ther his brethren there assēbled, repressed his intended vio∣lence. As touching that cōtrouersie of Easter in those dais of the primitiue Church, the originall thereof was this, as Eusebius, Socrates, Platina, and other record. First, certain it is,* 7.62 that the Apostles onely being intentiue and attendaunt to the doctrine of saluation, gaue no heed nor regard to the obseruation of dayes & times, neither bound the Church to any ceremoni••s and rites, except those things necessary mentioned in the Actes of the Apostles, as strangled and bloud, which was ordayned then of the holy Ghost, not∣without a most vrgent and necessary cause, touched partly in y^e history before. For when the murdering and bloud of Infants was commonly obiected by the Heathen perse∣••utors agaynst the Christians, they had no other argumēt to help thēselues, nor to refell the aduersarie, but only their own law, by the which they were commaūded to abstaine not onely from all mens bloud, but also from the bloud of all cōmon beastes. And therefore that law seemeth by the holy Ghost to be geuen, & also to the same end & continued in the Church, so long as the cause, that is the persecutions of the Heathen Gentiles continued. Beside these we read of no other ceremonies or rites, which the Apostles great∣ly regarded, but left such things free to the libertie of Chri∣stians, euery man to vse therein his own discretion, for the vsing or not vsing thereof. Whereupon, as concerning all the ceremoniall obseruations of dayes, tymes, places, meates, drinks, vestures, and such other, of all these things neither was the diuersitie among men greatly noted, nor any vniformitie greatly required. In so much, that Irenaeus writing to Victor of the tradition of dayes,* 7.63 and of fastings, and of the diuersitie of these things then vsed among y^e pri∣mitiue fathers, saith: Nihilo tamen minus omnes Illi pacem in∣ter se retinuerunt, & retinemus etiamnū, & leiunij dissonantia, fi∣dei concordiam commendat, &c. That is, Notwithstanding all this varietie, all they kept peace among themselues, & yet we keepe it still, and this difference of fasting among vs, commendeth more the concord of faith. And so long did the doctrine of Christian libertie remaine whole & sounde in the Church till the tyme of Victor,* 7.64 which was about the yeare of our Lord, 200. Although the diuersitie of these v∣sages, began something before also in the dayes of Pius and Anicetus, about the yere of our Lord, 163. to be misliked: yet restraint hereof was not so much vrged before, as in y^e tune of Victor. And yet neither did the violēce of Victor take such place, but that the doctrine of Christian libertie was defen∣ded and maintained by meanes of Irenaeus and other, and so continued in the Church till after the Councell of Nice. And thus much concerning the doctrine of Christian liber∣tie of the differences of rites and ceremonies.

Now to returne to Victor agayne, to shew what diuer∣sitie there was in obseruing the day of Easter, and how it came, thus is the story: First, in the tyme of Pius and Ani∣cetus, an. 163. the questiō of Easter day began first to be mo∣ued, at what tyme Pius, by the reuelation of Hermes, decreed the obseruatiō of that day to be chaunged from the wonted maner of the 14. day of the moone in the first moneth, vnto the next Sonday after. After him came Anicetus, Soter, and Eleutherius Bishops of Rome, which also determined the same.* 7.65 Agaynst these stode Melito. Bishop of Sardis, Po∣lycarpus, and as some thinke, Egesippus, with other learned men of Asia which Polycarpus being sent by the brethren of Asia, came to Rome as is aforesayd, to cōferre with Ani∣cetus in that matter: wherin when they could not agree af∣ter long debating, yet notwithstanding, they did both cō∣municate together with reuerēce, & departed in peace. And so the celebration of Easterday remained Adiaphoron, as a thing indifferent in the Church, till the time of Victor. Who folowing after Anicetus and hys fellowes, and chiefly stir∣ring in this matter, endeuoured by all meanes and might, to draw, or rather subdue the Churches of Asia vnto hys opinion, thinking moreouer to excommunicate all those Byshops and churches of Asia, as heretickes and schisma∣tickes, which disagreed from the Romaine order, had not Irenaeus otherwise restrayned him from that doyng,* 7.66 as is a foresayd, whiche was about the yeare of our Lord .191. in the reigne of Commodus. Thus then began the vniformi∣tie of keeping that holy day to be first required, as a thing necessary, & all they accompted as heretickes and schisma∣tickes, which dissented from y^e Bishop & traditiō of Rome.

With Victor stoode Theophilus Byshop of Cesar••a, Nar∣cissus of Hierusalem, Irenaeus of Lyons, Palmas of Pon∣tus, Banchillus of Corinthe, the Byshop of D••••roena, and other moe. All which condescended to haue the celebration of Easter vpon the Sonday, because they would differ frō the Iewes in all things, as neare as they might, and part∣ly because the resurrection of the Lord fell on the same day.

On the contrary side diuers Byshop were in Asia, of whom the principall was Policrates Byshop of Ephesus, who being assembled with a great multitude of Bishops and brethren of those parties,* 7.67 by the common assent of the rest, wrote agayne to Victor, and to the Church of Rome, declaring, that they had euer from the beginning obserued that day, according to the rule of Scripture vnchaunged, neither adding nor altering any thing frō the same. Alled∣ging moreouer for them the examples of the Apostles and holy fathers their predecessours, as Phillip the Apostle, with hys three daughters at Hierapolis: also Iohn the A∣postle and Euangelist at Ephesus, Polycarpus at Smyrna Thraseas at Eumenia, Byshoppe and Martyr, lykewise of Sagaris at Laodicaea Byshop and Mattyr, Holy Papyrius, and Melito at Sardis. Beside these bishops also of his own kindred,* 7.68 and his owne aunceters, to the number of seuen which all were bishops before him, & he the eight now af∣ter them. All which obserued (saith he) the solemnitie of the same day, after the same wi••e and sort as we do now.

Victor being not a litle mooued herewith,* 7.69 by letters a∣gayne denounceth against them (more bold vpon authori∣tie, then wi••e in his commission) violent excommunicatiō, Albeit by the wise handlyng of Irenaeus, and other learned men, that matter was staid, and Victor otherwise perswa∣ded. What the perswasiōs of Irenaeus were, partly may ap∣peare in Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 26. the summe whereof tendeth to this effect: That the variance and difference of ceremonies is no straunge matter in the Church of Christ,* 7.70 when as this varietie is not onely in the day of Easter, but also in the maner of fasting, & in diuers other vsages among the christian. For some fast one day, some two days, some o∣ther fast moe. Other there be, which counting xl. houres, both day & night, take that for a ful dayes fast. And this so diuers fashion of fasting in the church of Christ, began not onely in this our tyme, but was before among our fore el∣ders. And yet notwithstanding they with all this diuersity, were in vnitie among themselues, and so be we, neyther both this difference of ceremonies any thing hinder, but rather commendeth the concorde of fayth. And bringeth forth the examples of the fathers of Telesphorus,* 7.71 Pius, Anice∣tus, Soter, Eleutherius, and such other, who neither obserued the same vsage themselues, neither prescribed it to others, and yet notwithstanding kept christian charitie with such as came to cōmunicate with them, not obseruing the same forme of things which they obserued, as well appeared by Polycarpus and Anicetus, which although they agreed not in one vniforme custome of rites, yet refused not to cōmu∣nicate together, the one geuing reuerence vnto the other. Thus the controuersie being taken vp betwene Irenaeus & Victor, remained free to the time of Nicene Councell. Haec ex Iren. Eusebius. And thus much cōcerning the controuer∣sie of that matter, and concerning the doings of Victor.

After Victor, succeeded in the sea of Rome Zephyrinus, in the dayes of the foresayd Seuerus,* 7.72 about the yeare of our Lord .203. To this Zephyrinus be ascribed two Epistles, in the first Tome of the Councels. But as I haue sayd before of the decretall Epistles of other Romaine Bishops: so I say and verily suppose of this, that neither the countenāce of the stile, nor the matter therin contained, nor the condi∣tion of the ••yme,* 7.73 doth otherwise giue to thinke of these let∣ters, but that they be verily bastard letters, not written by these fathers, nor in these tymes, but craftily and wic∣kedly pact in by some, which to set vp y^e primacie of Rome, haue most pestilently abused the authoritie of these holy & auncient fathers, to deceaue the simple Church. For who is so rude, but that in considering onely the state of those terrible tymes, may easily vnderstand except affectiō blind him, beside a nomber of other probable coniectures to lead him, that the poore persecuted bishops in that time, would haue bene glad to haue any safe couert to put their heades in: so far was it of, that they had any lust or laisure, thē to seeke for any Primacie or Patriarkeship, or to driue all o∣ther churches to appeale to the sea of Rome, or to exempt

all Priests from the accusation of any lay man: as in the first Epistle of Zephyrinus is to be seene,* 7.74 written to the Bi∣shops of Sicilia, And likewise the second Epistle of his, to the Bishops of the prouince of Egypt, containing no ma∣ner of doctrine, nor consolation necessary for that time, but only certain ritual decrees to no purpose, argueth no lesse but the said epistles neither to sauor of that man, nor taste of the tyme.

Of like credite also seemeth the constitution of the Pa∣tines of glasse,* 7.75 which Damasus sayth that the same Zephyri∣nus ordained to be caried before the Priest, at the celebratiō of the Masse. Againe Platina writeth that he ordayned the ministration of the Sacramēt to be no more vsed in vessels of wood, or of glasse, or of any other mettall, except only sil∣uer, gold, and tinne, &c. But how these two testimonies of Damasus and Platina ioyne together, let the reader iudge: especially seyng the same decree is referred to Vrbanus, that came after him. Againe, what needed this decree of golden chalices to be stablished afterward in the Councell of Ty∣bur and Rhenes,* 7.76 if it had bene enacted before by Zephyri∣nus? How long this Zephyrinus sate, our writers do varie. Eusebius sayth, he died in the raigne of Caracalla, and sate 17. yeares, Platina writeth that he died vnder Seuerus, and sate 8. yeares, and so saith also Nauclerus. Damasus affirmeth that he sate 16. yeares and two monthes.

Matthaeus author of the story intituled, Flores Historiarū, with other latter Chronicles,* 7.77 maketh mention of Perpetua, and Felicitas, and Reuocatus, her brother, also of Saturninus and Satyrus brethren, and Secundulus, which in the persecu∣tion of this Seuerus, gaue ouer their liues to Martyrdome for Christ, beyng throwen to wild beasts, and deuoured of the same, in Carthage and in Affrike, saue that Saturninus brought agayne from the beasts, was beheaded, and Secū∣dulus dyed in prison, about the yeare of our Lord, 202. as writeth Florilegus.

This Seuerus the persecutor raigned, as the most part of writers accord the terme of 18. yeares, who about y^e lat∣ter tyme of his raigne, came with his army hether into Britaine, where after many conflictes had with the Bri∣tains, in the borders of the North, he cast vp a ditche with a mighty walle made of earth and turues, & strong stakes, to the length of 132. myles from the one side of the sea to the other, beginning at Tine, and reached to the Scottish sea, which done, he remooued to Yorke, and there by the brea∣king in of the Northren men and the Scots, was besieged and slaine, about the yere of our Lord, 214. leauing behind him two sonnes, Bassianus, and Geta. which Bassianus sur∣named Caracalla,* 7.78 after he had slayne his brother Geta here in Britaine, gouerned the Empire alone, the space of sixe yeares.* 7.79 After whose death, he beyng slayne also of his ser∣uaunts (as he had slayne his brother before) succeded Ma∣crinus with his sonne Diadumenus, to be Emperour, who after they had raigned one yeare, were both slayne of their owne people.

After them followed Varius Heliogabalus, in the empire, rather to be called a Monster, then a man, so prodigious was his life in all glotonie, filthines, and ribaudry. Such was his pompe,* 7.80 that in his lampes he vsed balme, & filled his fishpondes with rosewater. To let passe his sumptu∣ous vestures which he would not weare but only of gold,* 7.81 and most costly silkes: his shoes glistering with precious stones finely engraued he was neuer ij. dayes serued with one kynd of meate, he neuer wore one garment twise, and likewise for his fleshly wickednes: some dayes his compa∣ny was serued at meale with the braynes of Ostriges, and a straunge foule called Phenocapterie, an other day with the toungs of Popiniayes, and other sweete singing birdes. Beyng nye to the sea, he neuer vsed fish: in places farre di∣stant from the sea, all his house was serued with most deli∣cate fishes. At one supper he was serued with 7000. fishes, and 5000. foules. At his remooning in his progresse,* 7.82 often there followed him 600. chariots, laden only with baudes, common harlots, and ribaudes. He sacrificed with young children, and preferred to the best aduauncementes in the common weale, most light personages, as baudes, Min∣strels, Carters, and such like. In one word he was an ene∣my to all honesty & good order. And when he was foretold by his Sorcerers and Astronomers, that he should dye a violent death, he prouided ropes of silke to hang himselfe, swordes of gold to kill himselfe▪ and strong poyson in Ia∣cincts and Emeraudes to poyson himself, if needs he must thereto be forced.* 7.83 Moreouer, he made an high tower, ha∣uing the floore of boordes couered with gold plate, bordred with precious stones, frō the which toure he would throw himself downe, if he should be pursued of his enemies. But notwithstanding all his prouision, he was slayne of the souldiours, drawen through the Citie, and cast into Tiber after he had raigned two yeres and viij. monthes, as wit∣nesseth Eutropius, other say foure yeares.

This Heliogabalus hauing no issue,* 7.84 adopted to his sōne and heyre Aurelius Alexander Seuerus, the sonne of Mammea who entring his raigne the yeare of our Lorde, 224. cō∣tinued 13. yeares,* 7.85 well commended for vertuous, wise, gē∣tle, liberal, & to no man hurtful. And as he was not vnler∣ned himself, through the diligent education of Mammea his mother, so he was a great fauourer of men, wise and lear∣ned. Neither did he any thing in the common weale, with∣out the assistance of learned and sage counsailors.* 7.86 It is re∣ported of him, to beare such stomacke against corrupt iud∣ges, that when he chaunced to meete with any of them, by the commotion of his mind, he would cast vp choler, being so mooued with them that he could not speake, and was re∣dy with his two fingers to put out their eyes. From his court he dismissed all superfluous and vnneedful seruants saying, that he was no good pupil, which fed idle seruants with the bowels of his common weale.

Among his other good vertues, it appeareth also that he was frendly and fauourable vnto the Christians, as by this act may be gathered: For when the christians had oc∣cupied a certaine publike place in some good vse, belike for the assembling and conuenting together of the congrega∣tion, the company of the Cookes or tiplers, made chalenge of that place to belōg vnto thē. The matter being brought before the Emperour, he iudged it more honest, the place to serue to the worship of God, howsoeuer it were, then to the dirtie slubbering of Cookes and Skullians.

By this it may be vnderstand,* 7.87that in Rome no Chri∣stian churches were erected vnto this tyme, when as yet (notwithstanding this fauour of the Emperour) no pub∣like house could quietly be obtained for the christians. So that by the reason hereof may appeare the decretall epistle and ordinance of Pope Higynus concerning the dedication of churches aboue mentioned, pag. 53. to bee falsified. And likewise the ordinaunce of Pius his successour, concernyng the Altar, or Superaltare, to be also false. For what Superal∣tare was it like, they had in the tyme of Higynus and Pius, when as at this tyme which was long after, no publike place almost could be graunted them for the Christians to assemble together?

Of this Alexander, Platina writeth, that as hee was a great hater of all boasters & flatterers,* 7.88 so he was of suche prudence, that no deceit could escape him, and bringeth in a story of one Turinus, who had gotten craftily many great bribes and gifts, in making the people beleue that he was of great authoritie with the Emperour, and that he could helpe them to haue whatsoeuer they sued for. Whereof the Emperour being certified,* 7.89 caused him in the open market to be fastned to a stake, and there killed with smoke, where the Crier stood thus crying to the people: Smoke he sold, and with smoke he is punished.

Mammea the mother of this Alexander aboue mentioned (whom Hierome calleth a deuout and religious woman) hearing of the same and the excellent learning of Origene, being then at Alexandria, sent for him to Antioche, desirous to heare and see him▪ Unto whom the foresayd Origene ac∣cording to her request, resorted, and after that he had there remained a space with the Emperour, and his mother, re∣turned againe to Alexandria.

And thus continued this good Emperor his raigne the space of 13. yeares, at length at a commotion in Germany, with his mother Mammea he was slaine. After whome suc∣ceded Maximinus, contrary to the mynd of the Scuate, only appointed by the souldiours to be Emperour. During all this tyme betwene Seuerus and this Maximinus, the church of Christ, although it had not perfect peace, yet it had some meane tranquillitie from persecution. Albeit some Mar∣tyrs there were at this tyme that suffred,* 7.90 whereof Nauclerus giueth this reason: For although (saith he) Alexander be∣yng perswaded through the entreating of his mother Mā∣mea, did fauour the Christians: yet notwithstanding, there was no publike Edict or Proclamation prouided for their safegard. By reasō wherof, diuers there were which suffe∣red Martyrdome vnder Almachius & other iudges.* 7.91In the number of whom after some stories, was Calixtus Bishop of Rome, who succeded next vnto Zephyrinus; aboue men∣tioned. And after him Vrbanus also, which both beyng Bi∣shops of Rome, did both suffer, by the opiniō of some wri∣ters, vnder Alexander Seuerus.

This Calixtus in his two decretal Epistles, written to Benedictus,* 7.92 and to the Bishops of Fraunce, geueth these or∣dinances, that no actions or accusations agaynst the Pre∣lates or teachers of the church should be receaued, that no secret conspiracies should be made against bishops. Item, no man to communicate with persons excōmunicate. Also

no bishop to excommunicate or to deale in an other Dio∣ces.* 7.93 And here he expoundeth the Dioces or the Parish of any bishop or minister to be his wife. The wife (sayth the Apostle) is bound to the law, so long as the husbād liueth, when he is dead, she is free from the law: So (saith Calix∣tus) the wife of a bishop (which is his Church) so long as he liueth, is bound duely to him, neither ought to be iud∣ged or disposed by any other man, without his will and iudgement: after his death she is free from the lawe, to marrie to whō she will, so it be in the Lord, that is, regula∣riter, regularly. In the end of the sayd his epistle decretall, he confuteth the error of them which hold, that they which are fallen, are not to be receiued agayne. Which heresie af∣ter the tyme of Calixtus or Calistus, came in first by Nouatus, in the dayes of Cornelius. Moreouer, in his sayd first Epi∣stle decretall, is contayned the fast of the foure tymes, com∣monly called the Imber fast,* 7.94 whereof also Marianus Scotus, maketh mention. But Damasus speaking of the same fast, sayth, he ordayned the fast but of three tymes, which was for the encrease of corne, wyne, and oyle.

By these hetherto premised, it is not hard for a quicke Reader to smel out the crafty iugling of that person or per∣sons whosoeuer they were, y^e falsly haue ascribed these de∣cretall institutions to those holy fathers. For first, what laysure had the Christians to lay in their accusations a∣gainst their bishops, when we neuer read nor finde in any story any kynde of variaunce in those dayes among them, but all loue, mutuall compassion, and harty communion among the Saintes. And as we read of no variaunce a∣mong the people in those dayes, nor of any fault or backsli∣ding among the Bishops, who for the most part then died all constant Martirs: so neither do we read of any tribu∣nall seat or Consistorie vsed or frequented then about any such matters. Agayne, if a man examine well the dangers of those busie days, he shall see the poore flocke of the christi∣ans, so occupied and piteously oppressed by the cruell accu∣sations of the Heathen Infidels, that though the cause did, yet the tyme would not serue them to commense any law against their bishops. Secōdly, as touching their conspi∣racie against bishops, what conspiracie either would they then practise agaynst them, which always gaue their liues for their defence? Or how could they then conspire in any cōpanies together, when neuer a true thristian man durst once put his head out of his dores, neither was there in the church any Christian man in those perilous dayes, except he were a true man in deed, such as was farre from all false conspiracies? And when as all the world almost in all pla∣ces conspired agaynst them: What tyme, what cause, or what hart trow ye could they haue to cōspire against their instructors? Thirdly, concerning the confutation of that heresie, how standeth the confutation with the tyme of Ca∣listus, whē Nouatus the author of that heresie was after him in the tyme of Cornelius? Fourthly, if by the lawe of Calix∣tus, euery Dioces be the proper wife of euery bishop or mi∣nister, then how many bishops wiues, and persons wiues hath the adulterous Pope of Rome defloured in these lat∣ter dayes of the Church, which so proudly and impudently hath intermedled and taken his pleasure & his owne profit in euery Dioces and Parish almost through all Christen∣dome, without all leaue and licence of the good man, who hath bene in the meane tyme,* 7.95 & yet is compelled stil, where so euer the Popes holines commeth, Vigilante sternere naso, and to giue him leaue vnasked, to do what he list. Where∣fore if this Canon decretall be truly his, why is it not ob∣serued, so as it doth stand without exceptiō? If it bee not, why is it then falsly forged vpon him, and the Church of Christ deceaued? And certes, lamentable it is, that this falsifiyng of such trifling traditions vnder the false pretēce of antiquitie, either was begon in the Church, to deceaue the people: or that it hath remayned so long vndetected. For as I thinke, the church of Christ will neuer be perfect∣ly reformed, before these decretall constitutions & Epistles which haue so long put on the visard of antiquitie, shalbe fully detected, and appeare in their owne colour, wherein they were first paynted.

And yet neither do I say this, or thinke contrary, but that it may be, that bishops of Rome and of the same name haue bene the true authors of these traditions: but here cō∣meth in the error (as I credibly suppose) that when other later bishops of the like name, haue deuised these ceremo∣niall inuentions, the vulgar opinion of men hath transfer∣red them to the first primitiue fathers,* 7.96 although beyng of an other time, yet bearing the same name with the true in∣uentors thereof. But of Calixtus enough: who as Damasus sayth in the dayes of this Alexander Seuerus, died a Martyr. Vincentius affirmeth that he was tied to a great stone, and so out of a window was thrown into a ditch. Eusebius spea∣kyng of his death, maketh no mention of his Martyrdom, and sayth he sate v. yeares. Platina sayth vj. yeres,* 7.97 Sabellicus giueth him vij. yeares, and so doth Damasus.

After Calistus folowed Vrbanus, about the yeare of our Lord 227.* 7.98 who in his epistle decretall (comming out of the same forge) which he wrote in common to all bishops, ma∣king no mention of the heauy persecutions of the Church, nor ministring any exhortation of comfort or constancie to the brethren, onely geueth many straight precepts, for not transporting or alienating the goods of the Church, and to pay truly their off••••••ngs, which they vow: also to haue all common among the Clergie.* 7.99 Moreouer, about the ende of his epistle he instituteth the confirmation of children after Baptisme (which the Papistes bee woont to take into the number of their vii. Sacraments) affirming and denoun∣cing more then Scripture will beare, that the imposition of the Bishops hand bringeth the holy ghost, and thereby to be made full Christiās, &c. But of these decretall epistles inough is sayd before, more may bee considered of the dis∣crete Reader. Marianus Scotus, Sabellicus, Nauclerus, & other late story writers doe hold as is aforesayd,* 7.100 that he dyed a Martyr in the dayes of Alexander Seuerus, after he had go∣uerned that seat, 4. yeares, as Damasus and Platina do wit∣nes, as Marianus sayth, eight yeares.

The same Damasus and Platina do testifie of him, that he by his preaching and holines of life cōuerted diuers Eth∣nikes to the fayth.* 7.101 Among whom were Tiburtius, and Vale∣rianus the husband of Cecilia, which both being noble men of Rome, remained constant in the fayth vnto the end and Martyrdome.

Of this Cecilia thus it is is written in the Martyrologe by Ado,* 7.102 that Cecilie the virgin, after she had brought Valeri∣an her husband espoused, and Tiburtius his brother to the knowledge and fayth of Christ, and with her exhortations had made them constant vnto Martyrdome: after the suf∣fryng of them she was also apprehended by Almachius the ruler, and brought to the Idols to do sacrifice, which thing when she abhorred to do, she should be presented before the iudge to haue the condēnation of death. In the meane time the Sergeants and officers which were about her, behol∣dyng her comely beautie, and the prudent behauior in her conuersation, began with many persuasions of wordes to sollicite her mynd, to fauour her selfe, and that so excellent beautie, and not to cast her selfe away, &c. But she agayne so replied to them with reasons & godly exhortations, that by the grace of almighty God their hartes began to kindle and at length to yeld to that Religion, which before they did persecute. Which thing she perceauing, desired of the iudge Almachius a litle respite. Which beyng graunted, she sendeth for Vrbanus the Bishop home to her house, to sta∣blish and ground them in the fayth of Christ. And so were they, with diuers other at the same tyme Baptised, both men & women, to the number (as the story sayth) of 400. persons, among whome was one Gordianus a noble man. This done, this blessed Martyr was brought before the iudge,* 7.103 where she was condemned: then after was brought to the house of the Iudge, where she was enclosed in a whote bath, but she remayning there a whole day & night without any hurt, as in a cold place, was brought out a∣gain, and cōmaundement giuen that in the bath she should be beheaded. The executor is said to haue foure strokes at her necke, & yet her head beyng cut off, she (as the story ge∣ueth) liued three days after. And so died this holy Virgine martyr, whose body in the night season Vrbanus the bishop tooke and buried among the other Bishops. Ado the com∣piler of this Martyrologe addeth that this was done in y^e tyme of Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus. But that cannot be, for so much as Vrbanus by all histories, was long after those Emperors, and liued in the dayes of this Alexander as is aboue declared. Antoninus, Bergomēsis, Equilinus with such other writers, set forth this history with many strāge miracles, wrought by the said Cecilia, in conuerting her husband Valerianus, and his brother, in shewyng them the Angell which was the keeper of her virginitie, and of the Angell putting on crowns vpon their heads. But as tou∣ching these miracles, as I do not dispute whether they be true or fabulous: so because they haue no ground vpon a∣ny ancient or graue authors, but taken out of certain new Legends, I do therfore referre them thether from whence they came.

Under the same Alexander diuers other there be whom Bergomensis mentioned to haue suffred martyrdom,* 7.104 as one Agapitus of the age of xv. yeares, who beyng apprehended and condemned at Preneste in Italy, because he would not sacrifice to Idoles, was assayled with sundry tormentes: first with whips scourged, then hanged vp by the feete, af∣ter hauing hote water poured vpon him, at last cast to the

wild beasts, with all which torments, when he could not be hurt,* 7.105 finally with sword was beheaded. The executor of these punishments (as by Henricus Erford, may be gathe∣red) was one Antiochus, who in the executing of the fore∣sayd torments, sodenly fell downe from his iudiciall seate, crying out, that al his inward bowels burned within him and so gaue vp the breath, Henr. de Erfordia, Lib. 6. cap. 29.

Also with the same Agapitus is numbred Calepodius a minister of Rome, whose body first was drawen through the citie of Rome, & after cast into Tiber. Bergo. ibidem.

Then followeth Pammachius a Senatour of Rome, w^t his wife and children, and other both men and women, to the number of xlii.

Item an other noble Senator of Rome named Simpli∣cius all which together in one day had their heads smitten off, and their heads after hanged vp in diuers gates of the Citie, for a terrour of other, that none should professe the name of Christ.

Beside these suffred also Quiritius a noble man of Rome, who with his mother Iulia, and a great number moe, were put likewise to death.

Also Tiberius and Valerianus, Citizens of Rome, and brethren, suffered (as Bergomensis sayth) the same tyme, who first being bruised and broken with bats, after were beheaded.

Also Vincentius, Bergomensis, and Erfordiensis, make mē∣tion of Martina a Christian virgine, which after diuers bit∣ter punishments, beyng constant in her fayth, suffered in like maner by the sword.

Albeit as touching the tyme of these forenamed Mar∣tyrs, as I find them not in elder writers: so do I suppose them to suffer vnder Maximinus, or Decius, rather then vn∣der Alexander.

*The sixt Persecution.

* 7.106AFter the death of Alexander the Emperour, who with his mother Mammea (as is said) was murdred in Ger∣many folowed Maximinus, chosen by the will of the souldi∣ours, rather then by the authority of the Senate, about the yeare of our Lord, 237. who for the hatred hee had to the house of Alexander (as Eusebius recordeth) raysed vp the vi. persecution against the Christians:* 7.107 especially against the teachers and leaders of the Church, thinking thereby the sooner to vanquish the rest, if the captains of them were re∣mooued out of the way. Whereby I suppose rather y^e Mar∣tyrdome of Vrbanus the bishop, and of the rest aboue speci∣fied,* 7.108 to haue happened vnder the tiranny of this Maximinus then vnder Alexander. In the tyme of this persecution, O∣rigene wrote his booke De Martyrio: which booke if it were extant would geue vs some knowledge, I doubt not, of such as in this persecution did suffer, which now lye in si∣lence vnknowne. And no doubt but a great number they were, & moe should haue bene, had not the prouidēt mercy of God shortened his dayes, & brideled his tiranny, for he raigned but three yeares. After whom succeeded Gordianus an 240. a man no lesse studious for the vtilitie of the commō wealth,* 7.109 as mild and gentle to the christians. This Gordi∣an after he had gouerned with much peace and tranquili∣tie the Monarchie of Rome the space of vj.* 7.110 yeares was slayne of Philip Emperour after him.

* 7.111In the dayes of these Emperours aboue recited, was Pontianus bishop of Rome, who succeeded next after Vrba∣nus aboue rehersed, about the yeare of our Lord, 236. in the xij. yeare of Alexander, as Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 28. noteth: de∣claring him to sit vj. yeares. Contrary Damasus and Platina write, that he was bishop ix. yeares and a halfe. And that in the tyme of Alexander, he with Philippus his Priest was banished into Sardina, and there died, But it semeth more credible that he was banished rather vnder Maximinus, and died in the beginning of the raigne of Gordianus. In his E∣pistles decretal (which seeme likewise to be fayned) he ap∣peareth very deuout, after the common example of other bishops to vphold the dignitie of Priests, and of Clergie men, saying: that God hath them so familiar with him, that by them he accepteth the offrings and oblations of o∣ther, and forgiueth their sinnes,* 7.112 and reconcileth them vnto him. Also, that they do make the body of the lord with their owne mouth, and geue it to other, &c. Which doctrine how it standeth with the Testament of God, & glory of Christ, let the Reader vse his owne iudgement.

Other notable fathers also in the same time were ray∣sed vp in the church, as Philetus Bishop of Antioch, which succeded after Asclepiades afore mentioned,* 7.113 an. 220. and after him Zebennus bishop of the same place, an. 231.

To these also may be added Ammonius the schoolemai∣ster of Origene, as Suidas supposeth, also the kinsmen of Por∣phiry the great enemy of Christ. Notwithstanding, this Ammonius endued w^t better grace,* 7.114 as he left diuers bookes in defence of Christes religion: so he did constantly perse∣uere (as Eusebius reporteth) in y^e doctrine of Christ, which he had in the beginning receaued, who was about y^• days of Alexander.

Iulius Aphricanus also about the tyme of Gordianus a∣foresayd, is numbred among the old and auncient writers, of whom Nicephorus writeth to be the scholer of Origene, and a great writer of histories of that tyme.

Unto these Doctors and Confessors may be adioyned the story of Natalius;* 7.115 mentioned in the fift booke of Eusebius. This Natalius had suffred persecution before like a constant confessor, who being seduced and persuaded by Asclepiodo∣tus and Theodorus (which were the Disciples of Theodo∣rus) to take vpon him to be bishop of their sect, promising to geue him euery month an hundreth and fiftie pieces of siluer, and so he ioyning himselfe to them, was admoni∣shed by vision and reuelatiō from the Lord. For such was the great mercy of God, and of our Lord Christ Iesu, that he would nor his Martyr, which had suffered so much for his name before, now to perish out of his church. For the which cause (sayth Eusebius) God by certaine visions did admonish him.* 7.116 But he not taking great heede thereunto, beyng blynded partly with lucre, partly with honor, was at length all the night long scourged of the Angels: In so much that he beyng made thereby very fore, and early on the morow putting on sackcloth, with much weeping and lamentation went to Zephyrinus the bishop aboue mentio∣ned, where he falling down before him and all the Christi∣an congregation, shewed them the stripes of his body, and prayed them for the mercies of Christ, that he might be re∣ceiued into their communion again, from which he had se∣questred himselfe before. And so was admitted according as he desired.

After the decease of Pontianus Bishoppe of Rome afore mentioned,* 7.117 succeeded next in that place Anterius of whom Isuardus writeth that Pontianus departing away, did substi∣tute him his roome. But Eusebius writeth that he succeeded immediately after him. Damasus sayth, that because he cau∣sed the actes and deathes of the Martyrs to be written, therefore he was put to martirdome himselfe, by Maximi∣nus the Iudge.* 7.118 Concerning the tyme of this Byshop, our writers do greatly iarre. Eusebius and Marianus Scotus af∣firme that he was Bishop but one moneth. Sabellicus sayth that not to be so. Damasus assigneth to him xii. yeares & one moneth. Volateranus, Bergomensis, and Henricus Erford, geue to him three yeares & one moneth. Nauclerus writeth that he sat one yeare and one moneth. All which are so farr dis∣crepant one from an other, that which of them most agre∣eth with truth, it lyeth in doubt. Next to this Bishop was Fabianus, of whom more is to be sayd hereafter.

Of Hippolytus,* 7.119 also both Eusebius and Hieronymus ma∣keth mention that he was a bishop, but where, they make no relation. And so likewise doth Theodoretus witnes him to be a bishop, and also a Martyr, but namyng no place. Gelasius contra Eutichen sayth, he dyed a Martyr, and that he was bishop of an head Citie in Arabie. Nicephorus wri∣teth, that he was Bishop of Ostia, a port towne neare to Rome. Certain it is, he was a great writer, and left many workes in the Church, which Eusebius and Hierome do re∣cite: by the supputation of Eusebius, he was about the yeare of our Lord, 230.* 7.120

Prudentius in his Peristephanon, making mentiō of great heapes of Martyrs buried by ix. together, speaketh also of Hippolytus, and sayth that he was drawn with wild horses through fields, dales and bushes, and describeth thereof a pitifull story.

After the Emperour Gordianus, the Empire fell to Phi∣lippus, who with Philip his sonne, gouerned the space of vj. yeares,* 7.121 an. 246. This Philippus with his sonne and all his familie, was christened & conuerted by Fabianus & Origene, who by letters exhorted him and Seuera his wife to be bap¦tised,* 7.122 being the first of all the Emperours that brought in Christianity into the emperiall seat.* 7.123 Howsoeuer Pomponi∣us Letus reporteth of him to be a dissembling prince, this is certayne, that for his Christianitye, he with his sonne was slayne of Decius one of his Captaynes. Sabellicus Ber∣gomensis Lib 8. sheweth this hatred of Decius agaynst Phi∣lippus to be conceaued, for that the Emperour Philip both the Father and the sonne had committed their treasures vnto Fabianus then Bishop of Rome.

The seuenth Persecution.* 7.124

THus Philippus beyng slayne,* 7.125 after him Decius inuaded the crowne about the yeare of our Lord, 250, by whom

was mooued a terrible persecution against the Christians, which Orosius noteth to be the vij. persecution.* 7.126 The first occasion of this hatred and persecution of this tyrant con∣ceaued agaynst the Christians, was chiefly, as is before touched, because of the treasures of the Emperour which were committed to Fabian the bishop.

This Fabian first being a maryed man, as Platina wri∣teth, was made Bishop of Rome after Anterius aboue mē∣tioned by the miraculous appointment of God, which Eu∣sebius doth thus describe in this sixt booke:* 7.127 When the bre∣thren (sayth he) were together in the Congregation, about the electiō of their Bishop, and had purposed among them selues vpon the nominatiō of some noble and worthy per∣sonage of Rome,* 7.128 it chaūced that Fabianus amōg other was there presēt, who of late before was newly come out of the countrey to inhabite in the Citie. This Fabian, as is sayd, thinking nothyng lesse then of any such matter sodenly cō∣meth a Doue fleing from aboue, and sitteth vpon his head. Whereupon all y^e Congregation beyng moued, wyth one minde and one uoyce, dyd chose hym for their Bishop. In the which function he remayned the space of xiij. yeares, as Eusebius writeth. Damasus, Marianus, and Sabellicus say. xiiij. Yeares vnto y^e tyme of Decius. Who, whether for that Philippus had committed to him his treasures,* 7.129 or whether for the hatred he bare to Philippus, in the beginning of his raigne caused him to be put to death. Sendyng out more∣ouer his Proclamation into al quarters that al which pro∣fessed the name of Christ, should be slayne.

* 7.130To this Fabian be ascribed certaine ordinaunces, as of consecrating new oyle once euery yeare, and burnyng the olde, of accusations against Byshops, of appealing to the sea Apostolicke, of not marying within the fift degree, of communicating thrise a yeare, of offering euery Sonday, with such other things moe in his. iij. Epistles decretall, the which Epistles, as by diuers other euidences may be supposed to be vntruely named vpon hym, gyuing no sig∣nification of any matter agreing to that tyme: so do I finde the most part of the iij. Epistle, worde for word standing in the Epistle of Sixtus y^e 3. which folowed almost 200. yeares after him, beside the vnseemely doctrine also in the ende of the sayd Epistles contayned, where he contrary to the te∣nour of the Gospell, applyeth remission of sinnes (onely due to the bloud of Christ) vnto the offerings of bread and wyne by men and women euery Sonday in the Church.* 7.131

To this Fabianus wrote Origine De orthodoxia suae fi∣dei, that is, of the rightnes of his fayth. Whereby is to be vnderstode,* 7.132 that he continued to the tyme of Decius, some say also to the tyme of Gallus. Of this Origene partly men∣tion is touched before, declaring how bolde and feruente he was in the dayes of Seuerus, in assisting, comforting, ex∣horting and killing the Martyrs that were imprisoned & suffered for the name of Christ, with such daunger of his owne life, that had not bene the singular protectiō of God, he had bene stoned to death many tymes of the Heathen multitude. Such great concourse of men and women was daily to his house to be catechised & instructed in the christi∣an fayth by him, that souldiours were hyred of purpose to defend the place where he taught them. Agayn, such search sometymes was set for him, that vnneth any shiftyng of place or countrey could couer him. In those laborious tra∣uailes and affayres of the Church, in teaching, writing, confuting, exhorting, and expounding, he continued about the space of 52. yeares, vnto the tyme of Decius and Gallus. Diuers and great persecutions he sustayned,* 7.133 but specially vnder Decius, as testifieth Eusebius in his sixt booke, decla∣ring, that for the doctrine of Christ he sustained bands and torments in his body, rackings with barres of iron, dun∣geons, besides terrible threates of death and burning. All this he suffred in the persecution of Decius, as Eusebius re∣cordeth of him, and maketh no relatiō of any further mat∣ter. But Suidas and Nicephorus following the same, sayth further concerning him,* 7.134 that the sayd Origene, after diuers and sundry other torments, which he manfully and con∣stantly suffred for Christ, at length was brought to an al∣tar where a foule filthy Ethiope was appointed to be, and there this option or choyse was offred vnto him, whether he would sacrifice to the idole, or to haue his body polluted with that foule and ouglie Ethiope. Then Origene (sayth he) who with a Philosophicall mynd,* 7.135 euer kept his chasti∣tie vndefiled, much abhorring y^• filthy villany to be done to his body, condescended to their request. Wherupon, the iudge puttyng incense in his hand, caused him to set it to the fire vpō the altar. For the which impietie, he afterward was excommunicated of the Church.* 7.136 Epiphanius writeth that he beyng vrged to sacrifice to Idols, and takyng the boughes in his hand, wherwith the Heathen were woont to honour their Gods, called vpon the Christians to cary them in the honour of Christ. The which fact the church of Alexandria misliking, remooued him from their communi∣on. Wherupon Origene driuen away with shame and so∣row out of Alexandria, went into Iewry, where beyng in Hierusalem among the congregation, and there requested of the Priestes and Ministers (he being also a Priest) to make some exhortation in the church, refused a great while so to do. At length by importunate petition being cōstrai∣ned therunto, rose vp, and turning the booke, as though he would haue expounded some place of the Scripture, only read the verse of the 49. Psalme: but God sayd to the sin∣ner, why doest thou preach my iustifications, & why doest thou take my testament in thy mouth, &c. Which verie be∣yng read,* 7.137 he shut the booke, and sate downe weepyng and wayling, the whole congregation also weeping & lamen∣tyng with him, Suid. Niceph. More what became of Origene it is not found in history, but onely that Suidas addeth, he dyed and was buried at Tyrus. Eusebius affirmeth, that he departed vnder the Emperour Gallus, about the yeare of our Lord 255. and the 70. yeare of his age, in great miserie (as appeareth) and pouertie.

In this Origene diuers blemishes of doctrine be noted wherupon Hierome some tymes doth inueigh against him.* 7.138 Albeit in some places agayne he doth extoll and commend him for his excellent learning, as in his Apologie agaynst Ruff. and in his Epistle to Pammachus and Ocean,* 7.139 where he prayseth Origene, although not for the perfection of his faith and doctrine, nor for an apostle, yet for an excellent in∣terpreter, for his wit, and for a Philosopher. And yet in his Prologue vpō the Homelies of Origene vpon Ezechiel, he calleth him an other maister of the churches,* 7.140 after the Apo∣stles. And in an other Preface vpon his questions vpon Genesis, he wisheth to himself the knowledge of the scrip∣tures, which Origene had, also with the enuy of his name. Athanasius moreouer calleth him singular, and laborious, and vseth also his testimonies against the Arrians. Socra∣tes, Lib. 6. cap. 13.* 7.141

After Origene, the congrue order of history requireth. next to speak of Heraclas his Usher, a man singularly com∣mēded for his knowledge, not only in Philosophy, but also in all such faculties as for a christiā diuine doth appertain. This great towardnes of wit and learning when Origene perceiued in him, he appointed him aboue all other, to bee his Usher or vnderteacher, to helpe in his schoole or Uni∣uersitie of Alexandria, in the raigne of Antoninus Caracalla, sonne of Seuerus. And after in the x. yeare of Alexander, Ori∣gene departing vnto Cesarea, he succeeded in his roome to gouerne the schoole in Alexandria. Further also, in the time of Gordianus, after the decease of Demetrius, bishop of Alex∣andria, this Heraclas succeeded to be Bishop of the said Ci∣tie. Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 29.* 7.142 In the which functiō he ministred the terme of xvj. yeares, Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 35. Of this He∣raclas writeth also Origene himselfe, that he, although be∣yng Priest, yet ceased not to read ouer and peruse y^e bookes of the Gentils, to the intent he might the better out of their owne bookes confute their errour. &c.

After Heraclas succeeded Dionysius Alexandrinus, in the bishoprike of Alexandria, like as he succeded him in y^e schole before.* 7.143 Which Dionysius also writeth of the same Heraclas vnto Philemon a Priest of Rome, thus saying: Hunc ego ca∣nonem & typum a beato Heracla Papa nostro accepi, &c. that is, This Canon and type I receaued of blessed Heraclas our Pope, &c. This Heraclas was no Martyr which dyed 3. yeares before Decius,* 7.144 about the yeare of our Lord, 250. After whom succeeded next in the same seat of Alexandria, Dionysius Alexandrinus,* 7.145 who also suffered much vnder the tiranny of Decius, as hereafter shalbe shewed (Christ wil∣ling) when we come to the tyme of Valerian.

Nicephorus in his fift booke, and other which write of this persecutiō vnder Decius, declare the horriblenes ther∣of to be so great and so innumerable Martyrs to suffer in the same, that he sayth it is as easie to number the sandes of the sea, as to recite the perticular names of them, whō this persecution did deuour. In the which persecutiō the chie∣fest doers and tormenters vnder the Emperour, appeare in the history of Vincentius to be these: Optimus the vnder Consull,* 7.146 Secundianus, Verianus, and Marcellianus, &c. Al∣though therfore it be hard here to inferre all and singular persons in order that dyed in this persecution: yet such as remayne most notable in stories I will briefly touche, by the grace of him for whose cause they suffred.

In the former tractation of the fift persecution,* 7.147 mentiō was made before of Alexander bishop of Hierusalem, and of his troubles suffred vnder Seuerus, and how afterward by the miracle of God he was appointed bishop of Hieru∣salem, where he continued a very aged man, aboue the terme of 40, yeares gouernour of that Church, til the tune

of the first yeare of Decius. At what tyme he being brought from Hierusalem to Cesarea into the iudgement place, af∣ter a constant and euident confession of his fayth made be∣fore the Iudge, was committed vnto prison, and there fi∣nished his lyre,* 7.148 as testifieth Dionysius Alexandrinus in the six•• booke of Eusebius. After whome succeeded in that seate Mezabanes the xxxvj. Bishop of that Citie, after Iames the Apostle.

Mention was made also before of Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch, who succeeded after Serapion, and in the perse∣cution of Seuerus did likewise perseuer a constant confessor,* 7.149 and as Vincentius testifieth in his xj. booke suffered Mar∣tyrdome at last vnder this Decius. But this computation of Vincentius can in no wise agree with the truth of tyme, for as much as by probable writers, as Zonaras, Nicephorus and other, the sayd Asclepiades after Serapion, entred the bi∣shops seate of Antioch, an. 214. and sate vij. yeares before the tyme of Gordianus. After whom succeeded Philetus, an. 221. gouerning the function xij. yeares. And after him Zebinus followed, an. 232. and so after him Babylas, which Babylas if he dyed in this persecution of Decius, then could not Ascle∣piades also suffer in the same tyme, who dyed so long before him, as is declared.

Of this Babylas bishop of Antioche, Eusebus and Zona∣ras record, that vnder Decius he dyed in prison, as did Alex∣ander bishop of Hierusalem aboue rehearsed.

We read in a certaine treatise of Chrysostome, intituled Contra Gentiles,* 7.150 a notable and a long history of one Babylas a martyr, who about these times was put to death for resi∣styng a certaine Emperour, not suffring him to enter into the temple of the Christians, after a cruell murder cōmit∣ted, the story of which murder is this: There was a cer∣taine Emperour, who vpon conclusiō of peace made with a certain nation, had receiued for hostage or suretie of peace the sonne of the king beyng of yong and tender age, with conditions vpon the same, that neither he should be mole∣sted of them, nor that they should euer be vexed of him. U∣pon this the kings sonne was deliuered not without great care and feare of the father vnto the Emperour, whom the cruell Emperor, contrary to promise, caused in short tyme, without all iust cause to be slayne. This fact so horrible be∣yng committed, the tyrant with all hast would enter into the temple of the christians:* 7.151 Where Babylas beyng bishop or minister withstoode him that he should not into y^e place approch. The Emperour therewith not a litle incensed, in great rage commaunded him forthwith to be laid in prison with as many irons as he could beare, & from thēce short∣ly after to be brought forth to death and execution. Babylas going constantly and boldly to his Martyrdome, desired after his death to be buried with his irons and bands, & so he was. The story proceedeth moreouer, and saith, that in continuaunce of tyme in the raigne of Constantinus, Gallus then made the ouersear of the East partes, caused his body to be translated into the suburbes of Antioch called Daph∣nes, where was a temple of Apollo, famous with diuelish Oracles & answers, geuen by that Idole, or by the deuill rather in that place. In the which temple after y^e bringing of the body of Babylas, the idole ceased to geue any more O∣racles, saying, that for the body of Babylas, he could geue no moe answers, but complaining that that place was woont to bee consecrated vnto him, but now it was full of dead mens bodies. And thus the Oracles there ceased for that tyme, till the comming of Iulianus: who inquiring out the cause why the Oracles ceased, caused the bones of the holy Martyr to be remooued agayne from thence by the christi∣ans, whom he then called Galileans. They commyng in a great multitude both men, maydens, and children, to the tombe of Babylas, transported his bones according to the commaundement of the emperour, singing by the way as they went, the verse of the Psalme in wordes as follow∣eth: Confounded be all that worship Images and all that glory in Idoles, &c. which comming to the Emperours ••ares, set him in great rage against the Christians, stirring vp per∣secution against them. Albeit Zonaras declareth the cause something otherwise: saying, that so soone as the body of him and other Martyrs were remooued away, incontinēt the temple of the Idole with the Image, in the night was consumed with fire.* 7.152 For the which cause (sayth Zonaras) Iulian stirred vp with anger, persecuted the Christians, as shall be shewed (Christ willyng) in his order and place hereafter.

And thus much of Babylas, which whether it was the same Babylas Bishop then of Antioche, or an other of the same name, it appeareth not by Chrysostome: which neither maketh mention of the Emperours name, nor of the place where this Babylas was bishop. Agayne the stopping out of the Emperour out of the Church importeth as much as that Emperour to have bene a Christian. For otherwise if he had come in as an Heathen and as a persecutor,* 7.153 it was not then the maner of christian bishops violently to with∣stand the Emperours or to stop them out. Ouer & beside the testimony of Eusebius, Zonaras doth witnesse contrary in his vj. booke, that this Babylas which was then Bishop of Antioch after Zebinus, was not put to death by the tormen∣tors, but died in prison. Wherfore it is not vnpossible, but this Babylas,* 7.154 and this Emperour which Chrysostome spea∣keth off may be an other Babylas, then that which suffered vnder Decius. Nicephorus in his v. booke maketh mention of an other Babylas beside this that suffered vnder Decius, which was bishop of Nicomedia.

In the forenamed Citie of Antioche, Vincentius, Lib. 11. speaketh of 40. virgines Martyrs, which suffered in this persecution of Decius.

In the country of Phrigia, and in the toune of Lamp∣sar, the same Vincentius also speaketh of one Peter, which there was apprehended, and suffered bitter tormentes for Christes name, vnder Optimus the Proconsul. And in Tro∣ada likewise of other Martyrs that there suffered, whose names were Andrew, Paule, Nicomachus, and Dionisia a vir∣gin. Lib. 11 cap. 46.

Also in Babylon (sayth he) diuers christian Confessours were found of Decius, which were led away into Spayne, there to be executed, Lib. eodem, cap. 43.

In the countrey of Cappadocea at the Citie of Cesa∣rea, in like maner of the sayde author is testified, of Germa∣nus, Theophilus, Cesarius, and Vitalis, to suffer Martyrdom for Christ, eodē cap 52. And in y^e same Booke mētion also is made of Polychronius Byshop of Babylon, cap. 89. And in Pamphilia of Nestor there Bishop, y^t dyed Martyr, cap. 52.

At Perside in the Toune of Cardala, Olympiades and Maximus.* 7.155 In Tyrus also Anatolia Uirgin, and Audax gaue theyr lyues likewyse to death, for the testimonie of Chri∣stes name.

Eusebius moreouer in his sixt booke, reciteth out of the Epistles of Dionysius Alexandrinus, diuers that suffred di∣uersly at Alexandria, the which places of Dionysius, as they be cited in Eusebius, I thought here good for the auncient∣nes of the author, to insert and notifie in his own wordes, and in our language, as he wrote them to Fabius bishop of Antioch, as followeth.

This persecution (saith he) began not with the procla∣mation set forth by the Emperor,* 7.156 but began a whole yeare before, by the occasion and meanes of a wicked person, a Southsayer, and a follower of wicked Artes: who com∣ming to our Citie here, stirred vp the multitude of y^e Hea∣then agaynst vs, and incited them to maintaine their own olde superstition and gentilitie of their countrey, whereby they beyng set a gog, and obtayning full power to prose∣cute their wicked purpose so thought & no lesse declared, all their pietie & religiō to consist only in the idolatrous wor∣ship of deuils, and in our destruction. And first flying vpon a certaine priest of ours named Metra, apprehended him & brought him forth,* 7.157 to make him speake after theyr wicked blasphemy, which whē he would not do, they layd vpon him with slaues and clubs, and with sharp reedes pricked his face and eyes, and afterward bringing him out into the suburbes, there they stoned him to death. Then they tooke a faithfull woman called Quinta, and brought her to the temple of their Idols,* 7.158 to compell her to worship with them, which whē she refused to do, and abhorred their I∣dols, they bound her fecte, and drew her through y^e whole streete of the citie, vpon the hard stones, & so dashyng her against milstones, & scourging her with whippes brought her to the same place of the suburbes, as they did the other before, where she likewise ended her lyfe. This done, in a great outrage, & with a multitude running together, they brust into houses of the religious & godly christians, spoi∣ling, sacking, and carying away all that they could finde of any price. The rest of things, such as were of lesse value & of wood, they brought into the open market, & set them on fire.* 7.159 In the meane time the brethren voyded aside, & with∣drew themselues, taking patiently and no lesse ioyfully the spoyling of their goods, then did they of whome S. Paule doth testifie. Neither do I know any of them all (one only excepted) apprehended of them, which reuoltyng from his profession, denied the Lord yet to this present day.

Among the rest that were taken, there was a certayne virgin wel striken in yeres, named Apollonia, whome they brought forth, & dashing out all her teeth out of her iawes, made a great fire before the citie, threatning to cast her into the same, vnlesse she would blaspheme with them and de∣ny Christ. Whereat she staying a litle with herselfe, as one that would take a pause, sodenly leaped into the midst of the fire, and there was burned.

There was one also Serapion, whom they tooke in his owne house, and after they had assayled him with sundrye kyndes of torments,* 7.160 and had broken almost all the iointes of his body, they cast him downe from an vpper lost, & so did he complete his Martirdom. Thus was there no way neither priuie nor publike, nor corner nor alley left for vs, neither by day nor by night to escape, al the people making an outcry against vs, that vnlesse we vttred words of blas∣phemy, we should be drawn to the fire & burned. And this outragious tumult endured a certaine space, but at length as the Lord would,* 7.161 the miserable wretches fell at dissentiō among themselues, which turned the crueltie they exerci∣sed against vs, vpon their own heads. And so had we a li∣tle breathyng tyme for a season, while the fury of the Hea∣then people by this occasion aswaged.

Shortly then after this, word was brought vnto vs of the state of the Empire, which before was somthing fauo∣rable to vs, to be altered and changed agaynst vs, putting vs in great feare. And consequently vpon the same folow∣ed the Edict of the Emperor so terrible & cruell, that accor∣ding to the forewarning of the lord, the elect if it had bene pos••ib••e, might haue bene therby subuerted. Upon that E∣dict such feare came ouer vs al, that many there were espe∣cially of the richer sort, of whō some for feare came rūning, some were led by the occasion of time, some were drawne by their neighbours beyng cited by name, to those vnpure and idolatrous sacrifices. Other some came trembling & shaking, as men not which should do sacrifice, but which should be sacrificed themselues, the multitude laughyng them to scorne. Some agayne came boldly to the aultars, declaring themselues neuer to haue bene of that professiō, of whom it is said, that hardly they shalbe saued. Of the re∣sidue, some followed one part, some an other, some ran a∣way, some were taken. Of whome certaine continued to bands & torments constant. Other agayne after long im∣prisonment, before they should come before the Iudge, re∣nounced their faith. Some also after they suffred tormēts, yet after reuolted. But other being as strong as blessed, & valiant pillers of the Lord, fortified with constancie agre∣ing to their fayth, were made faithfull Martyrs of y^e king∣dome of God.

* 7.162Of whom the first was Iulianus, a man diseased with the gout, and not able to go, being caried of two men, of whō the one quickly denied, the other Cronion surnamed Eunus, with the foresayd Iulianus, the old man, confessing the Lord with a perfect fayth, were layd vpon Camels, and there scourged, at length cast into the fire, with great constancie were so consumed.

* 7.163As these aforesaid were going to their Martyrdome, there was a certaine souldiour, who in their defence tooke part agaynst them that rayled vpon them. For the which cause the people crying out agaynst hym, he also was ap∣prehended, and beyng constant in his professiō, was forth∣with beheaded.

* 7.164Likewise one Macar, a man borne in Lybia, beyng ad∣monished and exhorted of the Iudge to deny his fayth, and not agreyng to his persuasions was burned alyue.

* 7.165After these suffred Epimachus, and one Alexander, who beyng long deteined in prison and in bandes, after innu∣merable paynes & torments with razers & scourges, were also cast into the burning fire with foure other women with them, which all there ended their Martyrdome.

Also Ammonarion an holy virgine, whō the cruel iudge had long and bitterly tormented, for that she promising the Iudge before, that for no punishment she would yelde to his request, and constantly performyng the same, suffred likewise Martyrdome, with two other women, of whom there was an aged Matrone,* 7.166 named Mercuria, the other was called Dionysia, beyng a mother of many fayre childrē, whom yet notwithstanding she loued not aboue the Lord. These after they could nothe ouercome by no tormēts of y^e cruell iudge, but he rather ashamed and confounded to be ouercome of sely women, at length they beyng past feeling of all torments, were slayne with the sword, first Ammona∣rion like a valiant Captaine suffryng before them.

* 7.167Heron, Ater, and Isidorus Egyptians, and with them Di∣oscorus also a child of xv. yeres, were crowned with y^e same crowne of Martyrdom. And first the iudge began with the child, thinking him more easie to be wonne, with wordes to entise him, then with torments to constrain him, but he persisted immouable, geuing neither place to persuasions nor punishments. The rest after he had greuously tormē∣ted being constant in their profession, he committed to the fire. At Dioscorus, the iudge greatly meruailing for his wise answers & graue constancie dismissed him, sparing (as he said) his age to a longer respite: which Dioscorus is yet al∣so with vs at this present, wayting for a longer triall.

Nemesion beyng also an Egyptian,* 7.168 first was accused for a companion of thieues, but beyng purged thereof before the Centurion, was then accused of Christianitie, and for that cause being in bands, was brought to the President, who most vnrighteously tormenting and scourging hym double to al other thieues and felons, at length among the thieues burned him to death, making him a blessed martir.

There were standing before the tribunall seate certaine of the warriors or knights,* 7.169 whose names were Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, and with them a certayne aged man called Theophilus, who standing by, at what tyme a certaine christian man was before the iudge examined, and there seyng him for feare redy to incline and fall away, did burst almost for sorow within themselues, making signes to him with their hands, and all iestures of their body, to be constant. This beyng noted of all the standers by, they were redy to lay hold vpon them, but they preuenting the matter, preased vp of their owne accord before to the bench of the iudge, professing themselues to be Christians. In so much, that both the President with the benchers were all astonied, the christians which were iudged, more embold∣ned to suffer, and the Iudges therby terrified. This done, they departed away from the place, glad and reioycing for the testimony that they had geuen of their fayth. Many o∣ther besides were in other cities and tounes rent and torne asunder by the Heathen, among whom, one I wil speake off for cause worthy of memory.

Ischirion one that was in seruice with a certaine noble man,* 7.170 was commaunded of his maister to make sacrifice, who for not obeying, was therefore rebuked: After persi∣sting in the same, was greuously threatned with sharp and manacing wordes. At last his maister when he coulde not preuaile against him, taking a stake or pike in his handes, ran him through into the body and slue him.

What should I speake of the multitude of them which wandering in desertes and mountaines, were consumed with hunger, thirst, cold, sicknes, thieues, or wilde beasts, of whose blessed victorie they which be aliue, are yet wit∣nesses. In the number of whom, one I will speake off, a∣mong diuers other,* 7.171 named Cheremon Bishop of the Citie called Nilus, an aged man, he with his wife flying to the mountain of Arabia, neuer returned again, nor euer could be seene after. And though they were sought for diligently by their brethren, yet neither they nor their bodies were found. Many other there were which flying to these moū∣tains of Arabia, were taken of the barbarous Arabians: of whom some with much mony could scarse be ransomed, some were neuer heard off yet to this present day. Thus much out of the Epistle of Dionysius alledged in Euseb. Lib. 6 cap. 41 42. &c.* 7.172

Moreouer, the foresaid Dionysius in an other place wri∣tyng to Germanus, of his owne daungers and of other, su∣stained in this persecution, & before this persecution of De∣cius, thus inferreth as followeth: I, sayth he, behold before the sight of God, I lye not: and he knoweth, I lie not, how that I hauing no regard of myne owne life, and notwith∣out the motion of God, did flye and auoyde the daunger of this persecution. Yea and also before that this persecution of Decius did rage against vs: Sabinus the same houre sent a Farmer to seeke me, at what tyme I remaining at home waited iij. dayes for his comming. But he searching na∣rowly for me by all wayes, fields, flouds, & corners, where he thought I might best haue hid my self, or to haue passed by, was stroken with such a blindnesse, that he could not find myne house, thinking with himself nothing lesse, then that I would abide at home in such so dangerous persecu∣tion. Thus these iij. days beyng past, vpon the fourth day, the Lord God so willing and commanding me to flie, and also maruelously opening to me the way, I with my* 7.173 chil∣dren and many other brethren went out together. And this not to come of my selfe, but to be the worke of Gods pro∣uidence, the sequel of those things declared, wherein after∣ward I was not vnprofitable peraduenture to some, &c.

Againe in another place shortly after the foresayd Dio∣nysius proceedyng in the narration of himselfe, thus infer∣reth: Then I comming to Hierusalem with them which were with me, was brought by souldiours vnto Taposixis, where as Timotheus (by the prouidence of God) neyther was present, nor yet takē. Who then returning home foūd his house desert, and officers watching about the same, & vs within taken, &c. And agayne shortly after it foloweth: And to see (sayth he) the admirable disposing of God his workes. As Timotheus was thus flying with much hast & great feare,* 7.174 a certain man, as happened, a dweller neere by met him by the way, & asked, whether he went so hastely: to whome Timotheus aunswering declared all the matter simply as it was. Which done, the man proceedeth on hys

iourney, whether he was purposed to go, which was to a mariage,* 7.175 the maner of which mariages then was to sit vp all the night long feasting and drinking. Thus as he was come, sitting with them at the feast, he telleth his compa∣nions what was done, & what he heard by the way. This was no sooner told, but all they forthwith vpon a head, as stroken with a sodain fury rushing out together, made to∣ward vs as fast as they could, with such crying & noyse, as might seeme very terrible. At the first hearing wherof, the souldiours that had vs in keping, being afraid, ran away, by reason wherof we were left alone, & found as we were lying vpon fourmes & benches. I then, (the Lord know∣eth) thinking with my selfe that they had bene thieues, which came to spoyle and rob, being in my couch, lay still in my shirt onely as I was, the rest of my garments lying by me, I offred to them. They then willed me in all hast to rise and get away, wherby I then perceauing the cause of their commyng,* 7.176 cryed vnto them desiring that they would suffer vs so to do: And if they would do any benefit for me for so much as I could not escape the hands of thē which would pursue me and cary me away, I prayed them that they would preuent them, and cut off my head before. And as I was crying thus vnto them, casting my selfe groue∣ling vpon the pauement as my companions can testifie, who were pertakers of all these thinges, they brust forth violently, takyng me by the handes and feete, and caried me out of the doores, and led me away. There followed me Gaius, Faustus, Petrus, Paulus, (who were witnesses of all the same) which brought me also out of the Citie, and so setting me vpon a bare Asse, conueyed me away. Thus much writeth Dionysius of himselfe, the example of whose Epistle is cited in the Ecclesiasticall story of Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 40. also Lib. 7. cap. 11.

Nicephorus in his fift booke, cap. 27. maketh mention of one named Christophorus, which also suffered in this perse∣cution of Decius. Of which Christophorus, whether the fable riseth of that mighty Giant set vp in Churches, wadyng through the Seas, with Christ on his shoulder, and a tree in his hand for a walking staffe, &c. it is vncertayne. Georg. Wicelius alledgeth out of Ruggerus Fulden (and mentioneth of one Christophorus, borne of the nation of the Cananites, which suffered vnder Decius, beyng, as he sayth of xii. cu∣bites hye. But the rest of the history paynted in Churches, the sayd Wicelius he derideth as fables of Centaurus, or o∣ther Poeticall fictions.

* 7.177Bergomensis in hys viii. booke maketh relation of di∣uers martyred vnder Decius, as Meniatus which suffered at Florence, of Agatha an holy virgine of Sicile, who is sayd to suffer diuers and bitter tormentes vnder Quintinianus the Proconsul, with prisonment, with beatinges, with fa∣mine, with racking, roled also vpon sharpe shelles and hot coles, hauing moreouer her brestes cut from her body, as Bergomensis, and the Martyrologe of Ado recorde. In the whiche Authors as I denye not, but part of the story may be true, so agayne concernyng the myracles of the a∣ged man appearing to her, and of the yong man clothed in a silken vesture, with an hundreth yong mē after him, and of the marble table with the inscription, Mentem san∣ctam, &c. I doubt.

* 7.178Hard it is to recite all that suffred in this persecution, whē as whole multitudes went into wildernes & moun∣tains, wandring without succour or comfort, some starued with hunger and cold, some with sicknes consumed, some deuoured of beastes, some with barbarous theeues taken and caried away. Vincentius in his xj. booke speakyng of Asclepiades,* 7.179 writeth also of xl. virgins and Martyrs, which by sundry kindes of torments were put to death about the same tyme, in the persecution of this tirant.

Likewise in the said Vincentius, mentiō is made of Try∣phon, a man of great holines, and constant in his suffryng, who beyng brought to the Citie of Nice, before the Presi∣dent Aquilus, for his constant confession of Christes name was afflicted with diuers and grieuous torments, and at length with the sword put to death.

* 7.180At what tyme Decius had erected a temple in the midst of the Citie of Ephesus, compelling all that were in the Ci∣tie there, to sacrifice to the Idoles, seuen Christians were found, whose names were Maximianus, Malchus, Martianus, Dionysius, Ioannes, Serapion, and Constantinus, who refusing the Idolatrous worship, were accused for the same vnto the Emperour to be Christians. Which when they con∣stantly professed, and did not deny, notwithstanding, be∣cause they were souldiours, retayning to the Emperours seruice, respite was geuen them for a certaine space to deli∣berate with themselues, til the returne agayne of the Em∣perour, which then was goyng to warre. In the meane space, the Emperour being departed, they taking counsail together, went and hidde themselues in secret caues of the Mount Caelius. The Emperour returnyng agayne, after great inquisitiō made for them, hearing where they were, caused the mouth of the place where they were, to be closed vp with heapes of stones, that they not able to get out, should be famished within. And thus were those good men martired.* 7.181 The story (if it be true) goeth further that they betwene feare and sorrow fell a sleepe, in which sleepe they continued the space of certaine ages after, till the tyme of Theodosius the Emperour, before they did awake, as repor∣teth Vincentius, Nicephorus, Lib. 5. ca. 27. and partly also Henr. Erfordiens••▪ But of their awakyng, that I referre to them that lift beleue it. Certain it is, that at the last day they shall awake in deede without any fable.

Hieronymus in the lyfe of Paulus the Hermite,* 7.182 reciteth a story of a certaine souldiour, whom the Pretor could not o∣therwise with torments remooue frō his Christianitie, he deuised an other way, which was this: he comaunded the souldiour to be layd vpon a soft bed in a pleasant garden a∣mong the flourishing Lillies and red Roses, which done, all other beyng remoued away, & himself there left alone, a beautifull harlot came to him, who embracing him, & with al other intisements of an harlot, laboured to prouoke him to her naughtines. But the godly souldiour fearyng God more, then obeying flesh, bitte of his tong with hys owne teeth, and spit it in the face of the harlot, as she was kissing him, and so got he the victorie, by the constant grace of the Lord assisting him.* 7.183

An other like example of singular chastitie is written of the virgin Theodora, and an other souldiour, by Ambrose Lib. 2. De virginibus. At Antioche, this Theodora refusing to do sacrifice to the Idols, was condemned by the Iudge to y^e stewes, which notw^tstanding by the singular prouidence of god was wel deliuered. For as there was a great com∣pany of wanton yong men ready at the doore to prease into the house where she was, one of the brethren, named Didi∣mus (as Ado sayth) mooued with fayth and motiō of God, putting on a souldioures habite, made himselfe one of the first that came in, who rounding her in the eare, tolde her the cause and purpose of his commyng, beyng a christiā as she was: his counsaile was that she should put on y^t soul∣diors habite, and so slip away. And he puttyng on her gar∣mentes would there remaine to abide their force. And so did, whereby the virgine escaped vnknowen. Didimus left vnto the rage and wondring of the people beyng a man in stead of a woman, was presented vnto the President, vnto whom without delay he vttered all the whole matter as it was done, professing him so as he was, to be a christiā, and therupon was condemned to suffer. Theodora vnderstan∣ding thereof, and thinking to excuse him by accusing her selfe, offred her selfe as the partie guiltie, vnto the Iudge, clayming and requiring the condemnation to light vpon her, the other as innocent to be discharged. But the cruell Iudge (crueller then Dionysius, which spared Damon & Pi∣thias) neither considering the vertue of the persons,* 7.184 nor the innoncency of the cause, vniustly and inhumanely proceded in execution against thē both, who first hauing their heads cut off, after were cast in the fire, Ambros. Ado. Although what tyme, or in what persecution these did suffer, in the authors of this narration it doth not appeare.

Agathon a man of armes in the Citie of Alexandria, for rebuking certaine lewd persons,* 7.185 scornefully deridyng the dead bodies of the Christians, was cried out off and rayled on of the people. Afterward accused to the iudge, was con∣demned to loose his head. Erfordiensis

The sayd Erfordiensis also maketh mention of Paulus, and Andraeas,* 7.186 whome the Proconsul of Troada gaue to the people beyng scourged, and after drawne out of the Citie, they were troden to death with the feete of the people. Hen. de Erford.

Among other that suffered vnder this wicked Decius,* 7.187 Bergomensis also maketh mention of one Iustinus a Priest of Rome, and of an other Nicostratus a Deacon. To these Vincentius also addeth Portius a Priest of Rome, whom he reporteth to be the conuerter of Phillip the Emperor afore mentioned.

Of Abdon and Sennas we read also in the foresayd Ber∣gomensis and Vincentius,* 7.188 two noble men, who because they had buried the christians, whom Decius had brought from Babylon to Corduba, and there put them to death, were therfore accused to Decius, & brought to Rome, where they beyng commaunded to sacrifice to dead Idols, would not obey, and for the same were geuen to the wilde beastes to be deuoured: but when the wild beastes more gentle then the men would not touch them, they were at length with the sword beheaded. Bergom. Vincent. Lib. 11. cap. 4 Albeit to me it seemeth not vnpossible nor vnlike, this Abdon and

Sennas, to be the same, whome in other storyes we finde, and before haue mentioned to be Ammon and Zenon.

* 7.189One Secundianus was accused to Valerian a Captayne of Decius, to be a Christian, which professiō when he stout∣ly did maynetayne, was commaunded to prison. By the way as the souldiours were leading him to the gaile, Ve∣rianus and Marcellianus seing the matter, cried to the souldi∣ours, asking them whether they drew the innocent. At the which worde, when they also confessed them selues to be Christians, they were likewise apprehended, and brought to a Citie named Centumcellas •• where being willed to sa∣crifice, they did spit vpon the Idols, and so after sentence and iudgement geuen, first they were beaten with wasters or trunshons, after that were hanged and tormented vpō the gibbet,* 7.190 hauing fire set to their sides. Vincentius addeth moreouer that the tormentors some of them fallē sodainly dead, other some being taken w^t wicked spirites, the Mar∣tyrs w^t sword at length were beheaded. Vinc. Lib. 11 cap. 31.

To prosecute in length of history, the liues and suffe∣rings of all them, which in this terrible persecution, were Martyred, it were to long, & almost infinite: briefly there∣fore to rehearse the names of such as we finde alledged out of a certaine briefe treatise of Bede intituled De temporibus,* 7.191 cited by Henricus De Erford, it shalbe at this time sufficient. Under Decius suffered Hyppolitus and Concordia, Hiereneus and Abnudus, Victoria a virgine, being noble personages of Antioche Bellias Byshoppe of the Citie of Apollonia, Lea∣cus, Tyrsus, and Gallinetus, Nazanzo, Tryphon in the Citie of Egypt called ••anais. Phileas Bishop, Philocomus with ma∣ny other in Perside. Philcronius byshop of Babylon, The∣siphon Byshop of Pamphilia. Nestor Byshop in Corduba. Parmenius Priest with diuers moe. In the Prouince cal∣led Colonia, Circensis, Marianus and Iacobus. In Africa, Ne∣mesianus, Felix, Rogatianus priest. ••elicissimus. At Rome Io∣uinus, Basileus, also Ruffin••, and Secunda Uirgines, Tertullia∣nus, Valerianus, Nemesius, Sempronianus, and Olympius. In Spayne Teragone, at Verona Zeno Byshop. At Caesarea, Ma∣rinus, and Archemius. In the towne of Miliane Priuatus By∣shop, Theodorus surnamed Gregorius Byshop of Pontus. Haec Beda.

Vincentius in his xj. booke, maketh also mention, citing Ex Hugone,* 7.192 of certaine children suffering Martyrdome vn∣der the same persecution, in a Citie of Tuscia called Aretium: whose names I finde not, except they be ••••rgentius & Lau∣rentius mentioned in Equilinus, Lib. 5. cap. 80.

Nowe that I haue recorded of them sufficiently, which vnder this tempest of Decius,* 7.193 constantly gaue their liues to Martyrdome for the testimonie of Christ: it remaineth, that a fewe wordes also be spoken of such that for feare or frailtie in this persecution did shrinke backe, & slide from the truth of their confession. In the number of whome first commeth in the remembrāce of Serapion an aged olde man. Of whom writeth Dionysius Alexandrinus, vnto Fabius, de∣claring: that this Serapion was an olde man,* 7.194 which liued amongest them a sincere and vpright life of long time, but at length fell. This Serapion oft and many times desired to be receaued againe, but no man listened to him, for hee had sacrificed before.* 7.195 After this not long after he fell into sicke∣nesse where he remained three dayes dombe, and benum∣med of all his sēses. The fourth day following, beginning a litle to recouer, he called to him his sisters sonne, & saide: how long, how lōg (my sonne) do ye hold me here? Make hast I pray you, that I were absolued. Call hether some of the ministers to me, and so saying no more, held his peace, as dombe & speachles. The boy ranne, it was then night, vnto the minister, who at the same time being sicke, could not come with the messenger, but sayde: for somuch as he willed herretofore (as he sayde) that such as lay a dying, if they couet to be receaued & reconciled, and especially if they required it earnestly, should be admitted, wherby with the better hope & confidence they may depart hence: therefore he gaue to the boy a litle of the * 7.196 Eucharist, willing him to crumble it into the cup, & so to drop it into the mouth of the olde man. With this the boy returned, bringing w^t him the holy Eucharist. As he was now nere at hād, before he had entred in, Serapiō the old mā, speaking againe, cōmest thou (sayd he) my sonne? The Priest, quoth the messenger, is sicke & can not come, but do, as he willeth you, & let me go. And the boy immixed the Eucharist, & dropt it in softly in∣to the mouth of the old mā. Who after he had tasted a litle, immediatly gaue vp the Ghost. &c. Haec Dionys. ex Eus.

In the Citie of Troade, as the Proconsul was grie∣uously tormenting one Nicomachus, he cried out, that he was no Christian, and so was let downe againe. And when after he had sacrificed, he was taken eftsoones with a wicked spirite, and so throwen downe vpon the ground, where he byting of his toung with his teeth, so departed. Henr. de Erfordia.

Dionysius in his Epistles also writyng to Fabius, and lamentyng the great terrour of this persecution declareth,* 7.197 how that many woorthy and notable Christians, for feare and horror of the great tiranny therof, did shew themselues feeble and weake men. Of whome some for dread, some of their owne accord, other after great torments suffered, yet after reuolted from the constancy of their profession. Also S. Cyprian in his treatise De lapsis, reciteth with great sorrow, and testifieth, how that a great number at the first threat∣nyng of the aduersary, neither beyng cōpelled nor thrown downe with any violence of the enemy, but of their volū∣tary weakenes fell downe themselues. Neither (sayth he) tarying while the iudge should put incense in their hands, but before any stroke stroken in the fielde,* 7.198 turned their backes, & played the cowards, not only commyng to their sacrifices, but preuētyng the same, and pretending to come without compulsion, bringing moreouer theyr infantes & children eyther put into their hands, or taking them with them of their owne accord, and exhortyng moreouer other to do the lyke after their example.

Of this weaknesse and falling, the said author sheweth two causes,* 7.199 either loue of their goodes and patrimonie, or feare of torments. And addeth moreouer examples of the punishmentes of them which so reuolted: affirmyng that many of them were taken and vexed with wicked sprites. And of one man among other which after his voluntary deniall, sodainly was stroken dombe. Agayn, an other af∣ter his abiuration as he should communicate with other, in stead of bread receiued ashes in his hād. Itē of a certayn mayden, who beyng taken & vexed with a sprite, did teare her owne toung with her teeth, and tormented with paine in her bellie and inward partes so deceased.

Among other of this sort, S. Cyprian, Lib. 2 cap. 8. maketh also mention of one Euaristus a Bishop in Aphrica, who leauing his charge, and making a shipwracke of his faith, went wandering about in other countreys, forsakyng his owne flocke. In like maner he maketh also mention of Ni∣costratus a Deacon, who forsakyng his Deaconship, and takyng the goods of the Church with him, fled away into other countreys, &c. Albeit Bergomensis geueth that this Nicostratus the Deacon afterward dyed a Martyr. Thus then although some did relent, yet a very great nūber saith he, there was, whom neither feare could remoue, nor pain could ouerthrow to cause them to betray their confession, but that they stoode like glorious Martyrs vnto the ende, Cyprian.

The same Cyprianus also in an other booke De mortalita∣te, reciteth a notable story of one of his owne Colleges and fellow Priest:* 7.200 who beyng oppressed with weaknesse, and greatly afrayd with death drawyng at hand, desired leaue to depart, and to be discharged. As he was thus entrea∣ting, and almost now dying, there appeared by him a yong man, of an honorable and of reuerend maiestie, of a tall sta∣ture, and comely behauior, so bright & cleare to behold, that scarce mans carnall eyes was able to beare the beholding of him, but that he was able so to do, which was now redy to depart this world. To whom this yong man speaking with a certaine indignation of mynd and voyce, thus said: Pati timetis, exire non vultis, quid faciam vobis? To suffer ye dare not, to goe out ye will not, what would ye me to do vnto you?

Upon the occasion of these and such other,* 7.201 which were a great number, that fell and did renounce, as is aforesaid, in this persecution of Decius, rose vp first the quarell & he∣resie of Nouatus, who in these dayes made a great distur∣bance in the church, holding this opinion, that they which once renounced the faith, and for feare of torments had of∣fred incense to the idols, although they repented therefore, yet could not afterward be reconciled, nor admitted to the Church of Christ. This Nouatus beyng first Priest vnder Cyprian at Carthage, afterward by stirring vp discord and factions, began to disturbe the Bishopricke of Cyprian, to appoint there a Deacon called Felicissimus, agaynst the bi∣shops mynd or knowledge, also to allure and separate cer∣tayne of the brethren from the Bishop, all which Cyprian, Lib. 2. Epist. 8. doth well declare. After this the sayd Nouatus goyng to Rome, kept there the like stirre with Cornelius (as the same Cornelius in Eusebius,* 7.202 Lib. 6. cap. 43. doth testi∣fie) settyng himselfe vp as Bishop of Rome against Cor∣nelius, which was the lawfull Bishop of Rome before. The which to bring to passe, he vsed this practise: first he had allured to him to be his adherents, thre or foure of good men and holy confessours, which had suffered before great tormentes for their confession, whose names were Maxi∣mus, Vrbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus. After this he entised three simple bishops about the coastes of Italy to repayre

to Rome, vnder pretence to make an end of certain cōtro∣uersies then in hand. This done, he caused the same, whe∣ther by making them dronke, or by other craftye counsell, to lay theyr handes vpon him, and to make him Bishop, & so did. Wherefore the one of those three Byshops hardly was receiued to the communion, by the great intercession of his people: the other two by discipline of y^e church, were displaced from their Byshoprickes, & other possessed with their roomes.* 7.203 Thus then were there two Byshops toge∣ther in one church of Rome, Nouatus and Cornelius, which was vnsemely, & contrary to the discipline of the Church. And hereupon riseth the true cause and meaning of S. Cy∣prian, writing in his Epistles so much of one Byshop, and of the vnity to be kept in Ecclesiasticall regimēt, as appea∣reth, Lib. 4. Epist. 2. De simplicit. praelat. item. Lib. 3. Epist. 11. &c. And in like sort writeth also Cornelius himselfe of one By∣shop, saying: Ita{que} Vindex ille Euangelij ignorauit vnum esse debere Episcopū in Catholica Ecclesia. &c. That is, He knew not that there ought to be one Byshoppe in a Catholicke Church. &c. This by the way, not out of the way I trust, I haue touched briefly, to detect or refute the cauiling wra∣stling of the Papistes, which falsely apply these places of Cyprian and Cornelius to mainetayne the Popes supreme maistershippe alone, ouer the whole vniuersall Church of Christ in all places. Whē their meaning is otherwise, how that euery one Catholicke Church or dioces ought to haue one Byshop ouer it, not that the whole world ought to be subiect to the dominion of him onely that is Byshop of Rome. Now to the story againe. Nouatus beyng thus Bi∣shop tooke not a little vpon him, goyng about by all mea∣nes to defeat Cornelius, and to allure the people from him. Insomuch that (as in the foresayd book of Eusebius appea∣reth) whē Nouatus came to the distributing of the offrings, and should geue euery man his part, he cōpelled the sim∣ple persōs euery man to sweare, before they should receiue of the benediction, & of the collectes or oblations, holding both their handes in his, & holding them so long, speaking these wordes vnto them, (Sweare to me by the body and bloud of our Lord Iesu Christ, that thou wilt not leaue me and goe to Cornelius,) till that they swearing vnto him, in¦stead of Amē (to be sayd at y^e receauing of the* 7.204 bread, should aunswere, I will not returne to Cornelius, &c. Where note by the way, that the Latine booke of Christofersons tan••la∣tion, in this place, craftely leaueth out the name of bread. This story being written in Eusebius, also contained in Ni∣cephorus, although not in the same order of wordes, yet in effe••t drawne out of him, doth declare in playne wordes in both the Authors (who so will marke the same) that the sa∣crament of the bodye of Christ, is termed with the playne name of bread, after the consecration.

It followeth more in the story, that Maximus, Vrbanus, Sydonius, and Celerinus before mentioned, perceiuing at length the crafty dissimulation and arrogancy, of Nouatus, left him, and with great repentance returned agayne to the Church, & were reconciled to Cornelius, as they thēselues writing to Cyprian, and Cyprian likewise writing to them an Epistle gratulatory doth declare. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. & Cor∣nelius also in his Epistle to Fab{us} witnesseth the same. In thi•• Epistle the sayd Cornelius moreouer writeth of one Moses a worthy Martyr, which once being a follower al∣so of Nouatus, after perceiuing his wickednesse forsooke him, and did excommunicate him. Of him Cyprian also ma∣keth mention, & calleth him a blessed confessour. Lib. 2. Epi. 4. Damasus in his pontificall sayth, that he was apprehended with Maximus and Nicostratus aboue mentioned, & was put with them in prison, where he ended his life. And thus much of Nouatus (agaynst whom, as Eusebius testifieth) a Synode was holdē at Rome of lx. sondry Byshops in the tyme of Cornelius, and vnder the reigne of Decius an. 255. whereby it may be supposed that the heat of the persecutiō at that tyme was somewhat calmed.* 7.205

After Fabianus (or as Zonaras calleth him Flauianus) next succeeded into the bishoprick of Rome Cornelius,* 7.206 whō Cyprian noteth to be a worthy Byshop, and for his great vertue & maydenlye continency much commēdable, cho∣sen to that roome, not so much of his owne consent, as of y^e full greement both of the Clergy men,* 7.207 and also of the peo∣ple. Hierome addeth also that he was a man of great elo∣quēce, wherby it may appeare those two Epistles decretal, which go in his name not to be his, both for the rudenes of the barbarous and grose stile, and also for the matter ther∣in conteined, nothing tasting of that tyme, nor of that age nor doings then of the Church. Wherof in the first he wri∣teth to all ministers & brethren of the Church,* 7.208 concerning the lifting vp of the bodyes & bones of Peter & Paule, De cathecumbis, and transposed to Vaticanum, at the instance of a certayne deuoute woman named Lucina, hauing no great argumēt or cause to write therof vnto the churches, but onely that he in that letter doth desire thē to pray vnto the Lord, that through the intercession of those Apostoli∣call Sayntes; their sinnes might be forgeuen them. &c. In the second Epistle writing to Ruffus a Byshop of the East Church, he decreeth and ordaineth that no oth ought to be required or exacted of any head or chiefe Byshop, for any cause, or by any power. Also that no cause of Priestes or Ministers ought to be handled in any straunge or forreine Court, without his precinct, except onely in the Court of Rome by appellation; wherby who seeth not the trayn of our latter Byshops, going about craftely to aduaunce the dignity of the Court of Rome, vnder and by the prtenced title of Cornelius, and of such auncient Byshops. If Corne∣lius did write any Epistles to any in deede in those so tur∣bulent times of persecution; no doubt but some significa∣tion thereof he would haue touched in the sayd his letters, either in ministring consolation to his brethrē, or in requi∣ring consolation and prayers of others. Neither is there any doubt, but he would haue geuē some touch also of the matter of Nouatus, with whom he had so much to do, as in deed he did: for so we finde it recorded both in Eusebius, and in Hierome that he wrote vnto Fabius Byshop of Antioche, of the decreementes of the counsell of Rome, and an other letter of the maner of the Counsell: the third also of the cause of Nouatus, and agayne of the repentaunce of such as fell, wherof there is no word touched at all in these foresayd Epistles decretall.* 7.209

What trouble this Cornelius had with Nouatus, suffici∣ently is before signified. In this persecution of Decius, he demeaned himselfe very constantly and faythfully, whiche sustayned great conflictes with the aduersaries, as S. Cy∣prian geueth winesse,* 7.210 Lib. 1. Epist. 1. Hierome testifieth that he remayned Byshop after the death of Decius, to the tyme of Gallus, and so appeareth also by S. Cyprian, which hath these wordes: Et tyrannum armis & bello postmodum victum, pri∣or sacerdotio suo vicit. But Damasus and Sabellicus, his fo∣lowers, affirm that he was both exiled & also martired vn∣der the tyrannous reigne of Decius. Of whom Sabellicus writeth this story, taken out (as it seemeth) of Damasus, and sayth:* 7.211 that Cornelius by the commaūdement of Decius, was banished a towne called Centumcellas, bordering in Hetru∣ria, from whence he sent letters to Cyprian Byshop of Car∣thage, and Cyprian agayne to him. This comming to the eares of Decius the Emperour, he sendeth for Cornelius, as∣king him: how he durst be so bolde to shew suche stubber∣nes, that he neither caring for the Gods, nor fearing the dis¦pleasure of his Princes, durst, agaynst the cōmon wealth, geue and receiue letters from other. To whom Cornelius answering agayne, thus purged himselfe, declaring to the Emperour, that letters in deede he had written and recei∣ued agayne concerning the prayses & honoring of Christ, & of saluation of soules,* 7.212 but nothing as touching any mat∣ter of the common wealth. And it foloweth in the storye: Then Decius moued with anger commaunded him to be beaten with plumbattes (which is sayth Sabellicus a kinde of scourging) and so to be brought to the temple of Mars: ei∣ther there to do sacrifice, or to suffer the extremitye. But he rather willing to dye, then to committe such iniquity, pre∣pared himselfe to Martyredome, beyng sure that he should dye.* 7.213 And so commending the charge of the Churche vnto Stephanus his Archdeacon, was brought to the way of Ap∣pius, where he ended his life in faythfull Martyrdome. Eu∣sebius in one place sayth, that he sat ij. yeares, in an other place sayth, that he sat three yeares, and so doth Marianus Scotu., following also the diuersity of the sayd Eusebius. Da∣masus geueth him onely two yeares.

In this foresayde persecution of Decius, it seemeth by some writers also that Cyprian was banished, but I sup∣pose rather his banishment to be referred to the reigne of Gallus next Emperour after Decius, whereof more shall be sayd, (Christ willing) in this place hereafter. In the mean time the sayd Cyprian in his second booke, Epist. 5. &. 6. ma∣keth mention of two that suffered either in the time of this Decius,* 7.214 or much about the same time. Of whom one was Aurelius a worthy and valiant yong man, who was twise in tormentes for his confession, which he neuer denied, but manfully and boldely withstood the aduersary, till he was banished, and also after. And therefore was commended of Cyprian to certayne brethren, to haue him for their lectorer, as in the forenamed Epistle of Cyprian appeareth. The o∣ther was named Mappalicus,* 7.215 who the day before he suffered, declaring to the Proconsul, in the midst of his tormentes, & saying: Videbis cras agonem: that is, to morrow you shall see the running for a wager. &c. was brought forth accor∣ding as he forespake, to Martyrdome, and there with no lesse constancie then patience did suffer.

* 7.216And thus much of the tyrannie of this wicked Decius agaynst God his Saintes, now to touch also the power of God his vengeance and punishment against him, like as we see commonly a tempest that is vehement, not long to continue: so it happened with this tyrannical tormenter, who raigning but two yeares as sayth Eusebius, or three at most,* 7.217 as writeth Orosius among the middle of the Barbari∣ans with whom he did warre, was there slayne with his sonne, like as he had slayn Philippus, and his sonne his pre∣decessours before, so was he with his sonne slayne by the righteous iudgement of God himselfe.* 7.218 Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Platin. Pomponius affirmeth that he warrying agaynst the Gotthians, and beyng by them ouercome, sest he should fall into their handes, ranne into a whurlepyt, where he was drouned, and his body neuer found after.

* 7.219Neither did the iust hand of God plague the Emperor onely, but also reuenged as well the heathen Gentils and persecutors of hys word, throughout all prouinces & do∣minions of the Roman Monarchie, amongst whom the lord immediatly after the death of Decius, sent such a plage and pestilence, lastyng for the space of x. yeares together, that horrible it is to heare, and almost incredible to beleue. Of this plague or pestilence, testifieth Dionysius to Hierax a bishop in Egypt,* 7.220 Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 21.22. Where he declareth the mortalitie of this plague to bee so great in Alexandria, where he was bishop, that there was no house in y^e whole Citie free.* 7.221 And although the greatnes of the plague tou∣ched also the Christians somwhat, yet it scourged the hea∣then Idolaters much more: beside that the order of their behauiour in the one, and in the other was much diuers. For, as the foresayd Dionysius doth recorde, the Christians through brotherly loue and pietie, did not refuse one to vi∣sit and comfort an other, and to minister to him, what need required. Notwithstanding it was to them great danger: for diuers there were, who in closing vp their eyes, in wa∣shyng their bodies, & interryng them in the ground, were next themselues which folowed them to their graues. Yet all this stayed not them frō doyng their duetie, and shew∣yng mercy one to another. Where as the Gentils contra∣rily, beyng extremely visited by the hand of God, felt the plague, but considered not the striker, neyther yet conside∣red they their neighbour, but euery man shifting for him∣selfe, neither cared one for an other: but such as were in∣fected, some they would cast out of the doores halfe dead, to be deuoured of dogges and wilde beasts, some they let dye within theyr houses without all succour, some they suffred to lye vnburied, for that no mā durst come neare him. And yet notwithstandyng,* 7.222 for all their voyding and shiftyng, the pestilence followed them whether soeuer they went, & miserably consumed them. In so much, that Dionysius bi∣shop y^e same tyme of Alexandria, thus reporteth of his owne City: that such a great mortalitie was then among them, that the sayd City of Alexandria had not in number of all to∣gether, both old and yong, as it was woont to contayn be∣fore of the old men onely from the age of 60. to 70. such as were found in tyme past commonly almost in that Citie. Pomponius Laetus, and other Latine writers also makyng mention of the sayd pestilitie, declare how the beginnyng therof first came (as they thinke) out of Ethiope, and from the hote countreys, and so inuading and wastyng first the South partes, from thence spread into the East, & so fur∣ther running and increasing into all other quarters of the world, especially, wheresoeuer the Edicts of the Emperor went agaynst the Christians, it followed after, and consu∣med the most part of the inhabitauntes, whereby manye places became desolate and voyde of all concourse, and so continued the terme of x. yeares together.

This pestiferous mortalitie (by the occasion whereof Cyprian tooke the ground to write hys booke De mortalita∣te) began as is sayd, immediately after the death of Decius the persecutor,* 7.223 in the beginning of the raigne of Vibias Gal∣lus, and Volusianus hys sonne: who succeeded through trea∣son, next vnto Decius, about the yeare of our Lord. 255. and continued their raygne but two yeares.

This Gallus although the first beginning of the raygne was some thing quiet,* 7.224 yet shortly after following the steps of Decius, by whō rather he should haue taken better heed, set forth Edictes in like maner, for y^e persecution of Christi∣ans, albeit in this Edict we finde no number of Martyrs to haue suffered, but only all this persecution to rest onely in the exilement of bishops or guides of the flock. Of other suffrings or executions we do not read: for the terrible pe∣stilence following immediatly, kept the barbarous heathē otherwise occupied. Unto this tyme of Gallus, rather then to the tyme of Decius,* 7.225 I referre the banishment of Cyprian, who was then bishop of Carthage. Of the which banish∣ment, he himselfe testifieth in diuers of his epistles, decla∣ryng the cause therof to rise vpon a commotion or sedition among the people, out of the which he withdrew himselfe, lest the sedition should grow greater. Notw••thstāding the sayd Cyprian, though beyng absent, yet had no lesse care of his flocke and of the whole church, then if he had bene pre∣sent with them. And therfore neuer ceased in his Epistles continually to exhort and call vpon them to be constant in their profession,* 7.226 and pacient in theyr afflictions. Amongst diuers other, whom he doth comfort in his banishmēt, al∣though he was in that case to be comforted himselfe, wri∣ting to certayne that were condemned to minyng for me∣tals, whose names were Nemesianus, Felix, Lucius, with o∣ther bishops, Priests and Deacons, declareth vnto them, how it is no shame but a glory not to be feared, but to be reioy∣ced at, to suffer banishment or other paynes for Christ. And con∣firming them in the same, or rather commending them, signifieth, how worthily they do shew themselues to be as valiant captaines of vertue, prouoking both by the confessions of their mouth, and by the suffring of their body, the hartes of the brethren to Chri∣stian Martyrdome, whose example was and is, a great confirmati∣on to many, both maydes and children to follow the like. As for punishment and sufferyng, it is (sayth he) a thing not execrable to a Christian. For a Christian mans brest, whose hope doth who∣ly consist in the* 7.227 tree, dreadeth neyther batte nor club, woundes and skarres of the body be ornaments to a Christian man, such as bring no shame nor dishonestie to the partie, but rather pre∣ferreth and freeth him with the Lord. And although in the mines where the mettals be digged there be no beds for Christian mens bodies to take their rest, yet they haue their rest in Christ. And though their wearie bones lye vpon the cold ground, yet it is no payne to lye with Christ. Their feete haue bene fettered with bandes and chaynes, but happily he is bound of man, whome the Lord Christ doth loose:* 7.228 happily doth he lye tyed in the stockes, whose feete therby are made swifter to runne to heauen. Neither can any man tye a Christian so fast, but he runneth so much the faster for his garland of life. They haue no garmentes to saue them from colde, but he that putteth on Christ, is sufficiently coa∣ted. Doth bread lacke to their hungry bodies? But man liueth not onely by bread, but by euery worde proceedyng from the mouth of God. Your deformitie (sayth he) shall be turned to ho∣nour, your mourning to ioy, your payne to pleasure, and felicitie infinite. And if this doe grieue you, that ye cannot now employ your sacrifices and oblations after your wonted maner: yet your sacrifice daily ceaseth not, which is a contrite and humble hart, as when you offer vp daily your bodies a liuely and a glorious sacrifice vnto the Lorde, which is the sacrifice that pleaseth God. And though your trauaile be great,* 7.229 yet is the rewarde gre••ter, which is most certaine to follow. For God beholding and loo∣king downe vpon them that confesse his name, in their willyng mynd approoueth them, in their striuyng helpeth them, in their victory crowneth them, rewarding that in vs, which he hath per∣formed, and crowning that which he hath in vs perfected. With these and such like comfortable wordes he doth animate his bre∣thren, admonishing them, that they are now in a ioyfull iourney, hasting apace to the mansions of the Martyrs, there to enioy af∣ter this darknes a stable light, and brightnes greater then all their passions, according to the Apostles saying: These sufferings of this present tyme be nothing like comparable to the brightnesse of the glory that shall be reuealed in vs, &c.

And after the like wordes of sweete comfort and conso∣lation writing to Seagrius,* 7.230 and Rogatianus, which were in prison and bondes for the testimony of truth, doth encou∣rage them to continue stedfast and patient in the way, wherein they haue begun to runne, for that they haue the Lord with them their helper and defender, who promiseth to bee with vs to the worldes ende: and therfore willeth them to set before their eyes in their death immortalitie, in their payne euerlasting glory, of the which it is written: Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his Saintes. Item, although before men they suffred tor∣ments, yet their hope is full of immortalitie, and beyng vexed in small things, they shall be well requited in great matters. For the Lord hath tried them as gold in the fire.* 7.231 And writeth moreouer, admonishing them, that it is so appoynted from the beginnyng of the world, that righteousnes here should suffer in secular con∣flicts, for so iust Abell was slayne in the beginnyng of the world, and after him all iust and good men, the Prophets also and the A∣postles sent of the Lord himselfe, vnto whome all, the Lorde first gaue an example in himselfe, teachyng that there is no comming to his kingdome, but by that way which he entred himselfe, say∣ing by these wordes: he that loueth his lyfe in this worlde, shall loose it, &c. And agayne, feare ye not them, that slay the body, but haue no power to slay the soule. And S. Paule likewise admoni∣shing all them, whosoeuer couete to be pertakers of the promises of the Lord, to follow the Lord sayth: if we suffer together with him, we shall raigne toge••her, &c.

Furthermore, as the same Cyprian doth encourage here the holy Martyrs, which were in captiuitie: to persist▪ so likewyse

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writing to the Priestes and Deacons, which were free, exhorteth them to be seruiceable and obsequious with al care and loue, to cherish and embrase thē that were in bondes. Cypria. Lib. 3. Ep. 6. wherby may appeare the feruent zeale & care of this good-Byshop, toward the Church of Christ,* 7.232 although beyng now in exile, in the time of this Emperour Gallus.

In the same time and vnder the said Gallus reignyng with his sonne Volusianus was also Lucius bishop of Rome sent to banyshment who next succeeded after Cornelius, in that byshopricke, about the yeare of our Lorde 256. Albeit in this banishment he did not long continue,* 7.233 but returned againe home to his Church: as by the Epistle of, S. Cy∣prian, Lib 3. Epist. 1. maye appeare. As to all other Bishops of Rome in those primitiue daies certaine decretall Epy∣stles with seuerall ordinaunces be ascribed,* 7.234 bearing theyr names and titles, as hath bene afore declared: so also hath Lucius one Epistle, fathered vpon him, in the which Epi∣stle he writing to the brethren of Fraunce and of Spayne, appointeth such an order and forme of the church, as see∣meth not to agree with the time then present:* 7.235 For so hee declareth in that Epistle that a Byshop in al places, whe∣ther soeuer he goeth, should haue two Priestes with three deacons waiting vpō him, to be witnesses of al his waies and doings. Which ordinaunce although I deny not, but it may be and is conuenient, yet I se not how that time of Lucius could serue then, for a Bishop to cary such a pompe of Priestes & Deacons about him, or to study for any such matter: for so much as Bishops commonly in those daies were seldome free to go abroad, went they neuer so secrete: but either were in houses close and secret, or in prison, or els in banishment.* 7.236 Moreouer in the said Epistle how pō∣pously he writeth to the Church of Rome: This holy and Apostolycall Church of Rome (sayth he) the mother of all Churches of Christ, which by the grace of God omnipotent, hath neuer bene proued to swerue out of the pathe of Apostolicall tra∣dition, neyther hath euer fallen, or bene depraued with heretical innouations: but euen as in the first beginning it receaued the rule of the Apostolicall faith by his first instructers, the Princes of the Apostles, so it continueth euer immaculate and vndefiled vn∣to the end.

Unto this Lucius also is referred in the decrees of Gra∣tian this constitution,* 7.237 that no minister whatsoeuer, after his ordination, should at any time reenter to the chamber of his owne wife, in paine of loosing his Ministery in the Church, &c. Eusebius in his vij. booke, making mention of the death of Lucius, and not of his Martyrdome, saith that he sate but eight moneths. But Damasus in his Martyro∣loge holdeth that hee sat thre yeares, & was beheaded the second yeare of Valerian and Galienus Emperours. And so doth also Marianus Scotus, and Nauclerus, with other that folow Damasus, affirme the same.

After him came Stephanus next Bishop of Rome fol∣lowing Lucius: whome Damasus, Platina, and Sabellicus, af∣firme to haue sit vij. yeares fine monethes, & to die a mar∣tir. Contrary Eusebius and Volateranus holding with hym, giue him but two yeares, which part commeth most neare to the truth, I leaue to the readers iudgement, of his two Epistles decretall, and of his ordinaunces out of the same collected, I nede not much to tary, for two respects, eyther for that concerning these decretal Epistles suspiciously in∣tituled to the names of the fathers of the primitiue church,* 7.238 sufficiently hath bene said before: or els because both the phrase barbarous and incongrue and also the matter it self therin contained is such, that although no testimony came against it, yet it easely refelleth it selfe. As wherein the se∣cond Epistle he decreeth, that no Byshop being expulsed out of hys seate or depriued of his goodes, ought to be accused of anye, or is bound to aunswere for himselfe, before that by the lawe re∣gularly he be restored agayne fully to his former state, and that the Primates and the Synode render to him agayne all such possessi∣ons and fruites, as were taken frō him before his accusation, as is agreeing both to the lawes Canon & also seculare. First here I would desire y^e Reader a little to stay,* 7.239 & this to consider to himself, who be these here ment, which either vsed or might despoile these bishops of their goods, & expulse thē frō their seates for such wrōgfull causes, but only Kings & Empe∣rours, which at this time were not yet Christened nor v∣sed any such proceedinges against these Bishops, in such sort as either Primates or Synodes coulde restore them again to their places and possessiōs. Againe what priuate goodes or possessions had Byshops then to be taken from them, when as Churches yet neither were indued wyth patrimonies nor possessions. And if any treasures were cōmitted to the church, it pertained not properly to y^e By∣shop, but went in general to the subuention of the poore in the Church, as in the Epistle of Cornelius to Fabius maye appeare, alleaged in Eusebius, Lib. 6. cap. 43. where he spea∣king of his Church, & declaring how there ought to bee but one Byshoppe in the same, ••nterreth mention of xlvj. Priestes, vij. Deacons, with vij. Subdeacons, xlij. Acolu∣thes, of widowes and poore afflicted persons to the ••••ber of a 1500,* 7.240 and aboue, founde and nourished in the same Church, by the mercifull benignitie and prouidence of god Eusebius. Lib. 6. cap. 43. It followeth more in the ende of the said Canon. which thing is forbidden both by the lawes Eccle∣siastical, & also seculer, &c. Now what lawes seculer were in the time of Stephen, for bishops not to be charged w^t any ac∣cusation before they were restored againe to their state, let any Reader marking well the state or the Heathen lawes that then were, iudge, and in iudgeing, I doubte not but this matter alone, though there were no other, will be y∣nough to descry the vntruth hereof.

Moreouer, by diuers other probable notes and argu∣ments in the saide seconde Epistle of Stephanus, it maye be easely espied,* 7.241 this Epistle to be famed and ••••authored, es∣peciall by the fift Canon of the saide Epistle, where hee so solemnely entreateth of the difference betweene Primats, Metropolitanes, and Archbyshops, which distinction of degres and titles, sauoring more o•• ambition, then of per∣secution, giueth me verily to suppose this Epistle not to be written by this Stephen, but by ••ine other man, either of that name or of some other time when the Churche began to be setled in more prosperitie, and orders therein to bee taken, for euery man to know his ••eg••••e and limits of his authoritie according as t•• specified by the vj and vij. Ca∣non, of Nicene Councell ••••••ceeing of the same matter.

The like 〈…〉〈…〉 of the seuenth Canon of the said Epistle, where he writeth and appoin∣teth all causes iudiciarie to be decided & determined with∣in the precinct of their owne proper Prouince, and not to passe ouer the boundes theron,* 7.242 vnlesse (saith he) the appea••e be made to the Apostolical sea of Rome: which san••reth in my nose, rather of a ••••acke of Popery then of the veine of Christianity, especially in these times, during this terrible persecution among y^e Byshops of Christ. And thus much of the second decretall Epistle of Stephanus: although of the first Epistle also written to Hilarius, some thing may be said,* 7.243 as where he speaketh in the said Epistle of holy ••••••ti∣mentes, and holy vessels, and other ornaments of the aul∣ter, seruing to diuine worship, and therfore not to be tou∣ched nor handled of any mā, sauing of Priests alone. Con∣cerning all which implements, my opinion is this, that I thinke the Church of Rome not to haue beene in so good state thē, that either Stephanus or Sixtus before him beyng occupied about other more earnest maters, and scarce able to hide their owne heades, had any minde or cogitation to studie vpon such vnnecessary inuentions, seruing in pu∣blike Churches. Neither doe I see howe the Heathen in those daies would haue suffered these ornaments to be vn∣consumed, which would not suffer the Bishops themsel∣ues to liue amongst them. Notwithstanding Isidorus and Polydorus iudge the contrary. Betweene this Stephen and Cyprian Byshop of Carthage was a great contention, a∣bout rebaptising of heretickes, whereof more hereafter (Christ willing) shall be saide.

Besides these Byshops aboue specified, diuers other there were also sent into banishmēt vnder the forenamed Emperours Gallus & Volusianus, as appeareth by Dionysi∣us writing to Hermammon on this wise: that Gallus not see∣yng the euill of Decius, nor foreseeing the occasion of his se∣ductiō and ruine,* 7.244 stumbled himselfe also at the same stone, lying open before his eyes. For at y^e first beginning when his Empire went prosperously foreward, and all thinges went luckely with him, afterward he draue out holy men, which praied for his peace and safegarde, and so with them reiected also the praiers which they made for him. &c. Euse∣bius. Lib. 7. cap. 1. Otherwise of any bloudshed or any Mar∣tirs that in the time of this Emperour were put to death, we doe not read.

After the raigne of which Emperour Gallus and of his sonne Volusianus being expired who reigned but ij. yeares,* 7.245 Emelianus which slewe them both by ciuill sedition, succee∣ded in their place▪ who reigned but three monethes, & was also slayne. Next to whom Valerianus, & his sonne Gallie∣nus were aduaunced to the Empire.

About the chaunging of these Emperours, the perse∣cution which first began at Decius, & afterwarde slacked in the time of Gallus, was now extinguished for a time, part∣ly for the great plague raigning in all places, partly by y^e change of the Emperors, although it was not very long. For Valerianus in the first entraunce of the Empire for the space of iij. or foure yeres, was right courteous and gentle to the people of God, & well accepted to the Senate. Nei∣ther was there any of all the Emperors before him, no not

of the which openly professed Christ, that shewed himselfe so louing and familiar toward the Christians as he did:* 7.246 in so much that (as Dionysius, writing to Herman doth testifie) all hys whole courte was replenished w^t holy Saintes & seruantes of Christ, and godly persons, so that his house might seeme to be made a Church of God. But by the ma∣lice of Sathan, through wicked counsell these quiet dayes endured not very long. For in processe of tyme this Vale∣rianus beyng charmed or incensed by a certayne Egiptian, a chiefe ruler of the Heathen Synagoge of the Egiptians,* 7.247 a mayster of the Charmers or inchaunters, who in deede was troubled, for that he could not do his Magicall feates for the Christians, was so farre infatuated and bewitched, that through the detestable prouocations of that deuilishe Egyptian, he was wholly turned vnto abhominable I∣dols, and to execrable impietie, in sacrificing young infāts and quartering bodies, and deuiding the entrals of childrē new borne, and so proceeding in his fury, moued the eight persecution, agaynst the Christians, whom the wicked E∣gyptian coulde not abide, as being the hinderers and de∣stroyars of hys Magicall enchauntinges, about the yeare of our Lord. 259.

The eight Persecution.

IN the which persecution the chiefe administers and exe∣cutours were Emilianus President of Egipt,* 7.248 Paternus and Galerius Maximus, Proconsuls in Aphrica, Bergomen∣sis also maketh mention of Paternus.* 7.249 Uicegerent of Rome, and of Perennius. Vincentius speaketh also of Nicerius, and Claudius Presidentes. &c.

What was the chiefe originall cause of this persecution, partly is signified before,* 7.250 where mention was made of the wicked Egiptian. But as this was the outward and po∣liticall cause, so S Cyprian sheweth other causes more speci∣all, and Ecclesiasticall, in his iiii. booke. Epist. 4. whose wordes be these: but we (sayth he) must vnderstand and confesse, that thys turbulent oppression & calamitie, which hath wasted for the most part all our whole company, and doth dayly consume,* 7.251 riseth chiefly of our owne wickednes & sinnes: while we walke not in the way of the Lord, nor obserue his preceptes left vnto vs for our institution. The Lord obserued the will of his father in all poynts: but we obserue not the will of the Lord, hauing all our minde and study set vpon lucre & possessions, geuen to pryde, full of emulation and dissen∣tion, voyde of simplicitie and faythfull dealing, renouncing thys world in word onely, but nothing in deede, euery man pleasing himselfe, and displeasing all other. And therefore are we thus scourged, and worthely. For what stripes and scourges doe wee not deserue, when the confessors themselues (such as haue byd the tryall of their confession) and such as ought to be an example to the rest of well doyng, doe keepe no discipline? And therfore because some such there be, proudly puft vp with this swelling and vnmannerly bragging of their confession, these tormentes come: such as doe not easely send vs to the crowne, except by the mercy of God, some being takē away by quicknes of death, do preuēt the tediousnes of punishimēt. These things do we suf∣fer for our sinnes and desertes, as by the Lordes censure we haue bene forewarned, saying: If they shall forsake my lawe, and will not walke in my iudgementes: If they shall prophane my institu∣tions, and will not obserue my preceptes, I will visite their in∣iquities with the rod, and their transgressions with scourges. These rods and scourges (sayth he) we feele, which neyther please God in our good deedes, nor repent in our euill deedes. Where∣fore the sayd Cyprian, adding this exhortation withall, exhorted them to pray and intreate from the bottome of their hart and whole minde, the mercy of God which promiseth, saying: but yet my mercy I will not scatter from them. &c. Let vs aske, and wee shall obtayne, and though (sayth Cyprian) it be with tariance, yet for so much as we haue greeuously offended, let vs continue knocking, for to him that knocketh, it shalbe opened, if our pray∣ers, sighinges, and weepinges knocke still at the dore with conti∣nuance, and if our prayers be ioyned together with brotherly a∣greement &c.

Moreouer, what vices were then principally raygning a∣mong the Christians,* 7.252 hee further specifieth in the sayd Epistle: which chiefly were deuision and dissention among the brethren. For when it was spoken to them in a vision, by these wordes Pe∣tite & impetrabitis, that is: Pray, and ye shall obtayne, afterward it was required of the congregation there present, to direct their prayers, for certayne persons assigned to them by name: but they could not agree and cōdescend altogether of the names and per∣sons of them which they should pray for, but were dissonant in their consent and petition: whiche thing (sayth Cyprian) did greatly displease hym, that spake vnto them: Pray, and ye shal ob∣tayne, for that there was no vniforme equalitie of voyce and hart nor one simple and ioynt concorde among the brethren, whereof it is written the Psalme. 67. God which maketh to dwell in the house together men of one accord.* 7.253 &c. And so by the occasion hereof, he writeth vnto them in the foresayd Epistle, and moueth them to prayer and mutuall agreement. For (sayth he) if it be pro∣mised in the Gospell, to be graunted whatsoeuer any two consen∣ting together shall aske, what shall then the whole Churche do a∣greeing together? or what if this vnanimitie were among the whole fraternitie, which vnanimitie (sayeth Cyprian) if it had bene then among the brethren, non venissent fraetribus haec mala, si in vnum fraternitas fuisset animata, that is: these euiles had not happened to the brethren, if the brethren had ioyned to∣gether in brotherly vnanimitie.* 7.254 &c.

After the causes thus declared of this, or other persecu∣tions, the sayd, S. Cyprian moreouer in the forenamed Epi∣stle (worthy to be read of al men) describeth likewise a cer∣tayne vision, wherin was shewed vnto them by the Lord, before the persecutiō came, what should happen. The vision was this: There was a certayne aged father sitting, at whose right hand set a young man very sad and pensiue: as one with an indig∣nation sorrowfull, holding hys hand vpon hys brest, hys counte∣naunce heauy and vnchearefull. On the left hand sate an other person, hauing in hys hand a net, whiche he threatned to lay to catch the people that stode about. And as he was marueiling that saw the sight thereof, it was sayd vnto him: The young man whō thou seest sit on the tight hand, is sad and sory, that hys preceptes be not obserued. But he on the left hand daunceth and is merry, for that occasion is geuen him to haue power of the aged Father geuen him to afflict men. And this vision was seene long before this tempest of persecution happened,* 7.255 Wherein is declared the same that before is sayd, the sinnes of the people to be the cause, why Sathan in this persecution and all other, hath had and hath still such power with hys net of destruction, to rage agaynst the bloud of Christen men, and all because (sayth Cyprian) we for∣slacke our praying, or be not so vigilant therein as wee shoulde: wherefore the Lord because he loueth vs, correcteth vs, correc∣teth vs, to amend vs, amendeth vs to saue vs. &c. Cyprian.

Furthermore,* 7.256 the same Cyprian, and in the same Epi∣stle, wrtting of his own reuelation or message sent to him, thus sayth: And to hys least seruaunt both sinfull and vn∣worthy (meaning by himselfe) God of his tender goodnes hath vouched safe to direct this word. Tell him sayth he that hee be quiet and of good comfort, for peace will come. Albeit a litle stay there is for a while, for that some remain yet to be proued and tryed.* 7.257 &c. And sheweth also in y^e same place of an other reuelation of his, wherein he was admo∣nished to be spare in hys feeding, and sober in hys drinke, least hys minde geuen to heauenly meditation might be caryed away with worldly allurements, or oppressed with to much surfet of meates and drinkes, should be lesse apt or able to prayer and spirituall exercise.

Finally in the latter end of the foresayd Epistle, men∣tion also followeth of other reuelations or shewinges,* 7.258 wherein the Lord (sayth Cyprian) doth vouchsafe in many of hys seruantes to foreshew to come the restauring of hys Church, the stable quiet of our health and safegard, after rayne fayre wea∣ther, after darcknes light, after stormy tempest, peaceable calme, the fatherly helpe of his loue, the wont & old glory of hys diuine maiesty whereby both the blasphemy of the persecutors shall be repressed, and the repentance of such as haue fallen be reformed, and the strong and stable confidence of them that stand, shall re∣ioyce and glory. Thus much hath S. Cyprian, writing of these thinges to the Clergy. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.

As touching now the crymes and accusations in this persecution layd to the charge of the Christians,* 7.259 thys was the principall, first because they refused to doe worship to their Idols and to the Emperours: then for that they pro∣fessed the name of Christ. Besides all the calamities and euils that happened in the world, as warres, famine, and pestilence,* 7.260 were onely imputed to the Christians. Agaynst all which quarreling accusations Cyprian doth eloquently defend the Christians in his booke Contra Demetrianum: Like as Tertulian had done before, writing Contra Scapulam page. 55. And first touching the obiection for not worshipping Idoles, he cleareth the Christians both in his booke Contra De∣meir. & also De vanitate idol. prouing those Idols to be no true Gods, but Images of certayne dead kinges, which neyther could saue themselues from death, nor such as worship them. The true God to be but one, and that by the testimony of Sosthenes, Plato, and Trismegistus, the which God the Christians doe truely wor∣ship. And as concerning that the Christians were thought to be causes of publique calamities, because they worshipped not the Gentiles Idoles, he purgeth the Christians thereof, prouing that if there be any defect in increase of thinges, it is not to be ascribed to them, but rather to the decrease of nature, languishing now to∣ward her age and latter end. Agayne for that it hath bene so fore∣sayd and prophecied, that toward the end of the worlde should come warres, famine, and pestilence. Moreouer if there be anye

cause therof more proper then other, it is most like to be imputed to their vaine Idolatry, and to the contempt of the true God. Al∣so that such euils be increased by the wickednes of the people, so that to speake in his owne words famem maiorem facia•• rapacites quam siccitas, i. famine cometh more by auarice of men, then by drought of the aire, but especially the cause therof to procede of the cruell shedding of the innocent bloud of the Christians &c.

Thus with many other mo probations doth Cyprian defend the Christians, against the barbarous exclamatiōs of the heathē Gentiles. Of which Cyprian forsomuch as he suffered in the time of his persecution, I mynde (Christ wylling) to recapitulate here in ample discourse, the ful summe, first of his life and bringing vp, then of his death, & Martyrdome, as the worthines of that man deserueth to be remembred. Of this Cyprian therfore, otherwise named Statius, thus writeth Nicephorus, Nazianzenns, Iacobus de Voragine,* 7.261 Henricus de Erfordia, Volateranus. Hieronymus, and other, that he being an Aphrican, and borne in Carthage, first was an Idolater and Gentill, altogether giuen to the study and practise of the Magicall Artes, of whose paren∣tage and education in letters from his youth, no mention is made but y^t he was a worthy Rethorician in Aphrica. Of whose conuersion and baptisme he himselfe in his first booke & second Epistle, writeth a florishing and eloquent Hystory.* 7.262 Which his conuersion vnto the christian fayth as Hieronimus affirmeth in his commentary vpon Ionas, was through the grace of God and the meanes of Cecilius a Priest, whose name after he bare, and through the occasi∣on of hearing the history of the Prophet Ionas. The same Hierome moreouer testifieth how he immediatly vpon his conuersion distributed among the poore al his substaunce and after that being ordained a Priest,* 7.263 was not long after constituted bishop of the congregation of Carthage. But whether he succeded Agrippinus of whom he often maketh mention, which also was the first author of rebaptization, or some other bishop of Carthage, it remaineth vncertain. But this is most true, he himselfe shined in his office and dignitie with such good giftes, and vertues, that as Nazi∣anzenus writeth, he had the gouernment of the whole, east Church, and church of Spain, and was called the Bishop of the Christian men.

* 7.264And to the further setting foorth (to the praise of God) of his godly vertues wherwith he was indued appearing as well in his owne workes, to them that list to peruse the same, as also described by other worthy writers, he was curteous and gentle, louing and ful of patience, and ther∣withall sharpe & seuere in his office,* 7.265 according as the cause required, as appeareth in his first booke and third epistle. Furthermore he was most louing and kinde towarde his brethren, and tooke much payne in helping and relieuyng the Martyrs, as appeareth by his letters to the Elders, and Deacons of his Bishopricke, that with all study and indeuour they should gently entertaine and shewe plea∣sure vnto the Martirs in his absence, as partly is touched before.

The third Epistle of his first booke doth declare of what stomacke and godly courage he was, in executyng his office, and handling his matters. Neither was he void of prudence & circumspection, but was adorned with mar∣ueilous modestie,* 7.266 wherby he attempted nothing vpon his owne head and iudgement, but with the consent of his fel∣low byshops and other inferiour Ministers, & that chiefly (amōg others) doth the 10. Epistle of his third booke wit∣nes. He was of a marueilous liberal disposition towards the poore brethren of other countries: for so often as he had cause of absence he committed the care of those poore men to his fellow officers, and wrote vnto them, that of their own proper goods, they would helpe their banished brethren, to that which was necessary for them, as witnesseth the 24. Epistle of his thirde booke.* 7.267 He reciteth among other gifts wherewith he was indued, as touching the visions and heauenly admonitions of the persecutions that should fol∣low, and of other matters touching the gouernment of y^e Church in his first booke & third Epistle, and fourth booke and fourth Epistle, where he reciteth and expoundeth the forme or maner of a certaine vision, which we haue before sufficiently expressed.

He had moreouer great skill in the foreknowledge of things that should chaunce, as may be gathered in the vj. Epistle of his fourth booke. Also Augustine doth attribute vnto him many worthy vertues, which wryteth much in setting foorth his giftes of humilitie, in his seconde booke of Baptisme, the fourth chapter, against the Donatistes, and in his vij. booke and xj. chap. of his long sufferaunce and pati∣ence. Also of his curtesie and meekenes by which vertues he concealed nothing that he vnderstoode,* 7.268 but vttered the same meekely and patiently. Also that he kept the Ecclesi∣asticall peace & concorde with those that were of an other opinion then he was of: lastly, that he neither circumuen∣ted nor did preiudice any man, but followed y^• thing which seemed good in his iudgement, it is manifest in S. Augustine his fift booke, De Baptismo contra Donatistas. Neyther is this to be passed with silence, that Hierome writeth that he was very diligent in reading, especially the works of Ter∣tullian, For he saieth that he saw a certaine olde man whose name was Paulus,* 7.269 which tolde him he saw the notarye of blessed Cyprian, being then an olde man when he him selfe was but a springal in the Citie of Rome, and told him that it was Cyprians wont neuer to let one daye passe wythout some reading of Tertullian, and that he was accustomed of∣tentimes to say vnto him: giue me any master, meanyng thereby Tertullian.

Now a few wordes touching his exile, and Martyr∣dome. Of his Epistles which he wrote backe to his con∣gregation, leading his life in exile, mention is made aboue wherin he sheweth the vertue beseeming a faithfull pastor in that he tooke no lesse care, as wel of his owne church, as of other Bishops being absent, then he did beyng presente. Wherin also he himselfe doth signifie y^t voluntarily he ab∣sented himselfe, least he should doe more hurt then good to the congregation, by reason of his presence, as is likewyse declared before. Thus from the desolate places of his ba∣nishment, wherein he was oftentimes sought for, he wri∣teth vnto his brethren, as in his third booke and x. Epistle is manifest, which thing semeth to be done in the raigne of Decius or Gallus. But after that he returned againe but of exile,* 7.270 in the raigne of this Valorianus, he was also after that the second tyme banished of Paternus the Proconsull of A∣phrica, into the Citie of Thurbin, as the oration of Augu∣stine touching Cyprian sheweth, or els as Pontius the Dea∣con saith,* 7.271 into a Citie named Fur••bilitana, or Curabilitana. But when Paternus the Proconsull was dead, Galienus Maximus succeded in the rowme and office of Paternus, who fynding Cyprian in a garden, caused him to be apprehended by his Sergeauntes, and to be brought before the Idoles, to offer sacrifice, which when he woulde not doe, then the Proconsul breaking forth in these words sayd: Long hast thou liued in a sacrilegious mind, and hast gathered togi∣ther men of wicked conspiracie, and hast shewed thy selfe an enimie to the Gods of the Romanes, and to their holye lawes: neither could the sacrete Emperours Valerianus & Galienus reuoke thee to the secte of their ceremonies. At length the wicked tyraunt condemnyng him to haue hys head cut of,* 7.272 he patiently and willingly submitted his necke to the stroke of the sword (as Hieronimus affirmeth.) And so this blessed Martyr ended this present life in the Lorde, Xistus then being Byshop of Rome,* 7.273 as Eusebius noteth, in the yeare of our Lorde. 259. Sabellicus saith that he was Martired in the raigne of Gallus and Volusianus, Lucius, be∣ing bishop of Rome, but that seemeth not like.

Now remayneth to speake something likewise of hys workes and bookes left behind him,* 7.274 although al peraduē∣ture doe not remaine, that he wrote: wherof some are mis∣sing, some againe which in the liuery of his name & title, are not his, but such as be certainly his by the style & sense may soone be discerned: such is the eloquence of his phrase, & grauity of his sentence, vigour of wit, power in perswa∣sion, so much differing from many other, as he can lightlye be imitated but of fewe. Of the which his bookes with vs extant, as the florishing eloquence is worthely cōmended, proceeding out of the schoole of Rhetoricians, so is the au∣thoritie therof no lesse reputation, not onely among vs of this age of the Church, but also among the Auncient fa∣thers. Whereof S. Austen speaking of his commendation sayth,* 7.275 Ego inquit, literas Cypriani non vt canonicas habeo, sed eas ex canonisis considero: & quod in eis deuinarum Scriptu∣rarum autoritati congruit cum laude eius accipio: quod au∣tem non congruit, cum pace eius respuo. &c. By which words it may appeare that Austen, although he did not repute y^• bookes and writings of Cyprian, to be equiualent with the holy Scripture, yet notwithstanding next after the scrip∣tures he had the same in great admiration.

Vincentius, and Laziardus Celestinus, recyting the names of dyuers bookes, bearyng the tytle of Cyprian (moe per∣chaunce then be truly his) do collect out of them a certaine extract of his most pithy sentences, al which here to repeat were to tedious. To giue a tast of the speciall, I thought it not impertinent. As where he speaking of the treasures of a rich man, exhorteth saying:

Ne dormiat in thesauris tuis,* 7.276 quod pauperi prodesse potest•• i.

Let it not sleepe in thy treasures, that may profite the poore.

Duo nunquam veterascunt in homine, cor semper nouas cogi∣tationes machinando: lingua, cordis vanas conceptiones pro∣ferendo.

i.

Two things neuer waxe old in man, the hart euer in imagining new cogitations, the toung euer in vttering the vaine conceptions of the hart.

Quod aliquando de necessitate amittendum est, sponte pro∣diuina remuneratione distribuendum est .i.

That which a man must needes forgo of necessitie, wisedome it is a man to distribute so, that God may euerlastingly reward him.

Disciplina est morum praesentium ordinata correctio, & malo∣rum praeteritorum regularis obseruatio. i.

Discipline is an ordinate amendment of maners pre∣sent, and a regular obseruation of euils past.

Integritas ibi nulla esse potest, vbi qui improbos damnent, de∣sunt: & soli qui damnentur, occurrunt.

There can be no integrity, wheras they which should condemne the wicked are euer wanting: and they on∣ly which are to be condemned, are euer present.

Auari ad hoc tantum possident, quae habent, vt ne alteri possidere liceat.

A couetous man onely possesseth his goodes for this, because an other should not possesse them.

Sericum & purpurum indutae, Christum induere non possunt.

Wemen that aduaunce themselues in putting on silks and purple, cannot lightly put on Christ.

Foeminae crines suos inficiunt malo praesagio: Capillos enim sibi flammeos auspicari non metuunt.

They which colour their lockes with red and yealow, beginne betime to prognosticate, of that colour theyr heades shall be in hell.

Qui se pingunt in hoc seculo, aliter quam creauit Deus metuant ne cum resurrectionis venerit dies, artifex creaturam suam non recognoscat.

They which loue to paynt themselues in this world otherwise then God hath created thē: let them feare, least when the day commeth of resurrection, the cre∣ator will not know them.

Qui pauperi eleemosinam dat, Deo suauitatis odorem sacri∣ficat.

He that gyueth an almes to the poore, sacrificeth to God an odour of swete smell.

Contemnenda est omnis iniuria praesentium molorum, fiducia fu∣turorum bonorum.

All iniurie of euils presēt to be neglected, for the good hope of good thinges to come.

Nihil prodest verbis proferre virtutem, & factis destruere.

To set out vertue in wordes, and to destroy the same in factes, is nothing worth.

Quo plures domi sint tibi liberi, hoc plus tibi non recondendum sed erogandum est, quia multorum iam delicta redimenda sunt multorum purgandae conscientiae.

The mo children and greater houshoulde thou hast at home the more cause thou hast not to horde vp, but to disperse abroode, for that many sinnes are to be redee∣med many consciences are to be purged.

* 7.277¶Moreouer, least the Papists here should take an occasi∣on by this text, grounded vpon the text of Tobi, cap. 4. Al∣mose (saith he) deliuereth from al sinne and death: to build vp the workes of satisfactiō, the said Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist, 2. more plainely expoundeth both himselfe, and that place of Scripture, writing in these wordes: Quia scriptum est, E∣leemosina ab omni peccato, & morte liberat. Yob. 4. non vtique ab ea morte, quam semel Christi sanguis extinxit, & a qua nos sa∣lutaris Baptismi & tedemptoris nostri gratia liberauit, sed ab il∣la quae per delicta postmodum serpit. &c. That is: Almose doth deliuer from all sinne and from death. Yob. 4. not from that (saith Cyprian) which the bloude of Christ hath once extincted, and from which the wholsome grace of our Baptisme, and of our redeemer hath deliuered vs, but frō that death which afterward creepeth in by sinne. &c. Cypri∣an. Lib. 4. Epist. 2. by which words it is apparant, that Cypri∣an meaneth this deliueraunce (which commeth by almose gyuing) from death and sinne, not to be expounded nor to be taken for death euerlasting, from which only the bloude of Christ doth saue vs, but for temporall or transitory pu∣nishment, which is wont to be inflicted in this body of sin. For so it is nothing repugnaunt, but that temporall ver∣tues may haue their temporall rewards in this life, & lik∣wise sinnes committed may haue temporal punishments both of vs and in our families, our eternal saluation stan∣ding euermore firme in Christ yet notwithstanding.

The foresaide Vincentius moreouer speaking of an o∣ther booke of Cyprian (although the said booke be not num∣bred in the Catalogue of his workes) maketh mention of xij. abuses, or absurdities in the life of man, which in order be these:

• 1. Sapiens sine operibus. A wise man without good workes.
• 2. Senex sine religione. An old man without religion.
• 3. Adolescens sine obedientia.* 7.278 A young man without obedi∣ence.
• 4. Diues sine eleemosina. A rich man without almose.
• 5. Foemina sine pudicitia. A woman shameles,
• 6. Dominus sine virtute. A guide without vertue.
• 7. Christianus contentiosus. A Christian man contentious.
• 8. Pauper superbus. A poore man proude.
• 9. Rex iniquus. A king vnrighteous.
• 10. Episcopus negligens. A byshop negligent.
• 11. Plebs sine disciplina. People without discipline.
• 12. Populus sine lege. Subiectes without law.

As I haue hetherto set forth the commendation of Cy∣prian this blessed Martyr:* 7.279 so must we nowe take heede a∣gaine, y^t we do not here incurre the old & common daun∣ger, whiche the Papystes are commonlye accustomed to runne into, whose fault is alwayes almost to be immode∣rate and excessiue in their procedings, making to much al∣most of euery thing.* 7.280 So in speaking of the holye Sacra∣ments, they make more of them then doth y^e nature of Sa∣craments require, not vsing them, but abusing thē, not re∣ferring or applying them, but adoring them, not taking thē in their kind for thinges godly as they are, but taking thē for God himselfe, turning religion into superstition, & y^e creature to the creator, y^t things signifying to the things them selues signified, &c. To the Church likewise and ce∣remonies of the church, to generall Councels, to the bles∣sed virgin Mary mother of Christ, to the bishop of Rome, and to all other in like case, not contented to attribute that which is sufficient, they exceede moreouer the bounds of iudgement and veritie, iudging so of the Church, & gene∣ral coūcels, as though they could neuer, or did neuer erre in any iote. That the blessed mother of Christ amongest al women was blessed, and a virgine ful of grace, the Scrip∣ture & truth doth giue, but to say that she was borne with∣out al original sinne, or to make of her an aduocate, or mo∣ther of mercy, there they run further then truth wil beare. The ceremonies were first ordained to serue but onely for order sake, vnto the which they haue attributed so much at length, that they haue set in them a great part of our Reli∣gion yea & also saluation. And what thing is there els al∣most, wherein the Papistes haue not exceeded?

Wherfore to auoyd this common error of the papists,* 7.281 we must beware in cōmending the Doctors & writers of the Church, & so commend them, that truth and considera∣tiō, go with our cōmendation. For though this cannot be denied, but that holy Cyprian, and other blessed Martyrs were holy men, yet notwithstanding they were men that is such as might haue, & had their falles & faultes, men I say, & not aungels, nor gods, saued by God, not sauiours of men, nor patrons of grace: and though they were also men of excellent learning, & worthy Doctors, yet w^t theyr learning they had their errors also annexed. And though their bookes be (as they ought to be of great authority, yet ought they not to be equall with the Scriptures. And al∣beit the saide well in most things, yet it is not therefore i∣nough that what they said it must stande for a truth.* 7.282 That preeminence of authority onely belongeth to the worde of God, and not to the pen of man. For of men and Doctors, be they neuer so famous, there is none that is voyde of his reprehension.* 7.283 In Origene (although in his time the admi∣ratiō of his learning was singuler) yet how many things be there, which the Church nowe holdeth not? but exami∣ning him by Scriptures, where he sayd well, they admit him, where otherwise they leaue him.* 7.284 In Polycarpus the church hath corrected and altered that which he did holde in celebrating the Easter day after the Iewes. Neither cā holy and blessed Ignatius be defended in al his sayings:* 7.285 as where he maketh the fasting vpon y^e Sonday or the Sab∣both day as great an offence, as to kil Christ him selfe, Ig∣nat Epist. ad Phillip. contrary to this saying of Saint Paule. Let no man iudge you in meate & drinke. Also where the said Ignatius speaketh De virginitate, and of other thinges mo.* 7.286Irenaeus did hold that man was not made perfect in the beginning. He seemeth also to defend free will in man, in those thinges also that be spirituall. He saye•• that Christ suffered after he was fifty yeares old, abusing this place of the Gospell:* 7.287 Quinquaginta annos nondum habes. &c. Tertuli∣anus (whom S. Cyprian neuer laide out of his handes al∣most) is noted to be a Chiliaste: also to haue bene of Mōta∣nus sect. The same did hold also w^t Iustine, Cyprian, & other, that the Aungels fel first for the concupiscence of women, Lib. de habitu mulierum. He defendeth fre wil of man after y^e corruption of nature, inclining also to the errour of them, which defend the possibilitie of keeping God his law. Cō∣cerning Mariage. Vnum matrimonium (inquit) nouimus, si∣cut vnum Deum. i. We know (sayth he) one Mariage, as

we know one God condemning the second maryage. Lib, de Monogam. Diuers other things of like absurditie in him be noted. Iustinus also seemeth to haue inclined vnto the er∣rour of the Chiliastes,* 7.288 of the fall of certaine Aungels by we∣men, offree will or man, of possibilitie of keeping the lawe and such other. Neither was this our Cyprian, the great schooler of Tertulian, vtterly exempt from the blot of them, who contrary to the doctrine of the Church,* 7.289 did hold with rebaptising of such, as were before Baptised of heretikes, Whereof speaketh S. Austen, myslyking the same errour of Cyprian, in these words contained in his 2. booke, Contra Cresconium. Cypriani, inquit, laudem ego consequi non valeo eius multis literis mea scripta non comparo, eius ingenium diligo eius ore delector, eius charitatem miror, eius Martyrium vene∣ror. Non accipio quod de baptisandis haereticis & schismaticis sensit.* 7.290 &c. Uppon the whiche matter there was a great contention betwene the sayd Cyprian, and Stephen Bishop of Rome, as partly afore is note••. Of Austen himselfe like∣wise, of Ambrose, Hierome, Chrisostome, the same maye be said, that none of them also clearely passed away, but their peculiar faultes and errours went with them, whereof it were to long, and out of our purpose at this present to en∣treate. And thus much concerning the story of Cyprian the holy learned Martyr of Christ.

* 7.291Albeit here is to be noted by the way, touching the life and story of Cyprian that this Cyprian was not he, whome the narration of Nazianzen speaketh of (as is aboue menti∣oned) who from Arte Magicke was conuerted to bee a Christian, which Cyprian was a Citizen of Antioche, and afterward Bishop of the same Citie, and was Martyred vnder Diocletian. Where as this Cyprian was Byshop of Carthage, and died vnder Valerianus, as is sayd, &c. By the decrees of Gratiā. Dist. x. Quoniam. it appeareth more∣ouer that there was also a third Cyprian in the time of Iuli∣anus the Emperour Apostata,* 7.292 long after both these afore∣named. For so giueth the title prefixed before the saide Di∣stinct. Cyprianus Iuliano Imperatori: the distinction begin∣ning. Quoniam idem mediator Dei & hominum homo Chri∣stus Iesus, he actibus proprijs, & dignitatibus distinctis officia potestatis vtriusque discernit, &c. Upon the which distinctiō the glose commeth in with these words saying:* 7.293 y^t the pope∣dome, and the seate Imperial, haue both one beginning of one that is, Christ: who was both Bishoppe, and king of Kings. And that the said dignities be distincted, albeit the Pope notwithstanding hath both the swords in his hand and may exercise them both some time. And therefore al∣though they be distincted, yet in exercise the one standeth line∣ally vnder the other, so that the imperiall dignitie is subiect vn∣der the Papall dignitie, as the inferiour is subiect vnder the supe∣riour: that as there is one ruler ouer the whole which is God: so in the Church is one Monarche, that is, the Pope, to whom the Lord hath committed the power and lawfull right both of the heauenly and terrene dominion. Haec Glosa.

* 7.294Thus much I thought here to note by the waye be∣cause this distinction is fathered vpon Cyprian, which is false, for this Cyprian was not in the time of Iulian, not by 200. yeares, and so likewise by the other Cyprian, which died Martyr vnder Diocletian. Of anye Cyprian besides these two, we read not. Neither is it credible, that if there were any such Cyprian, he would euer haue written of any such matter, of the difference and mutuall nede of Christiā Emperours and Christen Popes. When as that Empe∣rour being an Apostata, neither regarded Christ, nor ca∣red for any Pope.

* 7.295About this tyme, and vnder the same Emperour Va∣lerianus suffered also Xistus, or Sixtus, the seconde of that name, Byshop of Rome, who being accused of his aduer∣saries, to be a Christiā, was brought with his vj. deacons to the place of execution, where he with Nemesius & other hys Deacons were beheaded and suffered Martyrdome. Laurence in the same time being also Deacon folowed after complayning to Xistus, as one being greued, that he might not also suffer with him, but to be secluded as the sonne frō the father. To whom the Bishop aunswering againe, de∣clared that within thre daies he should folow after. In the meane time, hee willed him to go home, and to distribute his treasures, if he had any vnto y^e poore. The iudge belike hearing mentiō to be made of treasures to be giuen to the poore, and thinking that Laurence had great store of trea∣sure in his custody, cōmaunded him to bring the same vn∣to him, according as the discourse of his storye here vnder written, more fully may appeare. Which history, because it is set foorth more at large in Prudentius, Ambrose, and other writers, and containeth in it mo things in it worthy to be noted of the Reader, we haue therfore with the more dily∣gence here inserted the more ample description of y^e same, to the further admiration of his patience, and God his glory shewed in him.

Now then as order requireth,* 7.296 let vs enter the story of that most constaunt and couragious Martir of Christ S. Laurence, whose words and works deserue to be as freshe and greene in Christian harts, as is the florishing Laurel tree, This thirsty hart longing after the water of lyfe, de∣sirous to passe vnto it, through the straight doore of bitter death, when on a time he saw his vigilaunt Shephearde, Xistus led as an harmles lambe, of harmefull tyrauntes to his death, cried out with open mouth and hart inuincible, saying,* 7.297 O deare father, whether goest thou, without the company of thy deare sonne? Whether hastenest thou, O reuerend Priest, without thy Deacon? Neuer wast thou wont to offer sacrifice without thy minister. What cryme is there in me that offendeth thy fatherhod? Hast thou pro∣ued me vnnaturall? Now try swete father, whether thou hast chosen a faithfull minister or not. Deniest thou vnto him the fellowship of thy bloud, to whom thou hast com∣mitted the destribution of the Lordes bloud? See that thy iudgement be not misliked, whilest thy fortitude is liked & lauded. The abasing of the scholer, is the disgracing of the Maister. What? haue we not learned that worthy Mai∣sters, haue obtained most worthy same, by y^e worthy actes of their Disciples and Scholers? Finally Abraham sacry∣ficed his onely begotten Isaac. Stoned Stephen prepared the way to preaching Pe••er, euen so father declare thy ma∣nifold vertues by me thy sonne. Offer thou him that pro∣ferreth him selfe. Graunt that the body of thy scholer may be sacrificed, whose mind with good letters thou hast beau¦tefied. These wordes with teares S. Laurence vttered, not becau••e his master should suffer, but for that he might not be suffered to tast of deaths cup, which he thirsted a••ter.

Then Xistus to his sonne shaped this aunswere:* 7.298 I for∣sake thee not, O my sonne, I giue thee to wit, that a shar∣per conflict remaineth for thee. A feeble and weak old man am I, and therefore run the rase of a lighter & easier death. But lusty and young thou art, and more lustely, yea more gloriously shalt thou triumph ouer this tiraunt. Thy time approcheth, cease to wepe & lament, three daies after thou shalt follow me. Decent is it, that this space of time come betwene the Priest & the Leuite. It may not beseeme thee O sweete Pupill, to triumphe vnder thy master, least it be said he wanted an helper. Why crauest thou to be pertaker with me in my passion? I bequeath vnto thee the whole inheritaunce. Why requirest thou to enioy my presence: let weake scholers go before, and the strōger come after, that those without maister may get the victory, which haue no neede by maister to be gouerned. So Helias left behynde him his beloued Heliseus. I yeelde vp into thy handes the succession of my vertues. Such was their contention, not vnmeete for so godly a priest, so zelous a minister, striuing with themselues, who shoulde first suffer for the name of Christ Iesu.

In tragical histories we haue it mentioned, y^t through ioy & admiration people claped their handes, whē Pylades named himselfe Orestes, Orestes, as truth it was, affirmed himselfe to bee Orestes. Pylades wishing to die for Orestes, Orestes, not suffering Pylades to loose his life for his sake: But neither of them might escape death, for both these lo∣uers were gilty of bloud the one committing the facte the other consenting. But this our Laurence the Martyr most constant, was by no meanes enforced to make this profer, sauing onely by his ardent zeale, and feruent spirite, who thirsting after the cup of Maytirdome, had it shortly after filled to the hard brymme.

Now let vs draw neare to the fire of Martyred Lau∣rence,* 7.299 that our colde hartes may be warmed thereby. The mercylesse tyraunt, vnderstanding this vertuous Leuite, not onely to be a minister of the Sacramentes, but a distri∣buter also of the Church riches (whereof mention is made before in the wordes of Xistus) promised to himselfe a dou∣ble pray, by the appresion of one silly soule. First with the rake of Auarice to scrape to himselfe the treasu••e of poore Christians, then with the firy forke of tyranny so to tosse and turmoyle them, that they should waxe weary of their Christian profession: With furious face, and cruell counte∣naunce, the greedy wolfe demaunded where this Deacon Laurence had bestowed the substaunce of the Church. Who crauing three dayes respite, promised to declare where the treasure might he had. In the meane time he caused a good number of poore Christians to be congregated. So when y^e day of his aunswere was come, the persecutor straightly charged him to stād to hys promise. Then valiant Laurēce stretching out his armes ouer the poore sayde: These are the precious treasure of the church:* 7.300 These are the treasure in deede, in whom the faith of Christ raigneth, in whome Iesus Christ hath his mansion place. What more precious

Iuels can Christ haue, thē those in whō he hath promised to dwel? For so it is written, I was hungry, & ye gaue me to eate: I was thirsty, and ye gaue me to drinke: I was harborles, and ye lodged me. And againe: Looke what ye haue done to the least of these, the same haue ye done to me. What greater riches can christ our maister posses, then the poore people, in whō he loueth to be sene? Oh, what toung is able to expresse the fury and madnes of the tirants hart? Now he stāped, he stared, he rāped, he fared as one out of his wit: his eies like fier glowed, his mouth like a bore fo∣med, his teeth like an helhoūd grinded. Now not a reaso∣nable man, but a roaryng lion he might be called. Kindle the fire (he cried) of wood make no spare. Hath this vyl∣laine deluded the Emperour? away with him, away with him. Whip him with scourges, iercke him with rods: buf∣fet him with fistes, braine him with clubs, iesteth the trai∣tour with the Emperour? Pinche him with fyrie tonges gyrde him with burning plates, bring out the strongest chaines, and the fireforkes, and the grated bedde of yron. On the firewith it, bind the rebell hande and foote, & when the bed is fire hot, on with him: rost him, broyle him, tosse him, turne him: On paine of our highe displeasure do eue∣ry man his office, O ye tormentors.

The worde was no soner spoken, but all was done. After many cruell handlings,* 7.301 this meeke lambe was layd I will not say on his firye bed of yron, but on his soft bed of downe. So mightily God wrought with his Martyr Laurence, so miraculously God tempered his element the fire, not a bed of consuming paine, but a pallet of nourish∣ing rest was it vnto Laurence. Not Laurence, but the Em∣perour might seeme to be tormented: the one broiling in the fleshe, the other burning in the hart. When this try∣umphant Martir had beene pressed downe with firepikes for a great space, in the mightie spirite of God he spake to the vanquished tyraunt:

* 7.302This side is now rosted inough, turne vp O tyraunt great, Assay, whether rosted or raw, thou thinkest the better meate.

O rare and vnaccustomed patience. O faith inuinci∣ble, that not onely not burnest, but by meanes vnspeaka∣ble doest recreate, refresh, stablish, & strengthen those that are burned, afflicted and troubled. And why so mightilye comfortest thou the persecuted? Because through thee they beleeue in gods promises infallible. By thee this glorious Martir ouercommeth his torments, vanquisheth this ty∣raunt, confoundeth his enimies,* 7.303 confirmeth the Christiās slepeth in peace, raigneth in glory. The God of might and mercy graunt vs grace, by the life of Laurence to learne in Christ to liue, and by his death to learne for Christ to dye. Amen.

Such is the wisdome and prouidence of God, that the bloud of his deare Saints (like good seede) neuer falleth in vaine to the grounde,* 7.304 but it bringeth some increase: so it pleased the Lord to worke at the Martirdome of this holy Laurence, that by the constant confession of this worthy & valiaunt Deacon, a certaine souldiour of Rome beyng therwith compuncted, and conuerted to y^e same faith, desi∣red forthwith to be Baptised of him: for the which he be∣ing called for of the iudge, was scourged, and afterwarde beheaded. Henr. de Erford.

Under the same Valerianus suffered also Dionysius by∣shop of Alexandria much affliction and banishment,* 7.305 with certaine other brethren, Of the which he writeth himselfe, & is alledged in the Ecclesiasticall story of Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 11. the wordes whereof tend to this effect: Dionysius wyth three of his Deacons, to wit, Maximus, Faustus, and Chere∣mon, also with a certaine brother of Rome, came to Emilia∣nus then President, who there declared vnto them in cir∣cumstance of words how he had signified vnto them y^e cle∣mencie of his Lords and Emperours: who had graunted them pardon of life, so that they would returne to them, & worship the Gods and keepers (as he called them) of their Emperie, asking them what aunswere they would gyue him there vnto: trusting as he saide that they woulde not shew themselues ingrateful to the clemency of them which so gently did exhort them. To this Dionysius aunsweryng, said:* 7.306 Al men worship not al Gods, but diuers men diuers gods, so as euery one hath in himselfe a mind or phantasie to worship. But we worship not many nor diuers Gods, but onely that one God, who is the creator of all things, & hath committed to our Lords Valerianus and Galienus the gouernmēt of their Empery, making to him our prayers ••••cessauntly for their prosperous health and continuance. Then the President sayde: And what hurt is it, but that you may both worship your God, what God soeuer he be, and these our Gods also? For you are cōmaunded wor∣ship such Gods, as al men know to be gods. Dionysius an∣swered we worship none other, but as we haue sayd▪ Emi∣lianus the President said: I see you are ingratfull men, and consider not y^e benignitie of the Emperous,* 7.307 wherfore you shal remaine no longer in this City, but shal be sent out to the parts of Libya, vnto a towne called Cephro. For that place by the commaundement of the Emperour I haue chosen for you. Neither shal it be lawful for you, to cōuent your assemblies, or to resort, as ye are wont to your burial places. And if any of you shal be found out of your places wherunto you are apointed, at your peril be it. And think not contrary, but ye shal be watched well inough. Depart therfore to the place as is cōmaunded you. and it foloweth more in the said Dionysius speaking of himselfe:* 7.308 And as for me (sayth he) although I was sicke, yet hee vrged mee so straightly to depart, that he would not giue me one dayes respite. And how (saith he writing to Germanus) coulde I congregate or not congregate any assemblies? And after a few lines it followeth. And yet neyther am I altogether absent from the corporall societie of the Lordes flocke, but I haue collected them togither, which were in the Citye, being absent, as though I had bene present, absent in body yet present in spirit.* 7.309 And in the same Cephro, a great con∣gregation remayned with mee, as well of those brethren which followed me out of the City, as also of them which were remayning there out of Egypt. And there the Lorde opened to me the doore of his word, although at the first en∣traunce I was persecuted and stoned among them, yet af∣terward a great number of them fel from their Idoles and were cōuerted vnto the Lord. And so by vs the word was preached to them which before were infidels: which mini¦stery after that we had accomplished there, the lord remo∣ued vs to an other place. For Aemilianus translated vs frō thence to more sharpe and straighter places of Libya, com∣maunding vs to meete altogether at a city Mareota, think∣ing there to separate vs seuerallye into sundrye villages, or thinking rather to take and preuent vs by the way. Af∣ter we were come thether, it was assigned to me (saith Di∣onysius) to go to Colluthion, which place I neuer hearde of before: which was the more griefe to me, yet some solace it was to me, that the brethren told me, it was neare to a Citie named Paraetonium. For as my being at Cephrō got me the acquaintaunce of manye brethren of Egypt, so my hope was that the vicinitie of that place where I shoulde be, to the Citie, might procure the familiaritie and con∣course of certaine louing brethren, which would resort and assemble with vs,* 7.310 and so it came to passe, &c.

Moreouer the said Dionysius in his Epistle ad Domi∣••ium & Dydymū, making mention of them whiche were afflicted in this persecution of Valerian, recordeth in these wordes saying: it were superflous (saith he) here to recite the names peculiarly of all our brethren slaine in this per∣secution, which both were manye and to me vnknowne.* 7.311 But this is certaine that there were men, wemen, younge men, maydens, olde wiues, souldiers, simple innocentes, and of all sortes and ages of men. Of whome some with ••courginges and fire, some with sworde obtained victo∣rye, and got the crowne. Some continued a great time, and yet haue bene reserued. In the whiche number am I reserued hetherto to some other oportune tyme know∣en vnto the Lord, which sayth: In the time accepted I haue he••rde thee, and in the daye of saluation I haue helped thee, &c. Nowe as concerning my selfe in what state I am, if thou desire to know first howe I and Caius, and Faustus Petrus, and Paulus, being apprehended by the Centurion, were taken away by certayne of the towne of Mareote, I haue declared to you before. Now I and Caius, and Petrus alone are left here included, in a west place of Libya, distant the space of thre daies iou••ney from Paraetonium. &c. And in processe farther he addeth: In the Citie (saith he) were cer∣taine priuily which visite the brethren: of Priestes Maxi∣mus, Dioscorus, Demetrius, and Lucius. For they which were more notable in the world, Faustinus and Aquilla, do wan∣der abroade in Egipt. Of the Deacons besides them whō sicknes hath consumed, Faustus, Eusebius, & Cheremon, are yet alyue.* 7.312 Eusebius hath God raised and stirred vp to mini∣ster to the confessours lying in bandes, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martirs, not without great perill. Neither doth the President cease yet to this day, cruellye murderyng such as be brought afore him, some tearynge with torments, some imprisoning and keeping in custody commaunding that no man should come to them,* 7.313 inquy∣ring also who resorted vnto them. Yet notwithstanding God with chearefulnes and dailye resorte of the brethren doth comfort the afficted. Haec Dionysius.

Concerning these deacons aboue recited, here is to be noted, that Eusebius afterward was made Bishop of Lao∣dicia in Syria. Maximus the Priest aforesaide, had the myni∣stration of the Church of Alexandria after Dionysius▪ Fau∣stus

long after continued in great age,* 7.314 vnto the latter per∣secution, where he being a very old man at length was be∣headed, and died Martyr.

As touching Dionysius him selfe, thus the stories re∣port, that he suruiuing all these troubles and persecutiōs, by the prouidence of God, continued after the death of Va∣lerian, vnto the xij. yeare of the raigne of Galienus, whiche was about the yeare of our Lord. 268. and so departed in peace in great age, after that he had gouerned the Church of Alexandria the space of xvij. yeares, & before that, had taught the schole of the sayd Citie of Alexandria, the terme of xvj. yeares. After whom succeeded Maximus, as is aboue specified. And thus much touching the full storie of Dio∣nysius Alexandrinus, and of other also Martyrs and Con∣fessours of Alexandria.

In Caesaria Palestine, suffered also the same time, Priscus, Malchus,* 7.315 and Alexander, the which three dwelling in the countrey, and good men, seing the valiaunt courage of the Christians, so boldly to venter, & constantly to stand, and patiently to suffer in this persecutiō, as men being greued with them selues, began to repent & accuse their so great sluggishnes, and cowardly negligence, to see other so zea∣lous & valiant, & themselues so colde & faint harted, in la∣boring for the crowne of Christian martyrdome: first con∣sulting and agreing within themselues, came to Cesarea, & there stepping to the Iudge, declared thēselues what they were, & obtained the end they came for, being giuen to the wilde beasts. After which like maner also and in the same Citye of Cesarea, a certaine woman whose name Eusebius expresseth not, who had beene before of the secte of Marcion was brought before the President, and likewise obtayned the same Martyrdome.* 7.316 Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 12.

Neither was the citie of Carthage all this while free from the stroke of this persecution,* 7.317 if credit should be giuē to the speculatiue glasse of Vincentius, who cyting out of Hugo, recordeth of 300. Martyrs, of which 300. Martyrs the history saith thus, that the President setting before the cooles and incense to doe sacryfice, by a lyme kilne, which was there neere at hand, offred vnto them this condition, either to set incense to the coales, for sacrifice to Iupiter, or els to go into the fornace of lyme: wherupon they altoge∣ther with a generall motion sodenly rushed into the kilne, and ther with the dusty smoke of the lime were smothered Vincent. Erford.

* 7.318In Aphrica also in the City of Tuburba, the sayd Vincē∣tius out of the Martyrologe inferreth mention of thre con∣staunt virgins Maxima, Donatilla, and Secunda, who in the persecution of this Valerian and Galienus, first had giuen for their drinke vinager and gaule, then with scourges were tried, after that vpon the gibbet were tormented, & rubbed with lime: then were scorched vpon y^e fiery gridirō, at last were cast to the wilde beastes, who being not touched of them, finally with the sword were beheaded, Vincent. Erfor.

* 7.319In Symela a City in Italy, vnder the Alpes, one Pon∣tius beyng there apprehended, by the commaundement of Claudius the President, was hanged first vppon the racke, then was cast to the wilde beastes,* 7.320 of whom he being no∣thing hurt, was after cōmitted to the fire. And finally nei∣ther touched therwith, (if the storye of Vincentius be true) was headed by y^e ryuers side, & his body throwne into the floude, where immediatlye the same houre, the foresayde Claudius with his assistant Anabius, were taken with wic∣ked spirits, by whom they were so miserablye vexed, that they byt of their tongues, and died.

* 7.321Zenon also Byshop of Verona, is saide also in the same persecution to sustayne Martyrdome.

* 7.322Moreouer in the same Citie of Alexandria aforesayde, Bergomensis in his 8. booke, writing of the story of Valeria∣nus Emperour, maketh mention of Philippus, bishoppe of the said sea of Alexandria, who (as he saith) was vnder the sayd Valerian beheaded. But that is not to be founde in any approued story, nor stādeth with the truth of time that any such Philip then was bishop of Alexandria, or any other ex∣cept onely Dionysius. After whom next succeeded Maximus, who remained xviij. yeares, and after him Theonas, &c. So that by the auncient recordes of olde writees it appeareth not that Philippus or any other of that name was Bishop of Alexandria, during this time signified by Bergomensis.

Although in some other later writers, as Equilinus An∣toninus, and Bergomensis▪ I finde a certaine historye of one Philippus, President of Alexandria about the same tyme of Valerian and Galienus, elected by the Emperour and Se∣nate of Rome, to gouerne those quarters, where he was at length conuerted to the christian faith, and after made Priest or Bishop,* 7.323 as they saye, of Alexandria, but that not to be so, the testimony of auntient writers doth refell. The history of this Philippus, witnessed in our later Chronicles is this: Philippus, being promoted to the Presidentship of Alexandria came downe with his wife Claudia,* 7.324 and his two sonnes, Auitus, and Sergius, and with his daughter named Eugenia, of the which Eugenia a long history full of straunge and prodigious miracles is written of Antoninus & other, wherof many things I will cut of, and brieflye touche the effect of the storye, leauing to the iudgement of the reader the credit of mine authors, as he shall see cause.

Thys Eugenia daughter of Philippus, being of singu∣lar beautie, and diligently brought vp by her parentes in y^e studie of science and learnyng, was by occasion of hearyng Christians,* 7.325 reduced and brought vp to Christianitye, with two other Eunuches her Schoolefellowes called Prothus and Hiacynthus: wyth whome shee takyng counsaile, vp∣on occasion, whether to auoyde the daunger of persecu∣cion, or refusing to marry wyth a Pagane, vnknowne to her parents and fryendes dyd flee awaye, and because the more boldlye shee might resort to heare the readynges of Helenus then an aged Byshoppe and of others, chaunged her selfe into mans apparell, and named her selfe Eugenius,* 7.326 vnder the whiche name she was at length admitted vnto a certayne Monastery, or a societie of chri∣stians in the suburbes of Alexandria although I hardly beleeue that any Monasterye of Christians was then in the suburbes of Alexandria permitted, where also at the last for the excellencye of learnyng and vertue, shee was made head of the place. Here by the waye I omit the myracles of the foresayde Helenus) Byshoppe as the story saith of Hierapolis (howe he caried burning coales in his lap,* 7.327 & how he aduētured himself to goe in the burning fyre, to resell wicked Zereas a Pagane, remaining in the same vnburned. Here also I omit the careful search of her parents for her, and of the answere of the Pythonisse againe vnto them, that she was taken vp to the heauen among y^e Goddesses. I omit moreouer the miracles done by y^e sayde Eugenia, in healyng the diseases and sicknesses or such as came to her, &c. The story proceedeth thus: Among other which were by this Eugenius cured & restored, there was a certaine Matrone of Alexandria named Melancia, who after she had vsed the helpe and acquaintaun•• of Eugenius supposing her to be a man,* 7.328 fell into an inordi••ate loue, se∣kyng by al meanes how to accomplish the lust of her con∣cupiscence. In so much that in her daily visiting of her, at length she began secretly to breake her mind, and to entise her to her ludenes. Eugenius contrary exhorted her to ver∣tue & honesty, shewing her the miseries of this life, and the peryll of that folly. Melancia seeing that by no meanes shee would be allured, nor by force drawen to her desire, & fea∣ryng moreouer that she in detecting of her would bringe her to shame, beginneth first to make an outcry of Eugeni∣us, declaring howe y^t she went about corruptly to defloure her, & so presented her accusation before Philippus y^e Presi∣dent, as well against Eugenius, as also against the rest of that company. This matter being heard, and the woman well knowen, the crime began to seeme suspitious, and so much the more, because it was obiected against the Chry∣stians. By reason whereof Eugenius with her felow Chry∣stians was now not only in great hatred, but also in daū∣ger of present death and destruction. Then Eugenius pur∣ging herselfe & her honesty, although with sufficient pro∣bation, yet notwithstanding perceiuing that it coulde take no place, what so euer she said, and seeing no time now to dissemble any longer, for the daunger as well of her owne selfe, as specially of her brethren which troubled her more: desired of the Iudge place and time to make manifest to him the truth, and so shewed her selfe what she was, and how she was his daughter, the other to be Prothus & Hia∣cinthus the two Eunuches, her schoolefelowes, vtteryng moreouer to him and to her brethrē the cause of her depar∣ting from them. At the narration whereof Philippus her father,* 7.329 and her two brethren comming to the knowledge of her conceaued no litle ioy, in receauing their Eugenia a∣gaine whom they thought had bene lost. No lesse gladnes was among the people, to see y^e euidence of the matter so plainely to try out the truth of the one,* 7.330 & the falsenes of the other. Wherat y^e malignant accuser was to double shame cōfounded, first for her dishonesty falsly cloked, secondly for the vntruth of her accusation openly detected. Bergomensis addeth moreouer, y^t the said accuser was stricken present∣ly with lightning. Thus Eugenia trying her honestly to her parents & friends, not onely was receaued of them a∣gaine, but also by the grace of the Lord working with her in the space of time did win thē to Christ. Wherby Philip∣pus the father of her by nature,* 7.331 now by grace was begottē of his own daughter to a more perfect life, & whō once he thought to haue bene lost, not only he foūd againe, but also w^t her found his own soule, & his own life, which before he

had lost indeede.* 7.332 This Phillippus (sayth the storye) was made afterwarde Bishop of Alexandria, and there suffered Martyrdome. Concerning whose Martyrdome I denye not but it may be true, but that he was byshop of Alexan∣dria, that cannot be admitted, as is before sufficiently proo∣ued, out of Eusebius and other auncient historicians.

Lykewyse it is sayd, that Eugenia after the Martyr∣dome of her father, returning to Rome with Prothus, and Hiacinthus, by occasion of conuertyng Basilla (who shoulde haue bene maried to a Pagane husband,* 7.333 and was then be∣headed) to the Christian faith, was assayled wyth sundrye kinds of death, first being tied to a great stone & cast into Tyber, where she was caried vp from drowning, thē put in the hoate bathes, which were extincted, and she preser∣ued: afterward by famishment in prison, where they saye she was fed at the hande of our Sauior, all which Legen∣dary miracles I leaue to the Reader to iudge of them, as shal seeme good vnto him. At last the story sayeth, she was with the sword beheaded, Antonin. Bergom. Ado.

* 7.334And because in this prent history mention was made of Helenus whom Antoninus with his fellowes noteth to be the byshop of Hierapolis, here is to be vnderstoode & ob∣serued by the way, y^t as Philippus in the foresaide history is falsly saide to be byshop of Alexandria, so lykewise vntrue it is that Helenus was bishop of Hierapolis. For by Eusebius it appeareth, Lib. 7. cap. 5. alleadging the words of Dionysius that he was bishop of Tarus in Cilicia, and had there ouer∣sight of that Church from the tyme of our Lorde, 254. to the yeare. 274.

The vj. yeare of Valerianus and Galienus we read in the story of Herfordiensis,* 7.335 cited out of Isuardus, of Victor and Vi∣ctorinus, who lying in prison the space of three yeares with Claudianus and Bossa his wife,* 7.336 are sayde to haue sustayne•• great tormentes, and Martyrdome, for the testimony and name of Christ. Ex. luardo.

Aurelius Prudentius in his booke intituled Peristepha∣non, inferreth mention of Fructuosus Byshop of Tarracona in Spaine, who with his two Deacons Augurius and Eu∣logius, suffered also Martyrdome being burned after syxe daies imprisonment, vnder y^e foresaid Emperours in this persecution. The cause of their punishment was for the profession of Christs name. Their Iudge and condemner was Emilianus: Their imprisonment indured sixe dayes. The kinde of death ministred vnto them was fire, wherin they being altogether cast with their armes bound behind them, their bandes (as Prudentius writeth) were dissolued, their hands vntouched with the fire, and their bodies re∣mayning whole. The charge of this Iudge vnto the By∣shop was this, that he would worship the Gods, whome the Emperour Galienus worshipped. To whom Fructuo∣sus the byshop aunswering: nay, (sayde he) I worship no dombe God of stockes and blockes, whom Galienus doth worship, but I worship the Lord and maister of Galienus, the Father and creator of all times, and his onely Sonne, sent downe to vs of whose flock I am here the Pastor and shepeherd. At this worde Emilianus aunswering agayne, Nay, (saith he) say not thou art, but say thou wast. And forthwith commaunded them to be committed to the fyre,* 7.337 where (as is sayd) their bandes and manicles being loosed, by the fire, they lifted vp their hands to heauen, praysyng the liuing God, to the great admiration of them that stode by, praying also that the element which seemed to fle from them, might worke his full force vpon them, & spedely dis∣patche them,* 7.338 which was after their request obtained. In the meane space as they were in the fire, there was a cer∣tayne Souldier in the house of Emilianus, who did see the heauens aboue to open, and these foresayd Martyrs to en∣ter in the same, which souldiour likewise shewed the sight the same time vnto the daughter of Emilianus, the president who beholding the same sight with the souldiour, was a present witnesse of the blessednesse of them, whom her cru∣ell father had condemned.

As thys godly Byshop was preparyng to his death (sayth Prudentius) the brethren approching to him, brought him drinke, desiring him with much weeping to receaue & drinke with them, but that he refused to do, requiring thē moreouer to refrayne their teares. With like readines the brethen also were diligent about him to pluck of his shoes & hose, as he was addressing himselfe to the fire. But ney∣ther would he suffer any seruaunts helpe in that,* 7.339 wherein he was no lesse willing as able to helpe himself. And thus this blessed and fruitefull byshop Fructuosus with his twoo Deacons Augurius and Eulogius, beyng brought to the fire, witnessed the constant confession of the name of christ, with the shedding of their bloude. Aurel. Prudentius. Ado. Equilinus.

And thus farre continued wicked Valerian, in his ty∣ranny against the Saintes of Christ. But as all the Ty∣rauntes before, and oppressors of the Christians had theyr deserued reward at the iust hand of God,* 7.340 which rendreth to euery man according to his workes: so this cruel Vale∣rian, after he had reigned with his sonne Galienus, y^e terme of vj. or vij. yeares, and about two yeares had afflicted the Church of Christ, felt the iust stroke of his hande, whose indignation before he had prouoked, whereof we haue to witnes Eutropius, Pollio, Sabellicus, Volateranus: For ma∣king hys expedition agaynst the Persians, whether by the fraude and treason of some about him, or whether by his owne rashnes, it is doubtfull: But this is certayne, that he fell into the handes of hys enemies, being about the age of lxx. yeares, where he led hys wret••hed age in a more wretched captiuitie.* 7.341 In so much that Sapores the king of the Persians vsed him (and well worthy) not for his ry∣ding foole, but for hys riding blocke. For whensouer the king should light vpon hys horse openly in the sight of the people, Valerian Emperour quondam, was brought forth in steede of a blocke, for the king to tread vpon hys backe, in goyng to hys horsebacke. And so continued this blockishe butcherly Emperour with shame and sport inough vnto his finall end, as witnesseth Laetus and Aurelius Victor.

And albeit Eusebius in a certaine Sermon to the Con∣gregation,* 7.342 declareth a more cruell handling of him, affir∣ming that he was slaine, writing in these wordes: Sed & tu Valeriane, quoniam eandem homicidiorum saeuitiam erga sub∣ditos Dei exercuisti, iustum Dei iudicium declarasti, dum cap∣tiuus ac vinctus vna cum ipsa purpura ac reliquo imparatorio ornatu abductus, ac tandem a Sapore Persarum Rege excoriari iussus, sale{que} conditus, perpetuum infaelicitatis tuae trophaeum e∣rexisti. &c. That is and thou Valerian, for so much as thou hast exercised the same crudelitie in murdering the subiects of God, therfore hast proued vnto vs the rightuous iudge∣ment of God, in that thy selfe hast bene bound in chaynes, and caryed away for a captiue slaue, with thy gorgeous purple, and thy imperiall attire, and at length also beyng commaunded of Sapores king of the Persians to be slayne and poudred with sault, hast set vp vnto al men a perpetu∣all monument of thine owne wretchednes. &c. Euseb.

The like seueritie of God his terrible iudgement is al∣so to be noted in Claudius,* 7.343 his Presidēt, and minister of his persecutions. Of which Claudius, Henricus de Erfordia thus writeth, that he was possessed and vexed of the deuill, in such sort, that he byting of his owne tongue in many small peeces, so ended hys life. Erford.

Neither did Galienus the sonne of Valerian, after the captiuitie of hys father, vtterly escape the righteous hand of God. For beside the miserable captiuitie of hys father whom he could not rescue, such portentes straunge, & out of the course of nature, such Earthquakes did happen, also such tumultes, commotions, and rebellions did followe, that Trebellio doth recken vp to the number of 30. together which in sundry places all at one time tooke vpon them to be tyrantes and Emperours ouer y^e Monarchie of Rome, by the meanes whereof he was not able to succour hys fa∣ther, though he would. Notwithstanding the sayd Galie∣nus beyng (as is thought) terrified by the exāple of his fa∣ther,* 7.344 did remoue: at least did moderate the persecutiō stir∣red vp by the Edictes of Valerian hys father, directing forth hys imperiall Proclamation, the tenor whereof procee∣deth after this effect, as is to be sene in Euseb. Lib 7. ca. 13. Emperour and

Caesar, Publius Licinius, Galienus, Pius For∣tunatus, Augustus, vnto Dionysius, to Pinna, and to Demetrian and to all other the like Bishops. The bountifull benignitie of my gift, I haue willed and commaunded to be proclaymed through the whole worlde, to the intent that such whiche are deteined in banishment for discipline sake, may safely returne home agayne, from whence they came. And for the same cause I haue here sent to you the example of my rescript for you to peruse & to enioy, so that no man so hardy to vexe or molest you. And thys whiche you may now lawfully enioy, hath bene long since by me graun∣ted. And therefore for your more warrant in the same, I haue committed the examplar hereof to the custody of Aurelianus Cy∣renius my chiefe Steward, where you may ••et the copy to see at your pleasure.

This mandate aboue prefixed did Galienus sent to Dio∣nysius Alexandrinus,* 7.345 and to other Byshops as is premised. An other rescript also the sayd Emperour sent to other Christian Byshops, permitting to them full libertie to re∣ceaue agayne their wonted places, where they were wont to associate together, called of them Caemiteria▪

By this it may appeare that some peace was then graū∣ted vnder this Galienus,* 7.346 to the Church of Christ: albeit not so,* 7.347 but y^e some there were which suffered. Among whome was one Marinus mentioned in Eusebius. Lib. 7. This Ma∣rinus being a warriour and a noble man in Cesarea, stoode

for the dignitie of a certaine order, whiche by all order of course, was next to fall vpon him by right, had not the en∣uious ambitiō of him y^t should follow next after hym, sup∣planted him both of office & life. For he accused him to be a Christian, and therefore sayd that he was not to be admyt∣ted vnto their offices, which was against their Religion. Wherupon Achaius then being iudge examined him of his faith, who finding him to be a christian indede, & constant∣ly to stand to his profession, gaue him .iij. houres to delibe∣rate & aduise wyth himselfe. There was the same time in Cesarea a Byshop named Theotechnus,* 7.348 otherwise called Theodistus, who perceiuing him to stand in doubtfull dely∣beration and perplexitie in himselfe, tooke him by the hand & brought him into the house or Church of the Christians, laying before him a sworde (which he had vnder his cloke for the same purpose) and a booke of the new Testament & so willed him to take his free choyse which of them both he would preferre.* 7.349 The souldior immediately without de∣lay ran to the booke of the Gospell, taking that before the sword. And thus he being animated by the bishop, presen∣ted himselfe boldly before the iudge,* 7.350 by whose sentence he was beheaded, and died a Martyr. Euseb. ibid.

* 7.351Whose body he beyng dead, one Asyrius a noble Sena∣tour of Rome, and a man very wealthy among the chief of that order, (who the same tyme was there present at hys Martyrdome) toke vp and bare vpō his owne shoulders, wrapping it in a rich & sumptuous weede, & so honoura∣bly committed it to the burial.* 7.352 Euseb, Lib. 7. cap 16.

Of which Asyrius the sayde author writeth, moreouer this storye, howe that in the foresayde Citie of Cesarea, the Gentiles vsed ther, of an aūcient custome to offer vp a cer∣taine sacrifice by a fountaine side, the which sacrifice by the working of the deuill, was wont sodainly to vanish out of their eies, to the great admiraciō of the inhabiters by. Asy∣rius seing this and pittying the miserable errour of the sim∣ple people, lifting vp his eies to Heauen, made his praier to almightie God in the name of christ. y^t the people might not be seduced of the deuil any lōger: by y^e vertue of whose praier the sacrifice was seene to swimme in the water of the fountaine, & so the straunge wonder of that sight was taken away, and no such matter coulde be their wrought any more.* 7.353 Euseb. Lib, 7. cap. 17.

And because mention is made here of Cesarea, there fo∣loweth in y^e next chapter of y^e same author, a strange mira∣cle if it be true, which he there reporteth, howe y^t out of the same City was the woman, which in y^e gospel came to our Sauiour, and was healed of her bloudy issue. Her house being in the Citye of Cesarea, before the doore thereof was set vp a certayne pyller of stone, & vpon the piller, an I∣mage was made of brasse, of a woman mekely knelyng on her knes, and holding vp her hands, as one that had some sute. Against the which there was an other Image also of a man proportioned of the same mettall, cūningly engra∣uen, in a short semely vestur••, & stretching forth his hand to the woman.* 7.354 At the foote of which piller grew vp a cer∣taine herbe of a straunge kind, but of a more straunge opi∣ration, which growing vp to the hemme of his vesture, & once touching the same, is saide to haue such vertue, that it was able to cure all maner of deseases. This picture of the man, (they say) represented the image of Christ. The history is written in Eusebius, as is said, the credite where∣of I referre to the Reader, whether he will thinke it true or false. If he thinke it false, yet I haue shewed him myne author: if he thinke it true, then must hee thinke with all that this miraculous operation of the herbe, proceded nei∣ther by the vertue of the picture, nor by the praier of the o∣ther being both dombe pictures, and engrauen no doubt at that time by the hand of Infidels, but to be wrought by some secret permission of God his wisedome, either to re∣duce the Infidels at that time to the belief of the storye,* 7.355 or to admonish the Christians to consider with them selues what strength and health was to be looked for onelye of Christ, and no other aduocate, seing the dumbe picture en∣grauen in Brasse, gaue his efficacie to a poore herbe to cure so many diseases. This picture saith Eusebius remained al∣so to his time which was vnder Constantinus the great.

* 7.356As touching the line and order of the Romaine By∣shops hetherto intermitted, after the martirdome of Xistus aboue specified, the gouernement of that church was con∣mitted next,* 7.357 to one Dionysius, about the yeare of our Lord, 266. who continued in the same the space of ix, yeares, as Eusebius saith,* 7.358 as Damasus recordeth but onely vj. yeares, and two moneths. Of his decretall Epistles because suf∣ficient hath bene sayd before concerning that matter, I o∣mit to speake. After whom succeded Felix, in the first yeare of Probus the Emperour, about y^e yeare of our Lord, 280. who gouerned that church v. yeares, and died as Pla••ina saith, a martyr. After him followed Eutychianus, and then Gaius, both martyrs, as the histories of some do recorde.

About the time of these byshops, lyued Theodorus by∣shop of Neocesarea, who is otherwise called Gregorius Mog∣nus, whome also Nicephorus for his myracles, calleth 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Thus Galienus the foresayd Emperour raygned as is declared, with his father Valerian, vij, yeares, after whose captiuitie he ruled the Monarchie, alone about ix. yeares, with some peace and quietnes graunted to the Church.

The daies of this Galien••s being expired,* 7.359 followed Claudius a quiet Emperour,* 7.360 as most stories do record. Al∣though Vincentius affirmeth that he was a mouer of per∣secution against the Christiās, & maketh mention of 262. Martyrs, which in his time did suffer, but because no such record remaineth to be found in Eusebius, who woulde not haue omitted some memoriall thereof if it had bene true, therefore I referre the same to the free iudgement of the Reader to finde such credite as it maye.* 7.361 This Claudius raigned but two yeares, after whome came Quintilianus, his brother next Emperor, & a quiet Prince, who cōtinued but onely xvij. daies, and had to his successor Aurelianus, vnder whome Orosius in his seuenth booke, doth number the ix. persecution against the Christians.

The ix. Persecution.

HEtherto from the captiuitie of Ualerian the Church of Christ was in some quietnes till the death of Quintili∣anus,* 7.362 as hath beene declared: After whom Aurelianus the next successor possessed the crowne, who in the first be∣ginning of his raigne (after the common maner of al prin∣ces) shewed himselfe a Prince moderate and discrete, much worthy of commendation, if his good beginning had con∣tinued in a constant course agreeing to the same. Of nature he was seuere & rigorous in correcting,* 7.363 dissolute in man∣ners, in so much that it was said of him in a vulgare pro∣uerbe, that he was a good phisition, sauyng that he gaue to bitter medicines. This Emperour being sicke, neuer sent for Phisition, but cured himselfe with abstinence. And as his beginning was not vnfruitefull to the common wealth: so neither was he any great disturber of the chri∣stians: whom he did not onely tolerate in their religiō but also in their counsell,* 7.364 beyng the same tyme assembled at Antioche, semed not to be against them. Notwithstanding in continuance of time through sinister motion and insti∣gation of certaine about him (as commonly such are ne∣uer absent in al places from the eares of princes (hys na∣ture somewhat inclinable to seueritie, was altered to a playne tyranny, which tiranny first he shewed beginnyng with the death of his owne sisters sonne, as wytnesseth Eutropius. After that he proceeded either to mooue, or at least to purpose persecution against the Christians.* 7.365 Albeit that wicked purpose of the Emperour, the mercifull wor∣king of God his hand did soone ouerthrow. For as the e∣dict or proclamation should haue beene denounced for the persecuting of the christians, and the emperour now ready to subscribe the edict with his hande, the mighty stroke of the hand of the lord sodainly from aboue did stop his pur∣pose, binding,* 7.366 as a man might say, the Emperours hands behinde him: declaryng (as Eusebius saieth) to all men, how there is no power to worke any violence against the seruauntes of God, vnlesse his permission do suffer them, and gyue them leaue. Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 30. Eutropius and Uopiscus affirme, that as the said Aurelianus was pur∣posing to rayse persecutiō against vs, he was sodainly ter∣rified with lightning, and so stopped from his wicked ty∣ranny. Not long after about the fifte or sixt yeare of hys rayne,* 7.367 he was slaine betwene Bizance and Hieraclea, an. 278. Thus Aurelianus rather intended thē moued perse∣cution.* 7.368 Neither is there any more then this founde cōcer∣ning this persecution in auncient histories and records of the Church. Wherfore I maruell the more, that Vincentius collecting out of the Martyreloges, hath comprehended such a great Cataloge of so manye martirs, whiche in Fraunce and in Italye (sayeth he) suffered death and tor∣ments vnder this Emperour Aurelianus. Wherunto Oro∣sius also seemeth to agree, in numbring this to be the ninth persecution vnder the sayd Aurelian.

Next after Aurelianus the succession of the impery fell to Publius Annius Tacitus,* 7.369 who raigned but vj. monethes, Him succeded his brother Florianus, who raigned but lx. dayes. And after him followed Marcus Aurelius, surnamed Probus. Of whome more hereafter (God willing) shal appeare.

In the meane time, within the compasse of these Em∣perours ••••lleth in a story recorded, of Eusebius, and not vn∣worthy

here to be noted, whereby to vnderstand the faith∣full diligence of good Ministers, what good it may doe in a common wealth.

Mention is made before of Eusebius the Deacon of Dyonisius, whom God stirred vp to vnite and comfort the saintes that were in prison and bandes, and to burye the bodies of the blessed Martyrs departed, not without great perill of his owne life, and after was made bishop (as is sayde) of Laodicea. But before he came to Laodicea to be bi∣shop there, it chaunced, the sayde Eusebius remaining as yet at Alexandria, the citie to be besieged of the Romaines, Pyruchius being there captaine. In the which siege halfe of the citie did hold with the Romaines, the other half with∣stoode them.* 7.370 In that part which went with the Romaine captaine was Eusebius, being also in great fauour with the captaine for his worthy fidelitie and seruice shewed. With the other halfe that resisted the Romains, was Anatholius, gouernour or moderator then of the schole of Alexandria, who also was bishop after the sayde Eusebius of Laodicea. This Anatholius perceiuing the citizens to be in miserable distresse of famine and destruction by reason of penury and lacke of sustenance, sendeth to Eusebius beeng then with the Romaines, and certifieth him of the lamentable penurie and perill of the citie, instructing him moreouer, what to do in the matter. Eusebius vnderstanding the case, repai∣reth to the captaine, desiring of him so much fauoure, that so many as would flee out of the citie from their enemies, might be licenced to escape and freely to passe, which was to him eftsoones graunted. As Eusebius was thus labou∣ring with the capitaine,* 7.371 on the other side Anatholius for his part laboured with the Citizens, moouing them to assem∣ble togither, and perswading them to geue themselues ouer, in yeelding to the force and might of the Romaines. But when the Citizens could not abide the hearing ther∣of: yet (sayde Anatholius) this I trust you will be con••en∣ted, if I shal coūsaile you, in this miserable lacke of things to auoide out of your citie, all such superfluities and vnne∣cessary impedimentes vnto you, as olde women, yong children, aged men, with such other as be feeble and impo∣tent, & not to suffer them here to perish with famine, whose presence can do no stead to you if they dy, & lesse if they liue, for spending the victuals which otherwise might serue thē that be more able to defend the Citie. The Senate hearing this sentence, & vnderstanding moreouer the graunt of the captaine, promising them their safetie, were well cōsenting therevnto. Then Anatholius, hauing a speciall care to them that belonged to the Church of Christ, calleth them toge∣ther, with the rest of the multitude, and perswading them what they should do, and what had bene obteined for thē, caused them to void the citie, and not onlie them, but also a great number of other mo, who perswaded by him, vnder that pre••ence, changing themselues in womens apparell, or faming some impotencie, so escapeh out of the citie. At whose comming out Eusebius on the other side was readie to receiue them, and refreshed their hungrye and pined bodies, whereby not onelye they, but the whole Citye of Alexandria was preserued from destruction.* 7.372 Eusebius. lib. 7. cap. 32.

By this little historie of Eusebius and Anatholius, descri∣bed in the vij. booke of Eusebius. cap. 32. and briefly here set foorth to thee (gentle Reader) thou mayest partly vnder∣stande the practise of the Prelates what it was in those daies in the church, which was then onlie imploied in sa∣uing of life, and succouring the common weales wherein they liued, as by these two godly persons Eusebius and A∣natholius may wel appeare. Unto the which practise if we compare the practise of our latter prelates of the church of Rome, I suppose no little difference will appeare.

The next Emperour to Florianus (as is said) was Mar∣cus Aurelius Probus,* 7.373 a Prince both wise and vertuous, and no lesse valiant in martial affaires, as fortunate in the successe of the same. During his time we reade of no perse∣cution greatly stiring in the church, but much quietnes, as well in matters of religion, as also in the common wealth In so much that after his great and manye victories, such peace ensued,* 7.374 that his saying was, there needed no more souldiers, seing there were no moe enimies to the cōmon wealth to fight against. It was his saying also, that hys souldiers nede not to spend corne and victuale, except they laboured to serue the common wealth.* 7.375 And for the same cause he caused his souldiers to be set a worke about cer∣tayne mountaynes in Syrinia & in Messia to be planted with vines, and not so much as in winter suffered them to be at rest, therfore by them at length he was slayne, after he had reigned the space of vj. yeres, and 4. moneths, an. 284 Eutrop.* 7.376

Carus with his two sonnes Carinus and Numerianus, succeeded next after Probus in the Empire,* 7.377 the raygne of which Emperors, continued in all, but iij. yeares. Of the which three first Carus,* 7.378 warring agaynst the Persians, was slayne with lightning. Of Numerianus his sonne, be∣yng with his father in his warres against the Persians, we finde much commendation in Eutropius, Vopiscus, and other writers, which testified to him to be a valiaunt war∣riour, an eloquent orator, as appeared by his declamatiōs and writinges sent to the Senate. Thirdly, to be an excel∣lent Poet. This Numerianus sorrowing & lamentyng for the death of hys father, through immoderate weeping fell into a great sorenes of his eyes, by reason whereof he ke∣ping close, was slaine not long after of his father in lawe, named Aper who traiterously aspiring to the Empire, dis∣snnuled his death, with a false excuse to the people, asking for him, saying, for the payne of his eyes he kept in from the wind and weather, til at length by the stinch of his bo∣dy being caried about, his death was vttered.

In the life of this Emperor Carus aforesaide,* 7.379 written by Eutropius in the later edition set forth by Frobenius, I finde (whiche in other editions of Eutropius doth not ap∣peare) that Numerianus the sonne of this Carus was he that slewe Babylas the holye Martyr, whose history before wee haue comprehended. But that seemeth not to be like both by the narration of Chrysostome, and also for that Vrsper∣gensis declaryng the same hystorie and in the same wordes,* 7.380 as it is in Eutropius, saith that it was Cyrillus, whome Nu∣merianus killed, the story whereof is this: what time Ca∣rus the Emperour in his iourney going toward the Per∣sians, remayned at Antioche.* 7.381 Numerianus his sonne would enter into the church of the christians, to view and behold their misteries. But Cyrillus their bishop would in no wise suffer him to enter into the church, saying that it was not lawfull for him to see the misteries of God,* 7.382 who was pol∣luted with sacrifices of Idoles. Numerianus full of indig∣nation at the hearing of these words, not suffering that re∣pulse at the hands of Cyrillus, in his fury did slay the godlye Martyr. And therefore iustly (as it seemed) was he him∣selfe slayne afterward by the hands of Aper.

Thus Carus with his sonne Numerianus being slaine in the East partes, as is declared, Carinus the other sonne raigned alone in Italye, where he ouercame Sabinus stri∣uyng for the Empire, and raigned there with much wyc∣kednes, till they returning home of the army againe from the Persians,* 7.383 who then set vp Dioclesian to be Emperor, by whome the foresayde Carinus for the wickednes of hys life, being forsaken of his host, was ouercome, & at length slayne with the hande of the Tribune, whose wyfe before he had defloured. Thus Carus with his two sonnes, Nu∣merianus and Carinus ended their liues, whose raigne con∣tinued not aboue three yeares.

All this meane space we reade of no great persecution stirring in the Church of Christ,* 7.384 but was in meane quiete state and tranquilitie,* 7.385 vnto the xix. yeare of the raigne of Dioclesian, So that in counting the time from the latter ende of Ualerian, vnto this foresaid yeare of Dioclesian, the peace of the church which God gaue to his people, semeth to continue aboue 44. yeares. During the which tyme of peace and tranquilitie, the church of the Lord did mightely increase and florish, so that the more bodies it lost by perse∣cution, the more honor and reuerence it wan daily among the Gentiles in al quarters, both Grekes and barbarous, in so much that (as Eusebius in his vij. booke describeth) amongst the Emperours themselues, diuers there were which not onely bare singular good will and fauor to them of our profession, but also did commit vnto them offices & regiments ouer countries and nations, so well were they affected to our doctrine, that they priuileged the same with liberty and indemnitie. What needeth to speake of them which not only liued vnder the Emperors in libertie but also were familiar in the court with the Princes them∣selues,* 7.386 entertained with great honour and speciall fauour beyond the other seruitures of the court, as was Dorothe∣us with his wife, children and whole family, highly accep∣ted & aduaunced in the palace of the Emperour: Also Gor∣gonius in like maner with diuers other mo, who for theyr doctrine & learning which they professed, were with theyr Princes in great estimation. In like reuerence also were the bishops of cities and Diocesse,* 7.387 with the Presidentes and rulers where they liued: who not onely suffered thē to liue in peace, but also had them in great price and regarde, so long as they kept themselues vpright, and continued in God his fauour. Who is able to number at that time the mighty and innumerable multitudes and congregations assembling together in euery citie, and the notable cōcur∣ses of such as dayly ••locked to the common Oratoures to pray▪ For the which cause they beyng not able to be contei∣ned

in their old houses, had large and great churches, new builded from the foundation, for them to frequent togither. In such increasement (saith Eusebius) by processe of tyme did the church of christ grow and shout vp daily more and more, profiting and spreading through all quarters, which neith••r enuie of men coulde infringe, nor any deuill could inchaunte, neither the craftie policie of mans wit coulde supplant, so long as the protection of God his Heauenlye arme went with his people, keeping them in good order, according to the rule of christian life.

* 7.388But as commonly the nature of al men being of it selfe vnruly and vntowarde, alwaies secketh & desireth prospe∣rity, and yet can neuer wel vse prosperitie, alwaies would haue peace, and yet hauing peace, alwaies abuseth y^e same: so here likewise it happened with these mē, which through this so great libertie & prosperitie of life began to degene∣rate & languishe vnto idlenes & delycacy, & one to worke spite and cōtumely against an other, striuing and conten∣ding among thēselues for euery occasiō, with railing wor∣des after most despitefull maner:* 7.389 bishops against bishops, and people against people, mouing hatred and seditiō one against an other, besides also cursed hipocrisie and simula∣tion with all extremity encreasing more and more, by rea∣son wherof the iudgemēt of god after his wonted maner, (whilist yet the congregatiō began to multiply) began by a litle and litle to visite our men with persecution, fallyng first vpon our brethrē which were abroad in warfare, but whē y^t toucht y^e other nothing or very litle, neither did they seeke to appease gods wrath, & call for his mercy, but wic∣kedly thinking with ourselues, that god neither regarded nor would visit our transgressions, we heaped our iniqui∣ties daily more and more one vpon an other, & they which semed to be our pastors refusing the rule of piety, were in∣flamed with mutual contentions on against an other. and thus whilest they were giuen onely to the studye of con∣tentions, threatnings, emulations, mutual hatred, & dys∣cord, euery man seeking his owne ambition,* 7.390 and persecu∣ting one another after the maner of tirany: Then, then, I say, the Lord according to the voice of Ieremy tooke awaye the beauty of the daughter of Sion. & the glory of Israell, fell downe from heauen, neither did he remember the foot∣stoole of his feete in the day of his wrath. And the Lorde o∣uerturned all y^e comely ornaments of Israell, & destroyed all her gorgeous buildings, and according to the saying of the Psalme, subuerted and extinguished the Testament of his seruaunt, and prophaned his sanctuary in destruction of his churches, and in laying wast the buildinges thereof so that all passingers spoiling the multitude of the people, they were made an obloquie to al the dwellers about. For he hath exalted the strength of his enimies,* 7.391 and turned a∣way the helpe of his sword from her, nor ayded her in the battayle, but ceased from the purging of her and her seate. He stroke downe to the ground and deminished her daies and ouer all this poured vppon her confusion. All these things were fulfilled vpon vs, when we saw the temples rased from the top to the ground, and the sacred scriptures to be burnt in the open market place, and the Pastours of the church to hide themselues, some here, some there, some other taken prisoners with great shame, were mocked of their enimies, whē also according to the saying of the pro∣phet in an other place: Contempt was poured out vpon the Princes, and they caused to goe out of the waye, and not to keepe the straite pathe.

The x. Persecution.

BY reason whereof (the wrath of God being kindled a∣gainst his church) ensued the tenth and last persecucion against the christians,* 7.392 so horrible and greeuous, that ma∣keth the pen almost to tremble to writ vpon it, so tedious that neuer was any persecution before or since compara∣ble to it for the time it continued, lasting the space of tenne yeares together. This persecution although it passed tho∣row the handes of diuers tyrantes and workers moe then one or two, yet principally it beareth the name of Dioclesiā who was Emperour as is aboue noted,* 7.393 next after Carus & Numerianus. Thys Dioclesian euer hauyng an ambitious minde, aspired greatly to be Emperour. To whom Druas his Concubine sayd,* 7.394 that first he should kill a wilde Boore before he should be Emperour. Hee taking effect at these wordes, vsed much with handes to kill wylde Boores: but seeing no successe to come thereof, vsed this prouerbe: Ego Apros occido, alius pulpamento fruitur, that is, I kill the Boores, but other doe eate the fleshe. At length the sayde Dioclesian beyng nominate to be Emperour,* 7.395 and seeyng Aper (who had killed Numerianus the Emperour) stan∣ding thereby sware, to the souldiers that Numerianus, was wrongfully killed, and forthwith runing vpon Aper with his sworde,* 7.396 slew him. Vopisc. After this he being stablished in the Empire, and seeing on euery side diuers and sundrie cōmotions rising vp against him, which he was not well able himselfe to sustaine, in the first beginning of his raign he chuseth for his Colleage Maximianus surnamed Herculi∣us,* 7.397 Father of Maxentius. Which two Emperours, because of diuers warres that rose in manye prouinces, choose to thē two other noble men, Galerius, & Constantinus, whome they called Caesars. Of whome Galerius was sent into the East partes against the Persians.* 7.398 Constantinus was sent ouer to Britannie to this our country of England, to re∣couer the tribute. Where he toke to wife Helena the daugh∣ter of king Coil, which was a maiden excelling in beautye, and no lesse famously brought vp in the study of learning of whome was borne Constantinus the great.* 7.399

All this while hitherto no persecution was yet stirred of these 4. princes against the church of Christ, but quietlye and moderatly they gouerned the common wealth, wher∣fore accordingly God prospered their doings and affaires, and gaue them great victories, Dioclesian in Egipt, Maxi∣minian in Aphricke and in Fraunce, Galerius in Persia, Constantinus in England and in Fraunce also. By reason of which victories Dioclesian and Maximian pu••te vppe in pride, ordeyned a solemne triumph at Rome, after which triumph Dioclesian gaue commaundement that he woulde be worshipped as God, saying, that he was brother to the Sunne and Moone,* 7.400 and adourning his shooes with golde and precious stones commaunded the people to kysse hys feete.

And not long after by the iudgement of God, for cer∣taine enormities vsed in the church,* 7.401 aboue touched, began the great and greuous persecution of the Christians, mo∣ued by the ragious cruelty of Dioclesian,* 7.402 which was about the nyneteenth yeare of his rayne, who in the Moneth of Marche when the feast of Easter was nye at hande,* 7.403 com∣maunded all the churches of the Christians to bee spoyled and cast to the earth, and the bookes of holy scripture to be burned.

Thus most violent edictes and proclamations were set foorth,* 7.404 for the ouerthrowing as is saide, of the Christians temples throughout all the Romane Empire. Neyther did there want in the officers any cruell execution of the same proclamations. For their temples were defaced euen when they celebrated the feast of Easter. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 2. And this was the first edicte giuen out by Dioclesian,* 7.405 the next proclamation that came forth, was for the burning of the bookes of the holy scripture, which thyng was done in the open market place as before: then next vnto that were edictes giuen forth for the displacing of such as were Ma∣gistrats,* 7.406 and that with a great ignominie, & al other what∣soeuer bare anye office. Imprisoning suche as were of the common sorte, if they would not abiure Christianitie, and subscribe to the heathen religion.* 7.407 Euseb. lib. 8. cap 3. & Nice∣phorus lib. 7. cap 4. Zonoras also in his seconde tome. And these were the beginning of the Christians euils.

It was not long after but that new edictes were sent forth, nothing for their cruelty inferiour to the first: for the casting of the elders and bishops into prisō, and then con∣straining them with sundry kindes of punishments to of∣fer vnto their Idoles. By reason whereof ensued a great persecutiō amongst the gouernors of the church, amongst whom many stood manfully, passing through many excee∣ding bitter torments, neyther were ouercome therwyth, being tormented and examined diuers of them diuerslye, some scourged, all their bodies ouer with whips & scour∣ges, some with racks, rasinges of y^e flesh intolerable were cruciated: some one way, some another way put to death. Some againe violently were drawen to the vnpure sacri∣fice, and as though they had sacrificed, when indeede they did not, were let go. Other some neither comming at al to their aultars, nor touching anye peece of their sacrifices, yet were borne in hand of thē that stoode by, that they had sacrificed, & so suffering that false infamation of their eny∣mies, quietly went away. Other as dead men were caried and cast away, being but halfe dead. Some they cast down vpon the pauement, and trailing them a great space by the legs, made the people beleue that they had sacrificed. Fur∣thermore other there were which stoutly withstood them, affirming with a loud voice that they had done no such sa∣crifice. Of whom some saide they were Christians, & glo∣ried in the profession of that name: some cryed saying, that neither they had, nor would euer be pertakers of that ido∣latry. And those being buffeted on the face & mouth wyth the handes of the soldiers, were made to hold their peace, and so thrust out with violence. And if the Saintes did seeme neuer so little to doe▪ what the enimies would haue

them, they were made much of. Albeit all this purpose of the aduersary, did nothing preuayle against the holye and constaunt seruaunts of Christ. Notwithstanding, of the weake sort innumerable there were, which for feare & in∣firmity fell and gaue ouer, euen at the first brunt.

At the first comming downe of these edictes into Ni∣comedia, there chanced a dede to be done,* 7.408 much worthy of memory, of a Christien, being a noble man borne, whiche moued by the zeale of God, after the proclamation made at Nicomedia was set vp, by and by ranne and tooke downe the same, and openly tare and rent it in peeces, not fearing the presence of the two Emperours, then being in the citie. For which acte he was put to a most bitter death,* 7.409 whiche death he with great faith & constancie endured euen to the last gaspe, Euseb. lib. 8. lib. 3. & 5.

After this the furious rage of the malignaunt Empe∣rours, being let loose against the saintes of Christ proceeded more & more, making hauock of gods people through out all quarters of the worlde.* 7.410 First Dioclesian which had purposed with himselfe to subuert the whole christian reli∣gion, executed his tyranny in the east) and Maximianus in the west, But wily Dioclesian began very subtilye, for hee put the matter first in practise in his owne campe, among whom the marshall of the field, as Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 4. affir∣meth, put the Christian Souldiers to this choise,* 7.411 whether they would obey the Emperors commaundement in that maner of sacrifice he cōmaunded, and so both to keepe their offices, and leade their bands, or els to lay away from thē their armor and weapons.* 7.412 Whereunto the Christen men couragiously aunswered, that they were not only ready to lay away their armour & weapons, but also to suffer death if it should with tiranny be enforced vnto them, rather thē they would obey the wicked decrees and comaundements of the Emperour.

There might a man haue seene very manye whiche were desirous to liue a simple and poore life: and whiche regarded no estimation and honour in comparison of true pietie & godlines. And this was no more but a subtile and wily flattery in the beginning, to offer them to be at theyr owne liberty, whether they would willingly abiure their profession or not, as also this was an other, that in the be∣ginning of the persecution, there were but a few tormen∣ted with punishment, but afterwarde by little and little hee began more manifestlye to braste out into persecution: It can hardly be expressed with wordes what number of Martirs,* 7.413 and what bloud was shedde through all cities and regions for the name of Christ Eusebius, in his 8 booke & chap. 7. saith that he himselfe knew the worthy Martirs that were in Palestina.* 7.414 But in Tire of Phenicia he decla∣reth in the same a marueilous martyrdome made, where certayne christians being geuen to most cruell wild beasts were preserued without hurt of them, to the great admira∣tion of the beholders and those Lions, Beares, and Ly∣bardes (kept hungry for that purpose) had no desire to de∣uoure them, which notwithstanding most vehementlye raged against those by whome they were brought into the stage, and stoode as they thought without daunger of thē, such were first deuoured. But the Christian Martyrs be∣cause they could not be hurt of the beasts being slayne with the sworde, were afterwarde throwen into the sea. At that time was martyred the Bishop of Sydon. But Syluanus the Byshop of Gazensis with 39. other were slayne in the mettall mynes of Phenitia.* 7.415 Pamphilus the elder of Cesarea being the glory of that congregation, died a most worthy Martyr, whose both life and most commendable martyr∣dome, Eusebius oftentimes declareth in his 8. booke and 13. chapter, in so much that he hath written the same in a booke by it selfe. In Syria all the chiefe teachers of the congre∣gation were first committed to prison, as a most heauye & cruell spectacle to behold,* 7.416 as also the bishops, Elders, and Deacons, which all were esteemed as menquellers, and perpetratours of most wicked facts. Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 6, After that we read of an other, whose name was Tirannion which was made meate for the fishes of the sea, and of Ze∣nobius which was a verye good Phisition, which also was slaine with brickebates in the same place. Eusebius. lib. 8. cap. 13.

Furthermore he maketh mention in the same place of others which were not tormented to death, but euery day terrified and feared without ceasing: Of some others that were brought to the sacrifices and commaunded to doe sa∣crifice, which woulde rather thrust their right hande into the fire, then to touch the prophane or wicked sacrifice, also of some others that before they were apprehended, would cast downe themselues from steepe places, left that beyng taken they should commit any thing against their profes∣siō. Also of two virgines very faire and proper, with their mother also which had studiously brought them vp,* 7.417 euen from their infancy in all godlines, beyng long sought for and at the last founde, and straightly kept by their kepers, whilest they made their excuse to do that which nature re∣quired, threw thēselues downe headlong into a riuer, also of other two yong maidēs being sisters, & of a worshipfull stock, moued with many goodly vertues, which were cast of the persecutors into the sea: and these things were done at Antioche as Eusebius in his 8. booke, and 13. chap. affir∣meth. But Syluanus the Bishop of Emissa y^e notable mar∣tyr together with certaine others were throwen to the wilde beastes. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 13.

Diuers and sondry torments were the christians in Mesopotamia molested with, where they were hāged vp by the feete, & their heads downewards, & with the smok of a small fire strangled. And also in Capadocia, where the Martirs had their legs broken. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.

Henricus de Erfordia maketh mention of the Martyrs of Tharsus in Cilicia as Tharatus, Probus, and Andronicus: But yet the Martirs in the region of Pontus suffered far more passing and sharper tormentes, wherof I wil here∣after make mention. Eusebius ibidem. So outragious was the beginning of the persecution whiche the Emperour made in Nicomedia in Bithinia. as afore is saide, that he re∣frained not from the slaughter of the children of Empe∣rours, neither yet from slaughter of the most chiefest prin∣ces of his court, who a litle before he made as much of, as if they had ben his owne childrē: Such an other was Pe∣ter, which among diuers and sundry tormentes: (among whō he being naked was lefted vp, his whole body being beaten with whips and torne, that a man might see y^e bare bones, and after they had mingled vineger & salt togither they poured it vpon the most tender parts of his body, & lastly rosted at a soft fire, as a man would rost flesh to eate as a victorious Martir ended his life. Dorotheus and Gor∣gonius being in great authoritie and office vnder the Em∣perour, after diuers torments were strangled with a hal∣ter,* 7.418 which both being of the priuie chamber, to him, when they saw & beheld the greuous punishment of Peter their houshold cōpanion: wherfore (said they O Emperour) do you punish in Peter that opinion which is in all vs? Why is that accounted in him an offence, that all we confes? we are of that faith religion & iudgement y^t he is of. Therfore he commaunded them to be brought forth, & almost with like paynes to be tormented as Peter was,* 7.419 & afterwardes hanged. Euseb. Rufini Lib 8. cap. 6. After whom Anthimus the Byshop of Nicomedia after he had made a notable confes∣sion, & bringing with him a great company of Martyrs, was beheaded. These men being thus dispatched y^e Emp∣rour vainly thought y^t he might cause y^e rest to do whate∣uer him listed. To this ende came Lucianus the Elder of the congregation of Antioche, and was martired after hee had made his Apologie before the Emperour. Eusebius. Lib. 8. Cap. 13.

Hermanus also that monster, caused Serena the wife of Dioclesian the Emperour, to be martyred for the Christian Religion: so much did the rage of persecutiō vtterly forget all naturall affectes. Other Martyrs of Nichomedia doth Nicephorus in hys vii. booke and xiiii. chapter recite, as Eu∣lampius and Eulampia, Agapen, Irenea, Chionia, and Ana∣stacia, vnder Illyricus, chiefe officer, were bound hand & foote to a post and brent. Vincentius. Lib. 12 cap. 66. And also Eu∣seb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. mentioneth such an other like matter full of horror and grief. There assembltd together in their temple many Christian men to celebrate the memory of the Na∣tiuitie of Christ, of euery age and sorte some: There Maxi∣mianus thinking to haue bene geuen a very fit occasion to execute hys tyranny vpō the poore Christians, sent thether such as should burne the temple, the doores being shut and closed rounde about. Thether came they with fire, but first they commaunded the cryer with a loud voyce to cry, y^t who soeuer would haue life, should come out of the tem∣ple, & do sacrifice vpō the next altar they came vnto of Iupi∣ter, and vnles they would do this, they shoulde all be brent with the temple. Then one stepping vp in the temple, an∣swered in the name of all y^e rest with great courage & bold∣nes of minde, that they were all Christians, & beleued that Christ was their onely God & king,* 7.420 and that they woulde doe sacrifice to him, with his father and holy Ghost, & that they were now all readye to offer vnto him. Wyth these words the fire was kindled and compassed about the tem∣ple, and there were brent of men, women, and children certeine thousands. There were also in Arabia, very ma∣nye martyrs slayne with axes, as Eusebius. Lib. 8. cap. 12. There was in Phrigia a citie, vnto which the Emperour sent his Edictes that they should doe sacrifice to the gods, and worship Idoles, all which Citizens the Maior him∣selfe,

the Questor, and chiefe Captaine confessed that they were all Christians. The Citie vpon this was besieged & set on fire,* 7.421 and all the people, Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 11. In Meliti∣na a region of Armenia, the bishops and Elders were cast in prison. Eusebius eodem cap. 6. In Arabrace a region neare adioyning to Armenia Eustratius was Martyred, as Nice∣phorus declareth, Lib 7 cap. 14. This Eustratius was y^• coun∣trey man borne, and very skilfull in the Greeke tong, exe∣cutyng by the Emperours commaundement, the shiriffes office at Licia in the East, which also did execution there vpon the Christians, and was a Scribe of great estimatiō called Ordinis Ducalis. This man beholding the meruai∣lous constancie of the Martyrs, thirsted with the desire of Martyrdome, for that he had priuily learned the Christian religion. Therfore he not abiding for other accusers, detec∣ted himself, and worthely professed that he was a christian, openly execrating the madnesse and vanitie of the wicked Ethnikes. He therefore being caried away, was tyed vp, beyng first most bitterly beaten. After that he was parched with fire, beyng put vnto his bowels, and thē basted with salt and vinagre, and lastly, so scotched & bemangled with the shardes of sharpe and cutting shels, that his whole bo∣dy semed to be all one continual wound, howbeit, by gods great goodnes afterward, it was restored to the first inte∣gritie. After this he was caried away to Sebastia, where, w^t his companion Orest he was burned.* 7.422 At that tyme also suffred Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Nicepho. Lib. 7. cap. 14. And in no lesse wise raged this persecution throughout al Egypt: where Eusebius in his 8. booke, and 13. chapter ma∣keth mention of Peleus and Nilus Martyrs and byshops in Egypt. But at Alexandria especially were declared most notable conflictes of Christian and true constant Martyrs that suffred: which Phileas the Bishop of Thumitane descri∣beth as after (God willing) shalbe declared. In this per∣secution of Alexandria, the principall that then suffred was Peter the bishop of Alexandria, with the Elders of y^e same most worthy Martyrs, as Faustus, Didius, and Ammonius, also Phileas, Hesichius, Pachiminus, and Theodorus, which all were bishops of the congregations within Egypt, and be∣sides them, many other both famous and singular mē. The whole legion of Christian souldiours which lay at The∣bes in Egypt, vnder the christian captaine Mauritius, when they would not obey the Emperours commaundement touching the worshippyng of Images, were tythed to death once, and then againe. And at last through the exhor∣tation of Mauritius, dyed altogether like constant Martyrs. Vincentius in speculo, Lib 13. cap. 2. Likewise at Antino di∣uers Christian souldiours, notwithstanding they were se∣riously dissuaded, suffred death together, amongst whome were Ascla, Philemon, and Apollonius, ibidem, cap. 50. and also in y^e other partes of Aphrica and Mauritania, was great per∣secution, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 6. Also in Sammium, of whiche place Chronicon maketh mention, and Scilia, where were 79. Martyrs slayne, for the profession of Christ, as writeth Henricus de Erfordia.

Now let vs come vnto Europe, Nicephorus in his vij. booke and xiiij. chap. sayth, that at Nicopolis in Thracia the Martyrs were in most miserable and pitifull wise hand∣led, where Lysia had the execution thereof. In Chalcedon suffred Euphemia, vnder Priscus the Proconsul. Vincentius, Lib. 12. cap. 77.

Henricus de Erfordia sayth that at Rome, Iohannes and Crispus, beyng priests, had the execution of Martyrs. And at Boemia Agricola, and Vitalis, Vincentius. Lib. 12. cap. 49. And at Aquileia the Emperour commaunded euery man to kill the Christians. Vincentius, Lib. eodem cap. 58. and amongest those Martyrs he maketh mention of Felices, and Fortuna∣tus. Reginus also writeth that in other places of Italy the persecution became great, as at Florentia, Pergamus, Neaples Campania, Beneuentus, at Venusa in Apulia, and in Thussia, and Henricus de Erfordia, saith, also at Verona. In France doubt∣lesse Rectionarus appoynted to that office,* 7.423 played the cruell helhound, of whose great cruelty agaynst y^e Christiās ma∣ny histories are full. At Mediolanus suffered Victor. And at Massilia, Maximianus set forth his decree, that either they should all do sacrifice to the Gods of the Gentils, or els be all slayne with diuers kindes of torments. Therfore many Martyrs there dyed for the glory of Christ. Antonius & Vin∣cent. lib. 12. cap. 2. In Beluacus suffred Lucian.

Vincentius and Reginus write of many places in Spain, where was great persecution, as at Emerita, where suffred Eulalia, of whom more foloweth hereafter, & Adula, where also suffred Vincentius, Sabina and Christina. At Toletum suf∣fred Lencadia the virgin, at Cesarea Augusta, where were put to death, 18. beside a great number of other Martirs, which suffred vnder Decianus the gouernour, which afflicted with persecution all the coast of Spayne, as sayth Vincentius, lib. 13. cap. 123.124.128.130.134▪ The foresayd Rictionarus made such persecution at Treuers neare the riuer of Mosella,* 7.424 that the bloud of christian men that were slayne, ran like small brookes, and couloured great and mayne riuers. Neyther yet did this suffise him, but from thence sent certaine horse∣men with his letters, commaunding them to ride into e∣uery place, and charge all such as had taken and apprehē∣ded any Christians, that they should immediatly put them to death. Vincent. Lib. 13. cap. 136.

Also Henricus de Erfordia,* 7.425 and Reginus make mention of great persecution to bee at Colonia where Agrippina and Augusta were martyred, as also in the Prouince of Rhetia.

Beda also sayth, that this persecution reached euen vn∣to the Britains in his booke De ratione temporum. And the Chronicle of Martinus, and the Nosegay or tyme do declare that all the Christians in Britanny were vtterly destroy∣ed. Furthermore, that the kindes of death & punishment were so great and horrible,* 7.426 as no mans tong is able to ex∣presse. In the beginning, when the Emperour by his sub∣tletie and wilines, rather dallied then shewed his rigor, he threatned them with bands and imprisonment: but with in a while when he began to worke the matter in good ear∣nest, he deuised innumerable sortes of torments & punish∣ments, as whippings and scourgings, rackings, horrible scrapings, sword, fire, and ship boates, wherin a great nū∣ber beyng put, were sunke & drowned in the bottom of the sea. Euseb. Lib 8. cap 6. & 7. Also hanging them vpon crosses, binding them to the bodies of dead trees with their heads donneward,* 7.427 hanging them by the middles vpon gallow∣ses, til they dyed for hunger, throwyng them aliue to such kind of wilde beastes as would deuour them, as Lyons, Beares,* 7.428 Libardes, and wild Buls. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 8. Pric∣king and thrusting them in with bodkins and talants of beastes till they were almost dead, liftyng them vp a high with their heads douneward, euen as in Thebaide, they did vnto the women beyng naked and vnclothed, one of theyr feete tyed and lifted a high, & so hanging doune with theyr bodies, which thing to see was very pitifull, with other deuised sortes of punishments most tragicall, or rather ti∣rannicall, and pitiful to describe: as first, the bindyng of thē to trees, and to the boughes therof. The pulling & tearing asunder of their members and iointes,* 7.429 beyng tyed to the boughes and armes of trees. Euseb. Lib 8. cap. 9. The mang∣ling of them with axes, the choking them with smoke by small and soft fires,* 7.430 the dismembring of their hands, eares, and feete, with other ioyntes, as the holy Martyrs of Alex∣andria, suffred, the scorching and broyling of them w^t coales, not vnto death, but euery day renued. With such kynde of torments the Martyrs at Antioche were afflicted.* 7.431 But in Pontus other horrible punishmentes and fearefull to bee heard, did the Martyrs of Christ suffer, of which, some had their fingers endes vnder the nayles thrust in with sharpe bodkins, some all to be sprinckled with boyling lead, ha∣uing their most necessary members cut from them, some other suffryng most filthy, intollerable, and indurable tor∣mentes and payne in theyr bowels and priuy members. Eusebius eodem,* 7.432 cap. 12.

To conclude, how great the outrage of the persecution which raigned in Alexandria, was, and with how many & sundry kindes of new deuised punishments the Martyrs were afflicted:* 7.433 Phileas, the byshop of the Thumitanes, a man singularly well learned, hath described in his epistle to the Thumitanes, the copy wherof Eusebius hath in his 8. booke & x. chapter, out of the which we meane here briefly to recite somewhat.

Because (sayth he) euery man might torment the holy Martyrs as they listed themselues,* 7.434 some beat them with cud∣gels, some with rods, some with whippes, some with thongs, and some with cordes, and this example of beating was in sundry wise executed, and with much crueltie. For some of them hauyng their handes bound behynde their backes, were lifted vp vpon tymber logs, and with certaine instruments their members & ioints were stretched forth, whereon their whole bodies hanging, were sub∣iect to the will of the tormentors, who were commaunded to af∣flict them with all maner of torments, and not on their sides one∣ly (like as homicides were) but vpon their bellies, thighes, and legges, they scratched them with the talents and clawes of wylde beasts. Some other were seene to hang by one hand vpon the en∣gine, wherby they might feele the more grieuous pullyng out of the rest of their ioyntes and members. Some other were suche sort bound vnto pillers with their faces turned to the wall, hauing no stay vnder their feete, and were violently wayed downe with the payse of their bodies, that by reason of their straight binding, they beyng drawn out, might be more greuously tormēted. And this suffered they not onely during the tyme of their examinati∣on, and while the Shiriffe had to do with them, but also the whole day long. And whilest the Iudge went thus from one to another, he by his authoritie appointed certaine officers to attende vpon

those he left, and not to be let downe vntill either through the in∣tollerablenes of the payne, or by the extremitie of cold, they being neare the point of death, should be let downe: and so were they haled vpon the ground. And further they were commaunded that they should shew not so much as one sparke of mercy or compas∣sion vpon vs, but so extremely and furiously did deale with vs, as though our soules and bodies should haue died together.* 7.435 And therfore yet an other torment our aduersaries deuised to augmēt our former plagues. After that they had most lamentably beaten them, they deuised moreouer a new kinde of racke, wherein they lying vpright, were stretched by both the feete aboue the fourth stop or hole with sharpe shels or shares strowed vnder them, after a strange kind of engine to vs here vnknowen. Other some were cast downe vpon the pauement where they were oppressed so thicke, and so grieuously with tormentes, that it is not almost to be thought what afflictions they suffred.

Thus they lying in paines and torments, some died therwith, not a little shaming and confounding their enemies by their sin∣gular pacience. Some halfe dead and halfe aliue, were thrust into prison, where shortly after by paynes and woundes of their bo∣dies they ended their bitter life. Some again beyng cured of their woundes by their indurance in prison, were more confirmed, who beyng put to the choise whether they would come to their cursed sacrifice, and enioy their wicked libertie, or els sustaine the sen∣tence of death,* 7.436 did willingly and without delay abide the extre∣mitie, remembring with themselues what is written in the Scrip∣tures: He that sacrificeth (sayth he) to straunge Gods, shall be exterminate, &c. Item, thou shalt not haue any strange Gods be∣side me, &c.

Thus much wrote Phileas to the Congregation where he was Bishop, before he receyued the sentence of death,* 7.437 beyng yet in bandes, and in the same exhorteth his brethren constantly to persist after his death, in the truth of Christ professed. Euseb Lib 8. cap. 10.

Sabellicus in his vij. Ennead. and viij. booke, sayth that that christened man, which tore and pulled down the wic∣ked Edict of the Emperour in Nicomedia, beyng stript and beaten y^t the bones appeared, and after washed in salt and vineger, was then slaine with this cruell kind of torment. But Platina writeth that Dorotheus and Gorgonius exhor∣teth him to dye so constantly.

But as all their torments were for their horriblenesse, meruailous and notable, and therewithall so studiously, deuised, & no lesse greuous and sharpe: so notwithstāding therwith were these Martyrs neither dismayd, nor ouer∣come, but rather thereby confirmed and strengthened, so merily and ioyfully sustained they what so euer was put vnto them.* 7.438 Eusebius sayth that he himselfe beheld and sawe the huge and great persecution that was done in Thebaide, in so much that the very swordes of the hangmen and per∣secutors beyng blunt with the great and often slaughter, they themselues for wearines sate downe to rest them, and other were fayne to take their places. And yet all this not∣withstanding the murthered christians, shewed their mer∣uailous readines▪ willingnes, and diuine fortitude, which they were indued with, with stout courage, ioy, and smi∣ling, receiuing the sentence of death pronounced vpon thē, and song euen vnto the last gaspe,* 7.439 Hymnes and Psalmes to God. So did also the Martyrs of Alexandria, as witnes∣seth Phileas aboue mentioned. The holy martyrs (saith he) keping Christ in their myndes, beyng led with the loue of better rewards, sustained not onely at one tyme, whatsoe∣uer labour and deuised punishments they had to lay vpon them: but now also the second tyme haue done the same, and haue borne all the manaces of the cruell souldiors, not onely in wordes, wherwith they threatned them, but also whatsoeuer in deede and worke they could deuise to their destruction, and that with most manly stomackes, exclu∣ding all feare, with the perfection of their inspeakable loue towards Christ, whose great strength and fortitude cānot by wordes bee expressed. And Sulpitius sayth in the second booke of his sacred history, that then the Christians with more greedie desire preased and sought for Martyrdome,* 7.440 then now they desire bishoprikes.

Although some there were also, as I haue sayd, that with feare and threatnings, and by their owne infirmitie, were ouercome and went backe. Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap. 3. A∣mongst whom Socrates nameth Miletius, Lib. 1. cap. 6. and A∣thanasius in his second Apologie, nameth the bishop of Li∣cus a Citie in little Egypt, whom Peter the Bishop of A∣lexandria, excōmunicated,* 7.441 for that in this persecution he sa∣crificed to the Gentiles Gods. Of the fall of Marcellinus the Byshop of Rome, I will speake afterwardes. For he be∣yng perswaded by others, and specially of the Emperour Dioclesian himselfe, did sacrifice, whereupon he was excō∣municated, but afterwardes he repēting the same, was a∣gayne receaued into the congregation, and made Martyr as Platina and the compiler of the booke of the general coū∣cels, affirme. The number of the Martyrs increased daily, sometymes tenne, sometymes twenty were slaine at once, some whiles 30. and oftentymes 60. and otherwhiles a C. in one day, men, women, and children by diuers kindes of death. Eusebius, Lib 8. cap. 9 also Damasus, Beda, Orosius, Ho∣norius and others do witnes, that there were slayne in this persecution by the names of Martyrs, within the space of 30. days, 17. thousand persons, beside an other great num∣ber and multitude that were condemned to the mettall mines and quaries with like crueltie.

At Alexandria with Peter the Bishop, of whom I haue made mention before, were slayne with axes 300. & aboue, as Sabellicus declareth. Gereon was beheaded at Colonia A∣grippina, with 300. of his fellowes, as saith Henricus de Er∣fordia. Mauritius the Captaine of Christian religion, with his fellowes 6666. Victor in the citie of Troy now called Xanthus, with his fellowes 360. were slayne, as sayth Otto Phrinsigensis, Lib. 2. cap 45. Reginus reciteth the names of many other Martyrs, to the number of 120.

And for as much as mention here hath bene made of Mauritius and Victor, the perticular description of the same history I thought here to insert, taken out of Ado & other story writers, as insueth.

Mauritius came out of Syria into Fraunce and Italy, beyng Captaine of the bande of the Theban souldiours, to the number of 6660. beyng sent for of Maximianus, to goe a∣gaynst the rebellious Bangandes, but rather as it should seeme by the treason of the ••irant, which thought he might better in these quarters vse his tiranny vpon the Christi∣ans, then in the East part. These Thebans with Mauritius the Captaine, after that they had entred into Rome, who were there of Marcellus the blessed bishop, confirmed in the fayth, promising by othe that they would rather be slayne of their enemies, then forsake that faith which they had re∣ceaued, who followed the Emperours hoste through the Alpes euen into Fraunce. At that tyme the Caesarians were incamped not farre from the towne called Ottodor, where Maximianus offred sacrifice to his deuils, and called all the souldiours both of the East and West to the same, straight∣ly charging them by the aultars of his Gods, that they would fight against those rebels the Bangandes, and perse∣cute the christian enemies of the Emperors Gods: which his commaundement was shewed to the Thebanes hoste, which were also incamped about the riuer of Rode, and in a place that was named Agawne, but to Ottodor they wold in no wise come, for that euery man did certainly appointe and perswade with themselues rather in that place to dye, then either to sacrifice to the gods, or beare armour against the Christians. Which thing in deede very stoutly and va∣liantly they affirmed,* 7.442 vpon their othe befor taken to Maxi∣mianus when he sent for them. Wherwith the tyrant beyng wrathfull and all mooued, commaunded euery tenth man of that whole band to be put to the sworde, whereto stri∣uingly and with great reioysing they committed theyr neckes. To which notable thing and great force of fayth, Mauritius himselfe was a great incourager, who by & by w^t a most graue Oration exhorted & animated his souldiours both to fortitude & cōstancie.* 7.443 Which beyng again called of y^e Emperor, answered in this wise saying:

We are O Empe∣rour your souldiours, but yet also to speake freely, the seruants of god. We owe to thee seruice of war, to him innocēcie: of thee we receaue for our trauell, wages: of hym the beginning of lyfe. But in this we may in no wayes obey thee O Emperour, to deny God our author and Lord, and not onely ours, but your Lord likewise, will ye, nill ye. If we be not so extreemely enforced that we offend him, doubtles as we haue hitherto before, we will yet obey you, but otherwise we will rather obey hym then you. We offer here our handes agaynst any other enemies: but to defile our handes with the bloud of innocentes, that we may not doe. These right hands of ours haue skill to fight agaynst the wicked and true ene∣mies: but to spoyle and murder the godly and Citizens, they haue no skill at all. We haue in remembraunce how we tooke armour in hand for the defence of the Citizens, and not agaynst them. We fought alwayes for iustice sake, pietie, and for the health of innocentes. These haue bene alwayes the rewardes of our perils and trauell We haue fought in the quarrell of fayth, whiche in no wife we can keepe to you, if we doe not shewe the same to our God. We first sware vpon the Sacramentes of our God, then af∣terward to the king: and doe you thinke the second will aduaile vs▪ if we breake the first▪ By vs you would plague the Christians, to doe which feate we are onely commaunded by you. We are here ready to confesse God the author of all thinges, and beleue in hys sonne Iesus Christ our Lord. We see before our eyes our fellowes and partakers of our labours and trauailes, to be put to the sword, and we sprinkled with their bloud, of which our most blessed companions and brethrē, their end and death we haue not bewayled nor mourned, but rather haue bene glad, and haue re∣ioyced

thereat, for that they haue bene counted worthy to suffer for the Lord their God. The extreeme necessitie of death cannot moue vs agaynst your maiesty, neyther yet any despiratiō, O Em¦perour, which is wont in ventrous affayres to do much, shal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vs agaynst you. Behold here we cast downe our weapons, and resist not, for that we had rather to be killed, then kill, and guilt∣les to dye, then gilty to liue. What soeuer more ye will commaūd appoynt and inioyne vs, we are here ready to suffer, yea both fire sword, and whatsoeuer other tormentes. We confesse our selues to be Christians, we cannot persecute Christians, nor will do sa∣crifice to your deuilish Idols.

With which their aunswer the kyng beyng altogether incensed and mooued,* 7.444 commaunded the second tyme the tenth man of them that were left to be in like case murde∣red. That crueltie also beyng accomplished, at length whē the christian souldiours would in no wise condescend vn∣to his mynde, he set vpon them with his whole host, both footemen and also horsemen, and charged them to kil them all. Who with all force set vpon them, they making no re∣sistance, but throwyng downe their armour, yelded theyr lyues to the persecutors, and offered to them theyr naked bodies.

* 7.445Victor at the same tyme was not of that bande, nor yet then any souldiour, but one beyng an old souldior, and dis∣missed for his age. At which tyme he comming sodainly v∣pon them as they were haketting and making mery with the spoyles of the holy Martyrs, was bidden to sit downe with them: and first asking the cause of that their so great reioysing, and vnderstanding the truth therof, detested the guestes, and refused to eate with them. And then being de∣maunded of them whether happily he were a Christian or no, openly confessed and denied not, but that he was •• chri∣stian, and euer would be. And therupon they rushing vpō him, killed him, and made him partner of the like Mar∣tyrdome and honour.

* 7.446Beda in his history writeth, that this persecution beyng vnder Dioclesian, endured vnto the seuenth yere of Constan∣tinus, and Euseb Lib 8. cap. 6 sayth, that is lasted vntill the x. yeare of Constantinus. It was not yet one yeare from the day in which Dioclesian & Maximianus ioyning themselues together, began their persecution, when that they sawe the number of the Christians rather to encrease then to dimi∣nish, notwithstanding all the cruelty that euer they coulde shew; and now were out of all hope for the vtter rootyng out of them▪* 7.447 which thing was the cause of their first enter∣prise, and had now euen their fill of bloud, and lothed as it were, the shedding thereof, they ceased at the last of theyr owne accord to put any mo christians to death: But yet of a great multitude they did thrust out their right eyes, and maymed their left legs at the hamme with a searing iron, condemning them to the mines of mettals, not so much for the vse of their labour, as for the desire of afflicting them. And this was the clemencie and release of the crueltie of those Princes, which sayd that it was not meete that the cities should be defiled with the bloud of citizens, and to make the Emperours highnesse to bee destained with the name of cruelty, but to shew his princely beneficence and liberalitie to all men.* 7.448 Eusebius, Lib. 8. cap 10.

When Dioclesianus and Maximianus had raigned toge∣ther Emperours twenty yeares and one (Nicephorus saith xxij. yeares) at length Dioclesian put himselfe from his im∣periall dignitie at Nicomedia, and liued at Salona, Maximini∣anus at Mediolanum, and led both of thē a priuate life in the 309. yeare after Christ. This strange and meruailous al∣teration gaue occasion, and so came to passe, that within short space after,* 7.449 there were in the Romaine commō welth many Emperours at one tyme.

* 7.450In the beginning of this persecution, you heard how Dioclesian beyng made Emperour, tooke to him Maximini∣an. Also how these two gouerning as Emperours toge∣ther, chose other two Caesars vnder them, to wit, Galerius Maximinus & Constantius the father of Constantine the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Thus then Dioclesian raigning with Maximinian, in the 19. yeare of his raigne, began his furious persecution against the christians, whose raigne after the same continued not long. For so it pleased God to put such a snaffle in the ty∣rants mouth, that within two yeares after, he caused both him and Maximinian (for what cause he knoweth) to geue ouer his Imperial function▪ and so to remayne not as em∣perours any more, but as priuate persones: So that t••ey beyng now displaced and dispossessed, the Imperial domi∣nion remayned w^t Constantius & Galerius Maximinus, which two deuided the whole Monarchie betwene them: so that Maximinus should gouerne the East countreys, & Constan∣tius the west partes. But Constantius as a modest Prince, onely contented with the Imperial title, refused Italy and Aphrike, contenting himselfe only with Fraunce, Spaine, and Britaine. Wherefore Galerius Maximinus chose to hym his two sonnes Maximinus and Seuerus. Likewise Constan∣tius tooke Constantinus his sonne, Caesar vnder him. In the meane tyme,* 7.451 while Maximinus with his two Caesars were in Asia, the Romaine souldiours set vp for their emperour Maxentius the sonne of Maximinian, who had before deposed himselfe. Against whom Maximinus the Emperour of the East, sent his sonne Seuerus, which Seuerus was slayne in the same voyage of Maxentius. In whose place then Maxi∣minus tooke Licinius. And these were the Emperours and Caesars, which succeeding after Dioclesian, and Maximinian, prosecuted the rest of that persecution, which Dioclesian and Maximinian before begun,* 7.452 duryng neare the space of seuen or viij. yeares, which was to the yeare of our Lorde, 318. Saue onely that Constantius with his sonne Constantinus,* 7.453 was no great doer therin, but rather a maintainer and a supporter of the Christians. Which Constantius surnamed Chlorus for his palenesse, was the sonne of Eutropius, a mā of great nobilitie of the Romaine union, as Loetus affir∣meth. He came of the lyne of Aeneas and Claudia, the daugh∣ter of Claudius Augustus. This man had not the desire of great and mightie dominion, and therefore parted he the Empire with Galerius, and would rule but in France, Bri∣taine, and Spayne, refusing the other kingdomes for the troublesome and difficult gouernment of the same. Other∣wise he was a Prince, as Eutropius maketh description of him, very excellent, ciuill, meeke, gentle, liberall, and desi∣rous to do good vnto those that had any priuate authoritie vnder him.* 7.454 And as Cyrus once sayd, that he ga••e treasure i∣nough, when he made his friendes rich: euen so it is sayd that Constantius would often tymes say, that it were better that his subiects had treasure, thē he to haue it in his trea∣sure house. Also he was by nature suffised with a little, In so much, that he vsed to eate and drinke in earthen vessels (which thing was counted in Agathotles the Sicilian, a great commendation) and if at any tyme cause required to garnish his table, he would send for plate and other furni∣ture to his frendes.* 7.455 To these vertues he added yet a more worthy ornament, that is, deuotion, loue, and affection to∣wards the word of God, as Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13. affirmeth, after which vertues ensued great peace and tranquillitie in all his Prouinces: By which worde he being guided, neither leuied any warres contrary to pietie and christian religion, neither he aided anye other that did the same: neither destroyed he the churches, but commaunded that the christians should be preserued and defended, and kept them safe from all contumelions iniuries. And when that in the other iurisdictions of the Empire,* 7.456 the congregatiōs were molested with persecution, as Sozomenus declareth, Lib. 1. cap. 6. he only gaue licence vnto the Christians to liue after their accustomed maner. This wonderfull acte of his followyng, besides other, doth shew that he was a sincere worshipper of the christian religion.

Those which bare the chiefe offices among the Eth∣nikes, draue out of the emperors count all the godly Chri∣stians: wherupon this ensued, that the Emperors them∣selues at the last, were destitute of helpe, when suche were driuen away,* 7.457 which dwelling in their courtes, and liuyng a godly lyfe, poure•• out their prayers vnto God for y^e pro∣sperous estate and health both of the Empire & Emperor. Constantius therefore thinkyng at a certayne tyme to try what sincere and good Christians he had yet in hys courte, called together all hys officers and seruaunts in the same, fayning himselfe to chitse out such as would do sacrifice to deuils, and that those only should dwell there & keep their offices, and that those which would refuse to doe the same, should be thrust out & banished the court. At this appoint∣ment, all the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 deuided thēselues into 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪* 7.458 The Emperor marked which were the constantest & god∣liest from the rest▪ And when 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sayd that they would willingly do sacrifi••e, other serue openly and boldly denied to do the same: Then the Emperor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rebuked those which were so redy to doe 〈◊〉〈◊〉, & iudged them as false traitors vnto God accountyng their vnworthy to bee in his court, which were such traitors to God, and forthwith commaunded that they only should be banished the same. But greatly he commended them, which refused to doe sa∣crifice and confessed God, affirmyng that they onely were worthy to be aboue •• prince, forthwith 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thē that thenceforth they should be the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 counsellors and defēders both of his person & kingdom, saying thus much more that they onely were worthy to be in office, whome he might make account of as his assured friends, and that he ment to haue them in more estimation,* 7.459 then the substāce he had in his treasurie. Eusebius maketh mention hereof in his first booke of the life of Constantius, and also Sozomenus in his 1. booke and ••. chap.

With this Constantius was ioyned (as hath bene afore∣sayd) Galerius Maximinus,* 7.460 a man as Eutropius affirmeth, ve∣ry ciuill and a passing good souldior: Furthermore, a fa∣uourer of wise and learned men, of a quiet disposition, not rigorous, but in his dronkennesse, wherof he would soone after repent him, as Victor writeth. whether he meaneth Maximinus the father, or Maximinus his sonne, it is vncer∣tayne. But Eusebius farre otherwise describeth the conditi∣ons of him in his viij. booke, and first chapter. For he sayth he was of a tyrannicall disposition: The feareinllest man that might be, and curious in all magicall superstition, in so much that without the diuinatiōs and aunsweres of di∣uels he durst do nothing at al, & therefore he gaue great of∣fices and dignityes to enchaunters. Furthermore that he was an exactor and extortioner of the Citizens, liberall to those that were flatterers, geuen to surfeting and riote, a great drinker of wine, and in his furious drounkennesse most like a mad man, a Ribaud, an adulterer, which came to no City but he rauished virgins & defiled mens wiues.* 7.461 To conclude he was so great an idolater, that he built vp Temples in euery City, and repayred those that were fal∣len in great decay: and he chose out the most worthiest of his politicall Magistrates to be the idols priestes, and de∣uised that they should execute that their office with great authority and dignity, and also with warlike pompe. But to Christian piety and religion he was most incensiue, and in the East Churches exercised cruel persecution, and vsed as executioners of the same, Pencetius, Quintianus, and The∣otechnus beside others.

Notwithstanding he was at length reuoked from his cruelty by the iust iudgemēt and punishment of God.* 7.462 For he was sodenly vexed with a fatall disease most filthy and desperate, which disease to describe was very straunge, ta∣king the first beginning in his flesh outwardly, frō thence it proceeded more and more to the inward parts of his bo∣dye. For in the priuy members of his body ther happened vnto him a suddayne putrificatiō, and after in the bottome of the same a botchy corrupt bile, with a Fistula, cōsuming & eating vp his entrals, out of the which came swarming forth an innumerable multitude of lice, with such a pestife∣rous stinche that no man coulde abide him, and so muche more, for that all the grosenesse of his body by aboundance of meat before he fell sick, was turned also into a fat: which fat now putrified, and stincking was so vgsome and hor∣rible, that none that came to him coulde abide the sight thereof. By reason whereof, the Phisitions which had him in cure,* 7.463 some of thē notable to abide the intollerable stinch were commaunded to be slayne. Other some because they could not heale him being so swollen and past hope of cure were also cruelly put to death. At length being put in re∣membraunce that his disease was sent of God, he began to forethinke the wickednesse that he had done agaynst the sayntes of God, and so comming agayne to himselfe, first confesseth vnto god all his offences, then calling them vn∣to him which were about him, forthwith commaunded all men, to cease from the persecutions of the Christians. Re∣quiring moreouer that they should set vp his Imperiall proclamatiōs, for the restoring and reedyfiyng of their tē∣ples, and that they would obtayne this of the Christians, in their assembles (which without all feare and doubt they might be bolde to make) that they would deuoutly pray to theyr God for the Emperour. Then forthwith was the persecution stayed, and the Imperiall proclamations in e∣uery City were set vp, contayning the retraction or coun∣termaund of those thinges which agaynst the Christians were before decreed, the copy whereof ensueth.

* 7.464Amongst other thinges which for the benefite and cō∣modity of the common weale we established, we cōmaun∣ded to reforme all thinges according to the auncient lawes and publicke discipline of the Romaines, and also to vse this pollicy, that the Christians which had forsaken the re∣ligion of those forefathers should be brought agayne to the right way. For such phātasticall singularity was amongst them, that those thinges which their elders had receiued and allowed, they re••ected and disallowed, deuising euery man such lawes as they thought good, and obserued the same, assembling in diuers places great multitudes of people.

Therefore when our foresaid decree was proclaymed, many there were that felt the penalty therof, and many being troubled therefore suffered many kindes of death. And because we see yet that there be many which perseuere in the same, which neither geue due worship vnto the Celestiall Gods neither receiue the God of the Christians, we hauing respect to our accustomed be∣nignitie, wherewith we are wont to shew fauour vnto all men, thinke good in this cause also to extend our clemencye, that the Christians may be agayne tollerated, and appoynt them places where againe they may meet together, so that they doe nothing contrary to publick order and discipline By an other Epistle we meane to prescribe vnto the iudges, what shal be conuenient for them to do. Wherefore according as this our bountifull clemen∣cie deserueth, let them make intercession to God for our health, common weale, and for themselus, that in all places the state of of the common weale may be preserued, and that they themselues may be able safely to liue within their bondes.* 7.465 Euseb. lib. 8. cap. vl∣timo.

But one of his inferior officers whose name was also Maximinus, was not well pleased when this countermaūd was Published throughout all Asia, and the Prouinces where he had to do. Yet he being qualified by this example that it was not conuenient for him to repugn the pleasure of those Princes which had the chiefe authority as Constan∣tius and Maximinus, set forth of himselfe no edict touching the same: but commaunded his officers in the presence of others, that they should somewhat stay from the persecu∣tion of the Christians: of which commaundement of the inferiour Maximinus,* 7.466 each of them gaue intelligence vnto their fellowes by their letters. But Sabinus which then a∣mongst them all, had the chiefest office and dignitie: to the substitutes of euery countrey, wrote by his letters the Emperours pleasure in this wise.

The maiestie of our most gracious and Soueraigne Lordes the Emperours, hath lately decreed with speciall diligence and deuotiō, to induce all men to an vniforme life, so that they which seemed to dissent from the Romaine custome by a straunge ma∣ner of liuing, shoulde exhibite to the immortall Gods their due and proper worshipp, but the wilfull and obstinate minde of di∣uers so much, and so cōtinually resisted the same, that by no law∣full meanes they might be reuoked from their purpose, neither made afraid by any terror or punishment. Because therefore it so came to passe, that by this meanes many put themselues in perill and ieoperdy: The maiestie of our soueraigne Lordes the Empe∣rours according to their noble pietie, considering that it was far from the meaning of their princely maiesties that suche thinges should be, whereby so many men and muche people should be, destroyd, gaue me in charge that with diligence I shoulde write vnto you, that if any of the Christians from henceforth fortune to be taken in the exercise of their religion, that in no wise you molest the same, neither for that cause you doe iudge any man worthy of punishment: for that in all this time it hath euidentlye appeared that by no meanes they might be allured from such wil∣fulnesse. It is therefore requisite that your wisdome write vnto the Questors, Captaynes, and Constables of euery City and vil∣lage, that they may know it not to be lawfull for them, or any of them,* 7.467 to do contrary to the prescript of this commaundement, neither that they presume to attempt the same. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 1.

The gouernours therefore of euery prouince, suppo∣sing this to be the determinate pleasure (and not fayned) of the Emperour,* 7.468 did first aduertise thereof, the rusticall & Pagan multitude: After that they released and set at liber∣tye all suche prisoners as were condempned to the mettall mines, & to perpetuall imprisonmēt for their fayth, think∣ing therby (where in deed they were deceiued) that the do∣ing thereof would well please the Emperor. This therfore seemed to them as vnlooked for, and as light to trauellers in a darcke night.* 7.469 They gather themselues together in e∣uery City, they call their Synodes and counsels, & much maruell at the sodden chaunge and alteration. The Infi∣dels themselues extoll the onely and true God of the chri∣stians. The Christians receiue agayne all their former li∣bertie, and such as fell away before in the tyme of persecu∣tion, repent themselues and after penaunce done, they re∣turned agayne to the congregation. Nowe the Christi∣ans reioyced in euery Citty, praying God with hymnes and Psalmes.* 7.470 Eusebius ibidem. This was a maruailous so∣daine alteration of the Church, from a most vnhappy state into a better, but scarce suffered Maximinus the Tyraunt the same vj. monethes vnuiolated to continue. For whatsoe∣euer seemed to make for the subuersion of the same peace (yet scarcely hatched) that did he onely meditate. And first of all he tooke from the Christians all libertie and leaue for them to assemble and congregate in churchyardes vnder a certayne coulour. After that he sent certayne Miscreants vnto the Athenians, to sollicite them agaynst the Christi∣ans, and to prouoke them to aske of him as a recompence and great reward, that he would not suffer any Christian to inhabite in their countrey: and amongest them was one Theotechnus, a most wicked miscreant, an inchaunter, and a most deadly enemy agaynst the Christians. He first made the way whereby the Christians were put out of credite, and accused to the Emperour, to which fraud also he erec∣ted a certayne Idoll of Iupiter to be worshipped of the in∣chaunters and coniurers,* 7.471 and mingled the same wor∣ship with ceremonies, full of deceiueable witchcra••t. Last∣ly, he caused the same Idoll to geue this sound out of hys

mouth. That is: Iupiter commaundeth the christians to be ba∣nished out of the Citie and suburbes of the same, as enemies vn∣to him. And the same sentence did the rest of the gouernors of the prouinces publish against the Christians, and thus at length persecution began to kindle against them. Maxi∣minus appoynted and instituted high priestes and bishops in euery citie to offer sacrifice vnto Idoles, & inueigled all those that were in great offices vnder him, that they should not onely cease to pleasure them & to do for them, but also that they should with new deuised accusatiōs agaynst thē, at their pleasure,* 7.472 put as many to death as by any meanes they might. They also did counterfet certaine practises of Pilate against our sauiour Christ full of blasphemie, and sent the same into all the Empire of Maximinus by their letters, commaunding that the same shoulde be published and set vp in euery citie and suburbes of the same, and that they should be deliuered to y^e scholemaisters, to cause their scholers to learne by roate the same.

* 7.473After that one named Praefectus castrorum, whome the Romaines do call captaine, allured certaine light womē, partly by feare, and partly by punishment, dwelling at Damascus in Phenicia, and taken out of the court where∣in they were accused, that they shoulde openly say in wry∣ting that they were once Christians, and that they knewe what wicked & lasciuious actes the Christians were wont to execute amongst themselues vpon the sondaies, & what other things they thought good to make more of their own head, to the slander of the Christians. The capitaine shew∣eth vnto the emperour theer words, as though it had bene so in deede, and the Emperour by and by commanded the same to be published throughout euery city.* 7.474 Furthermore, they did hange vp in the midst of euery Citie (which was neuer done before) the Emperours edicts against y^e Chri∣stians, grauen in tables of brasse. And the children in the scholes with great noise and clapping of handes did euery day resound, the contumelious blasphemies of Pilate vn∣to Iesus,* 7.475 & what other things so euer were deuised of the magistrates, after most despitefull maner. Euseb. lib. 8, cap. 3.4.5.6.7. And this is the copie of the edict, which Maximinus caused to be fastened to pillers fraught, with all arrogant and insolent hate against God and Christ.* 7.476

The weake and imbecil rebellion of mans minde (all obscuri∣tie and blindnesse of ignorance set aparte, which hetherto hath wrapped the mindes of impious and miserable men, in the perni∣tious darkenesse of ignoraunce) is now at the length able to dis∣cerne, that the same is gouerned, as also corroborated by the pro¦uidence of the immortall gods the louers of vertue: which thing, how acceptable it is to vs, howe pleasant and gratefull, and howe much proofe the same hath declared of your wel disposed willing minds, is incredible to be tolde: Although this was not vnknown before with what diligence and deuotion yee serued the immor∣tall Gods, whose wonderfull and constant faith is not knowen by bare and naked wordes, but by your worthy & notable deeds. Wherefore worthely is your Citie called the habitation and seate of the immortall Gods, and by many examples it appeareth that the same flourisheth, and prospereth by the presence of the cele∣stiall Gods. For beholde, your Citie not regarding your priuate businesses, nor esteeming that which shoulde haue bene for the speciall commoditie thereof, when it perceaued that cursed vani∣tie to begin againe to creepe, and as a fire negligently quenched, when the dead brandes thereof began to kindle and make a great flame: by and by without delay ye hauing recourse vnto our pie∣tie, as vnto the Metropolitan of all diuine worship and Religion,* 7.477 craued remedie and helpe, which wholesome minde for your pie∣ties sake, it is most manifest that the gods haue indued you with. Therefore hee, euen that most mightie Iupiter I say, which preser∣ueth your most famous Citie: to that intent he might deliuer and make free your countrey Gods, your wiues and children, your housholde Gods and houses, from all detestable corruption, hath inspired you with this wholesome and willing minde, shewing & declaring howe worthy, notable, and healthfull a thing it is to worship & to sacrifice to the immortall Gods.* 7.478 For who is so void of reason & vnderstanding, that knoweth not that this thing hap∣peneth vnto vs by the carefull studie of the goodnes of our gods, that the grounde denieth not to geue her timely increase, nor maketh frustrate the husband mans hope, nor that wicked warre dare shew her face vpon the earth, nor that the corruption of the aire is nowe cause of pestilence, neither that the sea swelleth with immoderate windes,* 7.479 neither that sodaine stormes are cause of hurtfull tempestes. To conclude, that the ground which is as the nurce and mother of all things, is not swallowed vp of her deepe chappes and gapings, by terrible earthquake, neither that the hils made leuell with the earth, are not with gaping cliftes deuoured, all which euils and greater then these, before this time to haue happened euery mā knoweth. And all these mischiefes came vpō vs for the pernitious errours sake of the extreeme follie of those wicked men the Christanis, when filthinesse it selfe (as I may call it) so occupied their mindes, and ouerranne the worlde. Let them beholde the fieldes nowe all about full of corne,* 7.480 and ouerflowen as it were with eares of corne. Let them vewe the pleasant me∣dowes clothed with flowers, and moistned with showers from heauen, and also the pleasant and temperate weather. Therefore let all men reioyce, that by your pietie, sacrifices, & worshipping, the maiestie of the most stearne God of battell Mars is appeased, & that therfore we enioy pleasant & firme peace. And how many so euer haue left that blind errour and straying of the Christians vnfainedly, and be of a better minde, let them specially reioyce, as men deliuered out of a sodaine great tempest, and from a gree∣uous disease, and haue afterward obtained a delectable and plea∣sant life. For doubtlesse, if they had remained in that execrable vanitie, farre of had they bene chased from your Citie & suburbs of the same (according to your desire) that your Citie by that meanes, according to your commēdable diligence, clensed from all impuritie and impietie, may offer sacrifices according to the meaning of the same, with due reuerence of the immortall Gods. And that you may perceiue in how good part your supplication (yea vnasked and desired) we are most willing and ready to fur∣ther your honest endeuours, and graunt vnto you for your deuo∣tion, whatsoeuer you aske of our magnificence. And that thys thing may be accomplished, forthwith aske and haue. And thys thing with all speede, indeuour you to obtaine, which shall bee a perpetuall testimony of pietie exhibited of your Citie to the im∣mortall Gods, and shalbe a president to your children and poste∣ritie, and withall you shall obtaine of vs for this your willing de∣sire of reformation,* 7.481 condygne and worthy rewardes. Eusebius. Lib 9. cap. 7.

Thus came it to passe that at the length persecutiō was as great as euer it was, and the magistrates of euery pro∣uince were very disdainefull against the Christians which cōdemned some to death, and some to exile. Among whom they condemned three christians at Emisa,* 7.482 in Phenicia, w^t whom Siluanus the bishop a very old man, being 40. yeres in the ecclesiasticall function, was condemned to death. At Nicomedia, Lucianus the elder of Antioche, brought the∣ther, after he had exhibited to the emperour his Apologie concerning the doctrin of the Christians, was cast in pry∣son, and after put to death. In Amasea a City of Capado∣cia, Bringes the lieftenaunt of Maximinus, had at that time, the executing of that persecution. At Alexandria, Petrus a most worthy byshop was beheaded with whome manye other Egiptian byshops also died. Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 7. Nice∣pho. Lib. 7. cap. 44. Quirinus the Byshop Scescanius hauing a hanmyll tyed about hys necke, was throwne headlong from the bridge, into the flood, and there a long while flee∣ted aboue the water, and when hee opened his mouth to speake to the lookers on that they shoulde not be dismaied with that his punishmēt, was with much a do drowned. Chron. Euseb. At Rome dyed Marcellus the bishop as sayeth Platina, also Timotheus the elder, with many other bishops & Priests were martyred. To cōclud many in sundry pla∣ces euery where were martyred, whose name y^e booke inti∣tuled Fasciculus temporum declareth, as Victorianus, Sym∣phorianus, Castorius, with his wife, Castulus, Cesarius, Men∣nas, Nobilis, Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Petrus, and other innu∣merable martirs,* 7.483 Erasmus, Bonifacius, Iuliana, Cosmas, Da∣mianus, Basilinus with seuen others, Dorothea, Theophilus, Theodosia, Vitalis, Agricola, Acha, Philemon, Hireneus, Ianuari∣us, Festus, Desiderius, Gregorius, Spoletanus, Agapes, Chionia, Hirenea. Theodora, and 270. other Martyrs, Florianus, Pri∣mus and Felicianus, Vitus and Modestus, Crescentia, Albi∣nus, Rogatianus, Donatianus, Pancratius, Catharina, Margareta, Lucia, the virgin, and Antheus the king with many thousād martirs mo. Simplicius, Faustinus, Beatrix, Panthaleon, Geor∣gius, Iustus, Leocandia, Anthonia, and other mo to an infinite number,* 7.484 suffered martirdome in this persecution, whose names God hath written in the booke of life. Also Felix Vi∣ctor, with his parents Lucia the widow, Gemenianus, with 79 others, Sabinus, Anastasia, Chrisogonus, Felix, and Auda∣ctus, Adrianus, Nathalia, Eugenia, Agnes, also when she was but 13. yeare old was martyred▪ Euseb. in his 8. booke and 15. chap. rehearseth these kinds of torments and punishmēts,* 7.485 that is to say, Fire, wilde beastes, the sword, crucifyinges, the bottome of the sea, the cutting and burning of mēbers, the thrusting out of eyes, dismembring of the whole body, hūger, imprisonment, & whatsoeuer other cruelty y^e Ma∣gistrates coulde deuise. All which notwithstanding the godly ones, rather then that they woulde doe sacrifice as they were bid, māfully endured. Neither were the womē any thing at al behind thē. For they beyng intised to the fil∣thy vse of their bodies, rather suffered banishmēt, or wil∣lingly killed themselues. Neither yet could the Christians liue safely in the wildernes, but were fetched euē frō thēce to death and tormentes, in so much that this was a more greeuous persecution vnder Maximianus, the tyraunt, then

was the former cruell persecution, vnder Maximianus the Prince.* 7.486 Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 6. &. 10.

And forasmuch as yee haue hearde the cruell Edict of Maximinus proclaymed against the Christians, grauen in brasse, which he thought perpetually should endure to the abolishing of Christ & his Religion: Now marke againe the great handy worke of God, which immediatly fel vp∣on the same,* 7.487 checking the proud presumption of the tyrant, prouing al to be false and contrary, that in the brasen Pro∣clamation was contained. For where the foresaide Edict boasted so much of the prosperitie and plentie of all things in the time of this persecution of the Christians, sodenly befell such vnseasonable drought with famine and pestilēce among the people, besides also the warres with the Arme∣nians, that all was founde vntrue that hee had bragged so much of before. By reason of which famine and pestilence y^e people were greatly consumed, in so much that one mea∣sure of wheat was sold for two thousand and fiue hundred peeces of money of Athens coyne, by reason whereof in∣numerable died in the Cities, but many more in the coun∣trey and villages, so that most part of the husbād men and countreymen died vp with the famine and pestilence. Di∣uers there were which bringing out their best treasure,* 7.488 were glad to geue it for any kinde of sustenāce, were it ne∣uer so litle. Other selling away their possessions, fel by rea∣son thereof to extreme pouertie and beggary. Certaine ea∣ting grasse, and feeding on other vnholsome herbes, were faine to relieue them selues with such foode as did hurt and poyson their dodies. Also a number of women in the Ci∣ties, being brought to extreeme miserie and penurie, were constrained to depart the Citie, and fal to begging through the coūtrey.* 7.489 Some other were weake and faint (as Ima∣ges without breath) wandring vp and downe, & not able to stand for feblenesse, fel downe in the middle of y^e streetes, and holding vp their handes most pitifull, cried for some scrappes or fragments of bread to be geuen them, & being at the last gaspe, ready to geue vp the Ghost, and not able to vtter any other words, yet cried out that they were hū∣gry. Of the richer sort diuers there were, who being wea∣ry with the number of beggers and askers, after they had bestowed largely vpon them, became hard harted, fearing least they should fall into the same miserie themselues, as they which begged. By reason wherof the market place, streetes, lanes, and alleis lay full of dead & naked bodies, being cast out and vnburied, to the pitifull & grieuous be∣holding of them that saw them. Wherefore many were ea∣ten of dogges, for which cause they that liued fell to the kil∣ling of dogges, least they running mad, shoulde fall vpon them, and kill them.

* 7.490In like maner the pestilence scattering through all hou∣ses and ages of men, did no lesse consume them, especially those which through plēty of vitail escaped famine. Wher∣fore the rich Princes Presidentes and other innumerable of the Magistrates, being the more apt to receiue the infec∣tion, by reason of their plēty, were quickly dispatched, and turned vp their heeles. Thus the miserable multitude be∣ing consumed with famine and with pestilence, all places was full of mourning, neither was there any thing else seene, but wailing and weeping in euery corner. So that death, what for famine and pestilence in short time brake vp and consumed whole housholdes, two or three dead bodies being borne out together from one house to one fu∣nerall,

These were the rewards of the vaine bragges of Maxi∣minus and his Edicts, which he did publish in all townes and Cities against vs, whē it was euident to al men, how diligent and charitable the Christians were to them all in this their miserable extremitie. For they onely in all this time of distresse, shewing compassion vpō them, trauelled euery day, some in curing the sicke, & some in burying the dead, which otherwise of their owne sort were forsaken. Other some of the Christians calling and gathering the multitude together,* 7.491 which were in ieopardie of famine, distributed bread to them, whereby they ministred occasi∣on to all men to glorifie the God of the Christians, and to confesse them to be the true worshippers of God, as ap∣peard by their workes. By the meanes and reason hereof, the great God and defender of the Christians, who before had shewed his anger and indignation against al men, for their wrongfull afflicting of vs, opened againe vnto vs the comfortable light of his prouidence, so that by meanes thereof peace fell vnto vs, as light to them that sit in dark∣nesse, to the great admiration of all men, which easely per∣ceiue God himselfe to be a perpetuall director of our do∣ings, who many times chasteneth his people with cala∣mities for a time to exercise them, but after sufficient cor∣rection, againe sheweth himselfe mercifull and fauourable to them which with trust call vpon him.

By the narration of these things heeretofore premised, taken out of the storie of Eusebius, like as it is manifest to see, so is it wonderfull to marke and note, how those coun∣sailes and rages of the Gentiles, atchieued against Christ and his Christians, when they seemed most ••ure against them, were most against them selues. And whereby they thought most to confoūd the Church & Religion of Christ, the same turned most to their owne confusion,* 7.492 and to the profite and praise of the Christians, (God of his maruei∣lous wisedome so ordering & disposing the end of things.) For where the brasen Edict of the Emperour promised temperate weather, God sent drought, where it promised plentie, God immediatly sent vpon them famine and pe∣nurie: where it promised health, God stroke them euen vpon the same, with grieuous pestilence, and with other moe calamities, in such sort, that the most reliefe they had, was chiefly by the Christians, to the great praise both of them, and to the honour of our God.

Thus most plainely and euidently was then verified the true promise of Christ to his Church,* 7.493 affirming and as∣suring vs, that the gates of hell shall not preuaile against his Church builded vpō his faith: as sufficiently may ap∣peare by these x. persecutiōs aboue specified and described. Wherein as no man can deny, but that Sathan & his ma∣lignaunt world haue assayed the vttermost of their power and might to ouerthrow the Church of Iesus: so must all men needes graunt, that read these stories, that when Sa∣than and the gates of hell haue done their worst, yet haue they not preuailed against this mount of Sion, nor euer shall. For els what was here to be thought, where so ma∣ny Emperours and tyraunts together, Dioclesian, Maximi∣nian, Galerius, Maximinus, Seuerus, Maxentius, Licinius with their Captaines and officers, were let loose, like so many Lyons, vpon a scattered and vnarmed flocke of sheepe, in∣tending nothing els, but the vtter subuersion of all Chri∣stianitie, and especially also when lawes were set vp in brasse against the Christians, as a thing perpetually to stand: what was here to be looked for, but a finall desolati∣on of the name and Religion of Christians? But what fo∣lowed, partly ye haue heard, partly more is to be marked, as in the storie foloweth.

I shewed before how Maxentius the sonne of Maximini∣an, was set vp at Rome by the Pretorian souldiours to be Emperour. Whereunto the Senate, although they were not consenting, yet for feare they were not resisting. Maxi∣minian his father, who had before depriued him selfe with Dioclesian, hearing of this, tooke heart againe to him, to re∣sume his dignitie, and so laboured to perswade Dioclesian also to do the same: but when he could not moue him ther∣unto, he repaireth to Rome, thinking to wrast the Empire out of his sonnes hand: but when the souldiours woulde not suffer that, of a craftie purpose he flieth to Constantinus in Fraunce, vnder pretense to complaine of Maxentius his sonne, but in very deede to kill Constantinus. Notwithstā∣ding that conspiracie being detected by Fausta the daugh∣ter of Maximinian, whom Constantinus had maryed, so was Constantinus through the grace of God preserued,* 7.494 & Maxi∣minian retired backe. In y^e which his flight by the way hee was apprehended, and so put to death. And this is the end of Maximinian.

Now let vs returne to Maxentius againe,* 7.495 who all this while raigned at Rome, with tiranny and wickednes in∣tollerable, much like to an other Pharao or Nero. For hee slewe the most part of his noble men, and tooke from them their goodes. And sometime in his rage he would destroy great multitudes of the people of Rome by his souldiors, as Eusebius declareth,* 7.496 lib. 8. cap. 14. Also hee left no mischie∣uous nor lasciuious acte vnattempted, but was the vtter enemie of all womanly chastity, which vsed to send the ho∣nest wiues whome he had adulterated with shame and di∣shonestie vnto their husbandes (being worthy Senators) after that he had rauished them. He abs••ained from no ad∣ulterous acte, but was inflamed with the inquencheable lust of deflouring of women.* 7.497 Letus declareth that he being at a time farre in loue with a noble & chaste gentlewoman of Rome, sent vnto her such courtiers of his, as were mete for that purpose, whome also he had in greater estimation then any others, and with such was wont to cōsult about matters for the common weale. These first fell vpon her husbande and murdred him within his owne house, then when they coulde by no meanes neither with feare of the tyrant,* 7.498 nor with threatning of death pull her away from him: At length she being a Christian desired leaue of them to go into her chamber, and after her prayers shee woulde accomplish that which they requested. And when she had gotten into her chamber, vnder this pretence, she killed her

selfe. But the Courtiers when they sawe that the woman taryed so long, they being displeased therwith, brake open the doores, and found her there lying dead. Then returned they and declared this matter to the Emperor, who was so far past shame, that in steade of repentance, hee was the more set on fire in attempting the like.

He was also much addict to the arte Magicall, which to execute,* 7.499 hee was more fitte then the Imperiall dignitie. Also sometime he would rippe women when they were in laboure, and would search the place where the infant lay, being borne a little before. Often he woulde inuocate Di∣uels in a secrete maner, and by the answeres of them hee sought to breake the warres, which he knew Constantinus and Licinius prepared against him. And to the ende hee might the rather perpetrate hys mischieuous and wicked attemptes, which in his vngracious minde he had concei∣ued, according to his purpose,* 7.500 in the beginning of his raigne he fained himself to be a fauourer of the Christians. In which thing doing, thinking to make the people of Rome hys friendes, hee commaunded that they shoulde cease from persecuting of the Christians, and hee himselfe in the meane season abstained from no contumelious vex∣ation of them, till that he began at last to shewe hymselfe an open persecutour of them: at which time as Zonaras wryteth hee most cruelly raged against all the Christians thereabouts, vexing them w^t all maner of iniuries. Which thing he in no lesse wise did, then Maximinus, as Euse. in his 8. booke and 15. chap. seemeth to affirme.* 7.501 And Platina decla∣reth in the life of Marcellus the Bishop, that hee banished a certaine noble woman of Rome, because shee gaue her goodes to the Church.

Thus by the grieuous tyranny and vnspeakable wic∣kednesse of thys Maxentius,* 7.502 the Citizens and Senatours of Rome, being much grieued and oppressed, sent theyr complaintes wyth letters vnto Constantinus, wyth much sute and most hearty petitions, desiring hym to helpe and release their Countrey and Citie of Rome: who hearyng and vnderstanding theyr miserable and pitifull state, and grieued therewyth not a little, first sendeth by letters to Maxentius, desiring and exhorting him to refrayne his cor∣rupt doinges, and great crueltie. But when no letters nor exhortations woulde preuaile, at length pitying the wofull case of the Romaines, gathered together hys po∣wer and armie in Britayne and Fraunce, wherewyth to represse the violent rage of that tyraunt. Thus Constanti∣nus sufficiently appoynted with strength of men, but espe∣cially wyth strength of God, entred hys iourny comming towarde Italie, whyche was about the last yeare of the persecution.* 7.503 Anno 318. Maxentius vnderstanding of the comming of Constantine, and trusting more to his diuelish Arte of Magike, then to the good will of hys subiectes, whych hee little deserued, durst not shewe himselfe out of the Citie, nor encounter wyth him in the open fielde, but wyth priuie garrisons laide in waite for him by the waye, in sundry straightes as he should come. With whom Con∣stantine had diuers skirmishes, and by the power of the Lorde did euer vanquishe them and put them to flight.* 7.504 Notwythstanding Constantinus yet was in no great com∣fort, but in great care and dread in hys minde (approching nowe neare vnto Rome) for the Magicall charmes and sorceries of Maxentius, wherewith hee had vanquished be∣fore Seuerus sent by Galerius against hym,* 7.505 as hath bene de∣clared, which made also Constantinus the more afrayde. Wherefore being in great doubt and perplexity in himself, and reuoluing many thinges in his minde, what helpe he might haue against the operatiōs of hys charming, which vsed to cut women great with childe, to take hys diuelishe charmes by the entrals of the infants, with such other like feates of deuilishnes which he practised: These thinges (I say) Constantinus doubting and reuoluing in his minde, in his iourney drawing toward the Citie, and casting vp his eyes many times to heauen, in the South part, about the going downe of the sunne, sawe a great brightnesse in hea∣uen, appearing in the similitude of a crosse, wyth certaine starres of equall bignesse, geuing this inscription like La∣tine letters, IN HOC VINCE, that is: In thys ouer∣come. Euseb. De vita Constant lib. 2. Nicep. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutrop. lib. 11. Sozom. lib 1. cap 3. Socrat lib. 1. cap. 2. Vrspurgens. Chro∣nic. Paul. Diacon. lib. 11. Thys miraculous vision to be true, for the more credite, Eusebius Pamphilus in hys first booke De vita Constantini doeth witnesse moreouer, that hee had hearde the sayde Constantinus himselfe oftentimes reporte, and also to sweare this to be true and certaine, which hee did see with his owne eyes in heauen, and also his souldi∣ours about him. At the sight wherof, when he was great∣ly astonied, and consulting with his men vpon the mea∣ning thereof, behold in the night season in his slepe Christ appeared to him with the signe of the same crosse, which he had seene before, bidding him to make the figuration ther∣of, and to carie it in hys warres before him, and so shoulde he haue the victorie.

¶Wherin is to be noted (good Reader) that this signe of the Crosse,* 7.506 and these letters added withall: In hoc vince, was geuen to him of God, not to induce any superstitious worship or opynion of the Crosse, as though the crosse it self, had any such power or strength in it, to obtaine victo∣rie: but onely to beare the meaning of an other thing, that is, to be an admonition to him, to seeke and aspire to the knowledge and faith of him, which was crucified vppon the crosse for the saluation of him, and of all the world, and so to set forth the glory of his name, as afterwarde it came to passe. This by the way, now to the matter.

The next day following after this nights vision,* 7.507 Con∣stantinus caused a crosse after the same figuratiō to be made of golde and precious stone, and to be borne before him in steade of his standard: and so with much hope of victory & great confidence, as one armed from heauen spedeth him∣selfe towarde his enemie. Against whom Maxentius being constrained perforce to issue out of the Citie, sendeth al his power to ioyne with him in the fielde beyonde the riuer of Tybur, where Maxentius craftely breaking down▪ y^e bridge called Pons Miluius, caused an other deceitfull bridge to be made of boates and whirries, being ioyned together, and couered ouer with boordes and planckes in maner of a bridge, thinking therwith to take Constantine as in a trap. But here it came to passe which in the 7. Psalme is writtē. He digged a pit,* 7.508 and fell therein himselfe. Let his working returne vpon his owne head, and his vnrighteousnesse vppon hys owne pate, which heere in this Maxentius was rightly verified. For after the two hostes did meete, hee being not able to sustaine the force of Constantine fighting vnder the crosse of Christ against hym,* 7.509 was put to such a flight, and driuen to suche an exigent, that in retyring backe, for hast thinking to get the Citie, vppon the same bridge which he did lay for Constantine, was ouerturned by the fall of hys horse into the bottome of the floude, and there with the waight of his armour, he with a great part of his beatē men were drow∣ned. Representing vnto vs the like example of Pharao & his host drowned in the red sea. Who not vnaptly seemeth to beare a Propheticall figuration of this Maxentius. For as the children of Israel were in long thraldome and per∣secution in Egypt vnder tyrantes there, til the drowning of this Pharao theyr last persecutour: so was this Maxenti∣us and Maximinus and Licinius the last persecutours in the Romane Monarchie of the Christians, whome thys Con∣stantinus fighting vnder the crosse of Christ, did vanquishe and set the Christians at liberty,* 7.510 who before had bene per∣secuted nowe 300. yeares in Rome, as hath bene hetherto in this historie declared.

Wherefore as the Israelites with their Moses at the drowning of their Pharao,* 7.511 song gloriously vnto the Lorde, who myraculously had cast downe the horse and horsemen into the sea: So no lesse reioycing and exceeding gladnesse was heere, to see the gloryous hande of the Lorde Christe fighting with his people, and vanquishing hys enemyes and persecutours.

In histories we read of many victories and great con∣quests gotten:* 7.512 yet we neuer read, nor euer shal of any vic∣tory so wholsom, so commodious, so opportune to mākind as this was, which made an ende of so much bloudshed, & obtained so much libertye & life to the posterity of so many generations. For albeit that some persecutiō was yet stir∣ring in the East countreys by Maximinus and Licinius, as shall be declared: Yet in Rome and in all the West partes, no martyr died after this heauēly victory gotten. And also in the East partes the said Constantinus with the said crosse borne before him, consequently vpon the same so vanqui∣shed the tyrants,* 7.513 and so established the peace of the church, that for the space of a iust M. yeares after that, we reade of no set persecution against the Christians, vnto the time of Iohn Wickliffe, when the bishops of Rome began with fire to persecute the true members of Christ, as in further pro∣cesse of thys historie (Christ graunting) shall appeare. So happie, so glorious (as I sayde) was this victorie of Con∣stantine, surnamed the great. For the ioy & gladnes wher∣of, the Citizens who had sent for him before, with exceding triumph brought him into the citie of Rome, where he w^t the crosse was most honourably receiued and celebrated the space of vij. dayes together, hauing moreouer in the market place, his image set vp, holding in his right hande the signe of the crosse, w^t this inscription: Hoc salutari signo, veraci fortitudinis indicio, ciuitatem nostram iugo tyranni erep∣tam liberaui. That is, with this wholesome signe, the true

token of fortitude, I haue rescued and deliuered our Citie from the yoke of the tyrant.* 7.514 Euseb lib. 9. cap 9.

By this heauenly victorie of Constantinus, and by the death of Maxentius no little tranquillity came to the church of Christ. Although notwithstāding in the East churches the storme of this tenth persecutiō was not yet altogether quieted, but that some taile thereof in those partes remai∣ned for the space of ij. or iij. yeare.* 7.515 But of this we minde to speake (Christ willing) hereafter. In the meane season, to returne againe to the West partes here in Europe, where Constantinus then had most to doe, great tranquillitie fol∣lowed, and long cōtinued in the church without any open slaughter, for a thousande yeares together (to the time of Iohn Wickliffe and Waldenses, as is before touched) by the meanes of the godly beginning of good Constantinus, who with his fellow Licinius, being now stablished in their do∣minion, eftsones set foorth their generall proclamation or edict, not cōstraining therein any man to any religion, but geuing liberty to all men, both for the Christians to persist in their profession without any danger, and for other men freely to adioyne wyth them, whosoeuer pleased. Which thing was very wel taken, and highly allowed of the Ro∣maines, and al wise men. The copie of the Edict or consti∣tution here ensueth.

The copie of the Imperial constitution of Constantinus and Licinius, for the establishing of the free worshipping of God, after the Christian religion.

NOt long agone we weying with our selues, that the libertie and freedome of religion ought not in any case to be prohi∣bited,* 8.1 but that free leaue ought to be geuen to euery man to doe therein according to his wil and minde, we haue giuen comman∣dement to all men to qualifie matters of religion as they them∣selues thought good, and that also the Christians shoulde keepe the opinions and faith of their religion. But because that many & sundry opinions by the same our first licence spring and increase through such libertie graunted, we thought good manifestly to adde thereunto, and make plaine such things, wherby perchance some of them in time to come, may from such their obseruaunce be let or hindered. When therfore by prosperous successe, I Con∣stantinus Augustus, and I Licinius Augustus came to Mediola∣num, and there sate in councell vpon such thinges as serued for the vtilitie and profit of the common weale, these things amongst others, we thought woulde be beneficiall to all men, yea and be∣fore all other things we purposed to establish those things, wher∣in the true reuerence and worship of God is comprehended, that is, to geue vnto the Christians free choise to followe what reli∣gion they thinke good, and whereby the same sinceritie and ce∣lestiall grace which is in euery place receaued, may also be em∣braced and accepted of all our louing subiects. According there∣fore vnto this our pleasure vpon good aduisement and sounde iudgement, we haue decreed, that no man so hardy, be denied to chuse and followe the Christian obseruance or religion: But that this libertie be geuen to euery man, that he may apply his minde to what religion he thinketh meete himselfe, whereby God may performe vpon vs all his accustomed care and goodnesse. To the intent therefore you might knowe that this is our pleasure, wee thought it necessary this to wryte vnto you, whereby all such er∣rours and opinions being remooued, which in our former letters (being sent vnto you in the behalfe of the Christians) are con∣teyned, and which seeme very vndiscreete and contrary to our clemēcy, may be made frustrate & adnihilate. Now therfore firm∣ly and freely we will and commaunde, that euery man haue a free libertie to obserue the Christian religion, and that without any griefe or molestation hee may be suffered to doe the same. These things haue we thought good to signifie vnto you by as plaine wordes as we may, that we haue geuen to the Christians free and absolute power to keepe and vse their religion. And for as much as this libertie is absolutely geuen of vs vnto them, to vse and exercise their former obseruance, if any be so disposed, it is ma∣nifest that the same helpeth much to establishe the publike tran∣quillitle of our time, euery man to haue licence and libertie to vse and chuse what kinde of worshipping he list himself. And this is done of vs onely for the intent, that we woulde haue no man to be enforced to one religion more then an other. And this thing also amongst others we haue prouided for the Christians, that they may haue againe the possessiō of such places, in which here∣tofore they haue bene accustomed to make their assemblies, so that if any haue bought or purchased the same either of vs, or of any other: the same places without either mony or other recom∣pence, forthwith and without delay we will to be restored againe vnto the sayd Christians. And if any man haue obtained the same by gift from vs, and shall require any recompence to be made to them in that behalf: Then let the Christians repaire vnto the Pre∣sident (being the iudge appoynted for that place) that conside∣ration may be had of those mē by our benignitie: al which things we will and commaunde, that you see to be geuen and restored freely, and with diligence vnto the societie of the Christians, all delay set apart. And because the Christians themselues are vn∣derstoode to haue had not onely those places wherein they were accustomed to resort together, but certaine other peculiar pla∣ces also, not being priuate to any one man, but belonging to the right of their congregation and societie: you shall see also al those to be restored vnto the Christians, that is to say, to euery fellow∣ship and company of them, according to the decree, whereof we haue made mention, all delay set apart. Prouided that the order we haue taken in the meane time be obserued, that if any (taking no recompence) shall restore the same lands and possessions, they shall not mistrust but be sure to be saued harmelesse by vs. In all these things it shall be your part to employ your diligence in the behalfe of the foresayde companie of the Christians, whereby this our commaundement may speedely be accomplished, and also in this case by our clemencie the common and publike peace may be preserued. For vndoubtedly by this meanes, as before we haue sayde, the good will and fauour of God towardes vs (whereof in many cases we haue had good experience) shall alwayes conti∣nue with vs. And to the intent that this our constitution may be notified to all men, it shall be requisite that the copie of these our letters be set vp in all places, that men may reade and knowe the same, least any should be ignorant thereof.

By these hystories I doubt not (good reader) but thou doest right well cōsider and behold with thy selfe the mar∣ueilous working of God his mighty power:* 8.2 to see so ma∣ny Emperours at one time conspired and confederate to∣gether against the Lord and his Christ annoynted, whose names before we haue recited, as Dioclesian, Maximinian, Galerius, Maxentius, Maximinus, Seuerus, Licinius, who ha∣uing the subiection of the whole world vnder their domi∣nion, did bende and extende their whole might and deui∣ses, to extirpate the name of Christ, and of all Christians. Wherein if the power of man could haue preuailed,* 8.3 what coulde they not doe? or what coulde they doe more then they did? If policie or deuises could haue serued, what po∣licie was there lacking? If torments or paines of death could haue helped, what cruelty of torment by man could be inuented, which was not attempted? If lawes, edictes, proclamations, wrytten not onely in tables, but ingrauen in brasse, could haue stande, all this was practised against the weake Christians. And yet notwithstanding, to see howe no counsaile can stand against the Lorde, note heere how all these be gone, and yet Christ and his Church doth stande. Fyrst, of the taking away of Maximinian you haue heard, also of the death of Seuerus, of the drowning moreo∣uer of Maxentius,* 8.4 inough hath bene sayde. What a terrible plague was vpon Galerius, consuming his priuie mem∣bers with Lice, hath bene also described. Howe Dioclesian the quondam being at Salona, hearing of the proceedings of Constantinus,* 8.5 and this his Edict, either for sorrow died, or as some say did poyson himselfe. Onely Maximinus now in the East partes remained aliue, who bare a deadly ha∣tred against the Christians, and no lesse expressed the same wyth mortall persecution, to whome Constantine and Lici∣nius caused this constitution of theirs to be deliuered: at the sight whereof, although hee was somewhat appaled, and defeated of his purpose: yet forasmuch as he saw him∣selfe too weake to resist the authoritie of Constantinus and Licinius the superiour Princes:* 8.6 Hee dissembled his coun∣terfet pietie, as though hee himselfe had tendered the quiet of the Christians: directing downe a certaine decree in the behalfe of the Christians, wherein hee pretendeth to wryte to Sabinus afore mentioned, first repeating vnto him the former decree of Dioclesian and Maximinian in few wordes, with the commandement therein contained touching the persecution against the Christians. After that hee reciteth the Decree which he himselfe made against them, when he came first to the imperiall dignitie in the East part ioyned wyth Constantius. Then the Countermaund of an other Decree of his agayne, for the rescuing of the Christi∣ans, wyth such fayned and pretensed causes, as is in the same to be seene. After that declareth howe he comming to Nicomedia, at the sute and supplication of the Citizens (which he also fained, as may appeare before) he applying to their sute, reuoked that his former Edict, and graunted them that no Christian should dwell within their Citie or territories. Upon which Sabinus also had geuen foorth his letters, rehearsing withall the generall recountermaunde sent forth by him, for the persecution againe of the Christi∣ans. Last of all nowe hee sendeth downe againe an other Surrecountermaund,* 8.7 with the causes therein conteyned, touching the safetie of the Christians, and tranquillitie of them: Commaunding Sabinus to publish the same. Which edict of his is at large set foorth of Eusebius, lib. 9. cap. 9. But this Surrecountermaunde hee then dissimuled, as he had

done in the other before. Howbeit shortly after, he making warres, and fighting a battaile with Licinius, wherein hee lost the victory,* 8.8 comming home againe, tooke great indig∣nation against the Priestes and Prophetes of his Gods, whom before that time he had great regard vnto, and ho∣nored: vpon whose answers he trusting, & depending vp∣on their enchantments, began hys warre against Licinius. But after that he perceaued himselfe to be deceaued by thē,* 8.9 as by wicked enchaunters and deceauers, and such as had betrayed hys safety and person, he kylled and put them to death. And hee shortly after, oppressed with a certaine dis∣ease, glorified the God of the Christians, and made a most absolute law for the safety and preseruation of them, wyth fraunchise and liberty: the copy wherof ensueth.

Imperator Caesar, Gaius, Valerius, Maximinus, Germani∣cus, Pius, Fortunatus, Augustus. It is necessary that we alwaies carefully prouide and see vnto, the benefite and commoditie of such as be our subiects, & to exhibit such things vnto them, wher∣by they may best obtaine the same. But we suppose that there are none of you so ignorant, but knowe and vnderstand what things make best for the profite & commoditie of the common weale, & best please euery mans disposition. But it is meete and conuenient that euery man haue recourse to that which they haue sene done before their eyes, and that all sortes of men consider the same, & beare it in their mindes. When therfore, and that before this time it came vnto our knowledge: vpon the occasion that Dioclesia∣nus, and Maximinianus, our progenitours of famous memorie, commaunded the assemblies and meetings of the Christians to be cut of, there were many of them spoyled and robbed of our Offi∣cials: which thing we also perceiue is now put in practise against our subiects, that they in like case may be spoyled of their goods and substance, which thing chiefly to preuent, is our onely inde∣uour. By our letters sent to the gouernours of euery prouince the yere past, we ordeined that if any man were disposed to leane vn∣to the Christian religion, that he might without any iniury done vnto him, accomplish his desire, neither to be of any man either let or molested: and that he might without any feare or suspition, do whatsoeuer he therein thought good. But now also we vnder∣stand that there be certaine iudges which haue neglected▪ our commandemēt, and haue put our subiects in doubt, whether that hath ben our pleasure or not, which thing they did, that such men might be the better aduised, how they entred into such religion: wherein they followed their owne phantasie. To the entent ther∣fore that after this, all suspition, doubt, and feare may be taken a∣way: we haue thought good to publish this our edict, whereby it may be made manifest to euery man, that it shalbe lawfull for all such as will follow that religion, by the benefit of this our graunt and letters patents, to vse what religion they like best. And also hereby we graunt vnto them licence to build them Oratories or Temples.* 8.10 And furthermore, that this our graunt may more amply extende vnto them, we vouchsafe to appoynt and ordaine, that whatsoeuer landes and substance, before belonging and apper∣taining to the Christians, and by the commandement of our pre∣decessors were transposed to our reuenew and exchequer, or els be in the possession of any Citie, by meanes of the franchises of the same, or els otherwise sold or geuen to any man: all and euery parcell thereof we commaund shall be restored vnto the proper vse of the Christians againe, whereby they may all haue in this matter more experience, of our godly deuotion and prouidence. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 10.

* 8.11Maximinus thus being conquered of Licinius, and also plagued wyth an incurable disease in the guts, sent by the hande of God,* 8.12 was compelled by torments and aduersitie to cōfesse the true God, whom before he regarded not, and to write thys Edicte in the fauour of those Christians, whom before he did persecute.* 8.13 Thus the Lord doth make many times hys enemyes, be they neuer so sterne & stout, at length to stoupe, & mauger their harts, to confesse him, as this Maximinus here did, who not long after, by the ve∣hemencie of his disease ended his life.* 8.14 Whereby, no mo ty∣rauntes nowe were left aliue, to trouble the Church, but onely Licinius. Of which Licinius, and of hys persecutions stirred vp in the East partes, against the Saints of God, now remaineth in order of story to prosecute.

This Licinius being a Dane borne, and made first Cae∣sar by Galerius,* 8.15 as is aboue specified, was afterward ioyned with Constantinus in gouernement of the Empyre, and in setting foorth the Edicts, which before we haue described: although it seemeth, all this to be done of him w^t a dissem∣bling minde. For so is he in all hystories described, to be a man passing all other in desire of vnsatiable riches, geuen to lechery, hasty, stubburne, and furious. To learning hee was such an enemie, that he named the same a poyson and a common pestilence,* 8.16 and especially the knowledge of the lawes. Hee thought no vice worse became a Prince, then learning, because hee him selfe was vnlearned. Eutropius, Letus, Ignatius. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13.

There was betweene him and Constantinus in the be∣ginning great familiaritie: and such agreement, that Con∣stantinus gaue vnto him his sister Constantia in Matrimo∣nie, as Aurelius Victor wryteth. Neither woulde any man haue thought him to haue bene of any other Religion then Constantinus was of, hee seemed in all thinges so well to a∣gree with him. Wherupon he made a decree with Constan∣tinus in the behalfe of the Christians, as we haue shewed. Eusebius,* 8.17 Lib. 9. cap. 9. And such was Licinius in the begin∣ning. But after arming him selfe with tyrannie, began to cōspire against the person of Constantinus, of whom he had receaued so great benefites, neither fauorable to the law of nature, nor mindful of his othes, his bloud, nor promises. But when hee considered that in his conspiracies he no∣thing preuailed,* 8.18 for that he saw Cōstantinus was preserued and safely defended of God: And partly being puffed vp w^t the victory against Maximinus, he began vehemētly to hate him, and not onely to reiect the Christian religion, but al∣so deadly to hate the same. Hee saide he would become an enemy vnto the Christiās, for that in their assemblies and meetinges they prayed not for him, but for Constantinus. Therefore, first by litle and litle and that secretely, he went about to wrong and hurt the christians,* 8.19 & banished them his Court, which neuer were by any meanes preiudiciall to his kingdom. Then he commāded that all those should be depriued which were knights of the honourable order, vnlesse they would do sacrifice to deuils. Euseb. lib. 10. cap. 8. The same persecution afterwardes stretched he from his court, into all his prouinces, which with most wicked and deuised lawes hee set forth. First, that for no cause the By∣shops shoulde in any matter communicate together: nei∣ther that any man should come at the Churches next vnto them, or to call any assemblies, and consult for the necessa∣ry matters and vtilitie of the Church.

After, that the men & women together should not come in companies to pray, nor that the women should come in those places where they vsed to preach and read the worde of God, neither that they should be after that instructed a∣ny more of the Byshops, but should chuse out such women amongest them as shoulde instruct them.* 8.20 The thirde most cruell and wickedst of all was, that none should helpe and succour those that were cast in prison, nor shoulde bestowe any almes or charitie vpon them, though they shoulde die for hunger: and they which shewed any compassion vpon those that were condemned to death, should be as greatly punished,* 8.21 as they to whome they shewed the same shoulde be. Eusebius libro primo de vita Constantini. These were the most horrible cōstitutions of Licinius, which went beyond and passed the boundes of nature.

After this he vsed violence against the Byshops, but yet not openly,* 8.22 for feare of Constantinus, but priuely and by conspiracie: by which meanes hee slewe those that were the worthiest men amongest the Doctours and Prelates. And about Amasea and other Cities of Pontus, he razed the Churches euen to the ground. Other some he shut vp, that no man should come after their accustomed maner to pray and worship God: and therefore as we sayde before, his conscience accusing him, all this hee did, for that he sus∣pected they prayed for Constantinus, and not at all for him. And from this place in the East parties vnto the Libians, which bordered vpon the Egyptians, the christians durst not assemble and come together for the displeasure of Lici∣nius,* 8.23 which hee had conceaued against them. Zozomenus. Lib. 1. cap. 2.

Furthermore, the flattering officers that were vnder him, thinking by this meanes to please him, slewe & made out of the way many byshops, and without any cause put them to death, as though they had bene homicides & hai∣nous offenders: and such rigorousnes vsed they towards some of them, that they cut their bodyes into gobbets and small peeces in maner of a Boucher, and after that threwe them into the Sea to feede the fishes.* 8.24 Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 8. What shall we speake of the exiles & confiscations of good and vertuous men? For he tooke by violence euery mans substaunce, and cared not by what meanes he came by the same: But threatned them with death, vnlesse they would forgoe the same. Hee banished those which had committed none euill at all. He commanded that both gentlemen and men of honour, should be made out of the way, neither yet herewith content, but gaue their daughters that were vn∣maried, to varlets and wicked ones to be defloured. And Licinius himselfe (although that by reason of his yeres, his body was spent) yet shamefully did hee vitiate many wo∣men, mens wiues & maids.* 8.25 Euseb Lib. 1. de vita Constantini. Which cruel outrage of him caused many godly mē of their owne accorde to forsake their houses: and it was also seene that the woodes, fieldes, desert places and mountaines,

were faine to be the habitations, and resting places of the poore and miserable Christians.* 8.26 Eusebius. Lib. 10. cap, 14. Of those worthy men and famous Martyrs, which in this persecution founde the way to heauen, Nicephorus. Lib. 7. cap. 10. first speaketh of Theodorus, who first being hanged vpon the crosse, had nawles thrust into his arme pits, and after that his head striken of. Also of another Theodorus be∣ing the Byshop of Tyre, the thirde was a man of Perga. Basilius also the Byshop of Amasenus, Nicolaus, the By∣shop of Mirorus, Gregorius, of Armenia the great: After that, Paule of Neocaesaria, which by the impious comman∣demēt of Licinius had both his hands cut of with a searing yron. Besides these were in the Citie of Sebastia, xl. wor∣thy men, & Christian souldiours in the vehemēt cold time of winter, soused and drowned in a horse pond, whē Locias as yet, of whom we spake before, and Agricolaus executing the Shrieues office vnder Licinius in the East parts, were aliue: and were in great estimation, for inuenting of new and strange torments against the Christians. The wiues of those 40. good men, were caried to Heraclea a Citie in Thracia, and there with a certaine Deacon whose name was Amones, were (after innumerable torments by them most constauntly indured) slaine with the sworde. These thinges wryteth Nicephorus. Also Zozomenus in his ninth booke & 2. Chapter maketh mention of the same Martyrs. And Basilius in a certaine Oration seemeth to intreate of their history, sauing that in the circumstances he somwhat varieth. And surely Licinius was determined, for that the first face of this persecution fel out according to his desire, to haue ouerrunne all the Christians: to which thing nei∣ther counsell, nor good will, nor yet oportunitie, perchance wanted: vnlesse God had brought Constantinus into those parties, where he gouerned: where, in the warres which hee himselfe began (knowing right well that Constantinus had intelligence of his conspiracy & treason) ioyning bat∣taile with him, was most cowardly ouercome.

Diuers battailes betweene them were fought, the first fought in Hungarie, where Licinius was ouerthrowen: Then he fled into Macedonia, & repairing his army, was againe discomfited. Finally, being vāquished, both by sea and lande: he lastly, at Nicomedia, yelded himselfe to Con∣stantine: and was cōmaunded to liue a priuate life in Thes∣salia, where at length he was slaine by the souldiours.

Thus haue ye heard, the ende and conclusion of all the vij. tyrants,* 8.27 which were the authors and workers of this x. and last persecutiō, against the true people of God. The chiefe Captaine, and incentour of which persecution was first Dioclesian, who died at Salena, as some say, by his owne poyson. An. 319. The next was Maximinian, who as is sayde, was hanged of Constantine at Masilia, about the yeare of our Lorde. 310. Then died Galerius, plagued with an horrible disease sent of God. Seuerus was slaine by Maxi∣minian, father of Maxentius the wicked tyraunt was ouer∣come and vanquished of Constantine. an. 318. Maximinus the vi. tyraunt taried not long after, who being ouercome by Licinius, died, about the yere of our Lord. 320. Lastly, how this Licinius was ouercome by Constantine and slaine. An. 324. is before declared. Only Constantius, the father of Con∣stantine being a good and a godly Emperour, died in the third yeare of the persecution. An. 310. and was buried at Yorke. After whom succeeded after his godly father, Con∣stantinus, as a seconde Moses sent and set vp of God to de∣liuer his people out of this so miserable captiuitie, into li∣bertie most ioyfull.

* 8.28Now remaineth after the end of these persecutors thus described, to gather vp the names & stories of certain par∣ticular Martyrs, which nowe are to be set forth worthy of speciall memory: for their singular constancie & fortitude, shewed in their sufferings & cruell torments. The names of all which that suffered in this foresaid tenth persecution, being in number infinite, in vertue most excellēt, it is im∣possible heere to comprehend: but the most notable, and in most approued authors expressed, we thought heere to in∣sert, for the more edification of other Christiās, which may and ought to looke vpon their examples, first beginning with Albanus, the first Martyr that euer in England suffe∣red death for the name of Christ.

At what time Dioclesian & Maximinian the Pagan Em∣perours had directed out their letters with all seueritye, for the persecuting of the Christians:* 8.29 Alban being then an infidell, receiued into his house a certaine Clerke, fleeing from the persecutours hands, whom when Alban beheld, continually both day & night to perseuer in watching and in prayer: sodenly by the great mercy of God, he began to imitate the example of his faith & vertuous life:* 8.30 whereup∣on by litle and litle he being instructed by his holesom ex∣hortation, and leauing the blindnesse of his Idolatrie, be∣came at length a perfect Christian.* 8.31 And when the forena∣med Clerke had lodged with him a certaine time, it was enformed the wicked Prince, that this good man & Con∣fessour of Christ (not yet condemned to death) was harbo∣red in Albans house, or very neare vnto him. Whereupon immediately he gaue in charge to the souldiours, to make more diligent inquisition of the matter. Who as soone as they came to the house of Alban the Martyr, hee by and by putting on the apparell wherewith his guest and maister was apparelled (that is,* 8.32 a garment at that time vsed, na∣med Caracalla) offered him selfe in the steade of the other to the souldiours: who binding him, brought him forthwith to the iudge. It fortuned that at that instant when blessed Alban was brought unto the Iudge, they founde the same Iudge at the aulters offering sacrifice vnto Deuils, who as soone as hee sawe Alban, was straight waies in a great rage, for that hee woulde presume of his owne voluntary will, to offer him selfe to perill, and geue him selfe a priso∣ner to the souldiours, for safegarde of his guest whome he harbored: and commaunded him to be brought before the Images of the deuils whome he worshipped,* 8.33 saying: For that thou haddest rather hide & conuey away a rebell, then to deliuer him to the officers, and that (as a contemner of our Gods) he should not suffer punishment and merite of his blasphemye: looke what punishment he shoulde haue had, thou for him shalt suffer the same: if I perceiue thee a∣ny whit to reuolt from our maner of worshipping. But blessed Alban, who of his owne accorde had bewrayed to the persecutors that hee was a Christian, feared not at all the manaces of the Prince, but being armed with spiritu∣all armour, openly pronounced that hee woulde not obey his commandement. Then sayd the Iudge: of what stocke or kindred art thou come?* 8.34 Alban answered, what is that to you, of what stocke soeuer I am come of, if you desire to heare the veritie of my Religion, I do ye to wit that I am a Christian, and apply my selfe altogether to that calling. Then sayd the Iudge, I would knowe thy name, and see thou tell me the same without delay. Then sayde hee, my parentes named me Alban, and I worship and honour the true and liuing God, which hath created all the worlde. Then sayd the Iudge fraught with fury, if thou wilt enioy the felicitie of this present life,* 8.35 doe sacrifice (and that out of hande) to these mighty Gods. Alban replieth: these sacrifi∣ces which ye offer vnto deuils, cā neither helpe them that offer the same, neither yet can they accomplish the desires and prayers of their suppliāts: But rather shal they, what soeuer they be, that offer sacrifice to these Idoles, receaue for their meede euerlasting paines of hell fire. The Iudge, when he heard these words, was passing angry, and com∣maunded the tormentors to whip this holy Confessour of God,* 8.36 indeuoring to ouercome the constancy of his hart w^t stripes, which had preuailed nothing with wordes. And when he was cruelly beaten, yet suffered he the same paci∣ently, nay rather ioyfully, for the Lordes sake. Then when the Iudge saw that he would not with torments be ouer∣comen, nor be reduced from the worship of Christian Re∣ligion, he commaunded him to be beheaded.

The rest that foloweth of this story in the narration of Bede,* 8.37 as of drying vp the Riuer, as Alban went to the place of his execution: then of making a welspring in the top of the hill, and of the falling out of the eyes of him that did be∣head him (with such other prodigious miracles mētioned in his story) because they seeme more legēdlike, then truth∣like: againe, because I see no great profit, nor necessitie in the relation thereof, I leaue them to the free iudgement of the Reader, to thinke of them, as cause shall moue him.

The like estimation I haue of the long story,* 8.38 wherein is written at large a fabulous discourse of all the doings & miracles of S. Alban, taken out of the Librarie of S. Albans, compiled (as there is saide) by a certaine Pagan, who (as he sayth) afterwarde went to Rome, there to be Baptised. But because in the beginning or Prologue of the Booke, the sayde writer maketh mention of the ruinous walles of the towne of Verolamium, containing the storye of Albanus, and of his bitter punishments: which walles were then falling downe for age, at the wryting of the sayde booke, as he saith: Therby it seemeth this story to be written a great while after the martyrdome of Alban either by a Britaine, or by an English mā. If he were a Britaine, how then did the Latin translation take it out of the English tounge, as in the Prologue hee him selfe doeth testifie. If hee were an Englishmā, how then did he go vp to Rome for baptisme, being a Pagan, when he myght haue bene baptised amōg the Christian Britaines more neare at home.

But among al other euidences and declarations suffi∣cient to disproue this Legendary story of S. Alban, nothing maketh more against it, then the very storie it selfe: as

where he bringeth in the head of the holy martyr, to speake vnto the people after it was smitten of from the body. Al∣so where he bringeth in the Angels going vp, & comming downe in a piller of fire, & singing al the night long. Item in the riuer which he sayth, S Alban made drie, such as were drowned in the same before in the bottome, were founde aliue. With other such like Monkish miracles and grosse fables,* 8.39 wherewith these Abbey Monkes were wont in time past to deceaue the Church of God, and to beguile the whole world for their owne aduātage. Notwithstanding this I write not to any derogatiō of the blessed and faith∣ful martyr of God, who was the first that I did euer finde in this Realme, to suffer Martyrdome for the testimonie of Christ. And worthy no doubt of condigne commendati∣on, especially of vs here in this land: whose Christian faith in the Lorde, and charitie toward his neighbour: I pray God all we may followe. As also I wishe moreouer that the stories both of him, and of al other Christian Martyrs might haue bene deliuered to vs simply as they were, w^t∣out the admixture of all these Abbey like additiōs of Mon∣kish miracles,* 8.40 wherwith they were wont to paint out the glory of such saintes to the moste, by whose offerings they were accustomed to receaue most aduauntage.

As touching the name of the Clearke mētioned in this story,* 8.41 whome Alban receaued into his house, I finde in the Englishe stories to be Amphibalus, although the latine au∣thors name him not, who y^e same time flying into Wales was also set from thence againe to the same towne of Ue∣rolamium, otherwise called Uerlancaster, where hee was martyred, hauing his bellie opened, and made to runne a∣bout a stake, while all his bowels were drawen out, then thrust in with swordes and daggers: and at last was sto∣ned to death, as the foresaid legend declareth.

Moreouer the same time with Alban, suffered also ij. ci∣tizens of the foresaide Citie of Uerlancaster, whose names were Aaron and Iulius:* 8.42 beside other, whereof a great num∣ber the same time no doubt, did suffer, although our Chro∣nicles of their names doe make no rehearsall.

The time of the Martyrdom of this blessed Alban and the other, seemeth to be about the second or thirde yeare of this tenth persecution, vnder the tyrāny of Dioclesian, and Maximinianus Herculius, bearing then the rule in England, about the yeare of our Lorde 301. before the comming of Constantius to his gouernement.* 8.43 Where, by the way is to be noted, that this realme of Britaine being so christened before, yet neuer was touched with any other of the nine persecutions, before this tenth persecution of Dioclesian & Maximinian. In which persecution our stories and Poli∣chronicon doe recorde, that all Christianitie almost in the whole Ilelande was destroyed, the Churches subuerted, all bookes of the Scripture burned, many of the faithfull both men & women were slaine. Among whome the first and chiefe ringleader (as hath bene sayde) was Albanus. And thus much touching the martyrs of Britaine. Nowe from Englande to returne againe vnto other countries, where this persecution did more vehemētly rage: we will adde hereunto (the Lorde willing) the stories of other, al∣though not of all that suffered in this persecution (which were impossible) but of certaine most principal, whose sin∣gular constancie in their strong torments are chiefly re∣nowmed in latter histories: beginning first with Romanus the notable and admirable souldiour and true seruaunt of Christ, whose historie set forth in Prudentius, doth thus pro∣ceede: so lamentably by him described, that it will be harde for any man almost with dry cheekes to heare it.

* 8.44Pitiles Galerius with his graunde captaine Asclepiades violently inuaded the citie of Antioche, entending by force of armes to driue all Christians to renounce vtterly their pure religion. The Christians as god would, were at that time cōgregated together, to whom Romanus hastely ran, declaring that the Wolues were at hande, which woulde deuour the christian flocke, but feare not (sayde he) neither let this imminēt perill disturbe you, my brethren: brought was it to passe, by the great grace of God working in Ro∣manus, that olde men and matrones,* 8.45 fathers and mothers, young men and maidens were all of one will and minde, most ready to shed their bloud in defence of their Christian profession. Word was brought to y^e captaine that the band of armed souldiors was not able to wrest the staffe of faith, out of the hand of the armed congregation: and all by rea∣son that one Romanus so mightely did encourage them, that they sticke not to offer their naked throtes, wishing glori∣ously to die for the name of their Christ. Seeke out that re∣bell (quod the captaine) and bring him to me that he may aunswer for the whole sect. Apprehended he was, & bound as a sheepe appoynted to the slaughter house, was presen∣ted to the Emperor: who w^t wrathfull countenance behol∣ding him, sayde: What? Art thou the author of this sediti∣on? art thou the cause why so many shall loose their liues? By the gods I sweare thou shalt smart for it, and first in thy flesh shalt thou suffer the paines,* 8.46 whereunto thou hast encouraged the hearts of thy felowes. Romanus answered: Thy sentence O Emperour I ioyfully embrace, I refuse not to be sacrificed for my brethren, and that by as cruell meanes as thou mayest inuent: and whereas thy soldiors were repelled from the christian cōgregation, that so hap∣pened, because it lay not in Idolaters and worshippers of Deuils to enter into the holy house of God, and to pol∣lute the place of true prayer. Then Asclepiades wholy en∣flamed with this stoute answere, commaunded him to be trussed vp, and his bowels drawne out. The executioners themselues more pitiful in hart then the captaine, said: not so sir, this man is of noble parentage: vnlawful is it to put a noble man to so vnnoble a death: scourge him then with whips (quod the captaine) with knaps o•• lead at the ends. In stede of teares,* 8.47 sighs & grones, Romanus song psalmes al the time of his whipping, requiring them not to fauour him for nobilities sake, not the bloud of my progenitours (said he) but Christian profession maketh me noble. Then with great power of spirit he inueied against the capitain, laughing to scorne the false gods of the heathen, with the idolatrous worshipping of them, affirming the God of the Christians to be the true God that created heauen and earth, before whose iudiciall seat all nations shall appeare. but the wholsome wordes of the Martyr were as oyle to the fire of the captaines fury. The more the Martyr spake, the madder was hee, in so much that he commaunded the Martyrs sides to be launced with kniues, vntil the bones appeared white againe. Sorie am I, O captain (quod the Martyr) not for that my flesh shall be thus cut and man∣gled, but for thy cause am I sorowfull, who being corrup∣ted with damnable errours, seducest others. The seconde time hee preached at large, the liuing God, and the Lorde Iesus Christ his welbeloued sonne,* 8.48 eternall life through faith in his bloud, expressing therewith the abhomination of idolatry, w^t a vehement exhortation to worship & adore the liuing God. At these words Asclepiades commaunded the tormentors to strike Romanus on the mouth, that his teeth being striken out, his pronunciation at least wise might be impeired: The commandement was obeied, his face buffeted, his eye liddes torne with their nailes, his cheekes scorched with kniues, the skin of his bearde was plucked by little and little from the flesh, finally his seeme∣ly face was wholy defaced. The meeke Martyr sayde: I thanke thee, O Capitaine, that thou hast opened vnto me many mouthes, whereby I may preach my Lord & Saui∣our Christ. Looke howe many woundes I haue, so many mouths I haue lauding and praising God. The captaine astonished w^t this singular constancie, commanded them to cease from the tortures. Hee threatneth cruell fire, he re∣uileth the noble martyr,* 8.49 he blasphemeth god, saying: Thy crucified Christ, is but an yesterdaies God, the gods of the Gentiles are of most antiquitie.

Heere againe Romanus taking good occasion, made a long Oration of the eternitie of Christ, of his humane na∣ture, of the death & satisfaction of Christ for all mankinde. Which done, he sayde: geue me a childe (O Capitaine) but seuen yeres of age, which age is free from malice and other vices, wherwith riper age is commōly infected, and thou shalt heare what he will say, his request was graunted. A pretie boy was called out of the multitude, and set before him. Tell me my babe (quoth the Martyr) whether thou thinke it reason that we worship one Christ, and in Christ one father, or els that we worship infinite gods? Unto whom the babe aunswered:* 8.50 That certainly, whatsoeuer it be, that men affirme to be God, must nedes be one: which with one, is one and the same: and in as much as this one is Christ, of necessitie Christ must be the true God, for, that there be many gods, we children cannot beleue. The capi∣taine hereat cleane amased, said: thou yong villaine & trai∣tor, where and of whom learnedst thou this lesson? Of my mother (quod the childe) with whose milke I sucked in this lesson,* 8.51 that I must beleue in Christ. The mother was called, and shee gladly appeared, the captaine commanded the childe to be horsed vp, and scourged. The pitiful behol∣ders of this pitilesse acte, could not temper thēselues from teares: the ioyful and glad mother alone, stood by with dry cheekes: yea, shee rebuked her sweete babe for crauing a draught of colde water, she charged him to thirst after the cup,* 8.52 that the infantes of Bethleem once dranke of, forget∣ting their mothers milke and pappes, shee willed him to remember little Isaac, who beholding the sworde where∣with, & the altar wheron he should be sacrificed, willingly profered his tender necke to the dent of his fathers sword.

Whilest this counsel was ingening, the boucherly torture pluckt the skin from the crowne of his head,* 8.53 heare and all. The mother cried, suffer my childe, anone thou shalt passe to him that will adorne thy naked head, with a crowne of eternall glory. The mother counselleth, the childe is coun∣selled: the mother encourageth, the babe is encouraged: & receiued the stripes with smiling countenaunce. The cap∣taine perceiuing the childe inuincible, and himselfe vāqui∣shed, committeth the sillie soule, the blessed babe, the childe vncherished, to the stinking prison, commaunding the tor∣mentes of Romanus to be renued and encreased, as chiefe author of this euill.

Thus was Romanus brought foorth againe to newe stripes and punishments, to be renued and receiued vpon his old sores, in so much the bare bones appeared, the flesh all torne away: wherein no pitie was shewed, but the ra∣ging tyrant puffing out of his blasphemous mouth, like a madde man these woordes, cried out to the tormentors, saying:

Where is quod the Captaine, where is your might? What?* 8.54 are ye not able one body to spill? Scant may it, so weake is it, stand vpright: And yet in spite of vs, shall it liue still?

The Gripe with talent, the dog with his tooth, Could soone ye dastardes, this corpes rent and teare, He scorneth our gods in all that he doth, Cut, pricke, and pounce him, no longer forbeare.

Yea, no longer could the tyrant forbeare, but nedes he must draw nearer to the sentence of death: is it painefull to thee (sayde he) to tary so long aliue? a flaming fire doubte thou not shalbe prepared for thee, by and by, wherein thou and that boy, thy fellow of rebellion shall be consumed in∣to ashes. Romanus and the babe were led to the place of exe∣cution. As they laide handes on Romanus, hee looked backe saying: I appeale from this thy tyrannie, O iudge vniust, to the righteous throne of Christ that vpright iudge: not because I feare thy cruell torments and mercilesse hand∣lings, but that thy iudgements may be knowne to be cru∣ell and bloudy. Nowe when they were come to the place, the tormentor required the child of the mother, for she had taken it vp in her armes:* 8.55 And shee onely kissing it, deliue∣red the babe. Farewel she said my sweete childe, and as the hangman applied his sword to the babes necke, shee sang on this maner.

All laude and praise with heart and voice, O Lorde we yelde to thee:* 8.56 To whome the death of all thy Saintes, We know most deare to bee.

The innocentes head being cut off, the mother wrap∣ped it vp in her garment, and laide it to her brest. On the other side a mighty fire was made, wherinto Romanus was cast: who sayde, y^t he should not burne: wherewith a great storme arose (if it be true) and quenched the fire.* 8.57 The Ca∣pitaine gaue in commandement that his toung should be cut out, out was it plucked by the harde rootes and cut of: Neuerthelesse, hee spake▪ saying: hee that speaketh Christ shall neuer want a tongue, thinke not that the voyce that vttereth Christ, hath neede of the tong to be the minister. The Capitaine at this, halfe out of his wit, bare in hande that the hangman deceiued the sight of the people by some subtile sleight and craftie conueiance. Not so (quoth the hangman) if ye suspect my dede, open his mouth and dili∣gently search the rootes of his tongue. The Captaine at length being confounded with the fortitude and courage of the Martyr, straightly commaundeth him to be brought backe into the prison,* 8.58 and there to be strangled. Where his sorowfull life and paines being ended, hee nowe enioyeth quiet rest in the Lord, with perpetuall hope of his misera∣ble body to be restored againe with his soule into a better life: where no tyrant shall haue any power: Prudentius in hymnis de coronis Martyrum.

Gordius was a citizen of Caesaria, a worthy souldiour, and Captaine of an hundreth men. Hee in the time of ex∣treme persecution, refusing any lōger to execute his charge did chuse of his owne accord willing exile, and liued in the desert many yeares a religious and solitary life. But vpon a certaine day when a solemne feast of Mars was celebra∣ted, in the citie of Caesarea, and much people were assembled in the Theatre to beholde the games: he left the desert, and got him vp into the chiefe place of the Theatre,* 8.59 and with a loude voyce vttered this saying of the Apostle: Beholde I am foūd of them which sought me not, and to those which asked not for mee, haue I openly appeared. By which wordes he let it to be vnderstood, that of his owne accorde he came vnto those games. At this noise, the multitude li∣tle regarding the sights, looked about to see who it was y^t made such exclamation. As soone as it was knowne to be Gordius, and that the crier had commanded silence, he was brought vnto the shiri••e,* 8.60 which at that instant was pre∣sent, and ordeined the games. Whē he was asked the que∣stion who he was, from whence, and for what occasion he came thether, he telleth the truth of euery thing as it was. I am come,* 8.61 saith he, to publish, that I set nothing by your decrees against the Christian religion: but that I professe Iesu Christ to be my hope and safety. And when I vnder∣stood with what crueltie ye handle other men: I tooke this as a fitte time to accomplish my desire. The Shirife with these wordes was greatly mooued, and reuengeth all his displeasure vpon poore Gordius, commaunding the execu∣tioners to be brought out with scourges, while gibbet, & whatsoeuer torments els might be deuised. Whereunto Gordius answered, saying, that it shoulde be to him an hin∣derance and damage if hee coulde not suffer and endure di∣uers torments and punishments for Christ his cause. The shirife being more offended with this his boldnesse, com∣maunded him to feele as many kinde of torments as there were, with all which Gordius notwithstanding, coulde not be mastered or ouercome: but lifting vp his eies vnto hea∣uen singeth this saying out of the Psalmes. The Lorde is my helper, I will not feare the thing that man can doe to me: and also this saying, I will feare none euill, because thou Lord art with me.* 8.62

After this, he against him selfe prouoketh the extremi∣tie of the tormentours, & blameth them if they fauour him any thing at al. When the Shrife saw, that hereby he could winne but little, he goeth about by gentlenes and intising wordes, to turne the stoute and valiant minde of Gordius. He promiseth to him great and large offers if he wil denie Christ:* 8.63 as to make him a Captaine of as many men as any other is, to geue him richesse, treasure, & what other thing so euer hee desireth. But in vaine as the Prouerbe is, pi∣peth the minstrell to him that hath no eares to heare, for he deriding the foolish madnesse of the Magistrate sayth, that it lieth not in him to place any in authority, which he wor∣thy to haue a place in heauen. The Magistrate with these wordes throughly angred and vexed, prepareth him selfe to his condemnation.* 8.64 Whom after that he had cōdemned, he caused to be had out of the Citie to be brent. There run∣neth out of the Citie great multitudes by heaps to see him put to execution, some take him in their armes, & louingly kisse him, persuading him to take a better way and saue himself,* 8.65 and that with weeping teares. To whom Gordius answered, weepe not I pray you for me, but rather for the enemies of God which alwaies make warre against the Christians: weepe I say for them which prepare for vs a fire, purchasing hell fire for themselues in the day of ven∣geance: And cease of further, I pray you, to molest and dis∣quiet my setled minde. Truly (saith he) I am ready for the name of Iesus Christ, to suffer and indure a thousande deathes if neede were. Some other came vnto him which persuaded him to deny Christ with his mouth, & to keepe his conscience to himselfe. My toung (sayeth hee) which by the goodnes of God I haue, cannot be brought to denie the author and geuer of the same: for with the heart we beleeue vnto righteousnesse, and with the toung we confesse vnto saluation. Many moe such like wordes he spake: but espe∣cially vttering to them such matter, wherby he might per∣swade the beholders to death, and to the desire of Martyr∣dome. After all which, with a mery and glad countenance, neuer changing so much as his colour, hee willingly gaue himselfe to be brent. Basilius in Sermone in Gordium militem Caesariensem.

Not much vnlike to the story of Gordius is the story al∣so of Menas an Egiptian, who being likewise a souldiour by his profession, in this persecution of Dioclesian forsooke al, & went into the desert, where a long time he gaue hym selfe to abstinence, watching, and meditation of the Scrip∣tures. At length returning againe to y^e Citie Cotys, there in the open threatre, as y^e people were occupied vpon their spectacles or pastimes, he with a loude voice openly pro∣claimed himselfe to be a christian, and vpon the same was brought to Pyrrhus the President:* 8.66 of whome, he being de∣maunded of his faith, made thys aunswere: Conueny∣ent it is that I shoulde (sayth he) confesse God in whome is light and no darkenes, for so much as Paule doth teache that with hart we beleue to righteousnes, with mouth cō∣fession is giuen to saluation. After this the innocent Mar∣tyr was most painfully pinched and cruciate with sundrie punishments. In all which, notwithstanding he declared a constant heart, and faith inuincible, hauing these wordes

in his mouth being in the middest of his torments.* 8.67 There is nothing in my minde that can be compared to the king∣dome of heauen. Neither is al the world, if it were wayed in balance able to be conferred with the price of one soule. And sayd, who is able to separate vs from the loue of Ie∣sus Christ our Lord: shal afflictiō or anguish? And more∣ouer (said he) I haue thus learned of my Lord & my king, not to feare them which kill the body and haue no power to kill y^e soule, but to feare him rather, who hath power to destroy both bodye and soule in hell fire. To make the story short, after manifold tormentes borne of him, and suf¦fered, when the last sentence of death was vpon him pro∣nounced which was to be beheaded:* 8.68 Menas being then had to the place of execution said: I giue thee thanks my Lord god, which hast so excepted me to be foūd a partaker of thy precious death, & hast not giuen me to be deuoured of my fierce enimies,* 8.69 but hast made me to remaine cōstant in thy pure faith vnto this my later end: And so this blessed soul∣diour fighting valiantly vnder the baner of Christ, lost his head,* 8.70 & wan his soule. Symeon Metaphrast. tom. 5. In the which autor there foloweth a long narration of the mira∣cles of this holy man, which here for prolixity I doe omit,

Basilius in a certayne Sermon of 40. Martyrs rehear∣seth this story not vnworthye to bee noted. There came (saith he) into a certaine place (which place he maketh no mention of) the Emperours Marshall or officer, with the edict which the Emperour had set out against the Christi∣ans, that whosoeuer confessed Christ, shoulde after manye tormentes suffer death. And first they did priuily suborne certaine which should detect & acuse the Christians whom they had found out, or had layde wayte for: vpon this the sword,* 8.71 the gibbet, the wheele, & the whips were brought forth: At the terrible sight whereof, the harts of all the be∣holders did shake & tremble. Some for feare did flee, some did stand in doubt what to do: Certaine were so terrified at the beholding of these engines & tormenting instruments that they denied their faith. Some other began the game, and for a time did abide the conflict and agony of Marty∣dome, but vanquished at length, by the intollerable paine of their torments,* 8.72 made shipwracke of their consciences, & lost the glory of their confession. Amōg other xl. there were at that time younge gentlemen all souldiers, which after the Marshall had shewed the Emperours Edict, and re∣quired of all men the obedience of the same, freely & boldly of their owne accord confessed themselues to be Christians & declared to him their names. The Marshall somewhat amased at this their boldnes of speach, stādeth in doubte, what was best to do. Yet forthwith he goeth about to win them with faire words, aduertising them to consider their youth, neither that they shoulde chaunge a cruell and vn∣timely death,* 8.73 ••or a sweete and pleasant life: After that hee promiseth them money, and honorable offices in the Em∣perours name. But they little esteming all these thinges breake forth into a long and bolde Oration, affirming that they did neither desire life, dignitie, nor money, but onelye the celestiall kingdome of Christ, saying further that they are ready for the loue and faith they haue in god, to indure the afflictiō of the wheele, the crosse, and the fire. The rude Marshall being herewith offended,* 8.74 deuiseth a newe kinde of punishment. He spied out in the middle of the citie a cer∣taine great pond, which layfull, vpon the cold Northren winde, for it was in the winter time, wherein he caused them to be put all that night, but they being merry & com∣forting one another, receiued this their appointed punish∣ment, and sayd, as they were putting of their clothes: we put off (said they) now not our clothes, but we put of y^e old mā, corrupt with the deceipt of cōcupiscence. We giue thee thanks (O Lord) that with this our apparell we may al∣so put of by thy grace, the sinfull man: for by meanes of the Serpent we once put him on, and by the meanes of Iesus Christ we now put him of.* 8.75 When they had thus said: they were brought naked into y^• place where they felt moste ve∣hement colde: in so much that all the partes of their bodies were starke & stiffe therewith. Assone as it was daye, they yet hauing breath, were brought into the fire, wherin they were consumed, and their ashes throwne into the flud. By chaunce there was on of the company more liuely, and not so neere dead as the rest, of whome y^e executioners takyng pitie, saide vnto his mother standing by, that they would saue his life. But shee with her owne handes taking her sonne brought him to the pile of wood where y^e residue of his fellowes (crooked for cold) did lie ready to be brent, ad∣monished him to accomplish the blessed iourney he had ta∣ken in hand with his companions. Basil.

A lyke hystory of 40. Martyres, which were maryed men, we read of in Niceph. & Zozomenus. Lib. 9. cap. 2. which were killed likewise in a lake or pond at Sebastia, a towne of Armenia, vnder Licinius, if the story be not the same with this, Niceph. Zozom.

In this felowship and company of martyrs can not be left out and forgotte the story of Cyrus: This Cyrus was a Phisition borne in Alexandria, which fleing into Egipt, in the persecution of Dioclesianus, and Maximianus, led a so∣litary life in Arabia, being much spoken of for his learning and myracles, vnto whose company after a certaine tyme did Ioannes, borne in the Citie of Edessa, beyond the ryuer Euphrates, ioyne himself, leauing the souldiers life which before that time he had exercised. But whilest as yet the same persecution raged in a city in Egipt called Canope, there was cast into prison for the confession of their fayth, a certayne godly Christian woman, called Athanasia, and her three daughters,* 8.76 Theoctiste, Theodota, and Eudoxia: wyth whom Cyrus was well acquainted. At whose inf••rmities he much fearing accompanied with his brother Iohn, came and visited them for their better confirmation: at which time Lyrianus was chiefe captaine and Lieutenaunt of E∣gypt, of whose wickednes and crueltie, especially agaynst women and maydens: Athanasus maketh mention in hys Apologies, and in his Epistle to those that lead a solitarye life. Thys Cyrus therefore and Ioannes, being accused and apprehended of the Heathen men, as by whose perswasi∣ons, the maydens and daughters of Athanasia contumely∣ously,* 8.77 despised the Gods and the Emperours religion, & could by no meanes be brought to doe sacrifice, were af∣ter the publication of their constaunt confession put to death by the sworde. Athanasia also and her three daughters being condemned to death. This history writeth Symeon Metaphrastes▪* 8.78

Sebastian being borne in the part of Fraunce called Gal∣lia Narbonensis was a Christian, and was Lieutenaunte generall of the vawward of Dioclesian the Emperor, who also encouraged many martyrs of Christ by his exhortati∣ons, vnto constancy, and kept them in the faith. He being therfore accused to the Emperor, was commaunded to be apprehended, and that he should be brought into the open fielde, where of his owne souldiers he was thrust through the body with innumerable arrowes, and after that hys body was throwne into a iaques or sinke. Ambrosius ma∣keth mention of this Sebastian the martir in his Cōmenta∣ry vpon the 118. Psalme. & Symeon Metaphrastes amongest oher Martyrs that suffered with Sebastian numbreth also these followyng: Nicostratus wyth Zoe hys wyfe, Tran∣quillinus wyth Martia his wyfe: Traglinus Claudius, Castor, Tiburtius, Castullus, Marcus, and Marcellinus wyth other moe.

Basilius in an other Sermon also maketh mention of one Barlaam being a noble and famous Martyr, which a∣bode al the torments of the executioners euen to the point of death, which thing when the tormentors sawe, they brought him and laid him vpon the altar, where they dyd vse to offer sacrifices to their idoles,* 8.79 and put fire & frank∣ensence into his right hād wherin he had yet some strēgth, thinking that the same his right hand, by the heate & force of the fire, would haue scattered the burning incense vpon the aultar and so haue sacrificed. But of that their hope, the pestiferous tormentors were disapointed: for the flame eate round about his hand, and the same indured euen as though it had bene couered with hote embers, when Barla∣am, recited out of the Psalmes this saying:* 8.80 Blessed is the Lord my God which teacheth my handes to fight.

To this narration of Basilius touching the Martyr∣dome of Barlaam, we will anexe cōsequently an other sto∣ry of Ambrose: Hee making a certaine exhortation to cer∣taine virgins, in the same Oration cōmendeth the martir∣domes of Agricola & Vitalis, who suffered also in the same persecution vnder Dioclesian and Maximinian (as they so affirme) at Bononie. This Vitalis was seruaunt to Agrico∣la, who both togyther betweene themselues had made a compact to giue their liues wyth other Martyrs for the name of Christ. Wherupon Vitalis, being sent before of his maister to offer himselfe to Martirdome, fe••l first into the hands of persecutors, who laboured about him by all ma∣ner of meanes to cause him to deny Christ. Which when he would in no case do▪ but stoutly persisted in the confessiō of his faith, they began to exercise him with all kinds of tor∣ments: So vnmercifully that there was no whole skinne left in all his body. So Vitalis in the middest of the agonie, & paineful torments, after he had in a short praier, cōmen∣ded him selfe to God, gaue vp his life. After him the tor∣mentours set vpon Agricola his Master, whose vertuous manners & gentle conditions, bicause they were singular∣ly wel liked and knowen to the enimies, his suffring ther∣fore was the longer deferred. But Agricola not abyding the long delay and driuing of, and prouoking moreouer y^e

aduersaries to quicker speede, at length was fastned vnto the crosse and so finished his martirdome,* 8.81 which he so long desired, Ambros in Exhortatione ad Virgines.

No lesse worthy of commemoration is the lamentable Martyrdome of Vincentius, whose historie here followeth. This Vincentius was a Spaniard, and a Leuite most god∣ly and vertuous, who at this time suffered Martyrdom at Valence, vnder Dacianus the President, as we may gather by Prudentius in his hymne.* 8.82 Bergomensis in his supplement reciteth these words concerning his martyrdome, out of a certaine sermon of S. Augustine: Our heart conceiued not a vaine and fruitles sight (as it were in beholding of lamen∣table tragedies) but a great sight & marue••lous, certain∣ly, and there with singulare pleasure receiued it, when the paineful passion of Victorius Vincentius was read vnto vs. Is there any so heauye harted, that will not be mooued in the contemplation of this immooueable Martyr so manly, or rather so godly fighting against the craft and subtilty of that Serpent, against the tiranny of Dacianus, against the horrors of death, & by the mightie spirite of his God con∣quering all: But let vs in few wordes rehearse the de∣grees of his tormentes though the paynes thereof in ma∣ny wordes can not be expressed. First Dacianus caused the Martir to be layde vpon the torture,* 8.83 and all the ioyntes of his body to be distended and racked out, vntill they crackt againe. This being done in most extreme and cruel maner al the members of his painful and pittiful body were gre∣uously indented with deadly woundes. Thirdly (that his dolors & griefes might be augmēted) they miserably vex∣ed his flesh with yron combes sharpely filed. And to y^e end the tormentors might vomit out al their vengeāce on the meeke & milde martyrs fleshe, the tormentors themselues also were vily scourged at the Presidentes commaunde∣ment. And lest his passion through want of paines might seeme imperfect or else to easie, they laid his body being all out of ioint, on a grate of iron, which body when they had opened with iron hookes, they seared it with firie plates, with hote burning salt sprinkling the same. Last of all in∣to a vyle dongeon was this mighty Martir drawen, the floure whereof first was thicke spredde wyth the sharpest shels that might be gotten, his fete then being fast locked in the stockes, there was he left alone without all worldly comfort: but the Lorde his God was with him, the holye spirit of God (whose office is to comfort the godly afflicted) fulfilled his hart with ioy & gladnes. Hast thou prepared a terrible racke (O cruell tyraunt, O deuouring Lion) for the Martirs bed:* 8.84 the Lorde shall make that bed softe and sweete vnto him. Rackest thou his bones and ioyntes al a sunder, His bones, his ioints, his heares are al numbred. Tormentest thou his flesh with mortal wounds: the Lord shal poure abūdantly into al his sores of his oyle of glad∣nes. Thy scraping combes, thy sharpe fleshookes, thine whote searing yrons, thy parched salte, thy stincking pri∣son, thy cutting shelles, thy pinching stockes shal turne to this patient Martyr to the best. Altogether shall worke contrary to thine expectation, great plenty of ioy shall hee reap into the barne of his soule, out of this mighty haruest of paines that thou hast brought him into. Yea thou shalte proue him Vincentius indede: that is, a vanquisher, a try∣umpher, a conqueror subduing thy madnes, by his meke∣nes, thy tiranny by his pat••ence, thy manifold meanes of tortures, by the manifold graces of God, wherewith he is plentifully enriched.

In this cataloge or company of such holy martirs, as suffered in this foresaid tenth persecutiō, many mo and al∣most innumerable there be expressed in authors, beside thē whom we haue hetherto comprehended, as Philoromus, a man of noble byrth,* 8.85 & great possessions in Alexandria, who being perswaded by his friendes to fauour himselfe, to re∣spect his wife, to consider his children and familie did not onely reiect the counsels of them,* 8.86 but also neglected the threates and torments of the Iudge, to keepe the confes∣siō of Christ inuiolate vnto the death, & losing of his head. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 9. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 9. of whome Euseb. bear∣eth witnes that he was there present himselfe.

Of like estate and dignitie was also Procopius in Pale∣stina, who after his conuersion brake his images of siluer, and golde, and distributed the same to the poore and after al kinde of torments, of racking, of cording, of tearing hys flesh, of goring and stabbing in, of fiering, at lēgth had his head also smitten of, as witnesseth. Niceph. Lib. 7. cap. 15.

To this maye be ioyned also Georgius, a younge man of Capadocia, who stoutly inueighing against the impyous idolatry of the Emperours, was apprehended, and cast in prison, then torne wyth hooked yrons, burnt with hoate lyme, stretched with cordes, after that his hands and feete with other members of his body being cut of, at last wyth a sworde had his head cut of. Niceph. ibid.

With these aforenamed adde also Sergius,* 8.87 and Bacchi∣us, Panthaleon, a phisition in Nicomedia, mentioned in Sup∣plem. Lib. 8. Theodorus of the Citie Amasia in Hellesp. mentio∣ned of Vincentius. Lib. 3. Faustus a martyr of Egypt, mentio∣ned of Niceph. Lib. 8. cap. 5. Gereon with 318. fellow martirs which suffered about Colour. Petr. de nat. Lib, 9. cap. 49. Her∣mogenes the President of Athens, who being conuerted by the constancie of one Menas, and Eugraphus in their tor∣ments, suffered also for the like faith. Item Samonas, Guri∣as and Abibus, mentioned in Symeon Metaphrast. Hieron also w^t certaine of his confessors, vnder Maximinus, mentioned in Metaphrastes. Iudes, and Domuas, who suffred with many other Martirs aboue mentioned, at Nicomedia, as recor∣deth Metaphrastes. Euelasius, Maximinus the Emperors of∣ficers, whom Fausta the virgin in her torments conuerted. Also Thyrsus, Lucius, Callinicus, Appollonius, Philemon, Asilas, Leonides, with Arrianus president of Thebaide, Cyprianus, likewise a Citizen of Antioche, who after he had continued a long time a filthy Magitian, or sorcerer, at length was conuerted, & made a Deacon then a Priest, and at last the Bishop of Antioche, Vincent lib. 12. cap. 120. of whome partly we touched somwhat before. Pag. 72. This Cyprian w^t Iustina a virgin suffered amōg the martirs, Item, Glycerius at Nicomedia, Felix a mini∣ster, Fortunatus, Achilleus, Deacons in the ci∣tie of Valent. Arthemius of Rome, Cyriacus Deacon to Marcellus the bishop. Carpopho∣rus Priest at Thuscia, with Abundus his dea∣cō. Item, Claudius, Syrinus, Antonius, which suffered with Marcellinus the Bishop Sabell Enead. 7. Lib. 8. Cucusatus, in the citie Barcino∣na. Felix Byshop of Apulia, with Adauctus & Ianuarius his priests, Fortunatus & Septimus hys readers, who suffered in the Citie Ve∣nusina vnder Dioclesian. Bergom. Lib. 8.

It were to long a trauell or trouble to recite al and sin∣gular names of them particularly,* 8.88 whom this persecutiō of Dioclesian did consume. The number of whom being al∣most infinite is not to be collected or expressed: One storye yet ramayneth, not to be forgotten of Cassianus, whose piti∣full story being described of Prudentius we haue here inser∣ted, rendring metre for metre as followeth.

1

THrough Forum, as in Italy, I passed once to Roome: Into a Church by chaunce came I, And stoode fast by a toome.

2

Which church sometime a place had bene, Where causes greate in lawe: Were scand and tryed, and iudgement giuen, To keepe brute men in awe.

3

Thys place Sylla Cornelius, First built: he raysed the frame: And called the same Forum, and thus, That City tooke the name.

4

In prayer feruent as I stoode, casting mine eie aside: A picture in full piteous moode, (Imbrude) by chaunce I spied.

5

A thousand wounded markes full bad, All mangled, rent, and torne: The skinne appeared as though it had, Bene iagde and prickt with thorne.

6

A scull of pictured boyes did bande, About that lothsome sight: That with their sharpned gads in hand, His members thus had dight.

7

These gads were but their pens wherewith, Their Tables written were: And such as scholers often sith, Vnto the scholes doe beare.

8

Whom thou seest heere thus picturde sitte, And firmely dost behold: No fable is, I do thee witte, Vnaskte a Prelate tolde

9

That walkt thereby: but doth declare, The history of one, Which written, would good recorde beare, What faith was long agone.

10

A skilfull scolemaister this was, That here sometime did teach: The Bishop once of Brixia as, And Christ full plaine did preach.

11

He knew well how to comprehende▪ Long talke in few lynes:

And it at length how to amende, By order and by times.

12

His sharpe precepts, and sterne lookes, His beardles boyes did feare: When hate in hart (yet for their bookes) Full deadly they did beare.

13

The childe that learnes, I doe yee weete, Termes aye his tutor crule. No discipline in youth seemes sweete, Count this a common rule.

14

Behold the raging time now here, Oppressing sore the faith: Doth persecute gods children dere, And all that Christ bewraith.

15

This trusly teacher of the swarme, Profest the liuing God: The chiefe good thing, they compt their harme, Perhaps he shakes his rod.

16

What rebels aske the president, Is he, Theare so loude Vnto our youth an instrument, They say, and low they bowde.

17

Go bring the caytiffe foorth he bids, And make no long delay: Let him be set the boyes amids, They doe as he doth say.

18

Let him be giuen vnto them all, And let them haue their will: To doe to him what spite they shall, So that they will him kill.

19

Euen as they list let them him fray And him deride so long: Till wearines prouokes their play, No lenger to prolong.

20

Let them I say then vncontrold, Both pricke and scotch his skinne: To bath their hands let them be bold, In the hote bloud of him.

21

The scholers hereat make great game, It pleaseth them full well: That they may kill and quench the flame, They thought to them a hell.

22

They binde his hands behind his back••, And naked they him stripe: In bodkinne wise at him they nacke, They laugh to see him skippe.

23

The priuy hate that ech one hath, In hart it now appeares: They poure it foorth in gally wrath, They wreake them of their teares.

24

Some cast great stones, some other breake, Their tables on his face: Lo here thy Latine and thy Greeke, (Oh barren boyes of grace.)

25

The bloud runnes downe his cheekes and doth, Imbrue the boxen leames: Where notes by them were made (though loth) And well proponed theames.

26

Some whet, some sharpe, their penseles pointes, That serude to write with all: Some other gage his flesh and ioyntes, As with a pointed nall.

27

Sometimes they pricke, sometime they rent, This worthy martirs flesh: And thus by turnes they do torment, This confessour a fresh.

28

Now all with on consent on him, Their bloudy handes they lay: To see the bloud from limme to limme, Drop downe they make a play.

29

More painefull was the pricking pange, Of children oft and thicke: Then of the bigger boyes that stange, And neere the hart did sticke.

30

For by the feeble strokes of the one, Death was denied his will: Of smart that made him wo begon, He had the better skill.

31

The deeper strokes the great ones gaue, and neerer toucht the quicke: The welcomer he thought the same, Whom longing death made sicke.

32

God make you strong he saith I pray, God giue you might at will: And what you want in yeares I say, Let crueltie fulfill.

33

But whilest the hangman breatheth still, and me with you do match: That weakely worke, yet want no will, my 〈…〉〈…〉 to dispatch.

34

My griefes waxe great, what gronest thou now? Sayd some of them againe? In schoole, aduised well art thou? Whom there thou pu••st to payne?

35

Behold we pay, and now make good, as many thousande stripes: As when with weeping eyes we stoode, In daunger of thy gripes.

36

Art thou now angry at thy bande, that alwayes cried writ••, write, And neuer wouldst that our right hand, Should rest in quiet plyte▪

37

We had forgot our playing times, Thou churle deniedst vs of: We now but pricke and point our lines, And thus they grinne and scof.

38

Correct good sir your viewed verse, If ought amisse there be: Now vse thy power and then rehearse, that haue not marked thee.

39

Christ pittying this groaning man, With tormments torne and tyred: Commaundes his hart to breake euen then, And life that was then hyered.

40

He yeeldes againe to him that gaue, And thus he makes exchaunge: Immortall▪ for mortall to haue, That in such payne did ••aunge.

41

This is saith he, that this plesure, Thou so beholdst, Oh g••••t: Of Cassianus Martir pure,* 8.89 Doth preach I doe protest.

42

If thou Prudence haue ought in store, In pietie to deale: In hope of iust reward therefore, Now shew thy louing zeale:

43

I could not but consent, I weepe, Hys tombe I doe embrace: Home I returne, and after sleepe, This pittifull preface,

44

I write as a memoriall, For euer to endure: Of Cassianus scolemaster, All others to allure.

45

To constancy vnder the crosse, Of their profession: Accompting gaine what euer losse, For Christ they take vpon.

No lesse admirable then wonderfull was the constan∣cy also of woemen and maidens, who in the same persecu∣tion gaue their bodyes to the tormentes & their liues for the testimony of Christ, with no lesse boldnes of spirite, thē did the men themselues aboue specified, to whome howe much more inferiour they were in bodely strēgth, so much more worthy of prayse they be, for their constant standing. Of whom some examples here we minde (Christ willing) to inferre, such as in our stories and Chronicles seem most notable, first beginning with Eulalia, whose story we haue taken out of the foresayd Prudentius as followeth.

In the West part of Spaine called Portingall, is a Ci∣ty great and pop••lous, named Emerita, wherein dwelt and was brought vp a virgine borne of noble parentage, whose name was Eulalia,* 8.90 which Emerita although for the apte situation therof, was both rich & famous, yet more a∣dourned and famous was the renowne therof, by y^e mar∣tyrdome, bloud,* 8.91 and sepulture of this blessed virgine Eula∣lia. Twelue yeares of age was shee and not much aboue, when she refused great and honourable offers in mariage, as one not skilfull, nor yet delighting in courtly daliaunce, neyther yet taking pleasure in purple and gorgeous appa∣rell, or els in precious balmes, or costly ornamentes and iuels:* 8.92 But forsaking and despising all these and such lyke pompeous allurements, then shewed she her self most bu∣sie in preparing her iourney to her hoped inheritance, and heauenly patronage. Which Eulalia as she was modest and descrete in behauiour, sage and sober in conditions, so was she also witty and sharp in aunswering her enemies. But when the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 rage of persecution inforced her to ioyne her self amongest Gods Children in the houshold of faith, and when the Christians were commaunded to offer in∣cense and sacrifice to deuils or dead Gods: Then began the blessed spirite of Eulalia to kindle, and being of a pro••tipt & ready wit thought forthwith (as a couragious captayne)

to geue a charge vpon this so great, and disordered a bat∣tayle: and so she,* 8.93 silly woeman, pouring out the bowels of her innocent hart before God, more prouoketh therby the ••orce and rage of her enemies agaynst her. But the godly care of her parentes, fearing least the willing minde of the Damsel, so ready to dye for Christes cause, might make her gilty of her owne death,* 8.94 hid her and kept her close at their house in the countrey, being a great way out of the Citty. She yet misliking that quiet life, as also detesting, to make such delay, softly stealeth out of the doores (no man know∣ing therof) in the night and in great hast leauing the com∣mon waye, openeth the hedge gappes, and with werye feete (god knoweth) passed through y^e thorny & bryery pla∣ces, accompanied yet w^t spirituall garde: & although darke & dreadfull was the silent night, yet had shee with her the Lord & guider of light. And as the children of Israel com∣ming out of Egipt, had by the mightye power of God, a cloudy piller for their guide in y^e day, & a flame of fire in the night, so had this godly virgine, traueling in this darke night, when she fleing & forsaking the place where al filthy idolatry abounded, & hastened her heauenly iourney, was not oppressed with the dreadfull darknes of the night, But yet she before the day appeared in this her speedy iourney, with her selfe considered & mused on a thousand matters, & more.* 8.95 In the morning betime with a bould courage she goeth vnto the tribunall or iudgement seat, & in the midst of them all with a loud voice, crying out sayde: I praye you what a shame is it for you thus rashely, and without aduisement to destroy and kill mens soules, and to throwe their bodies aliue against the rocks, and cause them to de∣ny the omnipotent god?* 8.96 Would you know (O you vnfor∣tunate) who I am? behold, I am one of the Christians: an enimie to your deuilish sacrifices, I spurne your idols vnder my feete: I confesse God omnipotent with my hart and mouth. Isis, Apollo, and Uenus, what are they? Max∣iminus himselfe, what is he? The one a thing of naught, for that they be y^e workes of mens hands, y^e other but a cast away bicause he worshippeth the same worke. Therfore friuolous are they both, and both not worthy to be set by. Maximinus is a Lorde of substaunce, and yet he himselfe falleth downe before a stone, and voweth the honor of hys dignitie vnto those that are much inferior to his vassals. Why then doth he oppresse so tirannically, more worthye stomacks and courages then himselfe? He must neds be a good guid, and an vpright iudge, which fedeth vpon inno∣cent bloud: and breathing in the bodies of godly men doth rent and teare their bowels, and that more is, hath his de∣light in destroying and subuerting the faith.

Go to therfore thou hangman, burne, cut and mangle thou these earthly mēbers. It is an easie matter to breake a britle substance, but the inward mind shalt not thou hurt for any thing thou canst do. The pretor thē or iudge wyth these words of hers, set in a great rage, saith, hangmā take her and pull her out by the heare of her head & torment her to the vttermost. Let her feele the power of our countrey gods, and let her know what the Imperiall gouernement of a Prince is.* 8.97 But yet, O thou sturdy girle, faine woulde I haue thee (if it were possible) before thou dye, to reuoke this thy wickednes. Behold what pleasures thou maiest enioy by the honorable house thou camest of. Thy fallen house and progenie followeth thee to death with lamenta∣ble teares, & the heauy nobility of thy kindred maketh dol∣full lamētation for thee. What meanest thou, wilt thou kill thy self so younge a flower, & so neare these honorable ma∣riages and great dowries that thou mayest enioy? Doth not the glistering and golden pompe of the bried bed moue thee? Doth not the reuerende pietie of thyne Auncitours pricke thee? whom is it not, but that this thy rashnes and weakenes sorroweth? behold here the furniture ready pre∣pared for thy terrible death. Either shalt thou be beheaded with this sword, or else with these wild beastes shalt thou be pulled in peeces, or els y^u being cast into the fiery flames shalbe (although lamentably bewailed of thy friends and kinsfolks) consumed to ashes. What great matter is it for thee I pray thee, to escape al this? If thou wilt but take & put with thy fingers a little salt & incense into the censers, thou shalt be deliuered from al these punishmēts. To this Eulalia made no aunswere, but being in a great furye shee spitteth in the tirauntes face, she throweth downe the I∣doles, and spurneth abroad with her feete the heape of in∣cense prepared to the censers: then without further delay, the hangmen with both their strengthes tooke her, & puld one ioynte from an other, and with the talantes of wilde beastes, scotched her sides to the hard bodes: she all this while singing and praysing God in this wise. Beholde, O Lord I will not forget thee: what a pleasure is it for them O Christ that remember thy triumphant victoryes, to at∣tayne vnto these high dignities, and still calleth vpon that holy name,* 8.98 al stained and embrued with her owne bloude. This sang she with a bold stomacke, neither lamentyngly nor yet wepingly, but being glad and mery, abandonyng from her mind all heauines and griefe, when as out of a warme fountain her mangled members with fresh bloud bathed her white and fayre skinne. Then proceede they to the last and final torment, which was not only the goring and wounding of her mangled body with the yron grat, & hurdle, and terrible harrowing of her flesh, but burned, on euery side with flaming torches her tormented brests,* 8.99 and sides: her heare hanging about her shoulders in two parts deuided (wherewith her shamefast chastitie and virginitie was couered) reached downe to the ground: but when the cracking flame fleeth about her face, kindled by her heare, and reacheth the crowne of her head: thē she desiring swift death, opened her mouth and swalowed the flame, and so rested shee in peace.

The sayde Prudentius and Ado,* 8.100 also Equilinus adde moreouer, writinge of a white doue issuing out of her mouth at her departing, and of the fire quenched about her body, also of her body, couered miraculously wyth snow, with other things more, wherof let euery reader vse hys owne iudgement.

As ye haue heard now the Christian life and constant death of Eulalia,* 8.101 much worthy of praise & commendation: So no lesse commendation is worthely to be giuen to bles∣sed Agnes, that constant Damsell and martir of God, who as she was in Rome of honorable parentes begotten, so lyeth she there as honorably intombed & buried. Whiche Agnes for her vnspotted & vndefiled virginitie, deserueth no greater praise and commendation, then for her willing death and martirdome.* 8.102 Some writers make of her a long discourse, more in my iudgement then necessary, reciting diuers & sundry straunge miracles by her done in the pro∣cesse of her history, which partly for tediousnes, partly for the doubtfulnes of the author, (whome some father vpon Ambrose) and partly for the straungenes and incredibilitie therof I omit, being satisfied with that which Prudentius, brefly writeth of her,* 8.103 as foloweth: Shee was (sayth hee) yong & not mariageable, when first she being dedicated to Christ, boldly resisted the wicked Edictes of the Empe∣ror: least that through idolatry she might haue denied and forsaken the holy faith: but yet first proued by diuers and sundry pollicies to induce her to the same (as now with y^e flattering and intising words of the Iudge, now with the threatnings of the storming executioner) stoode notwyth∣standing,* 8.104 stedfast in al couragious strength: and willingly offered her body to hard & painful torments, not refusing as she sayd, to suffer whatsoeuer it should be, yea though it were death it selfe. Then said the cruell tyraunt: if to suf∣fer paine & torment, be so easie a matter and lightly regar∣ded of thee & that thou accomptest thy life nothing woorth: yet y^e shame of thy dedicated or vowed virginity is a thing more regarded I know, and esteemed of thee. Wherefore this is determined, that vnles thou wilt make obeisaunce to the aultar of Minerua, and aske forgiuenes of her for thy arrogancy,* 8.105 thou shalt be sent or abandoned to the cōmon stewes or brothelhouse. Agnes y^e virgine, with more spirit and vehemency inneieth against both Minerua & her ver∣ginitie: the youth in sculs flocke and runne togither, and craue that they may haue Agnes their ludibrious pray:* 8.106 thē saith Agnes, Christ is not so forgetfull of those that be hys, that he wil suffer violently to be taken frō them their gol∣den and pure chastitie, neither wil he leaue them so desti∣tute of helpe: he is alwaies at hande and ready to fight for such as are shamfast and chast virgines, neither suffereth he his giftes of holy integritie or chastitie to be polluted. Thou shalt sayth shee, willingly bathe thy sworde in my bloud if thou wilt, but thou shalt not defile my body with filthy lust for any thing thou canst doe. She had no sooner spoken these wordes, but he commaunded that she should be set naked at the corner of some streete, (whiche place at that time, such as were strumpets cōmonly vsed, the grea∣ter part of the multitude both sorrowing and shaming to see so shameles a sight,* 8.107 went their wayes, some turninge their heades, some hiding their faces. But one amongst y^e rest, with vncircumcised eies, beholding the Damsell, and that in such opprobrious wise: behold a flame of fire lyke vnto a flash of lightning, falleth vpō him, striketh his eies out of his head, wherupon he for dead falling to the groūd, sprauleth in the chanel durt, whose cōpanions taking him vp, & carrying him away, bewayled him as a dead man. But the virgin for this her miraculous deliuery from the danger and shame of that place, singeth prayses vnto God and Christ.

There be (saith Prudentius) that report how that shee

beyng desired to pray vnto Christ for the partie, that a litle before with fire frō heauen for hys incōtinency was stric∣ken was restored by their prayer,* 8.108 both vnto hys perfect health & sight. But blessed Agnes after that she had climed this her first griefe and step vnto the heauēly pallace, forth∣with began to clime an other: for fury ingendring now, y^e mortall wrath of her bloudy enemy, wringing his handes crieth out saying, I am vndone: O y^t the executioner draw out thy sword, and doe thyne office that y^e Emperour hath appoynted thee. And when Agnes saw a sturdy and cruell fellow (to behold) stand behinde her, or approaching neere vnto her with a naked sword in his hand: I am now glad¦der sayth she, & reioyce, y^t such a one as thou, being a stout, fierce, strong and sturdy souldiour art come, then one more feable, weake, & faynt should come, or els any other yong man sweetly enbalmed,* 8.109 and wearing gaye apparell that might destroy me with funerall shame. This, euen this is he I now cōfesse, y^t I do loue. I wil make hast to meet him and will no longer protract my longing desire: I wil wil∣lingly receaue into my papes the length of hys sword, and into my brest will draw the force therof euē vnto the hilts: That thus I being maryed vnto Christ my spouse,* 8.110 may surmount and escape all the darckenes of this world, that reacheth euen vnto y^e skyes. O eternal gouernour, vouch∣safe to opē the gates of heauen once shut vp agaynst al the inhabitantes of the earth, and receaue (oh Christ) my soule that seeketh thee. Thus speaking and kneeling vpon her knees, she prayeth vnto Christ aboue in heauen, that her necke might be the redyer for the sword,* 8.111 now hāging ouer the same. The executioner then with his bloudy hand, fini∣shed her hope, & at one stroke cutteth off her head, & by such short & swift death doth he preuente her of y^e payne therof.

I haue oftentimes before complayned that the stories of Sayntes haue bene poudered and sawsed with diuers vn∣true additions and fabulous inuentiōs of men,* 8.112 who either of a superstitious deuotion, or of a subtill practise, haue so mingle mangled their stories and liues, that almost no∣thing remayneth in them simple and vncorrupt, as in the vsuall Portues wont to be read for dayly seruice, is mani∣fest and euident to be seene, wherein, few Legendes there be, able to abide y^e touch of history, if they were truely tried. This I write vpon the occasiō specially of good Katherine, whome now I haue in hand. In whom although I no∣thing doubt, but in her life was great holines, in her knowledge excellency, in her death constancy: yet that all thinges be true that be storyed of her, neyther dare I af∣firme, neyther am I bound so to thinke: So many strange fictions of her be fained diuersly of diuers writers, wherof some seeme incredible, some also impudent. As where Pe∣trus de Natalibus,* 8.113 writing of her conuersion declareth, how that Katherine sleeping before a certaine picture or table of the Crucifixe, Christ with his mother Mary appeared vn∣to her: And when Mary had offered her to Christ to be his wife, he first refused her for her blackenes. The next tyme, she beyng baptised, Mary appearing againe, offered her to mary with Christ, who then being liked, was espoused to hym and maryed, hauing a golden ring the same tyme put on her finger in her sleep. &c. Bergomensis writeth thus, that because she in y^e sight of the people openly resisted the Em∣perour Maxentius to hys face and rebuked hym for hys cru∣eltie,* 8.114 therfore she was commaunded and committed vpon the same to prison, which seemeth hetherto not much to di∣gresse from trueth. It followeth moreouer, that the same night an angell came to her,* 8.115 comforting and exhorting her to be strong and constant vnto the Martyrdome, for that she was a mayd accepted in the sight of God, and that the Lord would be with her, for whose honor she did fight, and that he would geue her a mouth and wisedome, which her enemies should not withstand: with many other thinges mo, which I here omit. As this also I omit concerning y^e 50. Philosophers, whom she in disputation conuicted, and conuerted vnto our religion, and dyed martyrs for y^e same. Item, of the conuerting of Porphyrius kinsmā to Maxentius and Faustina the Emperours wife. At length (saith the sto∣ry) after she proued the racke, and the foure sharpe cutting wheeles,* 8.116 hauing at last her head cut off with the sword, so she finished her martyrdome, about the yeare of our Lord (as Antoninus affirmeth) 310 Symeon Metaphrastes, writing of her, discourseth the same more at large, to whome they may resort, which couet more therein to be satisfied.

Among the workes of Basill a certayne Oration is ex∣tant concerning Iulitta the martyr,* 8.117 who came to her mar∣tyrdome (as he witnesseth) by this occasion. A certayne a∣uaricious and greedy person, of great authoritie, and as it may appeare, the Emperour his deputy, or other like offi∣cer,* 8.118 (who abused the decrees and lawes of the Emperour agaynst the Christians, to hys own lucre and gayne) vio∣lently tooke from this Iulitta all her goodes, landes, cattell, and seruaunts, contrary to all equity and right. She made her pittifull cōplaint to the Iudges, a day was appointed, when the cause should be heard.* 8.119 The spoyled woman, and the spoiling extorcioner stode forth together, y^e woman la∣mentably declareth her case, y^e man frowningly beholdeth her face. When she had proued that of good right the goods were her owne & that wrongfully he had dealed with her: the wicked & bloudthirsty wretch, preferring vile worldly substaunce, before the precious substaunce of a Christen body, affirmed her action to be of no force, for that she was as an outlaw in not seruing the Emperors Gods, since her christian faith hath bene first abiured.* 8.120 His allegation was allowed as good and reasonable. Whereupon incense & fire were prepared for her to worship the Gods, which vnles she would do,* 8.121 neither the Emperors protectiō, nor lawes, nor iudgment, nor life, should she enioy in that cō∣mon weale. When this handmaid of the Lorde heard these wordes, she saide, farwell life, welcome death: farwell ry∣ches welcome pouerty. All that I haue if it were a thou∣sand times more,* 8.122 would I rather loose, then to speake one wicked & blasphemous word against God my creator. I yeeld thee thanks most harty, O my God, for this gift of grace, that I can contemne & despise this frayle and tran∣sitory world, esteming Christian profession aboue all trea∣sures. Hence forth whē any question was demaunded, her aunswere was:* 8.123 I am the seruaunt of Iesus Christ. Her kindred & acquaintaunce flocking to her, aduertised her to chaunge her minde. But that vehemently she refused, with detestation of their Idolatry. Forthwith the Iudge, with the sharpe sworde of sentēce not only cutteth of al her goodes & possessions, but iudgeth her also to the fire most cruellye. The ioyfull Martyr imbraceth the sentence as a thing most sweete and delectable.* 8.124 She addresseth her selfe to the flames, in countenaunce, iesture, and wordes, decla∣ring the ioy of her hart, coupled with singular constancy. To the women beholding her, sententiouslye shee spake: Sticke not,* 8.125 O sisters, to labour and trauell after true piety and godlines. Cease to accuse the fragilitie of feminine na∣ture. What? are not we created of the same matter, that mē are? Yea, after Gods Image and similitude are we made, as liuely as they. Not flesh only God vsed in the creation of the woman, in signe and tokē of her infirmitie, & weak∣nes, but bone of bones is she, in token that shee must be strong in the true and liuing God, all false Gods forsaken. Constant in faith al infidelity renounced patient in aduer∣sity, all worldly ease refused. Waxe wery, (my dere sisters) of your liues lead in darkenes, & be in loue with my christ, my God, my redeemer, my comforter which is the true light of the worlde. Perswade your selues, or rather the spirite of the liuing God perswade you, that there is a world to come, wherin the worshippers of idoles and de∣uils shal be tormented, perpetually, the seruauntes of the high god shalbe crowned eternally. With these words she embraced the fire, and swetely slept in the Lord.

There haue bene moreouer beside these aboue recited diuers godly women and faithfull Martirs,* 8.126 as Barbara a noble woman in Thuscia, who after miserable prisonmēt sharpe cordes, & burning flames put to her sides, was at last beheaded. Also Fausta the virgin, which suffered vnder Maximinus by whome Euelasius a ruler of the Emperours palace, and Maximinus the President were both conuerted and also suffered martirdome, as witnesseth Metaphrastes. Item Iuliana a virgine of singular beautie in Nicomedia, who after diuers agonies suffered likewise vnder, Maximi∣nus. Item, Anysia a mayd of Thessalonica, who vnder the said Maximinus suffred. Metaphr. ibid. Iustina which suffered with Cyprianus bishop of Antioche, not to omit also Tecla although most writers doe accorde that she suffered vnder Nero. Platina in vita Caij, maketh also mentiō of Lucia, & Aga∣tha. All which holy maides and virgins glorified the Lord Christ with their constant martirdome in this tenth & last persecution of Dioclesian.

During the time of which persecution these bishops of Rome succeded on after another▪* 8.127 Caius who succeded next after Xist{us} mētioned. pag. 71. Marcellinus Marcellus (of whō, Eusebius in his story maketh no mention) Eusebius, & then Miltiades: al which, died martirs in the tempest of this per∣secution. First Marcellinus after the Martirdome of Caius was ordeined Bishoppe, he being brought by Dioclesian, to the Idoles,* 8.128 first yeelded to their Idolatry & was seene to sacrifice, wherfore being excommunicated by the Chri∣stians, fell in such repentaunce, that he returned agayne to Dioclesian, where he standing to his former confession, and publikely condemning the idolatry of the heathen, reco∣uered the crowne of martirdome: suffering with Claudius, Cyrinus, and Antoninus.

Marcellus likewise was vrged of Maxentius to renounce his bishoprick & religion,* 8.129 & to sacrifice with them to idols. which when he constantly refused, was beaten with cud∣gels, and so expelled the city. Then he entring into y^e house of Lucina a widow, assembled there the cōgregation, which when it came to the eares of Maxentius the tiraunt, he tur∣ned the house of Lucina into a stable, and made Marcellus the keeper of the beasts, and so with the stinch thereof and miserable handling was put to death. Eusebius late byshop of Rome, as Euseb. in Chron. saith. 7. monethes: Marianus Scotus saith 8. months.* 8.130 Damasus affirmeth 6. yeares, Sabelli∣cus alledgeth certaine authors that say, that he was slayne by Maximinianus: but correcteth that himselfe, affirming that Maximinianus died before him.

Miltiades by the testimony of Platina, and other that fol∣low him sat 3. yeares, & 7. moneths, & suffred vnder Maxi∣minianus. But that semeth not to be true, as both Sabellicus doth rightly note,* 8.131 affirming that the same cannot stand by the supputation of time: Forasmuch as the saide Galerius Maximinus raigned but 2. yeares, and died before Miltiades. Also Eusebius manifestly expresseth the example of a letter of Constantine written to this Miltiades Byshop of Rome,* 8.132 playnely conuicting that to bee false, which Platina affir∣meth.

* 8.133In the booke collected of general councels among the decretal epistles, there is a long tractation about y^e iudge∣ment and condemnation of Marcellinus: wherof the May∣sters & Patrones of popery, in these our daies, take great hold to proue the supremacy of the pope to be aboue al ge∣nerall councels, and that he ought not to be subiect to the condemnation of any person or persons, for that there is written: Nemo vnquam iudicauit Pontificem, nec Praesul sa∣cerdotem suum,* 8.134 quoniam prima sedes non iudicabitur a quoquā. &c. Although this sentence of Miltiades seemeth apparant∣ly to be patched in, rather by some Heldibrandus, then by Miltiades: both for that it hangeth with little order of sense, vpon that which goeth before: & againe bicause that prima sedes here mentioned, was not yet ordained nor attributed to the sea of Rome before the councell of Nice, where the order and placing of byshops was first established. But to let this sentence passe, yet notwithstanding the circūstance & proceding of this iudgement, if it be rightly weyed, ma∣keth very little to the purpose of these men. Neither is it true that the bishops of this councell of Sinuesse, did not condemne Marcellinus: for the wordes of the councell bee plaine. Subscripserunt igitur in eius damnationem & damnaue∣runt eum extra ciuitatem. That is: They subscribed therfore to his comdemnation, and condemned him to be expelled out of the citie. Moreouer by y^e said councell were brought in, the 42. witnesses against Marcellinus. In the saide coun∣cell the verdit of the same witnesses was demaunded and also receiued. Furthermore, Quirinus there, one of the By∣shops openly protested, that he would not depart y^e coun∣cell, before the malice of the bishops were reuealed: what doth al this declare, but that the bishop of Rome was cal∣led there,* 8.135 and did appeare before the iudgement seat of the Councell, and there stoode subiecte to their sentence & au∣thoritie, by the which he was expelled out of the City? As for the wordes of the councell, whereupon our Papistes stand so much. Non enim nostro, sed tuo ipsius iudicio cōdem∣naberis, &c. Item: Tuo ore iudica causam tuā. &c. These words import not here the authority of the Romane bishop to be aboue the councel, neither do they declare what the coun∣cell could not do, but what they would and wished rather to be done, that is, that he should rather acknowledge his crime before God & them, with a voluntary yelding of his hart, then that the confession of such an hainous fact should be extorted from him through their condemnatiō: for that they saw to be expedient for hys soules health. Otherwise their cōdemnation should serue him to smal purpose. And so it came to passe. For he being vrged of thē to condemne himselfe,* 8.136 so did: prostrating himselfe and weeping before them. Wherupon immediatly they proceded to the sentēce against him, condemning & pronouncing him to be expel∣led the city. Now whether by this may be gathered, that y^e Byshop of Rome ought not to be cited, accused, and con∣demned by any person or persons, let the indifferent Rea∣der iudge simply.

* 8.137As touching y^e decretal epistles, which be intituled vn∣der the name of these foresaide bishops: who so well adui∣seth them, and with iudgement will examine the stile, the time, the argument the hanging togither of the matter, & the constitutions in them contained (little seruing to anye purpose, and nothing seruing for those troublous dayes then present) may easely discerne them: either in no part to be theirs, or much of the same to be clouted and patched by the doings of other, which liued in other times: speciallye seing al the constitutions in them for the most part tend to the setting vp and to exalt the sea of Rome aboue al other, Bishops and churches, and to reduce all cames & appeals to the said sea of Rome. So the epistle of Caius beginnyng with the commendation of the authoritie of his sea, endeth after the same tenor, willing and cōmaunding all difficult questions in al prouinces whatsoeuer emerging, to be re∣ferred to the sea Apostolicall. Moreouer, the greatest part of the said epistle from this place. Quicunque illi sunt ita ob∣caecati. &c. to the ende of this periode: Quoniam sicut ait. B. Apostolus Magnum est pietatis. &c. is conteyned in the epistle of Leo, vnto Leo the Emperour: & so rightly agreeth in al poynts with the stile of Leo, that euidēt it is the same to be borrowed out of Leo, out of the epistle of Caius, or to bee patched into the epistle of Caius taken out of Leo.

Likewise the epistle of Marcellinus to get more authori∣tie with y^e reader,* 8.138 is admixed with a great part of S. Paules epistle to the ephesians, worde, for worde. And howe is it like that Marcellinus which died in the 20. yeare of Dioclesian coulde write of consubstantialitie of the diuine persons, when that controuersie and terme of Consubstantialitie, was not heard of in the Church,* 8.139 before Nicene councell, which was 23. yeares after him? But especially the two e∣pistles of Marcellus bewray themselues, so that for the con∣futing therof needeth no other probation, more then onely the reading of the same. Such a glorious stile of ambition therein doth appeere, as it is easie to be vnderstoode, not to proceede either frō such an humble Martir, or to sauour any thing of the misery of such a time.* 8.140 His wordes of hys first epistle written to the brethren of Antioche, and allea∣ged in the popes decrees by Gratianus are these:

We desire you brethren that ye doe not teach nor conceiue any other thing, but as yee haue receiued of the blessed Apostle S. Peter, and of other Apostles & fathers. For of him ye were first of all instructed.* 8.141 wherefore you must not forsake your owne fa∣ther and followe others. For hee is the head of the whole Church to whom the Lord sayd: Thou art Peter and vpon this rocke I will build my church. &c. whose seate was first with you in Antioche: which afterward by the commaundement of the Lord was trāslated frō thence to Rome, of the which church of Rome I am this day placed (by the grace of god) to be the gouernour. Frō the which church of Rome, neither ought you to separate your selues, seeing to the same church all maner causes ecclesiasticall, being of any importance (Gods grace so disposing) are common∣ded to be referred: by the same to be ordered regularly, from whence they tooke their first beginning. &c. And followeth con∣sequently vpon the same. And if your Church of Antioche, which was once the 1. wil now yeld her self vnto the sea of Rome, ther is no other Church els,* 8.142 which will not subiect it selfe to our domi∣nion: to whom all other Byshops, who so euer listeth, and as they must needes do (according to the decrees of the the Apostles and of their successors) ought to flee vnto, as to their head, and must appeale to the same, there to haue their redresse, and their prote∣ction from whence they tooke their first instruction and conse∣cration. &c.

Whether this be like matter to proceed from the spirit of Marcellus that blessed martyr, in those so dreadfull dayes, I say no more,* 8.143 but onely desire thee (gētle reader) to iudge.

In hys second Epistle moreouer, the sayd Marcellus, writing to Maxentius, the bloudy tyraunt, first reprehen∣deth him for his crueltie, sharpely admonishing him howe & what to do: to learne and seeke the true religion of God, to mayntayne hys Churche, to honor and reuerence the Priestes of God, and specially exhorteth him to charitie, and that he would cease from persecution. &c. All this is possible,* 8.144 and like to be true: but now marke (good reader) what blanched stuffe here followed withall: as where hee alledging the statutes and sanctions of hys predecessors, declareth and discusseth that no byshop nor minister ought to be persecuted, or depriued of hys goodes. And if they be, then ought the to haue their possessions and places againe restored (by the law) before they were bound (by the law) to aunswere to their accusations layd in agaynst thē. And so after that, in conuenient tyme, to be called to a councell. The which councell notwithstanding, without the autho∣ritie of the holy sea, cannot proceede regularly (albeit it re∣mayne in hys power to assemble certayne Byshops toge∣ther.) Neyther can he regularly condemne any Byshop, appealing to this hys Apostolicall sea, before the sentence diffinite do proceede from the foresayd sea. &c. And it follo∣weth after: and therefore (sayth he) let no Byshop of what crime soeuer he be attached, come to hys accusation or be heard, but in hys owne ordinary Synode at hys conue∣nient time: the regular and Apostolicalll authoritie beyng ioyned withall. Moreouer in the sayd Epistle writing to Maxentius, hee decreeth that no lay men, or any suspected Byshop, ought to accuse Prelates of the Church:

so that if

they be either laye men, or men of euill conuersation, or pro∣ued manyfest enimies, or incensed with anye hatred, their accu∣sations against any Byshops ought not to stande. Wyth other such matters moe, concerning the disposition of iudiciall court. Which matter, if Pope Gregory the seuenth, had written to Hen∣rye the third Emperour, or if Pope Alexander the third, had writ∣ten to the Emperour Predericus the first: it might haue stand with some reason and opportunity of time.

But nowe for Marcellus to write these decrees in such persecution of the Churche, to Maxentius the Heathen and most cruell Emperour: howe vnlyke it is to bee true, and howe it serued then to purpose, the Reader may soone discerne. And yet these be the epistles and constitutions decretal, whereby (vnder the pretensed title of the fathers) al churches of late time,* 8.145 & al ecclesiastical causes haue beene, & yet are in this realme of england to this day gouerned, directed, and disposed.

The like discussion & examination I might also make of the other epistles that followe of Eusebius and Miltiades, which al tende to the same scope, that no Prelate or bishop ought to come to his answere (or ad litem cōtestatam, as the words of their writing do terme it) before they be orderly & fully restored again to their possessiōs. Who moreouer in y^e said their epistles stil harpe vpon this key of y^e scripture: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam, Declaring more ouer that this priuiledge of iudging al mē and to be iudge of no man, but onely to be left to y^e iudge∣ment of the Lord: was gyuen to this foresayd holy sea of Rome, from tyme of the Apostles, & chiefly lefte w^t Peter the holye key keeper: so that although the election of the Apostles was equall, yet this was chieflye graunted to Saint Peter; to haue preheminenes aboue the rest. Con∣cluding in the ende hereby.* 8.146 Quod semper maiores causae, si∣cut sunt episcoporum, & potiorum curae negotiorum, ad vnam beati principis Apostolorum Petri sedem confluerent: That is: that alwaies all greater causes, as be the matters of By∣shoppes, and such other cares of weighty importaunce, should be brought to the sea of S. Peter, the blessed prince of the Apostles. &c. These be the wordes of Miltiades and Eu∣sebius, whereby it may partly be smelled of him that hath a∣ny nose, what was the meaning of thē which forged these writings and letters, vpon these auntient holy martirs.

This I cannot but maruell at, in the thirde Epistle of Eusebius the bishop of Rome, that where as Marcellius his late predecessor before,* 8.147 in his owne time and remembrance did fall so horribly, and was condemned for the same iustly to be expulsed the Citie by the counsell of 300. Byshops: yet notwithstanding the foresaid Eusebius in his third epi∣stle alledging y^e place of Tu es Petrus, bringeth in for a profe of the same and saith: Quia in sede Apostolica extra maculam semper est Catholica seruata religio. &c. That is, for in the A∣postolicall sea, alwaies the Catholike Religion hath bene preserued without any spot or blemish.

But howsoeuer the forgers of these decretal Epistles haue forgottē themselues,* 8.148 most certeine it is that these ho∣ly bishops, vpon whom they were and are ascribed: liued perfect good men, and died blessed martirs. Of whom this Miltiades was the last among all the Bishoppes of Rome here in the west Church of Europe, that euer was in daū∣ger of persecution to be Martired, yet to this present day.

And thus haue ye heard the stories and names of such blessed Saintes, which suffered in the time of persecution, from the xix. yeare of Dioclesian, to the vij. and last yeare of Maxentius with the deathes also & plagues described vpon these tormentors,* 8.149 and cruel tiraunts, which were the cap∣taines of the same persecutiō. And here commeth in (bles∣sed be Christ) the ende of these persecutions here in these West Churches of Europe, so far as the dominion of bles∣sed Constantinus did chiefly extend.

Yet notwithstanding in Asia al persecution as yet cea∣sed not for the space of foure yeres, as aboue is mentioned by the meanes of wicked Licinius.* 8.150 Under whome diuers there were holy and constant martirs, that suffered gree∣uous torments: as Hermylus a Deacon, and Stratonicus a keeper of the prison, which both, after their punishments sustained,* 8.151 were strangled in the floud Ister. Metasth. Also Theodorus y^e Captaine, who being sent for of Licinius, be∣cause he would not come, and because he brake his Gods in peeces, and gaue them to the pore, therfore was fastned to the crosse, and after being pearsed with sharpe pricks or bodkins, in the secret parts of his body, was at last behea∣ded. Adde to this also Milles, who first being a Souldiour, afterward was made bishop of a certaine Citie in Persia, where he seing himselfe could do no good to conuert them, after many tribulations and great afflictions among thē, cursed the Citie and departed. Which citie shortly after by Sapores king of Persia was destroied.

In the same countrey of Persia, about this time suffe∣red vnder Sapores the king (as recordeth Symeon Metasthe∣nes) diuers valiant & constant martirs,* 8.152 as Acindymus, Pe∣gasius, Anempodistus, Epidephorus, also Symeon Archbishop of Seleucia, with Ctesiphon an other bishop in Persia, with other ministers & religious men of that region, to y^e num∣ber of 128. Of this Symeon and Ctesiphon thus writeth Zo∣zomenus lib. 2. That the idolatrous Magitians in Persia, taking counsaile togither against y^e Christians, accused Sy∣meon & Ctesiphō, to Sapores y^e king, for y^t they were gratefull & accepted vnto y^e Romane Emperor & bewraied to him, such things as were done in y^e land of Persia. Whereupon Sapores being moued, toke great displeasure against y^e chri∣stians, oppressing them with taxes & tributes vnto their vtter impouerishing, killing also their Priestes with the sword: After that calleth for Symeon the Archbyshop, who there before the king declared himselfe a worthy & a vali∣ant captaine, of Christs church. For when Sapores had cō∣maūded him to be led to suffer torments, he neither shronk for any feare, nor shewed any great humble sute of submis∣sion for any pardon: wherat the king partly marueiling, partly offended, asked why he did not knele downe, as he was wont before to do. Symeon to this aūswered, for that saith he, before this time I was not brought vnto you in bondes to betray the true God,* 8.153 as I am nowe, so long I refused not to accomplishe that which the order & custome of the Realme of me required: but now it is not lawful for me so to do, for now I come to stand in defence of our Re∣ligion and true doctrine. When Symeon thus had aunswe∣red, the king persisting in his purpose, offereth vnto him y^e choise, either to worship with him after his maner (pro∣mising to him many great gifts, if he would so doe) or if he would not,* 8.154 threatneth to him and to al the other christians within his land, destruction. But Symeon neither allured with his promises, nor terrified with his threatnings, cō∣tinued constaunt in his doctrine professed, so that neyther he could be induced to Idolatrous worship, nor yet to be∣tray the truth of his religion. For the which cause he was committed into hands, and there commaunded to be kept to the kings pleasure further knowne.

It befel in the way as he was going to y^e prison, there was sitting at the kings gate a certaine Eunuche,* 8.155 an olde Tutor or scholemaister of y^e kings, named Vsthazares, who had bene once a christian, and afterward falling from hys profession, fell with the Heathen multitude to their Idola∣trie. This Vsthazares sitting at the doore of the kinges pal∣lace, and seing Symeon passing by led to the prison, rose vp and reuerenced the Bishop. Symeon againe with sharpe wordes (as the time would suffer) rebuked him & in great anger cried out against him:* 8.156 which being once a christian, woulde so cowardly reuolt from his profession, & returne againe to the Heathenish Idolatry. At the hearing of these words the Eunuch forthwith brasting out in teares, lay∣ing away his courtly apparell, which was sumptuous & costly & putting vpon him a blacke and mourning weede, sitteth before the court gates weping and bewailing, thus saying with himselfe:* 8.157 wo is me, wyth what hope, wyth what face, shall I looke hereafter for my God, which haue denied my god: whē as this Symeon my familiar acquan∣tance, thus passing by me, so much disdaineth me, that he refuseth with one gentle word to salute me?

These things being brought to the ••ares of the King (as such tale cariers neuer lacke in Princes courtes) pro∣cured against him no litle indignation. wherupon Sapores the king sending for him, first with gentle words & court∣ly promises began to speake him faire, asking him what cause he had so to mourne, & whether there was any thing in his house, which was denied him, or which he had not at his owne will and asking.* 8.158 Whereunto Vsthazares aun∣swering againe saide: That there was nothing in that earthly house, which was to him lacking, or wherūto his desire stod. Yea would god (said he) O king any other grief or calamitie in al the world, whatsoeuer it were, had hap∣pened vnto me, rather thē this for y^e which I do most iust∣ly mourne and sorrow. For this sorroweth me that I am this day aliue, who should rather haue died long since, & that I see this sonne, which against my hart and mynde, for your pleasure dissēblingly I appeared to worship, for which cause doublewise I am worthy of death. First, for y^t I haue denied Christ. Secondly, because I did dissemble with you. And incontinent vpon these wordes, swearing by him that made both heauen & earth, affirmed most cer∣tainly, that although he had plaied y^e foole before, he would neuer be so mad againe, as in steede of the creator and ma∣ker of all thinges, to worship the creatures which he had made and created. Sapores the king being astonied at the so sodaine alteration of this man, and doubting with hym selfe, whether to be angry with those inchaunters, or with

him, whether to intreat him wyth gentlenes, or wyth ry∣gour, at length in this moode commaunded the sayde Vst∣hazares his old auncient seruaunt,* 8.159 and first Tutor & bryn∣ger vp of his youth, to be had away, and to be beheaded: as he was going to the place of execution, he desired of the ex∣ecutioners, a lyttle to staye, whyle he myght sende a mes∣sage vnto the king, which was this (sent in by certayne of the kings most trusty Eunuches) desiring him that for all the old and faythfull seruyce he had done to his Father,* 8.160 & to him, he would now requite him w^t thys one office a∣gayne, to cause to bee cryed openlye by a publike cryer in these wordes followyng: that Vsthazares was beheaded not for any trechery or cryme committed against the king or the Realme,* 8.161 but onelye for that hee was a Christyan, and woulde not at the Kinges pleasure denye hys God. And so accordyng to hys requeste it was performed and graunted. For thys cause dyd Vsthazares so much desire the cause of hys death to be publyshed: because that as his shrynking backe from Christ, was a great occasion to ma∣nye Christians to doe the lyke: so nowe the same hearing y^t Vsthazares dyed for no other cause but only for y^e religion of Christ, shoulde learne lykewyse by hys example to bee feruente and constaunt in that which they professe. And thus thys blessed Eunuch dyd consummate hys Martyr∣dome.* 8.162 Of the which hys Martyrdome, Symeon hearing being in pryson was very ioyfull, and gaue god thanks. Who in the nexte daye followyng, being brought foorth before the Kyng, and constantly refusyng to condescende to the Kynges request,* 8.163 to worshyp visible creatures, was lykewyse by the commaundement of the Kyng beheaded, wyth a great number mo, whithe the same daye also did suffer, to the number as is sayd of an hundreth and more. All whiche were put to death before Symeon,* 8.164 he standing by, and exhortyng them, wyth comfortable wordes: ad∣monishing them to stande fyrme and stedfast in the Lord, Preachyng and teachyng them concernyng death, resur∣rection, and true pietye, and prooued by the Scryptures y^t to be true which he had sayde. Declaryng moreouer that to be true lyfe in deede, so to dye: and that to be death in deede, to deny or to betray God for feare of punishment. And added further, that there was no man alyue, but needes once must dye. For so much as to all men is appoyn∣ted necessarelye, here to haue an ende. But those thyngs which after this lyfe followe hereafter, to bee eternall, which neyther shall come to all men after one sorte. But as the condition and trade of lyfe in dyuers men doth dyffer, and is not in all men like: so the tyme shall come, when all men in a moment shall render and receaue accordyng to theyr dooynges in thys present lyfe immortall rewardes: such as haue here done well, of lyfe and glory, such as haue done contrary, of perpetual punish∣ment: As touching therefore our well doyng, here is no doubte but of all other our holy actions and vertuous deedes, there is no hyer or greater deede, then if a man here loose his lyfe, for hys Lord God. Wyth these wordes of comfortable exhortation, the holye Martyrs beyng prepared, willyngly yeelded vp their liues to death. After whom at last followed Symeon, with two other Priestes or Mynisters of his Church,* 8.165 Abedecalaas, and Ananias, which also wyth him were pertakers of the same Martyrdome. At the sufferyng of those aboue mentioned, it happened that Pusices one of the Kynges offycers, and ouerseer of hys Artificers,* 8.166 was there present: who seeyng Ananias beyng an aged olde Father, somwhat to shake and trem∣ble at the syght of them that suffered: O Father (sayde he) a lyttle moment shut thyne eies, and be strong, and short∣ly thou shalt see the sight of God. Upon these words thus spoken, Pusices immediately was apprehended & brought to the King.* 8.167 Who there confessing himselfe constantly to be a Chrystian, and for that he was very bould and hardy before the king in the cause of Christs faith, was extreme∣ly and most cruelly handled in the execution of his Mar∣tyrdome.* 8.168 For in the vpper part of hys necke they made a hole to thrust in theyr hande, and pluckt out hys tongue out of hys mouth, and so he was put to death. At y^e which time also the daughter of Pusices, a godly virgine, by the malicious accusation of the wicked, was apprehended & put to death.

The next yeare followyng, vpon the same day, when the Christians did celebrate the remembraunce of y^e Lords passion,* 8.169 which wee call good Frydaye before Easter (as wytnesseth the sayde Zozomenus.) Sapores the king direc∣ted out a cruell and sharpe Edict throughout al his land, condemning to death all them, whosoeuer confessed them∣selues to be Christians.* 8.170 By reason whereof an innume∣ble multitude of Christians, through the wicked procu∣ring of the malignant Magitians suffered the same tyme by the sworde, both in Citie and in Towne: some beyng sought for, some offeryng themselues willyngly, least they shoulde seeme by their sylence to deny Christ. Thus al the Christians that could be founde, without pitie were slaine and diuers also of the kinges owne court and housholde. Amonge whome was also Azades an Eunuche,* 8.171 and whome the Kyng did entirely loue and fauour. Which Asades after that the King vnderstoode to be put to death, beyng greatly mooued with the sorrow thereof commaun∣ded after that,* 8.172 no Christians to bee slayne, but them one∣ly which were the Doctours and teachers of Chrystian Religion.

In the same tyme it happened that the Queene fell in∣to a certaine disease:* 8.173 vpon the occasion whereof the cruell Iewes with the wicked Magicians, falsely and malicy∣ously accused Trabula, the sister of Symeon, the Martyr, a godly Uirgine, with an other sister also of hers: that they had wrought pryuie charmes to hurt the Queene, for the reuenging of the death of Symeon. This accusation beyng receaued and beleeued: innocent Trabula, with the other were condemned, and with a sawe cut in sunder by the middle. Whose quarters were then hanged vpon stakes: the Queene goyng betweene them, thinking thereby to be deliuered of her sickenes. This Trabula, was a mayde of a ryght comelye beauty, and verye amiable, to whome one of the Magicians cast great loue, much desiring and labouryng by gyftes and rewardes sent into the pryson to wynne her to hys pleasure: promising that if she woulde applye to hys request shee shoulde bee deliuered and set at lybertye.* 8.174 But she vtterly refusing to consente vnto hym, or rather rebukyng him for his incontinent attempt dyd chuse rather to dye, then to betray eyther the Religi∣on of her minde or the virginitie of her body. Zozom.

Now forsomuch as the king had cōmaunded that no Christians should be put to death,* 8.175 but onely such as were the teachers and leaders of the flocke: the Magicians and Archmagitians, left no diligence vntried, to set forward the matter. Whereby great affliction and persecutions was a∣mong the Byshops and teachers of the Church, which in all places, went to slaunghter, especially in the country of Diabenor, for that part of Persia aboue al other was most Christian.* 8.176 Where Acepsimas y^e Byshop with a great num∣ber of his flocke and clergy, were apprehended and taken: vpon the apprehension of whō the Magicians to satisfie y^e kings commaundement, dismissed al the rest, onely depri∣uing them of their liuing and goods. Onely Acepsimas the bishop they retayned, with whom one Iacobus a Minister or priest of his church was also ioined: not of any compul∣sion, but onely as himselfe so desired and obtained of those Magicians, y^t he might folow him, & be coupled in y^e same bonds to serue the aged byshop, and to relieue (so much as he might) his calamities, and heale his woundes. For he had bene sore scourged before of the Magians,* 8.177 after they had apprehended him, and brought him to worshippe the sunne, which thing because he would not do, they cast him into prison againe, where this Iacobus was waiting vpō him. At the same time likewise Athalis a Priest or Mini∣ster, also Azadanes and Abdiesus Deacons were impryso∣ned, and miserably scourged for the testimony of the Lorde Iesus. After this the Archimagus espying his time, com∣plaineth to the king of them, hauing authoritie and com∣mission giuen him (vnles they would worship the sunne) to punish them as he pleased. This commaundement re∣ceyued of the king, the master Magus doth declare to thē in prison. But they aunswered againe plainely, that they would neuer be either betraiers of Christ, or worshippers of the sunne. wherupon without mercy they were put to bitter torments. Where Acepsimas strongly persisting in the confession of christ, endureth to death. The other being no lesse rent & wounded with scourges, yet cōtinued mer∣uailously aliue. And because they woulde in no case turne from their constant sentence, were turned againe into pri∣son. Of whome Athalas in the time of his whipping was so drawne & rackt with pulling, that both his armes be∣ing loosed out of the ioynts, hanged downe from his bo∣dy: which he so caried about without vse of any hande to feede himselfe,* 8.178 but as he was fed of other.

Miserable and almost innumerable were the slaughters vnder the raigne of this Sapores, of Byshops, Ministers, Deacons, religious men holy virgins, and other ecclesias∣ticall persons such as did then cleaue to the doctrine of Christ and suffered for the same. The names of the bishops besides the other multitude taken in that persecution, is recited in Sozom. lib. 2. and in Niceph. lib. 8 cap. 37. in this or∣der following, Barbasymes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Ma∣reas, Mocius, Iohannes, Hormisdas, Papas, Iacobus, Romas, Maares, Agas, Bochres, Abdas, Abiesus, Ioannes, Abramius, Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dausas Bicor. also with Maureanda his fellow bishop, and the rest of his Churches vnder hym,

to the number of 250. persons, which were the same time apprehended of the Persians.* 8.179 &c. Briefly to cōprehend the whole multitude of them that suffered in that persecution, the maner of their apprehension, the cruelnes of their tor∣mēts, how and where they suffered, & in what places it is not possible for any history to discharg. Neither are y^e Per¦sians them selues (as Zozomenus recordeth) able to recyte them. In summe, the multitude and number of thē whom they are able to recite by name, commeth to the summe of xvj. thousand men and women.

The rumor and noyse of this so miserable affliction of the Christians in the kingdome of Persia, comming to the eares of Constantinus the Emperour, put him in great heauines, studing and reuoluing with himselfe, howe to helpe the matter, which in deede was very hard for him to do. It so befell the same time, that certaine Embassadours were then at Rome from Sapores king of Persia, to whom Constantinus did easely graunt, and consent, satisfying all their requestes, and demaundes, thinking thereby to ob∣taine the more friendship at the kings handes, that at hys request, he would be good to the Christians to whome he writeth his Epistle in their behalfe, and sendeth the same by his messengers beginning thus:

Diuinam fidem seruans veritatis lucem sortior. Veritatis luce ductus diuinam fidem cognosco. Per ea igitur, quibus illa res agēdas confirmat, sanctissimam religionem cognitam redd••, & hunc m•• cultum doctorem cognitionis sancti dei habere confiteor. &c. Eu∣sebius. de vita. Constantinus. lib. 4. The contentes whereof, briefly do tende to this effect. Declaring vnto him how he should stand much beholden to him, if at his request he would shew some quiet and rest to the Christians. In whose religion there was no∣thing which he could iustly blame. For so much as in their sacrifi∣ces they vse to kil nothing, nor to shed no bloud, but only to of∣fer vp vnbloudy sacrifices, to make their praiers vnto God, who delighteth not in bloud shedding, but onely in the soule that lo∣ueth vertue, and followeth such doctrine and knowledge, which is agreeing to true pietie. And therefore such men as doe leade him and learne so to beleue, and to worship God, are more to bee commended. Moreouer he assureth him to finde God more mer∣cifull to him, if hee woulde embrace the godlye pietye and truth of the Christians. And for example thereof, bringeth in the stories of Galienus and Valerianus,* 8.180 who so long as they were fauorers of the Christiās did prosper and florish. But as soone as they moued any persecution agaynst them, it happened to them, as it did to all other Emperors before them, that all went backward with them, as especially might appere by Valerianus, who after he had raged so cruelly against the Christians, was eftsoones ouercome of the Persians, the reuenging hand of God falling vpon him, where hee led euer after a miserable life, in wretched captiuitie. Farther also for the more euidèce of the same, inferreth the examples of those Emperors and tyrants in his time, whom he vanquished & sub∣dued only by his faith in Christ, for the which faith, God was hys helper, and gaue him the victory in many battailes, and tryumph ouer great tyraunts, whereby he hath also enlarged the dominiō of the Romane monarchie from the west Ocean, to the vttermost parts wel neere of al the East. To the doing and working wherof, he neither called to him the helpe of any charmer, or diuination of southsayer, nor vsed the killing of any sacrifice: but onely the following of the crosse, and prayer made to almightie God, with∣out any other bloudy sacrifice, was the armour wherewith hee ouercame, &c. And in the end of the Epistle addeth these words What ioy (saith he) what gladnes would it be to my hart, to heare the state also of the Persians to florish, as I wish it to do, by embra∣cing this sort of men, the Christians I meane? so that both you with them, and they with you in long prosperite may enioy much feli∣city together as your harts would desire, & in so doing no doubt ye shall. For so shall you haue God, which is the author and crea∣tor of all this vniuersall worlde, to be mercifull and gratious to you. These men therefore I commend vnto you vpon your king∣ly honour, And vpon your clemency and piety, wherewith you are indued, I commit them vnto you, desiring you to embrace & receaue them according to your humanitie and benignity, agre∣ing and conuenient to your estate: who in so doing shal now both procure to your selfe grace through your faith, and also shall de∣clare to me a great pleasure and benefit worthy of thanks.

This Epistle wrot Constantinus to king Sapores Such care had this godly Prince for them that beleued in Christ not onely in his owne Monarchie,* 8.181 but also in all places of the world: neither is it to be doubted but this intercessiō of the Emperour did something mittigate the heate of the Persians persecution. Although thereof we reade no cer∣taine thing in our historyes.

Of other troubles and persecutions we read of, which happened afterward in the said country of Persia, vnder Isdigerdes the king, but these followed long after about the time of the Emperour Theodosius. At which time suffered Andas their bishop, and Hormisda a great noble mans sōne, and of great reputation among the Persians:* 8.182 whom whē the king vnderstod to be a Christian, and to deny to turne from his religion, condemned him to kepe his Elephants naked. In processe of time the king looking out, and seeing him all swarted and tanned in the sunne, commanded him to haue a shirt put on, & to be brought before him. Whome then the king asked, if he woulde denye Christ. Hormisda hearing this, tare of his shirt from his body, and cast it frō him saying: If yee thinke that I will denye my faith to Christ for a shirt, haue heere your gift againce &c. And so was vpon that expelled the country. Theodor. lib. 5.

An other there was that same time, named Suenes, which had vnder him an hundreth seruaunts. The king takyng displeasure with him, for that he would not alter from hys religion and godly truth, asked who was the worst of all his seruaunts. And him the king made ruler of all y^e rest, and coupling him with his maisters wife,* 8.183 brought also Suenes vnder his subiection, thinking therby to subdue al∣so the faith of Suenes, but it was builded vpon a sure foun∣dation.

Of Beniamin the Deacon thus writeth the saide Theo∣ret,* 8.184 in his fift booke, that after two yeares of his imprison∣ment, at the request of the Romaine Legate hee was deli∣uered, who afterward contrary to the kings commaunde∣ment hee preached and taught the Gospell of Christ, was most miserable excarnificate, hauing xx. sharpe prickes of reeds thrust vnder his nayles, but when he did laugh at y^t, then in his priuye yarde had a sharpe reede thrust in with horrible paine. After that a certaine long stalk ragged and thorny being thrust into his body by the nether part, was forced into him with the horriblenes of the paine,* 8.185 whereof the valiant and inuincible souldiour of the Lord gaue ouer his life. Theodor. ibid. And thus much concerning the mar∣tirs and persecutions among the Persians, although these persecutions belong not of this time, which came (as it is sayd) long after the daies of Constantinus, about the yeare of our Lorde. 425.

Likewise vnder Iulianus the wicked Apostata, certaine there were which constanly suffered Martyrdome by the Heathen Idolaters,* 8.186 as Emilyanus, who was burned in Thracia, and Domitius, which was slayne in hys caue. Theodorus also for singing of a Psalme at the remoouing of the body of Babylas (wherof mention is made of before pag 60.) being apprehended, was so examined with exquisite torments, and so cruelly excruciate from morning almost to noone,* 8.187 that hardly he scaped with life. Who being asked afterward of his friendes, howe he coulde abide so sharpe torments, said that at the first beginning he felt some paine but afterward there stode by him a yong man, who as he was sweating, wiped of his sweate, and refreshed him w^t cold water, oft times: wherewith he was so delited, that when he was let downe from the engine, it greeued hym, more then before. Ruff. lib. 5. cap 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zo∣zom. lib. 5. cap. 10.

Artemius also the captaine of the Egiptian soldiours the same time lost his head for his religiō indede: although other causes were pretended against him. Theo. Niceph. lib. 10. cap. 11.

Adde to these moreouer, Eusebius and Nestabus twoo brethren, with Nestor also, which for their christianitie were dragged through the streetes, and murdered of the idola∣trous people of Gaza. Sozo. Lib. eod. cap. 11.

But especially the crueltie of the Arethusians, a people of Syria, exceeded against the Christian virgines, whome they set out naked before the multitude to be scorned, after that being shauen, they couered them with swil and draffe woont to be giuen to their hogs, & so caused theyr bowels and flesh to be deuoured of the hungry swine. This rage & furye of the wicked Arethusians, Zozomenus supposeth to come of this, because that Constantinus before had broken them from their country maner, of setting forth and expo∣sing their virgins, filthely to whom soeuer lusted, and de∣stroyed the temple of Venus in Heliopolis, restrayning the people there from their filthines and vile whoredome. So∣zom. Lib. 5 cap. 10.

Of the lamentable story or rather Tragedy of Marcus Arethusius, their Byshop, thus writeth the said Sozomenus, and also Theodoretus in his third booke, in these words as followe.

This Tragedye (saith hee) of Marcus Arethusius,* 8.188 doth require the eloquence and worthines of Aeschilus, and So∣phocles, which may, as the matter deserueth, set forth, and beautify his great afflictions. This man at the commaun∣dement of Constantinus, pulled downe a certayn temple de∣dicated to Idols, and in the stead thereof built vp a church where the Christians might congregate. The Arthusians remembring the little good wil that Iulianus bare vnto him

accused him as a traitour and enimie to him. At the first, according as the scripture teacheth he prepared him selfe to flee. But when he perceiued that there were certaine of his kinsmen or frynds apprehēded in his steed,* 8.189 returning agayne of his owne accord he offred himselfe to those that thirsted for his bloude. whome when they had gotten as men neither pytiyng his old age & worne yeares, nor aba∣shed at his vertuous conuersation, being a man so adour∣ned both with doctrine & maners, first strypt him naked, & pittifully beate him, then within a while after, they cast him into a foule filthy sinke, & from thence being brought, they caused boyes to thrust him in with sharpned stickes, made for the nonce to prouoke his paine the more.* 8.190 Lastly, they put him into a basket, and being annointed with ho∣ny, & broth, they hung him abroad in the heate of the sunne as meate for waspes and flies to feede vpon. And all this extremity they shewed vnto him, for that they woulde en∣force him to do one of these things (y^t is either to build vp-againe y^e temple, which he had destroied, or else to giue so much money as should pay for the building of y^e same:* 8.191 but euen as hee purposed with him selfe to suffer & abide theyr greuous torments, so refused he to doe that they demaun∣ded of him. At the length they taking him to be but a poore man, and not able to pay such a summe of mony, promised to forgiue him the one halfe, so that he would be contented to pay the other halfe. But he hanging in the basket woū∣ded pitifully with the sharpned sticks of boies & children, and all to be bitten with waspes & flyes, did not only con∣ceale his paine & griefe, but also derided those wicked ones and called them, base, low, and terrene people, and he him∣selfe to be exalted and set on high. At length they demaun∣ding of him but a small some of money, he answered thus, it is a great wickednes to confer one halfe penye in case of impietie,* 8.192 as if a man should bestow the whole. Thus they beyng not able to preuayle against him, let hym downe. And leauyng him went their waye, so that euery man might learne at his mouth the example of true pietie and faithfulnes.

Although the tractation of these foresayd stories & per∣secutions of Persia, aboue premised, do stray somwhat out of the order & course of time and place, as which came nei∣ther in the time of Constantine, nor be pertinent to the mo∣narchy of Rome: yet because in this present history we are in hand with the holy martirs and Saintes of Christ, for as much as these also gaue such a faithfull testimony of the Lord Iesus with their bloud, I thought therefore not to passe them ouer with some testimony in this our Catalo∣gue of holy Martirs. And here an end of these persecutions of the primitiue church.

¶It may peraduenture be marueiled of some, reading the history of these so terrible persecutions aboue specified, why God the almighty director of al things, would suffer his owne people and faithfull seruaunts, beleeuing in his owne and onely begotien sonne Iesus, so cruellye to bee handled, so wrongfully to be vexed, so extreemly to be tor∣mented and put to death, & that the space of so many yeres together, as in these foresaid persecutiōs may appeare. To the which admiration I haue nothing to aunswere, but to say with the words of Hierome:* 8.193Non debemus super hac re∣rum iniquitate, perturbare videntes, &c. We ought not to be mooued with this iniquitie of things, to see the wicked to preuaile against the godly: for so much as in the beginning of the worlde we see Abell the iuste to bee killed of wicked Cain. * 8.194 And afterward Iacob being thrust out, Esau to reigne in his fathers house. In like case the Egyptians with bricke and tyle, afflicted the sonnes of Israel. Yea and the Lorde himselfe, was hee not crucified of the Iewes, Barrabas the thief being let go? Time would not suffise me, to recite, & recken vp how the godly in this world go to wracke, the wicked flourishing and preuailing. Hiero. Briefly, howso∣euer the cause hereof proceedeth, whetherfor our sins here in this life, or how else, soeuer, yet this is to vs, & may be to all men a sufficient stay,* 8.195 that we are sure these afflictions and persecutions of God his people in this worlde, not to come by any chaunce, or blinde fortune, but by the prouy∣dent appointment, and forewarning of God. For so in the old law by the affliction of the children of Israell,* 8.196 he hath prefigured these persecutions of his Christians. So by the words of Christes owne mouth in the Gospell, he did for∣warne his church of these troubles to come. Again neither did he suffer these so great afflictions to fall vpon hys ser∣uaunts, before that he had premonished them sufficientlye by speciall Reuelation in the Apocalips of Iohn his ser∣uaūt,* 8.197 in the which Apocalips he declared vnto his church before, not onely what troubles were comming at hande toward them, where, and by whome, they shoulde come, but also in playne number, if the wordes of the prophecye be well vnderstoode assygneth the true tyme,* 8.198 howe longe the sayde persecutions shoulde continue, and when they shoulde cease. For as there is no doubte, but by the beast with seauen heades, bearing the whoore of Babylon, dronken wyth the bloude of Saintes, is signified the Ci∣tie of Rome: So in my iudgement, the power of making fortie two moneths (in the thirteene of the Apocalips) is to bee expounded,* 8.199 taking euery Moneth for a Sabboth of yeares, that is, reckonyng for seauen yeares a moneth: so that forty and two such Sabbots of yeares, being gathe∣red togither make vppe the yeres iust,* 8.200 betweene the time of Christes death, to the last yeare of the persecution of Maxentius, when Constantinus fyghting vnder the banner of Christ, ouercame him, and made an ende of all persecu∣tion, wythin the Monarchye of Rome. The number of which yeares,* 8.201 by playne computation come to 294. to the which 294. yeares, if yee adde the other sixe yeares, vnder the persecution of Licinius in Asia, then it fylleth vp full the three hundreth yeares. And so long continued the persecution of Christes people, vnder the heathen tirants and Emperours of the Monarchie of Rome, accordyng to the number of the fortye two monethes which the beast had power to make, specified in the thirteenth of the Apo∣calips. For the better explication wherof, because the mat∣ter, being of no small importance greatly apperteineth to the publike vtilitie of the Church, & least any shoulde mis∣doubt me herein to follow any priuate interpretation of mine own, I thought good to cōmunicate to the Reader, that, as hath bene imparted to me, in opening these mis••y∣call numbers in the foresayd booke of Reuelation contey∣ned, by occasion as followeth.

As I was in hand with these histories, and therin cō∣sidered the exceeding rage of these persecutions, the intole∣rable tormentes of the blessed Sainctes, so cruelly rackt, rent, torne, and pluckt in peeces, with all kinde of tortures paynes and punishmentes that could be deuised, more bit∣ter then any death it selfe, I coulde not without great sor∣row & passiō of minde, behold their sorrowfull afflictions, or write of their bloudy passiōs. Wherin much like it hap∣pened to me, as did to T. Liuius, who writing of the warres of Carthage, was so moued in the writing thereof: Ac si in parte aliqua laboris ac periculi ipse pariter fuisset. Further I proceeded in the story, & the hoater the persecutions grew, the more my griefe with them, & for thē encreased, not one∣ly pitiyng their wofull case, but also almost reasoning with God, thus thinking like a foole with my selfe, why God of hys goodnesse would suffer hys children and seruaunts, so vehemently to be cruciated and afflicted. If mortal things were gouerned by heauenly prouidence (as must needs be graūted) why did y^e wicked so rage & florish, & the godly so to go to wrack? If sinnes deserued punishmēt, yet neyther were they sinners alone, & why was their death aboue all other so sharpe and bitter? At least why woulde the Lord suffer the vehemency of these so horrible persecutiōs to en∣dure so long tyme agaynst hys poore Church, shewing to thē no certayne determined end of their tribulatiōs, wher∣by they knowing the appoynted determinatiō of almighty God, with more consolatiō might endure out the same. As the Israelites in the captiuitie of Babilon had 70. yeares limitted vnto them. And vnder Pharao they were promised a deliueraunce out. Also vnder the Syrian tyrauntes. 62. Weekes were abriged vnto them. Onely in these persecu∣tions, I could finde no end determined, nor limitation set for their deliuerance. Wherevpō much marueiling w^t my selfe, I searched the booke of Reuelatiō, to see whether any thing there might be found. Where although I well per∣ceaued, the beast there described to signifie the Empire of Rome, which had power to ouercome the Saintes: yet cō∣cerning the tyme & continuance of these persecutions vn∣der the beast, I found nothing to satisfie my doubt. For albeit I read there of. 42. monethes, of a tyme, tymes and halfe a tyme, of 1260. dayes, yet all this by computation cō∣ming but to 3. yeares & a halfe, came nothing neare the lōg continuance of these persecutiōs, which lasted. 300. yeares. Thus being vexed and turmoyled in spirite, about the reckening, of these numbers and yeares, it so happened vpon a Sonday in the morning lying in my bed, & musing about these nūbers, sodēly it was answered to my minde, as with a maiestie, thus inwardly saying within me: thou foole count these monethes by Sabbots, as the Weekes of Daniell are counted by Sabbots. The Lorde I take to witnes thus it was. Wherupon thus being admonished, I began to recken the 42. monethes by Sabbats, first of monethes, that would not serue, thē by Sabbots of yeres wherin I began to feele some probable vnderstāding. Yet not satisfied herewith, to haue the matter more sure, eft∣soones repaired to certaine Merchaūts, of myne acquain∣tance.

Of whom one is departed a true faythfull seruaunt of the Lord, the other two be yet aliue, and witnes hereof. To whom the number of these foresayd 42. monethes, be∣ing propounded and examined by Sabbots of yeares, the whole summe was found to surmount to 294. yeres, con∣teining the full and iust tyme of these foresayd persecutions neither more nor lesse.

Now this one claspe beyng opened, the other numbers that follow, are plaine and manifest to the intelligent rea∣der to be vnderstood. For where mention is made of three yeares and a half: of one tyme, two times, & halfe a tyme, also of 1260. dayes, all these come to one reckoning, & sig∣nifie 42. monthes, by which monthes, as is sayd, is signi∣fied the whole tyme of these primitiue persecutiōs, as here in order may appeare.

The mysticall numbers in the Apocalyps opened.

FIrst, where mention is made, Apocal. chap. 11. that the two Prophetes shall prophesie 1260. dayes. And also that the woman fleing into the de∣sert shall there be fed. 1260. dayes: who knoweth not, that. 1260. dayes make three yeares & a halfe: that is, monethes

1 8.20242

Secondly, where we read, chap. 11. the bodyes of the two foresaid Prophets shal lye in the streetes of the great citie vnburied, the space of iij. days & a half, and after the said iij. dayes & a half they shall reuiue againe, &c. let the houres of these iij. dayes and a half (which be 42.) bee reckoned euery day for a Sabboth of yeares, or els euery day for a mo∣neth, and they come to moneths

2 8.20342

Thirdly, where as in the same booke is expres∣sed that the woman had ij. wings geuen her to flye vnto the desert for a tyme, tymes, and halfe a tyme, geue for one time, one yere, or one day: for ij. times ij. yeares, or ij. dayes: for halfe a tyme, halfe a yere, or half a day. And so it is manifest, that those three yeares & a halfe, mounteth to monthes

3 8.20442

Fourthly, account these 42. moneths aforesaid (which the beast had power to make. Apoc. 11.) by Sabbots of yeares, that is, vij yeares for a moneth: or euery moneth for seuen yeares, & it amounteth to the summe of yeares

4 8.205294

And so haue ye the iust yeares, dayes, times, & months of these foresaid persecutions vnder the beast, neither shor∣ter nor longer, reckoning from the death of Iohn Baptist vnder Herode the Romain king to the ende of Maxentius, and of Licinius, ij. last great persecutors, the one in the West the other in the East, who were both vanquished by god∣ly Constantinus. And so peace was geuen to the Church, al∣beit not in such ample wise, but that diuers tumultes and troubles afterward ensued, but they lasted not long: & the chief brunt, to speake of these Romain persecutions, which the holy ghost especially considered aboue all other, in this his Reuelatiō thus ended, in the time of this Constantinus. Then was the great Dragon the deuill, to witte, the fierce rage & power of his malicious persecuting, tied short for a thousand yeres after this, so that he could not preuaile in any such sort, but that the power and glory of the gospel by little and litle encreasing and spreading with great ioy and libertie, so preuailed that at length it got the vpperhand, & replenished the whole earth,* 8.206 rightly verifiyng therein, the water of Ezechiel, which issuing out of the right side of the aulter, the farther it ran, the deeper it grew, till at length it replenished the whole Ocean Sea, & healed all the fishes therin. No otherwise the course of the Gospell proceeding of small & hard beginnings kept still his streame, the more it was stopped, the swifter it ranne: by bloud it seeded, by death it quickned: by cutting it multiplied, through vio∣lence it sprong, till at last out of thraldome and oppressiō it brast forth into perfect libertie, & florished in al prosperitie, had it so bene, that the christians wisely & moderatly could haue vsed this rest & libertie, & not abused the same, forget∣ting their former estate to their own pride, pomp & world∣ly ease, as it came afterward to passe, wherof more is to be seene & said (the Lord willing) in place & time conuenient.

And thus much touching the propheticall numbers in the Apocalips. Wherein is to be noted and magnified the eternall wisdome, and hie prouidence of almighty God, so disposing and gouerning his church, that no aduersitie or perturbation hapneth at any time vnto it, which his pro∣uident wisedome doth not foresee before & preordaine, nei∣ther doth he preordaine or determine any thing, which he doth not most truly perform, both foreseing the beginning of such persecutions, and limiting the end therof how long to continue and when to cease.* 8.207 In much like sort we reade in the bookes of Genesis, how the stocke of Israell, was. 400. yeares in the lande of Egipte. During the space of which 400. yeares, after the death of Ioseph, (who beareth a playne figure of Christ) they were hardly intreated and cruelly afflicted of the Egiptians, about the space of. 300. yeares, reckning from after the death of Ioseph, to their deliuerance out of the bōdage of Egipt, semblably as these Christians, after Christes time suffered the like bondage vnder the Romane tyrauntes.

Thus much by the way I thought to insinuate, least any should ••••se, or take any offēce in himself, to see or read of the Church, so long & so many yeares to be vnder so mi∣serable & extreme afflictions.* 8.208 Wherin neither chaunce nor fortune, nor dispositiō of man, hath had any place: but one∣ly the forecounsaile & determination of the Lord so gouer∣ned and desposed the same. Who not only did suffer thē to fall, and foresee those persecutions before they fell: but also appointed the times and yeares how long they should last & when to haue an ende. As by the foresaide. 42. monethes in the 13. and 11. chap. of S. Iohns Apocalips haue beene declared. Which monethes conteyning. 294. yeares, if they be rightly gathered, make the full time betweene the first yeare of the persecution of Christ vnder the Iewes & He∣rode, till the last yeare of persecution vnder Licinius, which was from the natiuitie of Christ, an. 324. from the fyrst persecution of Christ, an. 294. as is aforesaide. After the which yeare, according to the preordinate counsel of God, when his seueritie had bene sufficiently declared vpon his own house, it pleased him to shew mercy againe, & to bind vp Sathan the old serpent, according to the xx. chap. of the Reuelation for the space of a thousand yeares, that is, frō this time of Licinius, to the time of Iohn Wickleffe, and Iohn Husse. During all which time, albeit certaine conflicts and tumults haue bene among Christian byshops themselues in the church, yet no vniuersal murdering persecutiō was stirring, before the preaching of Iohn Wickleffe, of Husse, and such other, as in the further processe of this history (Christ willing and aiding vs) shall more appeare hereafter.

Thus hauing at large discoursed these horrible perse∣cutions past, and heauy afflictions of Christian Martyrs, now by the grace of God, cōming out of this redde sea of bloudy persecution, leauing Pharao and his host behynde: let vs sing gloriously to the worthy name of our god, who through the bloud of the lambe, after long & tedious afflic∣tiōs at length, hath visited his people with comfort, hath tide vp Sathan shorte, hath sent his meeke Moses (gentle Constantine I meane) by whom it hath so pleased the Lord to worke deliueraunce to his captiue people, to see his ser∣uants at liberty, to turne their morning into ioy, to mag∣nifie the church of his sonne, to destroy the Idoles of al the world, to graunt life and liberty (and would God also not so much riches) vnto them which before were the abiectes of all the world: and all by the meanes of godly Constanti∣nus, the meeke and most christian Emperour of whose di∣uine victories against so many tyraunts and Emperours persecutors of Christes people, and lastly against Licinius, an. 324. of whose other noble actes & prowesses of whose blessed vertues and his happy birth and progeny, part we haue comprehended before, part now remaineth (Christ willing) to be declared.

This Constantine was the sonne of Constantius the Emperour,* 8.209 a good and vertuous childe, of a good and ver∣tuous father, borne in Britaine, as saith Eutropius whose Moother was named Helena, daughter, in deede of King Coilus, although Ambrosius in his funerall Oration of the death of Theodosius, sayth was an Inhoulders daughter. He was a most bountifull and gracious Prince, hauyng a desire to nourishe learning and good artes,* 8.210 and did often∣times vse to read, write, and study himselfe. He had mar∣ueilous good successe & prosperous atchieuing of al things he tooke in hand, which then was (and truely) supposed to proceede of this, for that he was so great a fauourer of the Christian fayth.* 8.211 Which faith when he had once embraced, he did euer after most deuoutly and religiously reuerence: and commaunded by especiall commission and proclama∣tions, that euery man shoulde professe the same Religion throughout al y^e Romaine Monarchy.* 8.212 The worshipping of Idoles, whereunto he was addict, by the allurement of Fausta his wife: in so much that he did sacrifice vnto them: after the discomfite of Maxentius in battaile, he vtterly ab∣iured. But Baptisme he deferred euen vnto his olde age, because hee had determined a iourneye into Persia, and thought in Iordan to haue beene baptised.* 8.213 Eusebius. lib. 4. de vita Constantini.

As touching his naturall disposition and wit, he was

very eloquent, a good philosopher, & in disputation sharp and ingenious.* 8.214 He was accustomed to say, that an Em∣perour ought to refuse no labor, for the vtilitie of the com∣mon weale: yea, & that to aduenture the mangling of hys body for the remedy thereof, but if otherwaies it maye bee holpen to cherish the same. This Aurelius, Victor, Pomponi∣us, Letus, & Ignatius write of him. And Aelius Lampridus saith writing vppon the life of Heliogabalus, that Constantinus was woont to saye, that an Empire was giuen by the de∣terminate purpose of God, that he to whom it was giuen should so imploy his diligēce, as he might be thought wor¦thy of the same at the hands of the gyuer. Which same sai∣ing also Augustine noteth in his 3. booke against Cresconi∣us.* 8.215 epist. 49. and 50.

He first entred into the Empire, by the mercifulnes of God minding after long waues of dolefull persecution to restore vnto his church peace and tranquilitie, an. 311. as Eusebius accompteth in his Chronicle.* 8.216 His raigne cōtinu∣ed, as Eutropius affirmeth, 30. yeares, Letus saith 32. yeares lacking, 2. monethes. Great peace and tranquilitie enioied the Churche vnder the raigne of this good Emperour, which tooke great paine and trauell for the preseruation thereof. First, yea and that before he had subdued Licinius, he set forth many edictes for the restitution of the goods of the church,* 8.217 for the reuoking of the Christians out of exile, for taking away the dissension of the Doctours out of the Church, for the setting of them free from publike charges, and such like, euen as the copies of his constitutions here vnder declare, which Eusebius in his 10. booke, and 5. chap∣ter, repeateth in this wise.

The copy of an Epistle of Constantinus, sent to his subiectes inhabiting in the East.* 9.1

VIctor Constantinus Maximus, Augustus, to our louing sub∣iectes inhabiting throughout the east parts, sendeth greting.

The thing it selfe, which in the sure and most firme law of nature is conteyned, doth giue vnto all men (euen as God hath ordey∣ned the same) sufficient perseueraunce and vnderstanding,* 9.2 both of such things as man ought to foresee, as also what things pre∣sently he ought to meditate. Neither is there any thing therein to be doubted, of such as haue their mindes directed to the scope or marke of perfect vnderstanding: so that the perfect comprehen∣ding of sound reason, and the perseuerance thereof, be compared with the knowledge of God,* 9.3 being the true and perfect vertue. Wherefore let no wise man be troubled, although he see diuers men of diuers dispositions. For wisdome which springeth of ver∣tue cannot abide, or acquaint her selfe with fonde ideotes, vnles, that (on the other side) the malice of peruerse lithernes prolong her daies, and cause the same Ideocie to suruiue. Wherfore assu∣redly the crowne and price of vertue lieth open vnto all men, & the moste mightie God ordereth the iudgement of the same. I vndoubted as manyfestly as possible is, will endeuour my selfe to testifie and confesse vnto you al, the hope which is in me. I think verily that the Emperours which before this time haue latelye bene, euen for their tiranny had the Empire taken from them: & my father onelye exercising and vsing al meekenes and lenity in his affaires, calling vpon God the father, with great deuotion & humility, hath beene exalted to the same. And all the rest, as men wanting their wits, and in comparison as sauage beastes, rather did giue themselues to like cruelty, then vnto any lenitie & gen∣tlenes towards their subiects: in which tyranny euery one for his time being nooseled,* 9.4 vtterly subuerted the true and vnfallible doctrine. And so great malice was their kindled in their brestes, that when all things were in peaceable tranquilitie, they made and raysed most cruell and bloudy intestine or ciuill warres. It is credibly informed vs, that in those daies, Apollo gaue aunsweres but not by any mans mouth, but out of a certaine caue & darke place (saying) that he was much disquieted by those that were the iust men and liuers vpon the earth, so that he could or would not for them, declare a truth of such things as others demaunded: & hereby it came to passe that such false deuinations were geuen from the golden tables in Apollos temple. And this thing did his propheticall priest complayne of, when he tooke vp againe the heare of his head, that other had cōtemptuously cast down, & that the neglecting of his diuination was the cause of so many euils, amongst men. But let vs see what was the ende hereof: we now boldly & without all feare inuocate & worship the omnipotent God▪ when I was a childe I heard, that he which then was chiefe Emperour of Rome, vnhappy, yea, most vnhappy man being se∣duced, and brought into errour, by his souldiers, curiously in∣quired who were those iust men vpō the earth that Apollo ment: and one of his priests which was nere about him, made answere that they were the christiās. This answere hereupon vnto him be¦yng as delectable, as hony vnto the mouth, drew the sword giuen vnto him to be a reuenger vpon euill doers and malefactours a∣gainst the professors of the irreprehensible sanctimony and rely∣gion.* 9.5 And straight way he gaue forth a commission (to bloudy homicides as I may well cal them) & gaue commaundement to all the Iudges, that they should endeuour themselues with all the cunning they had to the deuising of more greeuouser, & sharper punishments against the poore Christians. Then, then I say, a man myght haue seene, how greatly the honest professors of that reli∣gion, were molested with cruelty, and daily suffered no smal in∣iuries and contumelies,* 9.6 and that also they suffered and sustained the same with such tēperancy as though they had had no iniuries done vnto them at all. Which temperancie and patience of theirs was the cause why the furious citizens were the more madder & raging against them. What fires, what tortures, what kinde of torments were there, but they without respecte either of age, or sexe were enforced to feele?

Then did the earth without doubt,* 9.7 herselfe bewayle her chil∣dren and the round worlde which conteineth all things, beyng sprinkled and imbrued with their bloud made dolefull lamentati∣on for them, and the daye it selfe prouoked for to mourne, was made amased for them. But what is this to purpose. Now the very barbarous nations reioyce for their sakes which receaued and harboured them, when they were afraid and fled from vs: keping them as it were in most louing & amiable captiuity. And they sa∣ued not onely their liues, but also were a defence for their religi∣on. And now also the Romaine nation remembreth and hath be∣fore there eies this blame and spotte, which the Christians that were of that time, worthely gaue vnto them when they by them were banished (as vnfitte members of their common wealth) a∣mongst the barbarous people. What needeth to make further re∣hearsall of the mourning lamentation, which the heathen people themselues throughout all the world, made for the pittifull mur∣ther and slaughter of them? After this it came to passe that they which were authors of all these mischiefes died also,* 9.8 and were cō∣mitted for there reward to the most filthy & horrible dungeon of hel. They being so intangled with intestine and ciuile warres, left aliue neyther name nor kinsmen of their owne: which thing vn∣doubtedly had not chaūsed vnles the wicked deuinatiōs of Apol¦los oracles had deceiued & bewitched thē.* 9.9 To thee therfore now I pray, oh most mightie God, that thou wilt vouchsafe to be mer∣cifull, and pardon all the east parts and inhabitaunts of the same, being oppressed with present calamitie: and that by mee thy ser∣uaunt thou wilt of thy goodnes helpe and relieue the same. And these things rashly craue I not at thy hands: oh Lord, most migh∣ty and holiest God of all.* 9.10 For I being perswaded by the onely ora∣cles haue both begone and also finished wholesome and profita∣ble things, and further by the bearing and shewing of thine en∣signe, haue ouercome a mighty and strong host, and when any ne∣cessitie of the common weale (to my charge committed) requi∣reth thereunto, (following those signes & tokens of thy vertues) I bouldly go forth and fight against mine enimies: and for this cause haue I sacrificed my soule vnto thee, purified and clensed both with thy loue and feare. Yea truely, thy name doe I sincerely loue,* 9.11 and thy power doe I reuerence, which by many tokens and wonders hast shewed and confirmed thereby my beleefe & faith. Therefore will I doe my endeuour, and bende my selfe thereunto, that I may redifie thy most holy house, which those wicked & vn¦godly Emperours haue with so great ruine laid wast, thy people do I desire to bring & stablish, in firme peace & trāquilitie, & that for the publike vtilitie of all the inhabitants of the earth. Those which yet erre & are out of the way, enioy the benefite of peace and quietnes, with, and amongst the number of the faithful sort: for I trust the restitution of the like societie, and participation may be a meanes to bring them also that erre into the perfecte way of verity. Let no man therfore be greeuous one vnto another but what euery man thinketh best that let him doe.* 9.12 For such as are wi••e ought throughly to be perswaded, that the onely meane to liue holily and as they should doe, whome the spirite of God moueth,* 9.13 to take their delight and recreation in reading his holye will. And if others wilfully will go out of the way, cleauing to the Synagogues of false doctrine, they maye at their owne perill: as for vs we haue the most worthy house or congregation of Gods veritie, which he according to his owne goodnes & nature hath giuen vs. And this also we wish vnto the, that with like partici∣pation & common consente,* 9.14 they may fele wyth vs the same de∣lectation of mind. For this our religiō is neither new nor newly inuented, but is as old as wee beleeue the creation of the worlde to be: and which God hath commaunded to be celebrated with such worship as both seemed and pleased him. But all liuing men are lye••s,* 9.15 and are deceiued with diuers and sundrye illusions. Thou O God for Christ thy sonnes sake, suffer not this wicked∣nes againe to take roote: thou hast set vp a cleare burning light, that thereby as manye as thou hast chosen maye come vnto thee. These thy myracles approoue the same. It is thy power that ke∣peth vs in innocencye and fydelitye. The Sunne and the Moone runne their appointed course: neyther yet in ranging wi••e, wan∣der the starres to what place of the worlde they list themselues.

The dayes, yeares, monethes, and times, keepe their appoynted turnes The earth abideth firme and vnremoueable at thy worde, and the winde at the time (by thee directed) stormeth & bloweth. The streaming waterie floudes, ebbe in time according as they flow. The raging sea abideth within her bounded limites And for that the Ocean Sea stretchech out her selfe in equall length and breadth with the whole earth: this must needes be wrought with some marueilous workmanship of thine owne hand: which thing vnlesse it were at thy will made and disposed,* 9.16 without all doubt, so great difference and partition betweene, woulde or this time haue brought vtter ruine & destructiō, both to the life of man, as to all that belōgeth to man beside. Which for that they haue such great and huge conflictes amongest themselues, as also the inui∣sible spirites haue: we geue thee thankes, O Lorde most mighty God of all Gods, that al mankinde hath not bene destroyed there∣by. Surely,* 9.17 euen as greatly as thy benignitie and gentlenes, is ma∣nifested by diuers & sundry benefites bestowed vpon vs: so much also is the same set foorth and declared in the discipline of thy e∣ternall word, to those that be heauenly wise, & apply themselues to the attainement of sincere & true vertue. But if any such there be, that litle regard or haue but small respect vnto the considera∣tion thereof▪ let them not blame or lay a fault in others that do the same.* 9.18 For that Phisicke whereby health is obtained, is manifestly offered vnto all men: now therefore let no man go about to sub∣uert that, which experience it selfe doth shew (of necessitie) to be pure and good. Let vs therefore altogether vse the participation of this benefite bestowed vpon vs, that is to say, the benefite of peace and tranquillitie, setting a part all controuersie. And let no man hurt or be preiudiciall to his fellowe for that thing, wherein he thinketh him selfe to haue done wel. If by that, which any man knoweth and hath experience of, hee thinketh he may profite hys neighbour, let him doe the same, if not, let him geue ouer, and re∣mit it til on other time. For there is a great diuersitie betwixt the willing and voluntary embracing of religion, and that whē a man is thereunto inforced and coacted. Of these things haue I made a more larger discourse, then in deede, the scope of mediocritie re∣quireth: especially because I woulde not haue my faith (touching the veritie) to be hid.* 9.19 For that I heare there be some, which com∣plaine the olde accustomed haunting of their temples, & that the power of such darkenesse is cut of and taken away: which thing surely I would take in better part, were it not that the violent re∣bellion of flagitious errour, were so fixed in many mens heartes, whereby they thirst after the vtter subuersion of the common weale and Empire.

Such was the goodnesse of this Emperour Constanti∣nus, or rather such was the prouidēce of almighty God to∣ward his Church, in stirring him vp: that all his care and study of minde was set vpon nothing els, but onely howe to benefit & enlarge the commodities of the same. Neither was it to him inough to deliuer the Church and people of God,* 9.20 from outward vexation of foraine tyrants and per∣secutors. No les beneficial was his godly care also in qui∣eting the inward dissentions and disturbaunce within the Church among the Christian bishops themselues, accor∣ding as we read of Moses the deliuerer of y^e Israelits, in agreing the brethren together, when he saw them at vari∣ance. Exod. 2. No lesse also did his vigilant study extend in erecting, restoring, & enriching the Churches of God in al Cities, and in prouiding for the ministers of the same. And therefore wryting to Anilinus his chiefe captaine, declareth his will & minde to him in letters, concerning the goodes whych did appertaine to the Churches of the Christians: that hee shoulde procure vigilantly for the same: that all suche goodes, houses, and gardens, belonging before to the right of Churches, shoulde agayne be restored in all speedie wise: and that hee therein might be certified with speede. &c.

* 9.21Moreouer, he writing to the saide Anilinus in an other letter, signifieth vnto him in this effect: that for so much as the contempt of God his reuerent religion, is & hath bene euer the greatest decay to the name & people of Rome, as contrary the maintaining and reuerencing the same, hath euer brought prosperitie to all common weales:* 9.22 Therfore he in consideration therof, hath taken that order, & geueth to him in charge, that through y^e prouince, where he hath to doe, which was in Aphrica where Cecilianus was By∣shop, he should there see & prouide, that all such ministers and Clerkes, whose vocation was to serue in the Church, should be freed and exempted from all publike duties and burdens: whereby they being so priuileged, and all impe∣diments remoued, which shoulde hinder their diuine mi∣nistration: thereby the cōmon vtilitie of the people might the better flourish,* 9.23 &c.

Furthermore, the sayde Constantinus in an other letter wryting to Miltiades, Byshop of Rome, and to Marcus, de∣clareth in his letters to them, howe Cecilianus Byshop of Carthage, hath ben accused vnto him by diuers of his col∣leages and fellow byshops. Wherfore his will is, that the sayd Cecilianus, with x. byshops his accusers, with x. other his defendants should repaire vp to him at Rome,* 9.24 where in the present assistance of the foresayde Miltiades, Rheticus, Maternus, Marinus, and of other their fellowe Colleages, the cause of Cecilianus myght be harde, and rightly exami∣ned, so that all schisme and deuision might be cut of from a∣mong them: wherein the feruent desire of Constantinus to peace and vnitie, may well appeare.

Upon the lyke cause and argument also,* 9.25 he wryteth to Chrestus Byshop of Syracusa, so desirous to nourish peace and concord in the church, that he offereth to him with his vnder Ministers and three seruaunts, hys free caryage to come vp to him vnto the Councel of other bishops, for the agreeing of certaine matters belonging to the Church.

Hee writeth also an other letter to the forenamed Ceci∣lianus Byshop of Carthage.

To the prouinces likewise of Palestina & those partes about,* 9.26 hee directeth his Edict in the behalfe of the Christi∣ans: for the releasing of such as were in captiuitie: and for the restoring againe of them, which had sustained any losse in the former persecution before, & for the refreshing of such as heeretofore had bene oppressed with any ignominie, or molestation, for their confession sake: declaring in the sayd Edict, howe that his whole body, life and soule, and what soeuer is in hym, hee oweth to God, and to the seruice of him, &c.

Moreouer an other leter he wryteth to Eusebius,* 9.27 for the edifying of newe Christian Churches, & restoring of them whych had bene wasted before by forreine enemies. And after hee had collected the Synode of Nice, for the studie of peace and vnitie of the Church,* 9.28 he wryteth vpon the same to Alexander and Arrius. In which hys letters hee most la∣mentably vttered the great griefe of his hear••, to see and heare of theyr contention and diuision: whereby the peace and common harmonie of the Churche was broken, the Synode prouoked & resisted, the holy people of the Lorde deuided into partes and tumultes, contrary to the office of good and circumspect men, whose duetie were rather to nourish concorde and to seeke tranquillity. And though in some small poynts and light trifles they did disagree from other: yet as the example of Philosophers might teache them, who although in some part of a sentence or peece of a question, some might dissent from other: yet in the vnitie of their profession, they did all ioyne as fellowes together. In like case were it theyr duetie in such fruitles questions (or rather peeces of questiōs) to keepe them in the concep∣tions of their mindes, in silence vnto themselues, and not to bring them foorth into publicke Synodes, to breake therefore from the communion of the reuerent Councell. Declaring moreouer in the sayde Epistle, the first origine and occasion of thys theyr contentious dissention to ryse vpon vaine & trifling termes, vile causes, and light que∣stions, and peeces rather of questions: about such matters as neither are to be moued, nor to be answered vnto, being mooued, more curious to be searched, and perillous to be expressed, then necessary to be inquired, magisque puerilibus ineptijs, quam sacerdotum ac cordatorum virorum prudentiae conuenientia, as he there doth terme them. Wherefore by al maner meanes he doth labour them, doth entreate them, and perswade them, not onely with reasons, but also with teares and sighing sobbes, that they would restore againe peace vnto the Church, and quietnesse to the rest of his life (which otherwise would not be sweet vnto him) and that they would returne againe to the communion of the reue∣rent Councell. Who in so doing should open his way and purposed iourney into the East partes, which otherwyse hearing of their discorde and dissention, would be sorye to see with his eyes, that which greeueth him nowe to heare with hys eares: with much more in the same Epistle con∣tained, but this is the effect of the whole. Euseb. de vita Con∣stant. Lib. 2. Thus much I thought summarely to compre∣hende,* 9.29 whereby the diuine disposition and singular gentle nature of this meeke & religious Constantine might more notoriously appeare to all Princes: for them to learne by hys example, what zeale and care they ought to beare to∣ward the Church of Christ, & how gently to gouerne, and how to be beneficiall to the same.

Many other Edicts & Epistles wrytten to other pla∣ces and parties, be expressed at large in the seconde booke of Euseb De vita Constantini: wherein the zealous care and Princely beneficence of this noble Emperour toward the Church of Christ may appeare. Wherof in a briefe recapi∣tulation such specialities we haue collected as here follo∣weth, and is to be seene in Zozo. Lib. 1. Cap. 8.9.

First hee commaunded all them to be set free, who soe∣uer for the confession of Christ, had bene condemned to ba∣nishment,

or to the mines of metall,* 9.30 or to any publike or priuate labour to them inflicted. Such as were put to any infamie or open shame among the multitude, hee willed them to be discharged from all such blemish of ignominie. Souldiours whych before were depriued eyther of theyr place, or put out of theyr wages: were put to their liberty, eyther to serue againe in theyr place, or quietly to lyue at home. Whatsoeuer honour, place, or dignitie had bene ta∣ken away frō any man, should be restored to them againe. The goods and possessions of them that had suffered death for Christ, howsoeuer they were alienated, should returne to theyr heires, or next of kinne: or for lacke of them should be geuen to the Church. Hee commaunded moreouer that onely Christians shoulde beare office. The other he char∣ged and restrayned, that neither they should sacrifice, nor exercise any more diuinations and ceremonies of the Gē∣tiles, nor set vp any Images, nor to keepe any feastes of the heathen Idolaters. He corrected moreouer and aboli∣shed all such vnlawfull manners and vnhonest vsages in Cities, as might be hurtfull any waies to the Church, as the custome that the Egyptians had in the flowing of Ni∣lus, at what time the people vsed to runne together lyke brute beasts,* 9.31 both men & women, and with all kinde of fil∣thines and Sodomitrie to pollute their Cities, in celebra∣ting the increase of that riuer. This abhomination Con∣stantine extinguished, causing that wicked order called An∣drogynae, to be killed. By reason whereof the Riuer after∣ward (through the benefite of God) yelded more increase in his flowing, to the greater fertilitie of the ground, then it did before.

Among the Romanes was an olde lawe, that such as were barren hauing no fruite of children, should be amer∣ced of halfe their goodes. Also, that such as being aboue the yeares of xxv. vnmaried, should not be nūbred in the same priuileges with them that were maried, neither should be heires to them, to whom notwithstanding they were next in kinde. These lawes because they seemed vnreasonable, to punish the defect of nature, or gift of virginitie, by mās lawe, hee abrogated and tooke away. An other order was among the Romanes, that they which made their willes being sicke, had certaine prescribed and conceiued wordes appoynted to thē to vse, which vnlesse they followed, their willes stoode in none effect. This law also Constantine re∣pealed, permitting to euery man in making his testament to vse what wordes, or what witnesses he woulde. Like∣wise among the Romaines hee restrained and tooke away the cruel and bloudy spectacles & sights, where men were wont with swordes one to kill an other. Of the barbarous and filthy fashion of the Arethusians in Phoenicia, I haue mentioned before, pag. 104. where they vsed to expose and set foorth their virgines to open fornication, before they should be maried,* 9.32 which custome also Constantine remoo∣ued away. Where no Churches were, there he commaun∣ded new to be made: where any were decayed, he commā∣ded them to be repaired: where any were to litle, he caused them to be enlarged, geuing to the same great giftes and reuenewes: not onely of such tributes and taxes comming to him from certaine sundry Cities, which hee transferred vnto the Churches, but also out of his owne treasures. When any Byshops required any Councell to be had, hee satisfied their petitions: And what in their Councels and Synodes they established, being godly & honest, hee was ready to confirme the same.

The armour of his soldiours, which were newly come from Gentilitie, he garnished with the armes of the crosse, whereby they might learne the sooner to forget their olde superstitious idolatry. Moreouer like a worthy Emperor he prescribed a certaine forme of prayer in steade of a Cate∣chisme for euery man to haue, & to learne how to pray and to inuocate God. The which forme of prayer is recited in the fourth booke of Eusebius De vita Constantini,* 9.33 in wordes as foloweth.

Te solum noulmus Deum, te regem cognoscimus, te adiuto∣rem inuocamus, abs te victorias referimus, per te victorias ini∣micorum constituimus, tibi praesentium bonorum gratiam ac∣ceptam ferimus, & per te futura quoque speramus, tibi supplices sumus omnes: Imperatorem nostrum Constantinum, ac pientis∣simos eius filios, in longissima vita incolumes nobis ac victores custodire supplices oramus, per Christum dominum nostrum. Amen.

In English.

We knowledge thee onely to be our God, we confesse thee onely to be our king, we inuocate and call vpon thee our onely helper, by thee we obtaine our victories, by thee we vāquish and subdue our enemies, to thee we attribute whatsoeuer present commodities we enioy, & by thee we hope for good thinges to come, vnto thee we direct all our sute & petitions: most humbly beseeching thee to conserue Constantine our Emperour, and his noble childrē in long life to cōtinue, and to geue them victory ouer all their ene∣mies, through Christ our Lord.* 9.34 Amen.

In hys owne palace, hee set vp an house peculiar for prayer and doctrine, vsing also to pray and sing with his people. Also in hys warres hee went not without hys ta∣bernacle appoynted for the same. The Sonday he cōman∣ded to be kept holy of all men, and free from all iudiciarie causes, from markets, martes, faires, & all other manuall labors, onely husbandry excepted: especially charging that no Images or Monuments of Idolatry should be set vp.

Men of the Clergy and of the ministery in al places he endued with speciall priuileges and immunities,* 9.35 so that if any were brought before the ciuill Magistrate, and listed to appeale to the sentence of his Bishop, it should be law∣full for him so to doe: and that the sentence of the Byshop should stande in as great force as if the Magistrate or the Emperour himselfe had pronounced it.

¶But here is to be obserued & noted by the way, that y^e Clerkes & ministers thē newly creeping out of persecutiō, were in those dayes, neyther in nūber so great nor in order of life, of y^e like dispositiō to these in our dayes now liuing.

No lesse care and prouision the sayd Constantinus also had to the maintenance of scholes pertayning to y^e Church and to the nourishing of good artes and liberall sciences,* 9.36 especially of Diuinitie: not onely with stipends and subsi∣dies furnishing them, but also with large priuilegies and exemptiōs defending y^e same, as by the wordes of his own law is to be seene: and read as followeth: Medicos, Gramati∣cos, & alios professores literarum & doctores legum, cum vxo∣ribus & liberis.* 9.37 &c. In English: Phisitions, Gramarians, and all other prefessors of liberal artes, and Doctors of the law, with their wiues and childrē, and all other their pos∣sessions, which they haue in Citties: we commaund to be freed from all ciuill charges and functions, neyther to re∣ceaue forren straungers in prouinces, nor to be burdened with any publique administration, nor to be cited vp to ci∣uill iudgement, nor to be drawne out, or oppressed with a∣ny iniury. And if any man shall vexe them, he shall incurre such punishment, as the Iudge at his discretion shall a∣warde him. Their stipendes moreouer and solaries, we commaunde truely to be payd them, whereby they may more freely instruct other in artes and sciences. &c.

Ouer and besides this,* 9.38 so farre did hys godly zeale and princely care and prouision extend to the Church of Christ, that he commaunded and prouided bookes and volumes of the Scripture, diligently and playnly to be written and copied out, to remayne in bublique Churches to the vse of posteritie, Whereupon writing to Eusebius byshop of Ni∣comedia in a speciall letter (recorded in the 4. booke of Eu∣sebius, De vita Constant.) he willeth him with all diligence to procure 50. volumes of parchment well bound and cō∣pacted: wherein he shoulde cause to be written out of the scripture in a fayre legeable hād, such things as he thought necessary and profitable for the instruction of the Church. And alloweth him for that busines two bublique Mini∣sters. Also writeth concerning the same, to the generall of hys army, to support and further hym with such necessa∣ries, as thereunto should appertayne.* 9.39 &c.

¶In vewing, perusing, and writing this story, and in considering the Christian zeale of this Emperour, I wish that eyther this our Printing and plēty of books had bene in his dayes: or that this so heroycal hart toward Christes Religion, as was in this so excellent Monarche, might something appeare in inferiour Princes raigning in these our Printing dayes.* 9.40 &c.

The liberal hand of this Emperor, borne to do al men good, was no lesse also open and ready towarde the needie pouertie of such, which either by losse of parents, or other occasions were not able to helpe them selues: to whom he commaunded and prouided dew subuention both of corne and raiment to be ministred out of his owne coffers, to the necessary reliefe of the poore men, women, children, or∣phanes, and widowes, Euseb. de vita Constant. Lib 4.

Finally,* 9.41 among al the other monuments of his singu∣lar clemencie and munificence, this is not to be pretermit∣ted: that through all the Empire of Rome and prouinces belonging to the same, not only he diminished such taxes, reuenewes, and impostes, as publickly were comming to him, but also clearely remitted and released to the contri∣buters, the fourth part of the same.

This present place would require somthing to be sayd of the donation of Constantine whereuppon as vpon their chiefest anchor holde,* 9.42 the Byshops of Rome doe grounde theyr supreame dominion and right, ouer all the politicall gouernement of the West partes, & the spiritual gouerne∣ment of all the other Seas and partes of the world. Which

donation to be falsly fained and forged, and not to procede from Constantine, many arguments might heere be infer∣red, if laisure from other matters would suffer me.* 9.43

1. First, for that no ancient history, nor yet Doctour ma∣keth any mention thereof.

2. Nauclerus reporteth it to be affirmed in the hystorie of Isidorus: but in the olde copies of Isidorus no such thyng is to be founde.

3. Gracianus the compiler of the decrees, reciteth that de∣cree, [unspec 3] not vpon any auncient authoritie, but only vnder the title of Palea.

[unspec 4] 4. Gelasius is sayd to geue some testimony therof, in Dist. 15. Sancta Romana, but that clause of the said distinction tou∣ching that matter, in the olde ancient bookes is not extant.

[unspec 5] 5 Otho Phrisingensis, who was about the time of Gracian, after hee hath declared the opinion of the fauourers of the Papacie: affirming this donation to be geuen of Constan∣tine, to Siluester the Pope: induceth consequently, the opi∣nion of them that fauour the Empire, affirming the con∣trary.

[unspec 6] 6. How doth thys agree, that Constantine did yeelde vp to Siluester all the politicall dominion ouer the West, when as the sayd Constantine at hys death, deuiding the Empire to his three sonnes, gaue the West part of the Empire to one, the East part to the secōd, the middle part to the third?

[unspec 7] 7. How is it like that Theodosius after them, being a iust and a religious Prince, would or could haue occupyed the Citie of Rome, if it had not bene his right, but had belon∣ged to the pope, & so did many other Emperors after him?

[unspec 8] 8. The phrase of this decree being conferred w^t the phrase and stile of Constantine, in his other Edictes and letters a∣boue specified doth nothing agree.

[unspec 9] 9. Seeing the papists themselues confesse that the decree of this donation was writtē in Greeke, how agreeth that with truth: when as both it was written not to the Greti∣ans, but to the Romanes, and also Constantine himselfe for lacke of the Greeke toung, was faine to vse the Latine toung in the Councell of Nice?

[unspec 10] 10. The contents of this donation (who soeuer was the forger thereof) doeth bewray it selfe. For if it be true which there is confessed, that he was Baptised at Rome of Silue∣ster, & the iiij. day after his baptisme this patrimonie was giuen (which was before his battaile against Maximinus or Licinius, An. 317. as Niceph. recordeth) howe then accordeth this wyth that which followeth in the donation, for him to haue iurisdiction geuen ouer the other iiij. principall seas of Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople and Hieru∣salem? when as the Citie of Constantinople was not yet begun, before the death of Maximinus or Licinius, and was not finished, before the xxviij. yere of the raigne of Constan∣tine, an. 339. or if it be true, as Hierome counteth, it was fini∣shed the xxiij. yere of his raigne, which was the yere of our Lorde 334. long after this donation by their owne accōpt.

[unspec 11] 11. Furthermore, where in the sayde constitution is sayd that Constantine was baptised at Rome of Siluester, & ther∣by was purged of Leprosie: the fable thereof agreeth not with the trueth of historie: for so much as Eusebius, lib. 4. De vita Constantini, Hieronymus in Chron. Ruffin. lib. 1. cap. 11. So∣crates, lib. 1. cap. 39. Theodor. lib. 1. cap. 31. Sozomenus, lib 2. cap. 34. doe altogether consent that hee was Baptised not at Rome, but at Nicomedia: and that moreouer, as by theyr testimonie doth appeare, not of Siluester but of Eusebius bi∣shop of Nicomedia, not before his battaile against Maxi∣minus, or Licinius, but in the xxxj. yeare of his raigne, a litle before his death.

[unspec 12] 12. Againe, where as Constantine in this donation ap∣poynted him to haue the principalitie ouer the other iiij. Patriarchall Seas: that maketh Constantine contrary to himselfe. Who in the Councell of Nice afterwarde agreed with other bishops, that al the iiij. patriarchal seas should haue equall iurisdiction, euery one ouer his owne territo∣rie and precinct.

[unspec 13] 13. In summe, briefly to conclude: who so desireth more aboundantly to be satisfied touching this matter, let hym read the bookes of Marsilius Patauinus, intituled: defensor pacis, An 1324. of Laurētius Valla, An. 1440. of Antoninus arch∣bishop of Florence, who in hys hystorie, plainely denieth the tenour of thys donation to be founde in the old bookes of the decrees. Of Cusanus Cardinalis. Lib. 3. Cap. 2. wryting to the Councell of Basil, Anno 1460. Of Aeneas Syluius in Dialogo, of Hier. Paulus Cattalanus, An. 1496. of Raphael Vola∣teranus, An. 1500. of Lutherus, An. 1537. &c. all which by ma∣ny and euident probations, dispute and proue this dona∣tion taken out of a booke De gestis Syluestri, and translated (as they faine) by one Bartholomeus Picernus, out of Greke into Latine: not to proceede from Constantinus, but to be a thing vntruely pretensed, or rather a fable imagined, or els to be the deede of Pipinus or Charles, or some such other, if it were euer the deede of any.

And thus hast thou (beloued Reader) briefly collected the narration of the noble actes and heauenly vertues of thys most famous Emperour Constantine the great:* 9.44 a sin∣gulare spectacle for all Christian Princes to beholde and imitate, and worthy of perpetuall memorie in all congre∣gations of Christian Saintes. Whose feruent zeale & pie∣tie in generall, to all cōgregations, and to all the seruants of Christ was notable: but especially the affection and re∣uerence of hys heart toward them was admirable, whych had suffered any thyng for the confession of Christ, in the persecutions before, them had hee principally in price and veneration, in so much that hee embraced and kissed theyr woundes and stripes, and their eyes, being put out. And if any suche Byshops or any other Ministers brought to hym any cōplaints one against an other,* 9.45 (as many times they did) he would take theyr bils of complaint, and burne them before theyr faces: so studious and zealous was hys mind to haue them agree, whose discord was to hym more griefe, then it was to themselues. All the vertuous actes and memorable doings of this diuine & renowmed Em∣perour to comprehende or commit to hystorie: it were the matter alone of a great volume: wherfore contented with these aboue premised, because nothing of him can be sayde inough, I cease to discourse of him any further.

One thyng yet remaineth not to be omited,* 9.46 wherein (as by the way of a note) I thought good to admonish the learned Reader, suche as loue to be conuersant in reading of auncient authors: that in the Ecclesiasticall hystorie of Eusebius, where in the latter ende of the booke, is added a certaine Oration, Ad cōuentum Sanctorum, vnder the name of Eusebius Pamphilus, here is to be vnderstād, that the sayd Oration is wrongly intituled vpon the name of Eusebius, whych in very truth is the Oration of Constantinus hym∣selfe. For the probation whereof, beside the stile and mat∣ter therein contained, and tractation heroycall) liuely de∣claring the religious vaine of Constantine) I alledge the very testimonie of Eusebius himselfe in his fourth booke De vita Constantini, where he in expresse wordes not onely de∣clareth that Cōstantine wrote such an Oration intituled Ad Conuentum Sanctorum, but also promiseth in the end of hys booke, to annexe the same: declaring moreouer what diffi∣cultie the interpretors had, to translate the same from the Romaine speeche, to theyr Grecian toung. Eusebius de vita Constantini. Lib. 4 pag. 211.

And here an end of these lamentable & doleful persecu∣tions of the primitiue Church, during the space of the 300. yeres frō the passion of our Sauiour Christ, til the cōming of this Constantinus, by whom, as by the elect instrumēt of God, it hath so pleased his almighty maiesty, by his deter∣minat purpose to giue rest after lōg trouble to his church, according to that S. Cyprian declareth before,* 9.47 pag. 68. to be reueled of God vnto his Church: that after darkenes and stormy tempest should come peaceable calme, & stable qui∣etnes to his church, meaning this time of Constantine now present.* 9.48 At which time it so pleased the almightie, that the murdering malice of Sathan should at length be restrai∣ned, and he him selfe to be tied vp for a thousande yeares, through his great mercie in Christ, to whome therefore ••e thankes and praise now and for euer. AMEN.

The ende of the first Booke.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Two thinges in this history chiefly to be noted.
• * 1.2

  The world.
• * 1.3

  The kingdome of Christ in this world.
• * 1.4

  The visible Church.
• * 1.5

  The Church of Christ deuided in two sortes of people.
• * 1.6

  Euseb. Lib. 1. cap. 1.
• * 1.7

  Gods pu∣nishment for refusing the Gospel,
• * 1.8

  Tiberius Casar mo∣ueth the Se∣nate to haue Christ re∣ceaued. Christ refu∣sed of the Se¦nate of Rome.
• * 1.9

  The vayne cause why the Senate of Rome refused Christ. Tertul. Apol. cap. 5. Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 3.

  The Senate and Citie of Rome pla∣gued for re∣fusing of Christ.
• * 1.10

  Ex Suet. in vitae Tibe∣rij.
• * 1.11

  Christ suf∣fereth and riseth a∣gayne.
• * 1.12

  An. 34.
• * 1.13

  Sainct Paul. conuerted.
• * 1.14

  An. 35.
• * 1.15

  An. 39.
• * 1.16

  Caesar. Ca∣ligula.
• * 1.17

  Caligula commaun∣ded hys image to be set vp in the Temple of Hierusa∣lem.
• * 1.18

  The abho∣mination of desolation standing in the holye place. Herode mi∣serably dy∣ed in ba∣nishment. Gayphas deposed.
• * 1.19

  An. 43.
• * 1.20

  Ex Gotfri∣do Viterbi∣ensi part. 25
• * 1.21

  Claudius Nero.
• * 1.22

  An. 56.
• * 1.23

  Domitius Nero.
• * 1.24

  The horri∣ble wicked∣nes and cru∣eltie of Nero.
• * 1.25

  Peter and Paule suffe∣red for Christ.
• * 1.26

  An. 69.
• * 1.27

  Vespasian Emperour and Titus his sonne. The destru∣ction of the Iewes.
• * 1.28

  A note for all Realmes to marke.
• * 1.29

  The Ro∣manes in contemning Christ, pu∣nished by their owne Emperours.
• * 1.30

  Examples of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 plague of God vpon the Romaine Emperours per∣secuting and re∣sisting Christ till the time of Constantine.
• * 1.31

  Tiberius. 〈…〉〈…〉 Ne•••• Galbe. Ottho. Vitelius. Titus. Domitian. Commedus. Pertinax. Iulianas. Seueras. Gera. Bassianus. Macrinus. Dead••nerus. Helagab••lus. Alexande. Seuerus. Maximinus. Maximus. Barbinus. Gordianus. Philippus. Decius. Gallus & Volu∣sianus. Aemilianus. Varelianus. & Galienus.
• * 1.32

  Aurelianus. Tacitus. Florinus.
• * 1.33

  Probus.
• * 1.34

  Carus. Dioclesianus. Maximianus. Galerius. Maximinus. Maxentius. Licinius.
• * 1.35

  Brittaines. Gildas.
• * 1.36

  Wickliefe and hys bookes con∣demned and brent for an he∣riticke after hys death.
• * 1.37

  Gods benefites toward Eng∣land.
• * 1.38

  A caueat for England.
• * 1.39

  S. Steuen the first ring leader of all Christes Martyrs.
• * 1.40

  S Iames the A∣postle, brother of Iohn Marty∣red. Act. 12.
• * 1.41

  Hist. Eccle. lib. 2. cap. 9. Ex clemen∣te Septimae Hypolypo∣seon.
• * 1.42

  A notable conuersion of a wicked accuser, and after a mar∣tyr.
• * 1.43

  Nicanor one of the seuen Dea∣cons. with 2000. other martyred. Ex Doro∣theo in Sy∣nops. Symon a Deacon martyred. S. Thomas the Apostle suffered. Symon Ze∣lotes cruci∣fied. Thaddeus the Apostle slayne.
• * 1.44

  Simon Ca∣naneus cru∣cified.
• * 1.45

  Marke the Euangelist burned.
• * 1.46

  Battholo∣mew the Apostle. crucified and behea∣ded. Ex Ioan. de Monte Re∣gals. Andrew the Apostle crucified for the Gospel. Ex Hiero∣nemo in Ca∣tologo scrip. Eccles. Ex Cypria∣no. lib. De duplici Martyrio Ex Barnar∣do serm. 2. de Sanct. Andraa.
• * 1.47

  The words of Andrew to the Coū∣sell.
• * 1.48

  The feruen∣cie of An∣drew a∣gaynst Ido∣latry.
• * 1.49

  The con∣stant fayth of Andrew to the end.
• * 1.50

  The crosse here is not taken for the materi∣all crosse of wood: but for the ma∣ner of death vpon the Crosse whiche death was to him wel∣come.

  S. Mathew the Apostle slayne with a speare. Euseb lib. 3. Cap. 24. 39.

  Irenaus lib. 3. cap. 1. Hiero. in catalogo script.
• * 1.51

  Mathias the Apostle, stoned and headed. Philip the Apostle crucified. Ex Isido. lib. de patribus noui testā. Iames By∣shop of Ie∣rusalem.
• * 1.52

  Fx Clemente. Ex Egesippo in Commenturro.
• * 1.53

  Apoc. 12.
• * 1.54

  Cap. 3.
• * 1.55

  Luc. 23.
• * 1.56

  Iosephus lib. 20.
• * 1.57

  Martyrs.
• * 1.58

  The first x. per∣secutions in the primitiue Church.
• * 1.59

  The sondry tor∣mentes of the holy Martyrs in the Primitiue Church.
• * 1.60

  Aug. de Ciuit. Lib. 22. cap. 6.
• * 1.61

  The number of holy Martyrs in the primitiue Church.
• 1 1.62

  The first perse∣cution.
• * 1.63

  Anno. 67.
• * 1.64

  Histor. Ecclesi. Lib. 2. Cap. 24.25.26.
• * 1.65

  Orosius. Lib. 7. Nero thought to be Anti∣christ.
• * 1.66

  S. Peter the Apostle, crucified at Rome.
• * 1.67

  Hieron. lib. Deuiris il∣lustris.
• * 1.68

  This report seemeth neyther to come of Ie∣rome not to be true in Peter. Egesippus. Lib. 3. De excidio Hieroso. cap. 2.
• * 1.69

  Abdias. lib. 1. De vitae Patri.
• * 1.70

  Euseb. lib. 30 hist. eccle. c. 30.
• * 1.71

  Peters wife put to death for Christ. The wordes of Peter to hys wife, goyng to death. Paule the Apostle.
• * 1.72

  Ex Hieroni∣mo. Lib. de viris illust.
• * 1.73

  Saule brought vp vnder Ga∣maliell. Saule a per∣secutor. Saule con∣uerted.
• * 1.74

  Saulus tur∣ned to Paulus. Paule sent to the Gen∣tiles.
• * 1.75

  Act. 28.
• * 1.76

  2. Tim. 4.
• * 1.77

  The epi∣stles of S. Paule to vi•• Chur∣ches.
• * 1.78

  The Epistle to the He∣brues.
• * 1.79

  The Epistle to Laodicia
• * 1.80

  Abdias de viris. lib. 2.
• * 1.81

  Paule declareth his doctrine to the Emperour.
• * 1.82

  The summe of Paules doctrine.
• * 1.83

  Paule condem∣ned.
• * 1.84

  Paule suffe∣reth.
• * 1.85

  A Legende mi∣racle.
• * 1.86

  The story of Abdias suspe∣cted.
• * 1.87

  Historyes doe varry about the tyme of their Martyrdome.
• * 1.88

  If this be true that Prudētius. recordeth of Paule to suffer vnder Nero, and the yeare after Peter. then is it false, which Hierome before testifieth, Peter to suffer the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yeare of Nero.
• * 1.89

  The second per∣secution.
• * 1.90

  Anno. 69.
• * 1.91

  Ex Orosio. Lib. 7.
• * 1.92

  The tyranny and intempo∣raunce of Domitian.
• * 1.93

  Symeon Byshop of Hierusalem crucified.
• * 1.94

  Iohn the Euan∣gelist.
• * 1.95

  Isidorus de pa∣tribus nous Te∣staments.
• * 1.96

  Euseb. Lib. 3. Cap. 10. Histor Eccle.
• * 1.97

  Anno. 97.
• * 1.98

  Iohn banished. Iohn released out of banishe∣ment.
• * 1.99

  Euseb. lib. 3. Cap. 23.
• * 1.100

  Iren. Lib. 3. Clemens Alex∣andrinus.
• * 1.101

  A notable histo∣ry of Iohn the Euangelist.
• * 1.102

  What wic∣ked compa∣ny doth.
• * 1.103

  A notable lesson for al ministers to seeke againe their lost sheepe.
• * 1.104

  O vnspea∣kable loue shevved out to a wicked sinner.
• * 1.105

  An exam∣ple of the godly to flye the cō∣pany of the wicked.
• * 1.106

  A Catho∣lique questi∣on concer∣ning auricu∣ler confessi∣on.
• * 1.107

  Solutio. An other Catholique question.
• * 1.108

  Solution. Albert. super Euā∣gelium. Missus est. An other question with the solution.
• * 1.109

  Albert. ibi∣dem. ca. 17.
• * 1.110

  S. Thomas par. 3. ques. 37. art. 5.
• * 1.111

  Flauia the daughter of a Consul. banished for the testimo∣ny of christ. Ex Euseb. Lib. 3. ca. 19 The Empe∣rour ma∣keth inqui∣rie for all that were of Dauids stocke.
• * 1.112

  Dauids stocke fea∣red of the Emperours.
• * 1.113

  Two Ne∣phewes of Iude the Lordes bro∣ther preser∣ued.

  The king∣dome of Christ not of this world.
• * 1.114

  The causes why the Emperours and Senate of Rome did so rage a∣gaynst the Christians.
• * 1.115

  The kingdome of Christ feared of the Ro∣maines.
• * 1.116

  Lex antiqua Romana contra Christianos. Ex Euseb. lib. 2. cap. 21.
• * 1.117

  The kingdome of Christ hated of Romaine Princes.
• * 1.118

  False accusati∣ons and slaun∣ders agaynst the Christians. Ex Apologiae Iustini. Marty.
• * 1.119

  Publius Tar∣quinius. Mamertinus persecutors.
• * 1.120

  Ex Iust. Mart. in. 2. Apolog. The forme of inquisition a∣gaynst the Christians in the old tyme.
• * 1.121

  The cruelty of tyrauntes in kil∣ling of Christen men.
• * 1.122

  Ex Epist fra∣trum. Viennen∣sium & Lugdu∣nensium, ad fra∣tres per Asiam, & Phrigiam scripta.
• * 1.123

  Ex Nicephero. Lib. 3. cap. 22.
• * 1.124

  Ex Iustino. Martyr in Dia∣logo cum Tripheo,
• * 1.125

  The Church in∣creaseth by per∣secution.
• * 1.126

  Disagreement in authors tou∣ching the liues and tymes of Martyrs.
• * 1.127

  Linus Byshop of Rome.
• * 1.128

  Cletus and A∣nacletus both one.
• * 1.129

  Clement Byshop counted a Martyr.
• * 1.130

  The liues of Martyrs payn∣ted out with fayned miracles.
• * 1.131

  Euaristus Byshoppe of Rome and mar∣tyr.
• * 1.132

  The decretall Epistles.
• * 1.133

  N••uel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Platina. Volateran Anthropo. Lib 22. Euseb. Lib. 3. Cap. 24.
• * 1.134

  Alexander Byshop of Rome and Martyr.
• * 1.135

  Authors disagree.
• * 1.136

  Alexander. Euentius. Theodulus. Hermes with hys houshold. Quirinus with hys houshold Martyrs.
• * 1.137

  Ex Platina in vita A∣lexandre.
• * 1.138

  Saphyra. Sabina, Martyrs. Ex Flori∣lego.
• * 1.139

  The ordi∣dinaunces of Euaristus.
• * 1.140

  Dist. 93. cap. Dia∣coni.
• * 1.141

  Ex Dist. 70. cap. Nemi∣nem.
• * 1.142

  Ibedem cap. Sanctorum.
• * 1.143

  Ex Dist. 93. cap. Diaco∣ni.
• * 1.144

  The Insti∣tutions of Alexander. Holy water first inuen∣ted.

  De conse∣crat. Dist 3.
• * 1.145

  The mix∣ting of wa∣ter with the wine in the chalice.
• * 1.146

  Qui predie put in the Masse Ca∣non.
• * 1.147

  The third persecution of the Church.
• * 1.148

  An. 100.
• * 1.149

  Plinius se∣cundus. wrote to Traian to stop the persecutiō.
• * 2.1

  The Epistle of Plinie to Traianus.
• * 2.2

  The vse of Christians in the primitiue Churche.
• * 2.3

  The testimony of the Heathen of the Christi∣ans.
• * 2.4

  Two maydens racked for Christ.
• * 3.1

  The aunswere of Traian to Plinies letter.
• * 3.2

  The stocke of Dauid feared and inquired for of the Romaine Emperours. Ex Egesippo. Simeon sonne of Mary Cleo∣phas.

  A iust punish∣ment of God vpon the mali∣tious accusers of the Christians.
• * 3.3

  The age of Simeon. The death and Martyrdome of Simeon.
• * 3.4

  Phocas. Byshop of Pon∣tus Martyr.
• * 3.5

  Sulpitius.〈◊〉〈◊〉 Exphrofina, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Martyrs.

  Sabina Martyr. Ex. Su••ple. Chr. Seraphia. Nereus.

  Achilleus Martyrs.

  Sagaris Martyr.
• * 3.6

  Ignatius Martyr.
• * 3.7

  Anno. 111.
• * 3.8

  Ex Euse. Lib. 3. Cap. 35.36 Ex Hier In ca∣talogo Scrip.
• * 3.9

  Eccles. Onesimus Pastor at Ephesus.
• * 3.10

  The wordes of Ignatius. The straig•••• handling of Ignatius.
• * 3.11

  The notable constancy and burning zeale to Christ in this blessed martyr to be marked.
• * 3.12

  Ignatius denoured of wild beasts▪
• * 3.13

  Ex Hier. Lib. de viris illust.

  Publius Byshop of Athens Martyr.
• * 3.14

  Zenon with 10000. Martyrs slayne for Christ. Ex Henr. de Exfordia & alijs.
• * 3.15

  Achaichus. Heliades. Theodorus. Carcerius with ten thousand Martyrs. Eustachius with hys wife and Children Martyred for Christ.
• * 3.16

  Faustinus and Iobita. Calocerius. Martrys.
• * 3.17

  Elutherius. with hys mother Anthia Martyrs. Ex Nice∣phor•• & ex Onam. ••u∣stus and Pa∣stor bre∣thren and Martyrs. Symboris. with her 7. Children martyred.
• * 3.18

  Sophia with her 3. chil∣dren Marti∣red.
• * 3.19

  Quadra∣tus By∣shop of A∣thens, offe∣reth an A∣pology of Christian doctrine.
• * 3.20

  Aristides a Philoso∣pher of A∣thens, defē∣deth before the Empe∣rour the re∣ligion of Christ.

  Serenus Granius a defender of Christian Religion. Euseb. lib.. 4 Cap. 8.
• * 3.21

  The Empe∣rour wri∣teth for the Christians.
• * 4.1

  The letter of Hadrian the Emperour to Fundanus the Proconsull,
• * 4.2

  Respite from persecution.
• * 4.3

  The second de∣struction of the Iewes.

  Hierusalem re∣edified & enlar∣ged.

  Some write that the place where Christ was crucified, was taken into the walles.

  Hierusalem cal∣led by a new name. Aeliopolis.
• * 4.4

  Antoninus Pius Emperour.
• * 4.5

  Anno. 140.
• * 5.1

  The letter of Antoninus Pius to the common of Asia.
• * 5.2

  A notable ar∣gument of the Emperour to proue the good conscience of Christians, and the false consci∣ence of the Heathen.
• * 5.3

  He meaneth Hadrian which adopted this Antoninus of hys sonne in law, to be hys sonne & heyre. O noble edict.
• * 5.4

  M. Antoninus Verus Emperour.
• * 5.5

  Anno. 162.
• * 5.6

  Policarpus, the blessed Martyr Byshop of Smyrna.
• * 5.7

  Ex Euseb. hist. Eccles Lib. 4. Cap. 15. Hieron. in Catalogo.
• * 5.8

  Twelue Mar∣tyrs in Asia.
• * 5.9

  The cruell and beastly handling of the Christian Mar∣tyrs.
• * 5.10

  The singular patience, and constancie of the Christians.
• * 5.11

  Germanicus a most constant Martyr.
• * 5.12

  Quintus a Phrigian to hardie hold.
• * 5.13

  Polycarpus, flyeth per∣secution.
• * 5.14

  Policarpus prayeth for the church.
• * 5.15

  Policarpus hath a visiō of hys bur∣ning.
• * 5.16

  Policarpus pursued and taken.
• * 5.17

  Policarpus might e∣scape and would not
• * 5.18

  Policarpus falleth to prayer.
• * 5.19

  Policarpus refuseth to doe sacri∣fice.
• * 5.20

  Policarpus comforted by a uoyce from heauē.
• * 5.21

  Policarpus allured to chaunge hys name would not consent.
• * 5.22

  A faythfull seruaunt of Christ his Lord.
• * 5.23

  Policarpus ready to geue rea∣son of hys doctrine.
• * 5.24

  Policarpus obedient to higher po∣wers.
• * 5.25

  Policarpus threatned with wilde beastes.
• * 5.26

  An exam∣ple of bro∣therly loue.
• * 5.27

  The willing minde of Policarpus to suffer.
• * 5.28

  His prayer before hys death.
• * 5.29

  The thankesge∣uing of Policarpus
• * 5.30

  A miracle she∣wed.
• * 5.31

  An example of much cruelty.
• * 5.32

  The Iewes ene∣mies alwayes to the Christians.
• * 5.33

  Marke that he sayth we loue them, and wor∣shippe them not.
• * 5.34

  Twelue Mar∣tyrs put to death in Smyr∣na
• * 5.35

  Ex Irenaeo. lib. 3. cap. 3. Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 14.
• * 5.36

  Anno. 167.
• * 5.37

  Germanicus. Ex. Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 15. Histor. eccle.
• * 5.38

  The olde age of Policarpus.
• * 5.39

  Policarpus the scholler of Iohn.
• * 5.40

  Irenaeus lib. 3. Cap. 1.
• * 5.41

  The Epistle of Policarpus to the Philippi∣ans.
• * 5.42

  Iustification by fayth.
• * 5.43

  Ex Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 20.

  Irenaeus con∣uersaunt with policarpus.
• * 5.44

  Policarpus con∣uersaunt with the Apo••tles.
• * 5.45

  The authoritie of Policarpus in the Churches of Asia.
• * 5.46

  Policarpus came to Rome. Polycarpus conferreth with Anicetus

  The East church and Romaine Church differre about Easterday Ex Nicepho. Lib. 4. cap. 39.
• * 5.47

  Difference of ceremonyes cau∣sed no breach of charitie in the Primitiue Church.
• * 5.48

  Socrates decei∣ued in hys Tripart. hist. Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 17. Metrodorus. Pionius. Carpus. Papylus. Agathonica. Martyrs.
• * 5.49

  Felicitas with her 7. Children. Ianuari. Felix. Philipus. Siluanus. Alexander. Vitalis. Martialis▪ Martyrs.
• * 5.50

  Iustinus
• * 5.51

  Martyr. Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. Cap. 16.
• * 5.52

  Crescens A Philoso∣pher procu∣rer of the death of Iustinus.
• * 5.53

  Crescens a rayling Philoso∣pher, and a malicious rayler.
• * 5.54

  A slane of fame and feare.
• * 5.55

  Crescens proued an vnlearned Philoso∣pher.
• * 5.56

  Tacianus cōmended.
• * 5.57

  The prayse of Iustinus Martyr.
• * 5.58

  Ex Catalogo Hiero.
• * 5.59

  The death and martir∣dome of Iustinus. the noble Philoso∣pher and a Christian Martyr. Praxedis, Potentiana Christian virgines.
• * 5.60

  Ptolomeus. Lucius Martyrs.
• * 5.61

  Euseb. lib. 4. Cap. 17.
• * 5.62

  The boldnes & Christian con∣stancie of Lucius.
• * 5.63

  Lucius con∣demned and Martyred.
• * 5.64

  The third also condemned and Martyred.
• * 5.65

  A place of Gracianus suspected.
• * 5.66

  Concordus Martyr.
• * 5.67

  Concordus spitteth 〈◊〉〈◊〉 face of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Idole.
• * 5.68

  The story of Vincentius suspected of vntrueth.
• * 5.69

  Ex Isuardo. Vincenti••. & Henrico de Er∣ford.
• * 5.70

  Symmetrius. Florellus. pontianus. Alexander. Caius. Epipodus. Victor. Corona. Marcellus. Valerian, Martyrs. Aucthors in the writing the miracles of Martyrs suspe∣cted.

  Getulus. Corcal••••. Amantius. Primitiuus. Ma••tyrs. The vii. sonnes of Symph••rosa. Crescens. Iulianus.
• * 5.71

  Nemesius. Primiti••us. Iustinus. Statteus. Eugenius. Martyrs.
• * 5.72

  The persecution in Lyons and Vienna, two Ci∣ties in Fraunce. Ex Euseb. lib. 5. Cap. 2.
• * 6.1

  A letter of the brethren of Fraunce to the brethrē of Asia.
• * 6.2

  Vetius Epaegae∣thus Martir.
• * 6.3

  The stoutnes of a godly young man.
• * 6.4

  The fayn∣ting of cer∣taine weake Christians.
• * 6.5

  False slaun∣ders of the Christians.
• * 6.6

  The rage of the Hea∣then against the Chri∣stians.
• * 6.7

  The cruell handling and great patience of Blandina.
• * 6.8

  Sanctus a Martyr.
• * 6.9

  The nota∣ble constan∣cy of Sanctus.
• * 6.10

  The cruell tormentors of Sanctus.
• * 6.11

  A miracu∣lous work∣ing of God.
• * 6.12

  Byblydes an holy Martyr.
• * 6.13

  Eculeus ad quintum fe∣ramen. Diuers Martyrs strangled in prison.
• * 6.14

  Other mar∣tyrs dyed in prison.
• * 6.15

  ••hotinus a blessed martyr.
• * 6.16

  The rage of the people agaynst Pbotinus.
• * 6.17

  The comfort of the godly stan∣ding to their confession. The denyers of their confes••io•• comfortles and notwithstan∣ding punish••d.
• * 6.18

  The spitefull handling of Gods people.
• * 6.19

  Maturus and Sanctio Martyred.
• * 6.20

  Blandina brought forth agayne.
• * 6.21

  Attalus commaunded to pryson.
• * 6.22

  The denyers returning a∣gayne to their confession.
• * 6.23

  Alexander the Phrigian Martyred.
• * 6.24

  The worthy pa∣cience and con∣stancie of Attalus.
• * 6.25

  Blandina and Ponticus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 brought forth.
• * 6.26

  Ponticus Martyred.
• * 6.27

  Blandina Martyred.
• * 6.28

  Apoc. 22.
• * 6.29

  Iustinus.
• * 6.30

  Priscus Bachius. Iustinus father.
• * 6.31

  Iustine desirous of Philoso∣phy.
• * 6.32

  Iustine proueth all sectes of Philoso∣phy.
• * 6.33

  Iustine a Platonist.
• * 6.34

  The end of Plato hys Philoso∣phy.
• * 6.35

  Ex Euseb. lib. 4. cap. 8.
• * 6.36

  Iustine beginneth to fauour Christen Religion.
• * 6.37

  Iustine goeth into desert.
• * 6.38

  Iustinus miraculous∣ly conuer∣ted by an olde man.
• * 6.39

  The vanity of the olde Philoso∣phers re∣proued.
• * 6.40

  The do∣ctrine of the Prophetes commen∣ded.
• * 6.41

  The vtilitie of reading the Pro∣phetes.
• * 6.42

  Prophetes to •••• credited for tw•• causes.
• * 6.43

  Iustinus bap∣tised.
• * 6.44

  Diatriba.
• * 6.45

  Iustinus an ear∣nest defender of Christ.
• * 6.46

  Two Apologies of Iustinus.
• * 6.47

  The summe of his Apologies.
• * 6.48

  The second A-Apology of Iustine.
• * 6.49

  The Lord take away this spirit of fury, condem∣ning innocentes before they be conuicted.
• * 6.50

  Ex Euseb. lib 4. Cap. 16.

  A place of Epiphanius found faulty.
• * 6.51

  C••m dignitate & latus pro Christo pertu∣lit.

  The singuler modesty of the foresayd Mar∣tyrs declared. Ex Euseb. lib. 5. cap. 2.
• * 6.52

  The holy Mar∣tyrs refuse to be called Martyrs.
• * 6.53

  Ex Euseb. Lib. 5. ca ••. Alcibia∣des.

  The straite fasting of Alcibiades corrected by the holy Ghost.
• * 6.54

  A lesson for scripulous consciences.
• * 6.55

  Irenaus newely made mini∣ster, and cō∣mended to Eleutheri∣us.

  Appollina∣ris and Melito ex∣hibited. Apologies to the Em∣perour for the Christi∣ans.
• * 6.56

  Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. cap. 26.

  The summe of the Apo∣logye of Melito.
• * 6.57

  The Chri∣stians Reli∣gion began with the Empire of Rome.
• * 6.58

  Christen re∣ligion ma∣keth com∣mon weales to florish.
• * 6.59

  The bookes of the olde Testament autentike and recea∣ued.
• * 6.60

  Ex Eusebio ibidem.

  A miracu∣lous rayne obtayned by the Christi∣ans.
• * 7.1

  Antoninus Ve∣rus. M. Aurelius Commodus Emperrours▪ The discrepance betweene Eusebius and Platina.
• * 7.2

  Anno. 175.
• * 7.3

  Quitnes geuen to the Church.
• * 7.4

  Appollonius Martyr.
• * 7.5

  Appollonius accused by hys owne seruaunt.
• * 7.6

  Apoollonius exhibiteth an Apology of hys fayth to the Se∣nate.
• * 7.7

  An old wicked law of the Ro∣maines.
• * 7.8

  The ridiculous pride of the Emperour.
• * 7.9

  Vincentius. Eusebius. Peregrinus. Potentianus. Martyrs.
• * 7.10

  Iulius a Senator conuerted to Christ. Ex Vincen, lib. 10. cap 119. Henr. de Erfor.
• * 7.11

  Peregrinus sent to Fraunce and Martyred at at Rome. Ex Platinain vita Sixti.
• * 7.12

  Iulius with hy•• family bap∣tised and after Martyred.
• * 7.13

  Xistus Byshop of Rome.
• * 7.14

  The trifling ordinaunce•• of Xistus.
• * 7.15

  S. Peter ce∣lebrated the Lordes supper one∣ly with the Lords prai•••• Plateua •••• vita Sixti.
• * 7.16

  The ordi∣naunce of Xistus. suspected.
• * 7.17

  Telesphorus Byshop of Rome and Martyr.
• * 7.18

  The ordi∣daunces of Telespho∣rus.
• * 7.19

  Lent fast and the ori∣ginall ther∣of exami∣ned.
• * 7.20

  Montanus first brought in the lawes of fasting Ex Euseb. Lib. 5. cap. 18.
• * 7.21

  Ex Socrat. Eccles. Iust. Lib. 5. cap. 20.
• * 7.22

  Ex Sozo∣meno. lib. 7. cap. 19. The ordi∣naunces of Telespho∣rus falsely to him ascri∣bed.

  Higynus Byshop of Rome and Martyr. Ex Volate∣tano An∣throp. Lib. 22. Creame. One God∣father and Godmo∣ther in Baptisme. Dedication of Chur∣ches.

  Piu•• Byshop of Rome. The daun∣gers of let∣ting the ho∣ly misteries fall from the Lordes Table.
• * 7.23

  The reuela∣tion of Hermes.
• * 7.24

  The decre∣tall Epistle of Pius.
• * 7.25

  Anicetus. Byshop of Rome and Martyr. Soter Byshop. Elutherius Byshop. England conuerted to the fayth of Christ.
• * 7.26

  Ex Nicep. lib. 2. cap. 4. Ex Gilda de Victor. Aur. Ambros. Whether this land of Britaine receiued the Gospell before kinge Lucius dayes.
• * 7.27

  Serapion Byshop of An∣tioche.

  Egesippus Ecclesiasticall writer.
• * 7.28

  Miltiades Ecclesiasticall writer.

  Her••clitus Ecclesiasticall writer.

  Theophilus Ecclesiasticall writer.

  Dioniti••s Co∣rinthius Ecclesiasticall writer.

  The yoke of chastitie not to be layd vpon the infirme brethren. Ex Euseb. lib. ••. cap. 23.

  The booke of Dionisius Areo. De Hierarchia suspected.
• * 7.29

  Celebration of the Sonday.
• * 7.30

  Clemens Alex∣andrinus.
• * 7.31

  The Gospell of S. Mathew in Hebrew.
• * 7.32

  Difference a∣bout the cere∣mony of Easter.
• * 7.33

  Seuerus Emperour.
• * 7.34

  Anno. 195.
• * 7.35

  The 5. persecu∣tion. Ex Euse. Lib. 6. cap. 2.
• * 7.36

  Anno. 205.
• * 7.37

  The false accu∣sations agaynst the Christians.
• * 7.38

  The captaines and ministers of this persecution. Ex Tertul ad Scapulam.
• * 7.39

  Leonides father of Origene Martyr.
• * 7.40

  Origene kept from Martyr∣dome by hys mother.
• * 7.41

  Origene com∣mended. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 3.
• * 7.42

  Ex Euseb. An∣coni••o. Symone∣ta. &c.
• * 7.43

  Plutarchus scholler of Origene. and Serenus hys brother Martyred. Heraclides. Heron. Rhais. Potamiena, Marcella. schollers of Origene and Mar∣tyrs.
• * 7.44

  Basilides of a persecu∣tour made a martyr.
• * 7.45

  Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 5. Albeit the said Eusebius, giueth
• * 7.46

  Alexander confessor and Byshop of Hierusa∣lem. The notable age of Narcissus Byshop of Hierusalem.
• * 7.47

  A miracle of water turned into oyle. Ex. Euseb. Lib. 6. Ca. 9.
• * 7.48

  A terrible example of periury pu∣nished.
• * 7.49

  Narcissus and Alexander ioyned to∣gether in one Bysho∣pricke.
• * 7.50

  Alexander ordayned Byshop of Hierusalem by Gods miracle. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 11.
• * 7.51

  The constā∣cie & death of Alexander Byshop
• * 7.52

  Andoclus, Martyr.,
• * 7.53

  Asclepiades Byshop of Antioche coufessor.
• * 7.54

  Irenaeus Byshop of Lyons, and Martyr.
• * 7.55

  Tertullian Ecclesiasticall writer.
• * 7.56

  The Apology of Tertullian defending the Christians.
• * 7.57

  Tertullianus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Scapulam.
• * 7.58

  The occasion hereof, belike came of the Iewes worship∣ping the iawe of an Asse in the story of Sampson.
• * 7.59

  Tertul. in Ape∣logetico.
• * 7.60

  The errours and imperfection•• in learned men ne∣ted.
• * 7.61

  Victor Byshop of Rome.

  Victor reported of some to dye a Martyr.
• * 7.62

  The cause dis∣cussed why the holy Ghost for∣bad bloud and strangled in the primitiue Church.
• * 7.63

  Ex Euseb. lib. 5. Cap. 26. The doctrine of Christian liber∣tie in outward vsages.
• * 7.64

  Anno. 200.
• * 7.65

  Ex Euseb. Lib. 4. Cap 26. Polycarpus and Anicetus disagreeing in controuersie, yet agreed in cha∣••••e.
• * 7.66

  Vnifor•••••• in ceremo∣nies not to be required as a thing necessary.
• * 7.67

  Polycrates Byshop of Ephesus.
• * 7.68

  Byshop in those dayes maryed.
• * 7.69

  Victor excommu∣nicating the Churches of Asia.
• * 7.70

  Irenaeus to Victor.
• * 7.71

  Diuersitie commen∣deth the concorde of fayth.
• * 7.72

  Zephyrinu•• Byshop of Rome.
• * 7.73

  The Epistle and ordi∣naunces of Zephyrinus suspected to be counter∣fet.
• * 7.74

  The first E∣pistle of Zephyrinus to the By∣shops of Si∣cilia.
• * 7.75

  Patins of glasse borne before the Priest. The ordi∣naunces of Zepherinus of small cre∣dite.
• * 7.76

  Golden chalices. Concilium Tiburti••um Rhemense.
• * 7.77

  Ex Florile∣go. Perpetua. Felicitas. Reuocatus Saturninus. Sa••yrus. Secundulus. Martyrs. Souerus warreth in Brittayne. A wall be∣tweene England builded. 132. miles in length. Seuerus the persecu∣tour slayne at Yorke.
• * 7.78

  An. 215.
• * 7.79

  Bassianus Emperour. Macrinus with hys sonne Diadume∣nus Empe∣rour.
• * 7.80

  An. 219.
• * 7.81

  The mon∣strous life of Helioga∣bolus Em∣perour.
• * 7.82

  A prodigi∣ous beliged.
• * 7.83

  Heliogaba∣lus slayne of hys soul∣niours. Ex Eutro∣pio••.
• * 7.84

  Alexander Se∣uerus Empe∣rour.
• * 7.85

  Anno. 224.
• * 7.86

  Against corrupt Iudges. The saying of Alexander to be noted and followed. Idle seruauntes eate vp the bowels of the common weale.
• * 7.87

  A note worthy to be marked.
• * 7.88

  Platina in vita Iontians.
• * 7.89

  Punished with smoke, that ••old smoke. Mammea the mother of the Emperour.
• * 7.90

  Ex Nauclero.
• * 7.91

  Calixtus Byshop of Rome and Martyr.
• * 7.92

  The decretall Epistles of Calixtus examined.
• * 7.93

  The place of S. Paule vnfitly expounded.
• * 7.94

  Imber fast first ordayned.
• * 7.95

  Agaynst the de∣cretall Epistles and constituti∣ons.
• * 7.96

  Calixtus a Martyr. Ex Vincen. in spocul Hist. Et Antonino. tit. 7. cap. 6.
• * 7.97

  Vrbanus Byshop of Rome.
• * 7.98

  An. 227.
• * 7.99

  Confirma∣tion of chil∣dren institu∣ted.
• * 7.100

  Vrbanus Martyred.
• * 7.101

  Tiburtius. Valerianus Martyrs.
• * 7.102

  Cecilia Martyr Ex marty∣rologio A∣donis.
• * 7.103

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Cecilia.
• * 7.104

  Agapitus a blessed Martyr. Ex Bergo∣mense. Lib. 8.
• * 7.105

  A notable example of Gods iust plague vp∣on a perse∣cutor.

  Ex Henr. Er••ordiens. Lib 6.

  Calepodius, Martyr.

  Pammachi∣us with his wife and children Martyrs. 42. Martyrs. Simplicius, Martyr. Quiritius, Iulia, hys mother Martyrs. Tyberius, Valerianus, brethren and martirs. Martina a Virgine & Martyr.
• * 7.106

  Maximinus Emperour and perse∣cutour.

  The vi. per∣secution.
• * 7.107

  An. 237.
• * 7.108

  Origenes de Martyrio.
• * 7.109

  Gordianus Emperour.
• * 7.110

  An. 240.
• * 7.111

  Pontianus Byshop of Rome. Diuersity betweene Damasus and Euseb. Pontianus banished.
• * 7.112

  This do∣ctrine see∣meth dero∣gatory to Christ and blasphe∣mous.
• * 7.113

  Ammonius a Christian writer.
• * 7.114

  Iulius A∣phricanus writer.
• * 7.115

  Natalius, Confessor. Ex Euseb. lib. ••. cap. 28.
• * 7.116

  The Lord will not loose them which haue done or suffered anye thing for him.
• * 7.117

  Anterius, Byshop of Rome martyr.
• * 7.118

  Authors disa∣gree.
• * 7.119

  Hyppolitus Byshop and Martyr.
• * 7.120

  Prudentius Peristepha.
• * 7.121

  Philippus Emperour.
• * 7.122

  Anno. 240.
• * 7.123

  Philippus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 first Christian Emperour.
• * 7.124

  Decius Empe∣rour.
• * 7.125

  Anno. 250.
• * 7.126

  The seuenth persecution. The cause and occasion of this persecution. Fabianus Byshop of Rome.
• * 7.127

  Euseb. Lib. 6.
• * 7.128

  The miraculous election of Fabianus.
• * 7.129

  Fabianus Martyr.
• * 7.130

  The ordinaun∣ces of Fabianus pretensed. Oyle and creame.

  Accusing of By∣shops.

  Appealing to the sea Aposto∣licall.

  Marrying not within the fift degree.
• * 7.131

  False doctrine detected.
• * 7.132

  Origene.
• * 7.133

  Ex Euseb. lib. 6. Cap. 39.

  The persecuti∣ons of Origene.
• * 7.134

  Ex Suida & Nicepho. Lib. 5. Cap. 32.
• * 7.135

  The fall of Origene.
• * 7.136

  Origene ex∣communicated.
• * 7.137

  The repen∣taunce of Origene.
• * 7.138

  Blemishes noted in Origene.
• * 7.139

  Origene commended for his lear∣ning.
• * 7.140

  Ex. Socrat. Lib. 6. cap. 13.
• * 7.141

  Heraclas Byshop of Alexan∣dria.
• * 7.142

  Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 29.
• * 7.143

  Heraclas called Pope yet no By∣shop of Rome.
• * 7.144

  An. 250.
• * 7.145

  Ex Nice∣pho.

  Lib 5. cap. 29.
• * 7.146

  Persecu∣tors.
• * 7.147

  Alexander. Byshop of Ierusalem. Martyr.
• * 7.148

  Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 41.
• * 7.149

  Asclepiades Byshop of Antioche Martyr. Ex specu. Vincent. Lib. 11. ca. 52.

  A place of Vincentius reproued.
• * 7.150

  Babylas Byshop of Antioche Martyr.

  Ex Chrisost. Lib. contra Gentiles.

  The story of Babylas.
• * 7.151

  The body of Babylas stoppeth the oracles of Idols.
• * 7.152

  Ex Zonara T••m. 3.
• * 7.153

  Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 39.
• * 7.154

  Nicepho. Lib. 5. cap. 25. Bab. By∣shop of Nico∣media Martyr. Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 52.

  XL. Virgines Martyrs.

  Peter, of Phri∣gia Martyr. Andraeas, Paulus, Nichomachus, Dionysia Vir∣gine Martyrs.

  Martyrs of Ba∣bilon, Germanus, Theophilus, Caesarius, Vitalis, Polychronius, Nestor.
• * 7.155

  Olympiades, Maximus, no∣ble men.

  Anatolia Vir∣gine, Audax, Mar∣tyrs.

  Ex Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 40.41.42.
• * 7.156

  The Epistle of Dionysius By∣shop of Alexan∣dria to Fabius. A commotion of the people of Alexandria a∣gaynst the chri∣stians.
• * 7.157

  Metra, Martyr.
• * 7.158

  Quinta a faith∣full woeman and Martyr.
• * 7.159

  Patience and ioy in affliction. The constancy of the Martyrs of Alexandria.

  Apollonia a blessed virgine and Martyr.
• * 7.160

  Serapion Mar∣tyr.
• * 7.161

  The last punish∣ment of God tu••ning the cru∣elty of aduer∣saries vpō them selues.
• * 7.162

  Iulianus Mar∣tyr.
• * 7.163

  A certayne souldiour Martyr.
• * 7.164

  Macar a blessed Martyr.
• * 7.165

  Epimachus. Alexander, with foure woemen Mar∣tyrs.

  Ammonarion Virgine martyr.
• * 7.166

  Mercuria, Dyonisia, Martyrs.
• * 7.167

  Heron, Ater, Isidorus, Dioscorus, Martyrs.
• * 7.168

  Nemesion, Martyr. The••••e•••• the olde tyme a∣mongst the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 burned.
• * 7.169

  Ammon, Zenon, Ptolomeus, Ingenuus, Theophilus, Martyr c••••∣fessours. A notable example 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Christian courage in confessing Christ.
• * 7.170

  Ischyrion, Martyr.
• * 7.171

  Cheremon, Martyr, Cheremon, a Byshop had a wife.
• * 7.172

  Euseb. lib. 6. cap. 40.41.42.

  The Epistle of Diony∣sius Alexād. to Germa∣nus.

  This Ger∣manus was a Byshop in that tyme, whiche charged Dionysius for hys fly∣eng perse∣cution, a¦gaynst whō he purgeth hymselfe. God willed Dionysius to flee in persecution.
• * 7.173

  Ergo By∣shops then had wiues and Chil∣dren.
• * 7.174

  The proui∣dence of God in pre∣seruing hys.
• * 7.175

  The story of the deliue∣raunce of Dionysius and hys fel∣lowes.
• * 7.176

  Dionysius. Gaius. Faustus, Petrus. Paulus de∣liuered frō the Centu∣rion and the souldiours. Ex Euseb. lib. 6. ca. 40. Lib. 7. cap. 11.

  Ex Niceph. Lib. 5. cap. 27.

  Christopho∣rus Martyr. The fable of great S. Christo∣pher.
• * 7.177

  Meniatus, Agatha. Martyrs. Ex Bergo∣mens. Lib. 8. E•• Marty∣rologio Adonis.
• * 7.178

  Martyrs wandring in moun∣taynes.
• * 7.179

  Fourty Vir∣gines Mar∣tyrs.

  Tryphon Martyr.
• * 7.180

  Maximi∣anus. Malchus, Martinia∣nus. Dyonisius. Ioannes. Serapion. Constanti∣nus. 7. Martyrs.
• * 7.181

  The fable of the awaking of these seuen martyrs.

  Ex Vincent. Nicepho. Erfordiens.
• * 7.182

  A souldiour martyr.

  Ex Hierony. in vita Paul•• Eremita.

  A notable ex∣ample of a chast souldiour by∣ting of hys toung, and spit∣ting it in the face of an har∣lot.
• * 7.183

  A like example of chastitie be∣tweene two Christians.

  Ex Ambr. lib. 2. de virgin.
• * 7.184

  Theodora, Didimus, Martyrs.
• * 7.185

  Agathon, Martyr.
• * 7.186

  Paulus, Andreas, Martyrs.
• * 7.187

  Iustinus, Nicostratus, Portius Mar∣tyrs.
• * 7.188

  Abdon, Sēnas. Martyrs.
• * 7.189

  Secundianus. Ver••anus. Marcellianus. Martyrs.
• * 7.190

  Ex Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 51.
• * 7.191

  Ex libro. Bedae, de Temporibus, citante. Henrico de Erfordia.

  A briefe Cata∣loge of diuers which suffered vnder Decius ex Beda.
• * 7.192

  Children Martyrs. Ex vincent lib. 11. cap. 52.
• * 7.193

  Such as reuol∣ted and fell in this persecu∣tion.
• * 7.194

  Serapion.
• * 7.195

  Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 44.
• * 7.196

  Note here the Sacrament to be called the Eu∣charist, and not the body of Christ.

  The holy Eu∣charist in time of great neede and distresse committed to a boy.

  The repentance and reconcilia∣tion of Serapion.

  The goodnes of God shewed to Serapion.

  Ex Henr. de Er∣ford.
• * 7.197

  A terrible example of denying, shewed vppon Nichoma∣chus. Dionysius ad Fabium, Cyprianus Serm. de lapsis.
• * 7.198

  The weak∣nes of chri∣stians deny∣ing their fayth.
• * 7.199

  Examples of God hys punishment after denial. The sacra∣ment called bread of S. Cyprian. De lapsis.
• * 7.200

  Cyprianus Lib. de mor∣talitate. A notable voyce of God to a Priest of Carthage.
• * 7.201

  The occasi∣on and ri∣sing vp of Nouatus heresie.
• * 7.202

  Cornelij Epist. ad Fabium, ex Euse lib. 6. cap. 43.
• * 7.203

  The mea∣ning of Cyprian opened, writing of one Bishop onely to gouerne in a Catho∣licke church falsely wra∣sted of the Papistes for the Papacy. Ex Euseb. Lib. 6. cap. 43.
• * 7.204

  Note here the Sacra∣ment of the body to be called bread.

  Euseb. lib. 6. Cap. 43. Nicepho. lib. 6. ca. 3. The latine translatiō of Eusebius corrupted by Christosersō Lib. 6. ca. 43. Maximus, Vrbanus, Sidonius, Celerinus, confessors. Ex Cypr. Lib. 3. Epist. 3. Moses, Martyr. A Synode at Rome.
• * 7.205

  An. 255.
• * 7.206

  Cornelius Byshop of Rome, and Martyr.
• * 7.207

  Byshops were cho∣sen then not without the voice of the people.
• * 7.208

  A censure of the de∣cretall Epi∣stles of Cornelius.
• * 7.209

  The constancie of Cornelius in hys tryall.
• * 7.210

  Cyprian. Lib. 1. Epist. 1.
• * 7.211

  Cornelius ac∣cused for wri∣ting letters to Cyprian.
• * 7.212

  Plumbatis cadi.
• * 7.213

  Cornelius▪ Martyred.
• * 7.214

  Aurelius, Martyr.
• * 7.215

  Mappalicus, Martyr.
• * 7.216

  The death and destruction of Decius.
• * 7.217

  Orosius. Lib. 7. Cap. 14.
• * 7.218

  The iust re∣uenge of God agaynst perse∣cutours.
• * 7.219

  The iust pu∣nishment of God vpon the Heathen multi∣tude, for perse∣cuting his peo∣ple.
• * 7.220

  The plague and hand of God.
• * 7.221

  The brotherly loue and piety among the chri∣stians, shewed in the time of plague.
• * 7.222

  A terrible pesti∣lence raygning through all the Romaine Mo∣narchy.
• * 7.223

  Cyprianus Lib. de mortalitate. Gallus and Vo∣lusianus Empe∣rours.
• * 7.224

  Anno. 255.
• * 7.225

  The first ba∣nishment of Cyprian.
• * 7.226

  The By∣shops and Priestes condemned to metals. Nemesia∣nus. Felix. Lucius.

  Byshops condemned for the name of Christ.
• * 7.227

  That is, i•• the passion of hym that dyed on the tree.
• * 7.228

  S. syprian exhorteth and confir∣meth the Christian Martyrs. Cypr. lib. 3. Epist. vlt.
• * 7.229

  The Chri∣stian mans sacrifice.
• * 7.230

  Cypr. lib. 4. Epist. 1. Seagrius. Rogatia∣nus. Martyrs.
• * 7.231

  Sapien. 3.
• * 7.232

  Cyprian. Lib. 3. E∣pist. 6.
• * 7.233

  Lucius By∣shop of Rome ba∣nished.
• * 7.234

  An. 256.
• * 7.235

  The Epistle decretall of Lucius Bishop. The ordi∣naunces of Lucius.
• * 7.236

  The pōpous stile of the Church of Rome.
• * 7.237

  Dist. 81. Ministri. Ministers restrayned from their own wiues. Eusebius and Dama∣sius vary in time.

  Lucius By∣shop of Rome, mar∣tyr.

  Stephanus Byshop of Rome, mar∣tyr.
• * 7.238

  The censure of the de∣cretall Epi∣stles and or∣dinaunces of Stepha∣nus.
• * 7.239

  No Byshop ought to be accused, af∣ter he be expulsed, before he be restored agayne.
• * 7.240

  The number of the poore found at Rome by the Church goodes.
• * 7.241

  Primates Me∣tropolitanes, Archbishops.
• * 7.242

  I awfull to ap∣peale to Rome.
• * 7.243

  Vestiments and holy vessels ser∣uing for the aultare.
• * 7.244

  Byshops bani∣shed in the time of Gallus.
• * 7.245

  Gallus and Vo∣lusianus: Empe∣rours slayne. Emelianus

  Emperour three monethes.

  Valerianus and Gallienus hys sonne Empe∣rour.

  Persecution cea∣sed for a tym••. The good be∣ginning of Valerian.
• * 7.246

  Ex Dionysio ci∣tante Euseb. Lib. 7. cap. 10. & Ni∣cepho. Lib. 6. cap. 10.
• * 7.247

  Wicked counsell What euill it doth.
• * 7.248

  The eight per∣secution.
• * 7.249

  Anno. 259.
• * 7.250

  The chiefe exe∣cutours of this persecution. The speciall causes of this persecution.
• * 7.251

  Cypria. Lib. 4. Epist. 4. The sinnes of the Christians cause of perse∣cution.
• * 7.252

  Discord and de∣uision among the brethren.
• * 7.253

  Psal. 67.
• * 7.254

  A vision foreshew∣ing persecu∣tiō to come. Cyprian. Lib. 4. Epist. 4.
• * 7.255

  Our sinnes geue Sathā power a∣gaynst vs.
• * 7.256

  An other reuelation shewed to S. Cyprian.
• * 7.257

  Spare dyet and sober drinke con∣uenient in Christian bishops.
• * 7.258

  The peace of the Church to come, fore∣shewed by the Lord.
• * 7.259

  Crimes and causes fa••••e∣ly layd to the Chri∣stians.
• * 7.260

  The Apo∣logy of Cyprian for the Christians. Cypria. con∣tra Deme∣triaenum. Cypria. de idolorum vanitate.
• * 7.261

  The coun∣trey and e∣ducation of Cyprian.
• * 7.262

  The con∣uersion of Cyprian.
• * 7.263

  Cyprian made first Priest, then Byshop of Carthage.
• * 7.264

  The ver∣tues of Cyprians lyfe descri∣bed.
• * 7.265

  The care of Cyprian toward the afflicted brethren.
• * 7.266

  The mode∣sty of Cyprian in confer∣ring with hys fellow brethren.
• * 7.267

  Visions cō∣cerning the troubles and peace of the church, recited and expounded by Cyprian before pag. 67.
• * 7.268

  Cyprian meeke and pacient.
• * 7.269

  Cyprian a great reader of Tertullian.
• * 7.270

  The second ba∣nishment of Cyprian.
• * 7.271

  The apprehen∣sion of Cyprian.
• * 7.272

  The martir∣dome of Cyprian.
• * 7.273

  Anno. 259.
• * 7.274

  The books of Cyprian.
• * 7.275

  The iudgement of Austen vpon the bookes of▪ Cyprian.

  August. contra Cresconium. Lib. 12. cap. 32.
• * 7.276

  Sentences of Cyprian col∣lected. Ex Vincent. Lib. 12 ca. 63.
• * 7.277

  The place of scripture ex∣pounded.

  Eleemasina ab omni peccato & morte libe∣rat. Yob. 4. Ex Cypri. Lib. 4. Epist. 2.
• * 7.278

  Twelue 2. buses in the lyfe of man, noted out of Cyprian▪
• * 7.279

  The lear∣ning of Cyprian. ••oyned with hys blemi∣shes.
• * 7.280

  The faulte of Papistes to make to much of e∣uery thing.
• * 7.281

  How farre the auctho∣ritie of the doctors ought to extend.
• * 7.282

  The blemi∣shes and er∣rours of do∣ctors noted,
• * 7.283

  Origene
• * 7.284

  Policarpus.
• * 7.285

  Ignatius.
• * 7.286

  Irenaeus.
• * 7.287

  Tertuli••∣nus.
• * 7.288

  Iustinus.
• * 7.289

  Cyprian.
• * 7.290

  Contention betweene Cyprian and Ste∣phanus Byshop of Rome.
• * 7.291

  Cyprians diuers of that name.
• * 7.292

  Dist. 10. Quoniam.
• * 7.293

  Glosa Ibid. A blinde gl••le cha∣lenging both the swordes to the Popes hand.
• * 7.294

  A distincti∣on of Gracian disproued.
• * 7.295

  Xistus the second Byshop of Rome Martyr. Sixe Dea∣cons with Xistus Martyrs.
• * 7.296

  The story and Martyrdome of Laurence Ex Ambros. lib. 1 offic. cap. 41. Ex Prudentio. Lib. Peristeph.
• * 7.297

  The wordes of Laurence to Xistus.
• * 7.298

  The answere of Xistus to Laurence.
• * 7.299

  Some say that this tyraunt was Decius the Emperour, but that cannot be, except Galienus or some other iudge now was called by the name of Decius.
• * 7.300

  The true trea∣sure of Christ hys Church.
• * 7.301

  Laurence tor∣mented on the ••iery gridi••on.
• * 7.302

  The singular patience of Laurence in his paynes.
• * 7.303

  The Martyr∣dome and end of blessed Laurence.
• * 7.304

  A Romayne souldiour con∣uerted by Laurence, and Martyred.
• * 7.305

  Dionysius By∣shop of Alex∣andria with hys fellowes bani∣shed.

  Maximus, Faustus, Cheremon, a certayne Ro∣mayne bani∣shed.
• * 7.306

  The examinati∣on of Dionysius before the Pre∣sident.
• * 7.307

  The con∣stant con∣fession of Dionysius and hys Deacons.
• * 7.308

  Dionysius banished to Cephro.
• * 7.309

  Infidels cō∣uerted by Dionysius in hys ba∣nishment. Ex Diony∣sio contra Germanū. Eus. lib. 7.
• * 7.310

  Ex Diony∣sio ad Do∣mitium & Didimum. Eus. ibidem.
• * 7.311

  Martyrs of all sortes and ages.
• * 7.312

  Commen∣dation of Eusebius the Dea∣con.
• * 7.313

  Eusebius the Deacon made By∣shop of Laodicia. Maximus Byshop of Alexandria
• * 7.314

  Faustus long pre∣sented, at last a marityr.

  The end & death of Dionysius.
• * 7.315

  Priscus, Malchus, Alexander, A woeman Martyrs.
• * 7.316

  Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 12.
• * 7.317

  Three hun∣dreth Mar∣tyrs in Car∣thage.

  Ex specul. Vincent. lib. 11. cap. 83.
• * 7.318

  Maxima, Donatilla, Secunda, virgines martirs.
• * 7.319

  Pontius, Martyr.
• * 7.320

  Ex Vincet. Lib. 12. cap. 77.

  Ex. Bergo∣men. lib. 8. Erford. lib. 6. Cap. 17.
• * 7.321

  Zenon, Martyr.
• * 7.322

  Bergomen∣sis repro∣ued.
• * 7.323

  Ex Antoni. part. 1. ca. 6.
• * 7.324

  The story of Philippus and Eugenia.
• * 7.325

  Eugenia, Prothus, Hiacynthus, conuerted.
• * 7.326

  Eugenia leauing her pa∣rentes, chaun∣geth her selfe into mans appa∣rell.
• * 7.327

  Helenus Bishop of Hie••••polis.
• * 7.328

  Eugenia accu∣sed of Melan∣cia.
• * 7.329

  Eugenia knowne of her parentes.
• * 7.330

  False accusation conuicted.
• * 7.331

  Philippus by hys daughter conuerted vnto Christ.
• * 7.332

  Philippus Martyr.
• * 7.333

  Basilla, Eugenia, Martyrs.
• * 7.334

  Corrections in the story aboue touched.

  Euseb. lib. 7. Cap. 5.

  Helena Byshop of Tarsus.
• * 7.335

  Anno. 262.
• * 7.336

  Victor, Victorinus, Claudianus, Bossa, Martyrs. Fructuosus Byshop of Tar∣racona in Spayne, with hys 2. Deacons Augurius, Eulogius, Martyrs. Ex Pruden. Peristeph.
• * 7.337

  Fructuosus and hys Dea∣cons strength∣ned in the fire.
• * 7.338

  The fauour of God toward hys martirs o∣penly declared.
• * 7.339

  The modesty of Fructuosus.
• * 7.340

  The no••••ble pla•••• of God a••gaynst Valerian the pe••••∣tor.
• * 7.341

  Gods iust punish•••••••• to be no••.
• * 7.342

  Ex Euseb. in Sermi•• ad Conu••••tum.

  Sanctoru•• Valerian the pers••••••ting Empe∣rour, exto∣riate of the Persians.
• * 7.343

  The pu∣nishment•• Cod vpon Claudius president•• the Empe••rour. Galienus plagued 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hys persec••∣tion.
• * 7.344

  Peace gra••∣ted to the Church. Euseb. lib. ••. Cap. 13.
• * 7.345

  An other graunt of Galienus vnto the Christen Byshops.
• * 7.346

  An. 263.
• * 7.347

  Marinus Martyr. Ex Euseb. lib. 7. ca. 15.
• * 7.348

  Th••otech∣nus Byshop of Cesarea.
• * 7.349

  Marinus animated by the By∣shop to dye.
• * 7.350

  Euseb. ibid.
• * 7.351

  Asyrius a rich Sena∣tour and cō∣fessour.
• * 7.352

  Euse. lib. 7. Cap. 16. The worke of Satan dis∣apoynted by the prayer of Asirius.
• * 7.353

  Euseb. lib. 7. Cap. 17. A miracle noted in Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 18.
• * 7.354

  A miracu∣lous opera∣tion of an herbe tou∣ching the hemme of Christes picture to heale disea∣ses.
• * 7.355

  No vertue to be ascri∣bed to pi∣ctures.
• * 7.356

  Dionysius Byshop of Rome.
• * 7.357

  An. 266.
• * 7.358

  Felix By∣shop of Rome and Martyr. Eutichianus Byshop of Rome and Martyr.

  Gaius Byshop of Rome and Martyr.
• * 7.359

  Claudius Em∣perour.
• * 7.360

  Anno. 272.
• * 7.361

  Quintillianus Emperour.
• * 7.362

  The ninth per∣secution. Aurelianus Emperour.
• * 7.363

  A prouerbe. A good Phisiti∣on but he ge∣ueth to bitter medicines. Abstinence the best phisicke.
• * 7.364

  The councell of Antioche.

  The good be∣ginning of Aurelian.

  The Emperour altered by wic∣ked counsell.
• * 7.365

  A notable ex∣ample of Gods hand stopping persecution.
• * 7.366

  Ex. Euseb. lib. 7. cap. 30.

  No power a∣gaynst the peo∣ple of God, ex∣cept God geue leaue.
• * 7.367

  The death of Aurelianus.
• * 7.368

  Anno. 276.
• * 7.369

  Ex Eutropio. Tacitus Empe∣rour.

  Florianus Em∣perour.
• * 7.370

  Eusebius Dea∣con of Alexan∣dria.

  Anatholius rector of the V∣niuersitie of A∣lexandria.
• * 7.371

  The piety of Anatholius and Eusebius. to their coun∣trey.
• * 7.372

  Euseb. Lib. 7. Cap. 32. The Prelates of Rome are cleane contrary to these good Pre∣lates.
• * 7.373

  Marcus Au∣relius Probus Emperour. Peace in the Church.
• * 7.374

  The saying of Marcus Aure∣lius.
• * 7.375

  Souldiours brought vp in idlenes can a∣bide no labour.
• * 7.376

  Marcus Aure∣lius slayne.
• * 7.377

  An. 284.
• * 7.378

  Carus with hys two sonnes Carinus and Nume∣rianus Emperour. Carus Em∣perour slayn with light∣ning.
• * 7.379

  Correction of a certaine place of Eutropius, ex editione Frobenia∣na.
• * 7.380

  Cirillus resisteth the Emperour.
• * 7.381

  Cyrillus Byshop of Antioche, Martyr.
• * 7.382

  Ex Chroni. Vrspergen.
• * 7.383

  Carinus Emperour sleyne. Adultery punished.
• * 7.384

  An. 289.
• * 7.385

  The peace of the Churche from Vale∣rian to the tenth perse∣cution, lasted 44. yeares. Euseb. lib. ••. cap. 1.
• * 7.386

  Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Christians of great re∣putation in the Empe∣rours court.
• * 7.387

  The pecea∣ble state of the Church described.
• * 7.388

  Corruption through much peace and prospe∣ritie crept into the Church.
• * 7.389

  Hatred and disdayne a∣mong the Churche men.
• * 7.390

  Christians persecuting one an o∣ther.
• * 7.391

  The wrath of God to∣ward hys people.
• * 7.392

  The tenth persecution.
• * 7.393

  Dioclesian Emperour.
• * 7.394

  Eup. vopis.
• * 7.395

  Aper slayne which slew Numeria∣nus.
• * 7.396

  Anno. 290.
• * 7.397

  Maximianus, Herculius fel∣low Emperour with Diocle∣sian.
• * 7.398

  Galerius, Con∣stantius, Caesars vner Dioclesian and Maximini∣an.
• * 7.399

  Helena daugh∣ter of Coil▪ mar∣ryed to Con∣stantius.
• * 7.400

  Pryde in Dioclesian.
• * 7.401

  Cruelty follo∣weth pride.
• * 7.402

  Anno. 308.
• * 7.403

  Persecution a∣gaynst the ch••••∣stians.
• * 7.404

  Christian tem∣ples destroyed. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 2.
• * 7.405

  Bookes of the scriptures bur∣ned.
• * 7.406

  Christian Ma∣gistrates displa∣sed.
• * 7.407

  Christian sub∣iectes impriso∣ned.

  Euseb. lib. 8. c. 3. Nicepho. lib. 7. cap. 4.

  Zonoras. tom. 2. Byshops and Elders constray∣ned with tor∣mentes to sacri∣fice.
• * 7.408

  The noble cou∣rage and con∣stancie of a Christian Mar∣tyr.
• * 7.409

  Euseb Lib. 8. Cap. 3.4.
• * 7.410

  Persecution first beginning in the Emperours Campe.
• * 7.411

  Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 4.
• * 7.412

  A notable reli∣gion and fayth in souldiours.
• * 7.413

  Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 7.
• * 7.414

  Martyrs of Tyre in Phoenicia.
• * 7.415

  Pamphilius Byshop of Ce∣sarea martyr. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.
• * 7.416

  Martyrs of Syria.

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 6. Tirannion Martyr.

  Zenobius a Phi∣sition Martyr.
• * 7.417

  Two Vir∣gines with their mo∣ther mar∣tyrs.

  Two other maydens si∣sters mar∣tyrs.

  Syluanus Byshop of Emissa mar∣tyr.

  Martyrs of Mesopota∣mia.

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12. Martyrs of Capodocia. Martyrs of Tarsus▪

  Tharatus, Probus, Andronicus martyrs.

  Martyrs of Pontus. Martyrs of Nichome∣dia.

  Persecution in Nicho∣media exce∣ding.

  Peter a most valiant and constāt martyr.
• * 7.418

  Dorotheus, Gorgonius, Martyrs.
• * 7.419

  Anthimus Byshop of Nicomedia with a great multitude of martyrs headed.

  Lucianus the elder of Antioche martyr.

  Serena wife of Dioclesian Emperour Martyr.

  Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 14. Eulampius, Eulampia, Agape, Irene, Chionia, Anastacia. Martyrs.
• * 7.420

  Twenty thousand Martyrs burnt toge∣ther in one Church. Martyrs of Arabia. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 12.
• * 7.421

  Martyrs in a certayne Ci••tie of Phrigia brent with the whole Cittie.

  Euseb. lib. 8. ca. 11.6. Martyrs of Melitina in Armenia.

  Eustratius of a perse∣cutor made a Martyr. Ex Nice∣phoro lib. 7. cap. 14.
• * 7.422

  Niceph. lib. 7. c. 14. Orestes Martyr. Eugenius, Auxentius, Mardarius, Peleus, Nilus, Byshops and Martyrs in Egipt.

  Petrus By∣shop of A∣lexandria. Faustus, Didius, Ammonius, Phileas, Hesichius, Pachimi∣nus, Theodorus, Byshops and martirs. The Chri∣stian sould∣iours, and Martyrs of Thebes.

  The Chri∣stian sould∣iours and Byshops in Antino. Asela, Philemon, Apollonius, Martyrs. 79. Martirs. The perse∣cution in Europe.

  Euphemia, Persecution in Fraunce.
• * 7.423

  Victor mar∣tyr.

  Lucianus Martyr.

  The perse∣cucion in Spayne. Eulalia, A∣dula, Vin∣centius, Sabina, Christina, Lencadia, Martyrs.
• * 7.424

  18. Martyrs in Spayne. Rictionaru. notable 〈◊〉〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 made riuers▪
• * 7.425

  Agrippina, Augusta, Martyrs. The persecuti∣on in Brittany or England. Beda de ratione temporum.
• * 7.426

  Dioclesianus did but dally in the beginning of the persecu∣tion.

  Sundry sortes of tormentes deui∣sed agaynst the Christians.
• * 7.427

  Euseb. lib 8. cap. 6.7.8.
• * 7.428

  The woemen of Thebaide, Mar∣tyrs.
• * 7.429

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 8.
• * 7.430

  The persecution in Antioche.
• * 7.431

  Persecution in Pontus.
• * 7.432

  Persecution in Alexandria.
• * 7.433

  The contentes of the Epistle of Phileas sent to hys congrega∣tion.
• * 7.434

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap 10.
• * 7.435

  Straunge kindes of tormentes.
• * 7.436

  Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 10. Ex Sabellico. Lib. 7. cap. 9.
• * 7.437

  An holy martyr of Nicomedia tormented.
• * 7.438

  Eusebius a be∣holder and a witnes of their suffering. The swordes blunt, and the hangmen wery∣ed with slaugh∣ter.
• * 7.439

  The marueilous constancie of the martyrs of God in persecu∣tion and at the tyme of death.
• * 7.440

  Martyrdome more desired in the olde tyme, then Bishop∣prickes be now. Christians that denyed in this persecution.
• * 7.441

  Miletius reuol∣teth from the fayth, and is ex∣communicated. Marcellinus the bishop re∣uolteth and cōmeth agayne to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and is m••••••tyred.

  A hundre•• martyrs 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one day.

  Euseb. li•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cap. 9.

  Seuenteen thousand Martyrs a one mo•••••••• Three hun∣dred slayne at one tyre in Alexan∣dria.

  Gereon Martyr. Mauritius with 6666 Martyrs.

  Victor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 360. martyrs slayne.

  The history of Mauri••••••us captaine of the The∣ban sould∣iours.
• * 7.442

  Euery tenth man in the legion slayne.
• * 7.443

  The oration of the soul∣diours to the Empe∣rour.
• * 7.444

  Mauritius and hys company Martyred.
• * 7.445

  The con∣stant bold∣nes of Vi∣ctor in re∣fusing to eat with the cruell per∣secutors, for the whiche he was also slayne. Victor Mar∣tyr.
• * 7.446

  The num∣ber of the Christians increased for all this persecutiō.
• * 7.447

  Dioclesian and Maxi∣minian were tyred with perse∣cution, and gaue vp their king∣dome.
• * 7.448

  Euse. lib. 8. cap. 10.
• * 7.449

  An. 309.
• * 7.450

  The names of the ty∣rantes.

  Dioclesian, Maximini∣an Empe∣rors depo∣sed.

  Gale Maxi∣minus. Constantius Emperours. Maximinus Seuerus, Constanti∣nus, Caesars
• * 7.451

  Maxentius, Emperour. Licinius Caesar.
• * 7.452

  Anno. 318.
• * 7.453

  The commen∣dation of Constantius.
• * 7.454

  O happy Con∣stantius.
• * 7.455

  Euseb. lib. 8. Cap, 13. Constantius gratious to the Christians.
• * 7.456

  Zozomenus. lib. cap. 6.
• * 7.457

  Constantius proueth who were true Chri∣stians in hys Court, and who were not.
• * 7.458

  Ex Euseb. de vita Constan. Lib. 1. Ex Zozomeno. lib. cap. 6. False Christians discerned from true.
• * 7.459

  Euseb. lib de vita Constan.
• * 7.460

  Maximinus an enemy to the Christians.
• * 7.461

  The wickednes of Maximinus described.
• * 7.462

  A terrible plague sent by God to Maximinus.
• * 7.463

  Maximinus killeth hys phi∣sitions.
• * 7.464

  Maximinus countermaund in the behalfe of the Christi∣ans.
• * 7.465

  Euseb. lib •• cap. vlt.
• * 7.466

  Sabinus in the fauour of the chri∣stians pub∣lisheth the decree.
• * 7.467

  Euseb. lib. 9. Cap. 1.
• * 7.468

  Persecution ceaseth for a time.
• * 7.469

  The infi∣dels ac∣knowledge the God of the Christi∣ans.
• * 7.470

  One altera∣tion vpon an other.
• * 7.471

  The deue∣lish practise of Theo∣technus.
• * 7.472

  The vayne practises of the Heathē agaynst Christ and his religion.
• * 7.473

  A deuised accusation agaynst the Christians by harlots.
• * 7.474

  Maximi. recounter∣maund gra∣uē in brasse.
• * 7.475

  Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 3.
• * 7.476

  The copy of the recoun∣termaund made a∣gaynst the Christians.
• * 7.477

  Wicked blasphemy.
• * 7.478

  The workes of the liuing God falsly imputed to dead stockes and Idoles.
• * 7.479

  Horrible blasphemy.
• * 7.480

  The lyke argu∣ment of wether & corne, & plen¦ty, made the vn∣faithfull Iewes, and also make now our fayth∣lesse Papistes.
• * 7.481

  Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 7. Persecution re∣nued a fresh.
• * 7.482

  Syluanus By∣shop. Lucianus Elder, Petrus Byshop, Quirinus Byshop. Marcellus Byshop. Tymotheus Elder. Martyrs.

  The persecution of Maximinus the yonger. Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 7. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 44. Ex facisculo temporum.
• * 7.483

  Cosmas, Damianus, Dorothea, with other mar∣tyrs. 270. Martyrs.
• * 7.484

  Gemenianus with 79. Mar∣tyrs.
• * 7.485

  Seuerall kindes of tormentes. Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 15.
• * 7.486

  Euseb. Lib. 9. cap. 6.10. The worke of God agaynst the foresayd edict.
• * 7.487

  The proud and blasphemous proclamation of the Emperour proued false and contrary.
• * 7.488

  Ex Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 8.
• * 7.489

  A terrible hun∣ger among the heathen perse∣cutors descri∣bed.
• * 7.490

  Pestilence a∣mong the perse∣cutors.
• * 7.491

  The charity of the Christians to the enemyes. Let your light so shine among men, that they may see your good works and glorifie your fa∣ther which is in heauen.
• * 7.492

  The wise∣dome and pollicy of man ouer∣throwne in hys owne turne. Qui com∣prehendit sapientes in astutia.
• * 7.493

  The pro∣mise of Christ veri∣fied. Mat. 6. the gates of hell shall not preuaile agaynst the Churche builded vp∣on the fayth of Christ.
• * 7.494

  The death and end of Maximini∣an.
• * 7.495

  The wic∣kednes of Maxentius described.
• * 7.496

  Euseb. lib. 8. Cap. 14.
• * 7.497

  A shameful act of incon∣tinency.
• * 7.498

  A Christian matron slay∣eth her selfe to auoyd the lust of Maxentius.
• * 7.499

  A monster in the like∣lihoode of an Empe∣rour.
• * 7.500

  A liuely paterne of an hipocrite
• * 7.501

  Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 15.
• * 7.502

  The Ro∣maines send to Constan∣tine for suc∣cour.
• * 7.503

  An. 318.
• * 7.504

  Maxentius feared for hys magicke and sorcery.
• * 7.505

  A miracle of a crosse appearing to Constan∣tine in hea∣uen.

  In hoc Vin∣ce. Euse. lib. 2. Niceph. lib. 7. cap. 29. Eutropo. lib. 11. Sozom. li. 1. cap. 3. Socrat. lib. 1. cap. 2. Vrspurgens. Chronic. Paul. Diacon. lib. 11.

  This vision reported and testified by constantine himselfe to be true.
• * 7.506

  An admonition concerning the material crosse not to be wo••∣shipped, but to be a meanes to bring Constan∣tine to the faith of him whiche was crucified.
• * 7.507

  Constantinus with hys army approcheth to∣ward Rome.
• * 7.508

  Psal. 7. Maxentius ta∣ken in hys owne trap.
• * 7.509

  Maxentius beaten in the field.

  Maxentius drowned by hys owne bridge.

  Pharao a figure of Maxentius the last perse∣cutor in Rome.
• * 7.510

  Pharao and Maxentius compared.
• * 7.511

  Exod. 15. The figure of the old testa∣ment verefied in the new.
• * 7.512

  The glorious and victorious host of Christ.
• * 7.513

  Persecution in the West cea∣seth for a M. yeares till the time of Wyck∣l••ffe.
• * 7.514

  Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 9.
• * 7.515

  Note well these thousand yeares and then read the xx. chap. of the Apoc. Sata∣nas was bound vp for a thou∣sand yeares. &c.
• * 8.1

  The copy of the imperiall con∣stitution of Constantinus and Licinius. Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5.
• * 8.2

  The consi∣deration of Gods work in defen∣ding hys Christians.
• * 8.3

  The kinges of the earth haue risen, and Princes together a∣gaynst the Lord, and a∣gaynst hys Christ. Psal. 2. No counsell standeth a∣gaynst God.
• * 8.4

  The destru∣ction of the cruell Em∣perours.
• * 8.5

  Dioclesian dyeth for sorrow.
• * 8.6

  The effect of the de∣cree which Maximinus made a∣gainst hys wil or surie∣counter∣maund for feare of C. and L. in the behalfe of the Christi∣ans.
• * 8.7

  The surre∣counter∣maunde of Maximi. dissembled.
• * 8.8

  Ex Euseb. Lib. 9. ca. 9.
• * 8.9

  The vnfay∣ned repen∣taunce and finall de∣cree of Maximinus for the chri∣stians.
• * 8.10

  A large graunt of Maximinus to the Chri∣stians.
• * 8.11

  Euseb. lib. 9. cap. 10.
• * 8.12

  An. 319.
• * 8.13

  God ma∣keth his ene¦mies to cō∣fesse him.
• * 8.14

  The end and death of Maxi∣minus.
• * 8.15

  The perse∣cution of the church vnder Lici∣nius.
• * 8.16

  An enemy to learning. Euseb. Lib. 8. cap. 13.
• * 8.17

  Euseb. Lib. 9. Cap. 9. Licinius an A∣postata.
• * 8.18

  The fountayne of Apostacie.
• * 8.19

  Knightes of the order d••pilued for not doyng sacrifice. Euseb. Lib. 10. Cap. 8.
• * 8.20

  A straight charge agaynst the relieuing of the imprisoned Christians.
• * 8.21

  Euseb. Lib. 1. de vita Constā∣tini.
• * 8.22

  Secret persecu∣tion for feare of Constantinus.
• * 8.23

  Zozomenus. Lib. 1. Cap. 2.
• * 8.24

  Euseb. lib. 10. Cap. 8. The violent wronges of Licinius.
• * 8.25

  Euseb. lib. 1. de vita Const. The Christians flee into the wildernes.
• * 8.26

  Hote persecuti∣on renued. Theodorus.

  An other Theodorus By∣shop of Tyrus. A man of Per∣ga.

  Nicholaus By∣shop of Mirorus.

  Gregorius By∣shop of Arme∣nia.

  Paulus Byshop of Neocaesaria, with 40. other martyrs.

  XL good men and their wiues martyrs.

  Amones with xl wiues of xl. men martyrs. The wicked purpose of Licinius had he not bene preuented by God and slayne by Constanti∣nus.

  Licinius ouer∣come in battaile by Constanti∣nus.
• * 8.27

  The end and death of the ty∣rauntes whiche were the au∣thors of this x. persecution.
• * 8.28

  A briefe story of the most no∣table Martirs, that suffered in this x. persecu∣tion.
• * 8.29

  Albanus, Martyr.
• * 8.30

  Fruite of hospi∣talitie to be noted.
• * 8.31

  Albanus first conuer∣ted▪ and by what occa∣sion.
• * 8.32

  Albanus offereth himselfe to death for an other.
• * 8.33

  The words of the Iudge to Albane.
• * 8.34

  The con••••∣cy and zeale of Albane.
• * 8.35

  The confes∣sion of Albane.
• * 8.36

  The suffe∣ring and martyr∣dome of Alban.
• * 8.37

  Superfluous miracles in this story written by Bede omit∣ted.
• * 8.38

  The legend of S Alban disproued.
• * 8.39

  S. Alban the first martyr in this realme of England.
• * 8.40

  The stories of the Saintes cor∣rupted with lyes.
• * 8.41

  Amphiba∣lus, Martyr. Flores Hi∣storiarum. The mar∣tyrdome of Amphiba∣lus.
• * 8.42

  Aaron, Iu∣lius, Martyrs.
• * 8.43

  Persecution in thys realme of Britaine.
• * 8.44

  The lamen∣table story of Roma∣nus Martyr.
• * 8.45

  The exhor∣tation of Romanus to the chri∣stians.
• * 8.46

  The Christian boldnes of Romanus.
• * 8.47

  The noble pati∣ence of Roma∣nus in his suf∣fering.
• * 8.48

  The preaching of Romanus to the Cap∣taine.
• * 8.49

  Antiquitie al∣leadged of the pagans.
• * 8.50

  The confession of a childe a∣gainst Idolatry.
• * 8.51

  A childe mar∣tyred for the te∣stimonye of Christ.
• * 8.52

  An example of vertuous edu∣cation.
• * 8.53

  A godly mo∣ther of a godly childe.
• * 8.54

  The cruell wordes of the tyrant.
• * 8.55

  The Christian childe beheaded for confessing of Christ.
• * 8.56

  Nature ouer∣come of religi∣on.
• * 8.57

  The fire quen∣ched with rayne that shoulde burne Roma∣nus.

  Romanus speaketh after hys tongue was pluckt out.
• * 8.58

  Romanus after long tormentes strangled in pri∣son.

  Prudent. in hymnis de coro∣••i•• Martyrum.

  The story of Gordius a Cen∣turian Martyr.
• * 8.59

  Gordius of hys accord vttereth hymselfe to be a Christian.
• * 8.60

  Gordius brought to examinat••••••.
• * 8.61

  The confe∣sion of Gor∣dius.
• * 8.62

  The bolde constancy & couragious sprite of Gordius.
• * 8.63

  Gordius attempted with fayre promises and good giftes.
• * 8.64

  Gordius condemned to be brent.
• * 8.65

  The aun∣swere of Gordius to his frēds. A subtile kynde of disswa∣ders.

  None ought to deny Christ with hys mouth, and confesse hym with hys hart.

  The Mar∣tyrdome of Gordius. Ex Basili. in Ser. in Gordium militem Caesarien∣sem.

  Menas Martyr. Ex Symeon Metaphr. tom. 9.
• * 8.66

  The confes∣sion of Menas.
• * 8.67

  The words of Menas, in hys tor∣mentes.

  All the world is not to be weyed with one soule saued.
• * 8.68

  The prayer of Menas at his death.
• * 8.69

  Menas martyred.
• * 8.70

  Symeon Metaphr. tom. 5. The story of ••0. martirs.
• * 8.71

  Tormentes brought out to terrifie the Chri∣stians.
• * 8.72

  The coura∣gious bold∣nes, and Christian confession of these 40. martyrs.
• * 8.73

  Martyr∣dome and death for Christ▪ preferred before lyfe and riches of this world.
• * 8.74

  The Mar∣tirs in a cold ponde all a winters night.
• * 8.75

  The Mar∣tyrs taken out of the pond were cast into the fire.

  A good mother ca∣ring more for the soule then for the body of her sonne.

  Ex Basil. in Serm. de. 40. Martiribus. Another story of 40. Martyred in a colde ponde at Sebastia.

  Cyrus. Ioannes. Athanisia, with her three daugh¦ters.

  Theoctiste, Theodota, Eudoxia, Martyrs.
• * 8.76

  The louing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of one Christian toward an o∣ther.
• * 8.77

  Cyrus to doe others good, lost hys life.
• * 8.78

  The story of Sebastian Martyr.

  A worthy ex∣ample of a cap∣tayne to be fol∣lowed.

  Marcus, Marcellinus, Nicostratus with Zoe hys wife.

  Tranquillinus with Martia hys wife.

  Traglinus, Claudius, Castor.

  Tiburtius, Castellus, Martyrs. Barlaam.
• * 8.79

  What desire the Heathen had by some meanes to allure the Chri∣stians to offer sacrifice.
• * 8.80

  Agricola, with hys ser∣uaunt Vitalis, martyrs.

  Ex Ambro. in▪ Serm aa Vir∣gines.

  Vitalis first martyred.
• * 8.81

  Agricola, desi∣rous of martyr∣dome.

  Agricola dyed martyr vpon the Crosse.
• * 8.82

  The cruell mar∣tyrdome of Vincentius. Ex August. in Sermon.
• * 8.83

  The tormentes exercised vpon Vincentius.
• * 8.84

  The comfort of the Lord vppon hys Sainctes.
• * 8.85

  Philoromus, Martyr.
• * 8.86

  Euseb. lib. 8. cap. 9.

  The confession and Martyr∣dome of Philoromus.

  Procopius Martyr.

  The tormentes and constancie of Procopius to death.

  Nicephor. lib. 7. cap. 15.

  Gregorius Mar∣tyr. The sundry tormentes of Georgius.
• * 8.87

  Sergius. Bacchius▪ Panthaleō▪ Theodorus, Faustus, Gereō, with 318. fel∣lowes. Hermoge∣nes, Menas a man of A∣thens. Eugraphus, Samonas, Gurias, Abibus, Hieron, with hys fellowes. Iudes, Dom. Eualasius, Maximinus, Thie∣sus, Lucius, Callinicus, Apol∣lonius, Philemon, Asilas, Le∣onides, Arrianus the Presi∣dent. Cyprianus, Byshop of Antioche. Iustina, Glicerius, Felix Priest. Fortunatus and Achilleus Deacons. Carpo∣phorus, Abundus hys Dea∣con. Claudius, Syrinus, An∣tonius, Cucusatus, Felix By∣shop. Adauctus, and Ianuari∣us, Fortunatus, Septimus, Martyrs.
• * 8.88

  The Lamē∣table story of Cassia∣nus Martyr. Ex Aurel. Prudentius. lib. periste∣phanon.
• * 8.89

  Cassianus Martyr.
• * 8.90

  Eulalia Martyr.
• * 8.91

  Ex Arel. Prudentio. lib. peristephano••.
• * 8.92

  The chaste and continent beha∣uiour of Eulalia.
• * 8.93

  Eulalia geueth the onset, deny∣ing to sacrifice to deuils.
• * 8.94

  Eulalia kept secret by her pa∣rentes.
• * 8.95

  Eulalia dispro∣ueth the Hea∣then Iudge.
• * 8.96

  The godly con∣fession of Eulalia.
• * 8.97

  Eulalia allured with fayre per∣swasions.
• * 8.98

  Eulalia singeth an•• prayseth God in he tormente.
• * 8.99

  Eulalia put in the fire.

  The end and martyr∣dome of Eulalia.
• * 8.100

  Ex Prude••••
• * 8.101

  Agnes mar∣tyr.
• * 8.102

  Straunge and vnne∣cessary my∣racles omi••∣ted.
• * 8.103

  Ex pruden. lib. de C••∣ronis.
• * 8.104

  Agnes con∣stant in the confession of her fayth,
• * 8.105

  Agnes threatned to the bro∣thel house.
• * 8.106

  Agnes bolde vpon the helpe of Christ.
• * 8.107

  The incon∣tinent eyes of a young man behol∣ding Agnes strunken out.
• * 8.108

  The young man resto∣red agayne to his health by the pray∣er of Agnes.
• * 8.109

  Agnes desirous of martirdōe.
• * 8.110

  The prayer of Agnes.
• * 8.111

  Agnes be∣headed.
• * 8.112

  The history of Kathe∣rine martir. All thinges be not true and proba∣ble, that be written of Sainctes liues.
• * 8.113

  Petrus de Natalibus. lib. 10.
• * 8.114

  Katherine resisteth the Emperour openly to hys face.
• * 8.115

  Katherine committed to prison and comfor∣ted by an Aungell.
• * 8.116

  The tor∣mentes and end of Katherine.
• * 8.117

  The history of Iulitta Martyr.
• * 8.118

  Ex Basil. in Serm.
• * 8.119

  Iulitta violen••••ly spoyled of her goodes.
• * 8.120

  Iulitta once abiured.
• * 8.121

  Iulitta stan∣deth to the cō∣fession of her fayth.
• * 8.122

  A Christian voyce of a true martyr.
• * 8.123

  The answere of Iulitta.
• * 8.124

  Iulitta con∣demned to the fire.
• * 8.125

  The words and exhortations of Iulitta to woe∣men about her
• * 8.126

  Barbara, Fau∣sta, Euclatius, Maximinus, Iuliana, Any∣sia, Iustina, Tecla, Martirs.
• * 8.127

  Caius, Marcel∣linus, Marcel∣lus, Eusebius, Miltiades Byshops of Rome and mar∣tyrs.
• * 8.128

  Marcellinus denyeth and re∣penteth. Ex Lib Concili∣or &. Platina.
• * 8.129

  Euseb. in Chro.
• * 8.130

  Authors dissent. Ex Sabel. Ene∣ad. 7. Lib. 8.
• * 8.131

  Sabel. ibid.
• * 8.132

  A place of Platina con∣futed.
• * 8.133

  The order and proceeding de∣scribed in iudge¦ment agaynst the Bishop of Rome.
• * 8.134

  An obiection of the Papistes an∣swered vnto.
• * 8.135

  The Byshop of Rome cyted vp and appeareth before the coun∣cell.
• * 8.136

  The Byshop of Rome condem∣ned by the Councell.
• * 8.137

  The decretall Epistles and constitutions of these Byshops of Rome exami∣ned.

  The chief scope of the constitu∣tions decretall, to magnifie the Church •••• Rome.

  The Epistle of Caius.

  A great part of the Epi∣stle of Caius, taken out of the Epistle of Leo, to Leo the Emperour.
• * 8.138

  The Epistle of Marcelli∣nus.
• * 8.139

  The epistle decretall of Marcellus.
• * 8.140

  24. q. 1. Re∣gamus vn fratres.
• * 8.141

  In what chapter or leafe in all the Byble doth the Lord com∣maund the sea of Pete•• to be tran∣slated from Antioche to Rome.
• * 8.142

  The church of Rome ••••••eth to the Church of Antioche to yeld vnto her.
• * 8.143

  The second Epistle of Marcellus written to Maxentius.
• * 8.144

  The Epistle of Marcel∣lus to Mar∣entius blan∣ched.
• * 8.145

  The church of England gouerned by the pope•• Canō law with∣out suffici∣ent ground of antiqui∣tie.

  The Epi∣stles decre∣tall of Eusebius and Milti∣ades.
• * 8.146

  Ex Epist. Decretal. Miltiades.
• * 8.147

  A place of the third E∣pistle decre∣tall of Eusebius sound vn∣true.
• * 8.148

  Miltiades the last By∣shop of Rome be∣ing in dan∣ger of per∣secution.
• * 8.149

  The end of these perse∣cutions in all the West Churches.
• * 8.150

  The perse∣cutiō vnder Licinius.
• * 8.151

  Hermylus, Straconicus Martyrs. Theodorus Captayne, Martyr. Milles, mar∣tyr.

  The kinges of Persia were com∣monly cal∣led by the name of Sapores.
• * 8.152

  Persecution in Persia.

  Acindimus, Pe∣gacius, Anem∣podistus, Epide∣phorus. Symeon Archbishop.

  Cresiphon. Byshop, Mar∣tyrs.

  128. Martirs in Persia.

  The story of Symeon Archb. of Seleucia. Ex Sozom. lib. 2. cap. 8.9.10.
• * 8.153

  The worthy an∣swere of Symeon vnto the king.
• * 8.154

  The constancie of Simeon.
• * 8.155

  The fall of Vsthazare••.
• * 8.156

  The fruite of Ecclesiasticall discipline and chastisment.
• * 8.157

  The repentance of Vsthazares.
• * 8.158

  The aunswere of Vsthazares to the king.
• * 8.159

  Vsthazares the kinges tu••or condemned to be beheaded.
• * 8.160

  The message of Vsthazares To the king.
• * 8.161

  The cause open∣ly cryed, why Vsthazares was beheaded.
• * 8.162

  The end and martirdome of Vsthazares.
• * 8.163

  The martir∣dome of Symeon Archb.
• * 8.164

  The exhortatiō of Symeon the Archbishop to the martyrs at their death, when he also hymselfe should suffer.
• * 8.165

  Abedecalaas, Ananias, Martirs.
• * 8.166

  The story of Pusices Martyr.
• * 8.167

  The free speach and boldnes of Pusices.
• * 8.168

  The cruell mar∣tyrdome of Pusices.

  The daughter of Pusices Mar∣tyr.
• * 8.169

  A cruell edict of Sapores agaynst the Christians.
• * 8.170

  Innumerable martyrs in Per∣sia.
• * 8.171

  Azades, a noble 〈◊〉〈◊〉 yet Martyr.
• * 8.172

  The pro•••••••• of God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• * 8.173

  Trabula 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her sister, mar∣tyrs.

  Trabula 〈◊〉〈◊〉 sister of Sym••••on.

  False accusa••••∣on rashly be∣leued.

  Trabula and her sister sawne in s••••∣der.

  The blinde charme of the wicked Queene.
• * 8.174

  Example of maydenly chastitie. in Trabula.
• * 8.175

  Ex ecclesiast. Hist. Zozom. lib. 2. cap. 13. Persecution a∣gaynst the ••••∣shops and teachers of the church in Pe••∣sia.
• * 8.176

  Acepsimas by∣shop Martyr. Iacobus Priest Martyr.

  Example of true Christian charitie and singuler piety in Iacobus.
• * 8.177

  Athal•••• Dea∣con, Azadanes Deacon, Abdiesu•• Dea∣con, Martyrs. This Archi∣magus, and magi (as ••o∣nophon. sayth) was as order of religi∣on among the Persians, which had the greatest str••ke in the land next to the king.

  The end and martirdome of Acepsimas Byshop. Athalas lost the vse of both hys armes beyng pluckt from the ioyntes of his body.
• * 8.178

  Ex Sozo. li. ••. cap. 13. ex Ni∣cepho. Lib. 8. cap. 17. Barbasimes, Paulus, Gaddiabes, Sabinus, Ma∣reas, Mocius, Iohannes, Hor∣misdas, Papas, Iacobus. Romas, Maa∣res, Agas, Bo∣chres, Abdas, Abiesus, Ioan∣nes, Abramius
• * 8.179

  Agdelas, Sabores, Isaac, Dau∣sa••, Bico••, Maurean∣da. with 250. other martirs. The num∣ber of the martirs that suffered in Persia, were 16. thousand. Constanti∣nus the Emperour writeth to the king of Persia in the behalfe of the affli∣cted Chri∣stians.

  The copy and effect of the Epi∣stle of Constantine Sapores.
• * 8.180

  Of this Galienus and Valeri∣anus read the pag. 75.
• * 8.181

  The gene∣rall care of godly Con∣stantinus for all chri∣stians in all places.

  Other for∣rayne perse∣cutions in Persia.

  Andas By∣shop martir.
• * 8.182

  The story of Hormisda Martyr. Ex Theodor. Lib. 5. cap. 39. The faythfull constancie of Hormisda. Hormisda ba∣nished the coun∣try of Persia. Suenes Martir.
• * 8.183

  The constancy of Suenes.
• * 8.184

  The story of Beniamin Deacon and Martyr.
• * 8.185

  Beniamin tor∣mented. The martir∣dome of Beniamin.
• * 8.186

  The martirs vn∣der Iulianus Apostata. Aemilianus Domitius Martyrs.
• * 8.187

  The story of Theodorus Martyr.

  Ruff. Lib. 5. cap. 36. Theodor. lib. 3. cap. 11. Zozom. lib. 5. Cap. 10.

  A miracle to be noted.

  Artemius. Martyr. Eusebius, Nestabus, brethren. Nestor. Martirs. Eupsychius, with other men of Cesar••a mar∣tyr.

  Miserable cru∣eltie agaynst the Christian virgins of Are∣thusia.

  The people made to be pluckt from their olde cu∣stomes, though it be neuer so wicked.
• * 8.188

  The story of Marcus Are∣thusius.
• * 8.189

  The true consci∣ence of Mar∣cus Arthusius.
• * 8.190

  Great cruelty shewed.
• * 8.191

  Couetousnes the cause of cruelty.
• * 8.192

  A notable say∣ing.
• * 8.193

  Hierony. in Aba cap. 1.
• * 8.194

  The wicked in this world doe most florish and preuayle.
• * 8.195

  Persecution commeth by no chaunce.
• * 8.196

  Persecution of Gods people prefigured and forewarned of God.
• * 8.197

  The Churche forewarned of Christ by speci∣all reuelation in the Apoc.
• * 8.198

  The beast 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Apoc. expounded.
• * 8.199

  42. monthe•• in the Apoc. cap. 13. ex∣pounded.
• * 8.200

  The beast had power to make 42. monthes.
• * 8.201

  The perse∣cuting tyme of the pri∣mitiue Church vn∣der the be•••• lasted 300. yeares.

  The Israe∣lites 300. yeares.
• 1 8.202

  MCCLX. Reuelation. 11.12.
• 2 8.203

  Three dayes and a halfe. Reuela. cap. 11.
• 3 8.204

  A time, tymes and halfe a time. Reuela. cap. 12.
• 4 8.205

  Xlii. mo∣nethes or 3. yeares and a halfe. Reuel. cap. 11.
• * 8.206

  Ezech. cap. 47.
• * 8.207

  The persecuted Israelites bea∣ring a figure of the persecuted Church of Christ.
• * 8.208

  From the first persecution of the primitiue Church to the last persecution▪ 294. yeares.

  Vniuersall per∣secution ceaseth for a 1000. yeares in the Church. Apoc. 10.

  From the tyme of Lic••••••us. to Wirkliffe 1000. yeares.

  Sathan bound vp for a thou∣sand yeares.

  The time of Sa∣thans binding opened.
• * 8.209

  Doxologia.
• * 8.210

  The good qual∣lities of Con∣stantinus.
• * 8.211

  The cause of all hys prosperous successe.
• * 8.212

  Constantine sometime by mean••s of hy•• wife was an I∣dolater.
• * 8.213

  Euseb. lib. 4. de vita Constant.
• * 8.214

  The common saying of Constantinus.
• * 8.215

  August. contra. Crescon epist. 49.50.
• * 8.216

  The raygne of Constantinus.
• * 8.217

  The effect of some of hys constitutions.
• * 9.1

  Euseb. Lib. 10. cap. 5.
• * 9.2

  The law of na∣ture made per∣fect, compared with the know∣ledge of God.
• * 9.3

  Lithernes the nurse of igno∣raunce, and ig∣noraunce the e∣nemy to wise∣dome.

  Tyranny depri∣ueth Empe∣rours.
• * 9.4

  Bloudy tyrantes make ciuile warres.

  Apollo gaue answere out of a caue in the ground, that he was disquyeted by the Christi∣ans.
• * 9.5

  The 〈◊〉〈◊〉 geuen for to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 vpon malefacto••▪
• * 9.6

  A great ••••••mendation of the chri∣stians.
• * 9.7

  The earth bewayled the martyr deathes.
• * 9.8

  The au∣thors of all mischiefe punished.
• * 9.9

  Apollo ly∣ing oracles the cause of so many martirs deathes.
• * 9.10

  Constant. prayer.
• * 9.11

  Constant. Fayth confirmed by the my∣racles of the crosse.
• * 9.12

  The clem••••••cy of a good Emperour.
• * 9.13

  A good iudgement.
• * 9.14

  One religi∣on from the beginning of the world.
• * 9.15

  The prayer of Constan∣tine was fulfilled. Ech thing in their cre∣ation preach the very and true God.
• * 9.16

  The earth stayd vp by the power of God.
• * 9.17

  Who they be that Constant. accompteth wise in deede.
• * 9.18

  Experience a tryall of the truth.
• * 9.19

  Constanti∣nus neyther for feare dissembleth hys fayth, neyther through pollicye defaceth Gods glo∣ry.
• * 9.20

  Constanti∣nus com∣pared to Moses, in deliuiring the people, and agree∣ing them together. The letter of Constan∣tinus to A∣••ilinus hys captayne.
• * 9.21

  Another letter of Constantine to A••ili∣nus.
• * 9.22

  The con∣tempt of gods religi∣on, chiefest decay of common weales.
• * 9.23

  An other letter of Constantine to Miltia∣des Byshop of Rome.
• * 9.24

  The feruent de∣sire of Constan∣tinus to peace and vnitie.
• * 9.25

  The letter of Constantine to Crestus By∣shop of Syracu∣sa.
• * 9.26

  The edicte of Constantinus to the rulers of the prouince of Palestina.
• * 9.27

  The letter of Constantine to Eusebius.
• * 9.28

  The councell of Nice. The effect of the letter of Constantine to Alexander and Arrius, ex Eu∣seb. de vita Con∣stan. Lib. 2.
• * 9.29

  Constantine set forth a spe∣ctacle to all Princes to fol∣low.
• * 9.30

  A briefe recapi∣tulation of such benefites as w••re wrought by Constantine vpon Christes Church.
• * 9.31

  Where wicked∣nesse is puni∣shed there goodnes fol∣loweth.
• * 9.32

  The liberalitie of Constantine in geuing to Churches.
• * 9.33

  Euseb. lib 4. de vita Constan∣tini.

  The forme of prayer appoyn∣ted of Constan∣tine for hys souldiours. The souldiours prayer.
• * 9.34

  The sonday appoynted to be kept holy.
• * 9.35

  Liberties and priui∣ledges graunted to the clergy.
• * 9.36

  The prouisi∣on and li∣beralitie of Constantine in mayntay∣ning scholes.
• * 9.37

  The priui∣ledge gran∣ted by Constant. to vniuersi∣ties and scholes.
• * 9.38

  The proui∣dent care of Constant. to haue the scripture in Churches. Ex Euseb. lib. 4. de vi∣tae Constant.
• * 9.39

  A wish of the author admonitory to Princes.
• * 9.40

  The libera∣litie of Constant. towardes the poore and needy.
• * 9.41

  Constant. remitteth the fourth part of hys rentes and reuenewes.
• * 9.42

  Deuotion of Constan∣tine.
• * 9.43

  Reasons and argu∣mentes pro∣uing the do∣nation of Constantine to be false∣fied.
• * 9.44

  Commendation of Constantine▪ the Emperour.
• * 9.45

  Constantine kissed the woundes of them that suffe∣red for Christ. Constantine burneth the bils of complayntes, and breaketh strife among the Byshops.
• * 9.46

  Note, that the oration ad con∣uentum sancto∣rum is wrong∣ly ascribed to Eusebius, which in deede is the oration of Constantine.
• * 9.47

  Looke aboue pag. 68. Col. ••. line. 52.
• * 9.48

  Satan bound vp for a M. yeares.