A dialogue concerning women, being a defence of the sex written to Eugenia.

A DIALOGUE Concerning WOMEN. Written to EUGENIA.

'TIS a dangerous thing, Madam, it must be confest, this Conver∣sing with fair Ladies; and it draws us into Inconveniencies, of which we do not at first see the Consequences. I little thought, when I talk'd with your

Ladyship, of the Vertues of your Sex, that you wou'd have commanded me to have given my Sentiments upon that Subject in Writing. I grant you, Madam, you might have spoken to several of your Acquain∣tance, who wou'd have undertaken the bu∣siness at first word, with all the Courage imaginable; But to me, who never durst take Pen in hand to write any thing be∣yond a Billet, the Enterprise seems very terrible. I confess, when you spoke to me of it first, I was well enough pleas'd with the Design; for I thought a Defence of the Sex, wou'd be a means of obliging all of the Sex, who were worth defending; and therefore lookt upon it as the writing a Circular Love-Letter to all the fair La∣dies in the Kingdom. But as Men gene∣rally mix Interest with Honour, so, upon second thoughts, I considered what I should get by it, besides Fame, if it shou'd suc∣ceed; and I found, if I perswaded all

Men to be as passionate Servants to the Ladies as my felf, I should make but a very indifferent hand of it: Thus, Ma∣dam, you wou'd engage me in a Controver∣sie, where it wou'd be a Scandal to be vanquisht, and a disadvantage to over∣come: For I, who cou'd never succeed in an Amour where there was any Fool pre∣tended besides my self, shou'd have great hopes indeed, when I had perswaded all Mankind to be my Rivals. After all, Ma∣dam, there were your Commands to encou∣rage me to it; and the Commands of a fair Lady are to me beyond all the Arguments in Nature; I therefore resolved upon the undertaking. But as 'tis no new thing to see people undertake a Business that they are altogether unable to perform, so I must own, I found a thing of this nature quite beyond my strength: You may believe, Ma∣dam, I was very melancholy at it, and 'twas then that a Friend coming into my

Chamber, askt me the occasion. As I ne∣ver love to conceal any thing that afflicts me from a Friend, so I presently told him the Business, That a Lady had commanded me to write her a Treatise in defence of Women. If that be all (said he briskly) I am come to your deliverance; for this very morning have I been at a Conversation, where the Question con∣cerning the Vertues and Vices of that Sex, has been handled as fully as can be desired. Thou appear'st to me, my dear Friend, (said I, embracing him) like my better Genius, and therefore, with∣out any farther Ceremony, sit down, and give me an account of the Conference.

Taking a walk (said he) this Morning in St. Iames's Park, with several of my Acquaintance, there was one amongst the rest who was all the while, either gazing upon the Ladies as they came by, or speaking with that indifference to us,

that made us very plainly see, he did not mind the Subject of our Discourse, tho' we talkt of all the most considera∣ble things that offer themselves in such Conversations. (A very strange Man, this, Madam, who was thinking upon some Mistress, I warrant, when they were r••i∣sing Taxes, and beating the French.) A••nother, who was a pers•••• of excellent Sense, and had a particular Friendship for this, tho' they wou'd o••ten dispute about their several though••s of Wo∣men, in which point they cou'd never agree; (I wonder they shou'd dispute a∣bout that, Madam, for the greatest di∣sputes in those cases 〈◊〉〈◊〉, when they do agree) began to rally him upon this Subject•• which he did so handsomly; that he pleased the rest of the Company very well, without displeasing his Friend in the least. Philogynes•• (which was the Name of the fi••st as Miso••••nes was of

the other) (Here, Madam, I must confess, I fancied my Friend put false Names upon me; for besides, that I remember neither of these Families in England, the one you must know, signifies a Woman-hater, and the other, a Woman-lover) cry'd to Miso∣gynes, Tho' I allow you to rally me as much as you please, and am glad of a∣ny occasion I ••an give you, to exercise a Talent you possess in so eminent a de∣gree, ye•• I hope you do not in earnest think the Conversation of Women so ridiculous as you wou'd make us be∣lieve. Ten times worse, said Misogy∣nes, than I can represent it; and since we have often had slight skirmishes upon that occasion, and we have now time enough to fight it out, if you have the Courage to lose one Morning's ga∣zing at 'em, I challenge you to the pri∣vate Walk by the Canal-side, to de∣fend their Cause; and these Gentlemen,

if they please, shall be our Judges. Tho' I am very unwilling, answered Phi∣logynes, to lose a Morning that has call'd out all the best Company of the Town, yet since 'tis in defence of the Ladies, and you so boldly challenge me, I take you at your word, upon con∣dition, that if I get the better in the Judgment of these Gentlemen, you shall engage to be in Love by to mor∣row morning. Upon condition, that if I overcome (said Misogynes) you will en∣gage to be out of Love by the same time, I agree. That is no equal stake, reply'd Philogynes, for 'tis to lay Happi∣ness against Unhappiness; however, I am so well satisfy'd of my Cause, that I will undertake you, even upon those odds.

Upon this agreement we walkt all to the other side of the Park, full of ex∣pectation of the event of the Debate;

when we were come thither, we found we had the whole Walk to our selves, and so Misogynes, who gave the Challenge, began in this manner.

The Propagation of Mankind being the only way to preserve it from Ex∣tinction; and the Copulation with Wo∣men being the only means that Nature has ordain'd to that end; there is no doubt but all Commonwealths ought to give any reasonable Encouragements to it; I have therefore always admir'd the Wisdom of those Governments that incited, or compelled their Subjects to marry, as a thing so much more necessary to Mankind in general, than pleasing to any one in particular; but that a man shou'd, out of a meer act of Judgment, run after Women, that he shou'd find delight in their company, is so very extraordinary, that the wise men of old thought it hardly possible, o∣therwise

they had had no need of making such severe Laws to force 'em to it, as they did.

Your Ladyship, who is so well verst in Greek and Roman Authors, knows, that a∣mongst the 1 1.1 Spartans, they who liv'd long Batchelours were condemned to ignominious punishments, and debarr'd the priviledges of other Citizens. That the 2 1.2 Cretans had a Law to compel all the handsomest young Men to marry; as the 3 1.3 Thurians had to invite 'em to it, both by Honours and Rewards. That 4 1.4 Plato ordains, that whoever liv'd a Batchelour to the five and thirtieth year of his Age, should be ca∣pable of no Honour in his Commonwealth: And that the 5 1.5 Romans did not only take all care imaginable, to encourage People to

Marriage, but frighten'd 'em into it by punishments, if they refused.

Notwithstanding this, had you a de∣sign of marrying 'em, I shou'd not al∣together so much condemn you; nay, had you but a design of enjoying 'em without it, there might be somewhat still alledg'd in your excuse. How un∣justifiable soever such a design may be, as to the Moral part, the action it self is very agreeable to the Natural. But to pick'em out only for the benefit of their Conversation, to fall in love with their Understandings, and to leave the company of Wise-Men for Handsom Women, is just the same thing, as if you shou'd chuse rather to eat Jays and Par∣••ots, than Woodcocks and Partridges, because the Feathers of the former make the finer show.

It is a very good, as well as a very general way, to guess at People by the

Company they keep; and thus we may give a great Judgment of the Female Sex, by a view of those with whom they are the most pleas'd of our own. Well, let 'em appear then; what do you find? Fine Coats, large Cravat-strings, and good Perriwigs I must own, but for any thing else, they, and their Perriwig Blocks are Criticks alike. 'Tis true, to do 'em justice, they talk most learnedly of Points and Ribons; have most Mathematical Heads for the erect∣ing of Ladies Topknots, make as con∣siderable Figures, talk as loud, and laugh more than any in Drawing∣rooms, and Play-houses; and those who know nothing of their Language, wou'd take 'em, by their Gestures, to be the wittiest persons in Christendom; but if unluckily you understand 'em, you will find it only false Fire, and that all this violent laughter is produc'd by no jest.

Then take 'em out of their own Ele∣ment, begin a Discourse of any thing that is worth knowing, they are dumb; out of Modesty? No; but they hate to talk of things that are grossier; and the Pedantry of Scholars, and Gravity of Men of Business, is utterly unfit for a Gentleman.

Were it nothing but the compa∣ny of such sort of Creatures as these, it wou'd be enough, I shou'd think, to frighten a Man of Sense from 'em. Can you see these Fops, as much as you are us'd to 'em, without laughing? ex∣cept it rather makes you blush to think you shou'd bring your self into compe∣tition with such Tools as they are: I am far from blaming them for follow∣ing the Ladies: They avoid the compa∣ny of Men who despise 'em, for that of Women who admire 'em: Nor do I find fault with the Ladies, for being

pleas'd with them; for since Likeness, they say, breeds Love, what wonder is it they are fond of those Men whose Follies make 'em most like themselves; but for a Man who has some pretences to Wit and Learning; for one who might be acceptable to men of Sense, to run after 'em; nay, for a man who spends all the Morning in the study of Homer and Aristotle, to spend the After∣noon amongst the Impertinencies of Women; puts me in mind of the Moun∣tebanks Stages in Naples, where the Je∣suites and Jackpuddings entertain the Spectators by turns

'Tis possible, you will say, that all this makes for you; that the faults of your Rivals render your Vertues the more re∣markable, and that there is no doubt, but a man of Merit may succeed in any place where a man of no Merit may pretend; but, alas, Sir, you deceive

your self very much, if you encourage that Opinion. Had you fit Judges, there is no doubt but you were in the right: But if the fairest Lady in Chri∣stendom were amongst the Indians, where they paint the Devil of her Co∣lour, do you expect they shou'd do her Beauty Justice? Or if a slender man were amongst the Muscovites, do you think they wou'd admire him for being well shap'd, where they thought none but big-belly'd men to be so? Credit me, Sir, a man who leaves his Parts to the Judgment of Women, is very near the same Circumstances: Will you not believe me in that case, because I pro∣fess an enmity to 'em? You do well: but will you believe themselves? View all the Town, take good notice: A∣mongst all the young Heiresses who run away from their Guardians, is there any one who does it with a man of

Sense? Amongst all those Widows who ruin themselves by second Marriages, is there any one who does it with a man of Sense? Amongst all those Ladies who Cuckold their Husbands, is there any one who does it with a man of Sense? We see 'em do these things eve∣ry day, with Chaplains, Dancing-ma∣sters, Butlers, and Footmen. Who are the men that shew the tender Billets re∣ceiv'd? What are they who boast of the Favours of all the finest Women in Town? Are they not the most despica∣ble of Mankind? Are they not such whose Conversation is the jest of men of Sense? And have they above one thing about 'em, that distinguishes 'em from the other Sex?

After all, Sir, are not the Women in the right in this point? Or do they e∣ver shew more Judgment, than when they pitch upon such men? What do

they look for in a Husband, but one who will admire 'em, who will be go∣vern'd by 'em, and upon whom all their little tricks will pass? And who but Fools are fit for that? What do they pro∣pose in a Gallant, but giving 'em Plea∣sure without Scandal? And to the for∣mer part they have a receiv'd notion of the Ability of Fools: Then for the Scan∣dal, who so likely to give none as those men, whom the World will hardly believe were favour'd by 'em, tho' they took their Oaths upon it? For not∣withstanding Experience teaches us the contrary, yet People are apt to fancy, a man of Sense must succeed before a Coxcomb; and will rather believe the former are favour'd, tho' they swear they are not; than the latter, tho' they swear they are.

But alas, Sir, men of Sense they think know 'em, and that they take, as well as

I do, to be a sure means to hinder their being in Love. 'Twas upon this ac∣count that 1 1.6 Solomon gives such severe Characters of 'em in his Proverbs; that 2 1.7 Euripides represented 'em so faithfully, as to get the name of the Wo∣man hater; that 2 1.8 Simonides has distin∣guisht 'em into so many sorts of evil things; that 3 1.9 Lucian has so naturally describ'd their tricks; that 4 1.10 St. Chry∣sostom has made such a severe invective against 'em; that 5 1.11 Iuvenal has given his Friend such Counsel against having any thing to do with 'em; and, in fine, 'tis upon the same account that all the Epigrammatists, Comick Poets, and Sa∣tyrists are so continually exposing 'em to the World, making their Follies ridi∣culous,

and their Vices odious. 'Tis upon the same account likewise, that to call a man Effeminate, has always been reckon'd such a reproach; and that to say a man is govern'd by a Woman, has been one of the worst Characters you cou'd give of his Understanding.

See here a dreadful Army, Madam, a∣gain••t us•• I askt my Friend what these Gentlemen had said upon this Occasion; he told me, Juvenal had written a very severe Sa•••••• against Women, which I shou'd see very much to its advantage, if I wou'd ••wait•• for a Translation of it, with which Mr. Dryden is ready to oblige the World. For Simonides, he told me, he had written lambicks against 'em, in which he divides 'em into ten sorts. The first he said was descended from a Sow, (you will find very Noble Families a∣mongst 'em, Madam) and she was slut∣tish: The second from a Fox and she un∣derstands

every thing, and has a great deal of good in her, and a great deal of ill too: The third from a Dog, and she is prying about, and snarling at every body: The fourth is made of the Earth, and she understands nothing but how to fill her Belly, and sit by the Fire-side: The fifth of the Sea, and she is changeable and in∣constant; sometimes in a calm, and then on a sudden in a storm: T•••• sixth is made of Ashes and a Labouri••g Ass, (An odd Composition you will say) and she is scarce driven to her business with threatnings or force, but crams her self night and day, and lies with every one that comes; (now whether she takes this Quality of lying with all who come, from the Fathers-side, or the Mothers-side, I cannot absolutely determine.) The seventh was descended from a Polcat, and she is nauseous an•• stinking: The eighth from a Mare, and she never cares do to

any work, and minds nothing but appear∣ing neat and fine: The ninth from a Monkey, and her ugliness is a jest to e∣very body: The tenth from a Bee, and she makes an excellent Wife. 1 1.12 There is a Sto∣ry also of this Simonides, that being askt about a Wife, he said, she was the Shipwreck of Man, the Tempest of a House, the Di∣sturber of Rest, the Prison of Life, a daily Punishm•••••••• a sumptuous Conflict, a Beast in Comp•••••••• a necessary Evil. And 2 1.13 St. Chrysostome, besides the Homily upon the beheading St. John Baptist, which is almost all an Invective against Women, says in a∣nother place, What is a Wife? The Enemy of Love, the inevitable Pain, the necessary E∣vil, the natural Temptation, a desirable Ca∣lamity, a domestical Peril•• a pleasing Da∣mage. Thus you see these Antients, Ma∣dam, had a very commendable faculty of

calling Names: What think you, might not the Matrons of Billinsgate improve in their Conversation? But it is natural, when Peo∣ple cannot convince our Reason, to endea∣vour to move our Passions.

I know you will object against these, Anacreon, Theocritus, Catullus, Tibullus, Ovid, Horace, Propertius, and all those Poets and Wits, Antient and Modern, who pleas'd themselves whilst they li∣ved in the pursuit of Women, and have render'd themselves immortal af∣ter their Death, by the Trophies they rais'd to 'em. 'Tis confest, that spend∣ing their time upon the Sex, they ought to know 'em best; but on the other side, to excuse their own spend∣ing their Time, ought to represent 'em as favourably as possible; and yet, pray what is the account they give us of 'em? Do they not all with one con∣sent complain, either of the Cruelty,

or Falshood of their Mistresses? Are not their Books full of Quarrels, Piques, and Jealousies? And do they not shew the Levity, Perjury, and Lewdness of the Sex? Does not 1 1.14 Anacreon, and a hun∣dred more, tell you, they mind nothing but Wealth? (This Complaint of the Love of Wealth, and Invectives against it, has been very antient, and very general amongst the Poets; besides this Greek•• 2 1.15 Horace, 3 1.16 Ovid, 4 1.17 Tibullus, and

1 1.18 Propertius make 'em amongst the Ro∣mans; 2 1.19 Marino, 3 1.20 Guarini among the I∣talians; 4 1.21 Conde de Villa mediana, and 5 1.22 Quevedo amongst the Spaniards; 6 1.23 Ron∣sard among the French; and 7 1.24 Cowly

amongst us: For you must know, Madam, these Poets were a sort of People who were never very remarkable for their ma∣king large Iointures; their Estates gene∣rally lye upon Parnassus, where Land setts worse than it does in Ireland: Nor do I remember to have read in any History, of Poets who deferr'd the enjoyment of their Mistresses for the drawing of Writings.) Does not 1 1.25 Theocritus make continual Complaints of the Cruelty of his Mi∣stress? Does not 2 1.26 Catullus tell you, that his Lesbia lay with all the Town? and 3 1.27 that what any Woman says to her Lover ought to be writ in Wind,

or running Streams? Does not 1 1.28 Tibul∣lus complain, that he had taught his Mistress to deceive her Guards so long, that she learnt to deceive him too? Does not 2 1.29 Ovid lye at his Mistresses Door all night, whilst an inconsiderable Fellow is got into her Arms? Does not Horace complain of the 3 1.30 Cruelty of two Mi∣stresses, and the 4 1.31 Perjury and Incon∣stancy of three or four more? And does not 5 1.32 Propertius, besides his own Cynthia's falshood, cry out of the In∣continence

of the Sex in general? I know not what your success in Love may have been; but till you tell me the contrary, I can hardly believe it better than these mens. For what Qualifica∣tion can there be to make a Woman kinde and constant, that they had not? Anacreon appears to be one of the gayest humour'd men that ever was born; Theocritus the most t••nder and natural in his Poems; Catullus was without a Rival the great••st Wit of his Age; Ti∣bullus was not only the smoothest, and delicatest of the Roman Poets, but also the most beautiful Person of his time; Ovid and Propertius, as neither of 'em wanted Love, so never had any a more soft and tender way of expressing it; and Horace, besides the talent of crying up his Mistresses, and pleasing their Va∣nity that way, had the pleasantest man∣ner of exposing the Follies of his Rivals,

and the severest of revenging the 1 1.33 False∣hood or unkindness of his Mistresses, of any man in the World. And yet none of all these cou'd, by their own Confes∣sion, keep a Woman to themselves, or even teach 'em cunning enough to jilt 'em so, that they shou'd never find it out; which 2 1.34 Ovid tells us frankly, was all he desir'd from 'em.

From this, Madam, you may please to observe, that Iilting is no such new thing as some people would make us believe, tho' methinks these Poets are dangerous persons to jilt, since 'tis remember'd against their Mistresses, near two thousand years af∣ter.

And in effect, what but Ruin and Desolation proceeds from 'em? Who

was the Betrayer of 1 1.35 Samson, but Da∣lilah? Who was the cause of the De∣struction of 2 1.36 Troy, but Helen? Of 3 1.37 A∣gamenmon's Death, but Clytemnestra? Of 4 1.38 Hercules's, but Deianira? Who advis'd the burning of 5 1.39 Persepolis, but Thais? Who ruin'd 6 1.40 Hannibal's Army, but the Capuan Women? Who lost 7 1.41 Mark Anthony the World, but Cleopa∣tra? Why shou'd I burden you with Instances, when every Country can furnish Examples enow of their own? What made such Confusion in 8 1.42 Iusti∣nian's Court, but Theodora? What caus'd the Revolt in the Low-Coun∣tries, but the Government of the 9 1.43 Prin∣cess of Parma? Who made such

dreadful disturbances in 1 1.44 Scotland, as their Queen Mary? And who rais'd the greatest Persecution for Religion, that ever England saw, but our own Queen of the same Name?

But certainly they must have some very great Perfections to make amends for all these Faults: Well then, let us see what they are? Let us view these pleasant Confits that are to make the Poison go down: Let us enjoy a little of that Conversation, that is diversitive enough to make People neglect all their Danger. Sit in one of their Draw∣ing-Rooms all day; observe the Di∣scourse that passes; is it not a t••dious Repetition of the same Impertinencies over and over again, to every new Vi∣sitant? and is not one half of that spent in censuring all the Town? and the o∣ther

half in railing at those who Cen∣sure? Do they not inveigh against the Lampooners, and at the same time talk as scandalously as they can write? The horrid•• Affection, the ridiculous Vani∣ty, the gross Dissimulation, and the in∣veterate Malice that appears in all their Discourse, are things for which I shou'd think all the paint on their Faces cou'd not make amends. For m•• own part, I confess, I have been Fool enough to be in Love too, and have follow'd Wo∣men upon that account, but to another sort of End, than you say you do: But when that End was once satisfy'd, to talk with 'em afterwards, was as great a penance to me, as it wou'd be to sit in a greasie Cooks Shop, when my Belly was full.

This Misog••nes is a very rude Fellow, and I am sure your Ladyship will be of my Opinion, that his last simile was very

fulsome. 'Tis a sign he hates Women; for had he convers'd with them, they wou'd have taught him better manners.

But there are doubtless, you will say, Women of Understanding: Pray where are they? Is it your Prudent Woman, your good Houswife, who is plaguing all the World with her Management, and instructing every body how to feed Geese and Capons? Or is it your Poli∣tician, who is always full of Business, who carries a Secretary of State's Office in her Head, and is making her deep Observations upon every•• days News? Or is it your Learned Woman, who runs mad for the love of hard words, who talks a mixt Jargon, or Lingua Franca, and has spent a great deal of time to make her capable of talking Nonsense in four or five several Lan∣guages? What think you, Sir, do you not wish for your Visitant again, as the

more tolerable folly of the two? Do not you think Learning and Politicks be∣come a Woman as ill as riding astride? And had not the Duke of 1 1.45 Brittaine reason, who thought a Woman know∣ing enough, when she cou'd distinguish between her Husband's Shirt and his Breeches?

Do not you, in answer to these, fetch me a Sappho out of Greece; a Cornelia, the Mother of the Gracchi, out of Rome; an Anna Maria Schurman out of Hol∣land; and think that in shewing me three Learned Women in three thou∣sand years, you have gain'd your point; and from some few particular Instances, prov'd a general Conclusion: If I shou'd bring you half a dozen Magpies that cou'd talk, and as many Horses that cou'd dance, you wou'd not, I sup∣pose,

for all that, chuse out the one to converse with, or the other to walk a Corant.

But wou'd you see 'em to their best advantage? Wou'd you have their Wit, Courage, and Conduct display'd? Take 'em upon the business of Lust•• That can make Sappho witty, Aloisia E∣loquent, a Country-wife Politick; That can humble 1 1.46 Messalina's Pride to walk the Streets; can make tender 1 1.47 Hippia en∣dure the Incommodities of a Sea-Voyage, can support the Queen of 2 1.48 She∣ba in a Journey to Solomon, and make 3 1.49 Thalestris search out Alexander the Great: In this particular, I must confess, we ought to submit to 'em, and with shame allow 'em the preference. I cannot reflect upon the Stories of 4 1.50 Semiramis's lying with all the handsomest men in

her Army, and putting 'em to Death afterwards; of her offering her Son the last Favour; of 1 1.51 Messalina the Em∣presses prostituting her self in the pub∣lick Stews; and of Queen 2 1.52 Ioan of Naples providing a Bath under her Win∣dow, where she might see all the lusti∣est young men naked, and take her choice out of 'em, without such an ad∣miration as their Heroick Actions de∣••erve. 3 1.53 Sappho, as she was one of the wittiest Women that ever the World bred, so she thought with Reason it wou'd be expected she shou'd make some additions to a Science in which all Wo∣mankind had been so successful: What does she do then? Not content with our Sex, she begins Amours with her own, and teaches us a new sort of Sin,

that was follow'd not only in 1 1.54 Lucian's time, but is practis'd frequently in 2 1.55 Turkey at this day. You cannot but be sensible, Sir, that there is no necessi∣ty of going so far for Instances of their Lewdness, and were it civil to quote the Lampoons, or write the Amours of our own Time, we might be furnish'd with Examples enow nearer home.

Here, Madam, I cou'd not forbear tel∣ling my Friend, that his Disputant grew Scurrilous. He told me, considering him as a Woman-hater, he thought 'twas no more than his Character requir'd; and that if I compar'd his Discourse with what others had said against 'em, I shou'd think him a very well-bred Man.

After this to talk of their Levity or Babling, what were it but trifling? All the Lovers and Poets who have had any

thing to do with 'em, can furnish them∣selves with Instances enow of the first; and any man who will give himself the trouble of reading any one History, shall find Instances enow of the other, if his own Wisdom has hinder'd him from making 'em at his own cost. 1 1.56 There being a Senate call'd in Rome, upon some very extraordinary occasion, one of the Senators was desir'd by his Wife to tell her what it was; he reply'd, he was oblig'd to Secrecy; she swears it shall never be known to any one by her means; upon that promise he informs her, that there was a Lark seen flying over the Senate-House with a Golden Helmet on his Head, and a Spear in one of his Claws, and that they had thereupon call'd the Southsayers toge∣ther, to know what it portended. No

sooner was the Husband gone, but the Wife tells it, under a Vow of Secrecy too, to her Maid; she to another who was her fellow Servant, who told it to her Lover; so that, to be short, it ran so fast, that as soon as the Senator came into the Market-place, one took him a∣side, and told it him for a great Secret; away goes he, and tells his Wife she had undone him, in divulging what he had trusted with her: She denies it with a true feminine Impudence: How cou'd it come to be known then? says he. Alas (reply'd she) are there not three hundred Senators, and might it not come from any of 'em, as well as you? No, says he, for I invented it on a sudden to satis∣fie your Curiosity, and thus had I been serv'd, if I had trusted you with the Se∣cret. 'Tis such another Story they tell us of young Papirius to his Mother, who asking him what had been debated that

Morning in the Senate, told her, they were making a Law for men to have plurality of Wives. But it is somewhat a more Tragical Relation Plutarch gives of Fulvius. Augustus complain'd to him, that he was dissatisfy'd with what he had done, in adopting Livia's Sons, and dis∣inheriting his own Nephews; Fulvius goes home, and tells it his Wife, she tells it to the Empress, who upbraids the Emperour with it. Augustus, when he saw Fulvius next, check'd him for it; by which he perceiv'd himself ruin'd, and therefore went immediately, told his Wife what she had done, and that he resolv'd to stab himself; But certainly the Wives answer was very sufficient; Nor did you deserve less, said she, who having liv'd so long with me, did not know I cou'd not keep a Secret.

But omitting these, whose Actions are recorded to their Infamy, let us see a

little of those who are quoted as the Glories of their Sex. And who more cry'd up amongst 'em than 1 1.57 Iudeth? What Action more celebrated than her murdering Olofernes, when he had treat∣ed her with all the Kindness and Respect imaginable in his Tent? For my part, I must own my Vertue does not arrive to so high a pitch; and shou'd rather have suffer'd my Town to have been ruin'd, than have been guilty of an Action that appears to me so barbarous; but I confess that of 2 1.58 Iael is yet worse, to in∣vite a man into her Tent, promise him Protection, and when he had trusted his Life in her Hands, to murther him whilst he was asleep. What shall we say to Penelope, who is instanc'd as a Pattern of Chastity, and Conjugal Love? I

will not with 1 1.59 Ovid and 2 1.60 Virgil (if the Priapeia are his) make malicious Re∣flections upon her trying her Lovers strength in a Bow; but take the Story as it lies in the Odysses, I am sure she wou'd hardly pass for such a Saint in our days; and if a Lady had her House full of Lo∣vers for twenty years of her Husband's absence, and if her Husband were forc'd to fight all these before he cou'd have his Wife again, 'tis possible the Lam∣pooners

of the Town, wou'd not have represented her Case so favourably as Homer has done. But what shall we say to 1 1.61 Lycophron even amongst the Greeks, who speaks of her as a most profligate sort of Woman, or to 2 1.62 Duris Samius who asserts her to have been so very common as to have lain with all Comers during her Husband's absence, from whose pro∣miscuous Copulations Pan was born, and therefore took the Name. (Pan, your Ladyship knows in Greek signifies All.) For Lucretia I shall not insinuate, as a 3 1.63 great Wit seems to do, that she stabb'd her self, rather than return to the Em∣braces of a Husband, after having been so much better pleas'd by a Gallant; but if she were one who valu'd her

Chastity so much, and her Life so little, as they wou'd make us believe, 'tis some∣what odd that she shou'd rather let Tar∣quin enjoy her alive, than a Slave lye in the Bed with her when she was dead, and that she shou'd chuse to commit the Sin, rather than bear the Shame.

But let us forgive 'em all these things I have mention'd; and since 1 1.64 Le Chambre assures us, that there is no Beau∣ty in a Woman, but what is a sign of some Vice; let us attribute it to Nature's fault, not theirs; and reckon that the more vicious they are, the nearer they come to the perfection of the Sex; and indeed, not spending much time in their Conversations, I will pardon 'em all their Levity, Babling, Malice, and Imper∣tinence; and, being unmarried, shall not be so severe upon their Lusts and Adul∣teries;

provided they will stop there. Let Helen run away from her Husband with a handsomer man; but let her not suffer all Troy to be ruin'd for the keep∣ing her there: Let Clytemnestra lye with another man, during her Husband's ab∣sence; but let her not murder him for it when he comes home: Let 1 1.65 Semira∣mis make use of all the handsomest Fel∣lows of her Army; but let her not put 'em to death for fear they should tell tales: and tho' I wou'd forgive her, yet her own Sex wou'd never pardon her being the first maker of 2 1.66 Eunuchs; Let Phaedra and Fausta invite their Husbands Sons to supply their Fathers defects; but let 'em not accuse 'em, and have 'em put to death for refusing: Let Ioan of Naples make use of all the men in her Kingdom; but let her not strangle her

Husband for his imperfections in a point that he cou'd not help: That Cruelty and Barbarity, I confess, is what pro∣vokes me so much against the Sex: I can see Tibullus's Mistress jilt him, for a Fool who is not half so handsome; I can see Ovid waiting all night at his Mistress's Door, whilst another man is in her Arms; and I can see half a score Imper∣tinent Women plaguing you with non-sensical Stories, and be very well divert∣ed all the while: but I confess I cannot hear of Medea's cutting her Brother in pieces, and strewing his Limbs in the way to stop her pursuing Father, with∣out horror and dread; nor of her treat∣ing her own Children after the same manner, to revenge her self upon Ia∣son, without a like emotion: I know not how other People may bear such things; but for my part, when I see all the Murders and Barbarities they commit,

to revenge themselves on their uncon∣stant Lovers, to get rid of their Hus∣bands for some one they like better, or to prevent the discovery of their Lewd∣ness; but my Hair stands on end, my Blood shrinks, and I am possess'd with an utter detestation of the Sex. Go but one Circuit with the Judges here in Eng∣land; observe how many Women are condemn'd for killing their Bastard Children; and tell me if you think their Cruelties can be equal'd; or whether you think those who commit such Acti∣ons fit for your, or for any Civil Con∣versation. But I see by your looks you are convinc'd, I see you abandon your Cause, and I shall cease to expose any farther a Sex, of whose Patronage you seem already asham'd.

Here Misogynes left off, and Phylogy∣nes began to answer him; But I must beg your pardon, Sir, said my Friend, for

my time is come, and I must necessari∣ly be gone. The Devil you shall, said I; you wou'd engage me in a pretty Affair; I promise a Lady a Defence of her Sex, and you will make me send her a Satyr against it. Truly, my dear Friend, said he, I design'd to have told you all, but 'tis later than I thought, and I have Business waits for me. No Business, said I, can be so considerable to you, as the satisfying a fair Lady is to me, therefore sit down, and bring me fairly off what you have told me already, or you and I shall be Friends no longer. After all, Madam, to tell you the truth, tho' there is no great matter in this speech of Misogynes, yet I can hardly believe he made it upon a sudden; 'tis possible tho' they two having discours'd the matter as they told us before; might have provided themselves each with Arguments. But sup∣posing that, I can scarce believe, one man

wou'd be suffer'd to talk so long without interruption; at least I am sure, some who we know were none of the Company. But 'tis possible, that he who told me, might leave out all that was spoke by others, for brevity sake, being as you see in haste.

If you are as apt to be mistaken in your Judgment of Things as of Looks (reply'd Philogynes) 'tis no wonder you shou'd make such strange Conclusions. Whatever seriousness you may see in my Face, does not, I'll assure you, proceed from any distrust of my Cause, but an astonishment at what strange Argu∣ments the Invention of man can suggest against the best things that are. I say, The Invention of man, for I am far from believing you in earnest in this point; I have too just an opinion of Misogynes to think he does any thing but put on this humour for a tryal of skill; and I no more believe you a ha∣ter

of Women, for the Invective you have made against 'em, than I believe Erasmus a lover of Folly, for the En∣comium he has writ upon it. If you have therefore any thing more to urge, forbear it not upon any suppos'd Conviction you see in my Countenance; for, notwithstanding that I think you have handled the Subject as fully as a∣ny one who has undertaken it, yet I'll assure you I cannot submit to your Ar∣guments; and therefore am very ready to hear any thing you have further to urge. No, says Misogynes, I am sensible I have troubled the Company long e∣nough about a trifle, and 'tis very fit you shou'd have your turn of speaking now. Part of the Company was already convinc'd by his Arguments, the other part thought he had said as much as the matter wou'd bear, and therefore both agreed in desiring Philogynes to speak what he

had to say, which he did in this man∣ner.

I confess, Sir (said he smiling) when I saw the Associates you allotted me at first, I began to despair of my Cause; I own I was asham'd of my Company, and resolv'd to pack up Baggage instant∣ly, and quit a Trade in which none but Fops and Fools were engag'd; but when I saw the Anacreons, the O••ids, and all the Wits, Antient and Modern, in the same circumstances, I e••en took Heart again. Courage, said I, the Business is not so bad as I thought, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 possible his Heart may relent, and allow us some better Company than he condemn'd us to at first. At least, thought I, if 'tis a Folly to converse with Women, 'tis some comfort that he owns it to be a Folly of which the greatest Wits of the World have been guilty before us; And when I saw all Greece, and the

greater part of Asia venturing their Lives for one Woman, I thought I had some∣what the advantage of them, whilst I ven∣tur'd nothing but my Rethorick for 'em altogether. And when you nam'd Samson, Achilles, Annibal, and Mark Anthony, I enquir'd who those Gentlemen were; for certainly, thought I, if they were such brave men, and great Soldiers, as I have heard 'em represented, we have no rea∣son to despair of the Victory when we have them to lead us on.

You might have spoken more general∣ly of 'em ••oo, if you had pleas'd; you might have told us, that there never was a great Soldier who was not as fa∣mous for his Amours, as his Battles; that a 1 1.67 Poet was scarce thought free of his Trade, who had not paid some Duties to Love; and you might have

added to these all the Wise-men and Phi∣losophers of the World; You might have inform'd us, that David, tho' a man after God's own Heart, was not con∣tented without some share in the Wo∣mens. That Solomon, who knew the Vertue of every Plant, from the Cedar of Libanus•• to the Hysop that grows upon the Wall, took as much pains to have as general a knowledge of the La∣dies. That 1 1.68 Socrates, who was the ug∣liest as well as the wisest man of his time, wou'd in spite of Nature aim at Love too, and, not terrify'd by one ill Wife, wou'd try to mend his hand in another. That 1 1.69 Plato, whom Antiquity has call'd Divine, did not spend all his time in erecting Commonwealths, but that some of it was bestow'd upon the Xan∣tippe's and Archeanassa's. That 1 1.70 Aristo∣tle,

whom Philip made Governour to A∣lexander, made himself a Slave to his Mistress; that this was not an effect of his Passion alone, but of his Reason; 1 1.71 That he said Love was not only upon the account of Copulation but Philoso∣phy; and commands his Wise-man to be in Love, before he bids him meddle with the Commonwealth. And in fine, that this great man, who fathom'd all Arts and Sciences, who has given us the best Rules of Philosophy, Politicks, Poetry, &c. did also not think it unbecoming his Gravity to write one Treatise of Love, and four Amatory Theses. You might have mingl'd Sacred Story with Pro∣fane. You might have told us that St. Peter was married, that St. Paul de∣fended the leading about a Sister; that

we owe one of the most celebrated 1 1.72 Fa∣thers of the Church to the Endeavours and Conversion of a Woman; and that St. Ierom had so great an esteem for the Sex, as to dedicate a great part of his Works to some of 'em. You might have added to these a thousand more, which you see I purposely omit to avoid Prolixity, and mention none but whom you will allow to be the most celebrated of their profession, without doing your Cause any injury in the least; for after all, it is but shewing us a Drawing Room of Fops, reading a Dialogue out of Lucian, seeing a Scene of a Play, quoting a Sentence out of So∣lomon's Proverbs, searching all History for two or three ill Women, and the business is done, the Cause is gain'd, let the Trumpets sound, and Io Paean be sung for the Victory.

I am sorry, Sir, that I cannot be as civil to you, as you have been to me; It goes against my Conscience to place you with so bad Company, considering with what you have obliged me; and of those few great men whom you have seduc'd to your Party, I am concern'd that I must take the better part from you. I fancy, after what I have already said of Solomon, after reflecting upon his Hi∣story, you cannot think him a true Friend to your Cause; and therefore will not I hope depend too much upon him. I shall say nothing of his Wives and Concubines, I shall not as much as mention his Canticles, which 1 1.73 Grotius,

as well as I, affirms to be a Love-Poem, and which 1 1.74 Rapin reckons both the first and best of Pastorals; but I shall attack you at your own Weapon; I shall oppose Proverb against Proverb; if he has been severe in 'em upon ill Wo∣men, whose Cause I do not undertake, he has spoken as favourably of the 2 1.75 Wise and the Good, for whom we appear; in like manner, if Euripides has represen∣ted Women so in his Tragedies, as to get the Name of the Woman-hater, I appeal from his Writings to his Life and Conversation, which shew him far o∣therwise. If Simonides gives you severe Characters of several Women, he gives you one at last that makes amends for all; one in whom no fault can be found; and if you think that is not e∣nough to take him off from your party,

if you are still so very fond of him, we will tell you, that Men who are de∣form'd and ugly, as 1 1.76 Simonides was, na∣turally declare themselves Enemies to Women, because they fancy Women are Enemies to them; and upon that account, not upon the account of his Wit, we will allow him to you. As for St. Chrysostom, tho' we have all the respect imaginable for a Father of the Church, and upon that account shall not enter into the Merits of the Cause betwixt 2 1.77 him and the Empress Eudoxia; yet this we shall say, Sir, that as Fathers of the Church are Subject to Passions, as well as other men; so it is no wonder that a man, who is us'd very ill by one Woman, and converses with few else, shou'd conclude 'em all alike. Thus af∣ter having taken two of your Patriots

from you, and if not taken, at least dis∣abled the other two from being very credible Witnesses, you are reduc'd to Lucian and Iuvenal. For the former, if I shou'd quote you what the old Fathers say of him, if I shou'd tell you, that he did not only abuse the Christian Religi∣on, but even his own; that he rallied all the Philosophers, Orators, and Hi∣storians of his time; that not content with that, he falls foul upon those his own Religion taught him to worship as Gods; I fancy you wou'd not think what such a man says of any great weight; but truly, Sir, there is no need of that in this case; What does this Lu∣••ian do, pray? Why 1 1.78 he describes the Bawds Griping, Covetous, and encou∣••aging their Daughters in Lewdness; ••is: Curtisans False, Jilting, and true

Curtisans throughout. And what of all this, pray? what does this make for you? 'Tis not the Cause of Bawds, or Cur∣tisans that we undertake; tho' even a∣mongst them he represents a great part Easie, Loving, good-natur'd Fools, and us'd accordingly by their Lovers. But does Lucian pretend that there are no good Women? Does he fall upon the Sex in general? or does not he bring in 1 1.79 Charicles in one place defending 'em, and does not he make the greatest En∣comium that can be of Panthaea in ano∣ther, and speak with abundance o•• esteem of several other Women in the same? And if he does introduce Calli∣cratides in one of his Dialogues railing at the Sex in opposition to Charicles, h•• does it in the defence of a Sin, which •• am sure you will scarce think it civil to

name. What shall we say to Iuvenal, but what Plato did to Xenocrates, bid him Sacrifice to the Graces. He is al∣ways Violent, always Declaiming, al∣ways in a Passion; and what wonder if he falls upon the Women in one of his Fits? After all, you will make no great matter of him; for if he has writ one Satyr upon the Women, he has writ fifteen upon the Men. For the Comick Poets and Satyrists, whom you mention in general, when you name 'em in parti∣cular, I shall give 'em particular answers. And now truly, Sir, see your self reduc'd to a miserable Equipage; some old Hus∣bands, and jilted Lovers; some men with ill Faces, and worse Meens, may possibly stick to you still; but that is all; I am sorry to see a man so well made, of so much Wit, and who has been so successful amongst the Ladies, rank himself with such a Tribe; but you

do it, I suppose, by way of variety on∣ly; and so let Misogynes appear, at the Head of his Regiment, that makes a worse Figure than Sir Iohn Falstaffe's; let 'em be encourag'd with stumm'd Wine and muddy Ale; let 'em give Fire to their Mundungus, and so let the battel begin, whilst we with all the He∣roes, Wits, and Philosophers, see how we can defend the Cause we have un∣dertaken.

I am sensible, Sir, that I have broken the order of your Discourse, and I beg your Pardon for it; But I thought it was necessary to dististinguish our Ene∣mies from our Friends, before the Ar∣mies joyn'd, that so we might know whom to attack, and whom to spare; and having done that, I shall now con∣fine my self to your Method, and fol∣low the Course that you please to lead me.

Though I perfectly agree with you in the esteem of the Laws made for the encouragement of Marriage, and consequently cannot but regret the want of 'em amongst our selves; yet I must beg your Pardon, Sir, if I wholly dissent from you, in the infe∣rence you would draw from it; For ••tis very apparent to me, and to any unbiass'd Person else, I suppose, that those Laws were never made, as you fancy, for the forcing men to the Love of Women, to which all Coun∣••ries were naturally enough enclined; ••ut for the restraining 'em to particu∣••ars; that whilst they follow'd the ge∣••eral pleasures of the Sex, they might ••ot lose the useful part, which was the ••rocreation of Children. Had there ••een so few Vertues amongst 'em, as ••ou please to imagine, there had been ••o need of this; When we have but

one Dish of Meat that we like, we fall upon that without any deliberation; but when the fancy is distracted with variety of Dainties, we often lose more time in the making our choice, than would otherwise be requisite to the sa∣tisfying our Appetites.

'Tis true, Sir, it is a very good way to judge of People by the Company they are fond of; but 'tis not a certain way to judge of People by the Compa∣ny that is fond of them. There was a Taylor in love with Queen Elizabeth, but it does not necessarily follow that Queen Elizabeth was in love with a Taylor. If there are Fops, if there are ridiculous Fellows who follow the Ladies, before we run down the Ladies for it, let us see if they do not laugh at 'em, as well as we our selves. And I cannot think their pursuing 'em an•• reason at all for Men of sense to avoid

'em. You would think it very hard, that Alexander and Caesar should quit the Art of War, because some Thrasoes and bragging Bullies pretended to it as well as they; and Virgil and Horace would take it very ill, that you shou'd damn all sorts of Poetry, because of the Ba∣vius's and Maevius's, who set up for it; and whatever reason you wou'd give against the being a Minister of State, I dare say Sir Politick Woudbee's aiming at it, wou'd be none. (Here Philogy∣nes ••seems to me not to understand the right use of that considerable part of Mankind call'd Fools; For it is only the Half Wit that is intolerable, and a true Fool, is next a true Wit the best Company in the World; for as a Noble Author has extreamly well observ'd,

Wit, like Terce Claret, when't begins to pa••••, Neglected lies, and's of no use at all;

But in its full perfection of Decay, Turns Vinegar, and ••omes again in Play.)

After this I need not tell you, Sir, that 'tis very ill judging of People by their outside; and as I laugh at those who like a Man only for his being well drest, so I fancy you will allow them to be as ridiculous, who run him down only for the same reason. It was ob∣jected against 1 1.80 Aristotle and 2 1.81 Cicero, that they were too sumptuous in their Apparel, and overcurious in their Dress; and without doubt there were deep 3 1.82 Criticks in those times, said they minded nothing but making them∣selves fine; who yet, without any of∣fence to their Learning, we may sup∣pose cou'd not give so good an ac∣count of their Studies, as these two great Men have done of theirs.

(Courage! there are two good Prece∣dents for the Beaux.)

After all, Sir, I know there are a great many of these gay Coxcombs, of these eternal pretenders to Love; and I have nothing to say in their behaves; let 'em e'••n shift for themselves a∣mongst the Thrasoes, and Bavius's. But they do not only pretend (you say) they are successful too; 'Tis very pos∣sible, Sir; I do not know but there may be Fools enow of the other Sex, to like the Fools of ours. But it is with the best sort of Women too (you say) that they succeed. And who tells you so, pray? They them∣selves. I swear, Sir (though I have a very great esteem for those Gentlemen) yet I must beg their Pardon for my faith in this point; I can never think a Woman whose Wit we all allow, can be fond of a Man whose Folly

we all see: On the other side, I know how natural it is, for every one to avoid contempt; and when a man is despis'd in one place, what so reasonable as to make you believe he is esteem'd in a∣nother. And I hope the Gentlemen themselves will take it for a Compliment, when I tell 'em I do not believe a word they say in this point; since certainly a Man of Honour wou'd rather of the two, tell a Lye to the prejudice of a Woman who uses him ill, than a truth to the utter ruine of one who grants him all the favours he can ask.

But let us judge 'em by their Actions say you! Do not most of the young Heiresses run away with pitiful Fel∣lows? If they do, Sir, it should ra∣ther deserve your Pity than your An∣ger; or if you must be angry, be an∣gry with the Guardians whose seve∣rity frighten 'em away, and yet hin∣ders

'em the sight of any Men of me∣rit to run away with. 'Tis no wonder that one who has never seen any Town, but where he was born, should think that the finest in the World; and you cannot blame a Woman for being in Love with a Man who does not deserve her, if she never saw any who did. All that we can reasonably expect in that point is, that she shou'd make some satisfaction when she see•• the World better; and if she shews her contempt of her Choice then, 'tis as much (if not more) than can be required. In like manner you cannot say a Widow makes an ill Choice, ex∣cept you prove she was offer'd a bet∣ter. If a Man, who is obliged to ride a Journey, does it upon an ill Horse, you will be very well satisfy'd certain∣ly, when he tells you, 'tis the best he cou'd get. (I confess, Madam, this

seems to me but a very indifferent ex∣cuse for the Widows; for he wou'd make us believe, 'tis but next Oars with 'em; and so I told my ••riend; but he reply'd, I must consider, 'tis only those Widows who make an ill Choice, about which he is to speak; and as he cannot say of them, as of the young Maids•• that it was for want of seeing the World; so they must be contented with this excuse, or make a better for themselves.) For the Wives, who you say Cuckold their Husbands, there may be somewhat more to be said. Modesty being al∣most an inseparable Quality of wit, there is no wonder that a Man who is possest of that, should so seldom succeed in these Undertakings. Whilst Fools, by their natural impudence push on the thing; and Married Women are a sort of Forts that are sooner ta∣ken by Storm than Treaty. So that

this shews rather the great confi••ence of the Man, than the little judgment of the Woman; who 'tis forty to one had much rather a Man of sense was possest of her, if he wou'd take the same methods to gain her as the ••••her had done.

(After all, Madam, I think no••e of these Excuses Extraordinary; theref••re if I were worthy to advise the Ladies, they shou'd rather make use of Men o•• Wit in all these Capacities, than put their Friends to the trouble of inventing such pitful defences for 'em.)

Now, Sir, as I cannot see any rea∣son why Women should naturally love Fools, more then Men of Wit, so I shall very hardly be brough•• to believe they do. In a Husband I sup∣pose they propose a Man whose Con∣versation shall be agreeable as wel as his Person; and who shall have wit

to entertain 'em, as well as wisdom to direct 'em; and in whom can this be found, but in Men of the best Sense? If in a Gallant, as you say, they pro∣pose Pleasure without scandal, 'tis very hard the heat that warms a Man's Brain, should so entirely settle there, as to render him incapable of pleasing'em otherways; though 'tis possible, by reason of his having variety of thoughts to divert him, he may not give himself so entirely up to those pleasures, as People less capable of thinking do: and for the scandal, who so proper to hinder that, as those who have prudence to mannage things so as not to be found out, and wit e∣nough to turn it off if they are? Whilst a Fool by his want of Sense shall quick∣ly make the thing publick, if there be an Intrigue, or by his vanity brag of one, though there be none. Add to

this, that when a Woman seems pleas'd with a Man of wit, every body is apt to attribute it to the pleasure of his Conversation; whereas, when she is fond of a Man, in whom we can see nothing to be lik'd, we naturally sup∣pose she likes him for something that we do not see: and though 'tis pos∣sible it may be only want of Judg∣ment in the Lady, yet the world is apt to Compliment her Understanding in that Case, to the prejudice of her Reputation. And to conclude, Sir, though I do not believe all those Men successful who say they are not, yet I am very much inclined to believe all those Men not to be successful, who say they are.

For your Examples of Women Ha∣ters, I have sufficiently I think reply'd to them already; and for your other Arguments, if it be an affront to call

a Man effeminate, I hope you do not think it any great Compliment to tell a Woman she is Masculine; and had that Argument been urg'd against you, I dare answer for you, you wou'd have said, that that only proved the Per∣fections of the Sexes diff••rent; and as Man was made for the ruder Labours, it was requisite he should be strong and course; and the Women, being made for the easier things, ought to be soft, tender, and delicate: And as for Mens being govern'd by their Wives, tho' the being hector'd by 'em is not so commendable; yet it 1 1.83 was observ'd by 2 1.84 Cato of the Romans, that they govern'd all the World, and that their Wives govern'd them: Amongst the 3 1.85 Assyrians it was a Custom intro∣duc'd

by Semiramis, (who had Ruled that Kingdom with so much Glory) that the Wives shou'd have Dominion over the Husbands; The same Custom prevail'd likewise among the 4 1.86 Sau∣romatae; and the 5 1.87 AEgyptians had an Express Law to that purpose. We know how much the 6 1.88 Spartans (the bravest Men of the world) were Com∣manded by their Wives, and that all the care and management of Dome∣stick Affairs was committed to them. So that I can not imagine how a thing shou'd be so very scandalous, that was practised by most of the bravest Peo∣ple under the Sun.

Here are very good Precedents for Married Women, which it is to be hoped they will lay up in their hearts, and pra∣ctice in their Lives and Conversations.

I have as great a veneration for those Poets you mention, as any Man can; and upon that account I shall not believe all the ill they say of their Mistresses, because I suppose they would not have me: As I have been a Lover my self, so I know very well that People are apt in those Cases to take suspicions for realities, and surmi∣ses for matter of fact. Does not 7 1.89 Au∣reng-zebe call Indamora Faithless, and Ingrate? and yet I believe he wou'd be very angry that you shou'd call her so too; and wou'd not any one who came in when he was in one of his rants, conclude, a Man who loved so well, would not be enrag'd against a Mistress at that rate, unless her false∣hood was very apparent? And yet when we come to examine the Cause

of this disorder, what is it, but Morats giving him his Life at her request, or his leaning upon her Lap when he dyed. I rather mention this than any of the Poets you spoke of, not only be∣cause all the motions and Passions of a Lover are described with as much Art and Delicacy, as in any of those Ancients, but also, that seeing the whole business before you, you may judge of every little cause of his disorder, as well as he himself, which in Odes and Elegies you cannot do; You see the Lover there in a fury, but what cause he has to be so, there is no body to tell you, but he who is in it. Add to this, that a Man often feigns jealousie of his Mistress, to hinder her from being so of him, and will upbraid her falshood to defend his own. (That is a thing now I confess, Madam, which I can hardly believe.) And it is evident,

they had not really any such bad O∣pinion of Women, since with all this they did not cease to run after 'em. However, if you think these general Answers not sufficient; let us see what we can say to particulars. For the Complaints of Cruelty and Scorn; I look upon 'em as things of course, and therefore shall say nothing to 'em. If Anacreon's Mistress did ask him no∣thing but money; why did he chuse one whose necessities drove her upon it. And if other Men have made complaints of the Womens minding wealth more than Love; I desire to know whether Women have not as much reason to make the same Com∣plaints of the Men. And for those who talk of their Mistresses incon∣stancy, let us see first whether they were Constant to them. For Ovid, he does not pretend to put it upon you,

but complains in 1 1.90 one place of his being in Love with two at once, and tells you frankly in 2 1.91 another, that he was in Love with all the Town. For Horace, Suetonius, (or who ever it was that writ his Life) informs you that he was intemperately given to Wo∣men; and what wonder then, that a Man who try'd so many, shou'd find one or two false. Tibullus had two 3 1.92 Mistresses whom he Celebrates by name, and there are some more Elegies that it does not appear whether they are writ to them or others; and tho' he tells, us the 4 1.93 Report was that his Mistress was kind to other men; yet the Report gave him so much torment, that he desired it should be stifled; if

therefore you have any friendship for him, endeavour to fulfil his desire in that point. For Propertius, besides his 3 1.94 intemperate Love of all Women, he tells you his 4 1.95 Mistress caught him with two Wenches at the same time; and confesses that he rails at the inconti∣nence of Women, only because she upbraided him with his. Thus what∣ever qualifications those Great Men had, Constancy you see was none; and tho' we allow you, each of 'em had merit enough for any one Woman, yet one Man can hardly have enough for half a score.

Now if Ruine and Desolation has come to Great Men, and States, from Women, it shew'd they had a good Opinion of the Sex in general, that

they wou'd suffer for 'em; and had they not been sensible the greatest part were good, they cou'd never have been impos'd upon by the bad. Then as for those Ill Women whom you have mention'd, as I suppose you will not undertake to defend all the Actions of Tyrants, and Murderers; so I do not think my self at all obliged to defend all the Women who have been guilty of some of their Crimes. The Dispute is not whether there have been any Ill Women in the world, but whether there are not more Good. And when I have told you that the same Book that condemns Dalilah, cries up Debo∣rah, and Iael; That if Homer has re∣presented Helen guilty of some faults (for you will see that Homer does not re∣present her Cause so violently bad) he tells us of Hecuba, and Andromache, and a thousand others who were very good

ones; That if Clytemnestra was false to Agamemnon, Penelope was as Famous for her Truth to Vlysses; and so put you Example against Example, which I forbear to do, only because it is so very easie; should I, I say, do but this, you cou'd not complain that your Argu∣ments were unanswer'd. But truly, Sir, we might carry the thing much farther; we might defend some of those Women you mention'd, and excuse the rest. For Dalilah I shall say nothing, out of respect to the Scripture, that re∣presents her as an Ill Woman; 'tis possible, were she alive, she might tell you in her own defence, that what ac∣count you have of her, is from her profest Enemies: That however taking the thing as they tell it; if she did commit a piece of treachery, it was a∣gainst an Enemy of her Country; and that it was very hard she should be

so much run down for the same thing they have so much admired in Iael and Iudeth, as well as every body else did in Marcus Brutus; she wou'd per∣haps push her defence further, and tell you, that thô she deliver'd Samson to the Philistins to be kept Prisoner, yet she neither drove a Nail through his head, nor cut it off. But for Helen, give me leave to tell you, 'tis a great dispute amongst the Historians, whe∣ther she was forc'd away by Paris, or went by her own consent; several are of the former Opinion; and 1 1.96 Hoelztzim says plainly, he wonders Homer will put such a ridiculous Story upon the world, as to make her the occasion of the Trojan War. (Menelaus, it must be con∣fest, Madam, if the Story be true, was a very easie good natur'd Husband, who

would be at so much pains and charge to fetch back a Wife who run away with a∣nother man. I do not remember, in my own memory, to have known above Five or Six Examples like it) And 2 1.97 Plato speaks as if the belying her were the cause of Homer's blindness, as well as of Stesichorus's; but that the latter under∣stood the way of expiating his fault better, and made his recantation, to this effect: That there was not a word of truth in the Story of her going to Troy. If Clytemnestra was consenting to her Husband's death, yet it was Egist∣hus, a man, who gave the blow: And if Tha••s did advi••e the burning Perse∣polis, yet it was not less a Person than Alexander the Great who put it in Exe∣cution. And as for Deianira and Cleo∣patra, whatever fatality arrived to their

Lovers from 'em, may certainly be ve∣ry well excused upon the innocence of their Intentions, and their punishment of themselves afterwards, the one Hang∣ing, the other Poisoning her sel••. I•• the Capuan Women destroy'd Annibal's Army, they destroy'd a Body of Ene∣mies that all the men in Italy could not. In like manner, for your other Instances we might tell you that Proco∣pius, who tells those terrible Stories of 1 1.98 Theodora, is so very passionate all a∣long, and mixes such ridiculous Fa∣bles with what he tells, that there is no great credit to be given to him. (This Procopius was a Souldier under Justinian, and has writ amongst other things a Se∣cret History of those Times; In this he repre••ents the Empress Theodora more like a Devil than a Woman; he makes

her and the Emperour converse frequently with Spirits, and makes her put 'em to an Employment, that savours more of the Flesh than the Spirit) Tho' grant∣ing she was as lew'd as he represents her; what wonder is it, that one who had been a stroling Play-wench, and common Strumpet before the Empe∣rour married her, shou'd not turn Saint after? If the 1 1.99 Princess of Parma em∣broil'd Flanders, she did it by the com∣mand of Philip, for whom she govern'd. And as for your two Queen Maries, 2 1.100 Caussin you know makes a Saint of the one, and Parsons of the other, with whom I leave you to fight it out, not thinking our dispute very much con∣cern'd in it.

Then, Sir, if there are impertinents,

if there are ridiculous Persons of the other Sex, I hope you do not think they are all Plato's, nor all Aristotles of our own; And I will undertake, for e∣very Woman who plagues you with her business, for every Woudbee Po∣litician, and for every Pedant amongst them, to bring you double the num∣ber of the Men. If Olivia is imperti∣nent in the Plain-Dealer, I hope there are Novels and Plausibles who keep her Company; And if I shou'd carry you to a City Coffee-House, and there shew you a parcel of People talking of things that they understand nothing at all of; and settling the Governments of Countries, which they never saw as much as in a Map: From thence to a Play-House, and shew you the pert and insipid raillery of the Sparks upon the Vizard Masks: From thence to a New-Market Course, and enter you at a Ta∣ble,

where you shou'd hear nothing talkt of but Dogs and Horses: From thence to a Tavern; and shew you a set of men in their Drunken Frolicks: I fancy you wou'd wish your self in your Drawing-Room again, as a more agreeable ••olly than any of those I have mention'd. And I appeal to you whe∣ther Lucian in his Timon, Boileau in his Eighth Satyr, and my Lord Ro∣chester in his upon the like Subject, say not as much against Mankind, and make 'em as ridiculous as you can do the Women. And I'll assure you, Sir, I am far from being of the Duke of Britanie's mind, that Learning is un∣fit for a Woman; and shall, without any offence either to him or you, continue of the same Opinion•• 'till you have answer'd Anna Maria Schurman's Arguments in their behalf, and 'till you have taken away her ••elf, who is one of the best Arguments.

This Anna Maria Schurman was •• Dutch Lady of Utrecht, of whom yo•• will hear more anon. There was a long Dis∣pute between her and Rivetus, whether Learning was fit for Women? 'Tis Print∣ed in her Works in Latin. Here, Ma∣dam, there follows a tedious Chapter, of Women who have been famous for Wit and Learning; which though it may be convenient for those who question their Abilities that way, yet I do not see of what use it can be to your Ladyship, or to any who have the honour of being acquainted with you; therefore if you please, Madam, we will cast off here, and take hands again at the bottom.

Nor need you fear that I shou'd search three several Countries, and three several Ages, to furnish me with a Learned Woman apiece. No, Sir, even Greece it self, to go no further, had Nine Muses, Nine Sibyls, and

Nine Lyrick Po••tesses, if you are de∣lighted with the number Nine, which is three times three. And if you have more mind to particulars, we will shew you there 1 1.101 Megalostrate the Mi∣stress of Alcman, who had a gift of Poetry as well as he; the Daughters of 2 1.102 Stesichorus who were as good Poets as their Father. We have also an Eretrian Sappho, as well as she who was in Love with Phaon; Erinna, and Demophila, the first the Mistress of Sappho, the other equal to her, who flourish'd all four in the same time. After these we have Theano, the Wife of Pythagoras, who undertook his School when he was dead, with two others of the same name (if you will believe Su••das) whereof one was a Lyrick Poe∣tess, the other a Thurian, who writ of

Pythagoras. We have also about the same time Cleobulina (the Daughter of Cleobulus one of the Seven Wise Men of Greece) a Poetess, and Corinna who had the Sir-name given her of the Lyrick Muse. We have presently after Te∣lesilla an Argive Poetess, not only Famous for her Wit, but for her Inspiring her Country Women with so much Cou∣rage, as to make 'em put to Flight the Spartiates, who came upon 'em in the absence of their Husbands. At the same time lived Praxilla one of the nine Lyricks, and of whom we have a Copy of Verses to Calais yet extant; What will you say to Aspatia Milesia, who is Celebrated as a Sophistress, (you know the word 1 1.103 Sophister was not then abus'd) a Teacher of Rethorick, and a Poetess? There was also Hesti••ea, men∣tion'd

by Strabo, Anyte by Tatian, and Nyssis by Antipater Thessalus, of the two last of which there are some things yet extant; if you have a mind to see what they did after they turn'd Christians, we will produce Eudocia the Wife of Theo∣dosius, instructed in all sort of Learn∣ing, and who writ several Treatises, ve∣ry much cry'd up by Photius. I have not said a word here of Lasthemia the Mantinaean, nor Axiothea the Phliasian, tho' they are mention'd amongst the Disciples of Plato by Diogenes Laertius; and I own I forgot Hipparchia, whose Life he writes, and commends bo••h as a Philosopher and a Writer of Tra∣gedies, and Hedyle the Poetess, whom Athenaeus quotes, and 1 1.104 Vossius it seems has forgot 'em as well as I. I question

not but there are several others, whose Names we want, and I question not but that there are several nam'd whom I remember not: However this is e∣nough to let you see we are not so hard put to it as you imagine, since one little Country can furnish us with all these. What say you, Sir, are you yet satisfied there are Women of Wit and Learning? or shall we fetch you the 1 1.105 Cornelia you mention'd, 2 1.106 Sempronia, 3 1.107 Cornificia, Polla Argentaria the Wife of Lucan, and who assisted him in his Poem; Sulpitia, Proba Falconia, Hel∣pine the Wife of Boetius from amongst the Latins? Or if these are not enow, shall we bring up our Reserves of I••ali∣an, Spanish, French, German, and En∣glish? And if you are not yet contented,

because I fancy every body else is, I shall refer you to Iacobus a Sancto Ca∣rolo's Library of Women, Illustrious for their Writings; or to Anna Maria Schurman, who was indeed a Library her self, since you mention her. Par∣don me, Sir, if I detain you a little longer than ordinary with this Wo∣man; and though you may think it lost time, because you knew it before, yet 'tis possible every body does not know, that she was very well skill'd in the Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriack, Arabick, Turkish, Greek, Latin, French, En∣glish, Italian, Spanish, German, Dutch, and Flemish Languages; that she had a very good ••aculty at Poetry and Paint∣ing, that she was a perfect Mistress of all the Philosophies, that the greatest Divines of her time were proud of her judgment in their own profession, and that when we had this Character

of her she was not above Thirty years of Age. What think you, Sir, is not this Woman sufficient of her self? Or shall we refer you to Mademoiselle 1 1.108 Gournay among the French, or 2 1.109 Lucre∣tia Marinella among the Italians, who have both writ in defence of their Sex, and who are both Arguments themselves of the Excellency of it? I shall not as much as mention any of those La∣dies whose Wit Balzac and Voiture so much admire; I shall say nothing of the Mesdemoselles Scuderie and Le Fevre, to the first of which we do not only owe several excellent Treatises publish'd un∣der her own name, but who is said also to have had a great share in those that appear under her Brother's; and to the latter of which we are oblig'd for so many admirable Versions, and

judicious Observations upon most of the Greek and Latin Poets. I shall not as much as trouble you with our own Country Women. I shall say nothing of Sir Thomas More's Daughters, about whose Education 1 1.110 Erasmus has written; I shall pass by Sir Nicolas Bacon's, who were as learned as they; shall say no∣thing of Sir Philip Sidney's Lady Pem∣broke, nor as much as mention Mrs. Philips, or any of the rest of our En∣glish Poetesses; but I can hardly for∣bear saying something of the Lady Iane Gray, of whom all Nations else speak, and whose Fame is more cele∣brated in Italy, both for her Learning and Piety, by the account that Mi∣chael Angelo has given 'em of her, than it is here at home. Should I reckon up all those Ladies whose Wit and

Learning has been Celebrated by our own Poets; should I but enter upon the praises of Queen Elizabeth of England, or Mary of Scotland, in that particular•• I should never have done. But I can hardly omit two Ladies who are strangers, and however I am strait∣ned for room, yet methinks I ought to be just to those who were civil to me, since therefore I received par∣ticular favours from the Procura∣tor Cornara, during my stay at Ve∣nice, let me not pass over in silence his Daughter, for whom most of the greatest Princes, and Learned Men of Europe have testified such an esteem. This Lady, besides her Skill in Rheto∣rick, Logick, Musick, and Astronomy, writ and spoke perfectly well Seven several Languages; and made the course of all the Speculative Sciences with so much success, that She might

very well profess her self a Mistress of 'em; and all this before she was thirty Years of Age. Her Sister, whom I had the honour to see (she her self being dead some time before) is likewise a Person of very singular Endowments; and all this whilst they are one of the best Families of a Town, where the Nobility seem almost as proud of their Ignorance, as their Liberty. The o∣ther I shall mention, is Christina Queen of Sueden, a Princess whose Accom∣plishments are so generally known, that it is enough to have named her; a Lady of that true Judgment, that she knew how to esteem Wit and Learn∣ing at the same time that she despis'd Crowns; and seem'd to be Born as a sufficient recompence to the Common∣wealth of Letters, for all the mischiefs her Predecessors the Goths and Vandals had done it before; I am satisfy'd it

is impossible for me to add any thing to a Glory so establisht as that of this Princess is; yet as I never past any time either with greater benefit, or greater satisfaction, than what I past in her Conversation; so I am very well pleas'd methinks with any thing that gives me occasion to call it to my remem∣brance. There might be as advanta∣geous Characters perhaps given of some Ladies of our own Country now living, did not their Modesty, that in∣separable Quality of Wit and Women, deter me from it.

We might tell you further, Sir, that this Modesty too often hinders 'em from making their Vertues known; That they are not of those eternal Scrib∣••ers who are continually plagueing the World with their Works; and that it ••s not the Vanity of getting a Name, which several of the greatest men of

the World have own'd to be the Cause of their writing, that is the Cause of the Womens. Had not Sappho been so much in Love, 'tis possible we had ne∣ver heard any mention of one of the greatest Wits that ever was born; had not Cicero and Quintilian given us ac∣counts of Cornelia, and the Daughters of L••lius, and Hortensius, they had ne∣ver done it themselves; had not Iane Gray been put to Death, her Vertues had never been so much taken notice of; Had not the Portugueze Nun been deserted by her Gallant, we had mist some of the most passionate Letters that these latter Ag••s have produc'd; and had not Anna Maria Schurman's Works been publish'd by a Friend, with∣out her consent, we had lost the benefit of 'em. We may tell you too, that 't•••• no•• only in respect of their own Sex that they are admir'd, but even of ours.

That of those two Odes we have yet of Sappho, we owe one to Dionys••us Hali∣carnassaeus, the other to Longin, the two best Criticks of Greece, who cho•••• 'em out for Examples to their Rules, before any of the Mens; That the E∣pistle of Sappho to Phaon, which is esteem'd the most delicate of Ovid,'s is supposed to be taken out of her Writings. That Corinna was five times victorious over Pindar the best Ly••ick Po•••• of our Sex. And were we here in England as forward in Printing Lette••s, as they are in France and Italy, we might furnish Volumes of 'em written by ou•• own Ladies, that wou'd make all the Women-haters blush, or make all Men else blush for 'em.

Here, Madam, I must own to you I grew je••lous, for I cou'd no•• imagine that Philogynes wou'd have said this, withou•• having seen some of your Ladys••ips Let∣ters.

We may tell you too, that granting the equal Capacities of both Sexes, 'tis a greater wonder to find one Learned Woman, than a hundred Learned Men, considering the difference of their Edu∣cations. If you shou'd go into Greece, and, seeing the ignorance is amongst 'em at present, tell 'em their Country men were incapable of Learning, wou'd you not be very well satisfied, when they told you of the Plato's and Ari∣stotle's of Antiquity? And that if they had not as Famous Men now, it was because they have not the same Advan∣tages they had then? And pray why may not the Women be allow'd the same excuse? Will you by all your Laws and Customs endeavour to keep 'em ignorant, and then blame 'em for being so? And forbid all Men of Sense keeping 'em Company, as you do, and yet be angry with them for keeping

Company with Fools? Consider what Time and Charge is spent to make Men fit for somewhat; Eight or Nine Years at School; Six or Seven Years at the University; Four or Five Years in Travel; and after all this, are they not almost all Fops, Clowns, Dunces, o•• Pedants? I know not what you think of the Women; but if they are Fools, they are Fools I am sure with less pains•• and less expence than we are.

Upon second thoughts I hope, Sir, you will allow, that Women may have Wit and Learning; for their Courage and Conduct we may possibly say more anon. But for Heaven's sake, do not aggravate their faults always at that rate; for whatever Sappho's Life and Conversation were, there is nothing in her Writings, but what represents the most tender, and delicate passion in the World: And as for Aloisia Sigaea (I

give you thanks for putting me in mind of 1 1.111 Aloisi•• Sigaea, who was as remark∣able for her Wit and Learning as any of the other) I am very well assur'd you do not believe that infamous Book which goes under her Name, to have been written by her; 2 1.112 all who speak of it assure us the contrary; and that she was so far from writing it, that she 3 1.113 ne∣ver publish'd any thing; On the other side, all Historians represent her as re∣markable for her Vertue, as her Learn∣ing. For the Queen of Sheba, there is no mention in Scripture of her Tra∣velling for any thing but to be satis∣fied with the wisdom of Solomon; how∣ever, if you will believe she went to him, for the same reason that 5 1.114 Thalestris did to Alexander the Great; it was no such great matter, in Countreys where it was thought no Sin, if the one had

a mind to have a Child by the wisest man in the world, and the other by the bravest. After all, we must own if there are l••wd Women, they endeavour to conceal their lewdness they do not brag of it, nor flye openly in the face of Religion; and if they once come to be publickly discover'd, they are render'd in∣famous to all the World, and their near∣est Friends and Relations avoid their company: Whilst there are several Men who boast of their iniquities, value themselves upon their being thought lewd, and what is worse, find others to value 'em upon it too; nay by their incitements and encouragements to wickedness, often bring themselves to that pass, that the least part of the Sins they are to answer for, are what they have commit••ed•• themselves•• But not a word more I beseech you of Sappho, nor her new Crime, le•• Lucian be forgotten

for putting us in mind of it, and let it be Cloister'd up within the walls of a Turk∣ish Seraglio; I speak not this in behalf of the Female Sex, but of our own; for if they shou'd once hear of this Argument, and fall upon us with 1 1.115 Socrates, 2 1.116 Plato, and all those Heroes of Antiquity, whom Plutarch and Lucian produce in defence of a like Sin in our Sex; shou'd they men∣tion Anacreon, Tibullus, Martial, and all those Poets who have eterniz'd their In∣famy in their writings; and after that shew you what progresses this Crime has made, not only in the Turk's Domi∣nion, but even in Spain and Italy, I am sure, Sir, you wou'd wish you had said nothing of a point, that may be so se∣verely made use of against our selves.

Now tho' you are pleas'd to quote the Lampoons, yet you think as well as I that such things are not worth any

bodies taking notice of; we both know there are a sort of people about this Town, who please themselves with De∣famations; One of these, if they see a Man speak to a Woman, make their lit∣tle signs, their politick winks, and possi∣bly when they meet him, in their in∣sipid way of Rallery, tax him with it: If he is angry at 'em, then he is pique'd, and afraid the Intrigue shou'd be found out; If he says nothing (as it deserves nothing) then he is out of Countenance•• and cannot say a word; and if he laughs at 'em (which is all the answer a man wou'd make to such stuff) then he is pleas'd with the thing; so that every way the poor Ladies Reputation suffers; and these Sparks shall no•• fail to blow it about Town, that there is an Amour; not that they think so of you, but that you may return the Complement, and say so of them, when they speak to any Lady themselves.

For their Garrulity, if you wou'd see things which are against you, in that Treatise of 1 1.117 Plutarch, from whence you bring two of your Instances, you might have been furnish'd with enow of the mens. But tho' 'tis lawful to forget Sto∣ries that are not for you, yet methinks you ought to tell out those you do men∣tion; and when we have heard that the Wife of Fulvius, seeing what she had done, shew'd her Husband the way to avoid the Consequences of it, by stab∣ing her self first; we must certainly own, that such a Woman had Vertue enough to make amends for all her faults. And if in answer to the instances you bring, I shou'd mention the 2 1.118 Melitish, or the Saxon Women, who tho' they were all engag'd in Plots with their Husbands, yet not one discover'd it; If I shou'd

shew you 1 1.119 Leaena at Athens, or 2 1.120 Epi∣••haris at Rome, who being both engag'd in Plots, one against the Tyrant Pisistra∣••us, the other against Nero, yet cou'd not by all their Tortures, be brought to discover 'em; and that the former for fear her Torments shou'd make her re∣veal it, bit off her Tongue, certainly, Sir, you wou'd have a better Opinion of their Taciturnity. But we need not go so far for Instances; our own Country, and our own Time, will furnish us with ••now. In all the Plots we have had con∣tinually on foot, tho' we have had Wo∣men engag'd and accus'd; tho' there was One Pilloried in the first; Three Executed in another; and Sixteen or Seventeen excepted in a Generall Par∣don; though there have been several

seiz'd upon like accounts since, yet you see there has not been one of 'em who ever made a Discovery. Give me leave, Sir, to commend 'em for their Vertues at the same time that I am far from defending their faults, and though I have a very good O∣pinion of those Men who discover a Conspiracy upon remorse of Consci∣ence, yet I must take leave to believe that there are some at least, who do it upon another account; and without any sorrow at all for their design, except that it did not succeed, think to save their own Lives, by the Sacrifice of o∣ther Peoples; and make amends for their Treason against the Government, by their Treachery to their Friends.

But no wonder you are so severe upon the faults of Modern Women, when you fall upon those whom all Antiquity has reverenc'd. 'Tis hard

that Iael and Iudeth, whose Actions have been so long admir'd, should be call'd to account for them so many Thousand years after. It would be an injury to their Cause, to say any thing in their Defence; and a presumption in me to justifie Actions, that the Scrip∣ture has Celebrated so much. But must poor Penelope fall under your displeasure too? I am sensible how much she is like to suffer, who is defended by so dull a Fellow as Homer, against those most ingenious Gentlemen, who are the Lampooners of our Age: How∣ever as their Ability in scandal needs no foreign aid; and as I am satisfied they would think it a disparagement to 'em to be reckon'd with Virgil and Ovid, let us free 'em, pray, from such un∣worthy Companions. For the former I believe you are fully satisfied the Priapeia are none of his; and as fully

satisfy'd that the authority of such ••ort of Verses is not extreamly much to be depended upon; And for Ovid, if in the person of a Bawd, who he tells you was a Lyar, he gives you a reflection upon Penelope, yet he makes her very sufficient amends, when 1 1.121 he speaks in his own person. And taking the Story as it lies, that her House was always full of Lovers whom she could by no means get away; Laertes being too Old, Telemachus too Young to en∣counter 'em; it certainly shews her Vertue so much the more: For as there is no great Courage required to keep a Fortress in the time of Peace, so a very little Vertue is sufficient to pre∣serve that Chastity which no body ever thought it worth his while to attempt.

Now if Lycophron and Duris Samius re∣present her as a lewd Woman, as I un∣derstand not how they shou'd come to know it, all the Writers who liv'd be∣fore 'em giving so very different an ac∣count; so for Lycopron, 'tis no great wonder a Greek and a Poet should lye; or that Duris Samius, seeing the Etymo∣logie of the word Pan come so pat, shou'd feed us with a story upon it, of his own invention. (Pan you remember, Madam, in Greek signifies All, and who wou'd no•• tell a Lye for so pretty a Con∣ceit?) You may observe also, that this Author was not of so establish'd a Re∣putation as Cicero wou'd make us be∣lieve, since 1 1.122 Plutarch who quotes him once, does it only to contradict him in a point of History, that he ought to have known better that this. For Lu∣cretia,

observe of Sir Charles Sedley, as of Ovid before, that he only makes the Bawd say it, and if you consider the fear in which she was, you will find that that passion often makes People run into a greater danger to avoid a less, of which you have instances enow in our own Plantations, of the 1 1.123 Slaves who hang themselves, to avoid their being beat.

After all this, Sir, if you still think with Le Chambre that Men have a greater natural inclination to Vertue than Women, yet I hope you will grant they have taken a very becoming care to overcome that Inclination; and if Nature has not given so large a Talent to the other Sex, yet they have improved that Talent much better than we have done ours. Then for your

Instances of some few Ill Women, I tell you, as I did before, that the Cause in general is not at all concern'd in 'em; and when I shew you an Atreus cutting his Brother's Children in pieces, and gi∣ving 'em to him to eat; a Phalaris roast∣ing people alive in a Brazen Bull; a Bu∣syris murdering all his Guests; a Nero ripping open the Womb of his Mother, to see the place where he had lain•• and so for every Crime of that Sex, shew you how far they have been outdone by some of our own, as that 1 1.124 Italian Lady I mention'd does in her Treat••fe upon a like occasion, I am sure you will find a very great disadvantage of your side. But I take you at your word, let us go a Circuit with the Judges, and if you find not six Men condemn'd for one Woman, I'll pay the charges of the

Journey; 'Tis true, indeed, as most of the Women who are condemn'd, are so, for a Crime which they commit to pre∣vent their Shame; so the care of that, and Hypocrisie, are two faults of which our Sex is not so generally guilty. Now tho' I do not think my self oblig'd to say one word for any of those Women you have condemn'd; and shall there∣fore leave Phaedra and Fausta to your Mercy, tho' neither of 'em expected the Cruelty of their Husbands shou'd have carried things so far; and shall not ar∣gue much for Semiramis, tho' certainly her having all the Bravery, Wisdom, and Vertues of our Sex in the greatest per∣fection, might move you to forgive her the having some of our faults; and for her putting men to death, I am contented that every one who boast of Ladies Fa∣vours shou'd be serv'd in the same manner; (Here, Madam, I cannot at

all agree with Philogynes, because it might be severe upon some honest Gentlemen, whom all the Laws against Adultery and Fornication wou'd never reach.) Yet me∣thinks I have an Inclination to say some∣what for Queen Ioan of Naples, because she is generally represented so very ill. The common 1 1.125 Story is, that having married Andreossa an Hungarian, and her Kins∣man; and not finding him so capable of satisfying her, as his Youth and Beauty promis'd, she caus'd him to be strangl'd in a Silk Cord of her own making. The first and chief Author of this Story is Villani a Florentine (for 2 1.126 Collenuccio takes it from him, tho', as such things use, it has lost nothing in his Hands) who tells you that he had it from a 3 1.127 Re∣lation made to his Brother by a certain

Hungarian who had been a Servant of Andreossa's; and in his return to Hungary past through Florence. Now the Au∣thor of this Story being an Hungarian, one of those of whom Petrarch writes so much ill, and also a Servant of the dead King, he ought to speak passionately a∣gainst the Queen, of whom they were profess'd Enemies; You may observe al∣so, that the 1 1.128 Letter which Lewis the Brother of Andreossa writes to her at the time that he came with a Potent Army to revenge his Brother's Death, speaks of her being privy to it, as a thing that was suspected, rather than a thing that did plainly appear. On the other side, 2 1.129 Boccace, who liv'd a great while in that Court, throws all the blame of the

Action upon the Conspirators, and none at all upon the Queen. After all, be∣lieve as you please, and do as you please with all these Women who have of∣fended you; If Helen runs away from Menelaus, let all Greece arm, and fetch her back again; If Clytemnestra con∣sents to the killing Agamemnon, let Orestes kill her for it; If Semiramis puts the men she has made use of to Death, let her own Son serve her in the same man∣ner; If Ioan of Naples causes Andreossa to be strangled, let Durazzo cause her to be strangled in the same place; Let not your Severity stop there•• but let their Infamy live when they themselves are dead•• and let the Euripides's, the Iu∣venals, and the Misogynes's, set out their Actions in their true Colours. But let the business go no farther, I beseech you. Let not Hecuba nor Andromache suffer, because Helen is a Wanton Woman; nor

Penelope be run down, because Clytem∣nestra is an ill Wife; and if Ioan of Naples strangles her Husband, let not all those who have dy'd for theirs, fall under the same condemnation. 'Tis one of the chiefest Ends of Punishments to distinguish the Good from the Bad, do not you therefore by Punishments confound 'em. If Tibullus and Ovid's Mistress's jilt their Lovers, let it be re∣member'd against 'em two thousand years after; and if Misogynes's serve him so, let him shew his Resentment in as severe a manner as he pleases. Let him disdain the mean revenge of malicious Whispers, and nameless Lampoons, and the much meaner way of railing at all, because one has injur'd him; but let him boldly hunt her out from the Herd; let him publish her Infamy in lasting Characters; tho' she is free from Conscience, let her be plagu'd with the

Stings of Shame; and let all Women be terrify'd by her Example from being false to men of Wit, or kind to Fools. But let him have very full satisfaction of the Matter of Fact first; let him not go upon dubious Grounds, nor jealous Sur∣mis••s; let him not believe the Vanity of some, nor the Malice of others; let him consider the Stories of•• 1 1.130 Bradamante in Ariosto, of Aurestilla in Consalo de Ce∣pedes, of Othello in Shakespear, and let him see how far Jealousie may seem rea∣sonable, whilst nevertheless the person of whom they are Jealous may be inno∣cent. After all, I give you even in that greater power than I shou'd care to take my self; I wou'd rather by other peo∣ples Faults correct my own, and shou'd think the noblest Revenge a Man cou'd take upon a Woman who injur'd him,

wou'd be the doing some Action ••••at wou'd make all the World admire him; I wou'd have every body upbraid her with my Wrongs whilst I my self was si∣lent: 'Tis true, if by the Injuries she did me, there were any Aspersions cast upon my Reputation; there Justice to my self wou'd oblige me to make the Story publick: But I wou'd certainly endea∣vour to reclaim her by Mildness, before I made use even of that Severity; and as I shou'd scorn any Favour that was the effect of Fear, so if I once broke into an open War, all the Submission she cou'd make shou'd never bring me to an A∣mity again, thô perhaps my own good Nature might in time prevail upon me for a Forgiveness.

This, Sir, is what I thought necessary to reply to what you said; in which I see we have quite exceeded the bounds of a Dialogue, and turn'd that into Decla∣mation,

which was intended only for Conversation. I have troubled the Com∣pany so much already, that I dare tref∣pass no farther upon their Patience, and shall therefore omit some other things, which I intended to have said upon this Occasion.

You are like those people, cry'd Miso∣gynes, who when they have provided all the Dainties they cou'd get, make an Apologie at the end of the Treat, for their having got no more; If I am not altoge∣ther convinc'd of the goodness of your Cause, yet I am very well convinc'd that you have said all that the Cause will bear.

Thô perhaps I shou'd have no great Mercy upon you, reply'd Philogynes, yet I have too much for these Gentle∣men, to detain 'em so long, as to hear all that I cou'd say upon so glorious an Occasion. Shou'd I make a Collecti∣on

of what is written by the best Au∣thors of Antiquity in their praises; should I but refer you to what Sto∣bae••s has Collected for 'em, since you mention what he has done against 'em; shou'd I but transcribe what 1 1.131 Plutarch, 2 1.132 Lodovicus Vives, 3 1.133 Speron Sperone the most Learned of his Coun∣try-men, 4 1.134 Ribera, 5 1.135 Hilarion de Costè, 6 1.136 Scuderie, and a thousand others have said of 'em in Treatises written expresly in their Praises; shou'd I but search all the Bibliotheques for a Catalogue of those who were famous for their Writings; Shou'd I afterwards tell you of those who were remarkable for their Piety, Conjugal Affection, Penitence, and Contempt of Worldly Vanities; shou'd I but repeat the Names of those who

have dy'd for the preservation of their Chastity; shou'd I shew you a 1 1.137 Country even at this day, where they cannot by any severity hinder Women from burning themselves with the Bodies of their deceased Husbands: Shou'd I mention the Women of 2 1.138 Cios, among••t whom for Seven Hundred years there never was the least mention of any A∣dultery, or Fornication; shou'd I tell you that the first of those Sins was so little known amongst the Spartans, that they did not think it worth their while to make any Law against it; (Now, said my Friend, whether this were not as good an Argument of the Men's Chastity as the Women's, I leave you to judge; but really I think not, Madam; for besides Intrigues with their own Sex,

which were common enough amongst the Men in those Eastern Countries; I do not doubt but the Men being Men of Honour wou'd ask, though the Women being Women of Honour wou'd deny.) Shou'd I but give you a List of the Martyrs of that Sex, from those who suffer'd under Tiberius, to those who suffer'd under our own Queen Mary; I fancy I shou'd make you ashamed of your Simonides, your Iuvenal, and all your Satyrists put together. Shou'd I after this defend 'em in the Vertue to which they are thought to have least pre∣tences, which is Courage; shou'd I but name those who have been fa∣mous for their Warlike Atchievements; shou'd I tell you of Deborah, Penthe∣silaea, Thalestris, Camilla; shou'd I shew you a Country 1 1.139 of Amazons,

even in our own Time: Shou'd I carry you into France, and shew you a Warlike Virgin (at least an Unmarried Woman) whose Memo∣ry is still annually Celebrated by one of their Chiefest 1 1.140 Towns, and who, besides her Fame in their Chronicles, has given a Subject to one of the most Famous 2 1.141 Heroick Poems which that Nation has produc'd; Wou'd you not after all confess they might very easily be defended, even in this point too? But I shall wave that; I am satisfy'd with the Care Univer∣sal Custom has taken of 'em; and as Seamen in a Storm, to preserve their things of greatest value, throw away those of less; so I am very well pleas'd that Mankind shou'd be expos'd to the hazards of War, whilst the Fair Sex

is preserv'd in safety at home, whose Smiles are the Noblest Reward a Brave Man can desire for all the hazards, and fatigues he has endur'd in a Campagne.

But it is generally agreed that all Vertues are requisite for those who Govern well; and since there are some Countries where Women are Excluded from the Throne, and no Countrey where they are not post∣poned, it wou'd be convenient me∣thinks to see what they do, when by accident they are plac'd upon it. I shall not trouble you here with De∣borah, nor Esther, nor as much as mention Semiramis, though you have mention'd her upon another occa∣sion; and yet certainly the bravery of most of her Actions ought to make us forget the faults of some few; but

I shall confine my self within the bounds of our own Countrey.

1 1.142 At a time when the Britains groan'd under the Servitude of the Romans; when the King, by thinking to Oblige the Emperour, gave him an Oppor∣tunity of pillaging his Countrey; and that their patience under their Sufferings, was only a means of make∣ing them more; When their Houses were robb'd, their Wives and Daugh∣ters Ravish'd, and their Sons taken a∣way from 'em; then Boadicia aro••e, and by her Courage, as well as Elo∣quence, inspired her dispirited Coun∣trey-Men with a Resolution of throw∣ing off that Yoke which was grown intolerable to be born: 'Tis true, in∣deed, the End was not answerable to the Successes of the Beginning; nor

to the Glory so Heroick an Under∣taking deserved; however as it was neither want of Courage nor Con∣duct in her, so we ought to render her that veneration which is due to so resolute an Enterprize.

But as one of the greatest attempts the Britains made for their Liberty was whilst they were led by a Woman; so we must own the greatest Glory our Nation cou'd ever boast, was under the Government of one of the same Sex. It was in the time of Queen Elizabeth that this Island arrived at that pitch of greatness, to which it had been ascending for several Ages, and from which it has been declining 'till very lately ever since; 'Tis the Name of this Princess that is dearer to all Englishmen, than the Names of all the Monarchs since the Con∣quest besides, and the only one whose

Birth-D••y has been Celebrated after her Death, by the voluntary gratitude of the People.

But however we may forget things that are past, let us not oversee that which lies before our eyes; and since the occasion is so very fair, I know not how we can omit the shewing our Sense of those Vertues, of which the whole Nation has demonstrated so grateful an acknowledgment by the Body of their Representatives; and never were they more truly their Repre••entatives before. Yes, Sir, without going to foreign Countries, without ••earching the Histories of our own; we have even in our own Time, and our own Countrey, a Princess who has Govern'd to their general satisfaction, a People the most curious to pry into the faults of their Governours, of any People un∣der

the Sun. A Princess, who though she never shew'd any fondness of Vain-Glory, or Authority, yet when the necessity of the Kingdom called her to the Helm, Managed Affairs with that dexterity which is very rarely found in those who are the most am∣bitious of Command. Every thing du∣ring that little time of her Govern∣ment, was order'd with that Cou∣rage, Conduct, and Prudence, that her greatest Friends cannot find Elo∣quence enough to commend, nor her greatest Enemies the least pretences to condemn. Though she had a Hus∣band venturing his Life in another Countrey, with a Bravery equal to what has made us suspect the Stories of Antiquity; Tho' our Fleet, the Bulwarks of the Nation, was managed in a manner the Courage of the En∣glish

Seamen was utterly unacquainted with; Tho' a Monarch, who thinks himself able to contend with all Eu∣rope together, seem'd to make his ut∣most Efforts against a Princess, who had nothing but the Universal Hearts of her Subjects to defend her; Tho' all Christendom was in suspence to see the Event of the Undertaking; and every little Prince had forgot his own danger, to contemplate hers; Even at this time did we see her look with all the unconcern imaginable, and whilst every body else was alarum'd for her Safety, she only seem'd to have known nothing of the Danger. Not that this unconcern proceeded from any igno∣rance of her Condition, or unreasona∣ble Contempt of her Adversary; No, she provided against their Attempts with all the prudence cou'd be wisht

for, at the same time that she lookt upon the Danger with all the Courage in Nature.

But however great these Vertues may appear, when they are set off by the Lustre of a Publick Command, yet they are in effect much greater, when they teach People to despise all such dazling Trifles. Here it is, Sir, that we have a fresh Field for Elo∣quence, when we see a Lady dissatisfi'd at that Glory which she had to every bodies satisfaction beside, and grudge her self that Authority, which she ow'd to the absence of a Husband whom she loved so much better than that. What think you, Sir, of that alacrity, of that joy with which she resign'd up the Government? Does it not put you in mind of the Old Roman Ge∣nerals, who quitted their Plow to

Command an Army, and when the Victory was gain'd, retur••••d with greater content to their Plow again? This is that Wisdom which we shou••d admire; this is that Vertue which we shou'd adore; and we ought to de∣spise all those little Pretenders to Bu∣siness, who thrust themselves into the Management of Affairs against every bodies will but their own; and h••∣ving neither Vertue, nor Prudence enough to retire from it at the Uni∣versal Murm••rs of the People, are generally made Sacrifices at last to the just Resentment of an Enraged Nation.

These are those Blazing Comets, whose fatal Glories portend Destru∣ction to a Government, whilst the Vertues of the others, like those of the Sun, give it Life and Heat, by

their benign influence. Much more, Sir, might be said in defence of the Sex, which I shall purposely omit, because I am satisfi'd I can never conclude with a more Illustrious Ex∣ample.

FINIS.

Notes

• 1 1.1

  Plutarch in V. Licur.
• 2 1.2

  Strabo Lib. 10.
• 3 1.3

  Diod. Sicul. L. 1.
• 4 1.4

  Lib. 4. and again L. 6.
• 5 1.5

  Aul. Gell. l. ••. c. 6. Sueton. in vit. August. Dion. in vita e••usd. Lucius Florus. Livy L. 59.
• 1 1.6

  Chap. 7. and in several other places.
• 2 1.7

  V. Sto∣baei Senten. cap. de Vituperio Mulierum.
• 2 1.8

  V. Sto∣baei Senten. cap. de Vituperio Mulierum.
• 3 1.9

  See the Dia∣logues of the Curtisans, and that of Love.
• 4 1.10

  Homille upon the beheading St. Iohn Baptist.
• 5 1.11

  Sixth Satyr.
• 1 1.12

  Camerar. Hist. Med. L. 3. C. 1••.
• 2 1.13

  Upon the 19th. Chapter of St. Matthew.
• 1 1.14

  Od. 44. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉
• 2 1.15

  —fore enim tutum iter & patens Converso in pretium deo. Lib. 3. O. 16. speaking of Iupiter and Danae.
• 3 1.16

  L. 3. El 8.Ingenium quondam fuerat pretiosius auro; At n••nc barbaria e••t grandis, habere nihil. Ecce recens dives, parto per vulnera censu, Praefertur nobis, sanguine factus, eques. Curia pauperibus clausa est. Dat census ••onores. V. Amor. &c.
• 4 1.17

  L. 2. El. 4.Ad dominam faciles aditus per carmina quaero; At mihi per caedem, & facinus sunt dona paranda. Sed precium si grande feras, custodia victa est, Nec prohibent claves, & canis ipse tacet.
• 1 1.18

  L 3 El. 11.Nulla est poscendi, nulla est reverentia ••an••i, Aut si qua est precio, ••••llitur ipsa mora. Aurea nunc verè sunt saecula, plurimus auro•• Venit honos, auro conciliatur amor.
• 2 1.19

  Da te chi se defende? Quâ pensier fermi, e casti Non atterri, e non guasti? Chi teco unqua contende? Chi vinto non se rend•••• Qual non cade, o non cede Forte cor, salda voglia, in∣tera fedé? Anch' egli amor lo str••l•• Già d'oro, e d'or lo cocca Onde qual honor lo scocca, E beila Donna assale, Stamp•• piaga ••ortal•• Là doue ogni altra punt•• D'impiombate quadrel fi spe••∣za, e spu••ta. Mar. Rim. par secunda Canzon. ••••. L'oro.
• 3 1.20

  Le Richezze, li Tesori Son insensati Amori Past. Fido. Chor. del•• Atto 2 do.
• 4 1.21

  De tus flechas por ser d'oro Ninguna lei se deffiende.
• 5 1.22

  El Rico està en t••da parte, Siempre a proposito viene, No ay cosa que se le esconda, No ay puerta que se le ••••••erra. Quev. Thal. Rom. 37.
• 6 1.23

  Celuy devroit mourir del'Eclat du Tonnerre Qui premier descouvrit les Mines de la Terre. Ronsard. El. 8.
• 7 1.24

  'Tis all against the love of Money.
• 1 1.25

  Idyll. 3. 10, 11, 14, 20.
• 2 1.26

  Illa Lesbia quam Catullus unam Plus quam se atque suos amavit omnes, Nunc in quadriviis, & angiportis Glubit magnanimos Remi nepotes. Catul. 59.
• 3 1.27

  —mulier cupido quod dicit amanti, In vento, & rapidâ scribere oportet aquâ.
• 1 1.28

  Lib. 1. El. 7. Ipse miser docui quo posset ludere pacto Custodes, eheu nunc premor arte m••••.
• 2 1.29

  Lib. 3. L. 11. Ergo ego nescio cui quem tu complexa tenebas Excubui clausam servus ut ante domum.
• 3 1.30

  Lib. 1. Od. 23. L. 3. Od. 10. 26.
• 4 1.31

  Lib. 1. Od. 13. Lydia Lib. 2. Od. 8. Barine. Lib. 3. Od. 9. Lydia again Epod. 15. Neaera.
• 5 1.32

  Lib. 2. El. 18. upon Cynthia's falshood. Lib. 3. El. 17. De incontinentiâ muli••rum.
• 1 1.33

  See Lib. 1. Od. 25. Lib. 3. Od. 15. Lib. 4. Od. 13. Epod. 8. 12.
• 2 1.34

  Non ego ne pecces cum sis formosa, recuso; Sed ne sit misero scire necesse mihi. Lib. 3. El. 14.
• 1 1.35

  Iudges Ch. 16.
• 2 1.36

  V. Homer.
• 3 1.37

  Velleius Lib. 1. Euseb. Chron. Soph. in Electra. Euripid. in Oreste.
• 4 1.38

  Ovid. Metam. L. 8.
• 5 1.39

  Quint. Cur. Lib. 5.
• 6 1.40

  Livie Lib. 3. Dec. 3.
• 7 1.41

  Plutarch in Vit. Anton.
• 8 1.42

  Procop. Ar••c.
• 9 1.43

  Strada. Bentivoglio. Garnier, &c.
• 1 1.44

  Buchan. Knox.
• 1 1.45

  Essays de Montagne L. 1. C. 24. Mad. Gournay L'E∣galitè des deux sexes.
• 1 1.46

  V. Iuvenal. 6. Sat.
• 1 1.47

  V. Iuvenal. 6. Sat.
• 2 1.48

  1 King. 10. 2 Chron. 9.
• 3 1.49

  Quint•• Cur. L. 6.
• 4 1.50

  Diod•• Sicul. C. 2.
• 1 1.51

  Iuven. 6. Sat.
• 2 1.52

  This Bath is now shewn in the ruins of her Palace, a little way out of the Town of Naples.
• 3 1.53

  Lilius Giraldus Dial. 9. de Po••tis.
• 1 1.54

  See his Dialogue between Cleonarium and Leo••na.
• 2 1.55

  See Tavernier's Travels.
• 1 1.56

  Plutarch de Garrul.
• 1 1.57

  Iud. C. 13.
• 2 1.58

  Iudges C. 4. v. 17.
• 1 1.59

  Penelope vires juvenum, tentabat in arcu, Qui latus argueret, corneus arcus erat. Ovid Amor. L. 1. El. 8.
• 2 1.60

  Ad vetulam tamen ille suam (speaking of Vlysses) properabat, & omnis Mens erat in cunno, Penelopea tuo. Quae sic casta manes, ut jam convivia visas, Vt{que} fututorum sit tua plena domus. E ••uibas ut scires quicunque valentior esset, Haec es ad arrectos verba locuta procos: Nemo meo melius nervum tendebat Vlysse, Sive illî laterum, seu fuit artis opus. Qui quoniam periit, modò vos intendite: qualem Esse virum sciero, vir sit ut ille meus. Priapeia.
• 1 1.61

  V. Domin. in Ovid. El. 8. L. 1. See also Seneca's Epistles.
• 2 1.62

  Lilius Giral. Hist. Deorum Gent. Pan.
• 3 1.63

  Sir Charles Sidley in the Translation of the 8th. Elegy of the 1st Book of Ovid.
• 1 1.64

  L'Art. de connoistre les Hommes. Ch. 1.
• 1 1.65

  Diodor. Sicul. L. 2.
• 2 1.66

  Ammian. Marcellin. Lib. 14.
• 1 1.67

  Cowley's Preface.
• 1 1.68

  For these three Philos. see Diog. L••••••tius in their Lives.
• 1 1.69

  For these three Philos. see Diog. L••••••tius in their Lives.
• 1 1.70

  For these three Philos. see Diog. L••••••tius in their Lives.
• 1 1.71

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉: Diog. Laert. in Vit. Arist••t.
• 1 1.72

  St. Austin converted by his Mother.
• 1 1.73

  Est autem— It is a Dialogue between Solomon and the King of Egypt's Daughter; two Chorus's, one of young Men, the other of Virgins, who lay near the Bed∣chamber, speaking between. The Nuptial Secrets lye hid here under modest words, which was the Cause the ancient Hebrews wou'd not suffer this Book to be read, but by those who were near Marriage. Grotius upon the Canticles
• 1 1.74

  Rapin de Carmine Pastorali.
• 2 1.75

  The last Chapter of Proverbs, and in several other places.
• 1 1.76

  Girald. in vit. Simonidis. Plutarch in vit. Themi∣stoclis.
• 2 1.77

  V. Socrat. Schol. Sozomen. Evagr.
• 1 1.78

  See the Dialogues of the Curtisans.
• 1 1.79

  In the Dialogue of Love.
• 1 1.80

  Diogenes Laertius in vit. Aristot.
• 2 1.81

  Plutarch in vit. Ciceronis.
• 3 1.82

  See Verres's Iest's upon Cicero for his Effeminacy. Plut.
• 1 1.83

  V. Alex. ab Alex. L. 4. C. 8.
• 2 1.84

  Plutarch in vit. Cato.
• 3 1.85

  V. Leges Connubiales.
• 4 1.86

  Nicholaus 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and from him Stobaeus. Serm. 42.
• 5 1.87

  Dio∣dor. Si••ul. L. 1.
• 6 1.88

  Aristot. Politic. L. 2. Cap. 7.
• 7 1.89

  See the Tragedy by Mr. Dryden.
• 1 1.90

  Eleg. 1 L. 10. 1.
• 2 1.91

  Eleg. 4. L. 1.
• 3 1.92

  Delia. Nemesis
• 4 1.93

  Rumor ait crebro nostram peecasse putam, Quid miserum torques Rumor acerbe ••ace.
• 3 1.94

  Aspice uti caelo modo Sol, modo Luna ministrat, Sic etiam nobis una puella parum. 2 Lib. El. 18.
• 4 1.95

  Lib. 4. El. 9.
• 1 1.96

  Prologom. ad Apollon.
• 2 1.97

  In Phaedr.
• 1 1.98

  Anecdota.
• 1 1.99

  See Bentivoglio, Strada, Garnier.
• 2 1.100

  In the Holy Court.
• 1 1.101

  Vossius de Poet. Grecis.
• 2 1.102

  Lilius Gira••d. in Vit. Stesich.
• 1 1.103

  Plutarch in Vit. Themistocl.
• 1 1.104

  Vossius mentions neither of these two in his Book de Poetis Grecis.
• 1 1.105

  Quintil. l. 4.
• 2 1.106

  Salust. Bell. Catil.
• 3 1.107

  Vossius de Poetis Latin. for the rest.
• 1 1.108

  L'Egalite des Deux Sexes.
• 2 1.109

  Nobiltá delle Donne.
• 1 1.110

  Epist. ad Bude••m.
• 1 1.111

  Vasaeus Chron. Hisp. Thuanus.
• 2 1.112

  V. Eloges ••es homnes Illustres de Monsieur de Thou.
• 3 1.113

  V. Biblioth. Hispan.
• 5 1.114

  V. Quint•• Curtius, L. 6.
• 1 1.115

  Socrates was in Love with Alcibiades.
• 2 1.116

  Plato writes Verses to A••ter a Boy, with whom he was in Love.
• 1 1.117

  De Garrulitate.
• 2 1.118

  Plutarch de Clar. Mulierib.
• 1 1.119

  P••in. L. 3. Plutarch de Garrul.
• 2 1.120

  Tacitus Annal. Lib. 15.
• 1 1.121

  Penelope mansit, quam vis custode remoto, Inter tam multos intemerata procos. Ovid. Amor. Lib. 3. El. 4
• 1 1.122

  In Vitâ Alci••iades.
• 1 1.123

  Ligon's History of the Barbadoes. p. 50.
• 1 1.124

  Lucretia Marinella. La Nobiltà e Peccellenza delle Donne, con deffetti e mancamenti degli Huomini.
• 1 1.125

  Essais de Montagne. L. 3. C. 5.
• 2 1.126

  Istoria di Napo∣li. L. 5.
• 3 1.127

  V. Annotazione e Supplimente al Istoria di Collenuccio per Costo.
• 1 1.128

  Inordinata vit a praecedens, retentio potestatis in reg∣no, neglecta vindicta, vir alter susceptus, & excusatio subsequens, necis viri tui ••e probant fuisse participem & consortem.
• 2 1.129

  Casi degli Huomini Illustri.
• 1 1.130

  Orlan. Furioso. ••ant•••• 32.
• 1 1.131

  De claris Mulier.
• 2 1.132

  De Faminâ Christian.
• 3 1.133

  Dia∣l••ghi delle Donne.
• 4 1.134

  De la Gloire Imm••rtelle d••s Dam••s Illustres.
• 5 1.135

  Eloges des Dames Illustres.
• 6 1.136

  Femme He∣roique.
• 1 1.137

  See Bernier's History of Indosthan. Tavernier's and Mandelso's Travels.
• 2 1.138

  Plutarch de Clar. Mulieribus.
• 1 1.139

  See Acosta's History of the W••••••-Indies.
• 1 1.140

  Orleans.
• 2 1.141

  La Pucelle de Monsieur Chapelaine.
• 1 1.142

  Tacitus in Vita Agr. and from him Sammes in his Brittania. Illustratâ.