Actes and monuments of matters most speciall and memorable, happenyng in the Church. [vol. 1] with an vniuersall history of the same, wherein is set forth at large the whole race and course of the Church, from the primitiue age to these latter tymes of ours, with the bloudy times, horrible troubles, and great persecutions agaynst the true martyrs of Christ, sought and wrought as well by heathen emperours, as nowe lately practised by Romish prelates, especially in this realme of England and Scotland. Newly reuised and recognised, partly also augmented, and now the fourth time agayne published and recommended to the studious reader, by the author (through the helpe of Christ our Lord) Iohn Foxe, which desireth thee good reader to helpe him with thy prayer.

King Edward the 3.

COncerning the acts & story of K. Edward the 2. his deposing, & cruell death, wrought by the false and counterfet letter of sir Roger Morti∣mer, sent in the kings name to y^• keepers (for y^e which he was after charged, drawne, & quar∣tered.) I haue written sufficiently before, and more perad∣uenture thē the profession of this Ecclesiasticall history wil well admit. Notwithstanding for certayne respects & cau∣ses, I thought somewhat to extend my lunittes herein the more, wherby both kings & such as clune to be about them may take the better example by the same, the one to haue y^e loue of hys subiects, the other to learne to flee ambition, & not to beare themselues to brag of theyr fortune and state, how hye so euer it be. Considering with thēselues nothing to be in this worldo so firme and sure, that may promise it selfe any certayne continuance, & is not in perpetuall dan∣ger of mutatiō vnles it be fastened by God his protection.

After the suppression of this king,* 1.1 as is aboue expressed Edward his soone was crowned king of England, beyng about the yeare of 15. & raygned the space of 50. yeares, who was a prince of much and great temperance. In feares of armes very expert, and no lesse fortunate and lucky in all hys warres, as hys father was infortunate before him. In liberallitie also and clemēcy worthely cōmended, briefly in all princely vertues, famous and excellēt. Concerning the memorable acts of which prince, doue both in warres and

peace, as how he subdued y^• Scots, had great victoryes by the sea, how he conquered Fraunce. an. 1332. wan Calice, an. 1348. and tras••ated the staple thither, tooke the French king prisoner, & how the French armes first by him was brought in, & conioyned with the English armes, also how the order o•• the Garter first by the sayd k. was inuented and ordayued, an. 1356. also an. 1357. How the king in hys parliament at Notingham, decreed, that al such in Flaun∣ders or other where, that had skill in making cloth, should peaceably inhabite the land and be welcome. For 3. yeares before y^•, it was enacted, that no wool shold be transported ouer the sea. Which was to bridle the pride of y^t Fleminges who then loued better the sackes of wooll, then the nation of Englishmē. All these with other noble acts of this wor∣thy Prince, although in other chronicles be fully intreated of: yet according to that order I haue begun (saying some∣what of ech kinges raigne, although not pertinent to our ecclesiastical history) I haue here inserted the same, making hast to other matters, shortly & compendiously abridging them out of diuers & sundry authors together compacted, mentioned in this wise.

The coronation and solemnity of K. Edward the third and all y^e pompe therof was no sooner ended: but Robert of Bruse K. of Scotland, vnderstanding the state and go∣uernment of y^e realme to be (as it was in deed) in y^e queene, the yong king, the Erle of Kent, and sir Roger Mortimer And that the Lords and Barons, as he was enformed, did scarsely wel agree amongst themselues (although he grew now in age,* 1.2 and was troubled with the falling disease) Yet thought he this a meet tyme for hys purpose, to make in∣uasion. Hooping for as good successe & like victory now, as but lately before he had at y^• castle of Eustriuelin. Wherupō about the feast of Easter, he sent his Embassadours wyth Heralds and letters of defiance to the yong king Edward the 3. the Queene, & counsaile: declaring that his purpose was w^t fire and sword to enter and inuade the Realme of England. &c. The K. Queene, and counsaile hearing this bold defiance, commaunded in all speedy preparation mu∣sters to be made throughout all the realme: appoynting to euery band captaines conuenient, & at the citty of York by a day assigned them, commaunding euery man to be with all their necessary furniture ready and throughly prouided They directed their letters also with all speede to sir Iohn of Heynault, requiring him with suche souldiors and men at armes as he might conueniently prouide in Flaunders, Heynalt, and Grabant, to meete the king and Queene vp∣on the Ascention day next ensuing at their Citty of Yorke.

* 1.3The king & Queene made speedy preparation for thys expeditiō: The noble men prouided thēselves of all things necessary therunto: the English captaynes and souldiors (theyr bands throughly furnished) were redy at theyr ap∣poynted time and place: Sir Iohn of Heynalt, Lord Bed∣mount mustring his men as fast, was ready to take ship∣ping: where at Wysant (in English Bothoms there lying for him redy) he wēt aboard, and w^t a mery winde landed at Douer, trauailing frō thence by small iournies dayly, tyll he came w^tin 3. dayes after the feast of Pentecost to the City of Yorke: where the king and Queene w^t a great power of 6000. men (within and about the City of Yorke) expected his comming: Before whome, in curteous wise he presen∣ted himselfe, and mustred his troupe, wherin he had to the number of 500. good men at armes wel appointed & moū∣ted. His comming and furniture was well liked both of y^e king & Queene, & was by the Harbinger, appointed to be lodged with his housholde retinue in the Abbey of whyte mōkes. To be briefe, such grudge and variance fel betwene some of the kings souldiors and his, within the suburbs of the towne being together lodged: That from the little to y^e more, whiles the king & Queene with diuers other of the nobles, (straungers & others) were at dinner: the said fray so greatly increased, that the whole army as many as wer in the town then lodged, stood to their defence: so that there was slain of the english archers in short space by the stran∣gers to the nūber of 300. men.* 1.4 Wherupō grew (after y^e fray was w^t much difficultie both of the king & Queene ended) such hartburning betwene the parties: as that the number of 6000. conspired together agaynst thē: thinking to haue burnt them in theyr lodginges, had they not bene by the great grace of God & discrete hādling, otherwise preuented & let. Wherupō the Heynolders were fayne to take & keep the field, vsing as diligēt watch and ward, as though they had bene among theyr hostile enemies.* 1.5 After this, the king set forward his army toward Durham, & encamped hym∣selfe neare about the same: who also sent the Lord Ufford & the Lorde Mounbry to Carlell with a sufficient company to keepe that entrance: and also the Lord marshal of Eng∣land to keepe the towne of Newcastle with a sufficient cō∣pany to defend the same, and the country adioyning. For well knew the king, that by one of these two entries, the Scottes must passe into England, standing both of them vpon the riuer of Tyne, 24. miles distant.

But the Scots priuily with their army passed the riuer betwixt the two townes into Englād,* 1.6 few vnderstanding thereof, till that the great fyers which the Scots had kind∣led and made in England bewrayed them: who came bur∣ning and destroing the country al about as far as Stānop park. This thing being declared to the king, he commaun∣deth hys host with all speede to march towards thē, which so long trauailed y^t they came in sight ech of other. The K. also commaunded the passages of y^• riuer to be so straitly & narrowly garded, that by no meanes y^• Scots could retire and haue escaped back againe into Scotland, without bat∣taile geuen them of the K. But the Scots vnderstanding the great power of the king was of, kept alwayes the ad∣uantage of the hils retiring in the nightes frō one to an o∣ther: that w^tout great oddes & aduauntage in the one side & hazard to the other, the king could not set vpon them.

Thus in the day time the Scots keeping the aduaun∣tage of the hilles,* 1.7 and in the night times retiring to the ad∣uauntage of such other like came neare agaynst that riuer where they first passed ouer, where they made a shew to of¦fer battaile to the K. vpon the morow. Wherupon the king being busied in putting his mē and battailes in a readines to fight the next morning, being almost forweried in pur∣suing the Scots frō place to place: the Scots in the meane season gat ouer the riuer and escaped the daunger of the K. Which thing as it could not be done: without great treasō of some neare about the king: so sir Roger Mortimer was grieuously suspected thereof, and after was layd vnto hys charge.* 1.8 But to be short, by this meanes the Scots escaped the riuer, after whome it should haue preuayled the King very little to haue made pursute as the wily Scots knew full well. For the ioy wherof, y^e L. William Douglas one of the Scots Generals, w^t 200. horses gaue a larum in the kings camp: & came so neare, y^t he cut certayne of the lynes of the kings tent in sunder w^t his sword, and retired to hys company without great losse of any of his mē.* 1.9 Then on the morow the king perceauing the Scots to be gone, came to the place where ouer night they lodged, where was found 500. great Oxen and Kyne ready killed: fiue hundred Cau∣drens made of beastes skinnes ful of flesh, ouer the fire see∣thing: a thousands speetes full of fleshe ready to be rosted, and more then 10000. shoes of raw leather (the heare still vpon the same) whiche the Scottes had left behinde them: and fiue poore English prisoners tyed to trees & theyr legs broken. All which seeing the king, returned w^t hys armye (and left anye further pursuing the Scottes) to Durham: where he dismissed his army, and came agayne to London sending with Syr Iohn of Heynalt two hundred men at armes for theyr better safegard against the english archers (with whom at Yorke as you heard they frayed) till they had taken shipping, and so returned home.

The king then being at London,* 1.10 confirmed the liber∣ties of the Citizens, and ordayned that the Maior shoulde sit in all places as chiefe Iustice within the liberties of the same. And that what Alderman soeuer had beene Mayor before, should be a Iustice of peace within his own ward.

Then the king, the Queene, and the counsell sent ouer to the Erle of Heynault certayn Embassadours, touching the solemnisation of the mariage betwene the king and the Lady Philip his daughter: who in such sort sped their mes¦sage, y^t she was soone after conueied ouer to England very honourably, and at Douer ariued. And from thence came to London (some Chronicles affirme to Yorke) where vp∣on the day of the conuersion of S. Paule,* 1.11 the yeare aboue specified, the mariage and coronation of the Queene was w^t much triumph during the space of 3. weekes solemnised.

After which coronation and mariage, the king let som∣mon his Parliament to be kept at Northampton:* 1.12 wherat by the meanes of sir Roger Mortimer and the old queene, a peace was purchased for the Scottes (who had for that purpose sent theyr Embassadours) for foure yeares to en∣dure. Also the king (then beyng within age) granted to re∣lease the Scottes of al theyr homage and fealty which vnto the realme of England by theyr charter ensealed they were bound:* 1.13 as also theyr indenture which was called the Rag∣man Role, wherin was specified the foresayd homage and fealtie to the king and crown of England, by the sayd king of Scots, nobles and prelates to be made: hauing all their seales annexed to the same.* 1.14 Also there was then deliuered vnto them, the black crosse of Scotland, whiche king Ed∣ward before for a rich Iewell and relique had conquered & brought from Scone Abbey: with all suche rites and titles as anye the Barons els, had enioyed in the said Realme of

Scotland: with many other things more: to the great pre∣iudice both of the Realm & discontentation of al the nobles and Barons for y^• most part more then the old queene, syr Roger Mortimer, and the Bysh. of Ely. Who in such force ruled the rost, y^t al the rest of the nobles & barons, cast with thēselues how best they might redresse & remedy the great inconueniences, y^t vnto the realme by meanes of thē grew and happened. Wherupon the king & Queene and sir Ro∣ger Mortimer,* 1.15 caused an other Parliament to be called at Salisbury, where the said syr Roger Mortimer was made Earle of March agaynst all the barons wils, to preuent & disapoynt the foresayd purpose of them, but the Erle Hen∣ry of Lancaster with others, woulde not be at the same: wherefore it was sayd vnto theyr charges,* 1.16 that they went about to conspire the kinges death.

And further, for that the king was as well vnder the gouernment of the Erle of Kent his vncle, as the Queene hys mother, and the Earle of March: & for that, they could not doe in all thinges as they lifted for the sayd Earle the k••nges vncle, who loued the king and the Realme: Enuie began to rise betweene the Earle Mortim••r and him, and by Isabell the Queenes practise, he founde, the meanes to perswade the king: that the Earle of Kent (to enioy the Crowne as next heyre vnto the king) went about to poy∣son him.* 1.17 Wherupon the king geuing light credite, caused his said vncle to be apprehended: & w^tout answere making to his accusation & accusers, to be beheaded at Winchester, the third of October and 3. yeare of hys raigne. But y^e iust iudgement of God not permitting suche odious crimes in him to be vnpunished nor vndetected, so in fiue fell forthe: that Isabell the old Queene the kings mother, was found and vnderstood to be with childe by the sayd Mortimer. Complaynt hereof was made to the K. as also the killing of king Edward hys father,* 1.18 and of the conspiracy of hym against the Earle of Kent the kinges vncle before put to death: Whereupon diuers other articles layd agaynst hym and manifestly read in the court, he was araigned and in∣dighted, and by verdit found gilty: hauing his iudgement as in cases of high treason, and suffered death accordingly at London, where vpon London bridge next vnto Spen∣sers, his head obtayned a place. The Queene hys mother also (by good aduise of hys counsell) was restrayned of her libertie, and within a certaine castell not permitted once to come abroad: Unto whō the king her sonne, once or twise a yeare would resort and visite.

This yeare, Prince Edward was borne at Woodstock who in processe of tyme and yeares grew, to be a most va∣liaunt prince, and was before he dyed, accompted through∣out the world the follower of chiualry.

After this, the king prepared an other army into Scot∣land in the yeare prefixed.* 1.19 But first he sūmoned king Da∣uid of Scotland, who had (in the last truce 4. yeares to cō∣tinue as you heard, his father then liuing) maryed the La∣dy Iane, sister to the king: termed Iane make peace, to doe his homage to the king but that he refused. Wherupon, not forgetting there withall the scoffing tymes, whiche dayly from that tyme of truce the Scots had in theyr mouthes: he did somuch that with an army well furnished, he entred Scotland by the riuer of Twede, for the Scottes had then the possession of y^t town of Barwick:* 1.20 the Scottish Gigges & runes were these. Long beards hartles, Paynted hoodes witles, Gay coates graceles, Makes England thristles, To be short,* 1.21 the king wasted the land, burnt, destroyed, & took townes and castels with small resistance or none: and the space of 6. monthes together did in that land what hym listed without any battaile offered to him. For the kyng of Scots was but a child & not aboue they age of 15. yeares and wanted good captaines that should haue defended the realme: in so muche y^t they were all fayne sauing those that kept in holdes for theyr defence to take the forrest of God∣worth, & there kept to themselues so long as the king re∣mained in Scotland:* 1.22 Who at length when he had sufficiēt∣ly wasted, and spoyled, & brent the same, returned toward Barwicke, about the which he bent his siege, vowing not to remoue the same, till he had gotten the towne.

The Scots that kept the same, after a certayne tyme and many assaultes made, were contented vpon certayne con∣ditions to haue deliuered vp the towne: But that the king refused, vnles that all conditions set apart, they woulde w^t bag and bagage depart. Whereupon they condescended to the king, that if by a certayne tyme they were not by the king of Scottes rescued, they would render vp the towne and with bag and bagage depart: & and so the time expired frustrate of all hope & rescue,* 1.23 at the day appointed they did. The king then entred the towne and taried there the space of 12. dayes: who after he had appointed sir Edward Bail∣lew Captayn ouer the towne and leauing also behind him other knightes, Squires, and Souldiors as well to keep the same as other holdes the king had conquered in Scot∣land and fronters therof: He returned with his people to∣wardes London, permitting euery man to depart and go what way them liked.

Then sir Robert de Artoys,* 1.24 a Noble man of Fraunce, and which descended of the bloud royall, being in Englād with the king: ceased not oftentimes to aduertise the kyng and put him in memory of his good & right title to the in∣heritaunce of the crowne of Fraunce. This sir Robert, for a certayne displeasure that Phillip the French king tooke agaynst hym for a certayn plea which by hym was moued before the king: was fayne for the safegard of hys life to flee the Realme of Fraunce, and so came to the kinges Court. King Edward was not vnwilling at all to heare thereof, but took delight oftentimes to reason and debate that mat∣ter with him concerning his right, title, and inheritance to the crowne of France. But yet notw^tstanding, he thought it not good to make any attempt therunto without aduised and circūspect counsaile, for that it contayned matter of no small, but most difficult importaunce: neyther yet he tooke it to deserue the fame eyther of wisedome or prowes to let so good a title dye, or so fit oportunitie to passe. Wherefore he calling together certayne of his counsayle, vsed their de∣liberate aduises touching the seriousnes of this matter. In fine, it was by them thought good, y^• the king should send certayne Embassadours ouer to the Earle of Reynault,* 1.25 whose daughter he had maryed, as wel to heare hys aduise and counsell herein: as also of what friendes and ayde, by him & his meanes in this so great an expeditiō to be begon in the Empire, to him might be procured. The king here∣unto cōdescendeth, & appointeth for this Embassage y^• by∣shop of Lincolne with 2. other Barenets, and 2. Doctors: who in such speedy wise made theyr voyage, that in shorte space they returned agayne to the king with this answere That not onely the Earle hys counsaile & aduise,* 1.26 should be herein prest to the king of England theyr maister, but also the whole coūtry of Heynault. And further for that to such an expedition as appertained he sayd, the prouince of Rey∣nault was but a small matter to make accōpt of: he woulde procure for the king greater ayde & friendship in the Em∣pire, as the Duke of Brabant his cousin Germaine, and a puissant Prince, the Duke of Guerles, the Archbishop of Colayne, the Marques of Iuliers. &c. which are all good men of warre, and able to make 10. thousand fighting men sayth he.* 1.27 Which aunswere well liked the king, and made him ioyous therof. But this counsaile of the king as secret as it was, came to Phillip the French kinges cares: wher∣upon, he stayd the voiage of the Crosie whiche then he had in hand, sending forth countermaundes to stay the same, til he knew farther the purpose of the king of England.

The king hereupon himselfe taketh shipping accom∣panyed as to a king appertained, and when he had consul∣ted with all the foresayd Lords of the Empire in this mat∣ter and vnderstood theyr fidelitie: he made hys repayre to the Emperour at whose handes he was well intertayned & honorable receaued, whō the Emp. appointed to be his Lie••etenant generall,* 1.28 hauing thereby more authoritie both to will & commaund such as for this his expedition he tru∣sted vnto, and had made conuention with. This hearing Phillip, prepared his army and rigged hys nauy, that so soone as the K should enter into the dominiō of Fraunce, they also might enter into Englād, requiting like for like.

The king of England, after the feast of S. Iohn Bap∣tist, according to his purpose, prepared all thinges ready to such an expeditiō,* 1.29 cōducting his army & gathering a grea∣ter strength in the Empire, as before to him was promised vsing the Emperours authoritie therein, as his lieftenant general, howbeit at the charge altogether of the K. of En∣gland. The French king as soone as king Edward, had landed his army at Mackline in Flaunders, and hearing of the defiance, which the king and other Noble men of the Empire had sent vnto him: Sent certaine ships lying rea∣dy therunto, and wayting for such oportunitie vppon the cost of England, did so much that vpon a Sonday, whilest the townes men were at the Church little looking for any such matter, entred the hauen of Southampton, tooke the towne and spoyled the same,* 1.30 defloured maydens, enforced wiues, brent, kild, tooke captiues, and caryed away riche Ipoyles and great booties to theyr ships, and so agayn de∣parted into Fraunce. Further, as the king of Englād had allied himselfe with the noble men of the Empire, and had the friendly fauour of the Emperour also therunto: so the French king made the like league and aliance with Dauid the king of Scots, whom the king had so hardly delt with all in Scotland (as partly before you had) and kept the most part of Scotland vnder hys subiection: Binding the

sayd Dauid is well by writing, as oth & pledge, that with∣out his consent he should make no peace nor conclude any truce with the king of England, who agayne assured hym of ayd, and rescue, and helpe, and to recouer his kingdome & dominiō to his vse!* 1.31 and forth with sent certain garisons & bands into Scotland to keepe play with the Englishmen and there to fortifie diuers places till further oportunitie serued. Hee also fortified with men, money, vitayle, and munitiō, the town of Cambrey: which he suspected would be besieged, lying so neare vpō y^t Empire as in deed it came to passe. For, King Edward departing from Macheline, set forward his host towardes Heynault, and by the way assēbled such power, as in the Empirie he looked for, mar∣ching forward still till that they came to Cambrey & it be∣sieged with 40000. men: while that with an other compa∣ny, the Fleminges, Brabanters, and Holenders, went to S. Quentin. But in effect, neyther there, nor at Cambrey nor els where: any thing notorious was achieued, but the summer being well spent and little preuailing in the siege of Cambrey, being of situation strong & wel defenced ther∣wall w^t men & munition: brake vp the siege, & marched fur∣ther into the hart of Fraunce towardes Mutterell. Which thing the French king hauing vnderstanding of, prepared himselfe to geue battaile to the king of England, who with an other great army came to Uirōfosse, where daies were appoynted to meet in battaile: but in the end, nothing was done nor attempted betweene the princes.* 1.32 And the king of Englād (without any battaile either geuing or taking) re∣turned with his army from thence to Gaunt. Concerning the cause of the sodaine remouing of the K. out of Fraunce, seemeth most specially to rise of the pope: which at the same time sent downe his Legates, for the order of a peace to be taken betweene the kings. At Gaunt was gathered by the kings appointment all the nobles as well of England, as of the Empire in counsaile together what was best to be done. Where playn answere was made to the king of En∣gland, that vnlesse he would take vpon him the claime and title of Fraunce, as his lawfull inheritaunce and as King thereof prosecute his warres:* 1.33 It might not be lawfull for them any further, to ayde the king of England, or to fight with him agaynst the French king: for that the Pope had bound them in two millions of Florences of gold, and vn∣der payne of excommunication, y^t they should not fight a∣gainst the lawfull king of Fraunce.* 1.34 Whereupon, the king thought good therfore presently to make open challenge to the Realme and Crowne of Fraunce: and further, to quar∣ter & intermingle the armes of Fraunce, with the armes of England in one Scootchen. Wherupon eftsoones K. Ed∣ward made answere vnto the Pope agayne, directing vn∣to him his letters wherein he declareth at large his right & title vnto the Crowne of Fraunce, purging thereby hym∣selfe and hys cause vnto the Byshop. The copy and tenour of which letter, because it is to long to expresse, it is to be found in the story of Thom. Walsingham remaining in the Li∣brary of I. Stephenson Citizen of Londō, who so hath lift or leisure to peruse the same. Besides this letter to the pope he directed an other to the Pieres and Prelates of France, (he remayning yet at Gaunt) in tenure as followeth.

* The letter of king Edward to the Nobles and commons of Fraunce.

EDward by the grace of God king of Fraunce and of England, Lord of Ireland.* 2.1Vnto all Prelates and the Ecclesiasticall per∣sons, to the Pieres, Dukes, Earles, Barons, and to the commons of Fraunce, greeting:

The high Lord and king aboue, to whome al∣though his will be in his owne power, yet woulde that power should be subiect vnto law: commaunding euery thing to be geuē vnto him which is his, declaring thereby that iustice and iudge∣ment ought to be the preparation of the kinges seate. Wherefore seing the kingdome of Fraunce through the prouidence of God by the death of Charles last king of Fraunce of famous memory, brother Germaine to our Lady mother, is fallen vnto vs by playn and manifest law: And for somuch that Lord Phillip de Valoys, be∣ing the sonne of the Vncle of the foresayd king,* 2.2 and so being farre from the crowne by a farther degree of consanguinitie: through force and vsurpation hath intruded himselfe in the foresayd king∣dome (whilest we were yet in our Minoritie) & so contrary both to God and to iustice doth detayne and occupye the same: And least we shoulde seeme to neglect our owne right and the gifte geuen vs of God, or not to submit our will to Gods diuine ordi∣nance: We haue thought good to acknowledge the title of France, and by supportation of the almighty king haue taken vppon vs the defence and regiment of the sayd kingdome: Firmely purpo∣sing with our selues (as euery good man ought to doe) graciously to minister iustice to euery one, according to the rites and lauda∣ble custome of the foresayd kingdome. Also to renue the good lawes and customes whiche haue bene in the time of Ludouicke our progenitour, adding to moreouer, that which shall seeme ex∣pedient according to the condition and qualiitie of the time. As by any chaunge of coyne or any other inordinate exactions, we intend not to seeke our profites by your detrimentes: when as (the almighty bee praised therefore) we abounde and haue in∣ough. And as concerning the affayres of the Realme, our purpose is not to proceede rashely or by our owne will, but by the dis∣creete aduise and Counsell of the Pieres, Prelates, Nobles, and other our faythfull subiects of the kingdome so farre forth as shall make for the honour of God, the defence and aduauncement of the Church (which in all fulnes of deuotion we doe reuerence) and to the profite both publicke and priuate of all the subiectes thereof, with full execution of iustice by the grace of God to be executed vpon al and singular persons, being earnestly careful for the honour, profite, and tranquillitie of you all. For as the Lorde knoweth, nothing shall be more gratefull to vs, then that by our carefull solicitude peace may be engendered, specially betwixt vs and vniuersally among all Christen men:* 2.3 so that by our concorde the force and strength of all Christen Princes may be ioyned to∣gether for the recouery of the holy land: whiche our Sauiour and redemer hath dedicated with hys owne proper bloud, whereunto we wil indeuour our selues through the grace of the holy ghost. And for asmuch as we haue offered to the foresayd Lorde Phillip diuers friendly and reasonable conditions of peace, whereunto he would neyther condescend, neyther agree to any conformation: yea rather moueth against vs vniust warre, to the vtter subuersion of our state: we are enforced of necessitie to the vttermost of our power (for the defence both of vs, and recouery of our right) to defend our selues by force of battaile: not seeking any slaughter of good and humble subiectes, but desiring theyr safegarde and profite. For the whiche cause, all and singular such subiectes of the kingdome of Fraunce, which shall submit themselues to vs as the true king of Fraunce, within the feast of Easter next ensuing: pro∣fessing vnto vs theyr fealtie, and doing to vs as to the Kyng of Fraunce, by duety appertayneth, so as our beloued subiectes of Flaunders haue done alredy, or be ready to offer themselues so to do: all such we willingly admit and receaue to our peace & grace vnder our protection to be defended, them to mayntayne as is conuenient, from all molestation and disquietnes whatsoeuer, in person or goodes hereafter to be inforced eyther by vs or by our officers, vpon what soeuer occasion of rebellion afore passed. And for as much as the premisses, cannot easely be intimated to all and singular persons: we haue prouided the same to be fixed vpon Church doores and other publicke places, whereby the ma∣nifest notice thereof may come to all men, to the comfort of you that be to vs deuout, and to the true information of them, whiche through sinister surmises of our enemies otherwise informed of vs.

Dated at Gaunt the 8. day of February the yeare of our king∣dome of Fraunce the first, of England the 14.

This done, for that the winter then drew on, neyther was there any hope as the time serued, of farther doyng good: the kyng thought best for a season to returne againe to Englande with his company, geuing ouer the warres vntill the next spring and so did, taking shipping and so a∣riued at Douer.* 2.4 When he came to London, it was decla∣red vnto him, of the great spoyle the Frenchmen had made at Southampton: who answered agayne that within one yeare, he doubted not the same to be well payd for & recom∣penced. And according to the same purpose of hys, he lin∣gered no time but calling a Parliament at Westminster: with much grudge & euill will of his subiects, was for the mayntenance of hys warres graunted to him a great sub∣sidie, which was the 5. euery mans goodes, and also the customes of his woolles 2. yeares before hand, and the 9. these of euery mans corne. At the spring the K. agayn pre∣pared his army, & rigged hys nauy purposing to land in Flaūders.* 2.5 But the Archb. of Canterb. then Lord Chaun∣cellour hauing vnderstanding of the Frenche power vpon y^e Sea lying for the k. gaue him aduertisement there of wil∣ling him more stronglier to go or els not to venture. But the king not crediting the Archbish. and being angry with him therefore, sayd that he would go forward: whereupon the bishop resigned the Chauncellorship, & remoued him∣selfe from his Counsayle: then the k. consulting hereupon farther with the Lord Morley, his Admirall, and others (hearing also the same of them) furnished himselfe with stronger power,* 2.6 and committed him to his ship: and did so much, that a few dayes before midsommer, he was vpō the Sea with a great fleete. Before the town of Sluse, y^e french king to stop hys passage, had layd ready a great nauy well neare to y^t number of 20. score sayle: and had made the Chri∣stopher of England (which before the French men took at Southamptō) theyr Admirall: betwixt which two nauies was a lōg and terrible fight. But in the end, the victory by Gods grace fell to the king of England, in which fight he

himselfe was personally. So that of the number of thirtye thousand Frenchmē,* 2.7 few or none were left & escaped aliue, and two hundreth sayle of shippes taken: in one of the which, were found 400. dead bodyes.

After this great slaughter of the Frenchmen (of whom many for feare of the sword lept into the sea) when no man durst bring tidinges thereof to the Frenche king: They which were next about the king,* 2.8 did subborne his foole, to insinuate the vnderstanding thereof by subtiltie of couert words, which was thus. As the foresayd foole being in the kinges presence, and was talking of many things: among other talke, he sodenly brast out (being prompt by others) into a vehement rayling of the Englishmen, calling them cowards & dastards, with many such approbrious words: tending to that effect. The king not knowing whereunto the words of the foole did appertayne: asked the foole, why he called the Englishmen such weakelings and cowards, &c. why, sayth the foole? Because the fearefull and coward∣ly Englishmen had not the hartes to leape into the sea so lustely, as our Normands, & Gentlemen of Fraunce had. Whereby the French kyng began to vnderstand the victo∣ry of his part to be lost, and the Englishmē to be victorers.

This victory atchieued, y^e fame therof spreading abroad in England, first was not beleued till letters thereof came from the king to Prince Edward his sonne, being then at Waltham, directed to the bishops & prelates of the realme, the effect of which letters here followeth vnder written.

* 2.9THe bountifull benignitie of Gods great clemency powred vpon vs of late, for your true certification, and reioycing, we thought good to intimate vnto you. It is not vnknowne (we sup∣pose) to you, and to other our faythfull subiectes, which also haue bene partakers with vs of the same, with what stormes of boyste∣rous warres of late we haue bene tossed and shaken, as in the great Ocean. But although the rising surgies of the sea be merueilous, yet more merueilous is the Lord aboue: who turning the tempest into calme, in so great daungers, so mercifully hath respected vs. For where as we of late did ordaine our passage vpon vrgent cau∣ses, into Flaunders the Lord Phillip de Valoys our bitter enemye vnderstanding thereof, layd agaynst vs a mighty nauy of ships, en∣tending thereby eyther to take vs, or at least to stop our voyage. Which voyage if it had bene stayd, it had bene the cutting of, of all the great enterprises by vs intended and taken in hande, & more∣ouer we our selues brought to a great confusion. But the God of mercies seing vs so distressed in such perils and dangers hath gra∣tiously aud beyond mans expectation sent to vs great succour & strength of fighting souldiours, and a prosperous wynde after our owne desires. By the meanes and helpe whereof, we set out of the hauen into the seas, where we estsoones perceaued our enemies well appointed and prepared with a mayne multitude to set vpon vs, vpon midsommer day last past. Agaynst whome notwithstan∣sting, Christ our Lord and Sauiour hath rendered to vs the victo∣ry, through a strong and vehement conflict. In the which conflict, a mighty number of our enemies were destroyed, and well neare all theyr whole Nauy was taken: with some losse also of our part, but nothing like in comparison to theirs. By reason whereof, we doubt not but our passage by the seas hereafter shalbe more quiet and safe for our subiectes, and also many other commodities shall ensue therof, as we haue good cause to hope well of the same. For which cause we deuoutly considering the heauenly grace so mer∣cifully wrought vpon vs, do render most humble thankes & praise to Christ our Lord and sauior. Beseeching him, thar as he hath ben and alwayes is ready to preuent our necessities in time of opor∣tunitie, so he will continue hys helping hand euer towardes vs, & so to direct vs here temporally, that we may raigne and ioy with him in heauen eternally And in like sort we require your charitie that you also with vs rising vp to the prayse of God alone, who hath begon so fauourably to worke with vs to our goodnesse, in your prayers and deuine seruice do instantly recommend vs vnto the Lord, traueiling here in these foreigne countries and studying to recouer not onely our right here in Fraunce: but also to ad∣uaunce the whole Catholicke Churche of Christ and to rule our people in iustice. And that also ye call vpon the Clergy and peo∣ple, euery one through his diocesse to do the same, inuocating the name of our Sauiour, that of hys mercy he will geue to vs his hū∣ble seruaunt a docible hart, so to iudge and rule hereupon rightly doing that which he hath commaunded: that at length we may at∣taine to that which he hath promised. &c. Which letter was writ∣ten to the Byshops and prelates. an. 1340.

After this foresayd victory vpon the sea, & newes ther∣of with due thanks to our Sauiour sent into England: the Kyng striking into Flaunders, came to Gaunt in Bra∣baute where hee had left the Queene, who ioyfully recea∣ued him, being a little before purified or churched as we terme it of her fourth sonne, whose name was Iohn and commonly called Iohn of Gaunt, and was Erle of Rich∣monde, and Duke of Lancaster.* 2.10 At Uillenorth the king assembled his councell, whereat the noble men of Fraunce Brabant and Hennalt conioyning together in most firme league the one to helpe and defend the other, with the king of England,* 2.11 agaynst the French king, purposing and de∣termining from thence to march toward Turncy & it to be∣siege. But the French king vnderstanding theyr counsell, fortified and victualed the same before theyr comming thi∣ther. Furthermore the sayd Frenche king the same tyme to stop the sige of king Edward, sent w^t king Dauid of Scot∣land a great power, to that intent to make inuasiō in En∣gland, thereby the sooner to cause the king to remoue hys siege. In the meane time while king Edwarde wrote his letters to Philip de Ualous, making vnto him certain requestes, as in the same his letters here folowing is to be seen: who for y^e he wrote not vnto him as K. of France but by y^e name of Philip de Ualous, refused to answer him tou¦ching the same as by their letters here placed may be seene.

* The letter of the king of England, to Phillip de Valous the French king, goyng to the siege of Turney.

PHillip de Valous,* 3.1

of long time we haue gently requested you by our Embassadours (by all the reasonable meanes we might) to that intent you should haue rendered vnto vs our lawful right and inheritaunce to the crowne of Fraunce which from vs a long time you haue by great wrong and force deteined. And for that we well perceaue you meane to perseuere in the same your pur∣pose and iniurous detinue, without making any reasonable aun∣swere to our demaund. We let you vnderstand, that we are entred into the country of Flaunders, as the soueraigne Lord of the same and so passe through the country: and further signifie vnto you, how that by the helpe of our Sauiour Iesus Christ and our righ∣teous cause therein, and with the power of the sayd country, our people, and allyes: we purpose to recouer the right which we haue to that inheritaunce you deteine from vs by your iniurious force and therefore approche we towardes you to make a shorte end of this our rightfull challenge if you also will doe the like. And for that so great an host assēbled which we bring with vs on our part (supposing you also on the other part to doe the like) cannot lōg remayne together without great destruction both to our people and country, which thing euery good Christian ought to eschue: especially Princes and others which haue the gouernment of the same, auoyding by as short an end as may be, the mortality of chri∣sten men, according as the quarrell is apparaunt betweene you and me. For the which causes here touched, let the challenge (if you thinke meete) betweene our own persons and bodyes discus∣sed, that the great Nobillitie and prowesse of each other, may of e∣uery one be seene. And if you refuse this way, then let there (to fi∣nish this challenge) be an hundreth of the best souldiours you can chuse out of your part, matched with so many of our liege subiects to try the same. And if of these two wayes you refuse both the one & the other, then that you will assigne vnto vs a certain day before the town of Turnay, to fight with vs power agaynst power, which may be within ten dayes next insuing after the date of these our letters, offering the sayd conditions vnto you aboue specified (as we would all the world to know and vnderstand) not vppon anye orgoile, presumption or pride we take therein, but for the causes before alledged, and to the end that (the will of our sauiour Iesus Christ betwixt vs two herein declared and shewed) rest and peace might grow amongst Christen men. The power and force of gods enemies abated: and in fine, the limites of Christianitie enlarged and enfranchised. And therefore hereupon consider with your selfe what way you will take concerning our foresayd offers, and by the bearers of these our letters send vnto vs herein quicke and speedy aunswere.

Geuen vnder our great seale at Chyn in the playne of Leece the xxvii, day of this present month of July.

* The aunswere of the Lord Phillip de Valois vnto the letter aforesayd.

PHillip by the grace of God king of Fraunce, to Edward king of England.* 4.1

We haue seene the letters whiche you haue sent vnto our Court to Phillip de Valois, wherein are contayned certayne requestes which you make to the sayd Phillip de Valois. But for that the sayd letters come not as directed vnto vs, neyther yet the sayd requestes seeme to be made vnto vs (which thing clearely by the tenour of the sayd letters appeareth) we therefore write vnto you no aunswere touching the same. Notwithstanding, this suffi∣seth that we vnderstand by the said letters of yours, as also other∣waies, that you are entred into our Realm of Fraunce, to the great damage both vnto vs, our realme and people (more proceeding of wil, then reason) & not regarding that which a liege man ought to do vnto his Lord. For you are entred into our homage by you lie∣ged vnto vs, acknowleging your self as reasō is a liege mā vnto the

king of France: and haue promised vnto vs such obeisance as men are wont to do vnto their liege Lordes (as more plainly by your letters patēts appeareth, ensealed with your great seale, the which we haue with vs) for the which thing we will you to vnderstande: that our purpose is (when it shal seme good vnto vs) to driue you out of our realme, to the honor both of vs and our kingdome, and to the profité and commodity of our people. And this thing to do we haue firme and assured hope in Iesus Christ, from whome we haue all our power and strength. For, by your vnreasonable de∣maund more wilful then reasonable, hath bene hindred and staide the holy voyage to those partes of beyonde the seas, where a great number of Christen men haue bene slaine: the deuine seruice di∣minished, and the seruice of the churche lesse reuerenced. And as touching that where you say, ye intende to haue the obeysance of the Flemmings, we thinke and beleeue that the good people and commons of that country will behaue themselues in such sort to∣ward our Cosin the Countes of Flaunders their Ladie, as it be not their reproche, and to vs their soueraigne Lorde, they will respect their honour and loialty. And that thing wherein they haue done otherwise then well hitherto, hath beene by the euill counsaile of such people, as neither regarde the weale publike, nor honour of their countrey, but their owne onely gaine and commoditie.

Ge∣uen in the fielde neere adioyning to the Priorie of S. Andrew vn∣der our priuie Seale, in absence of our great Seale, the 30. day of Iuly. An. 1340.

* 4.2Mention was made a little before of Dauid King of Scots whome the French king had supported and stirred vp against the king and realme of England: which Dauid (with the aide of the Scots and Frenchmen) did so muche preuaile, y^t they recouered almost againe al Scotlād which before he had lost, and was cōstrained to liue in the forrest of Gedworth many yeres before. Then inuaded they En∣land, & came with their armie, wasting and burning the countrey before them, till they came as farre as Durham. & then returned againe into Scotland, where they recoue∣red all their holdes againe, sauing the towne of Barwike. Edenborough they tooke by a stratageme or subtile deuise practised by Douglas & certaine other: who apparaising themselues in poore mens habites, as vitailers with corne and prouender & other things, demanded the porter early in the morning what neede they had thereof, who nothing mistrusting opened the outward gate, where they shoulde tary til y^e Captaine rose: and perceiuing the Porter to haue the kaies of the inward gate,* 4.3 threw downe their sackes in the outward gate, that it might not be shut againe, & slewe the Porter, taking from him the kaies of the towne. Then they blew their horne as a warning to the bandes, which priuily they had laid not farre off: who in hastie wise com∣ming, & finding the gates ready opened entred vpon the sodaine and killed as many as them resisted, and so obtai∣ned againe the citie of Edenborough.

The Scots thus being busie in England, the Frenche king in the meane season gathered together a puissaunt power purposing to remoue the siege frō Turnay: and a∣mong other, sent for the king of Scots, who came to hym w^t great force, besides diuers other noble men of France: in so much that the French king had a great army, & thought himselfe able inough to raise the siege, and thither bent his host. But the French K. for al this his foresaid huge pow∣er & force, durst not yet so neare approch the king, as either to geue him battaile, or els remoue his siege: but kept him self w^t his army aloofe, in a sure place for his better defence. And notwithstanding the king of England wasted, burnt spoiled, and destroyed the coūtry 20. miles in maner com∣passe about Turnay,* 4.4 and tooke diuers and sundry stronge townes and holds at Ortois, Urles, Greney, Archis, O∣dint, S. Amand, and the towne of Lis••e, where he slewe a∣boue 300. men of armes, and about S. Omers, he slue and kild of noble men, the Lorde of Duskune, of Mauris••elou, of Rely, of Chastillion, of Melly, of Fenis, of Hamelar, of Mounfaucon, and other Barons to the number of 14. and also slue and killed aboue 130. Knightes, being all men of great possessions and prowesse, and tooke other small cities and townes to the number of 300. Yet for all thys, Phillip de Ualois the french king durst neither rescue his towns, nor relieue his owne men: but of hys great armie hee lost (which is to be marueiled at, being in the midst of his own countrey) by famine & other inconueniences, & for want of water more then 20000. men without any battaile by hym geuen. Whereupon at the treatie of the sayde Phillip by hys embassadours to the king sent, and by the mediation of the Lady Iane, sister to the sayd Philip, & mother to the Earle of Henault, whose daughter king Edwarde as you heard had married: A truce containing the number of 15. articles for one yeare was concluded, the king of Englande being very vnwilling and loth therunto. Yet notwythstanding, partly by the instance of the foresayd Lady, but specially for y^t the king was greatly disappoynted, through the negli∣gence of his officers in England, which sent hym not ouer such mony as he neded, for the continuance of hys warres and paiment of his soldiors wages (y^c articles being some∣what reasonable) he agreeth to the truce therof, the cōditi∣ons of which truce there concluded, heere followe vnder wrytten.

• 1. First,* 4.5 that during the sayde truce, no tales or mistrust of either part shall be a detriment or cause of breache of the same.
• 2. Item, that during the sayd respite or truce, eyther of the Princes, their helpers, coadiutors, and allies whatsoeuer: shall remaine and be in the quiete possession of all such pos∣sessions, holdes, territories and landes, as at thys pre••ent day, they kepe and enioy within the realme and dominion of Fraunce, in what maner so euer they haue atchieued the same, during the sayd truce.
• 3. Item, that the sayd princes their aiders, coadiutors, and allies whatsoeuer: shall passe safely from one country to an other, and all marchants with theyr marchandise, as well by sea as by land as accustomably they haue ben wont: ex∣cept such banished men as haue ben banished out of y^t sayd realmes, or any of them for other causes, then the warres betwene the sayd princes.
• 4. Item, that the said two princes shal not procure either by themselues or any other, any practice or other molesta∣tion to be made the one to the other, by y^c byshop of Rome or any other belonging to the holy church whatsoeuer: ey∣ther for the warres begon, or any other cause, nor for the seruice of any of their allies, coadiutors, and aiders, or any of them. And that our holy father the Pope nor any other, shal disturbe or molest either of the sayd two kings during the sayd time.
• 5. Item, that immediatly after the truce be proclaimed in both the hostes, that they may stand bound of either side, to kepe and obserue al and euery such article as shalbe there∣in contained.
• 6. Item, that wythin 20, dayes next and immediately en∣suing, eache of the Princes shall cause to be proclaimed in Gascoyne and Guyen, and other their lands these articles of truce, to the intent they may be the better obserued, kept, and knowne.
• 7. Item, if by any the sayd princes, their allies, people or coadiutours, any siege be layd in Gascoyne, or the Dutchy of Guyen, or any other Isles of the sea Gierncley or Ger∣sey, or any other: that the same sieges be raised, so soone as they shall heare of thys truce.
• 8. Item, that suche as are theeues and fugitiues out of the Countrey of Flaunders, shall not returne during the truce: and if they do, that then such as apprehēd them, shal see iustice done vpon them, and forfaite all the goodes they haue in Flaunders.
• 9. Item, it is accorded, that the debtes due to Arras, Tresponois, or other titles of Fraunce, shal neither be de∣maunded, nor executed during the sayd truce.
• 10. Item, that all suche prysoners as haue bene taken du∣ring these warres, shalbe released out of prison & sent home vpon theyr faith and othe to returne, if they be not raunso∣med during the sayd truce. And if any shal refuse so to doe, that then the Lord vnder whom he is, shall constraine him to returne againe to prison.
• 11. Item, that all the bandes whatsoeuer they be, whyche be made before thys sayde truce in the time of warre (whe∣ther they be of goods spirituall or temporall) be released w^t∣out restitucion, during the sayd truce.
• 12. Also, that these conditions of truce immediately may take effect betwene the Englishmen & Scots, their Lords, aiders and allies: and the same to endure vntill the Nati∣uitie of S. Iohn Baptist. And that certain persons be ap∣pointed by a certaine day to be at the marches of England and Scotland to confirme the same truce, vnder such cōdi∣tions as haue bene accustomed in those partes. And if the said Scottes refuse so to doe, that then they to haue no aide out of Fraunce, during the sayd truce.
• 13. Item, that this sayd truce be proclaimed in England, and in Scotlād, wythin the 26. dayes after the date therof.
• 14. Item, it is accorded that within this truce be contay∣ned Espamels, Chatellon, Geneuos, the Byshop and the towne of Cambrey, and castels of the same, &c.

In witnes wherof, we Iohn by the grace of God king of Bohemia, and Earle of Luxemburgh, Adulphe Byshop of Liege, Raoule Duke of Loreine, Ayemes Earle of Sa∣uoy, & Iohn Earle of Darminacke on the one party: And B. Duke of Brabante, C. Duke of Gelre, D. Marques of Iuliers, sir Iohn of Henault, and sir Beawmount on the other party, betwixt the high & puissant princes of France and England: Have scaled thys instrument of truce and

peace, and deliuered the same accordingly in the church of Espleteline, on monday the 25. day of September, the yere of grace. 1340.

* 4.6This truce thus finished, king Edwarde brake vp hys campe, remoouing his siege from Tourney, & came againe to Gaunt. Frō whence (very early in the morning) he w^t a small company tooke shipping, and by long seas came to the tower of Lōdon, very few or none hauing vnderstan∣ding thereof. And being greatly displeased with diuers of his counsel and high officers (for that through their default he was constrained against his will, not hauing money to maintaine hys warres,* 4.7 to condescende vnto the foresayde truce) he commanded to be apprehended and brought vnto him to the tower, the Lorde Iohn Stonhore chiefe iustice of England, and syr Iohn Poulteney with diuers others. and the next morning, he sent for the Lorde K. Byshop of Chichester and the Lord Wake, the Lorde Treasurer & di∣uers other such that were in authority and office, and com∣manded them al to be kept as prisoners in the said tower,* 4.8 onely the sayd byshop excepted: whom for feare of the con∣stitution of Pope Clement, whych commaunded that no Byshop should be by the king imprisoned, he set at libertie & suffered him to goe his way, & in his place substituted sir Roger Bourcher knight, Lord Chauncelour of England.

The historie intreating of this matter, reporteth thus that the king had this time vnder him euil substitutes, and couetous officers:* 4.9 who attēding more to their owne gain, then to the publike honour and commoditie of the realme, left the king destitute and naked of money. Wyth whyche crime,* 4.10 also Iohn Stratford Archbishop then of Caunter∣bury, was vehemētly noted and suspected, whether of hys true deserning, or by the setting on of other hereafter shall more appeare. In so much that the king ardently incensed against him, charged him with great falshode vsed against his person, as by these his letters wrytten and directed to the Deane and Chapter of Paules against the sayd Arch∣bishop manifestly appeareth, the tenor of which letter here followeth vnder written.

Edward by the grace of God king of England and Fraunce, and Lord of Ireland. To his welbeloued in Christ the Deane and Chapter of the Church of S. Paul in London, greeting in the Lord.

* 5.1IT is manifest by ancient hystories, but more plainely appeareth by those which daily are practised amongest vs: that many men abusing (through pride) the fauour of Princes, and honour besto∣wed vpon them, haue maliciously gone about to depraue the lau∣dable endeuour of kings. And nowe that the woordes which we speake may be more manifest vnto our subiects: we suppose that neither you nor they haue forgotten, that we being established in our kingly throne in yonger yeres, and coueting euen then to guide this our regal charge taken vpon vs with wholesome coū∣sailes, haue called vnto vs Iohn the Bishop of Winchester, nowe Archb. of Cant. whom we supposed for his fidelity and discretion to excede others: whose counsaile in matters appertaining vnto the health of our soule, as in matters also respecting the augmen∣ting and conseruation of our kingdome both spiritually & tem∣porally, we vsed: he was receiued of vs into all familiaritie. Wee found in him also such humanity, that he was saluted by the name of father, and of all next vnto the king had in honour. Now after∣wards, when by right of succession the kingdome of France shuld haue descended vnto vs, and was by violent iniurie by the Lorde Philip of Valois holden from vs: the said Archb. by his importune instancie, perswaded vs to enter league of amity with the princes of Almanie, against the sayde Phillip, and to commit our selfe and ours vnto the hazard of warres, promising and affirming that he woulde bring to passe, that the reuenues of our landes and other helpes by him deuised, shoulde suffice aboundantly for the main∣tenance of our said warres. Adding moreouer, that our only care should be for the furniture of strong and able souldiours, such as were fit for the purpose, and expert in warfare: for the rest, he him¦selfe would effectually procure, for money conuenient to suffice our necessitie, and the charges thereof. Whereuppon (entending great exployts) we conueyed our army beyond the seas, and with marueilous great charges (as behoued) we set forwarde: we be∣came also bound in great summes of mony, making sure accompt of the aide aforesaid promised vnto vs. But alasse, vnhappy is that man that reposeth confidence in mans deceitfull staffe of brittle reede: wherunto (as sayth the Prophet) if a man leane, it breaketh and pearceth the hand. Thus being defrauded of our long looked for subsidie, for very necessities sake, we were constrained to take vpon vs importable charges of debts by grieuous vsurie. And so, our expedition being staied, we were compelled to retyre into England, desisting from our enterprises so valiantly begun. Now, when we were returned into England, we laide before our Arch∣bishop our manifold calamities and misfortunes before rehersed, and thereuppon called a Parliament: wherein the Prelates, noble men and other the faithfull subiectes of our dominions, graunted vnto vs a new subsidie of corne, lambe, wool. &c. besides the tenth graunted by the Cleargie: which subsidie (if it had bene faithfully collected and obtained in due time) had greatly auailed for the expedition of our sayd warres, the paiment of our debts, and con∣fusion of our enemies. Our saide Archbishop promised diligently to do his endeuour, as well in collecting the same, as also in pro∣curing other necessaries to serue to our purpose. Wherupon, tru∣sting vnto these faire promises, hauing all thinges in a readynesse both men and furnished ships, we made saile towards Flaunders, and by the way vpon the dangerous seas buckeled with our ene∣mies (sworne to the destruction of our English nation) of whome we triumphed and were victors, not by our merites (their multi∣tude farre exceeding ours) but by the mercifull clemencie of him that ruleth both winde and sea. Which being done, we passed frō thence with a mighty power for the recouery of our right, & pit∣ched our rentes neare vnto the puissant citie of Tornaye: whe••e being deteined for a time in the siege therof, wearied with conti∣nuall toyle, our charges still encreasing, awaiting with silence our promysed ayde: day by day, wee hooped from oure Archby∣shoppe to receiue succoure in these our so great necessities. At length being frustrate of all conceyued hope, wee signified vnto our sayde Archbyshop, and other his adherents, by diuers messen∣gers and sundry letters, our great necessitie and perils which we were in for lacke of the sayd subsidie, graunted vnto vs. We added also the vtilitie and honour, which we sawe might be atchieued if we had receiued money in time. All this notwithstanding, we re∣ceiued from them no succour at all, for that, preferring their pri∣uate businesse and proper commodities, they cloked their slouth, or rather (as I may call it) their fraude and malice with vaine ex∣cuses: and painted glosing wordes, like vnto the deceitful, which (as saith Esay) vse to deride with these words: Manda remāda. &c.

By meanes whereof (alasse for sorrowe) it came to passe, that whiles good hope of subduing our ennemies gratiously smiled vppon vs, we were constrained (penurie preuailing against vs) to take truce to our shame, the hinderance of our expedition, and no smal reioysing of our euil willers: and so we returned into Flaun∣ders all voide of mony, oppressed with infinite debts, neither had we in our treasuries wherewith to discharge our necessities, nor yet to pay our soldiours wages: in so much, that we were compel∣led to enter into the deuouring gulfe of vsurie, and to sustaine on our shoulders great burdens of debts, heape vppon heape. This being done, our faithfull frends, companions in warres, and par∣takers of our tribulations came vnto vs, with whome we consul∣ted diligently by what meanes wee might best deliuer our selues from this dangerous storme of euill fortune.* 5.2 They all agreed, affir∣ming certainely, that the protracting of our warres, and cause of our manifolde necessity happened vnto vs through the fault and negligence (or rather the malice) of the sayd Archb. (vpon whose discretion the disposition of the whole kingdome seemed to de∣pend) and other officers whom we had adioyned in counsail with him touching the affaires of our kingdome: vehemently swearing and murmuring amongst themselues (for that we had left so long vncorrected the insolencie of the byshops and other officers) that if remedy in these cases were not had with spede: they wold with∣drawe themselues from our allegeance, and the couenaunt which they had sworne vnto: to the vtter subuersion of our kingdome, our perpetuall ignominie, and the euerlasting shame of our Eng∣lish nation (which God our most mercifull father forbid, shoulde come to passe in our daies, in whom is fixed immoueably the an∣chor of our hope.)* 5.3 Whereuppon entending the due correction of our officers, we remoued from offices (as semed good to our wis∣dome) diuers persons, whom we suspected in causes euidēt of euil administration of iustice, of subuersion, and oppressiō of our sub∣iects, of corruption, of bribes, and other hainous offences. Others also of inferiour degree offending in the premisses, we caused to be deteined in safe custody, least by their liberty, iustice might be troden vnder foote, and the inquisition of the trueth concerning the premisses not to come to light. Forasmuche therefore as the knowledge of the trueth in these cases might of none more cer∣tainly be knowen, then from the secrete brest of our sayd Archbi∣shop, for that nothing pertaining to our information ought to lie hid from him, vnto whome of so long a time had bene committed the administration of our whole common weale, and summe of our businesse: Wee sent vnto him our faithfull subiect Nicholas de Cantilupe with special commandement from vs (all delayes set a part) that he should forthwith make his personall appearance be∣fore vs at our City of London. But he (as one alwaies timerous as wel in prosperity as in aduersity, and fearing where no feare was) vntruely alleageth that some of our assistents had threatned hym, and laid wait for his life, if at any time he departed frō the Church of Cant. which (God wee take to witnesse and a pure conscience) wee neuer meant nor any of our assistents.

Wee suppose he touched thereby our Cousin,* 5.4 although to all other aswell of the cleargy as comminalty through his malicious misdemeanors he was become odious.

Wherfore, intending the safegarde of our subiects by letters or otherwise called before vs, we appoynted our trustie and wel∣beloued Rasse Stafforde our Harbynger, to offer vnto hym safe∣conducte: and moreouer to present vnto him our letters patentes vnder our seale, willing and commanding him therby againe per∣sonally to come before vs, that we might be enformed what of so long a time hee had done touching the affaires of the kyngdome. Wherunto,* 5.5 contemning our commanndement & gentle request, he answereth, that neither he wold in person appeare, neither yet in any matter conferre wyth vs, except it were in a full Parlia∣ment which for diuers reasonable causes coulde not then be cal∣led. Thus may you see this archb. (whom our royal benignity had amplified wyth large honours, admitted into all familiarity, recei∣ued into the bonde of vnnimitie and frendship, vpon whome as on a father our whole hope did consist: who, so long as wee ac∣complished his will in all things, pretended towardes, vs a face of counterfet loue cloaked wyth dissembling beneuolence, euen as though he had bene a louing father) howe cruelly against reason he hath now forsaken vs, requiting benefits with ingratitude, op∣pressing his benefactour wyth the arrogancie of feare:* 5.6 and finally (according to the vulgare prouerbe) rewarded vs as a horse in a satchell, a Snake in a mannes bosome, and fire cherished next the skinne rewardeth their receiuers. When we were first exalted vn∣to the throne of our kingdome, descended vnto vs by right of in∣heritaunce (Gods diuine prouidence so working) we thought and alwayes thinke it a detestable thyng to abuse so high authoritie, but rather desire to gouerne wyth clemencie, leuitie, and mode∣ration of iustice, that peace of all men desired might firmely take place.

* 5.7Neuerthelesse, our sayde Archbyshop hath gone about to de∣fame our innocencie, and the fidelitie and diligence our faithfull counsailers prosecutours of true iustice: openly declaring in hys letters patent, and publishing abroade in diuers places, that hee was oppressed by the kings power contrary, to iustice, the Clergy and comminaltie confounded, and the church ouer charged wyth diuers grieuous taxes & exactions. He subtilly vsurped the name of a good pastour, when in deede he was nothing lesse, but rather (as it should seeme by his owne cōfession, and the common opi∣nion had of him) a very hireling. He cloked his craftie subtilnesse with the zeale of defending the Churche, although he hymselfe in very deede was the onely cause, by his euill counsaile and craftie deuises, of the tribulations of the same. Hee also fained that not long agoe, certaine wrytings were brought vnto him to be sea∣led, containing in effect the defence and excusation of all such in generall that were violaters of the liberties of the Churche: ho∣ping thereby to defame the opinion had of vs and our faythfull counsailours, to stirre vp sedition amongst the people, and finally to withdrawe from vs the hearts of our nobilitie. Hee gaue com∣maundement by hys letters, that these things shoulde be proclai∣med in all places of great resorte by diuers speciall articles con∣trary to his former order in his prouinciall Councel. Wherefore, respecting the integritie of our fame, entending to preuent the malice of the sayde Archbishoppe, and also to decline from vs the snares prepared for vs and ours: wee haue thought good at thys present (ouer & besides those which before are rehersed) amongst so many which wee omitte, to declare vnto you some of hys per∣uerse and wicked actes. When in our minoritie wee were consti∣tuted ouer our dominions, hee caused vs through hys vnaduised counsaile and rash perswasion (therby to winne excesiue fauour) to geue away so many wastfull giftes, and so many vnlawfull alie∣nations that nowe by meanes thereof our treasury is cleane con∣sumed, the reuenewes of our Exchequer without all order dimi∣shed, and he corrupted with bribes innumerable. Oftentimes also without cause why, when neither necessitie nor vtilitie so requi∣red, onely through his perswasion wee forgaue diuers men great summes of money due vnto vs, yea and the rents and reuenewes which ought to haue bene conserued for our necessitie and pro∣fite we applied to the vse of his frendes largely bestowing vppon such as euill deserued it. Moreouer (accepting aswell persones as money) contrary to our minde, and hys othe of fidelitie made vn∣to vs: he admitted vnto publique offices throughout our domini∣ons, persones vnworthy, neglecting those that had well deserued. Many other things he rashly tooke in hand, to the detrimēt of our state,* 5.8 the hurt of our dignitie royall, and no smal dammage of our subiectes, by abusing his authoritie & office committed vnto him. But if he persist in his proude obstinacie and stout rebellion, wee shall heereafter in conuenient time and place, cause it to be more openly knowen: willing and commaunding you to publish and cause to be published, all and singular the premisses openly and distinctly in places where you shall thinke it expedient, and to set foorth (as shal seeme best to your godly wisedomes) our good en∣tent for the suppressing of incommodities, and furthering of the commodities of our subiectes, that we may worthely commende your circumspect care herein.

Teste meipso apud Westm. 10: die Februa. Anno regni nostri Angliae. 15. Regni verò Franciae secundo.

By these foresayde obiections & accusations of the king premised, and layd against the Archbishop of Canterbury: what is to be thought of the doinges of the sayd Archbi∣shop, I leaue it to thy iudgeuient gentle reader (as I sayd before) to be coniected: For so much as our histories some∣what bearing with the sayd Archbishop, seeme either to be vncertayne of the truth of the matter, or els couertly to dis∣semble some part of that they knew. And especially of Pol••∣dor Virgil. I meruaile, who hauing so good occasion to touch the matter, doth so sleightly passe it ouer without a∣ny word of mention. In whiche matter if probable coniec∣ture (beside history) might here be heard, it is not vnlike•• but that some olde practice of prelates hath herein bene put in vre, through some crafty conspiracy betweene the Pope and the Archbishop. And the rather to be gathered, for that as the pope was enemy vnto the king in this his chalenge to the crowne of Fraunce: So the Archbishop against his Prince (as for the most part alwayes they haue bene) was a trend, as no man neede to doubt therof,* 5.9 vnto the Pope. Which thing also more probable may be supposed, because of the comming downe of the it. Cardinals the same time, from the pope to the king of England, about the matter of farther truce: wherof (Christ willing) more hereafter shall follow. Albeit, the Archbishop (this yet notwithstanding) subtely and featly excuseth himselfe to the king of the fore∣sayd obiections, and cunningly handleth the matter in words by his letter directed to the king, as followeth.

The letter of the Archbyshop of Caunterburie to the king.

REdoubted Syr,* 6.1

may it please your maiestie to vnderstand: that the most chiefest and speciall thing that: keepeth kings and Princes in the fauoure of God, and best preserueth them in theyr estate: is sage, wise, and deliberate counsaile. And therefore sayeth the wise man, concerning counsell in this wise: Good men haue thereby their safetie. And it is wrytten in the booke of kinges, howe Salomon which was the wisest Prince that euer was, tooke vnto him the most auncient and sage men of his Realme to be his counsailours: By whose aduisement and discretion, hee alwayes. Kept the lande of Israell in quiet and in peace, and besides that had: all other kinges and princes that bordered vppon him at his will and commaundement. After whose death raigned Roboh••m hys, sonne, who neglecting the good coūsel of his father, and good ad∣uise of his sage & discrete counsailours:* 6.2 harkened to such coun∣sel as lighter and younger men perswaded him vnto, that sought rather howe to please and flatter him, then the quiet state of hys Realme: whereby he lost all the whole lande of Israel, the 12. part only excepted. In like maner haue many kings of Israel and other kingdomes beside, by rash and euill counsell come to great ruine and mischiefe. And Sir (sauing your princely patience) you may call to remembraunce your owne time: for by the wicked and si∣nister counsell to our la••e soueraigne Lorde your father geuen (whome God forgeue) which he tooke and folowed: both against the lawe of his lande, and graund Charter of the peeres and other his people of the lande: some he put to shamefull death, from o∣ther some he tooke their goods, and such as fled, he put vnto their raunsome, and what ennemies he purchased thereby, your grace well vnderstandeth. And after this Sir, you knowe (enen in your owne time) howe by following and beleuing ouer light counsel: you yourselfe lost the hartes of many of your subiectes, from the which God deliuer you, if it be his will. And after that time again vntill nowe, by the good aduisement of your Prelates, Peeres, and sage counsailours of your land, your graces businesse and af∣faires haue bene so demained and ordered: that you haue had the hearts againe of all your subiectes, as well spirituall as temporall, as muche or rather more, then any of your graces predecessours, kings of England haue had. So that, by meanes of the sayde good counsell, the good will and aide of your people, and special grace of God; you haue had the victorie of all your ennemies, as well in Scotlande as in Fraunce, and all other places besides: That vn∣to this day (Gods name bee blessed therefore) your grace hathe bene estemed as one of the most noblest Princes in all Christen∣dome. And nowe your grace (by the euill and peruerse counsaile of some suche wythin the Realme, whiche are not so wise as they might be, and such also as consider and respect rather their owne priuate commoditie, then your graces honour and safetie of your Realme) beginneth to apprehende diuers Clerkes, Pieres, and o∣ther people of the land, and to directe processe against them, not beseeming: but contrary to the Lawe of the land, which to keepe and maintaine you are bounde by the othe you tooke at youre coronation: and contrary to the graunde charter, whereof all the realme are witnesses, & all the prelates of the same: and cōtrary to the sentence confirmed by the Bul of our holy father to the pope▪ which we haue to shew. All which things, as they are to the great pearill and daunger of your soule: so are they also to the vtter debasing of your regall state and honour. And Sir, although such as be your graces gouernours and counsailers (beyng a callynge

aboue their agree) doe geue your grace to vnderstande that their enterprises and yours doe please and content your subiectes and commons: yet your grace shall knowe for certaine, and prooue it your owne selfe to be farre otherwise, then that they beare you in hand. And that vnlesse God do remedy the same if you prosecute your purpose begon in this order: you will leese the hearts of all your subiects, as also your good and rightfull enterprise, and shal see such discord about the same: that you shall not be able to per∣forme that you haue begon, but rather enforce your ennemies to seeke your destruction, to loose your noble and renowmed fame, and in the ende your kingdom it selfe, which God forbid. Where∣fore soueraigne Lorde and King, I beseeche you: that for the safe∣gard of your honour and Realme, and enterprise begon, that you will take vnto you the most discrete and wisest men, wythin your Realme, and woorke by their aduise and counsell, as before thys time you haue bene accustomed without the aide and counsell of whome you can neither maintaine your enterprise, nor gouerne your realme.* 6.3 And for that, some such as are about your grace fals∣ly deuise against vs, treason and such like troubles (and therefore are of vs excommunicate, and as persons excommunicate doe so esteme of them) as your spirituall pastour, we also desire you so to esteeme and thinke of them, which also, make like report of other that haue bene with your grace beyonde the seas, that they haue naughtely & falsely serued you, wherby you haue lost the towne of Tourney, & much honor els, which you might haue wonne & gotten there. May it please your grace to call before you, the Pre∣lates and Pieres of your Realme in some conuenient place, where wee and other moe, may safely come and resorte, and there also to make search and enquirie, in whose hands after the beginning of your warres, the money and what thing els so euer, which was graunted vnto you in aide of the same your warres, vntill thys present day, doeth remaine and is not laide out againe, as also by whose default you were so enforced to leaue the sayde siege of Tourney: and those which shalbe founde in any poynt faultie and guiltie therin against you as a good Iusticer, your grace wil cause to be punished according to the lawe: and in so much as appertai∣neth vnto vs therein, we aske iudgement of our Peeres (the state alwayes of holy Church, of vs, & of our order reserued inuiolate) according as we haue wrytten vnto you heerein. And for Gods sake Syr, beleeue not either of vs or any other your true subiectes els, more then that you shall vnderstand the veritie of: for if men should be punished without making answere to that, which is ob∣iected against them, there should be then no difference in iudge∣ment betwixt the good doer and the bad.

And Syr, may it please you well to consider, of the great en∣terprise you haue in hande, the great good will which you haue neede of for this cause, and of your great ennemies the Scots, and the great ieoperdie of your realme besides. For, if your Prelates, your nobles, & al the wisemen of your realme, were of one minde and will (without any discorde or diuision amongst them) to dis∣pose and set in order those things, which are needeful in so great affaires and businesse: they shoulde haue all inough to beate their heads about, for the maintenance of your great enterprise begon, the honour of you, and sauegarde of your Realme. And Syr, may it please your grace, not to be displeased that so rudely and grose∣ly we declare vnto you the veritie: for why, the great loue & af∣fection which we beare vnto you, & alwayes haue done the same: the preseruation of your honour and sauegard of your realme, as also for that we are (although vnworthy) the primat of the whole realme of England: which thing appertaining vnto vs by our of∣fice, & being your spirituall father, doth incite vs the rather both to say and cōmaund that, which may turne to the benefite of your soule, and profite of your realme and kingly estate. Thus the holy spirite saue you both body and soule, and giue your grace both to heare and beleeue good counsaile, and further giue you victorie ouer all your enemies.

Written at Cant. the 1. day of Ianuary.

By your graces chaplen the Archbishop of the same.

* 6.4And thus node the case betweene the king & the Arch∣bishop of Caunterbury, who comming thus (as is said) in secret wise into Englande, from the siege of Tourney, hys army in the meane while, by ships was conueyed to little Britaine. Of whome a great number, through vnseasona∣ble and inconuenient meats and drinks, was there consu∣med. To whom also no lesse danger happened by the seas comming out of Britain into England, by tempest, thun∣der and lightening stirred vp, as is thought by the Necro∣maucers of the French king.

* 6.5About whych season, approchyng to the yeare of oure Lorde 1341. were sent from the Pope two other Cardi∣nals to entreat wyth Kyng Edwarde for thre yeres truce to be concluded more wyth the Frenche Kyng,* 6.6 beside the former truce taken before for one yere, and all by the popes meanes. For heere is to be vnderstanded, that as it was not for the Popes purpose to haue the Kyng of England to raigne ouer so many coūtreis, so his priuy supportation lacked not by all meanes possible, both by Archbyshops & Cardinals, and also by the Emperor to maintain the state of the French king, and to stablish him in his possession. Ex Tho. Walsing. ex chron. Albanens.

In the said histories where these things be mentioned it is also noted, that the same yeare such plentye there was here in the realme of victuals, that a quarter of wheat was solde for ii.s. a fat oxe for a noble, and as some say a sheepe for iiii. d. And thus farre endureth the hystorie of Ranulphus Cestrensis called Polychronicon.

The next yere following,* 6.7 which was 1342, Ludouicus Bauarus the Emperor, who before had shewed great cur∣tesie to king Edward as in his first viage ouer, in so much that he made him his Uicar or Uicegerent general, and of∣fered hym also aide against the French king: Now (••yther turned by inconstancie, or seduced by the pope) wryteth to him contrary letters, wherein hee reuoketh agayne the Uicegerentship graunted to hym, and seeketh all meanes in the fauour of the French king, against king Edwarde: as by his letters heere vnder written may better appeare.

The letter of the Emperour vnto the king of England.

LVdouicus by the grace of God Emperor of the Romaines al∣waies Augustus, &c. To Edward king of England his beloued brother, greeting and vnfained loue.

Although great and vrgent busines of our owne do oppresse vs, & about the same our waigh∣ty affaires are daily incombred, yet with the discord & variaunce betwene your kingly dignity and the renowmed Phillip the king of Fraunce our cosine, for your sake wee are not a little troubled. And the rather the great charges which may heereafter growe both to you and to your kingdome, thereby considered bothe of men and money vnlesse the same be taken vp: doth more earnest∣ly prouoke vs to geue our selfe to the carefull studie of your af∣faires. Wherefore wee geue you to vnderstande that the foresayde Philip (at our request) hath geuen vnto vs by his letters, authori∣tie and power to intreat and conclude a peace betwene you, tou∣ching the variance begon: which peace (al the state diligently cō∣sidered both of your selfe, your kingdome and subiects) wee take and beleeue to be right expedient for you: moouing there withall your charity, and earnestly desiring you that to this also you will geue your consent: wherby we may bring you both to concord and vnitie, and establish betweene you a firme peace to endure, whereunto with willing minde we would apply our selfe and be∣stow our painfull labour in prosecuting of the same. And heerein if you will condescend and agree vnto our counsaile, as we trust you wil. It may please you by your letters to geue vnto vs the like autoritie as is aboue sayd, to entreat peace or ordering of a truce for one yeare or two at least to continue. Neither let it moue you that betwene vs and the sayde Phillip of Fraunce a truce is taken. For seeing that you without our consent tooke truce with hym: wee by the aduice of our Princes which know the bonds, dedes, and couenants betwixt vs, who also thought no lesse but that sa∣uing your honour we might do the same, haue also made a league with the said Phillip king of Fraunce, and for certaine causes doe reuoke and call backe the Liefetenantship which we assigned vn∣to you by our letters: Neuerthelesse geuing you for a certaine to vnderstande, that in our saide treaties and peace concluded, wee haue so brotherly considered you, that if you wil agree & condes∣cend vnto our counsel: your cause (by our meane and help) shalbe brought to good passe and effect. About which things farther to conferre with your brotherhode herein, we haue sent a deuout & religious man Eliarhardus, reader and brother of the Heremites of S. Augustine, and Chaplaine of our Courte: whome about the premisses we desire with speedy expedition to be sent to vs again.

Dated at Franckforde the 14 day of Iune in the 24. yeare of oure raigne, and 14. of our Empire.

The answere of the King of England, to the Emperour.

TO the high and mighty Prince Lorde Ludouicke, by the grace of God Emperor of the Romanes, alwaies Augustus, Edward by the same grace king of Fraunce, and England, and Lord of Ire∣land: salutation and prosperous successe.

We haue reuerently receined your highnes letters, amongst other thinges containing, that the noble Phillip de Valois (to the intent a peace and concorde betweene vs and him might be con∣cluded) hath geuen vnto you by his letters ful power and autho∣ritie thereunto at your highnesse request: And that if the same might content vs to doe in like sort, your highnesse woulde tra∣uaile to bring the concorde to passe: And that it would not moue vs any whit at all, that your highnesse and the sayde Phillip are in league together: For in so much as wee without your astent and consent (you say) tooke truce with the sayd Phillip, you haue al∣so done the like with him (which thing you might well do sauing your honoure, by the counsaile of all your Nobles and Princes) and for certaine causes reuoke againe the Lieftenauntship which

you committed vnto vs. Doubtlesse, the zeale and good will you haue to make this concorde and agreement, we much commend: letting you to vnderstand, that we alwayes haue bene desirous & still are, to haue a reasonable peace with the sayde Phillip: which peace, as much as to vs (our honour saued) appertained, we haue in iustice and by law prosecuted: and in very deede, it should be to vs acceptable, and as wee woulde wish, if by such a Mediatour as your Celsitude is, it might be brought to passe. But forasmuch as we: vnderstande the same our right and title to the kingdome of France, to be manifest and cleare inough: we purpose not to com∣mit the same by any of our letters to doutfull arbitrement. But while wee well consider and reuolue with our selues, howe your highnesse vpon circumspect consideration (manifestly beholding our iust and rightful doing, and the straight dealing and obstinate purpose and iniurie of the sayd Philip) with vs and in our behalfe against the said Philip, your graces highnes made a special league: adopting vs of your great and bountifull loue towardes our per∣son, to be one of your sonnes: Wherefore thus againe to alter and breake the same, wee cannot sufficiently maruell. Seeing your in∣uincible highnes being instituted of God to the laude and com∣mendation of good men, and reuenge of euill and wicked doers, hath made a league against vs with the saide Philip de Valoys our notorious and iniurious enemy. And as touching that which you say, without your assignement and consent wee tooke a truce or dayes of respite with the said Phillip which we ought not to haue done: If your grace well consider the circumstance of the matter, we haue done but as we might therein. For when we laide oure siege to Tourney, it was requisite we followed their aduise whose aide and societie therein we had. Besides, the soden and imminent necessity which we there stood in, & the distance of the place be∣twixt your highnesse and vs furthermore was suche, as by that no meanes wee might attaine the same, nor vse your assent therein. Yea & further, if your grace wel remember your self, your graunt vnto vs was such: that whensoeuer oportunitie thereunto should serue, we might entreate of any peace, and graunt what time wee thought mete thereunto, without your consent therin: So that to conclude any finall peace with the saide Philip de Valois, without either your consent or otherwise making your highnesse priuie thereunto, it might not be lawfull for vs: Which thing wythout your said counsaile, consent and aduise, we neuer minded or pur∣posed to do. But haue in all our doings done that which vs besee∣med, so farre as by any meanes our power would stretch: hoping likewise, that your brotherly beneuolence for a time would haue more louingly supported vs. It is thought also by some, that the reuoking backe againe, or restraint of your foresayd Liefetenant∣ship, was prematurate or done all out of time: when as according to your promise made to vs herein by your letters imperiall, you ought not so to haue done before the Realme and kingdome of Fraunce (or at the least the greatest part thereof) were of vs obtai∣ned and quietly in peaceable wise enioyed. These premised there∣fore we desire you, according to our nobilitie duely to consider, and heereafter to doe that which shall be thought both meete and conuenient: because that (God willing) we mea••e to recōpence and gratifie both you & yours, according to the measure of your beneuolence bestowed vpon vs. The almighty graunt vnto your Celfitude so much felicitie as your hart desireth.

Dated at Lon∣don the 18. day of Iuly in the 2. yeare of the raign of our kingdom of Fraunce, and of England 15.

* 8.1In this meane time died Pope Benedict the 12. men∣tioned a little before: after whome succeeded in that roume Pope Clement the 6. Of whome it is reported in storyes, that he was very liberall and bountiful to hys Cardinals of Rome, in riching and heaping them with goods & pos∣sessions, not of his owne,* 8.2 but with the Ecclesiasticall dig∣nities and preferments of the Churches of England. For so recordeth the author, that he bestowed vpon his Cardi∣nals the liuyngs and promotions, suche as were or should be vacant in churches of England, and wēt about to set vp new titles for his Cardinals,* 8.3 here within this realm. But the kyng beyng offēded therwith made voyd and frustrate all those foresayd prouisions of the pope, chargyng moreo∣uer and commaunding no person whatsoeuer, to busy him¦self with any such prouisions, vnder paine of prisonment & l••syng his lyfe. Which law was made the next yere folow∣ing which was an. 1344.

It followed then, that the said Pope Clement, agayne began to make new pronisiōs for two of his Cardinals of benefices and Churches that should be next vacant, beside Bishopricks and Abbotshyps, to the extent of two thou∣sand Marks. Wherupon, the procurators of the sayd Car∣dinals were sent down for the same. But the kyng and no∣bility of the realme not suffring that, vnder paine of impri∣sonment caused the sayd procurators foorthwith to depart the realm:* 8.4 wherupon, the nobles and commons shortly af∣ter, writeth a fruitfull Epistle to the Pope, for the liberties and the maintenance of y^• English church: Whereunto, as saith the author, the pope and the Cardinals were not able to answer. The argument and tenor of which letter out of French, wee haue caused to be translated into Englishe, as insueth.

The letter of the king of England and nobles of the same, to the Pope, against the reseruations and pro∣uisions which he had in England.

TO the most holy father in God,* 9.1 Lord Clement by the grace of God of the holy church of Rome, and of the vniuersal church, chiefe and high Bishop:

His humble & deuout children, the Prin∣ces, Dukes, Earles, Barons, Knights, Citizens, Burgeses, and al the comminaltie of the Realme of Englande, assembled at the Parlia∣ment holden at Westminster the 15. day of May last past: Deuoute kissings of his holy feete, with all humble reuerence and humi∣litie. Most holy father, the holy discretion, gouernment & equitie which appeareth to be in you and ought of duety so to be (beyng so high and holy a prelate, and head of the holy church) by whom the holy vniuersall churche and people of God ought to be, as by the sunne beames inlightened: Geueth vs good hope and likely∣hode, that the iust petitions (to the honour of Iesus Christ & holy Church, and your holinesse also) by vs declared, shalbe of you gra∣ciously heard and considered. And that all errours and other ini∣quities quite taken away and remooued: in stede thereof, fruitfull exployts and necessary remedies (by the grace of the holy spirite; which you in so high an estate haue receiued) may be by you like∣wise graciously ordained and disposed. Wherfore most holy father all we (vpon great deliberation and common assent) come vnto your holines: shewing and declaring that the noble kings of Eng∣land our progenitours, our auncitours, and we (according to the grace of the holy spirite to them and vs geuen, euery one accor∣ding to his deuotion) haue established, foūded, and endowed with in the realme of Englande: Churches, Cathedrals, Colleges, Ab∣beis, Priories, and other diuers houses of religion in the same or∣dained: and to the Prelates and gouernours of the same places, haue geuen landes, possessions, patrimonies, franchesies, aduow∣sons, and patronages of dignities, reuenues, offices, churches, with many and diuers other benefices vnto them geuen: whereby the seruice of God and faith of Christ might haue bene honoured and had in reuerēce: that the hospitals & almes houses that are made, with all the churches & edifices, might be honestly kept & main∣tained: and that deuout praiers might in those places be made for the founders, & the poore parishioners aided and comforted. And such only ought to haue the cure therof, as are able to heare con∣fessions; and in their owne naturall toung otherwise meete to in∣forme & teach their parishioners. And for so muche as (most holy father) that you cānot well come to the notice of diuers such er∣rours & defaults, neither yet vnderstand the condition of the pla∣ces being so far of, vnles your holines be enformed & aduertised. We hauing the perfect intelligence and vnderstanding of the sayd errours and defaultes, of the places abouesayd, within the sayd Realme, haue thought meete to signifie the same vnto your holines. That diuers reseruations, prouisions and collations by your predecessours Apostolicke of Rome, and by you most holy father in your time haue bene graunted (and that more largely then they haue bene accustomed to be) vnto diuers persons, as well straungers and of sundry nations, as vnto some such as are our enemies, hauing no vnderstanding at all of the tongue and conditions of them, of whom they haue the gouernment & cure. Whereby, a great number of soules are in perill, a great many of their parishners in daunger, the seruice of GOD destroyed, the almes and deuotion of all men diminished, the hospitals perished, the churches with their appurtenaunces decayed, charitie with∣drawne, the good and honest persons of our realme vnaduaunced, the charge and gouernement of soules not regarded, the deuoti∣on of the people restrayned, many poore schollers vnpreferred and the treasure of the realme caryed out against the myndes and intentes of the founders. All which errours, defaultes, and flaun∣ders most holy father we neyther can nor ought to suffer nor in∣dure.* 9.2 We therefore most humbly require your holines, that the slaunders errors and defaultes, which we haue declared vnto you, may be through your great discretion considered and that it may, please you that such reseruations, prouisions, and collations may be vtterly repelled, that from henceforth the same be no more a∣mongst vs vsed. But to take such order and remedy therein, that the said benefices, edifices, rightes, with their apertinentes, may be to the honour of God by our owne countrymen cured, defended and gouerned. And that it may further please your holines, by your letters to signifie vnto vs without delay and other detract of tyme, what your plesure is touching this our lawful request & de∣maund, and that we may doe our indeuour with dilligence here∣in for the remedy, correction, and amendment of those enormi∣ties aboue specified. In witnes wherof, vnto these letters patentes we haue set our seales.

Geuen in the full Parliament at West∣minster the 8. day of May, an 1343.

After these thinges thus passed ouer, the King shortly after sent ouer his Procuratours, Earle of Lancaster and Darby, Hugh Spencer, L. Rafe Stafforde, wyth the By∣shop of Ex••tor and diuers other, to the popes court to dis∣cusse and plead about the right of his title, before the pope. Unto whom the said Pope Clement the 6. not long after, sent down thys message:* 9.3 how that Ludouike duke of Ba∣uarie, the Emperour whom the pope had before deposed, had submitted himselfe to hym in all things, and therefore deserued at his hands the benefite of absolution: And how the pope therfore had cōferred and restored vnto him iust∣ly and gratiously the Empire,* 9.4 which he before vniustly did holde. &c. Which message when the King did heare, beyng therwith moued to anger, answered againe, saying: That if he did agree and compound also with the Frenche king, he was ready to fight with them both, &c. Ex chro. Albanen.

Within the time of this yere, pence, halfepence, and far∣things began to be coyned in the tower.* 9.5 And the next yere folowing, which was an. 1344. the castle of winsor (where the king was borne) began to be repared: and in the same, the house called the rounde table was situate,* 9.6 the diameter wherof from the one side to the other, contained 200. feete, to the expēces of which house weekly was allowed an C. li. for the mainteining of the kings chiualrie: till at length by the occasion of the French warres, it came downe to ix. If a weeke. By the example whereof, the Frenche king be∣ing prouoked, began also the like round table in Fraunce, for the maintaining of the knighthoode. At which tune the sayd French king moreouer gaue free libertie through his realme to fel downe trees for making of ships & maintay∣ning of his nauie, whereby the Realme of Englande was not a litle damnified.

* 9.7During the same yere, the Clergie of England graun∣ted to the king tenthes for 3. yeres: for the which the king in recompence againe graunted to them his Charter con∣taining these priuiledges: that no Archbishop nor Bishop should be arreigned before his Iustices, siue ad sectam suam, siue partis, if the sayd clarke do submit & claime his cleargy, professing himselfe to be a member of holy Church, who so doing shall not be bound to come to his answer before the Iustices.* 9.8 And if it shall be layd vnto them to haue maryed two wiues, or to haue maried a widow: the Iustices shall haue no power to proceede against them, to inquire for the matter: So that the cause shall be reserued to the spirituall court. &c.

* 9.9About this present time at the setting vp of the rounde table, the king made Prince Edwarde his eldest sonne the first prince of Wales. At this while yet continued the truce betweene the 2. kings. Albeit it is likely to be thought that y^• French king gaue many attempts to infringe the same. Wherupon Henry earl of Lancaster w^t 600. men at armes, and as many archers as were sent ouer to Gascoin, y^• yere after,* 9.10 an. 1345. who there so valiantly is said to behaue him selfe, that he subdued 55. towneships vnto the king, 23. no∣ble men,* 9.11 he toke prisoners, encountring w^t the French men at Attebroke. So curteously and liberally he dealt with his souldiors, y^• it was a ioy to them and a preferment to fight vnderneath him. His maner was in winning any towne, litle or nothing to reserue to himself, but to sparie y^• whole spoile to his souldiors. One example in the author (whom I follow) is touched:* 9.12 howe the foresaide Earle at the win∣ning of the towne of Bryers, where he had graunted to e∣uery soldior for hys bootie, the house w^t all the implements therein, which he by victory should obtaine: among other his soldiors to one named Reh, fell a certaine house w^t the implements thereof, wherein was contained the mint and mony coyned for that country, to the valure of a great sub∣stance: which when the soldior had found, in breaking vp a house, where first the grosse mettall was not yet perfectly wrought, he came to the Earle declaring to him the trea∣sure, to know what was his pleasure therein. To whome the Earle answered that the house was his, & whatsoeuer he found therein. Afterwarde the souldior finding a whole mint of pure siluer ready coyned, signified the same to the earle, for somuch as he thought such treasure to be to great for his portion, to whom the sayd Earl againe answering, declared that hee had once geuen him the whole house, and that he had once geuen,* 9.13 he would not call backe againe as childrē vse to play. And therfore had hym enioy that which was graūted to him: And if the mony were thrice as much it should be his owne: Ex chron. Albanens. Which story whi∣ther it was true or otherwise in those dayes, I haue not to affirm. But certes, if in these our couetous wretched daies nowe present, any author should reporte the like acte to be practised,* 9.14 I would hardly beleeue it to be true.

As the erl of Lancaster was thus occupied in Gascony the Scots were as busy here in England, wasting & spoy∣ling without mercy, which were thought (& not vnlike) to be set on by y^• French king. And therfore was iudged both by that, & by other diuers wayes to haue broken the cout∣nants of truce betwene him and the king of England.

Wherfore y^• next yere insuing.* 9.15 An. 1346. king Edward first sending his letters to the court of Rome, & therin cō∣plaining to the pope of Philip de Ualois, how he had trās∣gressed,* 9.16 and brokē the truce betwene them made, which by cuidēt probations he there made manifest: about the mōth of Iuly made hys voyage into Normandy in suche secrete wise, that no man wel knewe whether he intended. Where first he entred the towne of Bogs,* 9.17 from thence proceeded vnto Cardone. Where, about the 27. of Iuly by the riuer of Cardone he had a strong battel, w^t the Normands & other French men, which to stop hys passage, defended y^• bridge. At the which battel were taken of the Lords of France, the erle of Ewe, the erle of Tankeruile. And of knights wyth other men of armes, to the number of an 100. of foote men 600. and the towne and suburbs beaten downe to the hard wals. And all that could be borne away transported to the shippes.

A little before mention was made how the French K. began first to infringe the truce taken, and howe the Earle of Lancaster, vpō the same was sent vnto Gascony. Now for the more euidence of the matter cōcerning the falling of the French king from the league, and other his wrongs & vntrue dealing: It shal better in the kings letter appeare, who hearing word y^t the Lord Philip de Ualois (contrary to the forme of truce taken at Uanes) had apprehēded cer∣taine of his nobles of Englande, and had brought them to Paris to be imprisoned & put to death: beside other slaugh∣ters and spoilings made in Britaine, Gascony, and other places moe. He therfore seing the truce to be broken of the French kings part, & being thereto of necessity compelled: In the yeare aboue prefixed, the 14. of the month of Iune, did publish and send abroad hys letter of defiance, contai∣ning thys effect.

The kings letters of defiance against the French king.

TO all and singular,* 10.1 to whom these presents shal come, publike greeting.

We thinke it is not vnknowen vnto you all, that af∣ter the decease of Charles late king of Fraunce of famous memo∣rie, brother to our redoubted Lady mother Quene Isabel, Quene of England. That the crowne of Fraunce, by iust inheritance hath fallen vnto vs, as to the next heire male now liuing after the sayd king. Nowe Phillip de Valoys, being sonne but only to the vncle of the foresayde king Charles, and therefore by degree of consan∣guinity being further of remoued from the same (we being in the time of our minoritie) hath violently by force and power cōtra∣ry to God and iustice vsurped, occupied, and yet doth occupy the same, inuading further and spoyling our landes in the Dukedome of Aquitania, and ioyning himselfe with our rebellious ennemies the Scots, seeking our subuersion both by land and by sea, to the vttermost of hys endeuour. And although wee to preuent the da∣mages which might rise by warre, haue offred to the sayde Phillip diuers friendly waies of peace: to the entent we might better in∣tend our purposed voyage against Christes enemies the Turkes: Yet could nothing preuaile with him in obtaining any peaceable way of reformation, driuing vs of by crafty dissimulatiō, through false pretensed wordes, but perfourming nothing with heart and dede. Whereuppon, wee not neglecting the grace and the gyft of God, to defend the right of our inheritāce, and to repulse the in∣iuries of our enemie, haue not refused by force of armes, cōming downe to Britanie to encounter with him in open fielde. And so wee being occupied in our warres, there repaired vnto vs the re∣uerend father bishop of Preuest, and of Tusculane Cardinals, and Legates from Pope Clement 6. to entreate some reformation of peace betweene vs. At whose request wee consented, agreeing to such formes and cōditions of peace as then were taken betwene vs, sending moreouer our Embassadours to the court of Rome, specially to intreat of the same matter. And thus while some hope of truce seemed betwene vs to appeare: Newes sodenly came vn∣to vs, which not a little astonied our minde, of the death of cer∣taine of our nobles and adherents, whom the sayd Phillip vniust∣ly, and cruelly at Paris commaunded to be executed. Beside the wasting and spoyling our lands and subiects in Britany, Gascony and other places: with innumerable wrongs and iniuries deceit∣fully intended against vs both by sea and land. By reason wherof, the truce on his part being notoriously broken, it is most mani∣fest to haue bene lawfull for vs, forthwith to haue set vppon him with open warre. Yet notwythstanding to auoid those incommo∣dities that come by warre, wee thought first to prooue, if by any gentle meanes some reformation might be had touching the pre∣misses. And therfore sondry times, haue sent Embassadours to the Popes presence for the Treatyse of peace, and reformation to be had in those aforesaid excesses: requiring also for the tractation

therof, certayne termes of times to be appoynted, alwayes, reser∣uing to our selues notwithstanding free liberty to resume warre at our pleasure, according as the doinges of the sayd Philip shall constrayne vs therunto. And now forasmuch as the foresayd ter∣mes be already expired, and yet no reasonable offer of peace ap∣peareth,* 10.2 neither will the sayd Philip come to any conformity, be∣ing required and monished notwithstanding by the Popes letters therunto, (as the Pope by his letters hath written vnto vs) but al∣wayes hath multiplied his conspiracy and obligations vsing ex∣tremeties agaynst vs, to omit here to speak of the excessiue enor∣mity of the Popes Legate,* 10.3 who being sent by the Bishop of Rome for the keeping of truce, and whose part had bene rather to haue quenched and stayd the discord: hath stirred vp our enemy more egerly agaynst vs. In the which doing neither hath the Bishop of Rome (sauing his reuerēce) as yet prouided any remedy, albeit he hath bene diuers times required of vs so to do. Which things be∣ing so, we ought to be excused both before God and man, if for the defect of other remedy to be had, we shalbe constrayned our selues to finde remedy agaynst such wrongs and iniuries: the case of iustice and necessity constrayning vs to geue out these our let¦ters of defiance, agaynst the violator of the truce, & the vniust in∣uader of our kingdome. Protesting that this we do, not vpon any displeasure to the Bishop of Rome, or to the Apostolicke sea but onely for the moderation of equity, standing vpon the defence of our owne right & lawfull inheritaunce, intēding alwayes rather to haue peace, if by any reasonable way it might be had. And thus much for the stopping of slaunderous fame and the mouthes of backbiters, We thought good to signify first to the high Bishop of Rome, &c the foresayd Cardinals: that by them as persons indiffe∣rent, and mediators, the same may be insinuated to the contrarye part, and also vnto your whole vniuersity in general: recommen∣ding vnto you all the innocency of my cause and the communi∣ty of iustice.

Dated at Westminster the 14. of Iune, the 19. yeare of our reigne in England, and of Fraunce the 6.

And thus much for the kinges letter. Now let vs a∣gayne returne to his passage, from whence a litle we haue degressed. Concerning the which passage of the king, with the order of his actes atchieued in the same, from the win∣ning of Cadane or Cordoyne, vnto the towne of Pusiack, is sufficiently described by one of the Kinges Chaplaynes and his confessour, who being a Dominick Fryer and ac∣companying the King through all his iourney, writeth thereof as followeth.

* 10.4Benedicere debemus Deum Coeli &c. Great cause we haue to prayse and laud the God of heauen, and most worthely to cō∣fesse his holy name, who hath wrought so his mercy to vs. For af∣ter the conflict had at Cadame, in the which many were slayne, and the City taken and sackt euen to the bare walles, the Citty of Baia immediately yelded it selfe of his owne accord, fearing least theyr coūselles had bene bewrayed. After this the Lord our king directed his progresse toward Roane Who being at the towne of Lexon,* 10.5 there came certayne Cardinals to him, greatly exhorting him to peace. Which Cardinals being curteously entertayned of the K. for the reuerence of the Popes sea, it was thus answered to them agayne. That the king being much desirous of peace, had as∣sayd by all wayes and meanes reasonable how to mayntayne the same. And therfore hath offered conditions and manifolde wayes of peace to be had to the no small preiudice of his owne cause. And yet is ready to admit any reasonable offer of peace, if by any meanes it may be fought &c. With this answere the Cardinalles going to the french king the kinges aduersary, to perswade with him in like maner:* 10.6 returned to King Edward agayne, offering to hym in the French Kynges name the Dukedome of Aqui∣tania, in as full assurance as his father before him euer had it, be∣sides further hope also of obteining more, if intreatye of peace might be obteined. But for so much, that cōtēted not enough the kings mind, neither did the Cardinals finde the frēch king so trac∣table and propense to the studye of peace as they looked for, the Cardinals returned, leauing the matter as they founde it. And so the king speeding forward, by the way as his iourney did lye, he subdued the country and the great townes without any resistāce of the inhabitans, who did all flye and run away. Such feare God stroke into them, that it seemed they had lost their hartes. In the same voiage, as the king had gotten many townes and villages, so also he subdued Castles and Munitiōs, very strong, and that with little stresse. His enemy being at the same time at Roane had rea∣red a great army, who notwitstanding being well manned, yet e∣uer kept on the other side of the riuer Seane, breaking downe all the bridges that we shoulde not come ouer to him. And al∣though the countrey roūd about continually was spoyled, sackt, and with fire consumed by the circuit of 20. miles round about: yet the French king being distant scarse the space of one mile frō vs, either would not or els durst not (when he might easily haue passed ouer the riuer) make any resistaunce for the defence of his countrey and people.* 10.7 And so our king iourneying forwarde came to Pusiacke or Poisy, where the French king had likewyse broke downe the bridge: and keeping on the other side of the ri∣uer, would rest in no place.

After whose comming to Poisie, the foresayd chaplain and confessor to the king, named Michaell Northburgh, describing the kings voyage and the actes of the English∣men from the town of Poisie, to his comming to Calis, in his letters writeth in this wise.

¶ A Letter of W. Northburghe the Kyngs confessor, describing the kings voyage into Fraunce.

SAlutations premised, we geue you to vnderstand, that our so∣ueraigne Lord the king came to the towne of Poisye the daye before the Assumption of our Lady, where was a certayne bridge ouer the water of Seane broken downe of the enemye, but the king taried there so long till that the bridge was made again. And whiles the bridge was in repayring, there came a great number of men at armes and other souldiours were armed, to hinder the same. But the Earle of Northhampton issued out agaynst them & flew of them more then one thousand: the rest fled away thankes be to God. And at an other time our men passed the water al∣though with much trauell, and flew a great number of the com∣mon souldiours of Fraunce, about the Citty of Paris, and coun∣trey adioyning, being part of the French kinges army, and tho∣rowly well appoynted: so that our people haue now, made other good bridges vpon our enemyes, God be thanked, without any great losse and damage to vs. And on the morrow after the As∣sumption of our Ladye, the king passed the water of Sceane, and marched toward Po••ye, which is a towne of great defence and stronglye immured, and a maruellous strong Castle within the same, which our enemies kept. And when our vaundgard was passed the towne, our reregarde gaue an assault thereunto and tooke the same: where were slayne more then 300. men at armes of our enemyes part. And the next day following, the Earle of Suffolke and Sir Hugh Spenser marched forth vpon the com∣mons of the countrey assembled and well armed, and in fine dis∣comfited them, and slew of them more then 200. and tooke 60. Gentlemen prisoners, besides others. And after that, the Kyng marched toward Graund Villers, and while he was there encam∣ped, the kinges vaundgard was discried by the men of armes of the king Bename: whereupon, our men issued out in great haste and ioyned battell with them, but were inforced to retyre. Not∣withstanding, thankes be vnto God, the Earle of Northhampton issued out and reskued the horsemen with other souldiours: so that few or none of them were either taken or slayne sauing one∣ly Thomas Talbot, but had agayne the enemye in chase within 2. leagues of Amians: of whom we tooke 8. and slew 12. of their best men at armes, the rest being well horsed, tooke the towne of A∣mians. After this, the king of England marched toward Pountife vpon Bartholomew day, and came vnto the water of Som, where the French king had layd 500. men at armes, and three thousand foote men: purposing to haue kept and stopped our passage: but thankes be to God, the king of England and his hoste entred the same water of Som, where neuer man passed before, without the losse of any of our men: and after that encountered with the ene∣my and slewe of them more then two thousand, the rest fledde to Abeuyle, in which chase was taken many Knights, Squiers, and men at armes. The same day, Sir Hugh Spenser tooke the towne of Croylay, where he and his souldiours flew foure hundred men at armes, and kept the towne, where they found great store of victuals. The same night, encamped the king of England in the Forest of Cressy vpon the same water, for that the French kinges hoste came on the other side of the town neare vnto our passage: But he woulde not take the water of vs, and so marched towarde Abeuile. And vpon the Friday next following, the King beyng still encamped in the sayd Forest, our Scuriers discried the french king, which marched toward vs in foure great battelles: And ha∣uing then vnderstanding of our enemies (as Gods will was) a lit∣tle before the euening tide we drew vnto the playne fielde, and set our battelles in aray: and immediately the fight began, which was sore and cruell, and indured long, for our enemyes behaued themselues right nobly. But thankes be geuen to God, the victo∣ry fell on our side, and the Kyng our aduersary was discomfited with all hys hoste, and put to flight: Where also was slayne the Kyng of Bename, the Duke of Loren, the Earle of Dabeson, the Earle of Flaunders, the Earle of Blois, the Earle of Aarcot, with his two Sonnes, the Earle of Damerley, the Earle of Nauers, and his Brother, the Lord of Tronard, the Archbyshoppe of Myemes, the Archbishop of Saundes, the high Prior of Fraunce, the Earle of Sauoy, the Lord of Morles, the Lord de Guis, Segniour de S. Nouant, Seigniour de Rosingburgh, with sixe Earles of Almayn, and diuers other Earles, Barons, Knightes, and Squyres, whose

names are vnknowne. And Philippe de Valoys himselfe, with an other Marques which was called Lord Electour among the Ro∣maynes, escaped from the battell. The number of the men at armes whiche were founde dead in the field, beside the common Souldiours and footemen, were 1542. And all that night the king of England with his hoste abode armed in the field where the battell was fought. On the next morrow before the Sunne rose, there marched towardes vs an other great hoste, mightye and strong, of the Frenchmen. But the Earle of Northhampton, and the Earle of Northfolke issued out agaynst them in 3 battels, and after long and terrible fight, them in likewise they discomfited by Gods great help and grace (for otherwise it could neuer haue bene) where they tooke of Knights and Squires a great number, and flew aboue 2000. pursuing the chase three leagues from the place where the battell was fought. The same night also the king encamped himselfe agayne in the forest of Cressy, and on the mo∣row marched toward Boleyne, and by the way he took the town of Staples: and from thence he marched toward Calis where he entendeth to plant his siege and lay his battery to the same. And therfore our soueraigne Lord the king willeth and commaūdeth you in all that euer you may, to send to the said siege victuals cō∣uenient. For after the time of our departing frō Chaam, we haue trauelled through the countrey with great perill and daunger of our people, but yet alwayes had of victuall plenty thankes be to God therfore. But now as the case standeth, we partly need your helpe to be refreshed with victuals.

Thus fare you well

Written at the siege before the towne of Calis the 14 day of September.

After the siege and winning of Poisie, the third day of September an. 1346.* 11.1 the king through the midst of Fraūce directed his passage vnto Calis, as by the tenor of this let∣ter you heare,* 11.2 & besieged y^e same: which siege he continued from the third of September aforesayd, til the third day of August the yeare next ensuing, vpon the which day it was rendered vp vnto the sayd king Edward the third, and sub¦dued vnto the crowne of England, as after the Lord wil∣ling shall more appeare.

* 11.3In the mean time during the siege of Calis, Dauid the Scottish king at the request of y^e French king with a great army brast into the North parts of England, and first be∣sieging the towne of Lidell, within sixe daies obteined the greatest part of the towne, & there taking all that he could find, with Sir Walter Salby a valiant knight which was the keper of the hold, caused him vncurteously to be put to the sword, and so from thence proceeded further into Eng∣land, till at length being met with all by William Surthe Archbish. of Yorke, and the L. Percy, and the L. Neuell, w^t other nobles of those parties (calling & gathering their men together) in the plain nere to Durham,* 11.4 the 17. day of October in the yere abouesayd through the gracious hand of Christ, there were subdued & conquered. In the which conflict, the Earles of Murrise, and Stratheron, with the flower of all the chiualry and principall warriors of Scot¦land were slaine. Also the foresayd king Dauid, with the Earles of Mentiffe & Fiffes, and other Lords, and Williā Douglas Mas klime,* 11.5 fleming, and William Douglas, & other many moe men of armes were taken prisoners, & so the mischiefe which they intended to other, fell vpon theyr owne heads.

During moreouer the sayd siege of Calis, the foresayd Pope Clemēt the 6. writing to the king of England, wēt about vnder the pretence of peace, to stop hys proceedings whose letters here follow nuder written.

The letter of the Pope to the king of Eng∣land, in the behalfe of the Frenchmen.

CLement the Bishop, seruaunt of Gods seruaunts: To his wel∣beloued sonne in Christ, Edward the puissaunt king of Eng∣land Salutation and Apostolical blessing.

If you diligētly consi∣der deare sonne (as ought a catholicke Prince to do) the slaughter of such an innumerable sort, bought with the precious bloud of Christ our redemer: the losse of their substaunce & soules, and the lamētable perils, which the dissentions and warres stirred vp be∣twene you and our welbeloued sonne Philippe, the noble king of Fraūce haue brought vpō vs, and yet dayly do without intermis∣siō: And also the bewayling of so many poore people, crying out of Orphans and pupils, lamentation of widowes, and other mise∣rable people, which be robbed and spoyled, and almost famished: what exclamation they make with teares running downe theyr cheeks, yelling and crying vnto God for helpe, as also the destru∣ction of churches, monasteries, & holy places, holy vessels and o∣ther ornamēts vnto gods seruice dedicated: the sacrilegious rob∣beries, takings, & imprisonings: the spoyling of holy churches & religious persons, with many other such innumerable, detestable, execrable mischiefes, offending the eies of the diuine maiesty: All which, if your princely hart woulde consider and well remember with this also that Catholicke sayth (especially in the East partes) and the Christians there abiding by meanes of the same dissenti∣ons and warres, destitute of the helpes of such catholicke men as are in the West parties, are so afflicted of the Infidels seyng the o∣ther partes of Christendome so troubled, with cruell persecuti∣ons, yea and more crueller then euer it hath bene (although in these times to amplify this our sayth in the sayd East parts is cru∣ell persecution shewed more then hath bene of many yeares past) doubtles we beleue it would pity your hart. And to the end that such and so great euils should no further proceed, nor yet that so great good as might be done by delating of our foresayd fayth in these times should be let & hindered, we desire you that ye would applye your minde to make some agreement and peace with the foresaid king. For if (my welbeloued sonne) God hath geuen vnto you-prosperous successe and fortune, ye ought rather to humble thē to extoll your selfe: and so much the more readier to encline to his peace, and to indeuour your selfe to please God which lo∣ueth peace, and delighteth in peaceable men, and to eschew the foresayd euils which without doubt doe grieuously offend him. Furthermore, we maruell greatly that vnto our reuerend bro∣ther Anibaldus Byshop of Tusculane, and our beloued sonne Ste∣phen of the title of S, Iohn, and Paule, priest and Cardinall of the apostolicall sea, being sent as Legats by vs and the same see Apo∣stolical to intreat a peace, who diligently and faythfully laboring for the same as louers of verity, iustice and equity, and therwith∣all regarders of your honour: could not be suffered touching the intreatye of the same peace, to come vnto your Graces pre∣sence.

Wherefore we desire your kingly highnesse more earnestly, & for the mercy of God with more vehemence require the same: that you taking vp the foresaid horrible euils and preuenting the sweetnes of piety and compassion, may escape the vengeance of Gods indignation, which were to be feared, if you should perse∣uer in your former euils as God forbid. And as touching the in∣treaty for peace, for which our foresayd Cardinals were sent vnto you (howbeit secretly least it should be any derogation to your honor) we desire you to condescend therunto, & with all your af∣fection you will incline your minde to the same, so pleasaunt vn∣to God, so desired of the world, as also to you the foresayd king, & vnto the catholicke sayth profitable. And that the same peace by Gods help & grace established & made perfect, you might as∣say your puissant strength about gods busines in the foresaid east partes (so good occasion seruing as before is sayd in these our times) being so apt aduasicements of your honor, & happy increa¦sing of your princely name: for seruētly we haue heard of you re∣ported to behaue your selfe, in all your attemptes. Thus we doubt not but that you wil write vnto vs again touching the premisses, and the purpose of your intention touching the same.

Dated at Auinion the 18 of February, and 5 yeare of our Papacy.

The aunswere of the king of England, to the foresayst letter of the Pope.

MOst holy father,* 13.1

we vnderstand by the letters of the reuerēd fathers in God the Byshop of Tusculan, and Stephen of the title of S. Iohn Priest, Cardinals & Legats of the Court of Rome, as also by the letters of your holynesse sent vnto vs, that ye mar∣uell greatly for that your sayd Legates were of purpose sent vnto vs, and commaunded to intreat of a peace betwene our aduersa∣ry of Fraunce and vs, that we would not suffer them secretly to talke with vs, for the safegard of our honor: The intention of your hart to make the foresayd peace, complayning and bewayling therein the death of Christen men, the losse of their goodes, the perill of their soules, the lamentable waylings of the poore, of or∣phanes, the widowes, and destruction of other pittyfull persons, the pillage and robberies of Churches, and other mischiefes in∣numerable, and namely the diminishing of Christen sayth in the East partes, which by the warre betwene our aduersary of Fraūce and vs is sore decayed, as the said letters playnely do import: And that forasmuch as God hath geuen you triumphant fortune, that so much the more we ought to abase and humble our hart and to be the readyer to make and incline to a peace. As touching these thinges holy Father, we geue your holynesse to vnderstand that aswell vnto your foresayd Legates as other messengers sent from you vnto vs, we haue offered vnto euerye of them reasonable wayes of peace, and euery day declare the same, and that not se∣cretly but openly: For we doubt not to let our purpose be vn∣derstoode, for he that is the high Iudge both of him and vs, in whose disposition all thing lyeth, hath geuen vnto vs the crowne of Fraunce to our right and proper heritage. The which right, our foresayd aduersary hath by force, of long time deteyned from vs we seeking to obtayne the same in peaceable wise and yet do, if we might obtayne the same in any good maner, rather for the benefit of christen men, and that the foresayd euilles might cease, which by his wrongfull meanes onely haue increased & growne. Yet notwithstanding as before this time you know we assen∣ted to a truce with certayne Articles conteined in the same

writing, all this he hath infringed: Neither doth the wrong suffice him which he offereth vs in our foresayd heritage, but endeuou∣reth himselfe during the sayd truce to inuade our realme of Eng∣land and other our landes; and further maynteineth the Scottes, & aydeth them to the vtter destructiō of vs; our people, & lands aforesayd: whereby, we were inforced for the safegarde of our people and landes, by such lawfull meanes we may, to defend our selues and put him from his wicked purpose. And further∣more, for the same our quarell being in the handes of God, haue we commen against him to conquere our inheritaunce of Fraūce ouer whom God hath geuen vs diuers victories as we haue tru∣sted he would by his rightwise iudgement and power, whiche thing he hath shewed vpon vs, (all chaunce of fortune set a part) in respect of our rightfull title therein, and without our desertes: Wherefore with all humility of hart we geue him thanks alwaies therefore, most deuoutly night and day praysing his holy name, for we acknowledge the same commeth not by our strength and force. Wherefore most holy Father we desire your holynesse, and somuch, as in vs lyeth require the same, that you that supplye the place of the sonne of God in earth, and hath the gouernement of the soules of all Christen men and ought to be vpright and e∣quall, towardes all men without exception of persons: that ye will receiue good information and true, of the obiections aboue sayd, and will put to your holy helping hand, as much as in you is, that our sayed aduersarye of Fraunce may acknowledge his wrong whiche he hath done to vs herein, and may be by your ayde redressed, and that he in this his wrong haue no maintey∣nance and ayde at your hand. For if it be so, we then appeale vn∣to the iudge of iudges which suffereth for a time wronges to be donne for the sinnefull default of man, but in the end redresseth the same, leauing no good deed vnrewarded, nor euill vnpuni∣shed most humbly requiring him to be to vs a true and vpright iudge of all our controuersyes,* 13.2 for his mercies sake, as in the meane time we repose our full trust and confidence in him. The holy spirit of God &c.

Moreouer during yet the siege of Calis, the French king had sent certayn offers to the men of Flaunders that if they would relinquish the king of England and adhere to him.

• First he would remitte all their former transgressions.
• Secondly, he would vnburdē them of their interdict.
• Thirdly, he would send vnto them such plēty of corne, that what was sold for 12.5. with them, should be sold for 4.5. and that for 6. yeares.* 13.3
• Fourthly, he would store them with plenty of French woll, to make cloth for a small price, & that they might sell the sayd clothes both in Flaunders and in Fraunce: & that the Frēch men should vse the same cloth, for so much as al other maner of cloth should be forbid in Fraunce, so long as any of that (made of French woll) might be found.
• Fiftly, he would restore them to these three Cities In∣sulam, Rowocum, and Betony.
• Sixtly, he would defend them from all their aduersa∣ries. And in pledge of the same, would sēd them mony be∣fore hand.
• Seuenthly, such as were able and forward men amōg them, he would reteine and promote them. &c.

But these offers seming to proceed more of faire words to serue the presēt turne, then or any harty truth, were not receiued. Thē the L. Iohn, Prince & heyre to the French king, during the foresayd siege of Calis aboue mentioned, comming with a mighty army of French men, set vpon y^• men of Flaūders and English men in the towne of Cas∣sels. In the which conflict during from morning to noone,* 13.4 the Frenchmē were vanquished and the young Dolphin driuen backe from whence he came. Of whose number di∣uers were slaine, and taken prisoners. Where on the other side (through the Lordes defence) not one is reported to be grieuously wounded.

As this passed on, not long after about y^• 7. day of Iune an. 1347,* 13.5 king Edward continuing still his siege agaynst Calis, Philip the French king came downe with a migh∣ty army purposing to remoue the siege: where not farre of from the English host, he incamped himselfe. Which done 2. Cardinals, Ambaldus, & Stephanus (procured for the same purpose) going betwene the two kinges, gaue to the king of England thus to vnderstand: that if he would cō∣descend to any reasonable way of peace, the French king was ready to offer such honest prosers vnto him, as to rea¦son & to his contentation should seme agreeable. But in cō∣clusion when it came to talke, the nobles could not agree vpon y^• conditions. Wherefore the french king seing no o∣ther remedy, did it to be signified to king Edward: that be¦twene that present Teusday, & the next friday, if he would come forth into the field, he should haue battell geuē him. Thus the place being vewed of foure Captaines of either host,* 13.6 for the battaile to be fought: it so fell, that the French K. on Wednesday at night before the battell should ioyne, secretly by night setting his pauilions on fire, returned backe with his army, out of the sight of English men.

Upon the Friday folowing, they which were besieged in the towne of Calis, seeing the king to be retyred (vpon whose helpe they trusted, being also in great penury & fa∣mine for lack of victuals,* 13.7 & otherwise in much misery ve∣hemently distressed) surrendered the towne to the kinges handes: who like a mercifull Prince onely deteining cer∣teine of the chiefe, the rest with the whole cōmons he let go with bagg & baggage, diminishing no part of their goods, shewing therein more Princely fauour to them, then they did of late in Queene Maries dayes vnto our men, in re∣couering the sayd towne of Calis agayne.

After the winning thus of Calis as hath bene premi∣sed, king Edward remaining in the sayd towne a certaine space,* 13.8 was in consultatiō concerning his voyage & proce∣ding farther into Fraunce. But by meanes of the foresayd Cardinals, truce for a certayne time was takē, and instru∣mentes made (so prouided) that certayne noble mē as well for the french K. as for the king of England, should como to the Pope there to debate vpon the Articles. Unto the which king Edward, for peacesake was not greatly disa∣greing. Which was. an. 1347. Ex Tho. Walsingh.

The next yeare folowing which was an. 1348.* 13.9 fell a sore plague, which they call the first generall pestilence in y^• realme of England,* 13.10 This plague (as they say) first sprin∣ging frō the East, & so spreading westward, did so mighte¦ly preuaile here in this land, beginning first at Dorcester & the countryes thereabout, that euery day lightly 20. some dayes 40. some 60. & moe dead corses were brought & layd together in one pitte. This beginning the first day of An∣gust: by the first of Nouember it came to Londō. Wheras the vehement rage therof was so hoate, and did increase so much: that from the first day of February, til about the be∣ginning of May in a Churchyard then newlye made by smithfield,* 13.11 aboue 200. dead corses euery day were buried, besides them which in other Churchyardes of the Cittye were layd also. At lēgth by the grace of Christ ceasing ther it proceded from thence to the Northparts. Where also the next yeare after. an. 1349. it swaged.

After this in the next yeare insuing. an. 1350.* 13.12 the towne of Calis was by treason of the keper of the Castle, almost betrayed and wonne from the English men.* 13.13 Within the compasse of which yere, dyed Philip the French king. Af∣ter whom king Iohn his sonne succeeded in the crowne. Who the next yeare after vnder false precence of frendship, caused the Constable of Fraūce Erle of Ewe to be behea∣ded: who being taken prisoner before in warre by English men,* 13.14 and long deteined in prison in England, was licēsed by king Edward to visite his country of Fraunce. In the same yere the town of Gwines was takē by Englishmē, while the keepers of the hold were negligent and a sleepe.

The yeare next folowing,* 13.15 the Marshall of Fraunce with a great army was put to flight, by Syr Roger Ben∣tele Knight and Captayne in Britaine,* 13.16 hauing but onely 600. Souldiours with him. In this battell were taken 9. Knightes, Esquires, and Gentlemen. 140. The French men & Britaines, by this victory were exceedingly discou∣raged, and there pride cut downe.

In the yere after,* 13.17 was Henry first made Duke of Lā∣caster, which before was Earle of Derby and Lancaster. Also diuers good ordinaunces were appoynted in y^e Par∣liament at Westminster. Which afterby auarice, and parci∣all fauour of the head men, were agayne vndone.

Concord and agreement about the yeare. 1354.* 13.18 began to come well forward, & instruments were drawne vpon the same,* 13.19 betwene the 2. kings. But that the matter being brought vp to Pope Innocent 6. partly by the quareling of the Frēch men, partly by the winking of y^c Pope which euer held with the French side, the conditions were repea¦led, which were these: That the king of England, all the Dukedome of Aquitanie with other lands there, should be to him restored, without homage to the French king. And that king Edward agayn should surrender to him all his right and title, which he had in Fraunce: whereupon rose the occasion of great war and tumult, which folowed af∣ter betwene the two Realmes.

It folowed after this,* 13.20 the yeare of our Lord. 1355. that king Edward hearing of the death of Philip the French king, & that king Iohn his sonne, had graūted the Duke∣dome of Aquitine to Charles his eldest sonne & Dolphin of Vienna:* 13.21 sent ouer Prince Edward with the Earle of Warwick, of Salisbury, of Oxford, and with them a suffi∣cient number of able souldiors, into Aquitania. Where he being willingly receiued of diuers, y^• rest be subdued: part∣ly

by force of sword, partly receiued, submitting themsel∣ues to his protection.

* 13.22Not long after this in y^• same yere, word being brought to king Edward that Iohn the Frēch king was ready to meet him at S. Omers there to geue him battayle, gathe∣red his power & set ouer to Calis with his 2. sonnes, Leo nell Earle of Wilton: and Iohn of Gaunt, Earle of Rich∣mond:* 13.23 & with Henry Duke of Lancaster, &c. who beyng come to S. Omers, the French king with a mighty army of his francklings hearing of his cōming, the nerer he ap∣proched to them the further they retyred backe: wasting & destroying behind them, to the intēt that the english army in pursuing thē should finde no victuals. By reasō wher∣of, king Edward folowing him by y^• space of 9. or 10 dayes vnto Hadē (whē neither he could ••inde his enemy to fight, nor victuals or forage for his army) he returned vnto Ca∣lis: where warre agayne being offered in the name of the king vpon vnstable conditions, and yet the same not per∣formed, king Edward seeing the shrinking of his enemy, frō Calis crossed the seas into England: where he recoue∣red agayne the towne of Barwicke, which the Scots be∣fore by subtle traine had gotten. At which time was graū∣ted vnto the king in Parliament 50.* 13.24 s. for euery sacke or packe of woll that should be caried ouer, for the space of 6. yeares together. By the which graunt, the king might de∣spend euery day by estimation aboue 100. marks sterling. And for as much as euery yere 100000. sacks of woll were thought to be exported out of the Realme: the sum thereof for 6. yeres space was esteemed to mount to 1500000. poūd sterling.

* 13.25The same yeare, when king Edward had recouered Barwick, and subdued Scotland: Prince Edward being in Gascony, made toward the Frēch king. Who notwith∣standing by the way all bridges were cast downe, & great resistaunce made: yet the victorious Prince making way with his sword, after much slaughter of the Frenchmen, & many prisoners taken:* 13.26 at length ioyning with the French king at Poytiers, scarse with 2000. gaue the ouerthrow to the French king with 7000. men of armes and mor. In which conflict the French king himselfe, and Philip hys sonne with L. Iames of Bourbon, the Archb. of Senon, II,* 13.27 Earles. 22. Lordes were taken. Of other warriors and men of armes 2000. Some affirme in this conflict were slayne 2. Dukes, of Lordes and noble men 24. of men of armes 2002. of other souldiours aboue 8000. The commō report is, that mo Frenchmē were there taken prisoners, then was the number of them which took them. This no∣ble victory gotten by the grace of God brought no litle ad¦miration to all men.

It were too long, and litle pertayning to the purpose of this history to comprehend in order all the doinges of this king, with the circumstances of his victoryes, of the bringing in of the french king into England, of his abode there, of the raunsome leuied on him and of Dauid the Scottish king,* 13.28 of which, the one was rated at 3. millions of Scutes, y^t other at 100000. marks to be payd in 10 yeres how the staple was after translated to Calis, with suche like, I referre them that would see more, to the Chronicle of Tho. Walsing. of S. Albans, of Iohn Froysard, Adā Merimouth, who discourse all this at large.

Thus hauing discoursed at large al such marshal affairs and warlicke exploytes incident in the reigne of this king betwixt him and the realmes of Fraunce and Scotland: Now to returne agayne to our matters ecclesiasticall, fol∣loweth in order to recapitulate and notifye the troubles & contentions growing betwene the same king & the Pope and other ecclesiasticall persons in matters touching the church in order of yeares remayuing in the Tower taken out of the recordes as followeth. As where first in the 4. yeare of his reigne the king wrote to the Archbi. of Can∣terbury to this effect. That whereas King Edward the 1. his graund father did geue to a Clerke of his owne, being his Chaplain the dignity of Treasurer of York, the Arch∣bishopricke of Yorke being then vacant and in the kinges handes, in the quiet possession whereof the sayde Clerke continued vntill the Pope misliking therewith woulde haue displaced him, and promoted to the same dignitye a Cardinal of Rome to the manifest preiudice of the crown of England. The King therefore straightly chargeth the Archbishop of Yorke not to suffer any matter to passe that may be preiudice to the donation of his graundfather, but that his owne Clerke should enioy the sayd dignity accor∣dingly, vpon payne of his highnes displeasure.

The like precepts were also directed to these Bishops folowing vide to the Bishop of Lincolne, Bishop of Wor∣cester, Bishop of Sax, Monser Marinion, Archdeacon of Richmond, Archdeacō of Lincolne, the Prior of Lewē, the Prior of Lenton, to maister Rich of Bintworth, to •••• Iherico de Concoreto the Popes Nuncio, to M. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Calma. And with all wrote his letters to the Pope tou∣ching the same matter consisting in three partes. First is the declaration and defence of his right and title to the do∣natiō and gift of all maner of temporalties, of offices, pre∣bendes, benefices and dignities ecclesiasticall holdeir of his in capite as in the right of his crown of England. Se∣condly in expostulating with the Pope for intending him¦selfe into the auncient right of the crowne of England in∣termedling with such collations contrary to right & rea∣son and the example of all his predecessours which were Popes before. Thirdly intreating him that he would hēce¦forth absteyne and desist from molesting the Realme wyth such nouelties and straunge vsurpations, and so much the more for that in the publique Parliament late holden at Westminster it was generally agreed vpon by the vniuer∣sall assent of all the estates of the Realme that the Kyng should stand to the defence of all such rightes and iurisdic∣tions as to his crowne appertayned.

After this in the 9. yeare of the Reigne of this Kyng Pope Benedict the 12. sendeth down letters touching his new creation with certayne other matters and requestes to the King whereunto the King aunswering agayne de∣clareth how glad he is of that his preferment adding more ouer y^t his purpose was to haue sēt vnto him certain Am∣bassadors for congratulatiō of the sau••e: But being other∣wise occupyed by reason of warres could not attend hys holynesse requestes: notwithstanding he minded to call a Parliament about the feast of Ascention next, whereupon the assēbly of his clergy and other estates, he would take order for the same and so direct his Ambassadours to his holynesse accordingly.

The next yeare after which was the 10. yeare of his reigne the King writeth an other letter to the Pope that forasmuch as his clergy had graūted him one yeres tenth for the supportation of his warres, and for that the Pope also had the same time to take vp the payment of 6. yeares tenth graunted him by the Clergy a litle before, therefore the Pope woulde vouchsafe at his request to forbeare the exaction of that money for one yeare, till that his tenth for the necessities of his warres were dispatched.

The same yere he wrote also to the Pope to this effect. That whereas the Prior and Chapter of Norwiche did nominate a Clerke to be Bishop of Norwich and sēt him to Rome for his inuestiture without the Kinges know∣ledge, therefore the Pope woulde withdraw his consent & not intermedle in the matter appertaining to the Kings peculiar iurisdiction and prerogatiue.

After this in the 16. yeare of this King it happened that the Pope sent ouer certayne Legates to heare and deter∣mine matters appertayning to the right of patronages of Benefices: which the King perceiuing to tend to the no small derogation of his right and the liberties of hys sub∣iectes writeth vnto the sayd Legates admonishing and requiring them not to proceede therein nor attempt any thing vnaduisedlye otherwise then might stand with the lawfull ordinaunces & customes of the lawes of his realm and liberty of his subiectes.

Writing moreouer the same yeare to other Legats be∣ing sent ouer by the Pope to treate of peace betweene the King and the French King with request that they would first make their repayre to the french King who had so of∣tentimes broken with him, and proue what conformitye the french king would offer: which if he found reasonable, they should soone accord with him: otherwise exhorted thē not to enter into the land nor to proceede any further in that behalfe.

The yeare following which was the 17. of his reigne ensueth an other letter to the Pope agaynst his prouisiōs and reseruations of benefices, worthy here to be placed & specified, but that the summe thereof is before set downe to be found in the page. 386.

The yeare following another letter likewise was sēt by the King to the Pope vpon occation takē of the church of Norwich: requiring him to surcease his reseruations and prouisions of the Bishoprick within the Realme, and to leaue the elections thereof free to the Chapters of suche Cathedrall Churches according to the auncient grauntes and ordinaunces of his noble progenitors.

Proceeding now to the 19. yeare of this kinges reigne there came to the presence of the king certayne Legats frō Rome complayning of certayne statutes past in hys par∣liament tending to the preiudice of the Church of Rome & the Popes primary viz. that if Abbots, Priors, or any other ecclesiasticall patrons of benefices shoulde not present to the sayd benefices within a certayne time, the lapse of the

same shoulde come to the ordinary or chapter thereof, or if they did not present, then to the Archbishop: if the Archbi∣shoppe likewise did fayle to present, then the gyft to per∣teyne not to the Lord Pope but to the Kyng and hys heyres. An other complaynt was this that if Archbi∣shops should be slack in geuing such benefices as proper∣ly pertayned to theyr owne patronage in due time, then the collation thereof likewise shoulde appertayne to the foresayd King and his heires. An other complaynt was that if the Pope shoulde make voyde any elections in the Church of England for any defect foūd therein, and so had placed some honest and discreete persons in the same, that then the King and his heires was not bounde to render the Temporaltyes vnto the partyes placed by the Popes prouision. Whereupon the Pope being not a little agrie∣ued, the Kyng writeth vnto him certifying that he was misinformed, denying that there was any such statute made in that Parlyament. And further as touching all o∣ther thinges he woulde conferre with his Prelates and Nobles and thereof would returne aunswere by hys Le∣gates.

In the 20. yeare of his raigne another letter was wri∣ten to the Pope by the King, the effect whereof in few wordes to expresse, was this, to certify him that in respect of his great charges susteyned in hys warres, he hath by y^e counsell of his Nobles taken into his owne handes the fruites and profites of all hys benefices here in England.

To proceed in the order of yeares that in the 26. yeare of this king one Nicholas Heath Clerke a busy headed body and a troubler of the Realme had procured diuers Byshops and others of the Kinges counsell to be cited vp to the Court of Rome there to answere such complayntes as he had made agaynst them: whereupon commaunde∣ment was geuen to the King to all the portes of the real∣me for the restraynt of all passingers out, and for searching and aresting all persons bringing in any Bulles or other proces from Rome tending to the derogation of the dig∣nity of the crowne or molestation of the subiectes concer∣ning which Nicholas Heath the King also writeth to the Pope his letters complayning of the sayd Heath and de∣siring him to geue no eare to his lewd complaynts.

The same yeare the King writeth also to the Popes Legate resident in England requiring him to surcease from exacting diuers summes of money of the Clergy in the name of first fruites of benefices.

The 31. yeare of this Kinges reigne the King by hys letters complayneth to the Pope of a troublesome fellow named Nicholas Stanneway remaining in Rome, whi∣che by his slaunderous complayntes procured diuers ci∣tations to be sent into the Realme, to the great distur∣baunce of diuers and sundry honest men: whereupon he prayeth and aduiseth the Pope to stay himselfe and not to send ouer such hasty Citatiōs vpon euery light occasiō.

To passe further to the 38. yeare of the same King thus we finde in the Rolles. That the King y^• same yeare tooke order by two of his Clergy, to witte Iohn a Stocke and Iohn of Norton to take into their handes all the tempo∣raltyes of all Deaneryes, Prebendes, Dignityes, and Benefices being then vacant in England and to answere the profites of the same to the Kinges vse.

The same yeare an ordinaunce was made by the King and his Counsell and to the same proclaymed in all porte townes within the Realme, that good and diligent search should be made, that no person whatsoeuer comming frō the Court of Rome. &c. doe bring into the Realme with him any Bull, instrument, letters patentes, or other pro∣ces that may be preiudiciall to the King or any of his sub∣iectes: nor that any person passing out of this Realme to∣ward the Court of Rome doe cary with him any instru∣ment or proces that may redound to the preiudice of the King or his subiectes: and that all persons passing to the sayd Court of Rome. &c. with the Kinges speciall license do notwithstanding promise and finde surety to the Lord Chauncellour, that they shall not in any wise attempt or pursue any matter to the preiudice of the King or his sub∣iectes vnder payne to be put out of the Kinges protection and to forfeyt his body, goods, and Cattelles according to the statute thereof made Anno. 27.

And thus much concerning the letters and writinges of the King with such other domesticall matters, pertur∣bations, and troubles passing betwene him and the Pope taken out of the publique Recordes of the Realme, wher∣by I thought to geue the Reader to vnderstand the horri∣ble abuses, the intollerable pride, and the vnsatiable aua∣rice of that Byshop more like a proud Lucifer then a pa∣stor of the Church of Christ, in abusing the king and op∣pressing his subiectes with exactions vnmeasurable: not onely exercising his tyranny in this Realme, but raging also agaynst other Princes both farre and neare, emongst whom neither spared he the Emperour himselfe. In the story and artes of which Emperour Ludouicus mentio∣ned a title before, pag. 273. whom the Pope did most arro∣gantly excommunicate vpon maundy thursday, and the selfe same day placing an other Emperour in his roome. Relation was made of certayne learned men which tooke the Emperour's part agaynst the Pope. In number of whom was Marsilius Patauinus, Gullermus Ockam, Ioannes Gandauensis, Luitpoldus, Andreas Landensis, Vlricus Hangenor treasurer to the Emperour,* 13.29 Dantes, Aligerius, &c. Of whom Marsilius Patauinus compiled and exhibited vnto the Em∣peror Ludourke, a worthy worke intituled Defensor pacis: writē in the Emperors behalfe agaynst the Pope. Wher∣in (both godly & learnedly disputing agaynst the Pope) he proueth, all Bishops and Priestes to be equall: And that the Pope hath no superiority aboue other Bishopes, much lesse aboue the Emperour. That the word of God ought to be onely the chiefe iudge in deciding and deter∣mining causes ecclesiastical: That not onely spiritual per∣sons, but say men also being godly and learned ought to be admitted into generall councels: That the Clergy and the Pope ought to be subiect vnto Magistrates: That the Church is the vniuersity of the faythfull, and that the foū∣dation and head of the Church is Christ, and that he neuer appoynted any vicar or Pope ouer his vniuersall church: That Bishops ought to be chosen euery one by their own Church and Clergy: That the mariage of Priestes may lawfully be permitted: That S. Peter was neuer at Rome: That the Clergy and Sinagoge of the Pope is a deune of theeues: That the doctrine of the Pope is not to be folowed, because it leadeth to destruction: And that the corrupt matters of the Christians doe spring and flow out of the wickednes of the spiritualty.* 13.30 &c. He disputeth more∣ouer in an other worke of free iustification by grace: And extenuated merits, saying that they are no causes efficient of our saluation, but onely sine qua non, that is to say, that workes be no cause of our iustification, but yet our iustifi∣catiō goeth not without them. For the which his doctrine most sound and Catholicke, he was condemned by the Pope. an. 1324. by the Popes decree extrauagant, cap. Licet intra doctrinam. Concerning the which man and his doc∣trine: I thought good thus much to commit to history, to the entent men may see, that they which charge this doc∣trine now taught in the Church with the note of noueltye or newnes, how iguoraunt and vnskilfull they be in the historyes and order of times fore past.

In the same part of condemnation at the same tyme,* 13.31 also was Ioannes de Gunduno. an. 1330. and contayned al∣so in the foresayd Extrauagāt, with Marsilius Patauinus. Whi∣che Ioannes wrote much vpon Aristotle and Auerrois, and are yet remayning. And no doubt but he wrote also of di∣uinity, but not vnlike that these workes haue bene aboli∣shed.

In the same number and cataloge, commeth also Guil∣lermus Ockam,* 13.32 who was in the yeare of our Lord 1326. as is afore mentioned pag. 375. and wrote likewise in defence of Ludouicus the Emperour agaynst the Pope: and also in defence of Michael Generall of Grayfriers,* 13.33 whom the Pope had excommunicated & cursed for an hereticke. Di∣uers treatises were by the sayd Ockam set forth, whereof some are extant and in print, as his questions & distincti∣ons: some are extinct and suppressed (as Ascentius repor∣teth) quoòd essent aliquando asperiora. Some againe be pub∣lished vnder no name of the author, being of his doing: as the dialogue betwene the souldiour and the clarke: wher∣in it is to be coniected, what bookes and workes this Oc∣kam had collected agaynst the Pope. Of this Ockā Iohn Sledane in his history inferreth mention, to his great cō∣mendation, whose wordes be these: William Ockam in time of Ludouicus, 4. Emperor did florish, about the yere of our Lord 1326. Who among other thinges wrote of the authority of the Bishop of Rome. In the which booke he handleth these 8. questions very copiously: whether both the administrations of the Bishops office, and of the Em∣perors may be in one man.* 13.34 2. Whether the Emperour ta∣keth his power and authority onely of God, or els of the Pope. 3. Whether the Pope and Church of Rome haue power by Christ, to set and place kinges and Emperors, and to commit to them theyr iurisdiction to be exercised. 4. Whether the Emperor being elected, hath full authority vpon the sayd his election, to administer his Empire. 5. Whether other kinges besides the Emperor and King of Romaines, in that they are consecrated of priestes, receiue of thē any part of their power. 6. Whether the sayd kings in any case be subiect to their cōsecrators. 7. Whether if the

sayd kings should admit any newe sacrifice, or should take to themselues the Diadeine without any further consecra∣tion, they shoulde thereby lose their kingly right and title. 8. Whether the seuen princes electors geue as much to the election of the Emperour, as succession rightfull geueth to other kings. Upon these questions he disputeth and argu∣eth with sundry arguments and sundry reasons on bothe sides at length decideth the matter on the parte of the ciuil magistrate: and by occasion therof, entreth into the menti∣on of the Popes decrees Extrauagant, declaring how li∣tle force or regard is to be geuen therunto.

* 13.35Trithemius maketh mention of one Gregorius Ari∣minensis a learned & a famous and right godly man: who not much differing from the age of this Ockam, about the yeare of our Lorde 1350. Disputed in the same doctrine of grace and free will, as we doe nowe, and dissented therein from the Papistes and Sophisters, counting them woorse then Pelagians.

* 13.36Of the like iudgement, and in the same time was also Andreas de Castro, as apeareth super lit. 1. Sentent. dist. 45. and Burdianus vppon the Ethiques of Aristotle: which both maintained the grace of y^t gospel, as is now in the church receiued, aboue 200. yeres since.

And what should I speake of the Duke of Burgundy named Eudo,* 13.37 who at the same time, An. 1350. disswaded the French king not to receiue in hys land the new founde cōstitutions, decretall & Extrauagant, within his realme: whose sage counsail then geuen, yet remaineth among the French kings records, as witnesseth Charol. Molinaeus.

Dantes an Italian wryter a Florentine, lyued in the time of Ludouicus themperour,* 13.38 about the yere of our lord 1300. and tooke his parte with Marsilius Patauinus a∣gainst three sortes of men, which he sayd were enemyes to the truth: That is, the pope: Secondly, the order of religi∣ous men, which count thēselues the children of the church, whē they are y^t children of the deuil their father: Thirdly, the Doctors of decrees and decretals.* 13.39 Certain of his wry∣tings be extant abroad, wherein he prooueth the Pope not to be aboue the Emperour, nor to baue any right or iuris∣diction in the Empire. He cōfuteth the Donation of Con∣stantine to be a forged and a fained thing, as which neither did stande with any lawe or right. For the which, he was taken of many for an hereticke. He complaineth moreouer very much, the preaching of Gods worde to be omitted: and in stede thereof, the vaine fables of monkes and friers to be preached and beleued of the people: and so the flock of Christ to be fed not with the foode of the Gospell, but wyth winde. The Pope sayeth he, of a pastor is made a wolfe, to wast the church of Christ, and to procure with his Clergie not the word of God to be preached, but his own Decrees. In his canticle of purgatory, he declareth the Pope to be the whore of Babylon.* 13.40 And to her ministers, to some hee applieth 2. hornes, to some 4. As to the Patriarches, whō he noteth to be the tower of the sayd whore Babilonicall. Ex libris Dantes Italice.

* 13.41Hereunto may be added the saying out of the booke of Iornandus unprinted, with the foresaid Dantes: that for∣somuch as Antichrist commeth not before the destruction of the Empire, therefore such as go about to haue the Em∣pire extinct, are forrunners and messengers in so doing of Antichrist.* 13.42 Therfore let the Romaines (sayth he) and their Byshops beware, least their sinnes and wickednes so de∣seruing by the iust iudgement of God, the priesthood be ta∣ken from them. Furthermore, let all the prelates and prin∣ces of Germany take hede. &c.

And because our aduersaries which obiecte to vs the newnes of our doctrine, shall see the course and fourme of this religion now receaued, not to haue ben, eyther such a newe thing nowe,* 13.43 or a thing so straunge in times past: I will adde to these aboue recited, master Taulerus a prea∣cher of Argentine in Germany. An. 1350. Who contrary to the Popes proceedings, taught openly against al mennes merites, and against inuocation of Saintes, and preached sincerely of our free iustificatiō by grace, referring al mans trust onely to the mercy of God, and was an enemy to all superstition.

With whom also may be adioyned Frāciscus Petrarcha, a wryter of the same age,* 13.44 who in hys works and hys Ita∣lian meeter speaking of Rome: calleth it the whore of Ba∣bylon, the schole and mother of error, the temple of heresy, the nest of traichery growing and increasing by y^t oppres∣sing of others: and sayeth farther that shee, (meaning the Popes Court) extolleth her selfe against her founders that is, the Emperours, who first set her vp and did so enriche her: And semeth plainly to affirme that the pope was An∣tichrist, declaring that no greater euil could happen to any man then to be made Pope. Thys Franciscus was about the yeare of our Lord. 1350.

And if time would serue vs to seeke out olde hystories,* 13.45 we should finde plenty of faithful witnesses of old and an∣cient time, to geue witnesse with vs against the Pope be∣side the other aboue rehearsed: as Ioannes de Rupe scissian. 1340. Who for rebuking the spiritualtie for theyr greate enormities and neglecting their office and duety, was cast in pryson.

Illyricus a wryter in our dayes,* 13.46 testifieth that he founde & red man old Pamphlet, that the sayd Ioannes should call the church of Rome, the whore of Babylon: and the Pope to be the minister of Antichrist, and the Cardinals to be the false prophetes. Being in pryson he wrote a booke of Pro∣phesies, bearing the title: Vade mecum in tribulationem: in which booke (which also I haue seene) he prophesied & ad∣monished affliction and tribulation to hang ouer the spi∣ritualty.* 13.47 And pronoūceth plainly that God wil purge his Clergy, and wil haue priestes that shal be poore, godly, and that shal faithfully seede the Lordes flocke: moreouer, that the goods of the church shal returne againe to the lay men. He prophesied also the same time, that the French king and his army should haue an ouerthrow. Which came likewise to passe during the time of his imprisonment. Of this Ioan∣nes de Rupe, wryteth Froysard in hys time, and also Wick∣lisse,* 13.48 of whose prophecies, more may be said at more leisure (Christ willing) hereafter.

About the same yeare of our Lorde 1340.* 13.49 in the Citie Herbipoli, was one named master Cōradus Hager, who (as appeareth by the old bulles and registers of Otho by∣shop of the said citye) is there recorded, to haue mainteined and taught the space of 24. yeares together, the Masse to be no maner of sacrifice: neither that it profiteth any man ether quicke or dead,* 13.50 and that the money geuen of the dead for Masses, be very robberies & sacrilege of priests, which they wickedly do intercept and take away from the poore. And sayd moreouer,* 13.51 that if he had a stooue full of golde and siluer, hee would not geue one farthing for any Masse. For the same his doctrine, thys good preacher was condemned and inclosed in pryson: what afterward became vpon him, we doe not finde.

There is among other old and ancient recordes of an∣tiquity belōging to thys present time,* 13.52 a certain monument in verses Poetically compiled, but not wythout a certaine morall, intituled, Poenitentiarius Asini, the Asses confessor: bearing the date and yeare of our Lorde in thys number, Completus An. 1343. In this treatise be brought foorth the Wolfe, the Foxe, and the Asse comming to Christ and doing penaunce. First the Wolfe confesseth hym to the Fox, who easely doeth absolue hym from all hys faultes, and also ex∣cuseth hym in the same. In like maner the Wolfe hearyng the Foxes shrifte, sheweth to hym the like fauour agayne. After thys commeth the Asse to cōfession, whose fault was thys: that hee being hungry, tooke a strawe out from the cheafe of one that went in peregrination vnto Rome. The Asse although repenting of his fact, yet because he thought it not so heynous as y^e faults of the other, the more hee ho∣ped for hys absolution,* 13.53 But what followed? After the sely Asse had vttered his crime in auricular confession, imme∣diatly the discipline of the lawe was executed vppon hym with seueritie: neither was hee iudged worthy of any ab∣solution, but was apprehended vpon the same, slayne and deuoured. Whosoeuer was the author of thys fabulous tale, had a misticall vnderstanding in the same, for by the Wolfe no doubt was meant the Pope. But the Foxe was resembled to the Prelates, Curtisans, Priestes, and rest of the spiritualtie. Of the spiritualtie, the Lord Pope is soone absoyled,* 13.54 as contrary, the Pope soone doeth absoyle them in like manner. By the Asse is ment the poore laitie, vppon whose backe the straite censure of the law is sharpely exe∣cuted: especially when the Germane Emperors come vn∣der the Popes Inquisition, to be examined by hys disci∣pline, there is no absolution nor pardon to be found, but in all haste he must be deposed, as in these stories may partly appeare before. And though the matter be not the weyght of a strawe, yet what sayeth the holy father the Wolfe, if it please hym to make any matter of it.

Immensum scelus est, iniuria quam peregrin•• Fecisti, stramen subripiendo sibi. Non aduertisti quòd plura pericula paslus Plurima passurus, quòd peregrinus erat. Non aduertisti, quòd ei per maxima terrae Et pelagi spacia, sit peragranda via. Non aduertisti, sanctos, nec limina sancta, Sanctorum sanctam sed nec Hierusalem. Ille retransiuit eadem loca, tam violentum Ex inopinato sensit adesse malum.

De Papa Taceo, cuius protectio talem, Conduxit, cuius tu vilipendis opem. Totius Ecclesiae fuerit quam nuncius iste, Pertulit abstracto gramine damna viae. &c.

And thus they aggerating and exaggerating the fault to the vttermost, flye vpon the poore asse & deuour him. By the which Apologie, the tyrannicall and fraudulent practi∣ses of these spirituall Romanistes are liuely described.

* 13.55Not long after those aboue rehearsed, about the yeare of our lord 1350. Gerhardus Ridder, wrote also against the Monkes and Friers a booke intituled, Lacrima Ecclesiae: wherein he disputeth agaynst the foresaid religious orders namely against the begging Friers: prouing that kinde of life to be farre frō Christian perfection, for that it is against charitie to live vppon other, when a man may liue by his own labours. And affirmeth them to be hipocrites, filthy liuers, and such as for mans fauour, and for lucre sake, doe mixt with true diuinitie: fables Apocriphas, and dreames of vanitie. Also, that they vnder pretence of long prayer, deuour widdowes houses: and with their confessions, ser∣mons, and burials doe trouble the Church of Christ ma∣nifold wayes. And therfore perswaded the prelates to bri∣dle and keepe short y^e inordinate licence and abuses of these Monasticall persons. &c.

* 13.56Yet I haue made no mensiō of Michael Cesenas, pro∣uincial of the gray friers, n••r Petrus de Corbaria, of whō writeth Antoninus, in quarta parte summae & sayth they were condemned in the extrauagant of Pope Iohn, with one Ioānes de Poliaco. Their opiniōs saith Antoninus were these: That Peter the Apostle was no more the head of the Church, then the other Apostles: And that Christ left no Uicare behinde him or head in hys Church: And that the Pope hath no such authoritie to correct and punishe, to in∣stitute or depose the Emperour. Item, that all Priestes of what degree so euer, are of equall authoritie, power, and iurisdiction by the institution of Christ: but by the instituti∣on of the Emperour, the Pope to bee superiour, which by the same Emperour also may be reuoked agayne. Item that neyther the pope nor yet the Church may punish any man,* 13.57 punitione coactiua. That is, by externe coaction: vn∣lesse they receiue licence of the Emperour. This foresayd Michaell, generall of the gray Friers, wrote against the tiranny, pride, and primacie of the pope, accusing him to be Antichrist: and the Churche of Rome, to be the whore of Babilon dronke with the bloud of Saintes. He sayd there were two Churches, one of the wicked florishing, wherein raigned the pope: the other of the godly afflicted. Itē, that the veritie was almost vtterly extinct: And for this cause he was depriued of his dignitie & condemned of the Pope. Notwithstāding,* 13.58 he stode constant in his assertions. This Michaell was about the yeare of our Lord 1322. And left behinde him many fautours & followers of his doctrine, of whom a great part were slayne by the Pope: Some were condemned, as William Ockam, some were burned as Io∣annes de Castilione, and Franciscus de Arcatara. In extrauag. Ioan 23.

With him also was condemned in the sayd Extrauagāt Ioannes de Poliaco, aboue touched, whose assertions, were these: That the pope coulde not geue licence to heare con∣fessions to whom he would, but that euery pastour in hys owne Church ought to suffice. Item, that pastours and bi∣shops had theyr authoritie, immediately from Christ & his Apostles, and not from the pope, Itē, that the constitution of pope Benedict. II. wherein he graunteth larger priuele∣gies to the Friers aboue other pastours, was no declara∣tion of the law, but a subuersion. And for this he was by y^e sayd Friers oppressed, about the yeare of our Lord. 1322.

* 13.59After Symon Mepham Archbishop of Caunterbury before mentioned, who liued not lōg: succeded Ioh. Stret∣ford. After whom came Iohn Offord, who liued but x. mo∣nethes. In whose rowme succeeded Thomas, & remained but one yeare. an. 1350. And after him Simon Iselyp was made archbishop of Canterbury, by Pope Clemēt the vi. who sat xvii. yeares, and builded Caunterbury Colledge in Oxford. Which Symon Islyp succeeded the Byshop of Ely named Symon Langham, who within two yeares was made Cardinall. In whose stede Pope Urbane the 5. ordeined William Wittlesey bishop of Worceter to be arch∣bishop of Caunterbury.* 13.60 an. 1366. In which yeare, William Bishop of Winchester elected and founded the newe col∣ledge in Oxford.

* 13.61Agayne in the order of the popes, next vnto Pope Cle∣ment the 6. before mentioned, about the same time. an. 1353, succeeded pope Innocent the 6. In the first yeare of which Pope two Friers Minors of Franciscans were burned at Auinion. Pro opinionibus (as mine author sayth) erroneis, prout. D. Papae & eius Cardinalibus videbatur. i. For certaine o∣pinions, as seemed to the pope and his Cardinals, erro∣neous. Ex Chron. Wals. Of the which two Friers, I finde in the Chronicles De actis Rom. pontificum,* 13.62 and in the history of Praemonstratensis, that the one was Ioannes Rochetay∣lada. Or rather as I finde in Catal. testium cited out of the Chronicle of Henricus de Herfordia,* 13.63 his name to be Haya∣balus. Who being (as he recordeth) a Fry or Minorite, be∣gan first in the time of Pope Clement the 6. an. 1345. to preach and affirme openly that he was by Gods reuelatiō charged and commaunded to preach: that tho Churche of Rome was the whore of Babilon, and the Pope with hys Cardinals to be very Antichrist.* 13.64 And that pope Benedict & the other before him his predecessours were dāned, with other suche like wordes, tending much agaynst the Popes tirannical maiesty. And that the foresaid Hayabalus being brought before the Popes face, constauntly did stand in the same, saying: that he was commaunded by Gods reuelatiō so to say,* 13.65 and also y^t he woulde preach the same, if he might. To whom it was then obiected that he had some heretical books, and so was committed to prison in Auiniō. In the time of his accusation it happened, that a certain priest cō∣ming before the Pope,* 13.66 cast the Popes Bull downe before his feete, saying, Lo here, take your Bull vnto you, for it doth me no good at al. I haue laboured now these 3. yeares withall, and yet notwithstanding for all this your Bull I cannot be restored to my right. The Pope hearing this, commaunded the poore Priest to be scourged, and after to be layd in prison with the foresayd Fryer. What became of them afterward, the foresayd wryter Henricus de Herfordia maketh no mention. But I may probably coniecture this Priest,* 13.67 and this Friar Rochetayladus, or rather Hayaba∣lus were the two, whome mine author Thom. Walsingham, writeth to be burned at this time in Auinion, about the first beginning of this Pope Innocentius the 6. Of thys Roichtaylada, I thought good here to inferre the testimo∣ny and mention of Iohn Froysayd, written of him in hys first volum, chap. 211 in these wordes.

There was (sayth Froysard) a Frier Minor full of great Clergy in the Citty of Auinion,* 13.68 called Frier Iohn of Rochetaylada, the which Frier pope Innocent 6. held in prison in the Castell of Baignour for shewing of many meruails after to come, pricipally he shewed many things to fall vnto the Prelates of the Church for the great super∣fluitie and pryde, that was then vsed among them. And also he speake many thinges to fall of the realm of Fraunce and of the great Lordes of Christendome, for the oppressi∣ons y^t they did to the poore cōmon people. This Fryer sayd he would proue all his sayinges by the authoritie of the A∣pocalips, & by other bookes of holy Saints and prophets the which were opened to him by y^t grace of the holy ghost: he shewed many things hard to beleue, & many things fell after as he sayd. He said thē not as a prophet but he shewed them by authoritie of ancient Scriptures and by the grace of the holy Ghost, who gaue him vnderstanding to declare the ancient prophetes, & to shew to all Christen people the yeares and times whē such things should fall, he made di∣uers books founded on great sciences and Clergy, wherof one was made the yeare of our Lord. 1346. wherin was written suche meruailes that it were hard to beleue them howbeit many thinges, according there to fell after. And when he was demaunded of the warres of Fraunce he said that al that had bene sene, was not like that should be seen after. For he sayd that the warres in Fraunce shoulde not be ended till the Realme were vtterly wasted & exiled in e∣uery part. The which saying was well sene after, for y^e no∣ble realme of Fraunce was sore wasted and exiled: & speci∣ally in the terme that the sayd Fryer had set. The which was in the yeares of our Lord. 1356. 57. 58. & 59. He sayd in those yeares the Princes and Gentlemen of the Realme should not for feare shew themselues agaynst the people of low estate, assembled of all countries without head or cap∣tayne, and they shoulde doe as they list in the Realme of Fraunce, the which fell after as ye haue heard, how the cō∣panions assembled them together, and by reason of theyr robbery and pillage waxed rich & became great captains.

About the same time happened in Fraunce a certayne contention betwene the French Prelates, and y^e Fryers of Paris,* 13.69 testified and recorded by Godfridus de Fontanis, the briefe effect of which story is this. The Prelates of France conuenting and assembling together in the Citty of Paris after a long deliberation among themselues: caused by the Bedels to be called together all the Studentes,* 13.70 maisters & Bachelers of euery facultie, with the chiefe heads also of al the Religious houses and Friers in the vniuersitie of Pa∣ris, who being al there congregated together in the bishop

of paris his house, where there were presēt 4. archbishops and 20 Bishops: first stood vp the Bishop of Biturecense, who there making his Sermon, tooke for his theame the place of S. Paule to the Ephesians, Fratres vt sciatis quae sit longitudo,* 13.71 latitudo, altitudo, & profunditas charitatis &c. and concluded therupon, first that true charity would compell them to see and prouide for their flockes. Secondly, that the vigore of charity would arme them, to withstand er∣rors. Thirdly he concluded, that by duety of charity, they were bound to geue theyr liues for the soules of theyr flock committed to their charge. Fourthly, that by the same cha¦rity euery man to holde himselfe content with that which was his owne, and not to intevineddle or busye himselfe further then to him appertayned, or belonged to his office: For there (sayth he) all order ecclesiasticall is dissolued, where as men not concerning themselues in their owne precincts; presume in othermes charges where they haue nothing to doe. But this charity (sayth he) now a dayes waxeth colde, and all Ecclesiasticall order is confounded and vtterly out of order. For many there be, which nowe a dayes presume to thrust in themselues where they haue nothing to do, so that now the Church may seeme a mon∣ster. For as in a natural body appeareth a monster, where one mēber doth the office of an other: so in y^e spirituall bo∣dy, which is the church, may be thought likewise. As whē our learned and prudent brethren,* 13.72 to wit, the Friers ma∣iors and minors, do take vpon them to vsurpe and occu∣pye the office to vs specially apperteining: namely, where as the scripture warneth vs all, none to take vpō him any office, except he be called thereunto of the Lord, as Aaron was. Wherfore we haue heretofore oftentimes caused the sayd Friers, both by the king himselfe in his owne person, & also by other nobles to be spoken to, and desired: to fur∣cease from doing and intermedling in our office, & yet they would not, but haue preached agaynst our willes through all our diocesses, & haue heard confessiōs, saying that they haue the Popes priuiledge to beare them out therein. For the which cause we come to you, and not we here present onely, but also we haue the handwriting and the full con∣sent of all other our fellow Bishops throughout the king¦dome of Fraunce, to compla••ne to you of this so great in∣solency and presumptiō of the Friers. For that as we are, you shall be. Neither do I thinke to be any of vs prelates here now, which haue not sometime bene taken out of this vniuersity of yours. We haue desired moreouer, and cau∣sed to be desired the foresayd Friers, to send their priuile∣gies to the Apostolicke see, to be interpreted and expoun∣ded more playnely by the Lord Pope: which they refused also to do. Wherefore, to the intent you may the better vn∣derstand and see what their priuiledges be, and how farre they do extend: we haue appoynted the said priuilege here openly to be read vnto you.

Then stood vp an other in the publicke place, and there read the priuileges of both the orders: and afterward read also the constitution of Pope Innocent 3. written in the 5, of the decretals,* 13.73 and beginneth: Omnis vtriusque sexus. &c. which constitution was repugnant and contrary to the foresayd priuilegies, as he there manifestly proued, decla∣ring how both the said priuiliges were derogatory to that constitution.

This done, then rose vp the Bishop Ambianensis, a great Lawyer:* 13.74 who discoursing frō article to article, there proued by good law, that the sayd constitution stood in hys full force and vigore, and ought not to be infringed by the friers priuilegies in no part. And therfore by the vertue of that constitution, that the Friers ought not so misorderly to intrude themselues in hearing confessiōs, in inioyning of penaunce, and in preaching in Churches and Diocesses without speciall licence of the Bishop of the Dioces, & cu∣rate of the parish: vnto whose words, neuer a Frier at that time replyed againe. And so the Bishop proceeding to his conclusion, desired the vniuersity to assist them in that case wherin they were all determined (saith he) to stand firme∣ly to the shedding of theyr bloud, in resisting that misorder and iniuries of the Friers. This happened the 6. day of December which they dedicate to S. Nicholas.

The next day being sonday, one of the order of the mi∣norites or Franciscanes, went to the Church of the maio∣rites or preaching Friers: where he made a sermon (whi∣che was neuer sene before, the one order to come and resort with the other) beginning in the forsayd matter to reply, & to expound in order through euery article as well as he could:* 13.75 adding moreouer and saying, that they went not so farre in their priuilegies, as they lawfully might. And said moreouer, that what time the sayd priuileges were in ob∣teining in Rome: the Bishop Ambianensis was there present himselfe, resisting the same with all his power, yea all the Prelates also of Fraunce sent and wrote vp to the Court agaynst the same, and yet did not preuaile. For whē the Friers there presently declared & opened to the Pope in what maner and how farr they had vsed priuileges: the Pope the same time sayd, Placet: That is, agreed vnto the same. And now (sayth he) the Prelates require & demaund of vs to send vp our priuiledges to the Court, which were great folly in vs: For in so doing, what should we els but geue place & occasiō, to reuoke agayn the authority which is geuen in our handes already. Furthermore, our wardē and maister is now lately dead, and the maister here of the Dominike Friers, is not now present. Wherfore, we dare not determine in such a weighty cause (touching the priui∣leges of our order) without the presence of them. And ther fore we desire you of the Uniuersity to holde vs therin ex∣cused, and not to be so lightly stirred against vs, for we are not the worst and vilest part of the Uniuersity. &c.

The next day being the 8. day of the same moneth, whi∣the is also dedicate to the conception of our Ladye, vpon which day it was determined likewise: that one of the do∣minicke Friers, should preach in the Church of the Fran∣ciscane or gray Friers, and so he did: tending to the same end, as the other frier in the other church had done before. Whereby it may seeme the prouerb well aunswered vnto,* 13.76 whereof we read in the Gospell: Facti sunt amici Herodes & Pilatus in ipsa die.

It was not long after, that the feast of S. Thomas the Apostle folowed, in whose Uigile all the heads of the Uni∣uersity againe, were warned the third day after to congre∣gate together in the Church of S. Bernard at the sermon time. Which being done, and the assembly meeting toge∣ther, an other Sermō was made by a Diuine of the Uni∣uersity,* 13.77 whose theame was: Prope est Dominus omnibus in∣uocantibus eum in veritate. &c. Wherein he with many words and great authorities argued agaynst them, that woulde not be obedient vnto theyr Prelats. &c. The sermon being ended then rose vp againe the Bishop Ambianensis,* 13.78 who prosecuting the rest of the Theame, and comming to the word in veritate: deuided it in three parts, according to the common glose of the decretals.

Est verum vitae, doctrinae, iusticiaeque, Primum semper habe, duo propter scandala linque.

Shewing and declaring by many authorities both of canonicall scriptures and out of the law,* 13.79 and by euidēt de∣monstratiō of experience: that the Friers first had no veri∣ty of life, because they were full of hypocrisy: neither had they verity of doctrine, because in their hart they bare gall, and in theyr toung hony: neither verity of iustice, because they vsurped other mens offices. And thus concluding w^t the same, caused agayn to be read the sayd priuileges, with y^e constitution aboue specified. And so expoūding place by place, did argue and proue that the sayd constitution, in no part was euacuat or infringed by y^t priuilegies aforesayd. Which thing being declared he added moreouer, that where as the Friers say (sayd he) that I should be present in the obteining of the priuileges, I graunt it to be true, & when word came to me thrise thereof, I went to the Pope reclay∣ming & requiring the sayd priuileges to be renoked. But the next day after, it so pleased the Pope to send me out a∣broad vpon weighty affayres, so that then the matter had no end. After that, we sent also other messengers with our letters, for the same cause vnto the Court of Rome, whom the Friers say not to haue preuailed,* 13.80 but they lye therein. For the sayd messengers agayne brought vs letters, from the chief of the court of Rome, sealed w^t their seales which letters, we haue diuers times presented to our king & wil shortly shew them vnto you all. In the which letters, the Lord Pope hath promised the sayd priuiledges, either to be vtterly abrogate, or els to be mitigated with some more playnely interpretation, of the which we trust shortly to haue the publicke Bulle or writ from the Pope.

At last, the sayd Bishop required & desired of all there of what Dioces, or countrey so euer they were: that they would copy out the foresayd priuiledges, and send them a∣broad into their coūtries,* 13.81 that all men might see what they were, and how far they did extēd. In fine, the matter com∣ming into open disputation, it was cōcluded by M. Giles one of the Austine Friers (who was thought to be most reasonable of all the other Friers, in this wise) that after his sentence, the Prelates were in the truer part. &c. Haec ex Godfrido de Fontanis.

¶ Concerning this wrangling contention betwene the Uniuersity and Friers of Fraunce heretofore mentioned, whereof partly the original cause there may be vnderstand by that which hath bene sayd to rise vpon certaine priuile∣gies

graūted by popes to the Friers, to intermedle in mat¦ters of Parish churches: As to heare confessiōs, to preach and teach, with power there to annexed to gather for theyr labor, to bury within their houses, and to receiue impro∣priations, &c. because it were long here to describe the full circumstances therof, also because the sayd contention dyd endure a long time not onely in fraūce but also came ouer to englād: The whole discourse therof more ample (Christ willing) shalbe declared in the beginning of the next booke folowing, when we come to the story of Armachanus.

About what time & yere, this brawle was in the Uni∣niuersity of Paris betwene the Friers and Prelats there, as hath bene declared: the like contētion happened also in the vniuersity of Oxford in the yeare aboue prefixed. 1354. saue onely that the strife amōg the maisters of Paris as it rose vpon Frierly ceremonies,* 13.82 so it went no farther, then brawling wordes and matter of excōmunication: but this tumult rising of a dronken cause, proceeded further vnto bloudy stripes. The first originall wherof began in a ta∣uerne, betwene a scholer & the good man of the house. Who falling together in altercatiō, grew to such heat of words, that the student (contra ius hospitij) poured the wine vpon the head of the host and brake his head with the quart pot. Upon this occasion geuen, estsoones parts began to be ta∣ken betwene townes men & the scholers. In somuch that a grieuous sedition & conflict folowed vpō the same: wher∣in many of the townes men were wounded, & to the num¦ber of 20. slayn. Diuers also of the scolers grieuously hurt. The space of 2. dayes this hurly burly continued. Vpon the second day, certain religious and deuout persōs ordei∣ned a solemne processiō general, to pray for peace. Yet not∣withstanding, all y^t procession as holy as it was, it would not bring peace.* 13.83 In the which procession (the skirmish stil waxing hoat) one of the studentes being hardly pursued by the townesmen, for succour in his flight, came running to the Priest or Frier, which caried about (as the maner was) the pixe: thinking to finde refuge at the presēce of the transubstātiated God of the aultar there caried & inboxed. Notwithstanding, the God there not presēt, or els not se∣ing him, or els peraduēture being a sleepe: the scholer foūd there small helpe. For the townesmen in the heate of the chase,* 13.84 forgetting belike the vertue of the popes transubstā¦tiation, folowed him so hard, that in the presēce of the pixe they brake his head, & woūded him greuously. This done, at length some peace or truce for that day was taken. The next morow folowing, other townesmē in the villagies a∣bout, ioyning with the townesmē of Oxford: confederated together in great force and power to set vpon the studētes there, and so did, hauing a black flag borne before thē, and so inuaded the Vniuersity men. Wherupō, the scholers be∣ing ouermatched & compelled to flee into their haules and hostles, were so pursued by theyr enemies, that 20. of the doores of their haules and chambers were broke open, & many of them wounded,* 13.85 and (as it is sayd) slain and thro∣wen into priuies: their books with kniues and bils cut all in pieces, and much of theyr goods caried away. And thus the studentes of that Vniuersity being conquered by the townesmen of Oxford, and of the country about, departed & left the vniuersity. So that for a time, the scholes there, and all schole acts did vtterly cease from all exercise of stu∣dy, except onely Mertō Colledge haule, with a few other remayning behinde.

* 13.86This being done the 12. day of February, the Queene at the same time being at woodstock, was brought to bed, and purified on the first Sonday in Lent with great solē∣nity of Iusting: About which time, the Bishop of Lincoln their Diocesane hearing of this excessiue outrage, sendeth his inhibition to all Parsons and Priestes, forbidding thē throughout all Oxford, none to celebrate Masse or any di∣uine seruice in the presence of any lay persō within the said Towne of Oxford, interdicting withal the whole Town. Which interdiction endured the space of a whole yere and more.* 13.87

The king also sēt thether his Iustices to examine and enquire of the matter. Before whom diuers lay men & of the clergy were indicted. And foure of y^e chiefe burgeses of the sayd towne were indicted, & by the kinges commaun∣dement sent to the tower of London, were there impriso∣ned. At length through much labor of the nobles, the king so tooke vp the matter, that sending his writings vnto all Shiriffes in England, offered pardō to all & singular stu∣dents of that Vniuersity, (wheresoouer dispersed) for that transgression, whereby the Vniuersity in short time was replenished againe as before. Moreouer was graunted to the Vice chauncellor or Commissary (as they terme him) of the towne and Vniuersity of Oxford, to haue the a••ise of bread,* 13.88 ale, wine, and all other victuals, the Maior of the sayd town being excluded. Also was graūted and decreed, that y^e commōs of Oxford should geue to the vniuersity of Oxford 200. pound sterling in part of satisfaction for theyr excesses: reserued notwithstanding to euery one of the stu∣dents his seuerall action agaynst any seuerall person of y^t townesmen. &c.

About the yeare of our Lord. 1354. The king with the consent of his counsell, reuoked home agayne out of flau∣ders the staple of wolle, with all things thereunto apper∣tayning, & stablished the same in sondry places within the realme, namely in Westminster. Canterbury, Chichester, Bristow, Lincolne, and in Hulle. Which Staple after an. 1362. was translated ouer into Calice.

Of Simon Islip Archbishop of Canterb. mentioned a litle before, pag. 363. I read in the said author aboue spe∣cified,* 13.89 that he by his letters patent directed to al parsons & vicars within his prouince: straitly charged them & theyr Parishioners vnder payne of excōmunication, not to ab∣staine frō bodely labor, vpō certaine Saints dayes, which before were wont to be hallowed & consecrated to vnthrif∣ty idlenes. Item, that to Priests should be geuen no more for their yearely stipend, but 3. pound 6.5.8. pence, whiche made diuers of them to robbe and steale. &c. an. 1362. The next yeare following, which was 1363. the foresayd Kyng Edward kept his Parliament at London in the month of October:* 13.90 wherein was prohibited, no gold nor siluer to be worne in kniues, girdles, brooches, ringes, or in any other ornament belonging to the body, except the wearer might dispend 10, poūd by yeare. Itē, that none should weare ei∣ther silks or costly furres, except such as might dispēd 100 pound by yeare. Also that Marchaunt venterers should not export ouer any marchaūdise out of the realme, or seek for wines in other country: wherby other nations should be constrayned rather to seeke to vs. &c. But none of thys did take any great effect.

After this Simon Islip as is aboue recorded, folowed Simon Langham, then W. Wittelesey, after whome next in the place succeeded Simon Sudbury.

Much about the same time,* 13.91 the Nunnes of S. Brid∣gits order began first. About which time also was builded the Queenes Colledge in Oxford, by Queene Philippe of England,* 13.92 wife to king Edward the third Circa annum do∣mini. 1360.

Moreouer in the time of this Pope Innocent, Fryer Iohn Lyle Bishop of Ely, moued with certaine iniuries (as he thought) done to him by the Lady Blanche,* 13.93 made his complaynt to the Pope. Who sending down his curse to the Bishop of Lincolne, and other Prelates to be exe∣cuted vpon the aduersaries of the Bishoppe of Ely: com∣maunded them, that if they did know any of the sayd ad∣uersaries dead and buried (that notwithstanding) they should cause the same to be taken vp:* 13.94 which also they per∣formed accordingly, of whom some had bene of the Kings counsell. Wherefore the king being displeased and not vn∣worthely, did trouble and molest agayn the sayd Prelats. This comming to the Popes hearing, certayne were di∣rected downe from the court of Rome, in the behalf of the foresayd Bishop of Elye: who meeting, with the Byshop of Rochester the kinges treasurer, deliuered vnto him be∣ing armed, letters from the Bishop of Rome, the tenour whereof was not known. Which done, they incontinent a∣uoyded away. But certayne of the kinges seruaunts pur∣suing, did ouertake them: of whom some they imprisoned, some they brought to the iustices, and so were condemned to be hanged.* 13.95 Wherein may appeare what reuerence the Popes letters in this kinges dayes had in this realme of England. Ex Chro. Walsing. This Pope Innocēt ordeined the feast of the holy speare,* 13.96 and of the holy nayles.

And here to make an end of this fourth booke, now re∣mayueth after our order and custome before begunne, to prosecute the race of the Archbishops of Canter∣bury, in this foresayd fourth booke contei∣ned, beginning where before we left, pag. 170. at Lanc∣francus.

A Table of the Archbishoppes of Caunterbury, in this fourth Booke conteyned.

34. Lanf••ancus. 19.	Polyd. Virg. lib. 9. numbereth this Lanfrancus to be the 33. Archbish. But by the count of o∣ther authors (namely by yt chro∣nicle of the Monke of Douer) semeth to be deceiued as he was in the 28. yeares of Dunstane, whiche in deede did sit but 19. or 20. at yt most. This errour of Pol. seemeth to come by leauing out either Elsius, which was the 23. or by leauing out Elfricus, whi∣che was the 26. as in some au∣thors I finde.
Moreouer here is to bee no∣ted, that although the sayd Elfri∣cus were left out, yet Lanfran∣cus cannot be. 33.
Note also, that in the table of the 3. Booke before, after Sirici∣us to put in Sanctus Aluredus. whiche in the order of Archbi∣shops I left out in the end of the 3. booke. pag. 170.
This Lanffancus was an Italian, and a stout Champion of the Pope. After his stubberne dissention with Thomas Arch∣bishop of Yorke, he wrot against Berengarius, intitulyng hys Booke Opus Scintillarum. pag. 172.
Also the same Lancfranke builded the newe Churche at Canterbury, and pluckt downe the olde. By him was builded the Church of S. Gregorye. At length he was expulsed by king Wil. Rufus.
35. Anselmus. 20.	Of this Anselmus, and the strife betwene him and the king, looke in the pag. 184.
36. Radulphus. 8.	Under Rad. the order of Ci∣sternians began.
37. Guilielmus Curboil. 13.	By this W. the newe worke of the Church of S. Martines at Douer was builded.
38. Theobaldus. 24.	By this Theobald, Monkes were first brought into yt church of Douer. He was expulsed by king Stephen. In his time the church of S. Gregory was bur∣ned at Cant.
39. Tho. Becket. 9.	Of the life and death of thys Becket, see the pag. 205.
* 13.9739. Tho. Becket. 9.	Ex Crikeladensi. Magnates in Anglia interdixerunt, ne quis mar∣tyrem Thomam nominaret ne quis eius miracula praedicaret, intermi∣nantes minas mortis seu maxima∣rum poenarum omnibus consiten∣tibus eum fuisse martyrem, & mira∣cula eius praedicantibus. &c.
40. Richardus. 10.	This Richard was a Monk: in his time Christes Church at Canterbury was burned.
41. Baldwinus. 7.	Betweene this Baldwine & the Monkes was great discord. He suspended the Prior from his Priorship, and 22. Monkes from all seruice. He caused the Subprior with all his adherēts to be excommunicate through al Kent.
42. Hubertus. 14.	In the time of thys Hubert the Chappell of Lamheth was pluckt downe. Also the Church of Douer was burned.
43. Stephanus Langhton. 22.	This Stephen with the Monkes of Caunterbury, were expulsed by king Iohn.
This Stephen intending to geue orders in the Chappell of Lamheth, was stopped by the Monkes of Cant. through their appeale and prohibition. Wher∣fore he required Eustace Bishop of London, to minister the same orders in the Church of Saynct Paule.
In his time fell great vari∣aunce betweene the Monkes of Rochester and the Monkes of Canterb. for the election of their B. which election the Monkes of Cant. would not admitte, be∣fore the Rochester Monkes had presented the Byshops staffe in the Church of Cant. so that both the Churches sent their messen∣gers to the court of Rome.
44. Richardus Magnus. 4.	At the consecration of this Richarde, contention rose be∣twene the Bishop of Rochester and bishop of Bath, who should consecrate him.
Item, betwene the sayd Ri∣chard and the Monkes of Can∣terbury fell a greuons discord a∣bout certayne libertyes belong∣ing to the Archb.
The sayd Archbishop for cer∣tayne quarels agaynst the king, went vp to Rome, who dyed in Tuscia.
After this Richard, the elec∣tion of 3. Archbish. was castate at Rome: of Rodulphus de no∣ua villa, of Iohn Prior of Cant. Iohn Blund.
45. Edmund of Abenden. 7.	This Edmund was called S. Edmund. At whose election the Prior of Douer thinking to be present, as at the mariage of his Mother, was not permit∣ted by the Monkes of Canter∣bury. For the which iniurye he appealed and went to Rome to complayne, not against the elect, but agaynst the election: where he obteined of the Pope for all the Priors and successors of Do∣uer, to haue full interest in the e∣lection of the Archbi. besides o∣ther priuiledgies which he ob∣teined, percase not without some good store of mony. Afterward y• Monkes of Cant. accused him to the Archbishoppe as though he stood agaynst the person of the e∣lect, & so obtayned of the Archbi. being angrye with him, to haue brought him vnder the chapter of Canter. there to be punished. Whereupon the Prior seing him so destitute of all helpe of Law∣yers, was constrayned in the foresayd chapter to crye peccaui. Then being suspended from his Priorship was at lēgth sēt home to Douer, being compelled first to set his hand to a certayn com∣position betwene him & the fore∣sayd Monkes.
The sayd Edmūd Archb. al∣so hauyng some quarell agaynst the king, went vp to Rome, and dyed before his comming home.
46. Bonifacius. 25.	In the time of this Boniface Pope Gregory wickedly graū∣ted to king Henry 3.* 13.98 (for the get∣ting of the kingdome of Sicile whiche belonged not to him to geue, nor to the other to take,) tenthes of goodes temporall and spirituall, for fiue yeares, Item,

all the first yeares fruites of churches that should be vacant for 5. yeares. Item, halfe of all the goodes of beneficed men not resident at their benefices. I∣tem, all Legaces not distinctly geuen. And yet the kingdome of Sicile neuer came to his hands whiche belonged to Manfre∣dus, sonne of Fredericke Em∣perour. Strife betweene thys Boniface, and the prior of Cant. Item, betwene him and bishop of Ross. Item, betweene him & the Chapter of Lincolne, all which was after agreed. Chro. Douerens. fol. 20. pag. 2.
Strife in Winchester, about chusing the bishop after y• death of Ayonarus yt kings Brother.
Strife in the Conuocation whiche Boniface did holde at Lambheth. In the which coun∣cell were recited the statutes of Octobonus and other new sta∣tutes made: Agaynst whiche, I. Hemelingforde the Kynges Chaplaine with other moe, and prince Edward on the Kynges behalfe did appeale. Chro. Douer. fol. 21.
Under this Boniface Archb. Tunbridge & Had∣lo first came vnder the custody of the Archb. of Cant.
Maister Iohn of Exeter bought the Bishoprick of Winchester for 6000. marks: which being known he was fayne to pay the same summe agayne to the Pope, and so was sent home.
Boniface the Archb. being in the partes of Se∣baudia. an. 1262, fell an other alteration betwene the Prior and Chapter of Canterbury on the one part, and the Prior and Chapter of Douer on the other part. Which two houses almost were neuer in quiet, and all about certayne liberties and Priuilegies: as for making the subprior, for receiuing in of monkes, and for visitations of the Church of Douer.
An. 1268. Boniface Archb. interdicted the Cittye of London, because in the same Cittye the Archb. of Yorke did holde vp his Crosse, the Archbishoppe of Cant. being there present, the king holding then hys Parliament at Westminster.
This Archb. died in the partes of Sebaudia.
	Iohn Prior of Canterbury was elected by the Monkes a∣gaynst the kinges minde, but by the Pope refused.
	Adam Chilinden was elect, but he resigned his electiō to the Pope.
47. Robert Kil∣warby. Frier. 6.	In the time of this Robert Kilwarby, appeale was taken agaynst the Chapter of Canter∣bury by the Bishop of Winche∣ster, of Worcester, and Exceter: for the which cause the sayd By∣shops wēt vp to Rome to pro∣secute the appeale. The mat∣ter was because they did not theyr obedience to the Monkes of Caunterbury, the see beyng empty.
Walter Gissard Archb. of Yorke, going toward the generall counsell, bare vp his crosse through the middle of Kent, in the time of this Robert Archbi∣shop of Canterbury. an. 1272.
By Pope Gregory 10. in the generall Councell at Lyons, all the orders of Fryers were put downe 4. orders onely except, that is Dominicks, Francis∣cans, Carmilites, and Augustines.
This Robert Kilwarby by the commaundemēt of Pope Nicholas was made Cardinall of Rome, Bishop of Poruensis.
* 13.99Where is to be noted an vntruth in Polid Vir∣gill, which sayth that he was made cardinal by pope Gregory, which could not be.
48. Iohn Peck∣nam. 13	Robert Burnell Byshop of Bathe was elected, but by the Pope refused: For whom Iohn Peckham a gray frier, was pla∣ced by Pope Nicho.
In the first yeare of this Fri∣er Peckeham, Will. Wikewane Archb. of Yorke comming from his consecration at Rome to Douer, bare vp his Crosse tho∣rough the midst of Kent, wher∣at was no litle adoe.
Robert Gernemine Archdeacon of Cant. went to law to Rome for the liberties & possessions of his Archdeaconship 2. yeares and there dyed.
In his time also another wrāgling fell betwene ye Monks of Cant. & the Monkes of Douer, in ye time of this I. Peckhā; for admitting certayne Nouices of Douer into orders. Ex chr. Monach. Douer. fol. 42.
This Peckham holding a councēll at Lambheth ordeyned diuers statutes, and caused the ordinances of the councell of Lyons, and of Boniface Archb. of Cant. and his predecessor to be obserued.
Great strife and hatred was betwene this Pec∣ham and Thomas Byshop of Hereford. Who being excōmunicated by Peckham, appealed to Rome, & went to the Pope.
The Prior & couent of Cant. made their appeale agaynst this archb. Peckham, that he should not cō∣secrate Walter le Schamell new elect bishop of Sa∣lisbury, in any other place, except onely in the church of Cant. but by theyr leaue and licence first obteined. Notwithstanding the archb. nothing regarding their appeale, proceeded in the consecration of the sayd bi∣shop nere to the towne of Reading, whereupon the Prior and Couent ceased not to prosecute theyr ap∣peale agaynst the Archbishop.
Betwene Richard Ferringes archdeacō of Cāt. of the one party, and the Barōs of Douer of ye other party, the same yeare fell an other like wrāgling, for that the Archdeacon claymed to visite the Church of Douer, contrary the barons affirmed, that none had nor should haue to do there to order or dispose in spi¦rituall matters but onely the archb. & the Prior and couent of S. Martin. Ex eod. chron. fol. 46.
After the death of William Wicwane Archb. of Yorke, Iohn de Roma succeeded after him and cō∣ming from his consecratiō at Rome to Douer, bare his crosse through the midle of Kent, contrary to the inhibition of Iohn Peckham.
48. Rob. Win∣chelsey. 19	This Rob. which was archb. in the latter time of K. Edward the 1. for certeine displeasure of ye K. cōceiued against him, depar∣ted ye realme, & in his banishmēt remayned 2. or 3. yeares. And a∣bout the beginning of the raign of K. Edwa. the 2. was restored againe. an. 1309. Ex chro. Rich. 2. Thus few Archb. of Cant. we finde, with whom kinges haue not had some quarell or other. The cause betweene the K. and him (sayth mine author) was this: that the K. accused him to Pope Clement to disturbe his Realme, and to take part with rebels. &c. Ex chro. S. Albani.
This Robert also excommunicated Walter Bi∣shop of Couent. for holding with the King and Pe∣ter Gaueston against the ordinances of the Barons wherefore the sayd Bishop appealed to the Pope, a∣gaynst whom the Archb. sent Adam Mirimouth.
In the time of this Robert Archbishop, the or∣der of Templaries were abolished by Pope Clemēt 5.* 13.100 in the councell of Vienna with this seittence diffi∣nitiue. Quanquam de iure non possumus, tamen ad pleni∣tudinem potestatis dictum ordinem reprobamus.
50. Gualter Reynald. 15	Ai••ct the decease of Robert Winchelsey, who departed. an. 1312. Thomas Cobham a lear∣ned man was elected by full cō∣sent of the Monkes: who came to Auinion, to haue his election confirmed. But the Pope reser∣uing the vacant seat to his owne handes put in Walter Reynald B. of Worcester Chauncellor of England, who gouerned the seat 15. yeares.

The chronicler of S. Albans, recordeth also how in the dayes of this Archb. an. 1319. certayne Lepers conspiring with the Turkes and Iewes went a∣bout to impotionate, and infect all Christendome, by inueneming their fountains, lakes, pits, barels, and such other places. Of the which crime diuers of thē being conuict, were worthely burned in Fraunce. About the which yeare, the sayd author maketh also relation, how in ye realme of England much morain fell among the beas••es: in so much, that the dogs ea∣ting vpon their flesh (infected belike by the waters and fountaines) fell downe dead incontinent. Ney∣ther dur•••• men for that cause almost tast of any biefe. an. 1318. 1319. Ex Chron. Alban.
This Walter Archb. taking part with the Queen Isabell agaynst K. Edward her husband, dyed the same yere in which he was deposed. an. 1237. Ex chr. S. Albani.
After Walter the Archb. as affirmeth the chron. of S, Alban, succeeded Simon Mepham. Of whom I marnell that Polydor, maketh no word mention: belike he sate not long after folowed I. Stratford.
51. Iohn Strat∣ford. 29.	In the storye of Adam Mi∣rimouth is recorded that this I. Stratforde intending to vi∣sit the dioces of Northfolk, was not receiued by the Bishop, the chapter and clergy there, alled∣gyng that he obserned not the ordinarye Canon therein. To whom the Archb. sayd agayne, he had the Popes letters and shewed the same. But the other aunswered, that those letters were falsly obteined and tended to the suppression of the Clergy, & therfore they would not obey: wherfore the Archb. excommu∣nicated the Bishop, and suspen∣ded the Prior, & interdicted the couent. au, 1343.
52. Ioh. Offord. 10. monethes.	M. Iohn Offord Chauncel∣lor of England was elected and confirmed Archb. of Canter. but not consecrated, and sate but 10. monthes, about the yeare of our Lord 1350. Postilentia in Anglia.
53. Tho. Braid∣warden. 1.	This Tho. Braidwarden following after I. Stratford sat not long but died within 10 mo∣neths of the plague, as they say. Which was called then the first great plague in England,* 13.101 ra∣ging so fore in all quarters, that it was thought scarce the tenth part of men to be left aliue.
54. Simō Islepe. 17.	In the time of Simō Islepe which folowed after Bradwar∣den: K. Edward. an. 1362. is re∣ported after the blinde supersti∣tion of those daies, to offer in the church of Westminster the vesti∣mentes wherin S. Peter did ce∣lebrate masse.* 13.102 Which belike wer well kept from mothes, to last so long. Ex Chron. Alban.
The same Simon Islepe, among other constitu∣tious ordeined through all Churches & Chappelles vnder paine of excōmunication: that no man should abstayne from bodely labors vpon certayne Saints dayes, as is before touched. Which fact of his is not a litle noted in our monkish historyes.
This Simon builded Canterbury Colledge in Oxford.* 13.103

Notes

• * 1.1

  King Ed∣ward the 3. Anno. 1327.
• * 1.2

  The defiance of the kyng of Scots.
• * 1.3

  The K. and Queene at Yorke, with an army of ••000. men, readie to meete the K. of Scottes entring the realme.
• * 1.4

  The great fraye in Yorke.
• * 1.5

  Carlile and new Castle then the keyes of England. Northward ••ept with Garisons.
• * 1.6

  The Scots pri∣uely passe ouer the riuer of Tine, burning and spoyling the countrey all about.
• * 1.7

  The kings armie and the Scottes are so neare that eche seeth o∣ther.
• * 1.8

  The Scots tho∣rough treason escape out of Englande vn∣fought withall.
• * 1.9

  The prouision left in the Scots campe.
• * 1.10

  The king retur∣neth to London.
• * 1.11

  The mariage of K. Edward so∣lemnised.
• * 1.12

  A parliament at Northampton.
• * 1.13

  The Ragman role deliuered vp to the Scot••.
• * 1.14

  The black crosse of Scotland. The B••r••••, geue vp their titles in Scotlād
• * 1.15

  A parliament at Salisbury.
• * 1.16

  E••rle Henry of Lancaster refu∣seth to come to the parliam••nt.
• * 1.17

  The Earle of Kent put to death giltles.
• * 1.18

  The Queene with childe by sir Roger Mor∣timer. Sir Roger Mor∣timer Earle of March. arrai∣ned, condemned and put to exe∣cution. The queene put in prison and so kept a long time The birth of prince Edward.
• * 1.19

  The expedition of king Edward into Scotland.
• * 1.20

  The Scottish times.
• * 1.21

  K. Edward wa∣s••••••h and de∣stroyeth the realme of Scot∣lande.
• * 1.22

  Barwicke besie∣ged and yeelded vp to the king.
• * 1.23

  The K. entreth the towne of Barwicke & ap∣pointeth the captaine therof.
• * 1.24

  Sir Rob••. de A••tois a ••••∣ble ma•••••• Fra•••••• in∣citeth the •• to prolec•••• his title in Fraunce. The king delibe•••••••• with his councell ••••∣cerning the title of Fraunce.
• * 1.25

  Embassa∣dors are •••• to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Heyna•• concerning the title.
• * 1.26

  The Embas∣sadours ••e∣turne with answere Ed the Erle 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pleaseth the kyng.
• * 1.27

  K. Philip of France hea∣reth of the kings pur∣pose, and stayeth his viage of the Croisie.
• * 1.28

  K. Edward assigned lie••tenant Generall of the Empyre.
• * 1.29

  The first vi∣age of k•••••• Edward i•••••• Fraunce.
• * 1.30

  Southamp∣ton bu•••••• of the French men.
• * 1.31

  The Scottes styr••ed vp a∣gainst Eng∣land by the French K.
• * 1.32

  The Pope cause of the kings remo∣••ing out of Fraunce.
• * 1.33

  Anno. 1340.
• * 1.34

  The king of England ta∣keth the title of Fraunce.
• * 2.1

  K. Edward to the nobles and cōmons of Fraunce.
• * 2.2

  The title of France how it came to K. Edward.
• * 2.3

  Note the grose∣nes of this tyme when the bl••ud of Christ was thought but on∣ly dedicated to the holy land.
• * 2.4

  Southampton burnt & spoyled by the French men.
• * 2.5

  Counsaile of the Archb. ge∣uen to the king.
• * 2.6

  Battel vpon the sea betweene kyng Edward and Frenchmen.
• * 2.7

  The Frenchmen beaten vpon the sea.
• * 2.8

  The wordes of the foole to the French kyng.
• * 2.9

  The letters of K. Edward to the Byshops of England.
• * 2.10

  A c••••nc••l at Ville∣north.
• * 2.11

  Flaunders, Brabant and Hennalt take part with kyng Edward.
• * 3.1

  The letter of king Ed∣ward to the Frēch kyng.
• * 4.1

  The answere of the Frēch K to K. Ed∣ward.
• * 4.2

  The Scottes ••••de Eng∣l••••••.
• * 4.3

  Henbo∣rough reco∣••ered from the English∣men by the Scottes.
• * 4.4

  Tourney be∣sieged.
• * 4.5

  Articles of truce.
• * 4.6

  K. Edward re∣turneth from Tourney.
• * 4.7

  The kyng decei∣ued by his offi∣cers.
• * 4.8

  No bishop must be imprisoned by the Popes lawe.
• * 4.9

  Couetous offi∣cers.
• * 4.10

  Iohn Stratford Archb. of Cant.
• * 5.1

  The kyngs let∣ter to the Dean and chapter of Paules.
• * 5.2

  Archbish. of Cant fal••e to the king.
• * 5.3

  Euil officers displaced by the kyng.
• * 5.4

  Archbish. of Cant. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to all the clergie.
• * 5.5

  The Archb. of Cant. de∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 5.6

  The Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with 〈…〉〈…〉 & in∣gratitude.
• * 5.7

  The Archb. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the ••yng.
• * 5.8

  The Archb. ••••useth his office.
• * 5.9

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 6.1

  The letter of the Archbishop to the kyng.
• * 6.2

  Good counsel∣lers necessary a∣bout a kyng.
• * 6.3

  Excommunica∣tion in his owne priuate cause abused.
• * 6.4

  The returne of the kings army from Tourney
• * 6.5

  Anno. 1341.
• * 6.6

  Truce taken for three yeares be∣tweene K. Ed∣ward and the French king.
• * 6.7

  Anno. 1342.
• * 8.1

  Pope Cle∣ment. 6.
• * 8.2

  Ex Chron. Albanens.
• * 8.3

  The kyng disanulleth the Popes prouision.
• * 8.4

  The Poges procurators driuen out of England.
• * 9.1

  A letter of the Nobles & com∣mons of Eng∣land to the pope
• * 9.2

  Decay of the Church of Eng∣land by the Pope.
• * 9.3

  The Popes mes∣sage to the king.
• * 9.4

  The kings aun∣swere to the Popes message.
• * 9.5

  Anno. 1344.
• * 9.6

  The Castle in Windsore enlar∣ged. The rounde ta∣ble builded in Windsore.
• * 9.7

  Tenthes graun∣ted to the king by the clergy for 3. yeares. Priuileges gran∣ted by the king to the clergie.
• * 9.8

  By this it is lyke that priestes had wiues.
• * 9.9

  Prince Edward first prince of Wales.
• * 9.10

  Anno. 1345.
• * 9.11

  Henry Erle, af∣ter made duke of Lancaster sent ouer to Gasconie.
• * 9.12

  A rare example of a liberal cap∣taine to his sol∣diours.
• * 9.13

  The liberall heart and con∣stant voyce of a worthy captain.
• * 9.14

  The Scots part∣ly a meane of breaking truce.
• * 9.15

  Anno. 1346.
• * 9.16

  The 1. via•••• of K. Edw. into France.
• * 9.17

  The battell at Ca••••••n.
• * 10.1

  The king••et ters of defi∣ance against the French king.
• * 10.2

  The Popes legate sur∣reth vp war.
• * 10.3

  ••••ke legate ••••ke Pope.
• * 10.4

  A letter of the kings cō∣••cllor tou∣ching his actes doing at Cardoyn.
• * 10.5

  The Cardi∣nal•• againe entreate for peace. The kyngs answere to the Cardi∣nals.
• * 10.6

  The French kyng shew∣eth no care∣full study of peace.
• * 10.7

  The kings com∣ming to Pusi∣acke.
• * 11.1

  Anno. 1346.
• * 11.2

  Siege of Calys.
• * 11.3

  Dauid king of Scots inuadeth England.
• * 11.4

  The Scots ouer∣throwen.
• * 11.5

  Dauid the Scot∣tishe K. taken prisoner.
• * 13.1

  K. Edward answereth to the pope.
• * 13.2

  The kyng appealeth from the P. to God.
• * 13.3

  Offers made to the men of Flaunders to forsake K. Edwarde.
• * 13.4

  The Dol∣phin with the French discomfited at Casseles.
• * 13.5

  Anno. 1347.
• * 13.6

  The French king flyeth before the battaile.
• * 13.7

  The towne of Calice wonne.
• * 13.8

  Truce cōcluded betweene Eng∣land & Fraunce.
• * 13.9

  Anno. 1348.
• * 13.10

  A vehement pe∣stilence in Eng∣land.
• * 13.11

  Now called the Charterhouse church yard.
• * 13.12

  Anno. 1350.
• * 13.13

  Calice almost lost by treason. The death of the French king.
• * 13.14

  Anno. 1351. The towne of Gwynes taken.
• * 13.15

  Anno. 1352.
• * 13.16

  Victory of Syr Roger Bentele.
• * 13.17

  First Duke of Lancaster.
• * 13.18

  Anno. 1354.
• * 13.19

  Pope inno∣cent. 6.
• * 13.20

  Chron. Adam••. Murimouth ca∣nonici D. Paul•• de gestis Edw. I.
• * 13.21

  Ann. 1355.
• * 13.22

  The third viage of K. Edward into Fraunce.
• * 13.23

  The French K. refuseth to ioyne in battell with kyng Edward.
• * 13.24

  Fiftie shillings for euery sack of wooll caryed out of England.
• * 13.25

  The custome of wooll for sixe yeres 1500000. poundes ster∣ling to king Ed∣ward.
• * 13.26

  Anno. 1356.
• * 13.27

  The French K. taken prisoner by prince Ed∣ward.
• * 13.28

  Euery Scute va∣luing 6. shil∣lings 8. pence.
• * 13.29

  Marsilius Pata∣uinus, author of the booke called Defensor paces. Article of Mar∣silius against the Pope.
• * 13.30

  Merites cause of saluation, sine qua non. Marsilius con∣demned of the Pope. Extrau cap. Li∣cet intra doctri∣nam.
• * 13.31

  Ioannes Gāde∣nensis condem∣ned by the pope
• * 13.32

  Guillermus Oc∣kam, wrote a∣gainst the pope.
• * 13.33

  Michael gene∣rall of the gray fryers excom∣municated for an heretike. Ascentionis in praesatione eius aeutoris. The dialogue betwene the souldier and the clarke, of Oc∣kams making.
• * 13.34

  Eight questions disputed by Ocham.
• * 13.35

  Gregorius Ari∣minensis main∣teineth the same doctrine nowe receiued. Ex Trithemio.
• * 13.36

  Andreas de Ca∣stro and Burdia∣nus both gos∣pellers 200. yeares agoe.
• * 13.37

  Eudo duke of Burgūdy against the popes de∣crees about 200. yeares since. Ex Charolo Mo∣linao.
• * 13.38

  Dantes an Italiā writer against the Pope.
• * 13.39

  Donation of Constantine a thing forged.
• * 13.40

  The pope the whore of Babi∣lon.
• * 13.41

  Ex lib. Iornandi. Pope Anti∣christ.
• * 13.42

  An admonition to the Romans.
• * 13.43

  Taulerus of Germany, a preacher a∣gainst the popes proceedings.
• * 13.44

  Franciscus pe∣trarcha. Vide 20, episto∣lam Francisci Petrarcha. Rome the mo∣ther and schole of errour.
• * 13.45

  Ioannes de rupe scissa. Iohn cast in∣to p••••••••.
• * 13.46

  Church of Rome, the whore of Babilon.
• * 13.47

  The refor∣mation of the Church before pro∣phesied.
• * 13.48

  Conradus Hager.
• * 13.49

  The Masse to be no sa∣crifice.
• * 13.50

  Conradus cast in pri∣son.
• * 13.51

  Ex bullis quibusdam Otthonis E∣pis. Herbi∣peli.
• * 13.52

  Ponitentia∣rius Asini.
• * 13.53

  The pope and his spi∣ritualitie cō∣federate a∣gainst the laitie.
• * 13.54

  The pope maketh the Emperour & lay mē A••••••
• * 13.55

  Gerhardus Ridder, a writer a∣gainst mōkes and friers.
• * 13.56

  Michael Ce∣senas, Pe∣trus de Cor∣baria, con∣demned of the Pope. Ioannes de Poliaco.
• * 13.57

  The opiniōs of Michael against the Pope. Michael Ce∣senas depry∣ued and cō∣demned of the Pope.
• * 13.58

  Martyres, Ioannes de Castilione, Franciscus de Arcata∣ra burned.
• * 13.59

  Archby∣shoppes of Cant. the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 succee∣ding the o∣ther.
• * 13.60

  New Col∣ledge in Oxforde founded an. 1366.
• * 13.61

  Pope Inno∣cent. 6. Two Fran∣ciscanes bur∣ned at Aui∣nion.
• * 13.62

  Ioan. Rochtay∣lada Martyr.
• * 13.63

  Ex Chron. Hen∣rici de Herfor∣dia.
• * 13.64

  The church of Rome declared to be the whore of Babilon by Gods reuelatiō.
• * 13.65

  Kochtaylada with an other Frier, Martyrs••
• * 13.66

  A priest for ca∣sting the popes bull before the popes feete scourged, cast in prison, and after burned at Aui∣nion.
• * 13.67

  Anno. 1354.
• * 13.68

  Ex Ionn. Prosi∣ardo volu. 1. cap. 211.
• * 13.69

  Ex scripta God∣fri de Fontanis.
• * 13.70

  A contention in France betwene the Prelates and the Friers there.
• * 13.71

  A sermon of the Bish. of Byters to the students of Paris agaynst the Friers.
• * 13.72

  That is, the Do∣minicke Friers and the Francis∣cane Friers.
• * 13.73

  The constituti∣on of Pope In∣nocent. 3. Omnis vtrius∣que sexus.
• * 13.74

  The Friers pri∣uilegies proued contrary to the Popes constitu∣tion. The Bish. Am∣bianensis. Friers ought not to preach in Churches without special licence of them to whom the church belon∣geth.
• * 13.75

  The Friers re∣ply against the Prelates.
• * 13.76

  Herode and Pilate were made friends in crucifying of Christ.
• * 13.77

  An other sermon a∣gainst the Friers.
• * 13.78

  Bishop Am∣bianensis. In veritates &c.
• * 13.79

  Veritie in three partes consisteth.
• * 13.80

  The Friers proued with a lye.
• * 13.81

  The Friers priuilegies confuted in disputation at Paris.
• * 13.82

  A seditious commotion betweene the townes men and the scholers in the vniuersi∣tie of Ox∣forde.
• * 13.83

  Procession for peace. The holie procession would bring no peace.
• * 13.84

  Transubstā∣tiation will not helpe in time of need
• * 13.85

  A conquest of the scho∣lers of Ox∣forde.
• * 13.86

  The vniuer∣sitie of Ox∣ford dissol∣ued for a tyme.
• * 13.87

  The towne of Oxford interdicted.
• * 13.88

  Chaunted to the Commissary of Oxford to haue the al ife of bread and ale and other priui∣legies aboue the Maior of the towne.
• * 13.89

  An holsome de∣cree of a good Archb. not to abstaine from bodely labour vpon certaine holy dayes.
• * 13.90

  A parliament
• * 13.91

  Simon Sudbury Archb. of Cant.
• * 13.92

  The Nuns of S. Bridges or∣der.
• * 13.93

  This Ladye Blanch was Duckesse of Lancaster.
• * 13.94

  Dead men ex∣communicated by the Pope.
• * 13.95

  The Popes mes∣sengers hanged.
• * 13.96

  The feast of the speare and of the holy nailes.
• * 13.97

  En histor. Criek∣ladensis.
• * 13.98

  46. Bonifaci∣us. 25.
• * 13.99

  An vntruth in Polyd. Virgil.
• * 13.100

  This Adam Mi∣rimouth was compiler of the story of K. Edw.
• * 13.101

  The first great plague in England.
• * 13.102

  The vest∣mēts wher∣in S. Peter sayd Masse, or els the papists doe lye.
• * 13.103

  Canterbury Colledge builded in Oxforde.