The state of Christendom, or, A most exact and curious discovery of many secret passages and hidden mysteries of the times written by Henry Wotten ...

THE STATE OF CHRISTENDOME.

AFter that I had lived many years in voluntary exile and ba∣nishment, and saw that the most happy and fortunate success, which it pleased the Almighty to send unto my gracious Soveraign against the malicious and hostile At∣tempts which the Spanish Monarch, both openly and co∣vertly, practised against her sacred Person, and invincible State and Kingdom, I began to despair of my long desi∣red return into my native Countrey, and to consider with my self, with what price I might best redeem my sweet and inestimable liber∣ty. Sometimes I wished that her Majesty had, (as the Italian Princes have) many confined and banished men abroad, upon whose heads there are great Fines set, to invite others to kill them, in hope to receive those Fines in re∣compense of their murther: But my wishes vanished as smoak in the wind, and as long as I dwelt in those cogitations, me-thought I did nothing else but build Castles in the Ayr; then I applied my wits to think upon some other means of better hope, and more probability; and supposed that to murther some notable Traytor, or professed enemy to my Prince and Countrey, might be a ready way to purchase my desire: But the great difficulty to escape unpu∣nished, the continual terror that such an offence might breed unto my consci∣ence, and the perpetual infamy that followeth the bloody Executioners of trayterous Murderers, (for I held it trayterous to kill my friend and ac∣quaintance) made both my heart and my hand to abhor any such action: Martius Coriolanus seemed unto me a most happy man, who, when in re∣venge of a few mistaken injuries, he had wrought his Countrey great despight and annoyance, suffered himself with much difficulty, to be intreated by his Wi••e, his Mother, and the Senate of Rome to return home, and to become so great a Friend, as he had been a Foe unto his country. That day should have been more joyful unto me then the day of my birth and nativity, where∣in I might have seen a Letter from any of my friends, with assurance of my pardon to call me home. But I find my self so much inferiour to Coriolanus in good fortune, as I come behind him in manly valour, and other laudible qualities. Whilest I lived in this perplexity, I hapned (by chance) to

meet with an honest and kind English Gentleman, who was lately come out of Italy, and meant to sojourn a few moneths in France, and then to return into England; He knew both me and my friends very well: And although his License forbad him to converse with any Fugitives, yet hearing (by common and credible report) that I was not so malicious as the rest of my Countrey-men, but lived only for my conscience abroad, he adventured now and then to use my company, and with me, and in my hearing, to use greater liberty of speech then with any other of our Nation. Whereupon I presumed, that as I was trusted, so I might trust him again; and as he did conceal nothing from me, so I might adventure to reveal to him the secret projects of my inward cogitations: I therefore acquainted him with my ea••∣nest desire to return, and with the great difficulty which I found to procure my return; and he perceiving that my words agreed with my wishes, and that my tongue uttered nothing but what my heart thought, promised me faithfully to effect my desire, if I would be content to grant his request: I presuming that he would demand nothing but that which should be both ho∣nest and lawful, gave him my faithful promise to satisfie his demand: He accepted my offer, and uttered his mind in this manner.

In my travel I have heard many things which I knew not when I came out of England, and no more then I would, and yet much more then I can be well able to answer when I come home; if you will be as willing, as I know you are able, to frame me a good and sufficient answer to all that I have heard, all the friends which I have in England shall fail me, but that I will purchase your return home with credit and countenance: And because your promise bindeth you to vouchsafe me this favour; I will as briefly as I can possible, shew you to what points I shall need, and most desire your answer. I heard Princes generally reprehend the Flomings, perhaps more boldly then justly, accused of rebellion; the French men, I know not how truly, burthened with the same crime; and our Sovereign in my poor opinion wrongfully bla∣med for aiding both the French and Flemish Nations. I heard some men to maintain this strange opinion, that the Turk had long before this day been ut∣terly subverted, or sorely weakned, had not her Majesty holpen those two Nations, which hindred both the French and Spanish Kings from imploying their united forces to the utter subversion of the Turk. I heard some men charge us with vain-glory, as men that had learned of the vain-glorious Souldier in Terence, to brag of our valour and exploits in France, where they could hard∣ly believe that we ever obtained the tenth part of that which we boast to have atcheived: And others who were better acquainted with our Histories, and more affected with our conquests, do wonder and marvell greatly howwe could lose in a very few years all that our Predecessors got with much effu∣sion of blood, and with great difficulty. I heard the Spaniard (our mortal and professed Enemy) highly commended, for that his Predecessors could of a mean Earl, make themselves mighty Monarchs, and because that he with his wisdom doth maintain and keep all that they got: I heard his might mag∣nified, his Policy admired, his Government extolled, his Wisdom com∣mended, his Wealth feared, and all his Actions justified: I heard contrary∣wise our Portugal Voyage condemned, the Cause thereof disliked, the Success dispraised, the Entertainment given unto Don Antonio disallowed, and her Majesty accused to have given the Spaniard many and divers occasions of dis∣contentment: The death of the late Queen of Scots; The intercepting of cer∣tain monies sent into the Low Countries, The proceeding against Catholicks,

the expulsion of the Popes authority out of England, the sending away of the Spanish Embassadour in some disgrace, and our League and Amity with the U∣nited Provinces, are the principal causes that displeased the Spaniard. I heard it imputed unto her Majesty as a fault, that her Grace continued in league with the late French King, who was charged to be a Heretick, a Waster of his Revenues, a Lover of dishonest women, a Murderer of the Duke and Cardinal of Guise, and a Prince neither able nor worthy to govern so great and mighty a Kingdom as France. I heard the Spaniards attempts and enter∣prises against England justified, because our Queen was excommunicated, her people not able nor willing to help and succour her, her Subjects overchar∣ged with unaccustomed Subsidies, our Forces not sufficient to encounter with his strength, and our Realm easie to be subdued by Forraigners. I heard a∣gain some men condemn the Spaniard of great folly, for ruling the Low Coun∣tries by strangers; for not granting liberty of conscience unto his Subjects in those Countries, for taking upon him to enforce them to alter and change their Religion; for intending to reduce all Protestants to the ancient professi∣on of Papistry, for aiding the Leaguers in France, and for attempting to make himself Monarch of the world. I heard some think it a thing impossi∣ble to subvert him, others suppose it to be a very easie matter to overthrow him, and many desirous to know the means how to weaken him; I heard the tumults of Aragon diversly construed; the murder of Escovedo sundry wayes censured, and the proceedings against Antonio Perez justified by some, and condemned by others. To be short, I heard many say more then I can well and readily remember; and yet not so much as I can be content to hear in praise of my Countrey, and in disgrace of Spain; in commendation of our Princess, and in dispraise of the Spaniard; in allowance and approbation of all her actions, and in reprehension of all, or most part of his Enterprises. These things were in substance all that I heard; some to my comfort, and others to my grief: And if in clearing all these things you will vouchsafe me your paines, I will warrant your return within a very short while, after that you shall have sent me your Treatise. Your credit with Cardinal Allen, your acquaintance with Morgan, your Friendship with Thomas Throgmorton, your conversation with Charles Pagett, and your long experience in forraign af∣fairs, hath undoubtedly enabled you to give me a full satisfaction to all these demands. If you run through them lightly, you shall rather point at them then please me; If you dwell upon them long, you may fear to be thought too tedious: And yet because you have leisure enough to handle them at large, I shall take great delight to see and read them somewhat largely handled.

Such was his speech, and this my short reply. In hope of performance of your promise, I will undertake your task; not because I take my self able to answer your expectation, but to shew you that I will hazard my poor credit to recover my dear Countrey; and because I trust you will use my la∣bours for your instruction, and not to my discredit; You may be instructed if you read them advisedly, and I discredited if you make them common. To be short, with assurance of his secrecy, I undertook his task; if he shall hold his promise, I shall think my labours well bestowed: if they may pro∣cure my return, I shall have employed my pains to my contentment. And if my pains may pleasure and satisfie the Readers, their satisfaction shall dou∣ble my joyes, when I shall attain safe and free access unto the long desired place of my Nativity.

The singular affection which you bear unto me, and the great good opini∣on

which unworthily you have conceived of me, have greatly deceived you, in making especial choice of me, as of one better able then any other of your wise and discreet friends, to deliver unto you a sound and sure Judgment of the present Estate of Christendome. You see Flanders in trouble; France in Arms; Scotland in division; and the whole remainder of the universal Christian world, either (as Neutrals) idly looking and gazing on their mise••ries, or (as men interessed in the same cause) voluntarily ayding and abetting them, or their enemies: This sight seemeth unto you very strange, because that professing one Christ Crucified, fighting under one Master, and bear∣ing the general name of Christians, they give occasion unto the professed enemy of Christianity, by taking advantage of their unnatural dissention, to to enlarge his (already too large) Confines and Territories. In truth you have some cause to marvel hereat; But if it may please you to remember, That things in common are commonly neglected; that perils which be far off, and not presently imminent, are little regarded; That dangers which are at hand, and hang dayly over our heads, carry us away with their due confideration from the vigilant care and providence which we ought to have of common Enormities: And lastly, that this careless negligence or the common Adversary, is no new thing, but a matter of great Antiquity, and long continuance: You will leave to wonder thereat, and begin to pr••y unto the Almighty (as I do) to remove the Causes of our unnatural 〈◊〉〈◊〉; to change the minds of our malicious Christians; and to illumina••e the hear••s of our lawful Princes; that they may with the eyes of Indifferency and 〈…〉〈…〉 upon the calamity of their loving Subjects: Consider the cause 〈…〉〈…〉 thereof; consult upon the ways and means to redress the 〈…〉〈…〉 deliberation, put in present practise those remedies, 〈…〉〈…〉 and singular Wisdom shall seem most meet and convenien••: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 but silly Ship-Boys in this huge Vessel, tossed with the raging Waves of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 unmerciful Seas: We may look upon the Masters, behold the Pilots, ••nd be ready at the Call and Command of the other Officers, and this is all that we can do; and who so looketh for more at our hands, erreth as much in your Opinion, as you are deceived in your Choice: But the Interest which you have in me, and the hopes which I conceive of you, make me rather to hazard my poor Credit, then to incur your heavy Displeasure: You may, and I hope you will, conceal, or excuse my follies; but I would not, and God forbid I should, deserve the least diminution that may be, of your ac∣customed favours towards me.

In hope therefore of your Secresie, I will boldly enter into this Tragical Discourse; The chief Actors whereof are, The mighty Monarch of Spain; The merciful Queen of England; The unfortunate Don Antonio of Portugal; The valiant King of France; The Imperious Prelate of Rome; The sleeping and secure States of Germany; The Politique and Grave Senate of Venice; And the weak, but wise, Princes of Italy: Spain coveteth more then his own; Portugal and France would gladly recover their own: Rome and England la∣bour and indeavour only to conserve and maintain their own: Germany fear∣eth not the peril that is far off: Venice temporizeth wisely; and the rest of Italy sheweth an outward affection to him that is mightiest, but inwardly wisheth his weakness, and the good and prosperous success of his Adversaries.

This is in brief the open and hidden Idea of the present Estate of Christen∣dome, wherein the Princes are (as you see) many; their Designs (as you have heard) too, viz. to conserve, and to increase their own; and the means

to effe••t and accomplish their Desires (as you shall understand) many in number, and divers in nature.

Of the Princes, their Designs, and their Means, I will deliver unto you my opinion in General, and in Particular. Generally: You see, and I con∣sider, that by the Competencies, Pretensions, Titles, Quarrels and Debates of all these Princes, the general Estate of Christendom is greatly weakned, and the strength of the common Adversary daily increased; That all their Realms and Dominions are either molested by continual Wars, within the very Bowels, and poor inward parts of the same; or grieved with intollera∣ble charges, in sending out Men and Munition, with other things necessary, un∣to the said Wars; That their Subjects are greatly impoverished, by reason of these Charges, and their hearts sorely oppressed with grief and anguish be∣cause of these troubles: Lastly, That some of these Princes fain would, and cannot, others can and will not, redress those Enormities. Now seeing all this, you cry out with the time against the time; with the time you accompa∣ny their just complaints with your sorrows, who lament the iniquity of the time; and against the time, both you and they say, that it is more wicked, dangerous, and troublesome then ever it was: You think it impossible to find a Magistrate so just as Aristides; An Emperor so good as Trajan; A King so fortunate as Augustus; A Prince so valiant as Alexander; A Captain so chaste as Scipie; A Councellor so faithful as Hephestion; A General so expert as Hannibal; A Conqueror so merciful as the Romans: You see no Princes in this our corrupt Age,* 1.1 surnamed Gods, as was Demetrius amongst the Athe∣nians; The delight and love of the people, as was Titus amongst the Ro∣mans; The wonder of the world,* 1.2 as was Otho the third, amongst the Ger∣mans; The Founder of their Cities, as was Caius Marius amongst the Ro∣mans; The Father of the common people,* 1.3 as was Cyrus amongst the Persi∣ans;* 1.4 The Son of fortune, as was Charles the Great amongst the Bohemians; The Buckler of the Common-wealth,* 1.5 as was Fabius Maximus;* 1.6 Or the Sword of the Country, as was Marcus Marcellus: You rather find that some Princes may be called Tyrants,* 1.7 as was Dionysius; The Scourge of God, as was At∣tila; Epicures and God Bacchus,* 1.8 as was Antonius; Lords and cruel Gover∣nors, as was Cambises; Covetous and Merchants,* 1.9 as was Darius; Leche∣rous and Effeminate, as was Sardanapalus. You see no Honours done unto Princes of our time,* 1.10 as was done in times past; If they be in Adversity, their Subjects put not on mourning weeds, as the Romans did when Manlius was in trouble: If they be in Prison, the Clergy giveth not their Treasure, and the Commonalty the fourth part of their goods,* 1.11 for their Liberty, as the Clergy and Commonalty of England did for the Ransome of R. 1. If God calleth them to his mercy, neither do the women bewail their deaths ten Moneths together, as the Roman Dames did the death of Coriolanus, nor the men poll their Heads,* 1.12 their Horses and their Mules, or fill the Air with cries, the Rivers with tears,* 1.13 or the Fields with continual lamentations, as the Per∣sians did for Masistias: But contrary wise, some of them are wrongfully driven from their Kingdoms, as in Don Antonio of Portugal; others continually mo∣lested with Domestical Wars,* 1.14 as is Henry King of France; some untimely done to death by their unnatural Subjects,* 1.15 as was the late French King; others unjustly persecuted by their unmerciful enemies, as is the merciful Queen of England; you see the Godly called ungodly, as the Princes of France and England are commonly termed Heretiques; and those which are far from the Catholique faith, called Catholiques, as the present King of

Spain, and a few of his Predecessors: You see Subjects licensed to rebel against their Soveraigns, as in France and England; You see Fathers bear Arms against their children, and Brethren war against the seed of their Mothers Womb, as they do in France and Flanders. You see Fields that were wont to be fruitful, to lye now barren and unfertile: Cities that were rich and populous, to be poor and desolate, Merchants that lived in wealth and prosperity, to languish in need and penury: Gentlemen that neither wanted ease or pleasure, to lack all manner of rest and contentment: And lastly, Men, Women, and Children, that knew not what murther and mas∣sacres meant, cruelly murthered, and daily massacred: You see Germany pestered with divers Religions; Poland infected with sundry Heresies; France divided into many opinions; Flanders distressed by plurality of Religions; and England troubled with Genevian Puritans, and obstinate Barrowists: You see in all or some of these Regions, Monasteries subverted, Religious Hou∣ses destroyed, Ecclesiastical living abused, and Benefices unworthily colla∣ted: You see Justice corruptly administred, Laws dissolutely executed, good counsel negligently followed, and dissembling flattery more then diligently embraced: You see new charges daily invented, unaccustomed Subsidies yearly imposed, extraordinary grievances hourly practised, and unknown Offices unadvisedly established: You see secret wars under the name of peace, hidden enemies under the colour of amity, privy seditions under the pretence of ancient confederacies: You see Nobility to degenerate in vertue from their Ancestors; Sons to vary in opinion from their Fathers; Neighbours to dissent in Religion with their next Inhabitants; and Judges not to agree in matters of Justice, with their fellows in Office: You see the Puritan ready in outward appearance to dye for his Religion; the Anabaptist for his; the Pa∣pist for his; the Lutheran for his; the Barrowist for his; and other Sectaries for their several Sects and Heresies. Briefly, you see Offices dearly sold, which were wont to be freely given: Women impudently bold, which were accustomed to be honestly minded: Men transformed into mis-guised Atires, and children brought up and misled in unknown vices and impersections. Now, seeing all this, you fear that variety of Religions may subvert the Coun∣tries wherein it is suffered,* 1.16 as it did in Bohemia and Hungary; That new ex∣actions may chance to cause a Rebellion in the Regions wherein they are levy∣ed, as it did in France and Flanders: That Princes degenerating from their Antecessors,* 1.17 may be driven from their Imperial Crowns, as they have been in Spain and Germany: That Towns not inhabited, may cause penury amongst the Nobility, want amongst the Merchants, and extream poverty amongst the other Inhabitants, as they do in France and Flanders. And lastly, That all and every one of these Mischiefs and Miseries, may breed further incon∣veniencies, as they have done in other Countries, in which they have been either in old time, or within our memory, practised. This sight therefore, and this fear, ingendreth in your heart a just and worthy dislike of the present time, and a great desire and delight in the Age of your fore-Fathers: You condemned the one because it is (as you think) very troublesome and vitious; and you commend the other, because it was (as you suppose) very peaceable and vertuous: But if it may like you to confer the one with the other, you shall find them both in like manner reprehensible, and with equal measure laudable: For first you are to remember, that all Kingdoms and Common-wealths, represent in outward shew and appearance, the figure of a humane body, and have (as our bodies have) their times of health, and their times of

sickness; their seasons of prosperity, and their seasons of adversity; some∣times they flourish with wealth and plenty, other times they languish in want and penury: And as in all Ages, as well as in ours, mens bodies have been dis∣quieted, altered, distempered, yea and destroyed with burning Agues, Pestilent Fevers, contagious Plagues, and other mortal Diseases; so in other times, as well as at this present, Common-wealths and Kingdoms, resembling there∣in (as I have said) our natural bodies, have suffered distemperatures, altera∣tions, changes, and subversions, by intolerable exactions, domestical dis∣sentions, forrain wars, and other such like inconveniencies, as trouble the present Estate of Christendome.

Cast your Eye upon all the same Regions which are now under the gene∣ral name Christendom, and see whether in the very Age, or immediately after the Age of those vertuous and good Princes (of whose glorious Titles Histories make mention) they felt not, in like manner as we do, the heavy hand of Gods Indignation; Who (either to plague and punish the sins of the Fathers in their Children; or to make us know and remember, that our Prin∣ces, although they are constituted and appointed in higher degree then we, yet they are subject both to his Will and Pleasure, and to our imperfections and vices, as well as we) sendeth us most commonly a wicked or foolish Son to rule over us, after a good and wise Father: So he sent (as we may read in holy Scripture) Roboam after Solomon, Manasses after Hezekias, Iehohaz after Iosias, Iehoram after Iehosaphat, Ahaz after Iotham; So sent he (as we read in prosane Histories) Nero after Augustus, Dionisian after Vespasian, and Commodus after Marcus Aurelius; All bad and wicked children to Rule and Govern after their good and vertuous Fathers.

So sent he (as we find in our English Chronicles) King Iohn, Edward the Second, Richard the Second and Third, and Henry the Sixth; That their Jurisdiction, Wickedness, Folly and Cruelty, might not only succeed, but also illustrate the Wisdom, Goodness, Prudence, and Lenity of their Pre∣decessors: for as white appeareth more clear and bright, being placed nigh unto black; so vertue is more commendable when it is conferred with vice; and the profits arising thereby are more esteemed, when the incommodities which always accompany vice and wickedness, do immediately, or not long after, succeed them.

And surely, as God herein sheweth his Might and Omnipotency, so he maketh us also see hereby his Divine Wisdom, and heavenly Providence; For, since he hath distinguished Region from Region; some by Rivers, others by Seas; some by Mountains, and others by Desarts: And in these Regi∣ons he hath made the people of divers natures, and of sundry humors; some inclined to Peace, others given to War; some to be ruled by gentleness, and others not to be governed but by rigor and cruelty: For the conservation of this distinction, and for the preservation of these people, he hath found it good and expedient to set over them Princes of divers Qualities, and sundry Natures; that agreeing with the Subjects in exterior dispositions, the inward affection may not always be perverted by outward inequalities. And because in his unspeakable Wisdom he knoweth that if he should give unto every Kingdom a continual Race of conquering and vertuous Princes, neither the Rivers nor the Seas, the Mountains nor the Desarts, should contain or restrain their unbridled Ambition, from molesting and invading the Regi∣ons which are nigh or far from them, whereby the distinction which he hath set amongst them, might be utterly subverted; It hath seldom pleased him

to bless any one Kingdom with two Princes of like minds,* 1.18 or of like vertues; Hence it cometh, that as in Rome they had their Pompey, in Macedon their Alexander,* 1.19 in Persia their Cyrus, in Egypt their Antiochus, and in France their Charles,* 1.20 which for their continual and happy Conquests were surnamed the GREAT. So in the same Kingdomes, aswell as in others, they have had their Princes, who for their Pusillanimity, Losses, and ill Fortune, might worthily be baptized by the Surnames of Weaklings, and Unfortunate. Hence it cometh, that the Empire of the whole world passed from the Chaldeans to the Medes, from the Medes to the Persians, from them to the Graecians, from the Graecians to the Romans,* 1.21 from the Romans to the French-men, and from the Frenchmen to the Germans. Hence it cometh, that Italy hath triumphed over France, France over Italy; England over Scotland, and Scotland some∣times (although very seldom) over England. Hence it cometh (to be short) that what the Fathers have got, the children have lost; what the Conquerors added to their ancient Kingdoms, their Successors either cowardly or negligently, voluntarily, or forcibly, suffered to be distracted and dissevered from their Kingdomes.

And as the Empire passed from Nation to Nation, so their calamities, and the happiness accompanying the Empire and the Emperours, also went from people to people; for there was never Conquerour that commanded not the conquered to be obedient unto his will and pleasure, nor Nation subdued, which did not accomodate himself and his nature unto the disposition and commandment of the Subduer. Then if the Conqueror was weak and gentle, the conquered lived in ease and pleasure; if severe and cruel, they wanted no manner of rigor or cruelty; if poor and needy, they supplyed his wants and penury; if wanton and leacherous, they satisfied his lusts and ap∣petite; If covetous and an Extortioner, they were subject to Taxes and Subsidies, if unjust and unrighteous, they suffer wrongs and injuries; brief∣ly, if any way ill given, or ill disposed, they seldom gave themselves to ver∣tue and goodness: Such therefore as was the Conqueror, such were the conquered; and whatsoever it pleased him to prescribe, that they were infor∣ced to perform. His manner of attire was their fashion in apparel; his Will served them for Lawes, his new Ordinances altered their old Consututions, his meanest Subjects commanded the best of their Nobility, and his strange and forraign Language, became their natural and Mother tongue. It they had Lands, his Courtiers enjoyed them; if Daughters, his Favorites married them; if Wives, his followers deflowred them; if riches his Souldiers shared them; if Servants, his Slaves commanded them. Since then many Nations have been subdued, and men of divers natures have subdued them: Since conquests have been from the beginning of the world, and conquerors have always com∣manded in the world: Since Force hath ever been an enemy unto Justice, and Equity never bore sway where Arms swayed all things: Since Might overcom∣eth Right, and Blood asketh Blood; What man liveth in this Age▪ whose Pre∣decessors endured not the torments that he suffereth? Saw not the miseries that he seeleth? Tasted not the bitterness that he swalloweth? Felt not the wrongs that he supporteth? Lost not the blood that he loseth? The Sun shineth now as it hath done, the Stars keep the course they were wont to do, the Sea ebbeth and floweth as it ever did, and the Rivers run the same way which they always ran; I mean, (and you may understand how I mean) that all things pro∣ceeding from nature, duly keep and observe their Natures: I mean therefore (and you may perceive how I mean) that as long as nature hath created, and

shall create Princes of diverse dispositions, so long their Subjects have been and shall be subject unto contrary fortunes; unto good, if they be good and godly; and unto bad, if they be naught and wicked. In the good they have enjoyed, and shall enjoy the benefit of Peace: In the bad, they have felt, and shall feel the discommodities of War. In the good, they had and shall have all things which they desire: In the bad, they wanted, and shall want nothing that may discontent them: In the good, their estate was and will be such as you commend: In the bad, their condition was and shall be such as you condemn. For as Princes retain the Prerogatives given and granted unto Princes, so Subjects maintain still the conditions and qualities incident and proper unto Sub∣jects. Every Prince hath his qualities,* 1.22 and every sort of people hath his conditions: The Spaniard varieth from the Italian, the Italian from the French, the French from the German, the German from the English-man, and the English-man from the Scots.

And such as all and every one of these Nations have been, such they will be as long as they do and shall inhabit the same Climate, and receive breath from the same Air. And as these Nations naturally hate one ano∣ther, so by nature they desire not to be subject one unto another; and therefore, if against their nature, one of them chance to have never so little authority over the other, the one commandeth imperiously, and the other obeyeth most unwillingly: and yet it so hapneth oftentimes, that the Commander is commanded; and they that once obeyed, many times command, So did Padua command Venice,* 1.23 and now Venice com∣mandeth Padua: So did Rome rule Spain, and now Spain ruleth Rome: So did France sway the Empire of Germany,* 1.24 and now Germany precedeth France: So did France command the King of Navar, and now Navar either doth or should command France: So did Portugal hate Spain, and now doth Spain rule over Portugal: So did Italy bear sway over most part of Christendom,* 1.25 and now some part of Christendom is Mistris over I∣taly: And when things happen as these do, contrary to nature, contrary to mens expectations, contrary to mens desires, can there be Peace, where there are so many occasions of War? Love, where there is such cause of hatred? Upright dealing, where there are so many motives and incitements unto wrong? Is it possible that proud men should agree with the humble and meek? Plain dealers, with common Deceivers? Men of peace, with men of war? Simple Subjects, with subtile Princes? Especially since Kings of strange natures or Countries never ruled well or long, people varying from them in nature or conditions. Whence came it that the Danes were driven out of England, the French-men out of Naples,* 1.26 the English-men from France, and of late years the Spaniards out of Flanders? Forsooth, because Conquerors are odious; and why are they odious? truely because they are most commonly insolent. And wherefore are they insolent? verily because they think it lawful for them to do what they list. And what moveth them to be of that mind? The good opinion conceived of themselves, and the bad conceit which they have and hold of the Conquered. What think they of themselves? marry, that they are valiant, happy, victorious and fortunate. And what is their opinion of the Conquered? Undoubtedly they hold them for Cowards, base minded, vile Slaves, and effeminate persons. And what are the effects of these sundry opinions? Certainly that the Con∣querors

heaping cruelty upon cruelty, and the Conquered seeking all means possible to free and mancipate themselves from bondage and ser∣vitude, they by negligence commit many errors, and these by wary circumspection and providence, take advantage of their follies: Whence they lose their conquest, and these recover their Liberty.

I take oftentimes great delight to read our English Chronicles, and especially the Reigns of Edward the Third,* 1.27 and of Henry the Fifth, be∣cause I see therein the continual success which they both had against the Frenchmen; It delighteth me greatly to consider what sway Edward the black Prince bare through all Christendom; to see how Princes Court∣ed him; to read how Kings sought unto him; to behold how he restored Kings to their Kingdoms, and drave Usurpers from their Usurpations; To remember how valiantly he fought at Poitiers and Cressy, two of the most famous Battels that ever were fought in Europe; To Record how he took the French King, and most part of the French Nobility Priso∣ners; How he brought the King and them into England; how reverent∣ly he carryed himself towards the Captive Prince; how Honourably he was received by his Father and his Subjects; and how lovingly the two Kings entertained one another, and in the end departed one from the other: But my joy is turned into sorrow, and my delight into grief, when I see that the Frenchmen naturally hating Englishmen; that the Prince forcibly overcharging the Conquered with new Subsidies, and unac∣customed Tributes; that the Gascoins disloyalty forsaking their obedi∣ence unto their natural Prince, and that the French King unkindly ta∣king hold of the occasions that were offered unto him; they with him, and he with them, set upon the poor Prince when he was unprovided, in∣vaded his Country when he thought little of their coming, and drave him into England, who had driven them out of France. The like hap∣ned unto Henry the fifth, and his Successors, for the one was not so fortunate in Conquering, as the other was unfortunate in his losses; but hereof hereafter: And now more plainly to my purpose, let me confer the miseries of this Age, with the calamities of former times. They that inveigh against the present State, wonder at many things; which I will begin in order, and let you see and understand, that in times past all things were in as evil case, as they are at this present.

They first wonder that the common Adversary of Christendom being in Arms, and ready to invade part of Austria; the civil Wars in France and Flanders cease not, but continue in as great fury, rage and extremity as ever they did; That the Princes of Christendom labour not to appease and finish the said Wars, but rather nourish and maintain them; That the Popes Holiness (whose principal use and commendation hath been, and is, to set Princes at unity, which be at variance) indeavoureth not to re∣concile, but to animate them in their Quarrels who have taken unjust, or not very just occasions to war one against another; And that by this common negligence, the common enemy is not repulsed, but encoura∣ged to increase his over-large Confines and Territories.

To this I will Answer before I come unto other Points. This negli∣gence (as I have said before) is no newthing, nor these troubles in France and Flanders a strange President; nor the Causes moving or continuing the same, are such as never hapned in any other Age: They therefore who blame our time for this respect, should remember that the Turk is

grown unto his greatness by the dissention of Christian Princes only. And that they may the better perceive herein I report a manifest truth,* 1.28 I will prove as much as I have said, by many examples: It is not un∣known unto them that be conversant in Histories, That the Turks first beginning was very base and obscure; That his power was weak and feeble, and his Dominion small and of less moment, which he hath en∣larged by taking advantage of the discord and variance of Christian Prin∣ces; who, when they have been in Arms against him for and in the de∣fence of the common Cause, have overthrown the common Cause by sudden jars and debates which arose both untimely and unfortunately amongst themselves. About the year 1106. Baldwin being Successor unto his Brother Godfrey of Bulloin, Duke of Lorrain,* 1.29 in the Kingdom of Ierusalem, the Christians besieged Carra in Mesopotamia, and having with continual Seige and sundry Batteries, driven the same unto great ex∣tremities, they that were in the City determined to yeild themselves un∣to the mercy of the Christians, amongst whom suddenly there arose a strife and contention whose the City should be, and so they deferred the entring thereof, until that controversie was decided; in which interim there came such great succor of the Turks and Moors, that they overcame the Christians, and cut all their throats: In like manner the Christians laying Siege unto Damasco, and having equalled the Walls thereof with the ground, through discord and dissention growing suddenly amongst them, they departed without taking the same, and thought it better to leave it unto the Infidels, then for one Christian to see it in the possession of another. And not long after, the Turk, by the departure of Conrade the Third, Emperor of the Romans, and of Lewis the French King, who returned to their homes by reason of civil Wars, begin in Germany by Gulfin, a Rebel of the Empire, the Christians lost the whole Country of Edissa, and whatsoever else they held in Mesopotamia. Furthermore, Baldwyne the seventh King of Ierusalem, being dead, and leaving behind him one only Infant, while Guydo Lusignian, and Raymond, Earl of Try∣poli, Brethren in Law unto the King, contended who should succeed him, Saladyne King of Damasco, hearing of their contentions, secretly sent word unto the Earl Raymond, that if he would circumcise himself, he would help and assist him with all his Forces against Guido, and make him King of Ierusalem; unto which his offer, although the Earl gave not open ear at that time, yet by outward shews he declared his good li∣king and delight therein, and became Saladines great friend and confede∣rate, who seeing the Earls inclination, favour, and readiness, assembled presently a great Army of Moors and Turks, and set upon the City Tybe∣riades, belonging unto the Earl Raymond (for so it was secretly agreed betwixt them) thereby to make his Brother in Law, Guydo Lusignian to come to succor him, and then either to kill him, or to take him by the Earls treachery, as they indeed took him in a certain Battel wherein all the Christians were slain; and Saladine took Ierusalem and all Palestina, in the Moneth of October, in the year 1187. And Raymond in hope that Saladine would perform his promise, circumcised himself; but he failed of his purpose; For the Turk was so far from keeping of his word, that be drave Raymond from all that he had in possession, whereupon he dyed suddenly, as some say, and others write that he fell into such a desperati∣on, that he hanged himself.

So likewise by the discord of the Inhabitants of the City of Acon, the Moors and Turks slew above 30000. Christians; And the Tartarians came into Hungary and Polonia, and destroyed both the one and the other Armenia.

The Emperor Frederick, Surnamed Barbarossa, and Philip King of France, together with Richard the first, King of England, lamenting the late loss of Ierusalem, resolved to combine themselves, and with their untied Forces to recover the same; And being come unto Suega, and ha∣ving obtained divers great and important Victories, by reason of discord and dissention betwixt the two Kings; the French King not only return∣ed into France, but also made War upon King Richard in his absence, for the Dukedome of Normandy; which King Richard understanding (al∣though he was then in a readiness to win Ierusalem, and did great hurt daily unto the Infidels, insomuch that Saladine purposed to yeild Ie∣rusalem up into his hands) returned home into his Country, leaving the most honourable Enterprise which he had begun; And the Turks (who were sorely decayed and weakned in strenght) through the benefit of his sudden departure, not only recovered that which they had once deter∣mined to give over unto the Christians as already lost, but also drove them from those places which before his departure they quietly pos∣sessed.

It is likewise Recorded of Frederick the Second, that he being excom∣municated by Gregory the ninth; and having no other means to purchase his Absolution, determined to go unto Asia, and to recover Ierusalem at his own proper Charges: Where the Almighty so favoured him, that Ierusalem was delivered unto him by composition, and he was Crown∣ed King thereof upon Easter day, in the year of our Lord 1229. and because he was also King of Sicily, the Kings thereof at this day bear the name of Kings of Ierusalem; But whilst this Emperor was busied in the Wars and Affairs of the Holy Land, the Pope maligning him for the Kingdom of Sicily, procured him secret enemies in Italy, mighty Adver∣saries in Germany, and such Rebels in every place where there was any thing appertaining unto him, that the good Emperor was constrained to return, and to imploy his whole power and strength for the recovery and conservation of his own; After whose departure, the Christians, by the Popes Counsel, breaking the Truce which the Emperor had taken with the Turk for their advantage, and dividing themselves into Factions, by the imitation and example of Italy, (which was divided into Guelfians and Gibbilines) made civil Wars one against another; And when the other part was assaulted by the Turks and Infidels, they did not only not help one another, but of set purpose, the one part assisted the very Moors against the other; by whom they were both destroyed in a very short time, and Ierusalem yeilded up again unto the enemies.

I might tell how Constantinople, by the discord of the Graecians; how Anatolia, by the same cause, and the subtilty of Ottamon; how Caria, Licaonia, and Phrygia, by the like occasion; how Harly and Andryno∣poly, by the very self same means; and how by reason of the debate and controversie betwixt Emanuel Paleologo, Emperor of Constantinople, and the King of Seruia, and the Valachians; all Albania, Velona, Salona, R••∣manca, and Thracia, were subdued and taken by the Turk.

I might tell you how that the discord betwixt Alphonso King of Arra∣gon,

and of Naples, and the Venetians, and betwixt Sextus the Pope, Francis Sforza Duke of Milan, and the Floentines, enforced the poor Venetians, who otherwise were not able to withstand their domestical Enemies, to give the Turk Chalcedonia, a principal City of Anatolia, to∣gether with the Island of Stalemina, otherwise called Lemnos, and an hundred thousand Duckets in ready money, and eight thousand of yearly Tribute.

I might tell you (as Lewis Fuscarin Embassadour of Venice, in an O∣ration that he made unto Pope Pius the second, told him) That the con∣tentions betwixt Christian Princes have been so many and so obstinate, that the Turk by reason of them possesseth two Empires, which be Con∣stantinople, and Trapesonda: Four principal Kingdomes of Persia, Arabia, Syria, and Egypt. Twenty great Provinces, and two hundred fair Ci∣ties.

I might tell you how Barbarossa burnt Niza in Provence, and carried above forty thousand Captives out of the Kingdom of Naples, Pulia, and Calabria, taking only advantage of the sedition which then raigned in Italy.

I might tell you that the Island of Rhodes was lost because the Christi∣ans were not able to succour the same, by reason of the Wars of Italy, and the Insurrection of the commonalty of Spain. I might tell you that the Kingdom of Hungary was lost by the like dissention. And briefly, that in late years the contentions betwixt the French Kings, and Charles the Fifth, and King Philip of Spain, have greatly hindred the progress, happy success, and fortunate accomplishment of such enterprises as were valiantly attempted, and might worthily have been executed against the aspiring pride of the insatiable Turk.

But to tell you all this, and the circumstances thereof, were somewhat too tedious: And I hasten unto other points; and I shall have occasion to handle that which is untouched, and not sufficiently declared in this point, in another place more aptly hereafter.

The second point whereat they wonder,* 1.30 is, that Princes hating Re∣bels as the Enemies of their estates, the Impugners of their authority, the Adversaries of their absolute power, and the Subverters of their King∣doms, do in these dayes not only bear with Rebels, but also harbour them; not receive them alone, but also aide and assist them. So say they, the Queen of England maintaineth the Rebels of the United Pro∣vinces, commonly called the States of the United Provinces: So say they, the King of Spain supporteth, yea and helpeth with money, men, and munition, the Rebels of France, commonly called Leaguers: So say they, the Popes holiness animateth the Catholicks of France and Eng∣land to rebell against their Soveraigns.

Truly to nourish Rebels is an action in nature hateful, and in policy dangerous; for to aid the wicked, is to participate with them in their wickedness: and he that giveth countenance, comfort or succour unto his Neighbours domestical Enemies, is to look for the like measure, if his Subjects at any time, and upon any occasion, chance to rebel against him. But because many things in outward appearance seem good, which indeed are naught, and vitious; not only in this Age, but also in times past, are and have been baptized by the names of vertues: It is now, and it hath always been usual to deem all things honest that are profita∣ble,

honourable that are expedient, and lawful that may be justified by examples. Is there any thing that maintaineth States, and upholdeth Kingdomes better then Justice? And yet lived there not a man, that in∣wardly professed, and openly said, Si violandum est jus regnandi causa? Is there any thing more odious or unbeseeming a Prince, then to say one thing and do another? And yet lived there not a Prince that wrote for his Posie, Qui nescit dissimulare, nescit Regnare? Is there any greater sign of an insatiable mind, and of ambitious covetousness, then having many Kingdomes to covet more Kingdomes? and yet lived there not a King, who having conquered most part of the world, wept, because he heard a Philosopher dispute of another world, which he had not as yet subdued? Is there any thing more cruel or barbarous, then an Empe∣ror being bound by duty, and commanded by the Almighty to conserve and preserve his Subjects, to wish and intend the death of all his Subjects? And yet lived there not an Emperor who wished that all the people of Rome had but one head, that he might cut it off at one blow? And what moved these Princes, Kings, and Emperors to violate Justice? to dis∣semble with all men? to aspire and desire more Kingdomes? and to co∣vet and imagine the death of their Subjects, but a colourable shew of ho∣nour, or of profit? The common Proverb saith, give a man an Inch, and he will take an Ell; and who desireth to do be great, regardeth no Pa∣rentage, careth for no kindred, nor esteemeth any Lawes.

The ancient Romans, whose fame is notable through all the world, and whose Actions are imitated by most of the world, seemed outwardly to be just, and true dealers, never coveting more then their own, but al∣wayes contented (in common opinion) with their own; And yet in their inward thoughts they were never satisfied, till all that belonged to others became their own. They first conquered Italy, then Spain, next France, afterwards Germany, and after them Scotland and England; their desires and covetousness rested not there, but as men infected with the Dropsie (the more they drink, the more they desire to drink) so they, the more they had, the more they desired, and did spread the wings of their ambitious Avarice over all Africa, and Asia, making themselves of Lords of one Town, Monarchs of the universal world; In all which their conquests they carried an outward shew of manifest Equity, preten∣ding for all and every the wars which they undertook, not one but many just causes, which they used to declare unto their friends and confederates, and not to conceal them from their very enemies, unto whom they sent u∣sually an Herald of Arms, who should demand restitution of such things as they pretended to be unjustly taken from them, or reparation of their sup∣posed wrongs: But if a man should now with the eyes of indifferency look upon the causes which moved them to undertake all, or most part of their wars; he should find that they were but colorable shews; for what cause had they to war with Carthage, but that they envied Carthages greatness? What moved them to subdue England, but because England holpe France in their wars against them? What pretence had they to conquer Scotland, but that Scotland succoured England? Why hindred they the Switzers going into France. with intention to conquer France, but that they thought it a better morsel for themselves? What colour used they to overcome the residue of the world, but sometimes a pretence to defend their Confe∣derates? sometimes a shew to maintain the liberties of their Neighbours?

sometimes a feigned and hypocritical zeal of Religion, when as indeed they oppressed them whom they pretended to defend: brought into bon∣dage for whose liberty they would seem to fight: and were in all respects as irreligious as they whose Religion they seemed to condemn: So to be short, they cunningly enlarged their Confines, by seeming to be care∣less of Conquests; made themselves Monarchs, by pretending to suppress Tyrants; and did wrong unto all men, by bearing an outward shew to suffer no manner of injury to be done unto any man. This cunning in as∣piring unto Forrain Dominions, begun in the Infancy of the Romans prosperity, continued in the riper years thereof, and practised even un∣til their declining Age; was not only proper unto them, but passed (as their Empire did) from them unto other Rulers (by what name or title soever they were called) taking advantage of the time, omited no means to attain unto their desires and purposes.

Though therefore the name of Rebels in all Ages hath been odious, their Cause was never unjust, and the voluntary Aid given unto them, never was honourable unto him that aided them; yet the Chronicles not only of our Nation, but also of other Regions, Realms, and Dominions, are full of Examples of many Princes not inferior to the Princes of our Age, be it in Might, in Power, in Authority, or in Goodness; who rather regarding the propagation and increase of their Dominions, then the conservation and maintenance of their Honours, did as our Princes do now, not only receive their Neighbors Rebels into their protection, but also use them as means and instruments to molest and persecute their Neighbours, by whose decay and downfall they might rise, and aspire unto higher Authority. Neither hath the League of Amity, the bond of Kindred and Parentage; the duty of children to their Parents; the af∣fection of one Brother to another, moved Princes to withdraw their help∣ing hand, succor and assistance from those who being tyed by all, or some of those Bands, rebelled against their Sovereigns. Iames King of Scot∣land, being not only in League with Henry the seventh, being King of England, but also by Oath and Homage bound unto him, as his Vassal, did not only favour and receive into his protection a young Man, named Perkin, who was suborned by Margaret, Dutchess of Burgondy, to call and carry himself for one of the Sons of her Brother King Edward; but also married the said Perkin unto Katherine, Daughter unto Alexander, Earl of Huntley, and his own neer Kins-woman; and with him, and for him invaded England: Here you see the Vassal favour and succor the Rebels of his Sovereign; and the neer Kins-woman conspire against her Leige Lord and King. Richard Earl of Poictou, because his Father Henry the second denyed him that Honour (although by the death of the young King Henry, he was become his eldest Son) to marry him with the French Kings Sister Alice,, and to declare him immediately for his immediate Successor, became the French Kings Man to serve him against his Father. Robert, Son unto William the Conqueror, having tasted the sweetness in Commanding others, so far that he loathed to be command∣ed by others, Rebelled against his Father, and was aided and succoured in his Rebellion by the French King Henry, Son unto Henry surnamed the Grosse, because his Father was Excommunicated by the Pope; and as an Excommunicated person was not in his opinion to hold and sway the Empire; was not only animated by the Pope to Rebel against his Father,

but also assisted by him, until he took his Father Prisoner.

Here you see the Sons Rebelling against their own Fathers, protected and succoured by them, which either were, or should have been Friends and Confederates unto their Fathers.

Henry,* 1.31 base Brother unto Peter King of Castile, knowing that his Bro∣ther for his evil and licentious life, was generally hated of all his Sub∣jects, Rebelled against him, and with the help of the Kings of France and Portugal, deprived him of his Life and Crown. Here you see the Brother bearing Arms against his Brother; ayded by two Kings, who should rather have favoured a Lawful King then an Usurper.

The Marquess of Villona, and the Archbishop of Toledo, both neer Kinsmen unto Ferdinando and Isabel, King and Queen of Aragon, and of Castile, Rebelled against them both, and received aid and succour in their Rebellion from Alonso King of Portugal. Here you see the Kinsmen Re∣belling against their own blood, ayded by their Sovereigns Kinsman and Con••ederate. And seeing all this, how can you marvel, that in this Age (against the corruption whereof you and others inveigh most bitterly) Princes ayd the Rebels of other Kings, betwixt whom there is no manner of Alliance; Or if there be any, the same is long since dissolved, and re∣solved into hatred and enmity: For albeit the King of Spain Married the Sister of the Queen of England, and of the late French King; by which Marriages he was Allied unto both in League of Friendship and Affinity: Yet you know, and shall hereafter see, that many occasions besides the deaths of his Wives, have changed his love into hatred, and his good will into malice: So that it is no marvel, since every injury asketh a re∣venge; every enemy seeketh all means possible to hurt and annoy his Ad∣versary; and every Prince can be content to take such advantage for the enlargement of his Confines, and for the maintenance of his Estate, as the time and opportunity doth or shall yeild him; If the Spaniard, who hath purposed in his heart to devour and swallow up the Kingdom of France, useth the Rebellion of the Guyzards for his best means and instru∣ments; or if the Queen of England, who findeth no better ways to keep the Spaniard from invading and subduing her Realms and Dominions, then to busie and to find him continually occupied in defending, or in re∣covering his own, doth succour his pretended Subjects of the United Pro∣vinces (for indeed they are not his Subjects) and vouchsafeth daily to send them such supplies of Men and Money as seem most necessary for their defence.

The Third Point whereat they wonder, dependeth somewhat upon this Point, which is, Why the Flemmings, being always reputed a fearful and timerous Nation; And the Frenchmen having at all times most worthily carried the names of the most Faithful and Loyal Subjects of Europe; the one in hatred of the Spaniard, Rebelleth against the Spaniard; and the other, at the Instigation of the Spanish King, beareth Arms in his behalf, against their natural Leige Lord and Soveraign: But if it may please you, and these Wonders,* 1.32 to enter into consideration of the Spaniards Nature, and of the Flemmings Qualities; and to call to mind the Levity of the one, and the Cruelty of the other; the Weakness of them, and the Pride of these; and how ready they are to take, and these to give occasion of Rebellion; you will leave to wonder at their revolt and distraction from the bondage of the Spaniard. Read the Chronicles of Flanders, and you

shall find that there was never any Nation more mutinous,* 1.33 more easie to be displeased, more prone and ready to Rebel, then the Flemmings. You shall likewise find, that they are far more fit to be Governed by Gen∣tleness then by Rigor, and by Women then by men; You shall likewise find, that they have seldom lived in long Peace and Obedience under any of their natural Princes, if he did not Rule and Govern them with all manner of humanity: And finding this, you must needs think that there can be no long Agreement betwixt them and the Spaniard, whose nature is to Command Imperiously, to Rule Proudly, and to Govern Tyran∣nically, as it appeareth in all places where he beareth Sway or Govern∣ment.

The House of Austria had their beginning in Hasburg in Switzerland; whence (as you shall read in Smiller) they were driven by the Subjects for their extream Tyranny: By Marriage they are grown from poor Earls unto mighty Princes, and have spread themselves over divers Nations;* 1.34 over which how they have Tyrannized, the very Histories of those Nati∣ons do report and witness: You shall read of their persecutions in the Indies; Of their Exactions in the Kingdom of Naples; Of the•• Extortion in the Dutchy of Millan; Of their Pride and Arrogancy in Germany; Of their hard and cruel dealing in the County of Burgundy; Of their late Cruelty in Portugal; and of their intolerable oppression in all places. You shall read that ever since they began to be in Authority in the world, they have troubled the Tranquility and Peace of most part of the world: You shall read, that Italy, France and Germany, have suffered more injuries, wrongs, and indignities by them only, then by all other Princes and Royal Fami∣lies of Christendom. You shall read that Maximilian the Emperor, Charles the fifth, and this present King of Spain, disquieted and troubled the peaceable Estates of all other Princes that lived, or live in their time.

Briefly, You shall read, that they have always had high minds, unsatiable desires, ambitious projects, marvelous designs and purposes; which if it had not pleased the Almighty to prevent and cross, by sundry unexpected Accidents, they had long before this time made themselves Monarchs of the universal world.

This is so apparent and well known unto all men that know never so lit∣tle of the knowledge which is gathered from Histories; That I shall not need to stand upon the proof thereof, and to confirm the same by Ex∣amples.

No marvel then, since the Low-Countries did all at the first, with one mutual consent, Rebel; and the United Provinces do yet bear Arms against the Spaniard,* 1.35 defending themselves by power and might from his wrongs and violence, who gave them many just occasions to Revolt from his Obedience; Before they Revolted, he Ruled them by Stran∣gers, being bound to Govern them by their own Country-men; He brake dayly their Priviledges and Customes, being sworn duly to keep and ob∣serve them; He preferred meer Strangers, and men of base condition, unto the best and highest Offices over them, having protested and under∣taken by Oath, to constitute no such Magistrates overthem, as were not born in their own Country; He altered the State of the Clergy without their consent, having promised not to innovate any thing therein without their Counsel and permission; He caused to be done to death the best of

their Nobilty, without any such form of Judgment as their Laws and Priviledges required; He charged them with new Imposts, and into∣lerable Tributes, without their advice and consent, whose counsel and consent he was to use therein: He called them to consult upon matters of weight and importance, in such places as they might not appear. Lastly, He placed such Governours over them, as sought and wrought the death of the best Maintainers and Upholders of their Ancient Priviledges; as filled the Country with odious and suspected People; as bandied and com∣bined themselves with Forrainers against their States; as sought and took all occasions possible to sow Debate and Sedition betwixt their Nobles and Princes; as charged their Nobility with false and untrue Accu∣sations; as declared the better part of them to be Traytors and Rebels, because they would not at their commandment make open Wars against the Prince of Orange, the only Patron and Pillar of their Liberties; as seized and took into their hands the frontire Towns and Forts; as build∣ed Citadels to bridle, and Castles to bridle and keep them in awe: Brief∣ly, as turned their Peace into War, their Wealth into Poverty, and their Rest and Tranqu••••ity into Tumults and Troubles: Can any Prince do greater wrongs unto his Subjects then these are? Or can any Subjects suffer greater injuries then these? Especially such a Prince as was no longer Prince then he observed their ancient Priviledges; Especially such Sub∣jects as were no longer bound to their Prince then he kept their Liberties inviolable; Such a Prince as lost his Authority over them so soon as he brake the Conditions whereupon he was received: And such Subjects who were freed from all manner of Obedience so soon as these Conditi∣ons were broken; Such a Prince as was requested by all the Princes of Christendom not to Tyrannize over his Subjects, and would not hearken to their perswasions and requests; And such Subjects as besought the Princes of Christendom to be their Intercessors to their Prince, and could not prevail with him: Briefly,* 1.36 Such a Prince as when he had long vexed and wearied his Subjects with intolerable charges, and unsupportable wrongs, might have had infinite wealth of his Subjects to receive them into his good Grace and Favour, and would not accept their offer; And such Subjects as offered to give their Prince three Millions of Gold, to suffer them to live in liberty of conscience, and could not be heard. These Subjects therefore had good occasion to forsake and renounce this Prince, And the Wars which they undertook against him were in my simple opi∣nion most lawful; Not that I approve Rebellion, or allow Subjects to Rebel against their Soveraigns, when, or for what occasions they will; but that I dis-allow and dislike the Prince that will Govern and Rule his Subjects in all things as he lists; There is a mutual bond betwixt the Sub∣ject and the Prince; there is a reciprocal League, there is on both sides a certain duty, in the one to obey reverently, and in the other not to command over rigorously: The reverence of the Subjects conserveth the Majesty of a Prince; and the Lenity of a Prince maintaineth the life and welfare of his Subjects; but when the Prince casteth off humanity, and the Subjects forget their duty; when he mindeth nothing less then the publique wealth, and they suffer things whereunto they have not been accustomed; when he breaketh Laws, and they desire to live under their ancient Laws; when he imposeth new Tributes, and they think them∣selves sufficiently charged and grieved with their old; when he oppres∣eth

and suppresseth such of the Nobility as favour the common people, their ancient Lawes, Priviledges, and Liberties, and they take the wrongs that are done unto their Favourers, and Patrons, to be done un∣to themselves and their Posterity: Then changeth love into hatred, and obedience into contempt; then hatred breedeth disdain, and disdain in∣gendereth disloyalty, after which follow secret conspiracies, unlawful assemblies, undutiful consultations, open mutinies, treacherous practi∣ses, and manifest rebellions: The chief reasons whereof are, because the common people are without reason, ready to follow evil counsel, ea∣sie to be displeased, prone to conceive dislike, not willing to remember the common benefit which they received by a Prince, when they see their private Estates impoverished by him or his Officers; forgetful of many good turns, if they be but once wronged; more desirous to revenge an injury, then to remember a benefit, quickly weary of a Prince, be he never so good, if he be not pleased to satisfie all their unreasonable de∣mands; easily suspecting those who are placed in authority over them, commonly affecting time that is past, better then the present; briefly, all liking what the most like, all inclining where the greatest part favour∣eth; all furthering what the most attempt, and all soon miscarried, if the most be once misled.

This natural disposition of the common people, is proved by common experience, observed by wise Polititians, and confirmed by many exam∣ples, not of one Realm, but of many Nations; not of one age, but of many seasons; not of barbarous people, but of civil Realms; not of Kingdoms alone, but of other manner of Governments; briefly, not of Subjects living only under Tyrants, but also under the best Princes that ever were; for there is no Kingdom comparable unto France for anti∣quity, or for greatness, for strength, or for continual race of good and vertuous Kings, for absolute government of Rulers, or for dutiful obedience of Subjects, for good laws, or for just and wise Magistrates; and yet France that hath this commendation, and these benefits,* 1.37 hath many o∣ther times besides this, and for other occasions besides the causes that now moveth France to rebel, revolted from her liege Lords and Soveraigns; for proof whereof, let us examine and consider the causes and motives of this present Rebellion, begun in the late Kings time, and continued in this Kings days. They that write thereof at large, and seem to understand the causes of this revolt more particularly then others, affirm that this Rebellion began upon these occasions. The Authors and chief Heads thereof saw Justice corruptly administred,* 1.38 Offices appertaining unto Justice, dearly sold, Be∣nefices and Ecclesiastical dignities and livings unworthily collated, new Impositions dayly invented and levied, the Kings Treasures and Revenues prodigally consumed, old Officers unjustly displaced, and men of base quality unworthily advanced;* 1.39 they saw the late King carried away with va∣nities, governed by a woman, entred in League and Amity with their Ene∣mies, and fully resolved to follow his pleasure, and to leave the admini∣stration and government of the whole Kingdom unto their mortal Ene∣mies: They saw him careless in the maintainance of their Religion, un∣likely to have any issue to succeed him,* 1.40 not willing to establish any suc∣cession of the Crown after him, and obstinately minded not to enter into League with them, that intended and purposed to uphold and maintain their Catholick Religion. Lastly, they saw that as long as he lived, the

King of Navar and his followers could hardly be suppressed; and that as soon as he dyed, the said King was likely to be his Successor; which hap∣ning, they considered the desperate estate of their Religion, the sure and certain advancement of the Protestants, and of their cause and quarrel, the utter subversion of all their intents and purposes; And lastly, the fi∣nal and lamentable end of the greatness of themselves, and of their Fa∣milies. Wherefore to withstand all those mischiefs and inconveniencies, and to prevent some of them, and to redress and reform others; they called a general Assembly of the three Estates; implored the help of for∣reign Princes; levied as great Armies as they could possibly gather to∣gether; propounded means of Reformation to the King; and when they found him not willing to yeild to their advise and counsel, they combined themselves against the Protestants, his pretended, and their open enemies; seized upon greatest part of the Kings Treasure, took possession of his best Holds and Towns of strength, removed such Officers as disliked them, and in all Affairs that concerned the advancement of their Cause, imploy∣ed men fit for their humours, made for their purpose, brought up in their Factions, practised in their Quarrels, affectioned in their Cause, and wholly devoted to their wills and pleasures. And because they found themselves unable to encounter with the late King and his Confederates, unless they were also assisted by some forrain Princes, they sought all ways and means possible to insinuate themselves into the Grace and Fa∣vour of strange and mighty Potentates, to recommend their Cause and Quarrel unto their protection, and to joyn their Domestical power with their forrain Enemies: They consider therefore that the Popes Holiness by the heat and vehemency of the hatred which he beareth unto Prote∣stants: The King of Spain, by the greatness of his Ambition; and the Duke of Lorrain, by the ancient envy and enmity which hath been, and which is betwixt him and the House of Bourbon, might easily be perswa∣ded and induced to favour their party, and further their Attempts and En∣terprises.

The Duke of Guyse as chief Head and Patron of these Actions, sendeth Messengers unto every one of these Princes,* 1.41 beseeching them, as they had heretofore secretly favoured him and his complices, so they would now (that matters were grown to ripeness, and secret Conspiracies to open resistance) vouchsafe him and his Confederates their help and assistance to the utmost of their power: In which Suit he findeth happy success; and with promise of assured and sufficient aid, is animated to proceed with courage, and not to omit any manner of cunning and policy, to win un∣to himself as many friends as he might possibly; He therefore consider∣ing, that for the better accomplishment of his designs, it was needful and expedient for him to continue at the Court, and there to draw unto him∣self as many partakers as by any means possibly he might obtain, repair∣eth thither with all diligence; And knowing that he should undoubtedly fail of his purpose, unless he might effectually compass three things of spe∣cial consequence; he laboureth to the utmost of his power to bring them to pass: The first of the three was the late Kings especial Favour: The second an Office of great Account and Dignity: The third, that the rest of the Court should be at his Will and Commandment, either for love towards him, or for fear of his Greatness and Authority. For the pur∣chasing and assurance of the Kings favour, he useth two principal means:

The one, to let the King understand that he was now grown to so great power and strength, that it was impossible for his Majesty to supplant or suppress the same. The other, to perswade the King, not only by words but also by good carriage of himself, that he would never abuse that his power, but always use it to his Highness benefit, and his Majesties ser∣vice; keeping the King by this means always betwixt love and fear, and increasing the number of his friends and followers, by gratifying some with Offices, others with money, and still imploying his Purse, his Cre∣dit, and his Countenance, for the strengthning of his Party; and that in such manner as the King could not but perceive it; yet he dissembleth so cunningly, protesteth so devoutly, and sheweth sometimes so appa∣rent effects of his good will, and dutiful obedience to the King, that his Majesty distrusteth not his proceedings: And for the better continu∣ance of the King in that opinion; he marketh what is done in every Pro∣vince, willeth many things to be done that were acceptable and pleasing to the Kings humours; and still writeth unto his Friends and Kinsmen, that they should shew their obedience in small things, and in matters of no great moment, that they might the better be trusted in matters of more great weight and profit, to the furtherance of his and their designs. Now for the obtaining of such an Office as might both countenance him, and prefer his Friends, he very subtily insinuateth himself into the Queen Mo∣thers favour, unto whom the King had committed the Administration and charge of the weightiest affairs of his Kingdom; he maketh the Kings principal Secretary sure unto him; causeth him to procure his return to the Court, when he was once commanded by the King to depart thence in disgrace; bringeth it to pass by him, that the Duke of Espernon, his greatest enemy, should be banished the Court, and that after his depar∣ture the same Secretary should continually seek and procure his discredit, and contrariwise further him in all his Attempts and Endeavours, lest that the King recalling in time the Duke Despernon, might be induced by him to displace and discountenance them both. And whilst he is in this favour, he sueth to be High Constable of France, meaning in time to use the same Office (as Charls Martel did) for a step and Ladder to climb up to the Kingdom; which Office he saith was of such antiquity and ne∣cessity, as that as soon as there was a King in France, there was also a High Constable; and that their Estate never flourished better, then when the Crown was provided of such Officers as should and did execute their Offices and Charges, in as ample manner as their Commissions gave them power and Authority to do. Besides, seeing that the Queen Mother, either at the first, or at the last, obtained whatsoever it pleased her, of the King; and that whosoever he was (were he never so highly in the Kings favour) that displeased her, in time lost the Kings good will, and good opinion: He so carried himself towards her, that he seemed to affect no∣thing more then her good liking, and yet not to be so desirous thereof, as that he would wholly depend thereupon; knowing that the King although he did always attribute much unto his Mother, and was contented that she should be reverenced and respected next unto himself, yet he could not well brook them that sought for her good will more then for his Favour; and thus with cunning, continuing a firm League of love and amity be∣twixt the Mother and the Son, he hoped in time to possess them both, in such manner, as before they should be aware thereof, he would assume

unto himself the power and authority of them both: And further, per∣ceiving that the Kings old Secretaries were not in all respects so pliant and ready to follow and fulfil his designs as he wished, he laboured by all means possible to prefer them unto Offices of higher dignity, and to place others in their rooms, who would not fail to further his intents and purposes, nor disdain to depend wholly upon his favour, and also to make him privy to whatsoever business or affairs of Estate they were com∣manded to dispatch by the King; whereby he came to perfect knowledg of all that was purposed or determined by the Kings privy Councel; And grew into such favour and credit, that even the principal Officers of the Crown, either for fear or for love, or by other mens examples, sub∣mitted themselves wholly unto his devotion: And he had such interest in the Kings Court and Courtiers, that all or the most part of them, seemed to be at his only disposition, and to affect him more then their King and Soveraign. Having installed himself in this manner in the Court, and distracted the hearts of the principal Officers thereof from their duty and love to their King; he thinketh it not sufficient to be invested in their fa∣vours, unless he might also captivate the affections and good wills of the common people; whom by promise to relieve their necessities, to ease their charges, to supply their wants, and to redress all that was thought or suggested to be amiss (the common means used in all times, and all ages, by men of his mind, to seduce and mis-lead a multitude) he easily and quickly perswadeth to favour his party; And finding the common sort so ready, willing, and desirous to perform and accomplish his pleasure, as that in respect of their obedience towards him, he seemeth to lack nothing but the only name of King to be a King: Notwithstanding the great Honor and Reverence that Courtiers shewed unto him; the love and affection that the Commonalty bear to him; the Offices and Dignities which he partly affected, and partly attained; the high Attempts and Imaginati∣ons which he lodged in his heart and conceit; and the unaccustomed Au∣thority which he cunningly had usurped; yet he was so far from being puffed up with pride or disdain towards his inferiours (faults commonly incident unto men advanced unto extraordinary favour and preferment) that for the better continuance of his credit, and the peoples good will towards him; he would debase, and so much deject himself, as that he thought not scorn to go bare headed from one end of the Street unto ano∣ther, even unto base Chrochelers and Porters; with which his demeanor the Duke De Mayne his Brother was many times highly displeased, and could not at any time frame himself to follow and imitate him therein; which hath appeared more manifestly since his death: the common peo∣ple in regard of that want, not favouring him so highly as they did the late Duke of Guise: Now where there is a Subject of such credit with the King, of such authority in Court, of such power in every Province, of such Alliance in the whole Realm, of such favour with forrain Princes, of such liking of all sorts of Subjects, of such experience in Martial Af∣fairs, of knowledge in matters of State; briefly, of such continuance in the love, in the hearts, in the good liking of all men: Can it possibly be hard or difficult for him to work his pleasure in any thing that he shall imagine or indeavour? Or can it be that such a man should not be most dangerous unto his Country and unto his Prince? Especially in France, where there are many Provinces ruled by their particular Governours,

many Citadels possessed by several Deputies, many Holds and Towns or strength committed to the custody of certain Lievtenants, many Bands of men at Arms, and of other Souldiers, under the charge of choise Captains. And all or the most part of these Governours, Deputies, Lievtenants and Captains, chosen or appointed out of his Parentage, Kindred, Affinity, Alliance, Family or Followers.

Look upon men in other States and Kingdoms,* 1.42 under other Princes and Kings, of like mind, and of such Ambition as possessed the Duke; and consider what dangers they have brought both unto their Countries, and unto their Sovereigns.

Look upon the means and policies which they have used to b••ing their purposes to pass; And see whether this Duke did not imitate, or rather go beyond them all in the course which he took to aspire unto Authority and Greatness.

El••us Sejanus ruled all things under Tiberius the Emperor; whom he had so cunningly blinded and besotted with love and affection towards him; that although he was wary enough of all others,* 1.43 and could keep his least secrets from them, yet he could not beware of him, nor conceal the greatest secrets he had from him. This Sejanus had many qualities fit and proper for his aspiring mind and purpose: He could endure all kind of labour; he durst adventure to do any thing whatsoever; he was very se∣cret; he used to reprehend and backbite others boldly; he could flatter cun∣ningly, behave himself, when occasion served, proudly; again, when he saw cause, his carriage was very modest outwardly, albeit inwardly he boiled with a desire of Rule and Government: For the better attaining whereof, he used now and then liberality, but more often labour and industry; points as dangerous (when they tend to the purchasing of a Kingdom) as Ambition and Prodigal••ty. This Sejan had such interest in the Empe∣ror, such power in Rome, such sway and authority in all the Affairs of the Empire; that after he had perswaded Tiberius, either for his health, or for recreation, or to live free from the cares and troubles of Estate, to retire himself unto a little Island; he presumed to call himself Emperor, and Tiberius a poor Islander, or Prince of one Island. This Sejan had two Obstacles to hinder his purpose,* 1.44 Drusus and Nero, both Heirs unto Tiberius, both of divers natures and conditions, and both so desirous to be Emperors, that the one could have been content to supplant the other. This Sejan to take away these impediments used these means, he poluted Livia, Drusus his Wife with Adultery, won her to promise him Marriage, promised to make her Partner and Fellow in the Empire, perswaded her to consent to the death of her Husband: To put her out of all doubt and jealousie; he banished his own Wife Apicata from his house and compa∣ny; and when his secret purposes were bewrayed, thinking it time to ha∣sten Drusus his death, and to work the same so cunningly that it might not be known or perceived; he cast a kind of poison, which should so kill him, that it might seem he dyed of some sudden disease: After this he assaulted Nero in another way; he caused his friends and followers to animate him to affect the Empire, to tell him that the people of Rome were desirous to make him Emperor, that the Souldiers were of the same mind, and that Sejan although he Ruled all things, yet he neither durst nor would with∣stand him. Nero gave ear to these perswasions, and could not so dissem∣ble his inward thoughts and cogitations, but that now and then he uttered

some words that bewrayed the secrets of his mind, which by such Keep∣ers as were set to observe him, his words, and doings, were brought to Sejans hearing, and by such Accusers as he suborned, carried to Tiberius his ears, who vouchsafing Nero no indifferent hearing, afforded him no good countenance, but suspected him the more, if he spake any thing in his own defence, and condemned him if he held his peace: And Sejan had so provided, that his watching his steps, his sights, and his secrets were told by his wife unto her Mother Livia, and by Livia unto him, who had likewise induced his Brother Drusus to seek this ruine and subver∣sion of Nero, by telling him that when his Brother Nero was dead, he was next heir unto the Empire; which perswasion easily prevailed with Drusus, because he had an aspiring mind, and secretly hated his Brother Nero; for that their Sister Agrippina loved him better then she did Drusus: And yet Sejan did not so favour Drusus, but that he likewise purposed his death and destruction, which he thought he might easily compass, because he knew him to be stout, and over-bold, and easie to be overta∣ken by his slights and subtilties.

You have heard of the Treasons of Sejan, his policies, and his purpo∣ses, you may guess of his success, and read of his end. Now you shall hear of Iulius Caesar, who was more subtile and cunning then he, and had the wit to get more then he, but not the grace to keep it long. Caesar, be∣fore he bare any Office in Rome,* 1.45 was in his youth so prodigal, and such a Spend-thrift,* 1.46 that he had indebted himself above 700000. Crowns; and although the greatness of his debts might justly have made him fear to be cast in Prison,* 1.47 and never to hope or look for such preferment, as he after∣wards attained, yet he neither feared his creditors, nor doubted of his future advancement: For the better attaining whereunto, he accommo∣dated his nature to all mens humours, and vouchsafed to flatter, and make much, not only of Free-men, but also of such Slaves and Bond-men as he knew well able to do any thing with their Masters; He thought it no disgrace or discredit to humble himself in the beginning, so that he might live in assured hope to command all men in process of time.

Besides other subtile devices which he used for the better accomplish∣ment of his desires, he observed most diligently who were in greatest fa∣vour with the common people, who were best able to further or hinder his purposes; who were easily to be won to favour him in his attempts and intentions; and what means he might use and practise to be assured of their Friendship.

There lived in his time four men of especial account, Pompey, and Crassus, Piso, and Curio: Pompey was so valiant and fortunate in Armes, that he was worthily surnamed the GREAT. Crassus attained to such wealth, that he was commonly called the RICH. Piso bare such sway with the people, that no man was either feared or loved more then he. And Curio was so wise, and so eloquent, that the people loved him greatly, and he so desirous of their favour, and so careless and prodigal of money, that to attain any thing for himself, or for his friend, he would spare no manner of costs or charges. To win these men that were fit for his purpose, and yet of divers humours, Caesar thought it convenient to use divers means; he married his daughter to Pompey, he took to wife Pyso's Sister; he paid all Curio's debts; and because there was a compe∣tency and emulation betwixt Pompey and Crassus, by reason whereof he

thought it very difficult to grow in favour with both of them; he being absent from Ro••e when they were in the heat of their contention, came thither of purpose, not to extinguish the same, but to use it as a means to deceive them both; and seeing that each of them sought his friendship against the other, he would not follow any of them, but carrying him∣self as neutral and indifferent betwixt them, he procured all wayes possi∣ble to make them friends. And knowing that so long as he declared not himself to be a faithful friend to one of them, both would do for him, whatsoever he should demand of them; he held them both in suspence, and made them so jealous of him, that for fear to lose him, both laboured to content and please him; and so much, that first he made himself equal to either of them; next he brought to pass, that the power and authority which was in their hands only, was divided betwixt him and them: And in the end he alone came to rule all; for he drave Pompey out of Rome, and out of Italy, and made himself Lord and Master of both places, ope∣ned the Roman Treasure, and paid his Souldiers therewithal. What fol∣lowed, the Histories reporteth; and I haste unto another of the like mind, but of better fortune; for Caesar lived not long after he came to the Empire: And many wise and learned men wonder why the Emperours at this day carry still his name, since he was the only ruine and overthrow of his Countrey, and of the ancient liberty thereof; whereas he, of whom I intend to speak, not only enjoyed the Crown and Scepter many years together, which he usurped cunningly, but also transferred the same unto his posterity, in which it hath remained better then these five hundred years, and Caesar his posterity enjoyed not his purchase the twenti••th part of that time. You have heard that the last Race of the Kings of France descended from Hugh Capet, who being but Master of the Kings Palace, governed all things under him, and so carried himself in that his Government, that he wan the hearts and love of the common people, and also got into such favour with Lewis the Fifth of France, a Prince of small worth, and of no great wit, that as some Historographers write, he dying the year 987. without Heirs Males, not of his natural death, but by poyson, gave his Kingdom unto Blanch his Wife, and willed her to marry Hugh Capet, which she did according to her Husbands Command∣ment, and so Capet became King, albeit the Kingdom appertained ••y right unto Charles Duke of Lorrain, Brother unto King Lotharius, and Uncle unto the said Lewis. For Charles being then in Lorrain, and ha∣ving been called and sent for by some of the Nobles of France to be crow∣ned King thereof, came not with such speed as was convenient for him to have used, but gave time and respite unto Capet to seize upon the King∣dom, pretending himself to have Title thereunto, by the late Kings will, by reason that he was in some sort by his Mothers side of the race of Charlemaign, by signifying unto the people, that Charles Duke of Lor∣rain deserved not to be chosen King, because in all contentions, debates, and differences betwixt the Crown of France and the Empire, the said Charles favoured the Emperours more then the French King; and by suggesting that he being present and alwayes ready to defend the Realm, ought to be preferred before Charles that was absent, and not willing to come to accept the Crown, when he was called thereunto; by inducing Anselm Bishop of Laon to deliver the said Duke his Master with his two Children into his hands very trayterously; by committing the Duke and

his Sons to prison in Orleance, where they dyed, and by degrading Ar∣nolph Arch-bishop of Rhemes under colour and pretence of Bastardy, for fear he proving himself to be lawful and legitimate brother unto Charles, might in time deprive him of the Kingdom; but the especial policy that Capet used for the obtaining his purpose, was the imitation of Pipin of France, of whose practises you shall first hear; and then as Plutarch in the lives of the Worthies of Greece and Rome, compared a Graecian and a Roman together, that the vertues and excellencies of both may appear the better by that his comparison: So I will compare the devices of the late Duke of Guise with the practices of Sejan, Caesar, Capet, and Pipin, to the end you may see in what points he imitated them fully, and also wherein he failed to follow their foot-steps.* 1.48 Pipin being Master of the Palace under Childerick the third King of France, (who for his unworthi∣ness was deprived of his Crown by the Pope Lachary) thought that the greatness of his Office, and the weakness of his Prince and Master, might well serve him for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom, and knowing that it would not suffice to advance his own credit and commendation, unless he did also dispraise and discredit his King, he suborned men of purpose, not only to spread abroad the kings indignities, to inveigh against his in∣sufficiencies, and to cry out against his evil Government; but also to set forth his own praise, to commend his valour, and to extoll his exploits and services, done as well for his Country, as for the See of Rome; to the end that as soon as the people began to contemn and dislike their King, they might also begin to love and affect him, of which affection and love he hoped there might in time proceed such a good liking, that they would vouchsafe to elect, and c••use him for their King; and because he knew that the French-men were well affected to the Pope, and would do any thing at his Commandment; to win the Popes favour and assistance, he not only promised; but went into Italy, of purpose to succour his Holi∣ness against the Lombards, who at that time greatly troubled the universal rest and quiet of Italy, Besides fearing that the Oath which the French∣men make unto their King, and the Love and Loyalty which they bear unto him, might hinder his designs and purposes, he sent an express Messenger unto the Pope, to declare unto him the true sense and meaning of their Oath, and to intreat his Holiness to make such an Interpreta∣tion thereof as might serve his turn; the effect of which Interpretation was,* 1.49 That since the promise which the French-men made unto their King was conditional and reciprocal; and that their King was likewise sworn unto them; they being his Subjects were not bound any longer to their Oath, since he being their King had broken his, because he was neither religious valiant, just, or in any respect answerable to those conditions which were inserted and included in his promise to them. In hope of perfor∣mance of which conditions they had sworn unto him all manner of duty, service, succour, faith, and obedience. This was Pipin's policy to sup∣plant Childerick, and to set the Crown of France upon his own head.* 1.50

Now let me compare the Duke of Guise his practices with these mens devices, his wit with their wisdom, and his aspiring mind with their am∣bition. Sejan and Caesar were lowly and humble when they saw occasi∣on, and what was the Duke of Guise when he went bate-headed unto Por∣ters and Crochelers? Caesar drave Pompey out of Italy, and Sejan, Tibe∣rius out of Rome into an Island, and what did the Duke of Guise when he

forced the late French King, not to leave, but to fly from Paris, Caesar suppresseth Pompey and Crassus; and Sejan indeavoured to destroy Drusus and Nero; and what did the Duke of Guise, when he caused the Admi∣ral of France to be massacred, and the Duke of Espernon to be banished the Court? Sejan and Caesar spared no money to win men to their service and devotion: What did the Duke of Guise, when he spent all his own Patrimony, and his Wives Inheritance, and the King of Spains yearly Pension, and infinite Pistolets, to purchase himself Friends and Favou∣rers? Casar and Sejan subverted their enemies by their own friends; And what did the Duke of Guise when he sowed sedition betwixt the King and his brother? Caesar and Sejan used the Marriage of Livia, Drusus his Wife of his own Daughter, and of Pycos Sister for the furtherance of their purpose: And what did the Duke of Guise, when he caused the Massa∣cre of Paris to be performed at the Marriage of the present King of France with the late Kings Sister? Caesar and Sejan could be proud when occa∣sion was offered? And what was the Duke of Guise when he equalled his power and strength with the Kings? Caesar could brook no equal; And what could the Duke of Guise, when he contended with the Kings Bro∣ther for Superiority and Precedency? Sejan set variance betwixt Drusus and Nero, to the end the one should take occasion to destroy the other? And what did the Duke of Guise, when he perswaded the French King to send his only Brother into Flanders, where he devised divers means to endanger his life? Caesar assumed by cunning and pollicy, all the Power and Authority unto himself, which was sometimes equally divided be∣twixt him, Pompey and Crassus? And what did the Duke of Guise, when he suffered no man to be in credit at the Court but himself? Sejan offered the Empire unto Drusus, not for favour which he bore him, but to in∣cense and incourage him to seek the ruine of Nero: And what did the Duke of Guise, when he profered the Kingdom in the late Kings days, unto the King of Navar, now King of France, but seek means to breed such a distrust and jealousie betwixt the King and him, that the one might let no occasion slip that might procure the destruction or overthrow of the other? Caesar observed diligently the natures and dispositions of such men as were in special credit with the common people, and to purchase their favour fur∣thered their purposes, when they tended not to his own hinderance: And what did the Duke of Guise when he fawned upon those whom the King loved, and labored to prefer his Secretaries to higher places, to the end that both they and their Successors might be always willing and ready to plea∣sure him? Pipin shewed himself wise in using the Kings weakness, and his own credit for a Ladder to climb to the Kingdom; And the Duke of Guise came not much behind him in wisdom, when he weakned the late Kings forces, and strengthned himself and his complices, with intention to set the Crown of France upon his own Head. Hugh Capet pretended right to the Crown, because he was in some sort alley'd to Lewes the fifth, by his Mothers side: And the Duke of Guise fortified his Right, by pre∣tending Alliance unto the Duke of Larrain, whom Hugh Capet deprived of the Crown. Pipin hired men to com••end himself and dispraise Chil∣derick: And the Duke of Guise wanted not his writers and his flatterers, who in Books and common Table-talk, did daily set forth his praise, and took hold of every small occasion, to enveigh bitterly against the King, Pipin again used Religion and Zeal for a means to win the Popes favour,

and to procure him to make a friendly Interpretation of the French Sub∣jects Oath to their King: And the Duke of Guise with a shew of suppres∣sing the Protestants of France, drew divers Popes to join with him in al∣liance, and to draw other Princes with the same line into the same League, and left not until the Pope had Excommunicated the late King. Hugh Capit disabled Childerick as a man not sufficient to Rule, and therefore caused him to be shut up in a Monastery; And the Duke of Guise was so bold as to bring forrain power into France, and to tell the King that he had procured their help to suppress the Protestants, because his Majesty had neither men nor money enough wherewith to overthrow them; and common fame greatly wrongeth him, if he intended not in time to have shut the King up in some religious house, and to have put a Friers Weed up∣on him. Briefly, Pipin, Iulius Caesar, and Hugh Capet, attained their desires by their cunning practises, and their subtile devises; And the Duke of Guise by his slights and Stratagems had not failed of his purpose, if the King had not by doing him suddenly to death prevented his intended Usurpation.

By this that hath been said, you may plainly perceive that the French∣men rebelled against their Soveraigns long before this time; And that they are in a manifest Error who commend their Loyalty so much, as in their Writings to call them The most Loyal, Loving, and Dutiful Subjects of Europe; For to omit other Rebellions of the children against their own Fathers in France, whereof their Histories are full and plentiful: It can∣not be denyed that both Pipin and Hugh Capet were Usurpers; and that as many as favoured and furthered them against the lawful Heirs of the Crown, were notable and traitorous Rebels, and in no respect inferiour to those who in these days combine themselves against the late French King, and still continue their open Revolt, and unlawful disobedience against his right Heir and lawful Successor: Neither can any man deny, that all they that took part with Lewis, surnamed the Meek, against Ber∣nard, King of Italy, were also most famous and disloyal Traytors; For Lewes being younger Brother unto Pipin (who dyed before his Father Charlemain, and left Bernard King of Italy his sole Heir) had no right to the Crown of France, so long as the said Bernard his eldest Brothers Son lived, for that as well in the Succession of Crowns and Kingdoms, as of private mens Lands and Inheritances; the eldest Brothers Son and Heir is always to be preferred before his Uncle.

And for as much as Lewis having taken his Nephew Bernard in the field Prisoner,* 1.51 did not only detain him, and his chief Councellors in hard Prison, but also in the end put him to an unlawful and unnatural death. Those Subjects who followed and assisted him in those his unkind and un∣just actions (because it is a most wicked deed to participate with the wick∣ed in their wickedness) must needs be accounted as wicked as the present Subjects of France, who consented unto the cruel Massacre of their late King: Again, all those French Subjects who bore Arms against Edward the Third, in the behalf of Philip de Valoys were in as high degree of Re∣bellion, as these latter Rebels: And so likewise were those who stood with Charls the seventh against Henry the fifth and sixth of England. For the only reason and cause which they alledged to debar these English Kings from the Succession, as lawful Heirs to the Crown of France, was the Law Salique, (which as they then pretended) excluded not only women, but also other Heirs males descending from the woman, from the

Inheritance of the Crown; Which Law was no sufficient bar, because it was undoubtedly a local Law,* 1.52 made in Salem, a Town about the River of Rhine in Germany; at what time the French Kings were both Kings of France, and Emperours of Germany; and therefore as all other local Laws are, was tyed to the Inheritance of that Town only, and could not stretch her Forces to forrain Countries, or to the succession of Kingdoms, no more then the Law of Gavelkind, being peculiar, not to all, but to some part of Kent, is of full strength and full force in other places of Eng∣land: Besides, it is confirmed that there was never any such Law in France by the Testimony of the Duke of Burgundy; who when as Philip, sur∣named the Long, was created King, never left to cry out against his Cre∣ation, and to profess openly, That the Kingdom belonged of right unto Ioan, Daughter unto Hutine, sometimes King of France, before that Philip stoppen his mouth with the gift of the Country of Burgundy, in Dower with his eldest Daughter. I could stand longer upon the proof that there was never any Salick Law in France,* 1.53 were it not that Du Haillan a French Chronicler, in the first Volumn of his History, easeth me of that pain, and cleareth that point so plainly, that he being a Frenchman, and refuting a Law, suggested not only to be a Law, but also one of the chief Pillars and Maintainers of the ancient Dignity of the Crown of France, cannot be thought to write thereof either partially or untruly: But although I let pass Ed. 3. his Title, as the less valuable, because it was impugned and weakned by the only Allegation of that Law; yet I must enlarge somewhat more Henry, the fifth his Right, because the same (in my simple conceit and opinion) was far stronger then Edward the Thirds; For Henry the fifth considering that because his Predecessors did always from the time of Edward the third, lay continual claim unto the Crown of France; and that therefore the Kings, or rather Usurpers thereof had do right nor just title thereunto, because they not having bonam fidem (a point requisite in Prescription) by reason that they knew the right to be in Kings of England rather then in themselves, could not lawfully prescribe a right unto the said Crown, demanded the same by force of Arms of Charls the sixth, and drave him to such extremities, that he being able no longer to make resistance against his invincible Forces, was glad to capitulate and agree upon conditions of Peace with him: The principal Articles of which Peace were; That the said Charls the sixth should du∣ring his life, continue King; That he should dis-inherit his Son and Heir, who was afterwards Charles the seventh; That the King of England should take to Wife Isabel, Daughter unto the French King; and in re∣gard of that Marriage he proclaimed Regent of that Kingdom during Charles his Father in laws life, because he was sometimes Lunatique, and Heir apparent to the Crown after his death; And lastly, that the Nobi∣lity and Peers of France, should not only consent thereunto, but also take a solemn Oath (which was accordingly performed and executed) to maintain every point of those Articles, and uphold and assist Henry the fifth, and his lawful Heirs and Successors, against Charles, Son unto the French King, the rather because his Father had for very good and just occasions him moving thereunto, dis-inherited the said Charles, and by the last Will and Testament, made when he was in perfect sence and memory, ordained and constituted the said Henry, his sole and lawful Heir of the Crown. But the Frenchmen have their Objections to all that

is said; the which I cannot lightly pass over, because I know you are de∣sirous to hear their Exceptions, and also what may be replied in Answer to their Allegations; But I may not dwell long upon every particular Point, because my leisure will not serve me, and it is not pertinent to my first purpose.

They say first,* 1.54 That their Kingdom goeth not by Dissent and Inheritance, from the Father to the Son, but by succession, which is grounded not upon Law, but upon a Custom; by vertue whereof, the next of the Blood Royal, be he of the farthest degree that may be of Kindred, succeedeth not as a lawful Heir, but as a Successor by Custom, not newly invented, but of long continuance, even from the time of the first King Pharamond.

Which objection I mean briefly to Answer, before I will proceed to any others. Guicciardine, who wrote an Universal History of all things that hapned in his time, not only in Italy, but also in all other places of Europe (although he was a very perfect and learned Lawyer) yet when he had occasion to touch any Point of Law, he handled not the same Lawyer-like, but passed it over lightly, setting down his opinion of the Case, in as few words as he could possibly, because if he had done other∣wise, he knew that he should not observe the Laws and Bounds where∣unto Histographers are tyed and bound. In like manner although these Questions are meerly civil, and ought to be handled by me as a Civilian; yet because I purpose to write you an historical discourse, I wil touch them lightly; for that I speak of them obiter, and by digression, and I hold it sufficient to refute the Objections that may be made in this Cause; not by Law, but by the Histories of France.

For albeit Iohn Bodine, a Frenchman, and notably well seen and read in Histories, discoursing in his Book de Methodo Historie, at large, what Rules are to be observed in judging a right of an Historographer, and what credit may be given to an History, setteth it down in an opinion not con∣trolable, That in matters touching France or England, you ought not to credit a French or English History; but rather a stranger writing there∣of, with more indifferency and less partiality; yet, as in Causes which cannot be well decided, or perfectly known but by Domestical witnesses, their Testimony is to be preferred before all others; So in matters of State, which cannot be so well known unto Forrainers, as unto men born and bred within the same State; better credit ought to be given unto these, then unto them: You shall therefore hear this first Objection refuted by their own Writers; and especially by Du Haillan, who in my opinion is the best Historographer that writeth of France; who refuteth this Objecti∣on, by reckoning up a bed-roll of Kings who did not succeed one ano∣ther, but were chosen one after another; Pharamond (saith he, in his third Book) was the first chosen King of France; After whom Daniel, sur∣named Childerick, was chosen: Pipin likewise was chosen, and after him Charles and Charl••main his Sons: And the Frenchmen despising the Youth of Charles, King Lewis his Son, who was betwixt nine and ten years of age, chose Od••n, Son to Robert the Saxon, for their King; And after∣wards being discontented with his Government, they deprived him of his Kingdom, and set up Charles in his place; who governing them some∣what looslly, was likewise deposed and cast into Prison; and in his place Ba••ul, King of Burgundy was instituted and created King of France; and there remaineth even at this day a certain form of Election which is made

at the consecrating and crowning of the King at Beihins, where the Peer of France, in the name of the Clergy, Nobility, and People, chuse the King that is present: Here you see an Election begun in Pharamond, con∣tinued in others, and observed at this day; and yet as many as have been Kings since Hugh Capet's time, have succeeded to their Kingdoms, and claimed the same by Inheritance, rather then by custom; and you shall see when we come to another of their Objections, that neither this Electi∣on, nor this Custom in succession hath been alwayes duly kept and obser∣ved.

The second Objection against this agreement is, That although Contracts do bind Princes as well as Subjects,* 1.55 yet such Contracts as are made by men not being sufficient and able to celebrate Contracts; as men distracted of their wits, Lunatiques, and others not being in perfect sense and memory, do not bind the Contrahents, but are held in Law as matters of no weight, force, or vali∣dity; and therefore Charles the Sixth who concluded his Peace with the above-mentioned conditions, being both before and after the celebration of the same notoriously reputed and known to be a Lunatique, this Contract did neither bind him nor his Successors.

To this it is easily answered, That Contracts made by men disabled by Law to enter into any such compositions, are of force by two wayes; The one if they with due and requisite solemnities be done by such as by Law are deputed to have the Government of their goods and persons during the time of their weakness and imbecillity: The other, if they themselves having dilucida intervalla, being (as Lunatiques many times are) in perfect sense and memory to celebrate any manner of Contract, the same is of full force and strength; and therefore Charles the sixth being (as their own Histories report) at the time when this Agreement was made, in his right wits and memory: This contract wanted not the force and vertue which Law requireth, especially since the chief Nobility of the Realm were then not only present, but consenting thereunto, and sworn to the performance thereof.

The third Objection is,* 1.56 That the Kings of France cannot alienate the De∣means, Rights, Titles, and Interests of the Crown without the privity and consent of the three Estates, which consent could not possibly be had at this A∣greement,* 1.57 because a great part of the Peers, Nobles, and others were then ab∣sent, and bore Armes with the young Prince Charles, or at the leastw••se fol∣lowed him against the King his Father.

To this I briefly answer, That in matters which go by plurality of voi∣ces, it is not alwayes necessary that all be present, but that the greater or better part of them that will and do vouchsafe their presence thereat yield their consents thereunto, especially when the others who are absent have been cited and warned to be present,* 1.58 and they either willingly or contemptuously will not appear. For albeit the thing that concerneth all men,* 1.59 must be approved of all men, yet when some or all may approve or disallow the things which concerneth them, and they will not be pre∣sent to shew their consent or dislike, their absence shall not prejudice the Contract that is celebrated, and there is no wrong offered unto them by proceeding in their absence, quia volenti non fit injuria. In this case therefore those that were away, being either voluntarily absent, or tray∣terously minded to their King (which appeared in that they followed his Son against him, and animated and assisted him in his disobedience and

rebellion against his Father) could not in any respect prejudice the force and validity of this contract; for if they were absent of purpose, then there was no injury done unto them; and if they were Traytors (as un∣doubtedly they are, who either bear Armes against their Prince, or as∣sist his Enemies with their counsels) then they had lost the right of their consent and voice; And so consequently the Contract which was cele∣brated by the more and better part, or by all the Nobility, and of the three Estates that were present, and true and Loyal Subjects unto their King, notwithstanding the others voluntary malicious absence, was by Law war∣rantable, especially being confirmed and fortified by the Oath of the King, and his Council and Nobility.

The fourth Objection against this Agreement is,* 1.60 That when it was con∣cluded, the King of England had almost Conquered all France, was there with his power and strength about him, and shut up the French King as it were in Prison, and utterly disabled him to make any resistance against his invinci∣ble Army, and conquering Forces; And therefore whatsoever he did, being done by fear and compulsion, was of no better force then a Contract extorted by violence, or made in Prison by a private man, which when he is set at liberty, he is not bound by Law to perform except he list.

To this Point I likewise Answer briefly; That the Law that provi∣deth for the remedy of such as by Imprisonment, or by violence and just fear, and such as the Law ••aith, cadet in fortem virum, have yeilded to any inconveniency, extendeth not (in my simple conceit) her force unto the Contracts of Princes, which are celebrated and concluded after long Wars betwixt them; For if Conquerors might not impose what condi∣tions of Peace they please upon the conquered, there would never be any end of Wars; And as private men being in troubles may even in cases which admit no giving or taking on any side (as for Ecclesiasti∣cal livings betwixt Ecclesiastical persons) redeem their troubles by giving or taking whatsoever shall be agreed upon, and with the best con∣ditions they may; so in Wars, Princes who have lost the field, and so weakned their Forces, that they are able to make no longer resistance, may lawfully alienate the more part of the Revenues of their Crown, to purchase their liberty, and their Subjects quiet; who (if their Princes might not capitulate with his and their Adversary, in such manner as the Conqueror shall demand) should be deprived of their lives, liberties and Livings; of all which three, every King is sworn to have a special care and regard, and to seek all means possible to preserve them all: And in consideration hereof, it is usual amongst Princes rather to lye in durance a long time, then to yeild to the unreasonable demands of their enemies, whilst they are in the heat of their choller and indignation; because when their wrath is somewhat asswaged, and either time or intercession of other Princes (who commonly in such cases interpose their helping hands, and be Mediators of Peace) mitigated and moderated their anger, they are willing to yeild to reasonable conditions. For confirmation hereof, I could alleadg many examples, but I will deal with a Frenchman at his own weapon: Guicciardine, in his before mentioned History, discoursing at large of the hard measure that was offered unto Francis the first, King of France, after he was taken Prisoner at Pavia, in Italy, by the Army of the Emperour Charls the fifth, saith, That there were never but two Kings of France taken prisoners in the field, (to wit) King Iohn, and the said Fran∣cis;

King Iohn was so kindly used in England, (where he lay above 2 years pri••oner) that after he was delivered thence, he would needs go thither a∣gain to see his good Host, for so he termed the King of England, whereas Francis the first, albeit he greatly desired to be transported out of Italy into Spain, being in great hope and confidence that the Emperor (who had seen the change and variety of time, and also the inconstancy of fortune) would have some Princely compassion upon him, found all things contrary to his conceived hope and expectation; for he was committed to hard pri∣son, kept with a continual and strong guard, not attended upon as a Prince of his might and greatness ought to have been, hardly suffered to speak with his Sister, who was sent out of France on purpose to comfort him, and never brought unto the Emperours sight and presence, until that through grief and melancholy he fell into so dangerous a sickness as made the Phisitians almost despair of his recovery; the Emperour not for love (as Guicciaraine affirmeth) but for fear to lose by his death all that he hoped to get for his Ransome, went to visit and comfort him. The reason of this hard usage was, to inforce him by long durance, and want of liberty, to redeem his troubles upon hard conditions; And al∣though he had oftentimes answered the Emperour, that he had rather dye in Prison then yeild to his unreasonable demands, which could not be well performed without the great prejudice, yea almost the utter subver∣sion of his Kingdom; and had accordingly written unto his Nobility and Council in France, that they should make no more account of his life or liberty, because the demands of his Ransome were too too unreasonable, yet he was forced at length to subscribe and consent unto such hard con∣ditions and Articles, as were agreed upon by Charles the fifth, and his Council; Which indeed were so hard, that although his Sons lay in Spain, as Hostages for their performance; yet after he was delivered, he would not see them accomplished, but fell a fresh to Wars with the Emperor; and in the end, by the intercession of other Princes, made a more reaso∣nable end. But King Iohn (as both the French Chronicles and ours do report) was set at liberty with more equal conditions, and yet the same were not performed; And the Frenchmen in all Treaties of peace with us, have either gone so far beyond us with their wits, that they have of∣tentimes greatly deceived us, or have so fraudulently violated all, or the more part of the Articles of their Agreement, that our victories being ma∣ny against them, never yeilded unto us any great commodity or advan∣tage. The consideration whereof moved one of their Writers to say,* 1.61 that we never won any thing of them by the dint of Sword, but they recover∣ed the same again by the sharpness of their wits. And another Historian of theirs mocketh us in his writings, and saith,* 1.62 That when we come to treat with them of Peace, we sit down proudly, and with great words extol∣ing our exploits, valour, and good success against them; in the begin∣ning of our parts we do demand no less then the whole Kingdom of France, but in the end of them, we fall from Mountains unto Molehills.

Now sithence we by their own confession have been so courteous and reasonable, that we have yeilded them far better favour, and better conditions of peace then they hoped for, and they contrarywise have dealt so craftily, and so deceitfully with us, both in the time of King Iohn, and others, before the Reign of Charles the Sixth, that we cannot be blamed for dealing more hardly with them in the said contract, and for using the surest way we could devise for our security and assurance of

that which was promised unto us. And certainly as the Treaties and Conclusions of peace made with King Iohn, and King Francis, were in the opinion of the best and learnedst Lawyers of Europe held lawful, although they were not in all points performed; so the Contract made betwixt Charles the Sixth, and his Son-in Law Henry fifth of England, was undoubtedly agreeable to Law and Equity; for otherwise Princes should be in worse condition then Subjects, who are bound to perform every point of a reasonable contract or agreement which they make. But it was hard to demand and take a whole Kingdom. True if conquests were not lawful, we should have dealt so favourably with Charles the Sixth, as our Predecessor did with King Iohn; it might be we would have done so, if King Iohn and his Successors had not before oftentimes deceived us. Princes do not usually take advantage of their enemies when they have the upper hand over them, with all utmost extremities. But if they do, what remedy is there? or who can gainsay the Conqueror? Courtesie is commendable in all men, and especially in Princes, who are to extend the same at all times, when it is demanded in good manner, and by men worthy of mercy and compassion. And such was the lamentable estate of Charles the Sixth, who had at once many miseries heaped upon him by the heavy wrath of God, as namely, wars within his Realm, re∣bellion of his own Son against him, revolt of his Subjects, and distracti∣on of his wits; and so it was extream cruelty to adde affliction to the af∣flicted. Indeed mercy is to be extended to persons worthy of commise∣ration, and Lunatiques are by all men to be pitied: and in regard hereof, the King of England, whereas he might have destroyed the whole Realm of France, burned the Cities, wasted the Countries, led away the people in captivity, taken their goods to his own use, bestowed the Nobilities and Gentlemens Lands upon his own Subjects, altered the Lawes of the Countrey, changed the Government thereof, deprived the most part of them of their lives, and seated his own Subjects in their possessions; he suffered them to live at liberty, to enjoy their ancient possessions, to maintain and use their own priviledges, to dwell in their wonted habitati∣ons, and to continue in all respects as free as they were before they were conquered. And whereas he might have made the King prisoner, car∣ryed him with him into England, and to have placed another to govern for him, especially he being not in case to rule and govern by himself: He was so far from so doing, that he suffered him to enjoy the Kingdom whilest he lived, and by taking his Daughter to wife, transferred not on∣ly the French, but also the English Crown unto the issue of her body, a thing to be greatly desired of that Father, whose Son by reason of his disobedience deserved not to succeed him; a thing practised by all men that have had the like children, a thing far beyond the custom of French∣men themselves, who in the like cases have not used the like clemency and moderation.* 1.63 For over what Enemies had the French-men ever the upper hand, whom they used not most cruelly? What barbarous cruel∣ty exercised they in Italy, and especially at Naples, where their Tyranny in Government, their extremity in polling, their insolency in mis-using the common people was such, that in one night they were all slain; and in hatred of them and their posterity,* 1.64 the wombs of all Neapolitan wo∣men that were suspected to be with child by French-men, were ripped up, and the children pluckt out, and likewise murdered with their Mo∣thers.

What cruelty purposed they to have practised in England, at what time Lewis the Dolphin of France was called into England by the Barons who bare Armes against King Iohn? Intended they not to have destroyed the most part of the Realm? Purposed they not to have killed the very Barons themselves, who were their friends and confederates? Had they not executed this their purpose,* 1.65 if a noble French-man who was in England had not as well in hatred of their intended cruelty, as in commiseration of the poor English Nobility, revealed upon his death-bed their barbarous intentions? To be brief, what severity used King Lewis surnamed for his lenity towards others, Lewis the M E E K, against Bernard his own Nephew,* 1.66 and rightful heir to the Crown of France, (as we have shewed in the second point which we handled) whom he not only deprived of his right, but also held him a long time in Prison, and condemned him to lose his eyes, which were accordingly pluckt out of his head; and his cheif Counsellours endured the like punishment: Of which both he and they complaining, not without just occasion, were so far from finding such compassion and remedy as they deserved, as that a new Edictment was framed both against him and them: Now with such Adversaries, with men of such cruelty, with such as had oftentimes fal∣sified their faith, and broken their promises, what wise Prince would ever have used greater lenity, more mercy, or better Justice then the King of England shewed them? Especially considering the immortal hatred, dead∣ly malice, and long emulations, competentions, quarrels, and conten∣tions that have been alwayes betwixt England and France.

The fifth Objection that they make against this Contract, is,* 1.67 is, That the Kingdom of France cannot be given unto any man by Will or Testament: Which priviledge seemeth unto me very strange, because I find by report of probable Histories, that the Kingdomes of Spain, England, Aragon, Scotland, Poland,* 1.68 and other Countries have been given away by Will and Testament;* 1.69 and therefore if the French-men will challenge an Immunity contrary to the custom of other Countries, and repugnant to the Law of all Nations, they must shew how they came by such a Priviledge, and why they should not follow the customes of other Kingdomes: For who∣soever will alledge an exemption from the due observance of the Law, must make it appear at what time, for what occasion, and by whom he or his Predecessors obtained the same, that the quality of the Giver, and the consideration and cause of the Grant being duly examined and dis∣creetly considered,* 1.70 the strength and validity of his exemption may be well and perfectly seen.* 1.71 I know that there are many degrees of Princes, and that some Kings are in some manner subject unto others from whom they receive Lawes, and by whom they and their Kingdomes are ruled and directed. So hath Scotland been ruled by England, so hath Denmark acknowledged the Empire, so hath Sicily obeyed Rome; so hath the Pope challenged power and authority over the Empire. But all Histories agree in this, that although of other Kingdomes some be subject to the Pope, others unto the Emperour, yet the Kingdom of France is, and alwayes hath been most absolute, neither depending upon the Emperour, nor be∣ing in any respect subject unto the Pope. That the Emperour hath no authority over France, was shewed when as Sigismond the Emperour would have made the Earl of Savoy a Duke in Lyons; for then the Kings Officers withstood him therein, and forced him, to his great grief, and in

a great fury and anger to depart thence, and out of all the dominion of France, before he could use in that point his Imperial power and authori∣ty: And that the Pope hath no manner of Authority, Prerogative, or Preheminence over France, it appeareth by the confession of all Cano∣nists, who have written, and do write of the Popes Prerogatives: For albeit they make the Empire, and almost all the Kingdoms of the world, in some sort subject unto the See of Rome; yet they confess the King of France to be so absolute, that he acknowledgeth no Superior but God, and that there is no other Prince but he, unto whom some Pope or other hath not either given or confirmed his Estate and Kingdom. It must needs therefore follow, That there is no Superior out of France, who ei∣ther hath or could bestow his priviledge upon France: And it appeareth by their own Histories;* 1.72 That there hath been nothing done within the Realm whereby their Kings have been forbidden to dispose their King∣doms by their last Wills and Testaments: For Dagobert, King of France, in the presence of the principal Lords and Prelates of his Realm, made his last Will and Testament, and therein gave the Kingdom of Austrasia unto his Son Sigisbert;* 1.73 and the Kingdom of France unto his Son Cloius, Like∣wise Charlemain by Will and Testament, divided his Kingdom betwixt his three Sons; He gave unto Charles the best and greatest part of France and Germany; unto Pipin, Italy and Baivera; and unto Lewis that part of France which confineth and bordereth upon Spain and Provence; And caused this his Will to be ratified, confirmed and approved by the Pope; and intituled his Sons with the names of Kings. It is also written by French Historiographers, That Philip de Valois (who contended with Ed∣ward the Third for the Crown of France) ordained by his last Will and Testament,* 1.74 that Iohn his eldest Son should succeed him in the Crown; and that his second Son Philip should enjoy for his part and portion, the Dukedom of Orleans, and the Earldom of Valois. Now these three Kings being of three Races of the French Kings, Dagobert of the Mero∣vingians, Charlemain of the Charlemains, and Philip de Valois, although not directly, yet collaterally of the Capets, which are the three only Ra∣ces that ever were in France; and they having disposed of their King∣doms in manner as is a foresaid, it may well be presumed that others be∣fore them have or might have done the like, especially since there is no Law to be shewed which forbiddeth Kings to bequeath their Kingdoms by Will and Testament.

The sixth and last Objection which is made against this Contract is, That Charles the sixth could not lawfully dis-inherit his son,* 1.75 who, by the cu∣stome of France was lawful and apparent Heir, and could not for any cause whatsoever, be deprived by his Father, or by any other, of that right which belonged unto him by the ancient Priviledge of France.* 1.76

In this Objection there are two things intended; The one, That the Kings of France cannot deprive their Sons or next Heirs, for any occasion whatsoever, of their Right, Title, and Interest to the Royal Crown and Dig∣nity.* 1.77 The other, That the next of the blood Royal, according to the Custom before mentioned, must of necessity succeed and enjoy the Kingdom.

This Ob••ection is (in my simple opinion) of greatest force, because I read not in all the Histories of France, that ever any King thereof, but Charls the sixth did dis-inherit his Son: True it is that Charles the seventh was thus dis-inherited, being plagued by God for his disobedience to∣wards

his Father, with a Son as undutiful and disobedient in all respects, as himself was, sent unto the Pope to advise him how he might dis-inhe∣rit his eldest Son, who had divers times rebelled against him, and be∣stow the Kingdom upon his second son, in whom he never found any manner of disobedience; but the difficulty is resolved by this reason fol∣lowing: For if a Kingdom may be given by Will and Testament (as is to be presumed) that it may also be taken away from one, and bestowed upon another, when there is just cause given by him who layeth claim thereunto; why he should be dis-inherited, especially when as there is no such necessity of successive inheritance, as hath hitherto been mention∣ed; And in case it be doubtful whether a Kingdom may be taken from the right Heir, and be bequeathed unto another; the custom of the Coun∣try in private mens Inheritance is to be considered: because most com∣monly, such as the Law is in part, such it is in the whole; and for that generally the Nobility of every Realm (who regard the conservation of their Honour and Dignity in their Families, no less then Princes do the preservation of the Royal Authority in their Posterity) do follow and imitate the manner, Law, and Order of their Kings, touching the dispo∣sition of their Kingdoms: And even as they usually dispose of their Prin∣cipalities, so do the other of their Baronies, and inferior Estates, by what Name or Title soever they be called: If therefore it can be shewed that any of the chief Nobility of France, have at any time dis-inherited their lawful Heirs, it may justly be presumed that the Kings of France may do the like, when the like occasion is offered unto them: The Lords of Bearne have time out of mind, been of such power and might in France, that the Kings thereof have in all Ages made great account and reckoning of them; And the present King of France is Lord thereof; and by his Ad∣versaries the Spaniards (who will hardly vouchsafe him the name of a King of France or of Navar, because they take him to be lawful King of neither of these Kingdoms) is commonly called in their Writings, Lord of Bearne. The Earls also of Foix, have beyond the memory of man, been of such worth and estimation, that it is written of them, (when they were also Lords of Bearne) they cared neither for the King of Ara∣gon, nor for the Kings of Navarra, for they were able upon any urgent occasion to keep more men at Arms at one time, then both those Kings could make at two several Levies. Both these Lordships or Seigneuries, are now under the Kingdom of Navar; and the principal members there∣of, and the Lords and lawful Owners of each of them,* 1.78 dis-inherited their next and lawful Heirs, only for ingratitude and unkindness towards them; for the French Histories report, that Gaston Lord of Bea••ne had but two Daughters; the eldest of which he married unto the Earl of Armignack, and the younger unto the Earl of Foix, who was Nephew unto the King of Aragon:* 1.79 It fortuned that the said Gaston had Wars with the King of Spain, wherein he desired help of the Earl of Armignack, who refused to succour him; and the Earl of Foix holp him with such power and force, that he enforced the King to very reasonable conditions of Peace; in re∣compence of which service, Gaston made the Earl of Foix his sole Heir; and caused the Nobles and Gentlemen, together with all other his Sub∣jects, to confirm and ratifie his Grant; whereupon followed great strife and contention between the two Earls.

It is also written in the Chronicles of France,* 1.80 that in the year 1391.

The Earl of Foix, because his Son, by the consent and counsel of the King of Navar, went about to have poisoned him, gave his Earldom from him, to the King of France, who presently bestowed the same up∣on the Earl of Candalles. Here you see two Heirs dis-inherited by their Father, whose Act was generally reputed and held lawful. Now you shall see the like cause in Charles the seventh; and why should it not be thought lawful for his Father to inflict upon him the like punishment▪ The one of them denyed his Father in law such help as he demanded; The other purposed to have poysoned his own Father: The unkindness of both was not in all degrees equal, yet their punishments were in all re∣spects alike. The Father of the one incurred no loss by his Son in lawes disobedience, and the Father of the other lived not a minute of an hour the less, notwithstanding his sons wicked purpose. But Charles the 6ths case was in many respects lamentable, and his Sons ingratitude for many causes worthy of greater punishment then the loss of a Kingdom; for the murdered the Duke of Burgundy, one of the chief Peers of France, and when he was summoned by Proclamation to shew some cause before his Father,* 1.81 and the Nobles of France, why he had committed so horrible a murder, did not only not appear at his Fathers Summons, but also defen∣ded his cruelty in killing the Duke, and his disobedience in not appearing at his Fathers Commandment, by force of Armes: For which unnatural Rebellion, not his Father alone, but the whole Council and Nobility of France, gave judgement that he should be banished the Realm, and repu∣ted unworthy to succeed his Father, either in the whole Kingdom, or in any part or parcel thereof; which done, and Judgment being both begun and ended with all such solemnities as in the like cases are required, must of necessity be held and reputed most just and equal, since both Law and mans reason neither hath not can invent any better means to chast••se and correct the unnatural disobedience of rebellious children towards their Parents, then by depriving them of their Patrimony descending from their Parents. And if Princes should be debarred of this manner of cor∣rection, they should be in far worse condition then their poorest Subjects; for Princes Children having more occasions to lead them to wickedness, then their Subjects Children have, if they should not be restrained by dis-inheritance, would undoubtedly go far beyond all others in lewdness and unhappiness; because Princes and Noble-men, whether they give themselves unto vertue or unto vice, most commonly excell the meaner sort in both, as it may evidently appear unto such by reading the lives of Princes and Peers of all Realms and Kingdoms, shall find such rare Presi∣dents of vertues and vices in them, as far exceed mans reason, or will hardly be credited or beleeved of any man. Was there ever any private man comparable to Nero for cruelty, or to Vespasian for mercy? to Solo∣mon for wisdom, or to Childerick of France for folly? to Trajan for good∣ness, or to Cambyses for murder? to Tarquin for pride, or to Lewis of France for meekness? to Caesar for liberality, or to Caligula for avarice? to Marcus Aurelius for moderation and temperance, or to Commodus for prodigality and dissoluteness? Briefly, to Antonius and Titus for lenity and clemency, or to Dionisius and Tiberius for rigor and severity? For undoubtedly, as long as the provocations to vices, and the allurements to vertues are more and greater in Princes then in private men, so long will the one far exceed the other in vertues or in vices; Then since it is

behoveful for every Common-wealth to be ruled by good Princes; it must also behove good Parents to be careful to leave good children to succeed after them, and not to be so affected to the eldest of their chil∣dren because he is the first of their strength, as to make him, and no other but him, their sole Heir and Successor, although he alone be wicked and ill given, and the rest wise, discreet, and vertuous; so he unworthy to Govern, and they most fit to Rule; because he would overthrow, and they uphold the whole Estate and Kingdom.

The Consideration hereof, moved the good Emperour Marcus Aure∣lius, who had a good and a bad Son, when he was visited with a Disease that was mortal, greatly to lament his own death; not because he was loth and unwilling to dye, knowing as he did, that death was the end of all miseries, and the beginning of everlasting felicity;* 1.82 but for that he was bound by the custome, generally, and time out of mind received and al∣lowed by his Predecessors, contrary to his will and desire, to leave the Empire of Rome (which had been ruled a long time by his many years and great experience) to be Governed and Ruled by the indiscreet youth and youthful indiscretion of his bad Son Commodus.

The Consideration hereof, caused Iames King of Aragon and Sicily, to perswade his eldest Son Iames (who was more fit to live sequestred from the company of men,* 1.83 in a Monastry, then to sway a Monarchy) to leave the world, and betake himself to a Monastical life, suffering his second Brother Alphonsus, (upon whom God had bestowed sufficient gifts and qualities capable of a Kingdom) to succeed his Father in both King∣doms.

The Consideration hereof induced Robert King of France to make his second Son Henry his Heir and Successor in the Kingdom,* 1.84 because he knew that God had endowed him with a far better spirit and wit, more fit to Command and Govern then his eldest Son Robert had, upon whom he bestowed the Dutchy of Burgundy.

The Consideration hereof moved not only Lewis surnamed the Gross,* 1.85 King of France, but also all the Peers and States of the same Realm, to make Lewis his second Son King, because Robert his eldest Son was by him and them, for want of judgment and understanding, judged unfit and unworthy to bear or sway the Crown of France; and therefore he and they held it sufficient to bestow upon him the Earldom of Dreux.

Lastly, the Consideration hereof moved Dagobert King of France to intreat Sigisbert his eldest Son,* 1.86 who not being able in his opinion to Rule and Govern so great a Kingdom as France, and yet desirous to have the name of a King, to be contented with the small Kingdom of Austrasia, and to resign and give over his Right and Title to the Kingdom of France unto his younger Brother Clouis.

Considering therefore, That the Gifts which are required in a Prince are many and very difficult to be attained: That very few have wit and wisdom sufficient to govern a Kingdom: That of these few some use their wits to attain to their purpose; and when they have gotten their desire, leave both to be wise and vertuous, as I could declare by many Examples, if it were not to digress from my purpose:) And lastly, that the vertues of the Parents are obscured and blemished by the childrens vices; and the Predecessors Conquests are oftentimes either lost or diminished by the Successors folly and pusillanimity: It were a shame for the Father, a

detriment to the Common-wealth, a wrong to the Kingdom, and an in∣jury to the vertuous child, where there is a good Son to succeed a vertu∣ous Father, to bind the same Father to leave little or nothing to his good children, and a whole Kingdom to him that is neither worthy nor well able to rule the thousand part thereof; And if at any time it be lamenta∣table, yea scant tolerable, to prefer wicked children before them that are vertuous; and to lay a heavy charge and burthen upon their shoulders, who are not able to take up (much less to bear) the same, not for a day, but for the whole term of their natural life; truly it is much more to be la∣mented, yea, in no respect to be suffered, that such a Son should be set over others, to rule and govern them, who could nor would never govern himself well; to exact and require obedience of his Inferiors, who was always disobedient in the highest degree of disobedience unto his Superi∣ors; to manage, husband, and increase the Treasure of a whole King∣dom, who hath prodigally wasted and consumed his own private Patri∣mony: Lastly, to induce others by his example to live honestly, justly, orderly, and virtuously (as Princes either do or should do) who never esteemed honesty, cared for justice, respected order, or embraced ver∣tue.

Iohn Bodin in his Book de Republica, writeth that a disobedient child of France being sued by his Mother for using himself unreverently towards her, and especially for easing his body in a mess of Broth which she had provided for her self; was condemned by a competent and wise judge, to make her honourable amends; from which sentence the wicked Son disdaining to ask his Mother pardon and forgiveness, appealed unto Pa∣ris, where it was found bene appellatum, and male judicatum, not that the Judges there thought that the Appellant had just cause to appeal, because he was enjoined to submit himself unto his Mother; but for that they were of opinion that the Judges from whom he had appealed, had not inflicted such punishment upon him as he deserved; And therefore considering his former disobedience, and also his unkind and unnatural perseverance therein, indiscreetly shewed, in refusing to make so slender a submission, they altered the former sentence, and gave judgment that he should be presently hanged, which was accordingly executed.

This sentence was highly commended by Bodin, and worthily allow∣ed and praised by as many Frenchmen as did ever read the same in his Book.

And how can they dislike the Judgment given against Charles the se∣venth, not by any inferior Judge, but by a King; not by a Parliament of Paris (the Judges whereof may so hate an offence, that for the very and sole indignity thereof, they do likewise hate the offender) but by a Father, who had rather conceal then reveal, and pardon then punish his childrens offences; neither by a Father alone, but by the whole Peers and Nobles of a well ruled Kingdom? not lightly and without advice, but deliberately, and with great discretion and wisdom; Briefly, not in hatred of the offender, but in regard of the whole Common-wealth▪ which might perish under the hands and government of an unwise, unru∣ly, and unnatural Prince, in whom there could be no hope of love towards them or their Country, because he had given manifest signs of want of love towards his Father, whom nature and other respects bound him to love, honour, and reverence; for Princes as well as private men, and the

children of the one, as well as the off-spring of the other, are equally and undoubtedly bound to obey Gods Laws, and Commandments; And if both in one manner presume to break the same, both without all doubt and controversie are subject to one and the same measure of punishment.

But it may be said, Laws are made by Princes, and not for Princes; and to bind their inferiour subjects, and not themselves or their children; who for their Fathers sake, for the priviledge of their birth, for the wor∣thiness of their place, and in regard of the authority and preheminence whereunto they are born, may and ought to challenge and enjoy far grea∣ter immunity, yea, and somtimes more impunity then other Peers, or private men: certainly reason permitteth, and humanity perswadeth to favour a Prince much more then a subject. But it was both the Will and the Law of a worthy Prince, That nothing commendeth the Majesty of a Prince more, then to submit himself to the observance of his own Laws: and there can be no better means to induce subjects to shew their obedience unto their Princes Laws, then the example of their own Princes, not vouchsafing to violate the least branch that is of their own Statutes and Constitutions. Was not that King highly commended by his own sub∣jects, praised by his posterity, and worthily extolled even in our age not meaning that the son who had by breach of the Law deserved to lose both his eyes, should escape unpunished (which might be offensive unto his sub∣jects) but intending to moderate and qualifie the rigour of the Law, be∣cause he was his Heir (which for some considerations is tolerable in Prin∣ces) plucked out one of his own eyes, and another of his Sons, thereby satisfying, if not the rigour, yet the equity of the Law; and thereby moving his subjects to compassion in regard of himself, and to obedience to the same Law in consideration of his justice.

I have stood too long upon the confutation of this last objection, and yet have touched but one part thereof; and therefore I will run over the other part lightly, because in refelling the same, I shall need but to make a brief repetition of that which hath been said already: for if you remem∣ber that not Bernard the Nephew,* 1.87 but Lewis the Meek succeeded his bro∣ther Pipin, eldest son to Charlemaigne, and father to Bernard; That Pipin, and not the right Heir was king after Childerick; that Hugh Capet, and not Charls Duke of Lorrain enjoyed the Crown immediately after Lotharius: That Dagoberts second son, and not the eldest possessed the Royal Scepter after him: That Henry the younger, and not the elder brother ruled after king Robert their Father; and that Lewis the second, and not Robert the eldest child of king Lewis the Gross, was called to the royal Scepter and Crown of France; and also, if it may please you to call to remembrance that Pharamond, with divers others before-mentioned, were chosen kings, you shall easily see and perceive, that there hath been no such custome, or at the least-wise the same not so inviolable as it is suggested, for the next of the Blood to succeed always in his own right, and not as Heir to hid Pre∣decessor. In like manner if you please to understand that Theodorick the first king of France of that name,* 1.88 because he was a man wholly given over to pleasure, of small worth, of less value, and of no sufficiency capable of so great a Kingdom as France was and is, was by the States of his Realm deprived of his Royal Crown and Dignity, and put up in a Mona∣stery. That Lewis surnamed Do nothing, because he had make France Tributary unto Normandy,* 1.89 was also driven by the States to give over his

Kingdom, and to lead the residue of his life in a house of Religion; And that the Peers of France not regarding the young years of Charls the son of Lewis their King,* 1.90 deprived him of his right, and made Eude Earl of Paris king of France; You may think it as lawful for Charls the 6. to de∣prive his Son Charles of his Inheritance, for the horrible murther com∣mitted (as it hath been said) on the person of the Duke of Burgundy, a Prince of the blood royall, a Peer of France, and a Counsellour unto the King his Father; and for the great, manifest, and undutiful disobe∣dience which he shewed unto his Father, as it was for the States of the same Realm to deprive Theodorick for his Insufficiency, Lewis for his Pu∣sillanimity, and Charles for his youth. So you see the last Objection refuted by their own Examples. And as you see the cause why it is said that the Kings of France cannot dis-inherit their children; so I will let you understand the reason why they have invented a new shift or device, thereby to deprive those of their due who made claim to such debts as the Kings of France owed them.

There was a time (and so it is still) when a King of France dyed great∣ly indebted to the Switzers, which debt they challenging of his immediate Successor and Heir, who dyed in their debt; It was answered, that al∣though true it was that Contracts do bind the Contrahents and their heirs, as well private men a Princes, yet the Kings of France not succeeding as Heirs, but as Successors by custom, are not within the meaning and sense of that Law which speaketh of Contracts and their Contrahents, and their Heirs only.* 1.91 By which cavil the poor Switzers were deceived of their due debt, as we English-men have been debarred of our Claims, Titles and Rights, sometimes by the Law Salique, which was (as I have said) no Law of France, and sometimes by such exceptions, devices, and sub∣tleties, as I have lately specified.

The fourth point whereat they wonder, is, why the Kings of England having good right unto the Crown of France,* 1.92 and better success when they demanded their Right by Fire and Sword, do not still prosecute their demand, and did quickly lose whatsoever they or their Predecessors got in many years.

This point consisteth of two several points, the one why we forbear to challenge our right? the other by what occasion we lost all that some of our Kings had conquered, especially Henry the fifth, who subdued the greatest part of France; and although he dyed very young, yet he left his Son Henry the Sixth, being an Infant of few years, so mighty at home so be-friended abroad, so accompanied with good Souldiers, so well as∣sisted with good Counsellours, so followed by cunning and expert cap∣tains,* 1.93 and so directed by wise and discreet Generals, that when he was but ten years of Age, he was crowned at Paris King of France by the Dukes of Bedford and Burgundy, and in the presence of the chief Peers and Nobility of France.

This first point is easily answered, because ever since the first time we laid claim to the Crown of France, those Princes of ours who were Mar∣tial men, and inclined to Wars, demanded their Right by open Wars; as both ours and their Chronicles do testifie. But it pleased God some∣times to send us (as he doth unto other Kingdomes) such Princes as were rather given to pleasure, and unto peace, rather then unto Wars, and Martial exploits; in whose time the Frenchmen were wise enough to

take advantage of their quiet and peaceable natures; and when our Kings and Subjects, following (as Subjects commonly do) the humours and qualities of their Princes, gave themselves unto pleasures and pastimes, the French followed the Wars; and either by open Invasions, or by sub∣tile devices, recoverd part of their losses. Besides it hath sometimes fortuned, that when we had valiant Princes, and such as hath both good will and sufficient power to recover their Right, our Realm hath either been divided within it self, and by domestical dissention hindred to prose∣cute Forraign Wars: Or that our Kings coming by their kingdoms by force of Armes, have had more mind and occasion to stable and assure the same unto themselves and their Heirs, then to make Wars abroad. Again during the contentions betwixt the houses of Lancaster and of York, sometimes the one part, and sometimes the other sought favour and friendship, and alliance of the Kings of France; and they who prevailed in their attempts and purposes, by their aid, furtherance and sufferance; thought it an especial point of wit and policy to seek and continue their Amity; yea, and sometimes to buy the same with very hard conditions; lest that having them for their Enemies, they should either invade their Realms, or assist their Competitors, who most commonly fled unto them for help; relief, and succour. For as many of our Kings as have been driven out of their Royal Seats and Dignities by their domestical Adver∣saries, have been either entertained, or restored to their Crowns by the Kings of France and Scotland, the Dukes of Burgundy, or the Princes of Henault; as were Edward the fourth, Henry the second, the sixth and the seventh. Besides some of the kings of France, as namely, Lewis* 1.94 the twelfth, and Francis the first, doubting that our Kings would annoy them at home whilest they were busied in Forraign Wars, corrupted our Kings Council with bribes, and with yearly rewards and pensions made them so bound and beholding unto them, that they did not only bewray their Masters secrets, but also diverted their purposes; and if at any time they were purposed to molest France, or to joyn with the Enemies of France, they changed the Kings minds, and perswaded them not only, not to hinder, but also to help and further the French Kings in all their Enter∣prises, and against all their Enemies. And they were not only content∣ed to ••ee our cheif Counsellors,* 1.95 as Francis the first ••id Cardinal Wolsey, who bare such sway with Henry the eighth, changed his determination so often, made him friend and enemy to whom he would, and favoured the Emperour Charles the fifth, and sometimes the French king his common Adversary, in such manner, that it was commonly said, that Cardinal Wolsey ruled the French King, the King of England, and the Emperour, but also they purchased our Kings favour and furtherance with yearly Fees and Pensions. For it is written that Lewis the eleventh to retain and entertain the King of England for his friend,* 1.96 payed him yearly in London 50000 Crowns, and bestowed yearly 16000 other Crowns upon his chief Counsellors, the Lord Chancellor and the Master of the Rolls, and when our King had any occasion to send any Em∣bassadour unto him, he received them so honourably, entertained them so friendly, rewarded them so liberally, and dispatched them with so fair words, although their Embassage was never so unpleasant and dis∣pleasing unto him, that they departed alwayes very well contented. And albeit that some of them knew that whatsoever he did, was to win time to

work his will and purposes, yet because they got much by their dissimula∣tion, they dissembled their knowledge, and never acquainted our King with his secret intentions.

The same Lewis, besides this manner of entertaining of our Ambassa∣dors, used (when there was any great matter in debate and contention be∣twixt us and him) to receive all Ambassages that were sent unto him, and never to answer any of them but alwaies promised to send other Ambas∣sadors after them, who should bring his answers, and give our king such assurance of all things whereof he had occasion to doubt, that he should have no longer cause to be discontented; and when it came to the sending of such Ambassadors, because he would be still assured to gain time, he sent such personages as never had been in England before; to the end, that if his former Ambassadors had promised any thing that was not perform∣ed, or begun any Treaty that was not finished, the latter should not be a∣ble to make any answer thereunto, but enforced to desire some time and respite to acquaint their Master therewith, and to crave and have his reso∣lution therein.

Further, you may remember that it hath been already said, that the Al∣mighty, to the end that Kingdoms should remain still under their natural Princes, or being transferred from one Nation to another, should at length return unto kings of their own Nation, who indeed are more fit to govern them, of his infinite goodness toward man doth usually send a peaceable Successor after a Warlike Prince, in whose time the conquered recover either all or part of their losses, which by his heavenly will and pleasure hath hapned in England as well as in other places: For we have had such Princes as did as well lose what their Predecessors had conquered, or re∣cover what some of them lost.* 1.97 We won in the time of Richard the first the Kingdom of Cyprus, and sold it presently. We enjoyed by reason of the marriage with the daughter and heir of VVilliam Duke of Aquitane, and wife unto Henry the 2. that Dukedome better then 300 years, and at the last lost the same by negligence. We possessed the Dukedome of Nor∣mandy 350 years, and lost it in the time of Charls the 7. We subdued Scotland* 1.98 in Edw. 1. time, and lost it not long after. We conquered Ire∣land better then four hundred years since, and yet retain it. VVe ruled in Flanders for a while, and were driven out of Flanders after a small while. Briefly, it is written by some, that Brennus who first took and conquered Rome, was an Englishman, and that he continued his conquest but a very short time.

And as we have had good fortune against others, so others have not wanted good success against us: for the Romans conquered us, the Saxons subdued us, the Danes ruled us, and lastly the Normans had the upper hand of us; of whom our Kings are lineally descended, and in whose race they have continued better then 500 years.

Again it is usual betwixt Princes, when they are wearied with long, te∣dious, chargeable and dangerous wars, to desire peace, and to yeild to the same upon reasonable conditions; and in consideration of their trou∣bles endured in wars, of their charges sustained thereby, and of their subjects impoverished by the means thereof, to take long times of Truce, and surcease from wars, within which time it is not lawful to do any act of hostility. And this occasion hath also restrained some of our Princes for attempting any thing against France, although they had great desire to re∣cover

their right in France: Moreover it hath now and then hapned, that when we have been determined to prosecute our right, we either have been diverted by the entreaty of other Princes, who have been mediators for peace betwixt France and us; Or hindred by the departure of such Con∣••ederates from our part, as promised to aid and assist us in our enterprises. Or drawn from them to defend our selves at home, by reason of the sud∣den invasions which have been made by the Scots upon England, at the in∣treaty and perswasion of the French, which hath been the usual policy of the Kings of France, to turn the wars from themselves upon us; alwaies retaining the Scots for their friends and confederates, for no other purpose, but either to help them when we came into France or to make war with us when we intended to have carried our Forces thither.

Again, either by the weakness or by the corruption of our Council, we have (as hath been said) been so over-reached by the Frenchmen in all such agreements as we have made with them, that when we have won the whole, we have been contented with part, and when as we might have had mountains, we have vouchsafed to accept mole-hills; yea, we have bound our selves to relinquish our Right, to renounce our Titles, and give over all our Interests.

So at what time Prince Edward married Isabella daughter of Philip sir∣named the Fair, we resigned the Dutchy of Guyenna.

So Edward sir-named Long-hands, acquitted the French King of all the right he had to the Crown of France, to the Dutchy of Normandy, and to the Earldoms of Anjou, Mayne, Tourrain, and Poictou.

So Edward 3. having taken King Iohn of France prisoner at Poictiou, and retained him four years prisoner in England, took certain Towns and Countries in France for his ransome, and surrendred the residue of France into his hands, to be held by him and his heirs for ever, and with express condition never to lay any claim thereunto thereafter.

These agreements have been another cause why we have repressed our desires, and not prosecuted our rights.

Lastly, when we conquered France, and had continual wars therewith, the Realm was not then as it hath been of late years united, void of dissen∣tion, free from civil wars, in the hands, and under the government of one King, and not divided, dis-membred, and possessed with divers petty Prin∣ces, who either for alliance with us, or for some quarrel betwixt them and the French Kings, were alwaies ready to aid and assist us. So we had help somtimes of the Duke of Burgundy, of the Earl of Anjou, of the Duke of Britain, of the Earls of Foix, of Flanders, of Holland, and of Arminack, and somtimes of the kings of Navar, and of the Emperors of Germany; which helps of late years failing us, and the reasons already mentioned, have occasioned our weak, slender, and slack pursuit of the Title and In∣terest which we pretend unto the Crown of France.

Now to the second Point of this fourth Point, wherein I should spend so much time, and overweary you with too long & impertinent discourse,* 1.99 i•• I should relate unto you the time and manner, how and when we lost Normandy, Aquitania, and every other member of France; and therefore it shall suffice to shew you, how and when we had conquered almost all France in a few years, we lost again all in a very short time.

Both ours and the French Histories agree in this Point, That either in, or immediately after the happy and prosperous Reign of Henry the fifth,

we flourished, and possessed most in France; and lost all, or most part of all, in the time of his Son Henry the sixth.

The ways how this came to pass were many, I have reduced them un∣to four and twenty; the least of every of which was, and hath been enough to lose whole Estates and Kingdom, not gotten by Conquests, which are easily recovered, but descending by Inheritance, which are hardly lost.

The first Cause of our loss of whatsoever King Henry the fifth had gotten in France,* 1.100 was the death of King Charls the sixth; for when he was dead, many of the French Nobility (which before either for fear of the English puissance, or for the love which they bore unto King Charls, favoured and furthered our part) revolted from us unto the Dolphin,* 1.101 his dis-inherited Son; and it is usual in Factions, the head of one side being dead or suppressed, the residue be so weakned or feared, that either all or the most part either fly unto their Adversaries, or else make their peace with them, with as reasonable conditions as they can possibly; as was seen by the death of Pompey. whose Adherents fled unto Caesar, or sought his favour, after their principal Ring-leader and Guide was slain.

The second Cause was the sparkles of sedition and strife which began betwixt us and the Duke of Burgundy, our principal Aider and Abettor, who was highly discontented with us, because that Humphry, Duke of Glocester, either blinded with ambition, or doting with the love of the Lady Iaquet, sole Heir unto the County of Holland, had married her, not∣withstanding that her Husband Iohn, Duke of Brabant, and Brother to the Duke of Burgundy, was then living.

The third Cause was, the liberty of Iames King of Scotland, who be∣ing Ransomed with courtesie, and having sworn Loyalty unto the young King Henry the sixth, was no sooner in his own Country, then he forgot his Oath, and allyed himself with the French King.

The fourth was, the Revolt and departure of the Duke of Britany, and his Brother, from us unto the French King.

The fifth Cause was, the dissention betwixt the B••shop of Winchester, and the Duke of Glocester, who governed the young King; for appea∣sing whereof the Duke of Bedford, Regent of France, was called home.

The sixth, the liberty of the Duke of Alancon, who being Ransomed in the Regents absence, did greatly strengthen the Dolphins power.

The seventh, the death of the Earl of Salisbury, and of the worthiest and most fortunate Captain that ever England bred at Orleans; After whose decease the English good and prosperous fortune presently began to decline.

The eighth, was the refusal of the Duke of Bedford to suffer Orleans to yeild to the Duke of Burgundy; Of which refusal there proceeded two great inconveniencies:

The one, That they of Orleans offering to yeild themselves unto the said Duke, because they held it less dishonourable to yeild unto a French∣man, then unto an English Prince, although it were to the behalf and use of the King of England; and seeing their offer refused, grew (as many both before and since have done upon the like occasion) so wilful, obsti∣nate and desperate, that we could never get their Town, but suffered great losses in laying and continuing our Siege thereat a very long time, and indured such shame by departing thence without taking the same, that even until this day (as I saw of late years my self) they yearly celebrate

this day as Festival, to our great dishonour, whereon they compelled us to withdraw thence our overwearied and bootless Forces.

The other, That the Duke of Burgundy thinking by this refusal that we envyed his Honour too much, who had rather lose a Town of such strength and importance as Orleans was, then to suffer it to yeild unto him; although it were (as I have said) to our own use and advantage, be∣gan by little and little to remove his affection, and unfeigned friendship and furtherance from us.

The ninth, The often conveying of Forces out of England into Hol∣land, and in succour of the Duke of Glocester against the Duke of Brabant, who as mortal enemies, warred one upon the other, for the cause above mentioned; and also into Bohemia, by the Bishop of Winchester, for the Pope Martin, who intended to make a Conquest of Bohemia.

The tenth, The Dolphins policy who refused divers times to put try∣al of his cause to the hazard of a Battel.

The eleventh, The mistrust and jealousie which the Regent had of the Parisians; for fear of whose wavering and unconstant minds (a fault whereto they have always been greatly subject) the said Regent left di∣vers times very good and advantagious occasions to fight with the Dol∣phin, and return to Paris.

The twelfth, The variance and strife betwixt the Duke of Bedford, then Regent, and the Cardinal of Winchester, proceeding of this cause espe∣cially, for that the Cardinal presumed to command the Regent to leave off that name during the Kings being in France; affirming, the chief Ruler being present, the Authority of the substitute to cease, and to be derogate.

The thirteenth, The death of the Dutchess of Bedford, Sister unto the Duke of Burgundy, with whom dyed the true friendship between the two Dukes.

The fourteenth, The foolish pride of the Duke of Bedford, who com∣ing from Paris of purpose to S^t Omers, a Town belonging to the Duke of Burgundy, and appointed and chosen a convenient place for them to meet, and end all contentions betwixt them both, thought that the Duke of Burgundy should have come to his Lodging to have visited him first, as Son, Brother, and Uncle unto Kings; And the Duke of Burgundy being Lord of that place, would not vouchsafe him that Honour, but offered to meet him half way; which the Duke of Bedford refusing, they departed the Town discontented, and without seeing one another, and never after saw and con••erred together.

The fifteenth, The Duke of Burgundy displeased with this occasio••▪ and won, partly by the outcries of his own people (overwearied with wars) and partly by the general councel held at Arras for the according and agreeing of the two Kings, joineth with the French King.

The sixteenth, The death of the Duke of Bedfore, who being a man throughly acquainted with the humors and wars of France, by reason of his long continuance in the one, and conversation with the other, died the fourteenth year of Henry the 6. his Reigne, and presently after many French Noblemen, and worthy Souldiers who followed the said Duke, with-drew themselves from the English Faction.

The seventeenth, The Duke of York his Successors so long stay in Eng∣land, occasioned by the malice of the Duke of Somerset, that before his coming into France, Paris, and many other good Towns of France had yeilded unto the Dolphin.

The eighteenth, The sending over but of hundreds, yea, of scores, where before thousands were sent, to keep Holds not comparable to Paris, and other such like places.

The nineteenth, An unprofitable marriage concluded betwixt our King, and Margaret daughter unto Rainer king of Sicily and Ierusalem, by the means of the Earl of Suffolk, corrupted (as it was thought) by money: for the King had nothing with her, but delivered for her the Dutchy of An∣joyne, the City of Mouns, and the County of Mayne; which Countries were the very stayes of the Dutchy of Normandy.

The twentieth, The Earl of Arminack (with whose Kinswoman the King should have married) by reason of the aforesaid marriage, became the Kings enemy, and the chief cause of the loss of the Dukedom of Aqui∣tain.

The one and twentieth, The Queen disdaining that the King her husband should be ruled by the Duke of Glocester, never left till she had brought him to his untimely death.

The two and twentieth, The Dukes death, which divers French No∣blemen hearing of, revolted from our King; whose Realm was (as he knew) divided within it self, because Richard Duke of York, allyed by his wife unto the chief Peers of the Realm, began to contemn the King, who was ruled by his wife, and to lay claim privily unto the Crown, whereby mens minds were not attentive unto Forreign affairs, but wholly given to prevent and keep off proffered wrongs at home.

The three and twentieth, The King himself, who being more given to a purchase of an heavenly, then of an Earthly Kingdom, regarded not the matter, but suffered the Queen to be governed by ill counsel.

The four and twentieth, The sudden, and as it were in a manner, the miraculous coming of the Virgin of Orleans unto the Dolphin, who wrought him very strangely to leave those follies whereunto he was vainly given, and to betake himself with more courage and diligence unto the violent pursuit and following of his cause. And because as of a few sparkles som∣times ariseth a great fire, so of very light occasions, now and then come wondrous effects; I will briefly declare unto you the history of this Vir∣gin, and also the means how she being a base and mean Maiden, was re∣puted to be sent from heaven, to work such wonders as I may say in some manner with the Dolphin: This Maiden was a poor Shepherds daughter, and alwaies brought up to attend and keep her Fathers Sheep, until a Gen∣tleman of some accompt and worth, dwelling not far off, thought it ex∣pedient, by reason of a bold spirit which was seen and observed to be in her, somwhat exceeding the common courage of women, to use her as an instrument to bring the Dolphin, who lay at Borghes, besotted with the love of a very fair Damsel, and careless of his own estate, and of the ho∣nour of his Realm, from that wretchless security, unto a better trade of of life, and a more earnest desire of the recovery of his losses: First he made the Maiden privie to divers secret qualities of the Dolphin, which he being an ancient and continual Courtier, had observed from him in his Infancy: Then by shewing her every day his Picture, as truly and lively drawn as might possibly be done, he acquainted her so well with the form and shape of his face, that she might easily know him, although he were never so much disguised amongst a number of other Courtiers: And thirdly, he learned her many other things far beyond the reach and capa∣city

of a poor simple Maiden, and taught her both to foretel, and to do such things as made her to be taken for a very wise woman in the Coun∣try. This done, he resorteth to the Court, acquainteth divers Courti∣ers with his purpose and intention; and how that he, considering that ma∣ny other policies and devices had failed, to make the Dolphin to be more careful of the present lamentable estate of France, had with much labour, travel, and study, invented a very ready way to stir him up to diligence and care of his Realm and Country, and to enforce or perswade him to forsake those pleasures which had not only seduced and mis-led him, but also the most and better part of his Nobility, by whose negligence France was already fallen into bondage, servitude, and thraldome. This mat∣ter, saith he, must be brought to pass, not by humane policy, but by per∣swading the Dolphin (as I have found a means how to do it) that God hath sent a Virgin as it were from heaven, to be his Guide and Leader against his enemies, whom (as long as he should follow) he should undoubtedly be accompanied with good and fortunate success. Having won divers friends of his to allow of his device, and to consent to the putting of the same in execution, he and they spread a rumour in the Dolphin's Court, of many strange things which they said had been already done by this Virgin, which report came in time to the Dolphin's ears; who being (as Princes, and others commonly are) very desirous to know the truth of this report, sent for this Gentleman (because it was told him that he dwelt very nigh unto her) and asked him what wonders she had wrought: He verified the common report, and added further, That she must needs have some secret vertues more then other men or women could commonly have, for that she had told him divers secrets of his own, which he never told unto any man: Which seeming somwhat strange unto the Dolphin; he (to make up the matter) assured him, that if she were called from her Fathers poor cottage to the Court, he would not think any thing untrue that was reported of her; for I dare undertake (said he) that she shall tell you your own secrets, and know you, and reverence you as King, although she never saw you in her life, and albeit you disguise your self in the habit of the meanest Courtier within your Court: And further, I have heard say, that she can and will direct you a course, how you shall (within a very short time) drive the Englishmen your enemies out of France.

The Dolphin somwhat astonished with the strangeness of this tale, and very desirous to see the Maiden, caused her presently to be sent for, dis∣guised himself in a mean apparel, and willed one of his chief Noblemen to be honoured, apparelled, and accompanied as King, upon whom, he amongst the rest attended in proper person. The Maiden being brought to Court in a strange attire made for the nonce, and apparelleld like a Soul∣dier, and instructed in some points of Chivalry by the Gentleman before she came thither, and especially in the fashions of the Court, and other circumstances of the same, so demeaned her self, that it may be said of her, Non minuit, sed auget praesentia famam; She findeth out the Dolphin present∣ly in the midst of the thickest th••ong, yeildeth him reverence due and usu∣ally shewed unto a King: Who ravished with the strangeness thereof (for that it was certainly known that she was never in the Court, nor had at any time seen him) talketh with her, findeth her wise in her answers, and able to tell ••im m••st part of his secrets; and to be short, she being seconded by the Gentleman, and others (whom he, and the pity they had of the

poor estate of the Country, had made willing and ready to joyn with her in such petitions and motions as she had made unto the Dolphin) setled such an opinion of wisdom and holiness in him, that he presently took her for a guide sent from heaven, to direct him in all his doings; and by her per∣swasions, left his Love, and followed this maiden to the wars; who be∣ing always accompanied with good Captains, and counselled by them what directions she should give to the Dolphin to the end she might win credit with him▪ at the first sped very well in many things which she at∣tempted, and especially in raising our siege at Orleans, where I have seen her picture in brass, mounted upon a very large brazen horse, and there is yearly (as I have said before) a solemn Feast, and procession kept, in re∣membrance of her, that she drave the Englishmen from thence.

The Dolphin being thus animated by her, and encouraged by the good success which followed her for a while, proceeded so manfully, that he never left, until he had recovered all the Kingdom of France: So he by her sped not ill, but she for him had no good end; for being in the end ta∣ken by the Englishmen, and arraigned at Roan, upon divers articles of witchcraft, was found guilty, and there burnt for a witch. A strange metamorphosis, and not so strange as ridiculo••s. But if you consider how many things Scipo perswaded a few Roman Souldiers to do, which were almost impossible to be done by a few, only by telling them that he had often and secret conference with a Goddess, who counselled him to put those things in execution, and promised him good success in those enter∣prises; you may easily think that his policy might work the effect which it wrought.

It is written of Mahomet the God of the Turks, that he grew to the cre∣dit and reputation of a God,* 1.102 by as mean a device as this; for he carryed a shew of holiness, was better learned then their Teachers were, had the gift of Eloquence, secretly had insinuated himself into the favour of the people, and to perswade them that he had secret conference with God, and that whatsoever he Preached unto them, was put into his mouth by the Holy Ghost; he had used a tame Dove to come and stand upon ••is shoulder, ever when he Preached unto them, and to join his Beak and Head unto his Ear, as though it did whisper something into his Ear; Whereby he won such credit, that not only his Laws were thought to proceed from the inspiration of the Holy Ghost, but he ever sithence hath been honoured for a God.

It is written again of Kemitius King of Scotland, that when he had of∣tentimes endeavoured by divers ways to induce his Nobility to think well of his intended Wars against the Picts,* 1.103 and could not by any manner of perswasions prevail with them, he invented a policy never used or heard of before; he called his Council and Nobility together to consult of mat∣ters of weight, and held them in consultation until night, then he pro∣vided a great and costly Supper, which of set purpose he caused to conti∣nue until the night was very far spent, insomuch that they being over∣charged with meat and drink, fell all asleep; then he commanded that into every one of their Chambers there should go a man apparelled in a long Gown, made of fish skins, with the scales still remaining upon them, who carryed in one hand a staff of rotten wood, because that it (as the scales of the fish do) in the dark, maketh a kinde of glittering able to asto∣nish those who never saw the like; and in the other hand a great Oxes

horn, out of which the man speaking, should give a sound and voice far differing from the voice of a man: These men so apparel'd, entring into the Counsellors chambers, spake in a great and grave voice, and said, That they were Messengers sent thither from Heaven, to tell the Scottish Nobility, that they ought to hearken to the advice and Counsel that Kemitius their King gave them, and to aid and assist him to recover his Kingdom out of the hands and pos∣session of the Picts: When they had thus said, every one of them (as he was taught) hid his staff under his Gown, and gathering the fishes scales together in such manner, that it seemed unto the beholders, that as the glittering, so they suddenly vanished away. In the morning the Nobili∣ty met together, and every one of them telleth the King what he had seen and heard that night; he wondred thereat, as though he had not known thereof, telleth them he had the like vision, but thought not good to ac∣quaint them therewith, lest that they glorying too much in the special favour which God shewed unto them, should by revealing the same, be∣fore it was time, unto over many, greatly offend his heavenly Majesty; but that he meant to shew unto them what he had heard and seen, when the Wars were happily undertaken and ended. The Nobility confirm∣ed in the opinion of the Miracle by the Kings report, yeilded presently unto his Counsel, and with all possible speed made great preparation for the Wars against the Picts.

But now from these by-tales again to my purpose, which I might dilate and beautify with examples, confirming every one of these 24. Causes to be sufficient to lose a Kingdom; but your own reason and experience is a∣ble to assure you thereof; and therefore I will proceed no further in this Point; Saving that I have thought good to clear one thing, which perhaps may seem doubtful unto you; for I think it wil seem strange unto you why I call him by the name of Dolphin, whom the French Chronicles call Charls the seventh; you know that our Kings eldest Son, during the life of his Fa∣ther, ever sithence that Wales, was first conquered by England, was called the Prince of Wales; And so the eldest Sons of the Kings of France, have bin called Dolphins of France, since that Imbert and Humbert dyed without Heir, and gave Dolphiny unto Philip deValois, King of France,* 1.104 with condition that the eldest Son of the Kings should be called Dolphins; which name was given unto Charls the seventh during his Fathers life,* 1.105 when he was du∣tiful, and retained, after that he grew to disobedience and rebellion; yea continued by our Writers and Chroniclers, after his decease: for me thought it not convenient to call him King of France, because our King was then entituled by that name; but we vouchsafed him still the name of Dolphin, even as the Spaniards having deprived the present and right∣ful King of Portugal of his Kingdom, calling him still by the name of Don Antonio, as he was called before the Kingdom fell unto him by descent; and the Leaguers call the now King of France, not by the name of King of France, but King of Navarra; yea the Spaniards (as I have said be∣fore) considering that their King enjoyeth a great part of that Kingdom, * 1.106 and layeth claim to the whole, vouchsafeth him not the honour to call him king of Navarra, but in all their Writings they call him either the Prince of Bearn, or more plainly, the Bernois.

The first point whereat they wonder is, why the King of Spain (whose Predecessors not much more then 320 years agoe, were but very poor Earls of Hapsburg in Swizzeland, until that in the year 1273. Rodulph

Earl of Hapsburg was chosen Emperour) is grown to be a King of more might,* 1.107 greater wealth, and larger Dominions, the either the Emperour, or any other Christian Prince possesseth at this present; and how he, and some of his Predecessors have kept and conserved the same, whereas the Emperour hath lost most part of his possessions, and we (as it hath been said) and many others besides us, have in a very few years departed, or rather been driven from all that we or they got and conquered in many years.

In this point there are these parts to be considered, The increase of the house of Austria, and how it came; The continuance thereof, and whence it proceeded; The fall and decay of the Emperour, and what was the cause thereof; Lastly ours and others losses, and how they hap∣ned. The Spaniards increase is rare, but not marvelous; because few Princes have been blessed with the like fortune; not marvelous, because the causes thereof are ordinary, and not in any respect strange or wonde∣rous, for that very many mean men have enjoyed the like success; for of the Kingdomes, Dominions, and Seigniories which he now possesseth, he came by some justly, as those which came unto him by succession and inheritance; others valiantly, as those which his Ancestors conquered by force of Armes; some fortunately, as those which his Predecessors got by marriages; others most wrongfully, as those which he or they usurped unjustly.

So private men which grow unto excessive wealth, get some thereof with cunning, as that which they attain by deceit and policy, other-some happily, as that which cometh unto them by marriage, some painfully, as that which they purchase by great Industry, other some wrongfully, as that which they extort from their Neighbours by violence, injury, wrong, or oppression. It is and hath been alwayes usual amongst Prin∣ces to give their Kingdomes and chief Dominions unto their eldest Sons, and the Appendancies unto their younger children; and those Princes who have commonly come by Election unto higher dignity then ever they ex∣pected, have likewife always accustomed for the increase of their great∣ness, and the advancement of their house and family, to bestow whatsoe∣ver falleth void in the time of their Government belonging unto the same, upon their children; even as Bishops, Deans, and other Prelates of the Church, in these dayes, grant all the Leases, Coppy-holds, Farms and Tenements which belonging unto their Bishoppricks, Deaneries, and Prebendaries, fall void in their time, upon their children, or their neerest kinsmen. But betwixt Princes and Prelates there is this difference, That Princes give with this condition, that for default of Heirs Males of their bodies unto whom they give, their gifts should return from whence they came; and Prelates for the most part give for term of life, or for certain years; and yet those Prelates who besides their prelacy challenge to be absolute Princes (of which number I read of none so absolute or liberal in that respect as the Pope of Rome) grant many times, not Seigniories, but Kingdomes and Principalities with the like conditions, yea and impose a yearly fee and pension to be paid unto them and their Heirs, unto whom they give out of the See of Rome, from whence they and their posterity receive the same gifts:* 1.108 So there was a time when Benedict, the twelfth Pope of Rome, gave unto Suchin the Viscount and Government of Millan, and of all the towns, and of all castles belonging to the jurisdiction there∣of.

So there was a time when the same Pope bestowed upon divers Prin∣ces the like gifts, as upon Martin of Scala, the cities of Verona and Vicen∣za, upon William Gonzega, Mantua and Rezzo, upon Albertin Corazza, Padua, and the Territories thereof, upon Obizes Estenses, Ferrara and the Dukedom thereof:* 1.109 So there was a time when as Lewis the Emperour, either to be as liberal as the Pope, or to have as many friends as the Pope, gave unto Geleotto Malatesta, the Regiment of Arminio, Pescar••, and Fa∣no unto Anthony Mountefeltro the Dukedom of Urbine, and the Coun∣try called La Marca unto Geytel de Veronio, the Dukedom of Chamerino unto Guido de Polenti, the city of Ravenna unto Cinbaldo Ordelafy, the ci∣ties of Furly and of Cesena unto Iohn Manfred Faenza, and unto Lewis Adolisti the city of Imola: So there was a time when as Pope Urban gave unto Charles Earl of Argiers and of Provence, the kingdom of Sicily, and the Dukedomes of Puglia and Calabria,* 1.110 to hold them unto the fourth ge∣neration, who promised to pay him yearly seventy thousand Crowns for the same Kingdom and Dukedomes. So briefly, there was a time when as Alexander the sixth giving his only Daughter in marriage unto the Duke of Ferrara, confirmed unto him and his Heirs the same Dukedom, and reduced the yearly pension thereof from fourty thousand Crowns un∣to a thousand Ducates,* 1.111 not in imitation, but in the self same manner as those Popes and those Emperours used: the forementioned Emperour Rodolph, sometimes Earl of Hapsburg, having attained the possession of the Empire; contrary to all mens expectations, and perhaps far beyond his own deserts, meaning to increase his own ability, and to benefit his heirs and posterity for ever there by, bestowed the kingdom of Austria, which in his own time for want of Heirs Males reverted unto the Empire, upon his son Albert, to hold it for ever of the Empire; and from this Albert came all the house of Austria,* 1.112 until Charles the fi••th, who was Emperour and Fa∣ther to the present king of Spain.

There began his house: Now shall you see how it came to further ad∣vancement. His States, some are within his native Country, and some without the same: They within, are the Kingdoms of Castile, of Aragon, and of Lyons, &c. twelve in number; somtimes belonging unto so many several Princes, and in process of time united and appropriated unto one. So was France in ancient time divided into three Kingdoms;* 1.113 as the King∣dom of Mets, with the Country adjacent; of So••sson, with the Territory thereunto adjoyning; and of Paris, with the Provinces thereunto belong∣ing. And the Kings of these several Kingdoms bore the names of the place where they kept their Courts: So was ••hibault king of Mets, Chil∣debert king of Paris, and Clotarius of Soissons: So in the year 514. was added unto these three Kingdoms a fourth, namely Orleans; and every one of those Kings was commonly called King of France; and for the better knowledge of them, and difference between them, it was added, The King of France holding his Mansion house or Royal Court at Paris, at Orleans, at Soissons, or at Mets. And the Soveraignty of Basemain of these four Kingdoms was due only unto the King of Paris, as unto the chief and principal King, until in the year 618. all these kingdoms were united and incorporated into one. So was England divided into many kingdoms, as into the kingdom of Kent, of Northumberland, &c. So the three sons of Brutus, as Camber, Locrinus,* 1.114 and Albanactus divided the whole kingdom betwixt them after their fathers death. And this division continued in

France, in England, and in the Empire, until their mortal wars, or friend∣ly marriages, voluntary agreement, or forceable violence, greedy ambiti∣on, or fatal destiny reduced them unto one Monarchy. The Union of the twelve Kingdoms of Spain fell out in Ferdinando his time, who being king of Aragon,* 1.115 matched with Isabella Queen of Castile, as heir unto her Bro∣ther Henry, and in her right, held himself, and after his decease transferred unto his Daughter Ioan, begotten upon her body, all the Kingdoms of Spain; which Daughter married with Philip Arch-Duke of Austria, who begate upon her body Charls the fifth, who was Emperour, and unto him succeeded Philip which now reigneth. And thus he came by the States within his own Country.

The States without the limits of Spain, some of them are Kingdoms, as of Naples, of Navarra, of both Sicilies, and of Portugal, together with the many Kingdoms of both the East and the West Indies; some Earl∣doms and Dukedoms, as of Milan, Brabant, and Flanders, of Burgundy, and briefly of the seventeen United Provinces: How he came by all these, it will be more tedious then wondrous to declare.

The Kingdoms of Naples and Sicily have been the butchery of most Na∣tions of Europe; For the Popes challenging to be Soveraign Lords there∣of,* 1.116 and by vertue of that Title, to have full power and authority to dis∣pose the same at their pleasure, according to the variety of their humours, their affections, their quarrels, and their factions, they have somtimes be∣stowed them upon Frenchmen, other times upon Italians, somtimes upon Germans, other times upon Swetians, somtimes upon Spaniards, other times upon Hungarians, and once upon the Englishmen. So that all these Nations, either for the conq••est, or for the de••ence thereof, have lost their blood, hazarded their lives, and spent infinite treasure; which is shortly proved by these examples following.

In the year 1381. Pope Clement crowned in Avignion,* 1.117 Charls Prince of Tarento, King of Sicily, who had married the sister of Ioan Queen of Sicily, and of Ierusalem; the which Ioan for default of heirs, adopted for her son and heir, Lewis Duke of Anjou, and made him king of Naples Sicily, and Ierusalem, and Duke of Cambria, and Earl of Provence. This gift and adoption was ratified by the Pope, and furthered by the French∣men for these respects. Clement the pope having a Corrival named Urban, who was favoured by the king of Castile, and of Hungary, thought it con∣venient and necessary for him to procure the help and assistance▪ of the Frenchmen for the better maintenance of his cause (as divers of his Pre∣decessors had done before him) and therefore with his gift and donation so wrought and won unto him the said Lewis, who was then Regent of France, that although the Kings above-mentioned had sent their Ambassadors un∣to the French king to entreat his favour and furtherance for Pope Urban, they could not prevail with him, because the said Lewis, who governed the king, and all the Realm, was wholly for Clement; insomuch that through his favour Clement's Cardinals had all the best Benefices, and Ecclesiastical promotions of France, without any respect being had to their lives, to their learning, to their qualities, or to their Religion. The Frenchmen aided the said Lewis in this quarrel, and in his Wars for the obtaining of these Kingdoms, most willingly; because they were desi∣rous to send him far from home, who wearied them at home daylie with new Taxes, and unaccustomed grievances.

Pope Urbane, on the contrary side to gratifie his friends, and to be assured of their help,* 1.118 gave these Kingdoms unto Charls, Nephew of the King of Hungary, who willingly accepted the same, as well for the bene∣fit thereby likely to arise, as for to revenge the death of his Brother, cru∣elly and unjustly murthered by the said Ioan his Wife; Wherein he had so good success, as that he took the said Ioan Prisoner, and caused her to be put to death: Here you see Frenchmen and Hungarians at mortal Wars for this Kingdom. And before these later Contentions, you shall understand that the above mentioned Ioan being weary of her Husband Lewis, and having divers ways so wronged him, that he lived many years indurance, Adopted for her Heir Alonso King of Aragon, who drave Lewis out of his Kingdom; Here you see Frenchmen and Spaniards at deadly feud for these Kingdoms.

Conradin,* 1.119 Duke of Suavia, and Son to Conrade the Emperour, being disposed and purposed to retire himself, after the death of his Father, into his Kingdom of Naples, obtained great help of divers German Princes, and especially of Frederick Duke of Austria, his very neer and dear Kinsman; but being encountred by Charls, brother of the King of France, and be∣trayed unto him by Pope Clement the fourth, both he and the aforesaid Frederick were taken Prisoners, and by the advice of the Pope, not long after beheaded: So came the Kingdom of Naples from the Suavian, unto the Frenchman; and the Dukedom of Suavia ended, and was utterly ex∣tinct by the Treason and wickedness of Pope Clement.

What Contentions have been betwixt divers Families of Italy, and di∣vers Houses of Naples it self for those Kingdoms, the Chronicles of Italy report; And I hasten from this Nation to our own Country, because it may seem somewhat strange we had ever to do so far from home; and what quarrel, presence, or title we could lay to a Kingdom so remote and far distant from England.

By that which hath been said you may easily perceive that the Popes have used these Kingdoms, and their pretensive right unto them, for the only means and instruments to furnish themselves with friends in time of need and necessity: And when they began to be weary upon any occasion, of the present King of Naples, they incontinently set upon another; dis∣placed their enemy, and called such a Prince as best pleased them, or the time or the opportunity made fittest to hearken to their perswasions, and to persecute their Adversaries, into Italy; and there continued and che∣rished him for a time, until they likewise grew weary of him, or he could no longer stand them in stead.

This is verified by many Armies that have been especially brought out of France, and by sundry Kings and Princes of that Country, who spent their time, travel, and treasure, in those Wars: But there is not one Ex∣ample that confirmeth the same more apparently then that which our Hi∣stories report of Henry the third, King of England.

This King by reason he had Reigned many years, saw sundry alterati∣ons in divers Kingdoms;* 1.120 and (as Princes who continue long are often∣times sought unto) he was honoured of all the Kings and Potentates that lived in his time; and many of them were glad of his am••ty and friend∣ship; for as he was mighty, so was he very wise, and therefore able to help them with his strength, and counsel them with his wisdom; yet nei∣ther so strong, nor so wise, but that his power was abated, and his wis∣dom

abused by the Popes subtle policies. There was a time when Conra∣dus king of Sicily, began to be somewhat grievous and offensive to the Pope, who to be revenged of his supposed wrongs, had suborned divers Princes against him; and when all had either failed him, or faintly pro∣ceeded in their quarrel against Conrade, he fled for his last refuge unto the said Henry the third; and to induce him to shew his readiness and good will to drive Conrade out of his Royal Seat and Dominion, he used divers sinister means, and many subtle devices.

First he defamed the said Conrade, accused him of Heresie, layed mur∣ther to his charge, burthened him with the death and poysoning of his own Brother, thereby making him odious to the world. Then not think∣ing it sufficient to disgrace and discredit him (for that the Princes neither then, nor in those days did easily undertake Wars one against another in hatred of the vices which possessed them, but in hope of the Kingdoms which they enjoyed) he, to encourage our King the more, gave him the Kingdoms of Apulia and Sicily, and entituled his Son by the name of king of both those Countries; And understanding that he wanted sufficient men to imploy in that service,* 1.121 he dispensed him to take those Souldiers which had enrolled themselves for the Wars of the Holy Land, and pub∣lishing that his Adversary for grief was dead, and forsaken by his friends; With these devices, and his Embassadors subtleties, he induced our King to bind himself, upon pain of loss of his Kingdom, to spend and send 140^m Marks to those Wars; and this promise was so readily performed, and men by our King so willingly transferred for that service, that the whole Realm in very short time felt great want, both of men, and of money.

Thus you see that Naples and Sicily have been both troublesome and chargeable to as many Nations as I before named; And yet you see not how they came directly unto the house of Spain, nor with what Right and Title king Philip possesseth them at this day.

To the end therefore that herein as well as in other Points, you may be fully satisfied, I will let you understand the late claims and challenges layed and made to those Kingdoms.

Charls the eighth,* 1.122 king of France, challenged the Kingdom of Naples, because Renatus, Duke of Anjou, his very near Kinsman, dying without children, and being made Heir of the same kingdom by the last Will and Testament of Ioan,* 1.123 Queen of Naples, had made and declared in his last Will and Testament, Lewis the eleventh for his Heir unto the same king∣dom, which Lewis was Father unto the said Charls; who followed the Claim with such speed and expedition, that he got the kingdom by force of Arms, in so short a time,* 1.124 that a notable Historiographer writing there∣of saith, That an Embassadour would almost have spent as much time in going thither from France, as the said Charls did imploy in conquering thereof.

The Frenchmen enjoyed not their Conquest many years; for Ferdi∣nando,* 1.125 king of Spain began to lay claim unto the kingdom of Naples, be∣cause that although Alphonsus king of Aragon had bestowed the same king∣dom upon Ferdinando his base Son; yet both Iohn his Brother, and Suc∣cessor in the kingdom of Naples; and also Ferdinando himself being Son unto the said Iohn had just cause of claim and title ther••unto; because that Alphonso having gotten the same both with the Forces and with

the treasure of the Realm of Aragon, it should of right belong unto that Crown.

This claim of Ferdinandos was furthered by Pope Iulio the second, who either being wearied of the insolency of the Frenchmen, or desirous to fol∣low the steps of his inconstant Predecessors, or rather willing to revenge the wrong offered unto his Predecessor by Charls the eighth,* 1.126 what time he imprisoned him in the Castle of S. Angelo, and enforced him to give him for his ransome or deliverance the Castles of Civita Vecchia, of Forracina, and of Spoleto, to hold them until he had made full conquest of Naples, and also constrained him to invest himself in the said Kingdom, besought Ferdinan••o king of Aragon, to undertake the defence of the Church,* 1.127 and of the States and Dominions thereof, against all those who persecuted the same, and especially against Lewis the 11. of France; and to make him the more willing and ready to accomplish this his desire, he sent him the Investure and Gift of the same kingdom, with a very small and reasonable yearly Tribute for the same. Ferdinando thinking his Title the better by the Popes Grant, and his possibility to prevail the greater, because of his assured help and furtherance, prosecuted his claim by open Wars upon the Frenchmen; wherein he had so good success, that he drew the French King to make a friendly division of the kingdom between them. This composition (as all agreements betwixt Princes most commonly are) was kept inviolable, until Gonsalvo, General for the Aragonian king in those parts (who was afterwards for his Excellency called the Great Captain, as Pompey was amongst the Romans) took these occasions following to dis∣possess and drive the Frenchmen out of all that they possessed within the Realm of Naples. First he alledged that the division was not equally made, because the Dogana of Puglia (which indeed was the best and great∣est Revenue of that Crown) was wholly allotted unto the Frenchmen, and neither any part thereof, nor any th••ng else that might countervail the same in worth, value, and goodness, was assigned unto the Spaniards.

Secondly, there fell such a disease amongst the Frenchmen, by reason of the abundance of fruit which they eat daylie,* 1.128 and because the waters which they drank (as it was thought) were poisoned by the Spaniards, that most part, as well of the private souldiers, as of the chief Captains, died thereof and many for fear thereof departed from the French kings Camp.

Thirdly▪ that poor and small remainder that was lest, presuming that this composition should be held inviolable, grew so negligent and careless, that they suffered the Spaniards to do all that they would, and never di∣strusted them, until it was too late.

Lastly, Gonsalvo being required to desist from Wars because there was a peace concluded betwixt the Spanish and French kings, in regard where∣of the French General had long before surceased all acts of hostility; an∣swered, That he could not leave off his wars, because he knew not what authority Don Philip (who was the Mediator of that Peace, and should have had the French Kings daughter for wife to his son Charls) had from the King and Queen of Spain to conclude the said Peace: And the said King and Queen hearing of the good success which their General had daily against the Frenchmen, permitted him to proceed as he began, and dis∣claimed all that was agreed, or yeil••ed unto by the said Don Philippo, say∣ing that he had no power or authority from them to make any such agree∣ment. But Don Philippo seeing his credit thereby called in question, pub∣lished

to all the world that he had done nothing more in the concluding the said peace,* 1.129 then the King and Queen had given him full commission to do; and further before he departed out of Spain, he saw them both swear upon the holy Evangelists, and upon the Image of Christ crucified, that they would confirm, ratifie▪ and observe, whatsoever should be conclu∣ded by him.* 1.130 Thus Naples was gotten deceitfully, although Francis the first after that he was unhappily taken Prisoner at Pavia by Charles the fifth, did voluntarily renounce all his Right, Title, and Interest unto the same kingdom for the ransom and deliverance of his two Sons, who were Prisoners a long time in Spain, as pledges for their Father.

From Naples and Sicily, I hasten to the kingdom of Navarra, gotten by the Spaniards Predecessors, and held as unlawfully by him, as the two other kingdomes;* 1.131 for when as Ferdinando, so often before mentioned, had occasion to pass with an Army through the kingdom of Navarra to succour the Pope, he demanded safe passage of the King thereof; who being so commanded by Lewis the French king his Soveraign, denied him passage: Ferdinando certifying the Pope of his denial, the Pope excom∣municated the King,* 1.132 and depriveth him as a Schismatique of his king∣dom; Ferdinando hereupon having his Army in a readiness, invadeth the kingdom, taketh the King unprovided, and before he could have any help from the French king, depriveth him of his Royal Seat and Dignity; and his Heirs have held the same ever ••ithence by no better Title then this. Of which give me leave in a few words to tell you my simple opinion, and then I will come to the kingdom of Portugal. As it is most certain that the Kings of Naples and of Scotland hold their kingdomes the one of the Pope of Rome, the other of the Queen of England as of their Soveraigns; so it is undoubtedly true, that the Kings of Navarra owe homage, faith, fealty, and obedience unto the king of France, as unto their Lord and Soveraign, for their kingdom; in regard whereof they are bound to many conditions of services unto him as their Soveraign, and especially to aid and assist him in his just quarrels, wars and contentions against any other Prince whatsoever, and never to leave him, upon pain of forfeiture of their States and Dominions holden of him; which is so true, that many Doctors of Law writing upon this case, make this question, whether a Vassal (such as the king of Navarra was in respect of the French king) leaving his Lord and Soveraign sorely hurt in the field, and forsaking him in that case, doth forfeit his Estate or no? And they all generally con∣clude, that it his wounds be not mortal, and such as they leave no small hope of life, then the Vassal for forsaking him loseth his Estate, be it ne∣ver so great. But I will not stand upon the proof of this point, nor upon the justifying of the king of Navarra his denial made unto the Aragonian king by Commandment of his said Lord and Soveraign; for I shall have occasion to enlarge hereof in another place, whereunto when I come, you shall see it sufficiently and plainly proved, that the king of Navarra could not without manifest loss and forfeiture of his kingdom unto the French king, deny or resist his Commandment.

This then being most manifest, it must needs follow, that the king of Aragon did most wrongfully invade and take from him his kingdom; and so consequently the king of Spain withholdeth the same from the pre∣sent king of Navarra, with no better right or reason then he that detaineth a private mans lands, who never having any just title thereunto, justi∣fieth

his Tenure by no other reason but by a few years wrongful possessi∣on; which giveth no just title▪ especially if the same hath been continually claimed and demanded by the lawful owners thereof, as without all doubt the kingdom of Navar hath been; for the present king and his Predecessors did oftentimes require restitution thereof of them which did wrongfully detain it; And had not the civil wars of France hindred the present king from demanding the same by force of Arms, he had long before this time warred upon the now king of Spain, for the recovery thereof. Now to the Kingdom of Portugal. This kingdom as Scotland and Navarra are mem∣bers of the kingdom of England and France, so it is a member of the king∣dom of Spain;* 1.133 for Alphonsus the sixth, king of Spain, had a base Daughter nam'd Taresia, whom he married unto Henry Count of Lotharinga, and gave him in Dower with her the Kingdom of Portugal,* 1.134 because he had done him very great service against the Moors: But his Son Alphonsus the first, was the first that was named King of Portugal, and the first that got the City of Lisbone from the said Moors; and having overcome in one Battel five of their Kings, he left five Shields for Arms unto his Posterity. This kingdom hath had many alterations, and sundry Wars, moved by such as layed claim thereunto; but none considering the small continuance thereof, more lamentable then the late Wars betwixt the now king of Spain, and him whom the Spaniards call Don Antonio, and no lawful king of Portugal; for besides that the chief of the Nobility of that Realm were either cruelly murthered in the said War, or unkindly held in ex∣tream thraledom or servitude by the Spaniard, their natural and professed enemy; the rightful King was most wrongfully driven from his lawful Inheritance, to live as you know, in a strange Country with the Princely, and yet slender releif that her Majesty of her Royal liberality and clemen∣cy vouchsafeth him and his poor Train.* 1.135 The Spaniard for the better ob∣taining of his Kingdom, imitated in some measure, the policicy of Charls the fifth his Father, who during the competency betwixt him and Francis the first, king of France for the Empire; brought an Army of men unto the place where the Electors were assembled to make choice of the Em∣perour; pretending the cause of bringing his Army thither, to be his just and Princely desire to free the Electors from all manner of fear, which they might justly have of some violence to be offered them by the French king, if they made not choice of him; Whereas in very deed his Forces tended to no other purpose then to chuse him: But the king of Spains de∣vice was not in all respects so cleanly, as you shall hear by the sequel: But you must first understand how many Competetors there were for this one Crown, and what right every one of them had thereunto.

Emanuel king of Portugal married first Isabel,* 1.136 Daughter to Ferdinando, king of Castile, by whom he had but one male child, which died in his in∣fancy: Then he took to Wife Mary the second, Daughter of the said Fer∣dinand, by whom he had nine children; Iohn who had issue Iohn the third, and he Sebastian which was lately slain, not leaving any issue be∣hind him, Lodowick, who was lately secretly married, and had issue this Don Antonio, who now liveth in England. The third child was Ferdi∣nando, who married a daughter of the Earl of Marialva, by whom he had two Sons, who dyed before their Father. The fourth was Alphon∣sus, who was made Cardinal, and departed the world not having any child. The fifth was Henry, who was likewise a Cardinal, and king after Don

Sebastian, and died also without issue. The sixth was Edward, who mar∣ried Theodosia Dutchess of Burgantia, by whom he had three children, that is to say, Mary, who married Alexander, Prince of Parma, Katharine, who took to husband the Duke of Burgantia, and Edward who died unmarried. The seventh was Anthony, who died in his infancy. The eighth childe was Isabel, who was married to Charles the Emperour, and had issue by him the present king of Spain. The last was Beatrice, wife to the Duke of Savoy.

These were the issue, now follow the Competitors; they were five. Don Antonio, lawful son, (as he proved) unto Lodowick the second heir male of Emanuel, The Prince of Parma as Tutor unto his son, begotten upon the eldest daughter of Edward, the sixth heir male. The Duke of Bergantia, begotten on the body of Katharine, the second daughter of the said Edward. King Philip begotten of the body of Isabel, eldest daughter unto Emanuel. And the Duke of Savoy, the lawful heir of the youngest daughter of the said Emanuel.

Now of all these competitors, to deliver you first my opinion, I take it (alwaies salvo meliori judicio) that none of them all could lawfully claim the Crown of Portugal: For as many as hold the marriage of Henry the eighth king of England, with the Lady Katharine unlawful, because she was married unto his eldest brother Arthur, must needs hold the marriage of Emanuel king of Portugal far more unlawful, because both king Henry and he married unlawfully: For if two brethren cannot successively mar∣ry one woman, truly two sisters cannot be married unto one man: And the reason which some use to justifie king Henry his marriage, cannot serve for the justification of king Emanuel's matrimony; for all that was said in the defence of the Lady Katharine, was, that her husband never knew her carnally; which cannot be truly said for king Emanuel, because he had a son by his first wife: wherefore if all these nine children being begotten in unlawful wedlock cannot possibly be reputed legitimate, and therefore are not lawful heirs to their reputed fathers, much less can any of they who de∣scend from any of these nine children be esteemed lawful heirs to the Crown of Portugal. But grant them to be lawful, and then to each of their Titles in order. Don Antonio hath sufficiently justified his Title in his Apologie, by many reasons, which I reduce to these three principally.

First he proveth his Fathers marriage, though it were with his far infe∣riour, to be lawful, notwithstanding the disparagement, in regard of which it was concealed. Then he fortifieth his Title by the custome of the peo∣ple of Portugal, who by ancient priviledge challenge a right, in case of controversie for the Crown, to make choice of such an one of the compe∣titors as they shall have a special liking and love unto. Lastly, he either sheweth, or might shew, that Bastards have succeeded in the Kingdom of Portugal; and that therefore although Bastardy had been fully proved a∣gainst him, yet being chosen by the common consent of the people, it was no sufficient bar, or lawful exception, to say that he was a Bastard, especi∣ally being made by such an one as came from a Bastard himself, and hold∣eth his own Kingdom by right derived from a Bastard, as doth the present king of Spain: For the Chronicles of Spain report, that Henry bastard brother unto Peter king of Spain,* 1.137 taking advantage of the evil opinion which was conceived of his brother, (by reason of his loose and dissolute life) by the help of the French King, notwithstanding that Edward the

third aided the said Peter, and once restored him to his Crown, drave him the second time from the same;* 1.138 and having slain him in the Field, usurped his Royal dignity, and transferred it unto his heirs, of which king Philip is lineally descended: For there was a time when as Iohn Prince of Castile, and son to Henry of Castile, challenged the Kingdom of Portugal, because he had married Beatrice the only daughter and heir of Ferdinando late king of Portugal; but the people would not accept him for their king, because they naturally hated the Castilians, and therefore they chose a bastard for their king, named Denis, saying; That it was as lawful for them to chuse the said bastard for their king, as it was for the Castilians to admit Henry the bastard for their king, who had (as is above said) deprived most unlaw∣fully and unnaturally the lawful king of his life and Scepter. Now from Don Antonio, unto the rest in general, who because they all claim by right of their mothers,* 1.139 are all excluded by an inviolable law of Portugal, alledg∣ed against the aforesaid Iohn Prince of Castile, in the behalf of the afore∣mentioned bastard Denis, whereby it is provided, That no woman shall enjoy the Crown of Portugal: For whereas there is a Law that no woman shall succeed; the same Law (as it appeareth by the Law Salique alledged against us in the time of King Edward the third) excludeth also the males descending from the woman. And so these four Competitors claim is ut∣terly void, and of none effect. And in case where women may succeed, the Females descending from an heir male, are to be preferred before such as come only and directly from the female: And so the Prince of Parma, and the Duke of Bergantia descending from the daughters of Prince Edw. and they in law succeeding their Father, as the same person and his un∣doubted heirs, are not only to be preferred before the King of Spain, and the Duke of Savoy, who came of the daughters of the before-named Emanuel, but also before their Aunts, the said King Philips, and Duke of Savoy's mothers, because in matter of Succession, the elder brothers chil∣dren are always preferred before the Uncles or Aunts. Those Titles, and the means how the Kings of Spain prevailed before the rest of his Com∣petitors, are largely set down in Don Antonio's Apologie, unto which I refer you, Although there be (at the least) twenty points therein of no small moment, which (in my opinion) are not sufficiently cleared, nor substantially handled, yet therein you shall easily perceive how king Phi∣lip in getting the same kingdom,* 1.140 imitated (as I said before) his father. I must likewise refer you to the history of Hernan Logeres, touching the dis∣covery and conquest of the Indies; for it were too long for me to tell you what small forces went thither out of Spain first; and how the Leaders of those slender Armies taking advantage of the divisions which they found betwixt the kings of those Countries, did easily overthrow some with the help of the other. There you shall see how a number of naked men fly like sheep before a few armed souldiers; there you shall read, that even amongst those barbarous people and princes, there wanted neither deceit nor policy; there you shall find, that the Spaniards being far from their Country, and not many, amongst an infinite number of mortal enemies, strived and contended amongst themselves for superiority, which argueth an unsatiable desire of rule and government, and their natural proneness to mutiny; although they challenge an especial praise above all other Na∣tions for their obedience to their Superiours: there you shall see the fruits of division, the effects of tyrannie, the force of terror and fear, and the

vertue of good and expert souldiers fighting against rude and ignorant multitudes: there you shall observe, in some of these unchristian Princes, more loyalty, friendship, constancy, and perseverance in their honest and lawful enterprises, then hath lately been found in many Christian Princes: there (briefly) you shall find enough to satisfie you, how the Spaniards came to the possession of the Indies; if withal it may please you to under∣stand, that Pope Alexander the sixth being a Spaniard, and chosen Arbi∣trator betwixt the Kings of Spain and Portugal, at what time they were at variance for and touching the division of the Indies; the said Pope shew∣ed himself too too partial unto the Spaniard, and gave him much more then the Portugal thought that in reason and conscience should have been allotted unto him.

Now from the Indies, and the aforementioned Kingdoms, unto the Earldoms and Dukedoms; And first to the Dutchy of Millan; a State which hath suffered many alterations, of which I may not speak without digressing too much from my purpose; and because I hasten unto many other points, whereof I intend by Gods grace to discourse at large, I may not be over-long in this point.

The Dutchy of Milan was anciently a member of the Empire,* 1.141 and none was held lawful Lord or Duke thereof, which had not received his investure and approbation from the Emperour. It would be both long and tedious to relate unto you the many competencies for this Dukedom, the sundry Pretendants thereunto, and the mighty Partakers of these competitors; whereof leaving ancient quarrels aside, and not troubling you with the Titles of the Viscounts, with the pretentions of the Sforzas, nor with the claims of the Predecessors of Francis the first king of France, and of Charles the fifth Emperour;* 1.142 I will only tell you that the former challenged the same Dukedom in right of the Lady Valentine, wife unto the Duke of Orleance; and the later pretend right thereunto, because the contract of Marriage betwixt Valentine and the said Duke was not confir∣med by the Authority of the Emperour, because the Emperour had never granted unto the before-named Duke the Investure of the said Dukedom: These reasons indeed are sufficient in Law to deprive a Vassal of his Seig∣niory, if by voluntary negligence, or wilful obstinacy, he refuse to do ho∣mage, or to demand the Investure of his hold and Tenure of the Lord and Sovereign. But there are many occasions which may excuse this demand, upon which I shall not need to stand, because they are not pertinent to this purpose, which is only to shew you whether the Spanish King came rightly or unrightly unto the Dukedom of Millan.

The which difficulty may be cleared in this manner: Let the Spaniard shew that his Fathers Allegation was lawful, then shall it follow that his War for the same, with the French King, was also most lawful; And so consequently his getting the same by force of Arms likewise lawful: Let him shew that it was gotten with the Forces and Expences of the Empire; then it shall follow that it belonged unto the Empire: Let him shew that his Father, having purchased his Dukedom in right of the Empire, and at the costs, and with the help of the Souldiers and Captains thereof, had full Authority to alienate the same, and to bestow it upon him his lawful Son, and that he so did; then shall it follow that he is true owner thereof: But I fear me it will be very hard and difficult for him to shew all these particu∣lars; and therefore I dare not deliver it for any sound opinion, that he

hath right thereunto, unless he shall plead the Renunciation, and Resig∣nation made thereof by the said Francis,* 1.143 at what time the Treaty of Peace was concluded betwixt his Father, and he the said Francis, at Cambray; At which time the said Francis for himself and his heirs, renounced, de∣mised, released, and resigned into the hands and possessi••n of the s••id Charlo•• and of his Heirs, all Rights, Titles, and Interests which he or they had or might have unto the Dukedom of Millan. From which Dukedom I will now come to the Dutchy of Burgundy,* 1.144 and to all the Earldoms, and other members implicatively contained therein, and law∣fully invested in the Duke thereof. For Charls last Duke of Burg••ndy (who was unfortunately slain by the Switzers) was Earl of Flanders, and of Holland, Duke of Brabant, and Lord of all the united Provinces; by reason whereof, and of those laudible qualities which he possessed, he thought himself inferiour to no Prince living in his time, and never had been overthrown as he was, had he not dwelt too much in his opinion, had he not presumed too much of his own strength, had he not thought too basely of his enemies, and had he not made so sl••ght account as he did of the French Kings subtle and secret practises against him; which indeed were so politique,* 1.145 so wise, and so secret, that a French Historiographer writeth, That the French King still sitting in his Chair at home, and suf∣fering the Duke to follow his own humours, and suborning and procu∣ring him daily new Adversaries, did him far more much harm, then they who did openly and directly bear Arms against him.

This Duke being slain (as is above-said) in an unfortunate time for the house of Burgundy, and for a very small occasion (for the Wars where∣in he was slain were but for a Cart loaden with sheep-skins) left issue but one Daughter, whom Maximilian the Emperour married, and had by her issue Philip Arch-Duke of Austria, who begat Charls the Emperour, and Charls (as it hath often been said) this present King of Spain. Besides Francis the first (who before that time was (as all his predecessors before him had been) Soveragin of all those Estates and Countries) did as well at Madrid in Spain, whilst he was Prisoner there for his own Ransome; as at Cambray, after he was set at liberty; for the deliverance of his two Children, renounce all his Rights and Interests to the Soveraignty of all these Countries. Thus came the Spaniard by all that he hath.

Now shall you see how he hath hitherto conserved all this his own pos∣session,* 1.146 notwithstanding the reasonable pretences which many either do or may make to divers of his Dominions.

First, as amongst private men, whosoever attaineth unto great wealth, is reverenced amongst his neighbours, honoured by his friends, feared by his adversaries, and so sought unto by all men, that many indeavour to please him, few or none dare to contend with him; even so amongst Princes, he that exceedeth the rest in might, in wealth, in reputation, car∣rieth such credit with the rest, beareth such sway wheresoever he cometh, winneth such favour in all that he attempteth, and striketh such terrour in the hearts of them who have occasion to quarrel with him, that they had rather sit down losers, then rise up in Arms against him; they suspect his secret attempts, stand in awe of his exceeding power, doubt the aspi∣ring projects of his ambitious mind, and are presently terrified when they enter into consideration of his strength, of his treasure, of his friends and confederates; provoke him think they, and you heap burning coles upon

your own heads; anger him, and you awake a shrewd sleeping Dog; offend him, and you displease his friends; contend with him, and you strive against the stream; and therefore they hold it for extream folly to incur his displeasure, and for singular wisdom to continue in his favour. When the Romans were in the highest degree of their prosperity; What Prince was so mighty that feared not their power? What Common∣wealth so rich that stood not in fear and awe of their huge Armies? What commanded they that was not obeyed? Or whither went they, where they were not received? Was there any Nation so far from them which heard not of their might and magnificence?* 1.147 Was there any Region (were it never so remote) that heard not of their strength and puissance; that trembled not at the very name and mention thereof? Came not Kings voluntarily to Rome from the furthest confines of the world to seek their friendship? Sent not the Princes of Asia, the Monarchs of Affrica, and all the Kings of Europe, their Embassadours, to crave their Favour and Alliance? What Prince presumed so much of his own force, that if he were wise, held himself not greatly honoured if he were so happy as to be one of the number of their Alliance? and if he were unwise, or over-hardy and bold, that found not himself deceived, yea utterly overthrown, if at any time he presumed to contend with them? Lived not Carthage in wealth and honour until she took stomach and heart at grass against Rome? Mighty Pyrrhus, wise Mithridates, deceitful Hannibal, puissant Massinissa, with a number of others of like renown, ruled they not in peace, and Raigned in security, until they began to conjure and combine themselves against the Romans? And then failed not their power? perished not their Authority? decayed not their Reputation? and went not all they had to wrack and ruin? It is therefore undoubtedly true, that this prejudi∣cate opinion of the Spanish Kings Might and Power, hath been one espe∣cial means to preserve and keep his many Dominions; for although his might is in many degrees inferiour to the Romans Power; yet as they, because they possessed most part of the world, were redoubted and re∣verenced of all Nations in the world; so he possessing more then any Prince of Christendom, must needs be had in honour and reverence through the greatest part of Christendom.

Besides, as they, in all places of Conquest had their power and forces to hold them in continual awe and obedience; As in Germany eight Le∣gions,* 1.148 every Legion consisting of 6100. Souldiers, and 726. Horse-men; In Spain three Legions; In Affrica two; In Seruia and Bulgaria two more; and in Salaminia other two; and about Rome in the Cities of Ita∣ly, twelve sundry Bands, whereof every one of nine of them, consisted of 1105. Foot-men, and 66. on Horseback; So that they had always in continual pay, twenty five Legions, which amounted in all to 165755. Foot-men, and unto 19734. Horse-men at the least, besides the help and succour of their friends and Confederates; And these Forces they kept as well in the time of peace as war, for the more safety and security of their Estates and Dominions: In the like manner the King of Spain hath cer∣tain men always in pay in the Dutchy of Millan, in the Kingdom of Na∣ples, in the Country of Burgundy, in the Low-Countries, in the Realm of Portugal, and in other places of his Dominions, for the better secu••i••y of the same; and those Men lye in continual Garrison, as well when he hath Peace as when he is at Wars. Moreover, as the Romans destroyed

the Cities of Alba, of Numantia, and of Carthage, because as long as they stood, they were always rebelling against them; So the Catholique King hath either forceably subverted, or voluntarily impoverished many Cities within his several Dominions, only to disable them to make head against him: And this pollicy of impoverishing Rebellious Cities, and their richest Inhabitants, is too too general and usual in Italy; where it is held a point of wisdom, and a strengthening, or rather a sure way to up∣hold and continue their Estate, to hold down and depress their most noble and wealthy Subjects, for fear that le••t over great riches embolden them to enter into conspiracy against their Rulers, or to seek some means to set themselves and their Cities at liberty.

Again,* 1.149 as the Romans never entred into League or Amity with any Prince or Nation who did not wholly submit himself, and it self unto their discretion; So the Spaniard never receiveth any King or Potentate for his Ally and Confederate, unless he can and will be content to be wholly at his devotion. Plutarch in his book of the lives of the noble Romans and Graecians,* 1.150 writeth that Eumenes understanding that divers Sa∣trapes sought all occasions and means to kill him, to stop and prevent their malice against him, feigned that he had great need of a great sum of money, which he borrowed of them which hated him most, to the end that they might give over the seeking of his death, whereby they were as∣sured to lose all their money: In like sort, both the King of Spain, and his Father before him, doubting that Genoa, a very rich, mighty, and populous city in Italy, might be either induced by the perswasion of other Princes in Italy (who desire nothing more then to see a King of Naples and a Duke of Millan born within Italy it self as there was wont to be) or by the counsel of such Citizens as were wont to favour the French facti∣on, to fall from him to the French, and especially for the great Traffique which they have at Lyons, Paris, and other places of France (which on∣ly respect hath moved the Florentines to be far more friendly and better affected unto the French King then unto him) did and doth borrow as much money as he could or can possibly get into his hands, of the best and richest Gentlemen and Merchants of that city; to the end that fear of losing their money may always retain them in love and friendship towards him.

It is written by the said Author,* 1.151 that Theseus, to people and augment the city of Athens, invited as many as would to come and dwell there, promising and assuring them to enjoy the self-same Liberties, Priviledg∣es, and Immunities, which the very Citizens themselves had. In like manner the Spaniard to enrich his city of Antwerp, and other cities of the Low Countries, by the Access and Traffique of our Nation with them, and to draw us thither for that purpose more willingly, freed us from di∣vers Imposts,* 1.152 which his own natural Subjects usually paid. Again the same Author reporteth, that Romulus after he had builded Rome, and subdued the Sabines, and taken their City, he commanded them to throw down their own houses, and to go to dwell with him at Rome, where they should have the same Liberties and Priviledges, which his own Citizens had. And there was nothing that more increased Rome, then this joyn∣ing and incorporating with her own Inhabitants those which she conquer∣ed: In imitation hereof, the Spaniard when he had subdued the Indies, transported as many Spaniards as he could possibly thither, giving them

great priviledges after they had inhabited there certain years: And in ma∣ny mens opinions, there is nothing that doth more retain that barbarous people in obedience unto him, then the fear of those natural Spaniards, nor any thing that more inricheth his natural Subjects; we go thither ve∣ry poor, and return thence infinitely rich: And in my simple conceit, the sending of those Colonies (as I may call them) into the Indies, is the best and surest means that the Spaniard doth and can use for the peaceable maintenance of those Estates: For albeit they tyrannize there far beyond the nature of humane creatures, as well in respect of them that inflict, as of those which endure afflictions and torments in those countries, yet be∣cause (as our Chronicles do testifie) that (as William the Conquerour did after he had conquered our Nation) he hath deprived the Inhabitants of all sorts of Weapons,* 1.153 whereby they are made unable to undertake any hostile attempt, he liveth and ruleth in peace amongst them, and his few number of Spaniards are held invincible, or such as may easily withstand and prevent their secret conspiracies.

Besides, those whom he placeth as Governours, or men of any Au∣thority amongst them, do cunningly get into their hands the chief wealth of the Country, whereby the inhabitants are greatly impoverished, and they enabled when they return, to do better service unto their Prince and Country. In consideration whereof, many desire their places as soon as (or before) they become void; and some take the wealth purchased there, for a sufficient recompence of their many and several services done at o∣ther times, and in other places. But it may be said, that the Spaniards cruelty might long before this time have given occasion to the Indians to rebel: True, if they had weapons and arms wherewith to defend them∣selves, and offend their enemies: why necessity enforceth the old wife to trot, and putteth divers inventions into the heads of malicious and despe∣rate men, to find out fit Instruments for the accomplishment and perform∣ing of their desires. Certainly, and past all doubt, put a few expert souldiers, and well defended Castles bid a number of uncunning and ig∣norant armed men. Multitudes most commonly prevail against a few, and sudden rebellions are dangerous and terrible: No man can deny this to be a manifest truth; but multitudes without an head seldom do any thing worthy their labour, or answerable to their desires, hazards, and perils: and where there is no order, no guide, no governour, there seldome or never followeth good success. The Romans after they had conquered Capua,* 1.154 willingly yeilded that the Town should be still inhabited, haunted, and frequented by all sorts of people, as it was before accustomed, but they would not in any wise permit or agree that there should be any Se∣nate, any form of Government, any Guide, any kinde of Magistrates, any common Council, as there was wont to be; because where these things are wanting, there it is impossible for any innovation, conspiracy, or re∣bellion to have good and fortunate success.

The Spaniard therefore ruling in the Indies by his own Nation, they being stronger then the natural inhabitants; and the people of the Coun∣try, either for ignorance not being able, or for want of authority, not ha∣ving sufficient power to govern as they would, it is easie for him to rule as he list, and very difficult for them to change, alter, or subvert the man∣ner of his Government, although it be hateful, prejudicial, odious, and hurtful unto them. But albeit that this kind of administration and govern∣ment

may for a small time work the like effect which a far milder sort of rule and commandment most commonly worketh; yet common experi∣ence, and the ready disposition of the Indians to revolt from the Spani∣ards, when as Sir Francis Drake was lately amongst them, declare, that they would willingly, if they could securely, be content to shake off the yoke of the Spanish Government. In like manner, although Naples and Milan live obediently under his regiment, and factions are not in this age as rife there as in ancient times they were wont to be; yet the people of both places being far more willing to be governed by their own Country∣men then by meer strangers, the exactions in both States exceeding by very much the old and ancient tributes, imposts, and contributions, by what name soever it shall please you to call them; and the Spaniards sparing them no more then they do the poor and simple Indians: It is to be suppo∣sed, that if there were a Brutus amongst them, who would vouchsafe to undertake the restoring of his Country and Countrymen unto their former and ancient liberty, he should not fail or quail in his enterprise, for want of a competent and sufficient number of friends and followers: For the ge∣neral hatred conceived against the Spaniards, the general dislike of their Tyranical Government, the common desire of the inhabitants uttered in Table-talk, in secret conferences, in open assemblies, in private houses, and in all places where they may boldly speak without danger, argue ma∣nifestly that they lack ability, and not good will to rebel. But he provi∣deth such Governours in both places, as are not only true and faithful unto him, but also so discreet and wise, that they both foresee and prevent all occasions of rebellion. These Governours have their eyes alwaies open and watching, not only over the Subjects committed to their charge, in holding them low, and in continual fear of severe punishment for every small offence, but also over the Princes which confine with the Govern∣ments, in keeping them from all opportunities of invading their States. These Governours are assisted by grave and wise Counsel, by whose ad∣vice they are directed in matters of great weight. These Governours are accompanied by many under-officers, who are employed in gathering such intolerable taxes as are layed upon the common people; upon which of∣ficers the fault is layed, if any offence be taken against the extremity of the taxes; and somtimes the Governour upon complaint made unto him (if no excuse can pacifie the complainants) mitigateth the rigour of the exa∣ctions, or sendeth them unto his and their king for relief and remedy; who if he shall see no other way to content them, or to continue and contain them within the bounds of their wonted obedience, yeildeth somwhat to their petition; and so laying the blame either upon the necessity of the time, or the extremity of his expences, or the severity of their officers, dischargeth himself of the fault which was imputed unto him, and sendeth the Petiti∣oners away in some measure well pleased and satisfied. But I shall have occasion to handle this point more largely in another place, when I shall speak of such exactions as were levied in particular estates in this our age. And therefore reserving the residue of that which I have to say for that place, I will proceed in declaring unto you other means which the Spani∣ard useth for preservation of his Estates in peace, in quietness, and in du∣tiful obedience.

It is written that his Father Charls the fifth, fearing that Ferdinando Duke of Calabria, and the only remainder of Ferdinando late King of Aragon,

might in time find some friends to help him or his issue (if he should so marry that he might have any) to the Crown and Kingdom of Aragon, married him unto Germana, widow unto the said Ferdinando, but barren, and past children; reaping of this marriage two benefits, and both of great weight and consequence: For whereas the said Duke, by refusing the Crown when it was offered him by the people,* 1.155 and by perswading them to accept and receive the same Charls for their King, had made the Empe∣rour somwhat beholden unto him, he did not only seem in some measure to recompence that good turn, by honouring him with the marriage of a Queen, but also he assured that Kingdom unto himself and his heirs, by bestowing a barren wife upon him who was rightful heir thereunto, and by that marriage was utterly disabled to have any lawful Issue.

The Spaniard not by mariage, but by employment of the late Duke of Parma in such wars as were somwhat pleasing and answerable to his hu∣mour, kept him alwaies so busied, that he could never attend to the con∣quest of Portugal, which of right belonged unto his Son, rather then un∣to the King of Spain; And as the Emperour rather deprived the above-named Ferdinando, by giving him a barren wife, of all possibility to have any lawful issue, and so consequently of all earnest desire to recover that Kingdom, which should end in himself for want of a childe to whom it might descend; So the Spanish King deprived the said Dukes son of all hope to recover his right in Portugal, by procuring and counselling him to match in such a Family, as never can be able to yeild him any competent aid for the recovery of his said right.

Again it is written of Richard the third, and also of Edward the fourth, Kings of England,* 1.156 that they both fearing lest that Henry Earl of Richmond who lived in exile with the Duke of Britany, by whom he was only sustai∣ned and succoured, might in process of time find some Friends at home, or purchase the favour of some Forraign Prince abroad, to help him to re∣cover the Crown of England, whereunto he always laid claim, did seek all means possible to have the said Earl delivered unto them by the Duke, but they could never prevail, and therefore never lived secure or assured of their Estate: And Richard the third, according as he doubted, was deprived of his Royal Dignity by the said Earl: In like manner the Spa∣niard hath sought all ways possible to have Don Antonio delivered unto him, and hath made him divers great and fair offers of great livings and dignities if he would return into his Country, and acknowledging him for King, live under his obedience, but he could never prevail; and God knoweth to what end it hath pleased the Almighty to preserve and reserve the said Don Antonio from many great, and almost inevitable dangers and hazards of his life: He is not now so low, so poor, so bare, so destitute of all friends, so void of all hope, but that Henry Earl of Richmond was in all degrees and measure of need and poverty equal unto him. It is an in∣fallible rule in policy, that no Usurper hath any firm hold or strong assu∣rance of his Estate, as long as any pretending right thereunto liveth; but the Spaniard hath sufficiently foreseen and provided for any manner of harm or detriment that may arise unto him, or unto any of his, by Don Antonio, or by his children: For as the loss of the Battel at Canna, defer∣red the Victories, that Hannibal might have had against the Romans, and his abode at Capua (where his Souldiers learned to be eff••minate, and for∣got to be right Souldiers) took away all hope to subdue the Romans

so the overthrow received by D••n Antonio, within his own Kingdom, when he was possessed thereof, made it very difficult for him to re-gain or recover the same; And the late repulse taken at Lisbona, when he was before the Town with the small and weak Forces of England, hath put him out of all hope to attain his purpose: And yet it is held for a sure and most sound opinion by many martial men, that not with much great strength then he had then from hence, it would be an easie enterprise to re∣cover that Kingdom; which opinion I list not to controll (for that men of my profession may not conveniently contend with Souldiers, especially in matters concerning martial affairs) And yet I fear me, that if any second enterprise should be attempted against Portugal, with an English Army of greater strength, of better provision, of sounder bod••es, and of more convenient furniture then the last was; the Commanders of such an Ar∣my should be subject to no less inconveniencies then the other was; and so long as those incommodities are found in an Army, so long the like success (as hapned unto the first) will follow the latter.

You seldom hear or have read of any Army that went far from home, that hath not been subject unto many casualties, unto many accidents, and unto unexpected success and fortune; They are to day Conquerors, and to morrow conquered; this day strong, to morrow weak; sometimes in health and prosperity, upon a very sudden in sickness and penury: Their Triumphs are Messengers of evil fortune; their Victories forerunners of overthrows; their abundance, tokens of Penury; and their conceived hope, an infallible Prognostication of future calamity. Was there ever a wiser Captain then Hanniball? Was there ever any Army compounded of so many and diverse Nations? Was there any Souldiers that were bet∣ter governed? or any Governor that was more carefull of his Company? more politique to win and purchase unto himself the favour and friend∣ship of such people with whom he had any manner of commerce or socie∣ty, or of whom he stood in any kind of need? And yet what success had his Providence, his Prudence, his Policy? Decayed not his strength dai∣ly? his Souldiers, became they not effeminate? his fortune, did it not forsake him? his faithful friends, did they not leave him? the Towns he got, did they not revolt from him? And briefly, lost he not in a very short space, all that he got in many years? And yet since Hannibal his time, there was never any Captain, General, Colonel, or Leader of any Army (call him by what name or Title you list) that in my simple conceit might compare with Hannibal; either for the governing of his Souldiers, or for temporizing with his Adversaries, for preventing mischeifs, or for inventing new Stra∣tagems; for putting in execution, with good success and marvelous fortune, of all his attempts and enterprises; or briefly for furnishing his Camp with all things necessary, or keeping his Souldiers in awe and obedience; But Hannibal contended with the mightiest Adversary of the world: Han∣nibal had secret enemies at home, who were content to suffer him and his to live in want and penury abroad; Hannibal pretermitted many occasi∣ons of good fortune, which being taken in time, might have made him a most happy Conqueror: Hannibal suffered his Souldiers to dote in love, when it was no time to dally in Lechery; Briefly, H••nnibal would not win when he might have won; And therefore it was reason that Han∣nibal should lose when he would not have lost.

In later times Hannibal's follies have made wise men; Hannibal's evil

fortune, hath taught others to beware of the like Fortune; Hannibal's losses have given his posterity occasion to take heed by his examples, lest following his steps, they chance to fall into his miseries. Now Princes measure their strength by their adversaries power; they rate their charges by the distance of places into which they are to convey their Armies; they furnish their company according to the time for which they purpose to use the same; they cast their accompts before they enter into wars; they con∣sider the casualties which are accustomed to follow wars; they note the dispositions and affections of their neighbours; they mark and observe the provision of their enemies; they provide for longer time then they intend to spend in wars; they have their carriage to attend upon their Armies, their victuallers to follow them, their confederates to supply their wants, their Messengers to bring them word of their necessities, and their Officers both at home and abroad to make provision as soon as any thing is found to be defective or wanting in their Armies: So if they go far from home, they seem always to be at home; if they want, their wants are presently supplied; if they chance to decrease, their number is immediately increa∣sed; and although they may happen to languish, yet they are never suffe∣red to perish: True it is, that other mens harmes have made men both in these dayes, and in former times, to be wise and wary: And the Prince is reputed to want the discretion and wisdom requisite in a Prince. who undertaketh wars without due consideration of all the circumstances above mentioned; and yet neither Hannibals ill fortune, nor his example, nor common experience, nor fear of inevitable accidents can make men so wary as it behoveth them to be, but in later times they have been and will be subject unto the self same Inconveniences which men in former times endured. Have Armies in times past, going far from home, perished in their journies by reason of the intemperature of the air, the heat of the wea∣ther, and the intemperance of the Souldiers, who seed too much of noi∣som and hurtful fruits, or drank too much of hot Wines in hot seasons, and in hot countries; as did the Army which Marcus Antonius led from Italy to Parthia,* 1.157 whereof better then 20000 Foot-men, and 4000 Horse∣men perished by such casualties before he came to his Journies end? And do not, or have not some miscarried by the same means in our dayes, or within our memories? Have many Christian Armies led out of Christendom into Turky, not lost the grea••est part of their number before they came unto the place whereunto they were sent? Did not the first Army that ever the Romans sent by Sea against the Carthiginians perish in the Sea;* 1.158 and almost so dismayed the Souldiers, that they were utterly discouraged to commit any more men or ships to the unmerciful Tempests of the raging Seas? And did not the like befal unto the Navy that Charles the fifth sent in his time unto Algire, whose lamentable overthrow is piti∣fully described by a Spanish Historian in the life of Paulus tertius,* 1.159 some∣times Pope of Rome? Did a plague consume so many of the Souldiers of Radagasius King of the Gothes, that (as Saint Augustine reporteth) one day deprived better then an hundred thousand of their lives? And did not the like happen unto Francis the first his Army in his Wars for the King∣dom of Naples? Did better then 30000 of that Army which Iohn Duke of Lancaster carryed out of England into Portugal perish by the way for lack of victual and necessary sustenance:* 1.160 and might not the same misfor∣tune betide the small company which went out of late from England into

Po••tugal?* 1.161 Was the huge Army which Darius had against Alexander, o∣verthrown for want of water, and other inconveniencies occasioned by their long aboad in a strange and unable country to receive so big an host? and can it seem strange or marvelous,* 1.162 that Charles the fifth's Army, brought out of Spain to Marselles, and passing by the most barren and un∣fruitful countries of France, felt the like calamities? Plagues, Pestilence, Famine, Tediousness of the way, Want of water, Tempests by Sea, and sudden Sickness have always, and will continually lessen the number, weaken the Forces, and not spare the mighty multitudes that have been or shall be sent far from home by any Prince whatsoever. There is no poli∣cy can prevent it, no wisdom that can foresee it, no fore-sight that can withstand it; they be Scourges which it pleaseth the Almighty to send, and therefore it behoveth him that hath urgent occasion to send an Army into forraign countries, to think well thereon, to consider all casualties, and to provide for them long before they happen, lest that want of fore-sight cause his utter discredit and destruction. The only means is, to send such a number as is neither too great to be conveniently maintained, nor too little to effect and accomplish his purpose; especially if things be so ordered, that as soon as occasion shall be ministred, fresh supplies may be conveyed over in due time, and by competent and sufficient numbers. For if the supplies be defective in number, or not transported in seasona∣ble time, they are sent (as experience teacheth) but as Sheep to the shambles. But from these matters (which are touched but by the way of digression) back again to the Spanish King, and to the narration of o∣ther reasons, why possessing many Kingdomes, he enjoyeth them all peaceably, or with so little distrurbance as he doth. For the better under∣standing whereof, you are to consider the State and condition of such Princes who have any Lands or Territories confining or bordering upon his Dominions; and in them you are to mark and observe what power they have to annoy him if they would, or what will if they could. The Princes with whom by reason of such Neighbourhood he hath any way to deal, are these.

The Turk, the princes of Italy, the princes of Germany, the French King, and the Queen of England: Of which some could be content to an∣noy him by all means possible, but they want ability answerable to their good will; others have might enough to prejudice him divers ways, but he carrieth so watchful an eye over them, is so jealous of their greatness, so well acquainted with their counsels, determinations and purposes, that all their intents, indeavours, and enterprises against him, are most com∣monly so soon prevented by his careful providence, as they are intended through their malice and indignation. But it is not sufficient to declare thus much in general terms; you shall see his particular proceeding with every one of these Princes.

The Turk he knoweth to be a Prince greatly to be feared of all Christi∣ans, as well in regard of his great power,* 1.163 as in respect of his subtile poli∣cy. His power is terrible, because he armeth speedily, and that in such multitudes, as both the number and the expedition terri••ieth all Christen∣dom: For when he armeth, he most commonly bruiteth it abroad, that he meaneth to carry his Forces to one place, when indeed he conveyeth them to another; yea, and somtimes he sendeth Ambassadors to will them to be assured and out of all doubt, that he will not in any wise mo∣lest

or trouble them, whom his full intent, purpose, and resolution is to invade upon a sudden. Considering therefore his strength, his religion, his natural hatred against Christians, together with the continual emula∣tion, quarrels, and contentions that are betwixt Christian Princes, he holdeth it most convenient and necessary to have alwaies a vigilant eye o∣ver such an adversary. For of Christian Princes, he considereth who they be whom he most envieth, whose States he most longeth for, after whose Dominions he most thirsteth, and unto which he hath best access, and easiest possibility to attain them. The House of Austria are his near∣est kinsmen, and on one side the next adjoyning neighbours unto the Turkish Territorirs: With them for kinred sake he entertaineth perpetu∣amit amity, and is loth to offer them any occasion of discontentment, be∣cause he knoweth that of late years they have not only possessed the Em∣pire, but also been greatly favoured in Germany; with whose invincible power and puissance, they are both able and ready, when occasion shall be offered, to offend and defend the Turk: For it is their Dominion un∣to which the Turk hath an especial eye, and an unsatiable desire, and by them and their means, Christian Princes most annoy him; because by the Country of Hungary the way lieth open unto these Regions, which he lately subdued; and a Christian Prince leading an Army through that Country against the Turk, may undoubtedly have good success against his Forces, if he shall observe these conditions following.

First, if in conducting his Army he shall avoid and decline the wide plains, and come not neer unto the River Danubius; of the commodity whereof, the Turk by reason of his great courage, standeth alwaies in need.

Secondly, If he shall not come nigh unto such places where the Turk may have convenient use of his Horsemen, and innumerable Footmen; with the excessive multitudes of which, he will easily oppress and suppress a Christian Army, if they should chance to encounter in those Plains.

Thirdly▪ If the Christian Prince shall arm this year, and proceeding slowly on his journey, not meet with the Turk, but fortifie and strength∣en such places as he shall get and conquer; and the next year, when as the Turk neither is wont, nor can arm with the like number and quantity, pro∣ceed manfully; For the Prince in thus doing, shall compel him to stand continually upon his Guard, and alwaies to entertain great and gross Ar∣mies, which he should not be able to endure long; or else enforce him to use such Forces as might be more easily conquered, and so consequently drive him to change the accustomed course and custome of his Wars, which would be as much as half a victory gotten against him.

Fourthly, If the Christian shall endeavour to draw him into some Streight, and there with some war-like stratagem enforce him to a Battel, and with a Troop of well ordered Footmen encounter his Janizaries, which he usually reserveth for some extremity, and with valour, and some unknown and unusual exploit, drive them to the worst, or put them out of their array and order; there is no doubt but with the strangeness there∣of he might obtain a notable victory against him; whose horsemen are most easily overthrown, because they are for the most part unarmed.

Fifthly, If he shall mark and observe when there is mutiny, sedition, or secret dissention, disturbance, or discontentment betwixt the Turk and his Subjects, and by all cunning and policy entertain the same, maintain

the procurers and heads thereof, and in the very heat of their tumult be ready to invade them. For indeed, the especial means to weaken the Turk, is to assault him when he is otherwise busied in wars with the Sophi, or with any other enemies, or when his successors are at contention for the crown, or his people divided amongst themselves, or he did lately receive some notable overthrow: for he tyrannizing his subjects in such manner as he doth, the least overthrow that can be must needs endanger his State great∣ly, because he feareth that his own people will be ready to give enter∣tertainment, aid, and succour unto any, by whom they may have cer∣tain hope to wind their necks out of the yoke of that intolerable servitude which they now suffer.

This is so true, that it is credibly affirmed by the best Warriours of our age; That if the Christians had procceded with their invincible Navie, when Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the famous overthrow (for which all Christendom greatly rejoyced) they might haply have gotten Constantinople, and have recovered most part of the Turkish Dominion. Next unto the House of Austria is the State of Venice; which although it be far inferiour unto many Christian Princes in power and strength by land, yet it yeildeth unto very few or none of them in force by Sea.

With this State the Spaniard knoweth also that it is very good and con∣venient for him to entertain peace and amity: For albeit they have many Countries confining and bordering upon the Turk (for the which they pay him yearly Tribute) and that their Merchants have continual enter∣course of Trade and traffique unto Turky, and likewise the Turks with them (which bringeth in inestimable wealth and benefit unto the State) and that in consideration hereof the Turk will not easily offend them, nor they willingly displease him; yet the Venetians knowing him to be a Turk, that is, a common enemy of Christendom, the devourer of other mens estates, the disturber of the common peace, and a most notable breaker of all League, Truce and Amity; as often as he stirreth they stand in continual awe of him, and notwithstanding all leagues, contracts, and confederacies with him, are content to joyn with the Spaniard at any time against him, and to use the utmost of their power to annoy and molest him; as it was seen by the great aid which they gave unto the Spa∣nish King, when as Don Iohn de Austria gave the Turk the above-mentioned overthrow. Thus being assured of the Venetians friendship, entertaining perfect and perpetual amity with the House of Austria, and having the rest of the Princes of Italy for his friends, he hath little occasion to fear the Turk: And yet for his better security, he seeketh to live in league and amity with him; and likewise keepeth continual friendship with the Turks greatest enemies, hoping to turn them upon him, if at any time he should chance to attempt any act of hostility against any of his States and Dominions.

The French King is the second considerable friend or enemy the Spa∣niard hath,* 1.164 of whose friendship or enmity he is to make no small account; For albeit the one hath many more Kingdoms, many more People, and much more Treasure then the other; yet because France is of it self, and within it self, a very great Kingdom, well inhabited, full of many great Cities, replenished with all things necessary, and sufficiently furnished with whatsoever is needful, either for Peace or for War: The King thereof is (in my opinion) nothing inferior unto the Spaniard, and much more able to pleasure or annoy him, then any other Prince of Christen∣dom.

It may be said that the Spaniards many Dominions yeilds him infinite multitudes of Souldiers; that his Indies furnish and enrich him with great abundance of Silver and Gold; and that the one and the other make him in a manner invincible; But if his men by reason they are far off, cannot easily be brought together; I•• because they are of divers Na∣tions they will hardly agree long together; It because they be of contra∣ry natures and conditions, they are not in like measure fit for the Wars; If their discipline shall be found contrary, their humours divers, and their courages in no respects equal or like; What benefit? What good suc∣cess may be expected of an Army being compounded of so many diver∣sities? Again, if the wealth of the Indies may be (as it hath been often∣times) intercepted; If his Treasures do scant suffice for his ordinary and extraordinary expences; If his debts be already more then he is well able to pay; What booteth his wealth? Or why should France fear his Trea∣sure? Or what just occasion hath he, either in regard of his people, or in respect of his gold, to contemn or make small reckoning of the united Forces of France? especially since the Countries of France are able to set forth such a sufficient Army to encounter with his forces at any time, and the yearly revenues of the Crown of Fra••ce, will serve to maintain and furnish the same Army withal things necessary.

Appianus Alexandrinus, who lived in the time of Adrianus the Empe∣rour, in his History of the Roman Wars writeth, That in his time, the Emperour Adrianus had in pay 200^m. Foot••men, and 500^m. men at Arms, 3000. Carts and Waggons for his Wars, and 300^m. Armors to Arm his Soul••iers withal; he had also a Navy of 600. tall Ships, and of 1500. Gallies, with many other Vessels of divers sort, and with an infinite num∣ber of all kind of Instruments and Weapons for Sea-fight; besides 80. Ships with the Prores and the Poups of gold for a shew or ornamen•• of his Wars: And lastly, he had in his Treasure-house, 150^m. Talents in ready coyn: This force, this preparation, this strength and wealth, seemed unto the same Author so great, that in the proem of the very same History he saith, That all the Forces of Alexander the Great, of the Assi∣rians, of the Medians, and of the Persians (which were four mighty Em∣perours) were never able to attain in 900. years unto half the power, strength and greatness that the Romans had. Titus Livius had the like opinion of the Roman power; For he saith, That Alexander King of Epirus, was wont to say, That all the Wars which Alexander the Great ever had, were in comparison of his own Wars, with women rather then with men; And that all the life of Alexander the Great would not have sufficed to end and finish one only War with the Carthaginians, with whom the Romans, in the first Wars against them, fought twenty four years together. And that the Romans had overthrown above 1000. sundry Armies, the least of all the which was far greater then the Armies of the Macedonians, or of Alexander the Great; All which may seem to be true, because Plutarch in his Lives of the Roman and Greekish Worthies, reporteth, That Iulius Caesar took in his time, one thousand Cities by assault; overcame more then 300. sundry Nations; took above a Million of men prisoners, and slew better then another Million of men in divers Battels; for if one General of the Romans wrought so many worthy Exploits, subdued so many Regions, and slew so many Ene∣mies; how infinite, now incredible were the Armies and the Victories

of the Romans, (who had many Captains (As both the Scipios, Fabius Maximus, Pompeius Magnus, and divers others) not much inferior to I••lius Caesar? Notwithstanding all this that is said, I must needs say that (as Iohn Bodin a French Authour saith, in his Book de Republica) the Romans having made tryal of four several Estates;* 1.165 As of a Royal, a Ty∣rannical, an Aristocratical, and a Popular State, never thrived better, nor ever flourished more, then they did under their Popular State: And to what end say I thus? Forsooth to this purpose: To shew you that when the Romans were most mighty, when their Authority was greatest, when they commanded all Italy, they might justly stand in fear of such an Ene∣my in Italy, as the King of France may be thereunto; And so consequent∣ly, that the present King of Spain, whose power is by very many degrees inferiour and not equal to the Romans, hath very great and just occasion to doubt and fear the French King; for it is written that Hannibal, who was the greatest enemy that ever the Romans had,* 1.166 who in my simple con∣ceit, was the most wise, politique, and valiant Captain that ever lived, who knew the strength of the Romans, and how they might well and con∣veniently be annoyed by any Prince that would undertake Wars against them, better then any General of former Age, or of our time doth, or can know, being driven after the ruin and destruction of Carthage, to fly for succour, and for his last refuge unto King Antiochus, delivered unto him, for his sound and setled opinion; that Italy was a Country that was able to yeild unto any forrain Enemy, both Souldiers and Victuals against it self; and yet whosoever would attempt any enterprise, either secretly or openly, against Italy; must take the advantage of some Conspiracy, Tu∣mult, or Commotion, to be moved within the very bowels and entralls of Italy; for that if the Romans might wholly enjoy and imploy the only forces and strength thereof; there was never any King, or any Nation that might justly and truly compare with the Romans. Then if Italy be such a Country (as undoubtedly it appeareth to be by Hannibals Testimo∣ny) If it be able to yeild releif to Forrainers; if the next way to win it be to have a partie and partakers in it, who can be thought wise that shall be of opinion the Spaniard is of so great power and Authority in Italy, that he should not need to fear the French Kings might or puissance? Shall he not be feared, because some men perhaps think him not able to set forth an Army sufficient to encounter with the Spanish Forces?* 1.167 Why, it is written that Alexander the Great (who conquered mightier Princes then the present King of Spain is) never had in amy Army above 30000. Foot-men, and 4000. Horse-men. It is writen that the very Romans (whose power was such as you have heard it to be) never used greater Forces against any forrain enemy then an Army of 40. or 50^m. at the most. Lastly, it is Recorded that the Spanish Kings Father held an opinion, for many reasons him thereunto moving; that an Army of the same number and quality which Alexander used, was (without all doubt and contro∣versie) sufficient for any Prince whatsoever against any enemy, was he never so mighty: Again, shall he not be feared because his Treasure is not equal unto the Spaniards Golden Mines? Why, it is true that money and Gold are the very sinews of War; it is an infallible Maxime; we hold it for a most ancient and over-ruled Rule; but if riches had been the best and only means to subdue Nations, never had the poor Romans at their first beginning, nor the needy Swizzers in their Wars against the

rich Duke of Burgundy, nor the beggarly Normans, in the Infantry of their Chivalry, obtained such Victories and Conquests as they did: But grant that the Spaniard needeth not fear any Enemy in Italy, unless he be as mighty as the Romans, both in money and in men; If the French King shall be found to be such an enemy, will the Spaniards favourers confess that he is worthy to be feared? If they should not, you would hold them to be senceless.

And if in this Point concerning the annoying of the Spaniard in Italy, I prove him not in some manner equal to the Romans, I can be content that my slender Reputation shall suffer any manner of indignity. Titus Livius, and many other Authors of the like Authority and Credit, make true and large mention of the harms, of the indignities, and of the dama∣ges which the Romans sustained by Hannibal; They report how he passed the Alpes with great difficulty, brought in forces into Italy with great dan∣ger, ruled his Souldiers with great dexterity, provided things necessary for them, with singular wisdom and providence; won divers Princes of Italy to join with him and them, with great Wit and Policy; Lastly, proceeded on his journey with so great courage and magnanimity, pre∣vailed in his enterprises with so good success and fortune, terrified and daunted the invincible hearts and stomachs of the Romans, with so many unexpected and notable Victories; that they had no other way to be rid of him but to send Scipio to War in Affrica, and by besieging Carthage to call him home to the releif of Carthage. Now for the better proof of my pur∣pose, give me leave I pray you, to compare the Spaniard and the Romans, the French King and Hannibal together; a Molehil indeed with a Moun∣tain; an Eagle in truth with a fly, but such a Molehil, and such a fly, as will declare the greatness of the Mountain; as will illustrate the might and vertues of the Eagle. The Romans commanded all Italy; The Spani∣ard ruleth most part of Italy; they had no man in Hannibals time, that durst oppose himself openly against him; he hath few or none in our Age that dareth shew himself an open enemy against him; they were generally feared; he is undoubtedly redoubted; they were assisted by their friends against Hannibal; he would likewise find friends against the French King; Briefly, they stood upon their guard, and he is not without his Garrisons. But an Hannibal annoyed them when they were almost in the highest peri∣od of their pride and prosperity; And why may not a French King work him annoyance when he standeth most assuredly upon his defence? Shall he not be able to hurt him because the Alpes divide France and Italy, and maketh the passage hard and difficult? But Hannibal passed them when they were not so passable as they are now; And how many times have the Frenchmen passed them since Hannibals time? Shall he not find means to work him dispight and hindrance because he is not so well ex∣perienced in Wars, as Hannibal was? But may he not find many Cap∣tains, who in these days have little less experience then Hannibal had? Shall he not be sufficient to war against him in Italy, because the Country is far better fortified then in Hannibals time? but late experience hath taught us, that those Fortifications, Holds, and Citadels, could not stay the course of Charls the eighth King of France, who passed through all Italy as a Conquerour, until he came to the Kingdom of Naples, which he also subdued? Briefly, shall he not prevail against him in Italy, because the Spaniard is in League with most of the Princes hereof? But Histories af∣ford

us many examples, that the Italian Princes have oftentimes broken their League with the Emperour and other his Predecessors, whose great∣ness they either feared or enveighed as they do the overgrowing power of the Spaniard at this present.) And why may not these examples move them to do the like, when as the like occasion of fear or of envy is offered unto them? Hannibal counselled (as you have heard) Antiochus to war upon the Romans in Italy, when they were far stronger then the Spaniards is and no man had better experience of the Romans or of Italy then Hannibal had; The reasons therefore enforcing Hannibal to give that Counsel to Antio∣chus, may (as they have many times) serve to move the French King to follow his counsel; the rather because experience proved it to be true; and Antiochus failed of his purpose, because he hearkned to Hannibal's perswasion.

But this difficulty will be better cleared, if I shall let you understand the opinion of one of the best Warriors of our Age, as well touching the wealth,* 1.168 as the strength of the French King: Monsieur de la Nove (who dyed but a few years past, and when he lived was generally reputed and esteemed the best Captain of our time) in his Book of Military discourses, delivereth that the French King, Henry the second, levyed yearly by or∣dinary means of his Subjects, fifteen Millions of Francks, part whereof were engaged and pawned for his debts; and yet (saith he) our King le∣vieth no less at this day. Here you see the French Kings Revenues were in some measure comparable unto the Romans: For Plutarch in his be∣fore mentioned History,* 1.169 writing of the life of Pompey (who was surnamed the Great) reporteth, That the yearly and ordinary Revenues of the Ro∣man Common-wealth, before the Conquest obtained by Pompey, came but to five Millions of Crowns, which is fifteen Millions of Francks; the just Revenue of the French King, until that Pompey increased the same, and brought it to eight Millions, and 500^m Crowns, and brought unto the Treasure-house, ten Millions of Jewels and ready coin: So if you re∣member, that (as it hath been shewed) the Romans never flourished more, then they did when they were governed by Consuls, and not by Kings or by Emperours; yea you shall see that the French King coming not much behind them in yearly Revenues, may be thought in some respect equal unto them.

The same Mounsieur de la Nove, in his twentieth Military Discourse, talk∣ing of the might and puissance of the French King, deliver••th, That he may very conveniently set forth an Army of 60. Companies of men at Arms, of 20. Cornets of light Horse-men, and of five Companies of Harquebusiers on Horseback (which were in all 10000. Horse-men) be∣sides 4000. Royters, and 100. Ensigns of French Foot-men, and 40. Ensigns of Swizzars, and yet he shall leave his Frontier Towns sufficiently well armed and furnished with men and munition, as well to defend as offend the enemy.

Du Haillan,* 1.170 in his 14^th Book of the History of France, setteth down, That Philip de Valois, when as he warred with Edward the Third King of England, for the Crown of France, had an Army of 100^m fighting men. The same Authour in his sixteenth Book writeth, That Charls King of France, meaning to go into England against King Richard (as I take it) the second, brought to the Sluce in Flanders, a Navy of 128••. Ships, all loaden with men and munition, which I have thought good to let you

understand, to the end you may see, that if the Alps should be made un∣passable by the Spaniard for the Frenchmen (which was the Emperour Charls the fifth's purpose and intention to do, if in his life time he could possibly have brought it to pass) yet the French King is not unable or un∣furnished of ships to convey and carry (as his Predecessors have done) a sufficient Army by Sea into Italy. Plutarch in the life of Iulius Caesar recordeth, that the Frenchmen came with an Army of three hundred thou∣sand fighting men, to raise Iulius Caesars Siege before Alexia; a huge number, and such a number as the Romans never used the like against any Forrain Enemy; as the same Plutarch testifieth in the life of Fabius Maxi∣mus, where he affirmeth, that the greatest power which the Romans ever had against any enemy whatsoever, was but eighty eight thousand souldi∣ers: * 1.171 and Andreas Ficcius in his book de Repub. reporteth, that they sel∣dome or never passed the number of forty or fifty thousand; a less num∣ber then which, Charls the fifth, the present King of Spain's father, held to be sufficient (as I have said before) to encounter with any Christian Prince; and I have thought good to repeat, because hearing what you have heard of the French power, you may think the French King well able to annoy any King of Christendom: For although I should grant that his power is weakned, and he not able to arm such multitudes as his Predecessors have done (for which I see no reason, if he were freed of his Civil wars) yet it must needs be granted, that he could easily make an ar∣my of that number, and therewith greatly prejudice the Spaniard in Italy, especially since a Captain of valour and experience will adventure to set upon innumerable multitudes, nothing fearing their number, with a few well trained and experienced souldiers; as Alexander the great did upon Darius his innumerable hoste, and Hannibal did upon the Romans; who (as Polibius testifieth in his second book, with scant twenty thousand, fear∣ed not to fight with the Romans in Italy,* 1.172 amounting unto seven hundred thousand footmen, and seventy thousand horsemen.

Thus, as in Revenues, so in multitudes of Souldiers, at the leastwise in such multitudes as they commonly used, you see the French King is in some measure comparable to the Romans, but especially in no respect in∣feriour unto Hannibal for men or money; and therefore without all doubt and controversie, as likely and able to war with the Spanish King within the very bowels of Italy, as he was to contend with the Romans when they were strongest, as all Princes are most commonly within their own Realms and Dominions, especially if they have (as the Romans had) the same wholly and entirely to themselves. But although this point touch∣ing the King of France his possibility and means to molest and trouble the Spanish King in Italy, be well and sufficiently cleared by that which is said, yet I cannot so leave it; for I hold it convenient to let you know the opi∣nion of his Father concerning the same matter. He therefore considering the variable affections of the Princes of Italy, the hidden and secret ma∣lice which they inwardly bear unto all strangers and forreigners, the ma∣ny pretensions which the French King hath unto Naples and Milan, toge∣ther with sundry prosperous attempts and journeys which of late years they have made into Italy, counselled the present King of Spain, his son, at the time he resigned all his Kingdoms unto him (a very rare and commendable act) to carry a watchful and wary eye over the French King; he willeth him to be jealous of his greatness, and to seek all

means possible to weaken him; he adviseth how to war against France, and how by his own examples, and by the remembrance of his own mishaps and evil success, he might fight against the French King with far better advantage then he did at Marselles; he exhorteth him to shut up the French King's passage, as much as in him shall lie, by the way of Turin; he admonisheth him to take heed lest that at any time the Frenchmen give him some overthrow in Italy; he assureth him, that if at any time they should haply obtain any victory there against him, his best and most assu∣red friends in Italy would not run the same and the like danger and fortune with him, but presently joyn and associate themselves with his Adversa∣ries; briefly, he warneth him above all other things, to look and foresee, that there be no league of amity and alliance concluded betwixt the French King and the Venetians, or any other Prince of Italy; he addeth to those counsels, divers other wise and considerable advertisements; as, to inform himself throughly of the contentions and strifes that are or may be betwixt the principal Houses and Officers of France; he counselleth him, if there be any, to nourish them; if none, to procure and set some forward; he considering that the Country of Piedmont is easie to be sub∣dued by the French, and of great profit and commodity unto them, either by Wars, or by marriage, to keep them from the possession of all, or of any part thereof; assuring him, that it will not be so beneficial for him to take from the French King a third part of his whole Realm towards Flanders, as it will be to shut him out of Piedmont; because barring him by that means of an easie access into Italy, he shall live in good assurance of his Estates there, which are the chiefest parts of his strength, and the most especial pillars of his greatness. This counsel hath been as wisely followed and executed by the Son, as it was warily given by the Father: for it is better then thirty years ago since he by his instruments (I mean the Princes of the House of Guise) hath maintained and nourished civil dissen∣tion in France, whereby the Kings thereof in all this time have never been able to make wars upon him in Italy. It is likewise many years agone since he favoured the late Duke of Savoy (who by the French King was driven out of his Estate) with men and money for the present recovery of the same: and not many years since, for the better assurance of the Sa∣voyans friendship, he hath given his second daughter (a match fit for a better man then he) in marriage unto the Duke of Savoy; and hath holp∣en him as much as he could possibly, in all his wars against the late French King, by whom (if God had spared him longer life) he had long before this time, been driven out of his Country. I shall not need to tell you in what terms he standeth with the present King of France; you, and all the world know, that he only maintaineth his Rebels, not for any love towards them, but for his own private gain and security. And therefore from the French King I will now come unto other Princes of whom the Spaniard maketh any reckoning or account.

And first unto the Princes of Germany,* 1.173 of whom I shall not need to say much, for I shall have occasion to speak of the Emperour in another place; and the other Princes either depend on him, or if they be absolute of themselves, set their whole care upon preserving their own Estates, and care not to augment and increase the same. Hence it cometh, that they live in continual peace, although they differ in Religion, and that one of them encroacheth not upon another, albeit they have their Estates and

Territories very neer adjoyning together. Hence it cometh, that they live securely, and are not ready to enter into Wars for light occasions, or to succour their Allies and Confederates with such celerity, willingness, and expedition as is required, and thought meet and convenient. Hence again it cometh, that they opposed not themselves against the greatness of the Spaniard, and are not so forward, as they in reason and policy should be, to yeild aid both of men and money unto those whom he molesteth. Briefly, hence it cometh, that there are so many free Towns and Cities in Germany, which had framed unto themselves such Governours, and such Rulers as it hath best pleased them; and that these Towns and Ci∣ties being of great wealth, are not made subject unto the next adjoyning Princes; for if that the Princes of Germany had been so desirous and ready to increase their Estates, as the Pope, the Venetians, the Dukes and other Potentates of Italy have been, who by main force, and the advantage and benefit of times, have usurped the possession of divers Cities, whereunto they had no manner of Right, Germany should have fewer free cities, and far mightier Princes then it hath. The Spaniard therefore knowing that these Princes are peaceable men, and not easily let to enter into wars, and yet, because their country is populous, both able and willing to spare many of their Subjects to be imployed in forraign Wars, entertaineth as many of them as he can possible, for his friends, and hath lately sought to draw the Switzers (who are part of Germany) from the service of the French King; wherein he laboureth so earnestly by his Embassadours, that what by promising to pay the French Kings debts, what by assuring them to increase their monthly pay, he had undoubtedly won them, had not the ancient friends of the Crown of France, and the eldest captains and Senators stuck hardly unto the late French King, who was compelled for fear of losing their aid and assistance, to borrow as much money as he could possibly, to pay them some part of his d••bts, and to assure unto him∣self those Captains and Senatours, without which help, his ancient friends forsaking him, had entred into league and service with the Spa∣niards. Thus much, or rather this little briefly of the Princes of Germany.

Now to the Princes of Italy, which are the Pope, the Dukes of Flo∣rence, Ferrara, Mantua, and Savoy, and the Venetians; all which have some Town or other, neer unto the Kingdom of Naples or Dukedom of Mlian.

He maketh special account of the Pope,* 1.174 not because he is the mightiest (for the Venetians are undoubtedly of far greater strength and power then he) but because where he inclineth, there the rest most commonly bend their favour, and lend their furtherance; unto him therefore he carrieth great respect, feeeth his chief Counsellors, respecteth his colledg of Car∣dinals, giveth rewards and yearly pensions unto many of them; and un∣to those Courtiers who are in special favour with him, promiseth and protesteth that he will be always ready to defend and protect them, and their just causes and quar••els against all princes whatsoever. He careth not by what means he procureth his friends to make a Pope, whether it be lawful or unlawful, whether he be worthy or unworthy of so high a place and dignity, so that he be well assured of his Friendship. And if it so fall out, that those cardinals who are not well affected unto him, by plurality of their voices, make such a Pope as is rather his enemy then friend, he presently seeketh all means possible to purchase his favour, he

corrupteth his best favourites, bribeth his neerest servants, winneth by yearly fees and pensions his chief cardinals, and so by direct and indirect courses procureth his assured Friendship. Or if he be past hope to obtain the same, that Pope shall be assured not to live long in his pontifical feat and Majesty; For, either he, or some one of his friends or followers for him, will find some way or other to dispatch him, as it hath been very lately seen and verified: So that either love, procured and continued by his benevolence and liberality towards the Popes Cardinals, or fear, pro∣ceeding from the consideration and remembrance of the dangers which later Popes have both incurred and endured, because they did not either like him, or were not well liked by him, containeth and continueth the See of Rome in peace and amity with him.

Next unto the Pope are the Venetians, with whom the Spaniard know∣eth that he may very easily entertain Love and Friendship,* 1.175 because they do, or have always put great trust and confidence in the change and altera∣tion of times; attributing so much thereunto, that it is greatly to be fear∣ed their long sufferance will be the cause of their utter ruine and destructi∣on; for temporizing as they do, they will become in time a prey unto some warlike Nation, and namely, unto the Turk, with whom, by reason of their continual Traffique with him, they stand in such terms, that they lye always open unto him; and it is to be doubted, that he taking the ad∣vantage and benefit of time, will one day when they least suspect him, deprive them of Corsu, Candia, Zant, and other places, as he did sud∣denly spoil them of the Kingdom of Cyprus: notwithstanding because the Venetians are somewhat jealous of his greatness, and fear to see any man to be of over-great credit and authority within the bowels and heart of Italy; the Spaniard hath a watchful and suspitious eye over them, knowing that as nothing can sever or seperate them from the Turk, unless they see him not only ready to decline, but also in some manner thrown down; so they have always, and will still be most ready to withstand the aspiring ambition of any Forreigner that should seek to make himself great and mighty in Italy. Moreover he knoweth that the Venetians know not their own power, nor can tell how to use the same; which they shewed to be most true not many years since, when they took not such occasions of en∣larging their Dominions as were offered unto them. Again he conside∣reth, that they having lived a long time in peace, are grown so out of use of wars, that they have in a manner forgotten all military discipline; and therefore if they should at any time give him occasion to fall at variance with them, he might undoubtedly with assaulting them upon a sudden, drive them to some great inconvenience, especially if he should enter with his forces into the heart and very center of their Dominion, and there compel them to put strong Garrisons within all their Forts and Towns of strength, whereby they should not be able to keep the field▪ and in so many holds (as they have) it cannot be but that in some of them there would quickly be found want, either of victuals, or of munition, or else some means to corrupt the Garrison or the Captain, or the Inhabitants, or such as are factious; of which quality and humour there are many, in very many of their cities. Further he knoweth that if he were but once Master of the field, all that is not strong within the Seigniory (which in all States is a great deal more then the strong) would presently yeild unto his discretion; or else he should constrain them to come to the field, and

there leave the Forts and Towns without sufficient defence, or else not to be able to continue their Garrisons long; and coming once to the field, they will easily be drawn of necessity unto a Battel, wherein they can hope for no great good success; or at the least they must suffer some great dis∣advantage, by reason of the want of experience, as well in their Souldiers as in their Captains: But the greatest care or fear the Spaniard hath of the Venetians is, lest that the remembrance of their good usage and demea∣nor towards the Neapolitans, and of their mild and gentle Government wheresoever they chance to have the upper hand, should make the Neapo∣litans willing and ready to further their Attempts, if at any time they should set upon the Kingdom of Naples: This care maketh him entertain friendship with them, and also putteth him in mind (if he see the least likelyhood that may be of Wars with them) to seek all the means possi∣ble, either by prevention or sudden Invasion to divert them from warring against Naples. Thus liveth he either in peace with them, or warreth against them with great advantage.

Now from them to the other Princes of Italy, the which are of such strength that he needeth not greatly to fear them; only of them he hath this care and this regard; That he suffereth none of them to augment and in∣crease his Estate, no not him that dependeth most upon him; carrying always this mind, That it behoveth him as well to contain his best friends within a moderate and convenient greatness, as to weaken and depress his enemies: For he assureth himself, that those that love him best in Italy, who flatter him now most, who follow him with all favour and furthe∣rance, would quickly forsake him, if his Power once began to decline: For the Italian lendeth his hand to his enemy to help him up; that is but up to the chin in Water; and putteth his foot upon his head to drown him that is, fallen in above the chin: And because he knoweth their weakness to be such, as that they cannot possibly annoy him, unless they chance to enter into League and Confederacy against him; he entertaineth their di∣visions, maintaineth his credit and reputation amongst them, provideth wise and discreet Officers to govern his Subjects there, useth his own peo∣ple as gently as he can; and lastly, foreseeth that they shall not combine themselves against him; This is all that I shall need to say of the Princes of Italy.

From whom I must come to the Queen of Engl∣and,* 1.176 who (the times being as they are) is in my simple opinion the mightiest and most terrible Enemy that the Spaniard hath: For albeit France; is far bigger then Eng∣land; the Turk mightier then France; and the other Princes of whom I have spoken, nearer unto him and his States then we are; yet France is divided, and therefore not able to molest him▪ The Turk is strong, but either otherways busied, or not so bold to set upon him, for fear of the other Princes of Christendom, who would be ready to succour him: And the forenamed Princes be many, but not equal in Forces to our Queen; for he that is mightiest of them, is mighty either by Sea only, or by Land only; her Majesty is strong both by Sea and Land, they there••ore not able to trouble him without the help one of another; and her Highness of her self sufficient to cross his enterprises, to withstand his indeavours, to prevent his purposes, and to invade his Kingdom. In so much that he may well reckon it for one of the chiefest blessings that God hath bestow∣ed upon him; that it pleased his divine Majesty to make her a woman, and

not a man, a lover of Peace, and not a friend of War, a Princess desire∣ous to maintain her own, and not to Conquer other Princes Kingdoms; for if ever she had affected higher Dominion, if ever she had desired to enlarge her Territories, or coveted to enrich her self with his, or other Princes losses; What occasions have been offered unto her? What ad∣vantage hath time it self given her? What suit have some of her Neigh∣bours made unto her? not to receive them only into her protection; but also with her aid, help, and assistance, to subjugate other Dominions? Scotland may commend her Justice and Liberality: France hath great oc∣casion to extol her Lenity and Temperance: Flanders is bound to pray for her prosperity: And the Spaniard himself shall be unthankful, if he praise not her Equity. Time hath greatly favoured her by sending divi∣sions amongst her Neighbours; The Almighty hath strengthned her, by impairing the strength of her adversaries; both have set her many degrees above all the Princes of Christendom, by giving her peace, when they have had wars; her abundance, when they haue suffered many wants; her loving and dutiful Subjects, when their people have been unkind and rebellious; briefly, her all the blessings that mans heart can wish, and them most part of the crosses that humane imbecillity can endure. I may not dwell upon her praises, because they are far beyond my capacity; I can∣not set forth her blessings, because they are innumerable. The one require an higher stile, a more eloquent Tongue, a better Wit, and a greater under∣standing then the most High hath bestowed upon me: The other are ap∣parent, but not computable; and whosoever shall undertake to express them, shall faint before he be half entered into them; And yet I may not thus leave them, lest passing them over in silence, I should seem cu∣rious in other States, and ignorant of our own. Neither may I adven∣ture to write all that I know: Princes actions are open in outward shew, but inwardly obscure; subject to the view of many men, but exceeding the wisdom and capacity of most men; soon espied, but never throughly seen; seeming quickly to be known, but hardly well understood; in ap∣pearance easie, but in effect very difficult; in some mens opinions repre∣hensible, but in others judgments praise worthy: To be short, they may be talked of, but not controlled; admired but not censured; lightly en∣quired after, but not narrowly sif••ed and examined; It sufficeth to hear them, it becometh not any man to seek and search the Reasons of them: Nature enforceth us to desire the one; and wisdom warneth us not to be curious of the other.

But I have taken upon me to make a full Discourse of this time; and therefore may not omit the principal Actions of the only Princess of our time, nor obscure her Puissance by leaving it untouched, whose power is invincible, because it was never touched: The Maiden whose honesty was never attempted, deserveth the name of a true Virgin: And the Prince whom no man dareth to molest, may well be termed invincible: The Fort that never parteth, is seldom taken: And the King whose Power never decreaseth, can hardly be subdued.

It is written that the Frenchmen seeing the innumerable Armies that have been sent out of England into France;* 1.177 and considering that they mur∣thered our men dayly, and in great numbers, and yet we received daily new supplies from home, as though our men never dyed; compare us unto wild Geese, which in the coldest Winters come unto the watry

grounds every year by great flocks, and albeit most part of them be killed before the Winter be fully ended, yet they return the next year in as great quantities as they did the year before; And so, although they were wearied with killing and slaying our Country-men; yet as soon as one Army was defeated, there came a new supply, which took sharp, revenge of the others deaths, and never suffered them to live in peace, ease, or qui∣etness, until they redeemed their vexations and troubles with such condi∣tions as contented our Princes.

I might here take just occasion to trouble you with a long recital of the Forces and Armies which divers of our Kings have led and carryed, either under their own, or under their Lievtenants conduct into France or Flan∣ders, into Italy or Germany, into Spain or Portugal, into Turky or the Ho∣ly Land; but our Histories and other Chronicles are full of them, and you carry them so well in mind, that I hold it very superfluous to refresh your memory. I leave the prowess of Edward the third undeclared; the fortunate Conquests of Richard the first untouched; the happy Victo∣ries of Henry the fifth unrepeated; and the strange and marvelous fortunes of many other of our Kings, not mentioned: I list not to boast of the black Princes valour, of the Duke of Glocesters boldness, of the Bishop of Winchesters pride, who being but Subjects under our Kings, carried out of our Realm divers Armies comparable to the Forces of Kings. Old Histories are reputed for Fables; Things beyond memory are not thought worthy of memory; And what our Fathers did, redoundeth not, in some mens opinions, to our praise or commendation, according to the Poets saying.

Et genus & Proav••s & quae non fecimus ipsi, Vix ea nostra voco.

But later Years have held many Testimonies of our strength, manifold Arguments of our valour, infallible proofs of our power; The Spani∣ard is in the opinion of all men, the terrour of Princes, the controller of Kings, the Monarch of the world, and the most and highest Soveraign of all Soveraigns; It is he that maketh Italy to tremble; that holdeth Spain in great awe; that terrifieth the proud and invincible Germans; that mo∣lesteth the valiant and variable Frenchmen; that tyranizeth over the ef∣feminate Flemmings; that mastereth the ancient and warlike Burgundi∣ans; that captivateth the free and manly Switzers; that miscarrieth the populous and poor Scots; that bridleth the simple and untamed Indians; that ruleth the unruly and obstinate people of Portugal; that overlooketh with an eye of ambition, with a heart of covetousness, with a desire of su∣periority, with an unsatiable appetite of Soveraign Authority, the whole face, and the large precincts of Christendom. It is he that useth his wit, imployeth his strength, bendeth his power, armeth his people, directeth his Council, and dedicateth all that he possesseth to the lawful or unlaw∣ful inlarging of his Territories. It is he that taketh of his Father to be Ambitious, that hath learned of his Ancestors to be troublesome, that thinketh it a work beseeming a Prince, and becoming a King, to vex and molest all Kings. It is he that dreameth by night, studieth by day, practi∣seth at all times how to let no time pass without a line (as it was anciently said) without a Stratagem, a late invented policy, an unknown practise,

and a rare and marvelous enterprise. It is he that increaseth in ambition as well as in years, in covetousness as well as in pride, in rigour as well as in morosity; Briefly, it is he, and I would to God that it were not he, that troubleth the peaceable estate of Christendom, that only vexeth the Realm of France, that disquieteth Flanders, and setteth friends at jarrs, allies at variance, and confederates at dissention; insomuch that it may well be said of him,

Phi-malus & lippus, totus malus ergo Philippus.

Now if a woman hath presumed to encounter with this man; if a Queen of one Island hath undertaken to bridle a Prince of so many Nati∣ons; if her sole Forces have tamed his invincible power, her only coun∣sel prevented his subtile practises; her good will, withstood his ill-will, his mischievous practises, and his ambitious desires; if she alone hath hindred him to be Lord of France, Ruler of Italy, and Commander of all the rest of the world; shall he not err that compareth Hercules with her? Or can any man deem him wise, that taketh her in any respect in∣feriour to Iulius Caesar, mighty Pompey, or Alexander the Great? For two of these, with the invincible power of the invincible Romans, con∣quered some part of the rude and unwarlike people of the world; and the third and fourth are famous, not in true Histories, but in old Fables, for doing such exploits as are more pleasant then credible, more praised then possible, and much more admired then allowed for true, and not miraculous: But if any man shall deny her to be wise, her peaceable Go∣vernment giveth him the lie; if her might and power shall be called in question, her actions in Flanders and France, testifie the fulness of her strength; if her justice be not worthily commended, her motherly care over the present King of Scotland while he was an infant, her pitiful cha∣rity extended to as many as have had need of her help, and her upright and just proceedings in as many matters forraign and domestical as have been referred to her discretion, shall convince him of falshood, or of malice, that shall derogate ought from her innumerable multitudes of her everlasting praises. I wonder when I hear the Romans boast of their Pompey, the Grecians brag of their Constantine, the French report wonders of their Charlemaigne, and the Syrians set forth the praises of their Antiochus (whom every one of these Nations baptized with the sirname of Great) because their actions were somwhat extraordinary, exceeding the common suc∣cess of other Princes, and the usual fortune of many and divers Kings; for if a woman hath gone far beyond them all, and that without the aid of any Allies, without the help of Forrain powers, and without the strength of such as should have employed their whole strength to the fur∣therance of her endeavours; are not their praises eclipsed, their honours blemished, and their renown obscured? They lived in an age of ignorance, in a time of simplicity, in a season of cowardly pusillanimity; she ruleth in a world full of Machiavelists, pestered with deceitful Hanibals, plenti∣ful of warlike Captains, and rather over-burthened, then not throughly furnished with sufficient Counsellors: and yet neither the policy of the wisest, nor the deceit of the craftiest; not the labour of most warlike, nor the wisdom of the best and most sufficient Counsellors, hath ever drawn her into any small inconvenience, but hitherto either wisely or happily,

providently or fortunately, warily or worthily she hath not only prevent∣ed but escaped, foreseen but overgone, forecast but overcome the most secret, the most subtile, the most divelish, and the most unnatural and inevitable practises, devises, attempts, treasons, and trecheries of her ad∣versaries. For many men and women, learned and unlearned, spiritual and temporal, noble and ignoble, courtiers and counsellors have sought her death, and committed treasons against her: Witness the late Queen of Scots, Mrs Arding, and her daughter, witness Dr Storey, Dr. Parrey, and Dr Saunders: Witness Campion, Sherwin, and their complices: Witness the Earls of Northumberland, Westmerland, and Arundel: Witness Ba∣bington, Throgmorton, Tilney, and their confederates: Witness the late Duke of Norfolk and Perrott, both Privie Counsellors of great account, wealth, credit, and honour, both greatly loved, trusted, and honoured by her Majesty, both bound unto her Highness for many favours, digni∣ties, and advancements, both (briefly) counselled, animated, encouraged, and directed in their treasons by the wise Counsellors of the mightiest Prince, and the greatest enemy that her Grace had in the world: Their treason was plotted abroad, and intended at home; invented in Spain, and should have been executed in England; there it received a beginning, here an approbation: here were executioners, and there counsellors; here practisers, and there patrons; here the traytors were blinded with ambi∣tion, there the abettors were transported with envie; here reigned pride, and there revenge; briefly, here the treasons ended, but their malice continueth, and sendeth forth daylie new Conspirators, new devises, and new practises: Since therefore her Majesties death hath been so often in∣tended, the subversion of her State so many times purposed, and the per∣formance of both so desperately undertaken, her Highness for her self, and we for her Highness, are greatly bound to pray to the Almighty, who hath so many ways, so many times, and so miraculously preserved her.

Iulius Caesar was so fortunate,* 1.178 that being in great danger of drowning and presuming that it was not his Creators pleasure that he should perish in the Sea; when the Pilot durst not adventure to carry him for fear of the apparent and great danger which threatned his present death, he boldly said to the Master of the ship, Go thy ways, thou carriest Caesar, and Cae∣sars Fortune; and yet notwithstanding it was his fortune to be killed with Bodkins, and that by his dearest friends, yea in the Senate House, where he thought himself as safe as in his own Palace, as sure as in a Castle, and as free from danger as a Prince invironed with a strong Guard.

Pompeius had many commendable qualities, great store of friends, infi∣nite followers, strange fortunes, many signs of Gods blessings, sundry to∣kens of more then ordinary and humane felicity; and yet he was poysoned or done to death by his professed friends.

Alexander, who for his Prowess, was surnamed the Great; for his for∣tune was one of the Wonders of the world, and for his rare faithful friends and Counsellors, went far beyond all the Princes that lived either before or after him; neither by his vertue nor valour, nor by his fortune and good hap, nor by his friends and Counsellors, could escape the fatal poi∣son that ended his days, before he attained unto those years which be the forerunners of Age: So as in others, so in this Point her Majesty far ex∣ceedeth Caesar, Pompey, and Alexander, the three greatest Princes that ever

lived: For their death was so soon performed as purposed; Her life hath been often sought (but God be thanked therefore) not shortned; they escaped not the malicious Treasons of one or two; she hath been preser∣ved from the wicked treacheries of very many; they could not prevent the Conspiracies of their friends; she hath withstood the open and secret attempts of their enemies; Briefly, they dyed before they became old, she hath attained unto sixty years of her Age; and the rare fortune which she hath hitherto had to escape so many and marvelous dangers, putteth me, and all her loving Subjects, in good hope, that it will please the Al∣mighty to add many more years of bliss and haappiness to her days: nei∣ther do I think only that she shall live beyond the ordinary and usual years and age of other Princes; but I am fully perswaded, that her Grace is preserved and reserved to great fortune to some marvelous purpose; her qualities exceeding other Princes conditions; her fortune being more then ordinary, and her dangers escaped, not prudently, but providently, not by humane policy, but by divine prevention; give me good occasi∣on to presume, that he that disposeth of Kings, and all Kings Actions, lengthneth her days, and hath dedicated her years to some notable acci∣dent: For what he hath intended, man can∣not prevent: what he purpo∣seth, * 1.179 humane wit cannot change or alter, his resolutions are in Heaven, ours on earth; his eternal, ours changeable; his immutable, ours subject to alteration; We purpose, he disposeth; we intend, he changeth; we desire, he ruleth, yea so ruleth, that he directeth our thoughts, leadeth our counsels, inclineth our dispositions to his will and pleasure; he knows our necessities before we ask, our infirmities when we conceal them, our desires, albeit we keep them most close and secret; He giveth us what is expedient for us, granteth us more then we dare desire, provideth better for us then we can deserve; and to be short, is so resolute to do us good, that all our wits, capacities, and policies are not able to prevent the mean∣est of his determinations, so the same tend to our benefit: For although his mercy exceeding our merits, and his clemency yeilding to our con∣trition, do sometimes divert the evil that we have deserved, and mitigate the punishments which are due to our many offences; yet if our humility be not dissembled, or his pleasure fully bent to work us any good what∣soever; so good is he, that our good cannot be attended, nor his intenti∣on changed: An Example or two will prove this to be manifest; and therefore I will afford you these Examples.

Astiages dreamed that his Daughter Mandana made so much water at one time as filled his whole City,* 1.180 and was likely to drown his whole Country; with which dream being greatly terrified, he propoundeth the same to be expounded by his best Interpreters of Dreams; They report, that of the said Daughter should come such an Issue, as should drive him from his Kingly Seat: He taketh counsel what to do to prevent this in∣tention of the Almighty. It is resolved, that the best means is to marry his Daughter to a mean man. The counsel is followed, and she married not to a Median, worthy of such a Wife and Princess as she was; but un∣to a mean Persian, by name called Cambises, born of indifferent good Parentage, but not likely to carry such a mind as to deprive his Father in Law of his Kingdom. The same year that his Daughter was married, he dreamed again. That out of her Privities sprang such a Vine, as over∣spread all Asia. This Dream he likewise communicated with the Sooth∣sayers:

They delivered, That out of the Womb of Mandana should pro∣ceed such a Child as should be Lord of all Asia; and so desirous there∣of, that he should hardly and very unwillingly attend his Grand-Fathers death: According to the Prophesie, the Child is born, his Nativity cast, and the disposition of his body, and other outward signs foretel, that the Prognostication made before his birth, was likely to prove true. The Grand-father minding to prevent a future mischief, giveth him unto one of his faithful Counsellors, commanding him to put him to death: The Counsellor moved with pitty, commendeth the child to the custody of his Shepherd, yet charging him to murther the Infant; The Shepherds Wife having a child of her own dead the very self same day, not finding in her heart to consent to the death of so pretty and Princely a Child, be∣seeched her Husband to expose her own dead Child instead of Cyrus, for so Astiages his Grand-father was called: The Shepherd followed his Wives counsel, and yeilded his consent that she should bring up Cyrus as her own: He groweth to years, and within a few years is chosen King by other children of all sorts, poor and rich, Noble and ignoble; and being elected King, commanded as a King, and inflicteth punishments upon his far betters, for disobeying his Authority. They disdaining to be com∣manded, much less to be punished (as they were) by their far inferiour, complain to their Parents, and they to Astiages, of the injury offered by poor Cyrus. The Shepherd is injoyned to bring forth Cyrus; he maketh appearance at the day appointed; carryeth himself not Shepherd like, but Princelike, before the King: And being demanded by the King how he durst presume to command his betters to be chastised; answered boldly and with a spirit far exceeding his years, and not becoming his supposed Estate, That since it had pleased the rest of the youth to chuse him for their King, and to subject themselves in general unto him, it was not law∣ful for any particular, were he never so good, to disobey him; And in case any one did so far forget himself as to contemn his Authority, that then it was as lawful for him, as for King Astiages, to punish his or their disobe∣dience. At which Answer the King being astonied, looking upon the audacity of the Child, considering his wisdom, calling to mind the ex∣posing of Cyrus, and conferring his Daughters childs Age, and his years together, suspected him to be Cyrus: Sent presently for Harpagus (for so was the Counsellors name unto whom he had given him to be destroy∣ed) compelleth him to tell the truth; The Shepherd is likewise sent for, who declareth the means and manner how Cyrus was saved: The King highly offended with Harpagus, and fully resolved to depress Cyrus, dis∣sembleth his anger with the one, and taketh present order for the base edu∣cation of the other. Cyrus is sent from Media into Persia: and Astiages not long after, carrying a watchful and revengeful mind; and knowing that Harpagus had but one child, and being once rebuked of Harpagus, (more boldly then wisely) of drunkenness, sendeth for the Infant and the Father, unto whom he saith, Thou toldest me (of late) I was drunken; Now to shew thee whether I be, or no, I have here an Arrow in my hand, which if I do shoot so rightly, that I do hit thy Son at the heart, thou mayest well think I am not drunk; and if I miss his heart, then will I not be offended at thee for so say∣ing of me: He shooteth the Arrow, and striketh the child at the heart: And not content with this severe revenge, commandeth the Father to sup with him, and compelleth him at Supper to feed on the best and cheifest

parts of his only and dearest Son, baked in a Pie. Harpagus endureth the wrong for a while, and maketh Astiages to continue his cruelty, con∣senteth to his Marriage with his own Sister, bringeth him by secret means, and his own leud demeanor, into the hatred of his Subjects; And when he saw that it was time to begin to work his revenge; fearing that if he should send a Letter to Cyrus (whom he meant to use for the Instrument of his revenge) by ordinary means, the same might be intercepted, and so both he and Cyrus endangered; taketh an Hare, openeth his Belly, within it encloseth a Letter, and giveth the Hare to a trusty Messenger to carry unto Cyrus, willing him to take off the Hares skin; And to the end the matter might be less suspected, he apparelleth the man like a Hunter, gi∣veth him Nets in his hand, and other instruments belonging unto Hunt∣ing: The Letters contained, That Cyrus should dispose the Persians to re∣venge the wrongs that Astiages had done unto him and to Cyrus: The trust that Astiages reposed in Harpagus, and that being assured to be made cheif Lievtenant of the Median Forces which should be sent against Cyrus, he would presently revolt unto Cyrus, who by that means might easily overthrow his Grand-father: The Plot was thus layed; Cyrus rebelled, Astiages put Harpagus in trust with all his strength; he flyeth unto Cyrus; Astiages is delivered into the hands of his enemies, and the Empire of the Medians is by this means translated unto the Persians.

Amulius to rule alone, killed Numiter,* 1.181 and made his Daughter Rhea one of the Virgins Vestals, that no man-child might proceed from her to revenge the wrong done unto her Father, or recover the Kingdom due unto her Father, Rhea living thus sequestred from the company of men, is gotten with child, it is not known whether by mortal man, or by the God Mars. She bringing forth two Twins, they are called Romulus and Rhemus, who being brought up (as some say) by a Wolf, or (as o∣thers) by a common Strumpet called Lupa, as they grew in years, so they increased in vertues, valour, and credit, and in time wrought the revenge of their Grand-fathers death, and drave Amulius from his King∣dom.

Cambyses, Son to the afore-named Cyrus dreamed that a Messenger brought him word that his Brother Smerdis sitting in his royal seat,* 1.182 touch∣ed the Heavens with his head; by occasion of which dream, fearing that he might be deprived of his Kingdom by his Brother, more speedily then wisely, he commanded Smerdis to be done to death: He is no sooner dead, but one Smerdis rebelled against Cambyses; with whom Cambyses riding to encounter, as he gat upon his horse, his Sword fell out of his sheath, and ran him through the Thigh, of which wound he dyed.

Gargoris Rex Curetum,* 1.183 begat a Son upon his own Daughter, and being ashamed of so foul a fact, purposed to cause the child to be murthered. First he willed him to be cast to wild beasts: The wild beasts contrary to their kind, nourish him. Then he throweth him amongst hungry Dogs, and such as he had caused many dayes to be kept of purpose from meat: The Dogs likewise spare him. Next he exposeth him unto certain Hogs, unto which there was no manner of Sustenance given in a long time: The Hogs likewise do him no kind of harm. Then he willeth him to be thrown into the Ocean Sea, whence he is cast upon the shore, and presently an Hart giveth him suck. Lastly having lived a long time amongst a number of Harts, until he could run as fast as they, he was taken in Nets by cer∣tain

Huntsmen, who presented him unto the King; by whom being known, as well by the proportion of his body, as by certain marks given him as soon as he was born, he is acknowledged and accepted for his Ne∣phew, and in regard of so wondrous preservation from so many and diffe∣rent perils and dangers, is also declared only heir of his Kingdom, and cal∣led Atis.

These examples although they may seem to be untrue, and incredible, yet because they are strange and wonderful, and reported by such Au∣thors whose writings deserve no small credit, they may right well serve to put us in mind, that whatsoever the eternal God hath decreed, it lies not in our power to prevent or alter his determination.

Astyages could command his daughter to marry with a mean man, he had power to will the fruit of her womb to be destroyed, he might entreat or enforce Harpagus to procure the Infants death; But after that he (mo∣ved with compassion) spared the childe, and committed the same unto the custody and discretion of the Shepherd: Astyages authority, and Har∣pagus commission expired, the Shepherd pitied the poor Infant, and it pleased the Almighty (who had resolutely determined his greatness and welfare) to suffer him to live, to the utter ruine and overthrow of the Grandfather.

Amulius, as a wicked Usurper, intended to deprive Rhea of her right, according to his purpose slew her father, and dedicated her to such a life, as there was smal hope that from her should succeed any off-spring to spoil and deprive him of his Royal Scepter: But God had fully resolved that out of Rheas womb should proceed the scourge of her fathers iniquity, and the founder of the Romans Majesty, and accordingly of her came Romulus and Rhemus, who founded that worthy and famous City.

Cambyses, dismayed with a dream, and fearing that his Brother would shorten his days, and usurp his Crown, took the ordinary means that Prin∣ces use to take in such occasions; but he had no sooner killed one Smerdis, but another arose and rose against him, who did put him besides his royal Diadem.

Briefly, Gargoris thought by adjudging the Son which he begate upon his own daughter, somtimes to one, and somtimes to another kind of death, to have hidden his own shame, and to have debarred the poor in∣fant from his right: But he that righteth all wrongs, and undertaketh the defence of the innocent, would not have it to be so, would not suffer wick∣edness to prevail, nor permit the guiltless blood to be destroyed.

I may therefore infer by these examples, and by the rare fortune which our gracious Queen Elizabeth hath hitherto enjoyed, that it lieth not in the ambitious Spaniard, nor in the proud Prelate of Rome, her mortal ene∣mies, her sworn and professed adversaries, to shorten her days, but one day, or one minute: Their wishes are on earth, but cannot ascend to hea∣ven; they may purpose, but not dispose, they have often desired, but could never prevail; they have suborned many, but never found, nor shall find any that shall be able to accomplish their desire; the Axe may be layed to the root of the Tree, but it shall not have power to fell it; the Lyon perhaps may go about to seek his prey, but he shall never find it; the divel (as a divel) may provoke and procure his instruments to be ready to further his attempts, but Gods Angels attending on her person, having a care of her health, and a special charge of her safety, will not permit

divellish ministers to have the least power that may be over her.

The Rule and Government of Women is rare; and omnia rara sunt chara: Their Sex is weak, and the Almighty hath promised to be the Pro∣tector of the infirm and weak; Their capacity is not answerable to mans policy; and the Lord hath said, that his elect shall not be confounded with humane wisdom; he hath said, and we may swear, That heaven and earth shall sooner perish, then his word shall fail. Why then do the Princes rage? Why then do the Pope and the King of Spain fret and fume against the Lords Anointed? Against his chsen Vessel? Against his dear Virgin? Why the cause is the Lords, and he will try it, he will end and determine it. Is it because she upholdeth and defendeth the Spaniards af∣flicted and oppressed Subjects? Why, therefore she was ordained, there∣fore the Lord preserveth her. Is it because she liveth in peace, and they in wars? Why, the Almighty hath blessed the Peace-makers, and hath vowed to be the Protector and Patron of as many as love peace. Is it because her subjects rebel not against her, as theirs do? Why that is an express and ma∣nifest sign of their evil, and her good Government. Is it because she withstandeth their attempts and purposes? Why she medleth not with their doings, but with such as tend to her hinderance; and those it is both lawful and honourable for her to cross and prevent. Briefly, Is it because the wisest Princes and Subjects of the world favour her more then them? Why, that is because their actions are not in any respect equal or compa∣rable unto hers; for they pretend one thing, and intend another; her thoughts and pretensions do alwaies agree together: They would seem to love Peace, and yet dwell continually in wars; she seeketh peace and embraceth it: They combine themselves, and employ their strength and Forces against Christian Religion, she useth her power to no mans detri∣ment or destruction: Briefly, they do or would usurp more then belong∣eth unto them, and she requireth no more then is her own. That such is her mind, desire, and purpose is most apparent to all the world, because when she might have had the Soveraignty and universal Government of Flanders, she accepted it not; when she might have excluded the Spani∣ard out of the possession of his rich and wealthy Indies, she deprived him not of them; And when as her Forces are sufficient to disturb his whole Realms of Portugal and Spain, she employeth them not to his disturbance: But In magnis voluisse sat est: She hath assaulted the Indies; attempted the conquest of Portugal, and assayed what her Forces could do in Spain: It cannot be denyed but that her Majesty hath done as much,* 1.184 and perhaps more, then is said; but not before she was provoked thereunto, neither with a mind so much to prejudice the Spaniard, as to provide for her own safety; For when Sir Francis Drake, with such Forces as he and his friends with a very slender help from her Highness, had provided, happily spoiled part of the Indies, and returned thence with no smal prey, if he had gone thi∣therward somwhat sooner then he did, better furnished then he was, & with a larger commission then he had, al which lay in her Majesty to have grant∣ed him, undoubtedly either the season of the year, or the number of his ships or the largenes of his Authority, would both have encouraged and also en∣abled him to have done those her Highness enemies much more and great∣er despight then he did. But as wise men going about a great piece of work, and finding when they have begun the same, that their ability will not serve to accomplish it, sit down and study what ways to take, and

how to put those ways in execution, for the full perfection of their enter∣prise: So her Highness having so mighty an enemy as the Spaniard, whose Attempts and purposes it was necessary (for her own security) to cross and prevent. And finding that her Treasure was not comparable to his wealth, especially seeing he attempted divers ways to annoy her, and purposed to weary her with length of time, and variety of expences, resolved with her self, that it could not be amiss to permit her loving Sub∣jects to adventure some part of their wealth, and a small portion of her own Treasure, in••hope to bring from the Indies much more then they carried thither: The which her Resolution being put in practise, found the same event which was expected, and the sequel thereof sufficiently declared; that a greater Navy well furnished with sufficient men, and good store of Victuals and Munition, might then, and may yet, put her Ma∣jesty in quiet possession of the richest and best part of the Indies: But it sufficeth her Highness to try the Forces of those Countries; to acquaint her Sea men and Souldiers with the way thither; to give them a taste of the Indian wealth; and to make her power known as well unto the Inha∣bitants of those remote Countries, as of other nearer Regions of the world, who thought too basely of her strength, and carried too good a conceipt of her Adversaries might and puissance; And finally, to fetch from her mortal enemies own Dominions some Treasure wherewith to withstand the Ran∣cor and extremity of his malice.* 1.185 In which Action her Majesty fully and wisely imitated the example of the Florentines, who fearing that▪ Pope Iulius the second would war upon them for consenting unto that Coun∣sel which divers Cardinals, with the consent and furtherance of the French King and other Princes, had summoned against him; and thinking it con∣venient to defray the charges of Wars, moved in defence of Church-men, with Church goods; seized upon so much of the Clergies goods as they thought would suffice for the maintenance of those Wars: Even so her Highness hearing that the Spaniard had a long time prepared to invade her Realm, and being well assured, that as soon as he could be well able he would send the same preparation towards England; held it expedient and necessary to seek all means possible whereby she might happily be en∣abled to maintain either all, or part of the Expences of those Wars with his Treasure; And having learned of men of great experience what For∣ces would suffice to effect her desire and purpose, thought it superfluous and needless to send thither greater strength then they (not unadvisedly) required; And albeit neither her Majesty nor the Lords of her privy Council were ignorant that the Indians were far stronger then when they were first conquered; And therefore that such a Navy as was first sent thither could not work the like effect there; yet both her Grace and they thought it not meet to employ any more of her own, or of her Merchants Ships in that service, lest that the Spanish Fleet (which was expected in England many years before it came) coming upon her Realm in the ab∣sence of Sir Francis Drake, and his Consorts, should not have found the same sufficiently provided to make such resistance as was needful: For as it sheweth courage in a Prince to give the first on-set upon his enemies within his own Dominions;* 1.186 so it argueth want of discretion and wisdom to assault his adversaries with such force and power, as if the enemy in ab∣sence thereof invade his Realm, there should not be found at home, an Army sufficient to withstand his Invasion.

Now as touching her Majesties Attempt made against Portugal and Spain; The manner thereof is not unknown unto the world, the cause is notorious, and the success is not hidden nor secret: For M^r Anthony Wingfields, and M^r D^r Doylies Books; the one in English, the other in Latine, set down the order, motive, and the event of that Attempt, so truly, so fully, and so plainly, as I shall not need to say any thing there∣of, especially having already touched his Right at large, for whose cause, and at whose instance the Voyage was undertaken: But because the said Books make but a plain and true Narration of the Journey, and of the cause and success thereof, leaving the Justification of the same cause un∣handled, and you desire to see the same confirmed and strengthned by some examples declaring the equity thereof: I will in this Point somwhat satisfie your desire and pleasure.

Presupposing therefore Don Antonion his Title to the Kingdom of Por∣tugal to be just and right (as his own Apology can, and doth testifie) I think it will not be denyed, but that what help soever was, or shall be hereafter yeilded unto him for the recovery thereof, was, and will be both warrantable by Law, and justifiable by many and infinite Histo∣ries.

The Law be it of Nature or of Nations, warranteth any man whatso∣ever, Vim vi repellere, to repel force by force, which is not tyed to this bare sence and meaning only; That it shall be lawful for him to defend himself only against him that assaulteth his person, or endangereth his life, but it reacheth further, and giveth him leave to use any moderate violence, yea sometimes to kill him (if he cannot otherwise retain his own) that go∣eth about by main force to put him out of possession of his lands and inhe∣ritance, or to take away his goods from him. The same proceedeth fur∣ther with us in England, and in France, and provideth that if a man be as∣saulted, and others stand by, and help him not, they are held for parta∣kers of the violence that is offered unto him; and if a man be robbed upon the high-way, and Hue and Cry be not made presently after the Theeves, the Town, Village, or Hamlet, which presently pursueth not the Male∣factor, shall answer whatsoever is taken from the party that is robbed.

The reasons of this Law are many. First it is expedient for the Common-wealth to conserve the lives and goods of the Subjects thereof; then there should neither be Meum nor Tuum, if this Law did not take place. Next, the first and especial cause of assembling Societies together, and of making and fortifying Villages, Towns, and Cities, was a desire and care which men had to live together in safety, as well of their Goods, as of their persons. Lastly, nature detesteth unlawful violence, desireth the conservation of her Creatures, tendreth their welfare, and hateth the Procurers of her harm and detriment, and therefore provided Princes that should minister Justice unto all men indifferently, defend the innocent valiantly, maintain their Subjects in peace continually, and duly inflict condigne punishment upon the breakers and perturbers of peace and tran∣quility. Now because Justice loseth her name and majesty unless a pro∣portionable Equity be observed in the administration and exercise thereof, as private mens security is regarded and tendred in Justice, so the Law must likewise have the indempnity, safety and commodity of Superiors, Magistrates, and Princes in recommendation, otherwise they should be in far worse case then their own Subjects are: For, the wrongs that are

done unto them, are righted by their Magistrates; and therefore it stand∣eth with good reason, that some provision be made, and some care had for the reformation of such injuries as are offered to the Kings and Princes. If a Subject be thrust out of possession of his proper Inheritance, the Law provideth that he shall be presently restored thereunto. And if a king be wrongfully driven out of his kingdom, shall not he be allowed to seek a restitution thereof? He shall, but how? Forsooth at his hands who hath deprived him; but what if the Usurper will not yeild to his petition? he is then to implore the help of other Princes, and they on his behalf are to pray and admonish the Usurper to make restitution of all that he detai∣neth wrongfully; whereunto i•• he shall not hearken after due admonition given unto him, they may (junctis viribus) invade his Realm, and by main force inforce him to restore whatsoever he with-holdeth unjustly. For this charge lay upon the Emperours, as long as they were of sufficient force and authority to command and controll the Kings of this world: But now that the Imperial Majesty is somewhat abated, and Kings have freed and emancipated themselves from the Emperours power and juris∣diction it remaineth as part of the charge of Kings, to see that no vio∣lence be offered unto their Colleagues, and especially unto their Confe∣derates. Therefore it is usual amongst Princes to enter into Alliance to∣gether, with express conditions to take the Enemies each one of the other for their own Enemies, and not only to defend their own Estates against all men whatsoever, but also to offend him, whatsoever he be that shall attempt any thing to their prejudice; and there is nothing more common then to see Princes oppressed to fly for aid unto the Oppressors Adversa∣ries, and to receive help and succour from them.

They therefore are highly commended which receive and harbour a distressed Prince,* 1.187 and they contrarywise worthy of perpetual shame and infamy, which either refuse to receive such an one, or after his receipt of∣fer him any manner of wrong or violence; because as to adde affliction unto the afflicted is a point of great Inhumanity; so to comfort the com∣fortless is a work of singular Justice and Lenity. The commendation due to this kind of courtesie hath wrought so strange effects in the hearts of many Princes, that some have received their professed Enemies, others have fallen out with their dearest friends, rather then they would restore a poor Prince being fled unto them for succour, when he was demanded at their hands; some have refused great rewards which have been offered them for the restitution of such as lived in exile and banishment within their Territories, others have entertained them with large yearly Pensions, and presently aided them for the recovery of their Kingdomes; some have given them whole Cities to dwell in, others have been so forward in relei∣ving such as implored their help, that they have lost their own Kingdoms for defending them.

It is written in the Histories of France, that Charles the seventh having upon just occasion of offence and displeasure conceived against the Dol∣phin of France(who was his eldest son) banished him out of his Realm,* 1.188 and commanded that none of his Subjects or Friends should receive him: The Duke of Burgundy (who was then Vassal unto the French King, and mortal Enemy unto the Dolphin) did not only receive him, but also gave him leave to chuse what Castle, Hold, or City of his soever he would to dwell in: and sent presently Embassadours to his Father to make his excuse for receiving him.

Piero Mexias, in his Book of the lives of the Roman Emperours, report∣eth, That the Emperour Henry the third,* 1.189 when as Peter King of Hungary was driven out of his Kingdom by his own Subjects, who for his evil Government had rebelled against him, did not only harbour and enter∣tain him, but also restored him unto his Kingdom, although the same Peter not long before had favoured the Duke of Bohemia, who rebelled against the said Emperour.

The King of Cochin, being required by the King of Calicut not to harbour his enemies which were fled unto him for succour; Answered, that he could not expel them out of his Cities, having received them upon his word; with which Answer the King of Calicut being highly displeased, wrot him a Letter full of great threats, whereat the King of Cochin laugh∣ed, and willed the Messenger to tell him, that he would not do that for fear of all his threats, which he vouchsafed not to do at his request; whereupon the King of Calicut suddenly prepared a great Army invaded the King of Cochins Realm, drave him out of his Kingdom, and enforced him to fly unto a certain Island of his own which was then in the hands of certain Portugals, by whom he not long after was again restored unto his Kingdom.

Our Chronicles report, That both Edward the fourth, and Richard the third,* 1.190 offered great Rewards unto the Duke of Brittan to restore unto them Henry, Earl of Richmond, who lived as a poor banished man within the Dukedom, but no money could win him to yeild unto their desire.

The same Chronicles testifie,* 1.191 that the poor King of Scots received Henry the sixth, flying from the persecution of Edward the fourth, and entertained him with a yearly Pension, and aided him for the recovery of his Kingdom.

David distrusting the protection of God,* 1.192 slyeth unto Achich, King of Goth, who giveth him Siglag to dwell in; And Ierob••am flying unto Shi∣shack, King of AEgypt, was honourably received of him, and maintained there like a Prince, until Rehoboam was deprived for his cruelty, and he sent for out of Egypt, and made King of Israel.

Frederick, King of Naples, being oppressed by his Uncle the King of Spain, used unto the French King, unto whom he made grievous com∣plaints of the Catholique King, because without any regard of the kin∣dred and consanguinity that was betwixt them, he had endeavoured by all means possible to deprive him of the Moity of his Kingdom. Lewis the French King received him with great honour and courtesie,* 1.193 made him Duke of Anjou, and gave him 30000. Ducates of yearly Revenue. Our Chronicles and other Histories are full of a number of the like Ex∣amples, confirming the equity, and commending the clemency and gen∣tleness of such Princes as have yeilded competent relief to their neigh∣bours, to their enemies, to their Allies, and to meer strangers, being enforced to crave their aid and assistance. But hoping that these will suffice to satisfie and resolve you, I will forbear to enlarge this discourse with the supersluous and needless recital of others.

It is commonly said that troubles come in post, and depart by leisure; And who so seeketh unquietness shall easily find it, and therefore consi∣dering the displeasure that is done to the adversary of him that is received into another Kings Realm and protection, the danger which the Receiver may incure, and the manifest wrongs which are sometimes done unto the

Receiver by the received, together with their most unkind and unnatu∣rall Ingratitude; this kinde of charitie, is sometimes termed crueltie; this pity, peril, this favour extream folly, and this compassion a passion not agreeable to reason and Princely policy. Some Princes therefore weigh∣ting the perils that may follow the receiving of such Guests, or the aiding of Princes who were expelled or banished from their own Dominions, would neither receive them, nor succour them, unless they were well rewarded for their labour; to the end that such a reward might recompence the costs and charges which do necessarily depend upon the harbour and relief which is given unto them.

Alexis, sometimes Emperour of Greece, being deprived of his Empire, could not obtain any manner of aid from the Venetians, the Marquess of Montferrat, and the King of France, until he had faithfully promised to pay the Venetians debts,* 1.194 to recompence with so much ready money the harms which the Frenchmen had sustained by the Emperour Emanuel,* 1.195 and to bestow the Earldom of Candia upon the forenamed Marquess.

Macrinus, having slain the Emperour Bassianus, enjoyed the Empire; and his Son Antoninus Heliogabalus lived a long time in exile, until his Mother Messa,* 1.196 by great gifts and extraordinary liberality, won the Soul∣ders of Macrinus, and his best Captains and Colonels, to acknowledg him for the true and indubitate Heir of the Empire; and in regard thereof, and of the duty of the young child (whom for his Fathers sake they quickly affected) to deprive Macrinus of his usurped Diadem, and Imperial Authority.

Other Princes perhaps terrified with the perils that accompany and attend upon the harbouring of such distressed Princes, when they have once received them, either restore them to their enemies, or detain them as lawful Prisoners, or cause them to be secretly murthered.

So did Alarick,* 1.197 King of the Goths, send King Siagrius, who fled unto him for succour, back again unto Clovis King of France, his mortal enemy.

So did Toleny cause Pompey to be murthered,* 1.198 who fled unto him as unto his ancient and faithful friend, from the wrath and indignation of Iulius Caesar.

So did Peter King of Castile murther Rubaeus King of Granado,* 1.199 for the greedy desire which he had of the infinite Treasure which Rubaeus brought into Castile with him.

So did Ptolomy imprison Antiochus,* 1.200 who trusting him rather then his Brother Seleucus (whom he had many ways and times grievously offend∣ed) fled unto him from the heavy displeasure and persecution of King Eumenes.

So briefly did Henry the fifth King of England,* 1.201 detain Iames after∣ward King of Scotland, prisoner many years, who flying from the unna∣tural persecution of his Uncle, who had deposed his Father, and usurped the Crown, was driven by tempest into England.

These Examples varying much from the former; And these Princes observing a quite contrary course unto that which the before-named Kings observed, maketh this question very doubtful; Whether it be lawful and commendable in Princes to receive and harbour another Prince who flyeth unto him for succour: But if humanity deserveth always more commendations then cruelty; if it be true that the Poet saith.

Turpius ejicitur, quam non admittitur Hospes.

If Princes were first ordained and instituted to yeild relief to as many as were distressed; If God most commonly blessed them who yeilded such relief, and contrariwise punished those who exercised no kind of hu∣manity towards them. Briefly, if wiser Princes have received them then have rejected them, this doubt is easily dissolved, and this difficulty quickly removed.

Now that humanity which is incident unto men, is to be preferred be∣fore cruelty, which is proper unto bruit beasts, is a thing so apparent to common sense, that I hold him for senseless that doubteth thereof; and what is he who blameth him not for incivility, who having received his friend into his house, and being very well able to relieve him, excludeth him without any occasion of discontentment offered by him: Or who is so ignorant, that knoweth not there is nothing more answerable unto the principal cause and motive of the first institution of Kings, then it is to succour as many as have need of their help: And our Chronicles do testi∣fie, that God plagued the posterity of Henry the fifth, for his extremity used unto the poor distressed Prince of Scotland; and the French Histories do declare, that God never prospered Lewis sirnamed Oultremer, King of France, because he had dealt discourteously and unkindly with the Infant Richard Duke of Normandy,* 1.202 whom he had received into his safe custody and protection: And to be short, the wisdom of those Princes who have harboured their Neighbours and Allies,* 1.203 are commended beyond all mea∣sure by the Writers who mention them; whereas their folly is reprehend∣ed, and their cruelty blamed, who rejected those of whom I lately made mention, and all histories shall sooner perish, then their infamy be for∣gotten. But to reconcile the contrarieties of the precedent examples, and to clear the difficulty of this question, I think it not amiss to descend from the general argument to a particular supposition; for so the controversie will soon be determined: Suppose therefore (for example sake) that the Kings of France and Spain being in fast League of friendship together, there ariseth a variance betwixt the Kings of France and Navarra; from this variance they fall to wars, of these wars follow the overthrow of the Navarrois; after that overthrow he flyeth unto the King of Spain for re∣fuge: May the Spanish King in this case receive and harbour him? To this demand it is not possible to make a good and an absolute answer, unless the cause of the Wars betwixt France and Navarra, and the kind of Alli∣ance betwixt France and Spain, be well and sufficiently known; for, the nature and quality of the one and the other, may make the receipt and en∣tertainment of the Navarrois lawful or unlawful: If the French King had just occasion to war against the Navarrois, because he was wronged by him, or by some of his; and the League betwixt Spain and France bound the Kings of both places not to receive one anothers enemies, but that the one should hold him for his foe, which was, or is adversary to the other. Then doubtless except the King of France of his part had first committed some Act contrary and repugnant unto the conditions of the Alliance, whereby the same was broken and violated, the Spaniard could not law∣fully receive the Navarrois: But contrarywise, if the aforenamed Wars were unjust, and the League not so streight as Alliance, which are both

offensive and defensive are, then might the Spaniard without breach of his duty harbour the Navarrois, especially if the French King had before the receipt violated the conditions of the League; for as Bonds and Obli∣gations betwixt private men tye not the Obligee to other things then are mentioned in the conditions; so Leagues betwixt Princes, do not prohi∣bite them to do any thing that is not expresly or by implication forbidden by the Articles of those Leagues.

Besides (as the world is now adayes) Leagues are of no longer conti∣nuance then there is some profit or commodity arising or proceeding from them,* 1.204 and as soon as the breach of them may be certainly and assuredly profitable and advantagious unto the breaker, they are not so religious∣ly observed as they have been in times past, but some colour or other is presently pretended to justifie their unlawful violation. You have heard what a strait League was concluded betwixt the French King and Fer∣dinando King of Spain touching the Kingdom of Naples, and also what occasion was taken to break the same, as soon as Gonsalvo (surnamed the great Captain) had the French General at an advantage. But I think I have not as yet acquainted you with the colour and pretence which was u∣sed to excuse the breach thereof; the which, because it now cometh fitly to the purpose, I purpose to declare unto you.

Ferdinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain, being accused by the French King, that they had unlawfully broken the League of Friendship which was straitly concluded betwixt Spain and France against all ene∣mies whatsoever,* 1.205 that should attempt any thing against the Kingdom of Naples, being equally divided (as you have heard) betwixt the two Crowns, alledged for their excuse, that amongst other Articles of their League and Agreement this clause was inserted: That they should not be bound to any thing that might be prejudicial unto the See of Rome; and that therefore the Pope having required them, as Sovereign Lord of that Kingdom, to succour the distressed Kingdom of Naples, they could do no less, but yeilded unto his request, and with this Cautele, contrary to their former promise made unto the French King, the said King and Queen entred into confederacy and league against France, with the Pope, with the Venetians, and with the Duke of Milan, and the Duke of Ferara would not openly enter into this League, but cunningly, and with an I∣talian devise and subtilty, he suffered his Son to serve the Duke of Milan as his Lieutenant General with 150 men at Armes. A few more Exam∣ples like unto this will give some better light unto the obscurity and doubt∣fulness of this question, and therefore I will afford you some such exam∣ples.

Edward the third King of England espying a time of great advantage to invade Scotland, because he might be the less blamed if he should take the same occasion,* 1.206 publikely protested, that he was not in League with the Scot, because the League betwixt them was fully agreed and concluded upon in his minority, and while he being under Age, had not the capacity to perceive the disadvantage and great harm that grew unto him by the same League. The Scots and Picts being in League with the ancient Bri∣tanes, and spying a convenient time to molest them,* 1.207 whilest Maximinianus the Emperour was absent, invaded the Realm, and pretended that they were not bound to the League concluded betwixt them and Maximinia∣nus if he were once out of the Kingdom. The same people notwithstand∣ing

their League, invaded the Brittanes another time, saying that the League was at an end by the death of Placitus the Roman Lieutenant, who had concluded the same League.

The Brittans in the time of King Arthur,* 1.208 entred into League with Lo∣thus King of the Picts, and bound themselves to receive Aludred a Pict, for heir and successour unto King Arthur, but when Arthur was dead, (contrary to the Convenants of this League) they made Constantius, and not Aludred their King, and being accused of the said Picts, for breach of the said League,* 1.209 they answered, that the League betwixt Lothus and Ar∣thur was fastened unto this condition, that as soon as the one or the other dyed, the Subjects of neither of them should be tyed any longer thereun∣to, adding further, that it stood not with policy to admit a Stranger to bear rule and government over them. The examples are infinite that might be alledged to this purpose, but these few may suffice to shew the proneness and ready good will of Princes to falsifie their Faith, and to co∣lour the breach thereof with some reasonable shew and pretence, when they found it not commodious or convenient for them to hold every Co∣venant and Article of their Agreements: Now having seen by this that hath been said already, that Leagues are lightly broken, it resteth for the better strengthening of my purpose, that I declare unto you by such ex∣amples as shall presently come unto my memory, what occasions one Al∣lie hath taken to be offended with another, and how upon such occasions offered, of great friends they have become mortal enemies. For hereby you shall see (that since Princes are most commonly led and ruled by exam∣ples, insomuch that they hold all things to be well done, which (not be∣ing apparently unjust or dishonest) are done by example) that our Queen notwithstanding the ancient continuance of the League that hath been be∣tween the Crown of England, and the house of Burgundy, of which the King of Spain pretendeth himself to be lawful Heir,* 1.210 may most lawfully fall from the same, and by many and infinite Presidents justifie the receipt of the King of Portugal, and the aid given unto him. I find many causes in such Histories as I have read, which have moved princes who were con∣joyned together in a very straight League of Amity and Friendship, to fall at variance, and either to war one upon another, or to associate them∣selves each one with the Foes and Adversaries of the other.

Iulius Caesar although the Romans were in League with the people which were anciently called Lingones, yet he held them, yea and used them as Enemies, because they aided the Helvetians (which are now cal∣led Swizzers) with corn and other provision. Other Princes have taken occasion of offence against their Allies and Confederates, because they have fallen to Agreement with their common Enemies and Adversaries without their consent of privity.

So was Pope Sextus the fourth highly displeased with Ferdinando King of Naples,* 1.211 because he not making him privy thereunto, had agreed all matters of variance and controversie betwixt himself, and Laurence de medicis, and the City of Florence.

So did Lewis the twelfth of France justly complain of Pope Iulius the second,* 1.212 because at what time France stood in most need of him, he com∣pounded the differences betwixt the Church and their common Enemies; and for this injury offered unto him, published bills and books of greivous complaints against him, saying that he was worthy to be deprived of his Popedom.

Illescas in the life of Pope Leo the tenth,* 1.213 reporteth, That the Venetians being in League with the King of Spain against the French King, departed from their Alliance with the Spaniard, and allied themselves with the French King, for no other occasion but because Prospero Colona, one of the Captains of the Spanish Army, did not presently give unto them Bres∣sia, which he had taken from the French King, and should (as it seemed) have been restored unto the Venetians as soon as it was taken. Some∣times it falleth out that many occasions meet at one time to move a Prince to relinquish and leave the side and party of his confederate:* 1.214 Many causes enforced Pope Leo the tenth to leave the French King, and to join with Charls the fifth. First his unsatiable desire to recover Parma and Placentia. The pity he took of Italy, to see what misery it endured under the French. Thirdly, The good will he had to gratifie the Emperor for the great love which he shewed at the Diet holden at Wormes, unto the See of Rome. Fourthly, his indignation and displeasure conceived against Monsieur Lotreth, Governour of Milan, because he did not only molest and trou∣ble the poor Millanois, with a thousand vexations and grievances, but al∣so gave all the Benefices, Bishopricks, and other Ecclesiastical Livings, within the Dukedom of Milan, without the Popes leave and licence; And further, because he had had given commandment that no man should ap∣pear upon any Citation sent from Rome, nor should go thither to follow any Suit or Process begun or moved there. And lastly the remembrance of those injuries which were done by the King of France unto his Prede∣cessors, and especially unto Peter and Laurence de Medicis, his Father and his Brother.

Here you see the Pope (whom the rest of Italy most commonly follow∣eth) partly moved with a just hatred against the Frenchmen; and partly fearing their overgrowing power in Italy; to prevent the hateful increase of their greatness, leaveth them, and joyneth himself unto their enemies. Now you shal see another Pope,* 1.215 named Clement the seventh, and with him also the Venetians, finding that Charls the fifth (with whom Leo the tenth allied himself against the French King) yeildeth not, accordingly as he was bound, the investiture of the Dukedom of Milan, unto Francis Sforza, who promised to give him for the same six hundred thousand Ducates, and to marry with whomsoever it should please him; and also to hold the Dukedom at his devotion; And further, conjecturing by the on-set which he gave upon France, and by the great Power and Authority which he had even then in Italy, that he went about to make himself Lord of the most part of the world; And seeing that Francis the first, King of France, had lately won Milan from the said Emperour, they entred into League with the French King against Charls the fifth, as secretly as they might possible: You have heard before how Leo the tenth, taking the kindness shewed unto him by the Emperour, at the Diet of Worms very kindly, was moved thereby to leave the French party, and to become one of the Emperours Faction.

Now you shall hear how Pope Paulus the third,* 1.216 having the Cardinal Farnesius for his Embassadour with the said Emperour, and finding that his Majesty had proclaimed a Diet to be held at Wormes, touching the de∣ciding of certain matters and controversies of Religion, took it in so evil a part: that the Emperour would intermeddle with the hearing of spiritual causes, the cognizance whereof belonged unto the Pope; that he comman∣ded

the said Cardinal to depart from the Emperors Court without taking leave of his Majesty, and to leave the Cardinal Marcello Corvino in his place; which was an indignity never offered unto any Prince, unto whom either the Embassadour or his Majesty bear any love or affection. This evil conceit of the said Paulus Tertius towards the same Emperour was en∣creased by three special Causes.

The first because the Emperour to strengthen himself against the above named French King, had lately entred into League and Alliance with Henry the eighth, King of England, who was then fallen from that obe∣dience which the See of Rome looked for at his hands.

The second because Caesar had so quickly forgotten the wrong done unto his Aunt, lately divorced from the same King.

The third because the Emperor would neither sell unto him the Duke∣dom of Milan, nor make his Son Pier Lewis, Duke of Parma and Pla∣centia.

I might proceed in the recital of many other Examples like unto these, but from these you may sufficiently gather, that the wisest, both Popes, Emperors, and Kings, that ever lived of late years, have made it a matter of small or no conscience to break their Leagues for very small occasions, especially if they found that any King or Emperour, by reason of their League, presuming to finde no resistance able to withstand his intent and purpose, went about to incroach upon other Princes, and to make himself Lord of the world: You may also perceive by the mutability and inconstancy of the Princes of Italy, and of their falling from France to Spain, and again from Spain to France; how greatly they fear the great∣ness of the one or the other in Italy, how ready they have been to supplant him that waxeth great amongst them; and how careless, neg∣ligent and secure they are now, since they notwithstanding (not as their predecessors always did before them) the aspiring Ambition of the Spa∣niard. Moreover these Examples may teach you what opinion was con∣ceived of Charls the fifth; what jealousie and suspition other Princes had of him, and what an high and aspiring mind he carryed; The which ha∣ving left as an Inheritance to his Son, with a number of precepts forged in so dangerous and ambitious a conceipt; no marvel though he do some∣what imitate his Father. But great marvel it is why the Princes of our Age do not foresee and fear in him the same minde, the same desire, the same ambition, and the same purposes which were in his Father. But the more careless other Princes are herein, the more commendations our Gracious Soveraign deserveth, who for better then these thirty five years hath (as I have said often, and cannot say too often) mightily crossed his endeavours without the help of any other that ever would vouchsafe to joyn with her Majestie in so honorable an Action. Neither may it be im∣puted to her Highness as a fault, that she hath forgotten the ancient league which was betwixt the house of Burgundie and her Predecessors, but ra∣ther, as he amongst private men, is highly commended, who forsaketh his dearest friends in their unjust causes, and when they go about to oppress and overthrow their Neighbours, so her gracious Majestie is worthy of everlasting praise and fame, because it hath pleased her Highness to prefer the justice and equitie of good causes, before the iniquity of any League or confederacie, Besides, since that the League (that was betwixt England and Burgundy) was (as it may be gathered by the Chronicles of both Na∣tions)

rather with the people subject unto the Princes of Burgundy, then with the Princes themselves, her Majestie continuing in Amitie with the States and People of the United Provinces, and being ready to do the like (if the like occasion were offered) with the other of the seventeen Provinces, doth not any thing in the prejudice of the Antiquitie of that League, but as her Predecessors have done before her, (as namely Edward the third,* 1.217 and Richard the second) her Majestie hath thought it meet and convenient to stand with the poor and afflicted people against the unkind and unnaturall crueltie and oppression of their Soveraign. The which action being most commendable, and such as might be approved by infi∣nite Examples; they do her Highness great wrong, who, not considering the indignities, wrongs, and injuries done unto her by the late house of Spaine, and not remembring the first occasion of displeasure between the Crowns of England and Spain, to have risen from Spain, blame her Ma∣jesty as the first breaker of that ancient League. These men, besides many other things which are already refuted, or remain to be fully an∣swered hereafter in their several and fit places, more maliciously then wisely object unto her Majesty, that about the year 1569. her Ships inter∣cepted 59 chests full of Ryals of Spain, amounting unto the sum and va∣lue of eight hundred thousand Ducats,* 1.218 which were sent unto the Duke of Alva out of Spain to pay his souldiers withal, the which wrong gave (as they affirm) the first or greatest occasion of breach of amity and friend∣ship betwixt Spain and England: For by the intercepting of this money the Souldiers were disappointed of their pay, and the Kings credit and au∣thority was greatly impaired and weakened in the Low Countries. But those men neither consider that Spain had long before this time offered great wrong unto England, nor remember that when the Spaniard com∣plained unto her Majesty hereof, that it was wisely and sufficiently an∣swered; That her Majesty understanding that the said money was sent to pay certain debts of the Spanish Kings, which he owed unto divers Merchants of Genova, who being well able to spare the same, and her Highness having urgent occasion to use so much, thought she might be so bold (as the Spaniard had been) to borrow the said money for a small time, paying them (as he did) some yearly consideration for it: Which Answer might well have contented the King of Spain, since the said Mer∣chants at no time had any cause why they should not credit her Highness as well as him: Nor did they weigh the violent and extraordinary dealing of the Duke of Alva; who as soon as he heard the news of the intercepting of the said money, commanded all our English Merchants that were then in Antwerp, or elsewhere in Brabant and Flanders, to be detained as priso∣ners, seized upon their goods and Merchandizes, and willed that the English house should be kept by a Guard of High-Dutchmen, and presently wrote unto the King his Master to detain all our Merchants in Spain; and further, knowing that there were divers English Ships in Zeland, laden with Cloth and other Merchandize of great worth and value, he caused them likewise to be stayed, and neither they, nor our Merchants in Brabant, Flanders, Zeland or Spain, were dismissed before the king of Spain was fully satis∣fied, which might easily be done; the very Cloth it self which was trans∣ported out of England into those Countries, being almost worth the sum that was pretended (God knoweth how truly) to be taken away from the Sp••niard: For although we should grant that this money was wrongfully

taken and detained by her Majesty; yet the order which the Duke of Al∣va took for the recovery thereof, was not to be justified: He ought first to have acquainted his Master with the taking thereof; Then an Embas∣sadour should have been sent from him into England to demand restituti∣on thereof: And lastly, if her Grace had denied the restoring of the same, or not sufficiently satisfied the taking of it, the course which was taken had not been amiss: But here the Cart went before the Horse, and judgment was given before the Cause was heard. Now because our Merchants lived quietly in the Low Countries, as well before as after the taking of this money, because they enjoyed their Priviledges as largely as ever they did; because we had daily Traffique with Spain, and the Kings Embassadours remained then and many years after in England; (All which are Arguments and probable Conjectures, that there was peace betwixt us and Spain) the intercepting of this money will still seem un∣lawful, unless it be shewed that the Spaniard hath given her Majesty some just occasion of discontentment before the time of taking thereof. Truly it cannot be denied that our Merchants had Traffique (as it is said) in Spain, and elsewhere under the Spanish Dominions; but not for any love to our Prince or Nation, but in regard of the great benefit that they brought unto the King and to his Countries, which could not well stand or at the least wise (as late experience hath shewed) flourished as they did without them: Witness the misery of Antwerp at this present; the pover∣ty of Burges, and the calamity of many other Towns, both in Brabant, and in Flanders, which as long as they were haunted and frequented by Englishmen, yeilded to few Towns and Cities of Christendom for wealth and prosperity. Witness again Middleboroug, Vlushing, Amsterdam and other Towns in Holland and Zeland, which before the departure of our Englishmen from those Towns which are now under the King of Spain, and before their Traffique in Holland and Zeland, had not the tenth part of the wealth or resort of Merchants thither, which they have at this present; in so much that many Towns in these two Provinces are of late years made larger, yea twice as big as they were wont to be. Witness lastly, the great wealth, power and strength which the States of the United Pro∣vinces are grown unto since they have cast off the yoke of Spanish Tyran∣nical Government, entred into strait League with our most gratious Queens Majesty, and hath had Traffique with her loving Subjects; for which the small aid which they have had from us (small indeed in com∣parison of their great charges) and with the yearly Revenues which they gather by the resort of Merchants thither; it is seen of late that they are become so mighty, as that for provision of Wars, for strength by Sea, for Munition, for all kind of furniture for Wars, both by Sea and Land, and especially by Sea, they may almost compare with the mightiest Prince in the world. Have they not of late years boarded the Spaniard? did they not when he sent his Invincible Army into England, stand us in great stead? Have they not won many Towns which were lost and be∣trayed in the time of the late Earl of Leicesters being there, when they had far greater help and countenance by us then they have had of late? Briefly, have they not, and do they not carry themselves so of late years, that it may not only grieve the Spaniard, but also all the Princes of Christen∣dom, that he hath given them so just and good occasion to know and to use their own strength. For, if the chiefest Towns of France, which are

grown to such an humor and liking of encantonizing themselves, as it hath been thought meet to publish many reasons in print to shew the great in∣conveniences and difficulties which they should incurre and find in so do∣ing; if I say, these Towns should enter into consideration of the wealth and prosperity of the said States and their Subjects, and after due exami∣nation of their happiness, follow their examples; and so in time cast off the yoke, servitude, and obedience, which time out of mind they have owed, and most dutifully shewed unto their Kings; would it not be a ve∣ry ill president, a dangerous imitation, and a most pernicious example? Should not other Princes have just cause to suspect and fear the like change and alteration in their kingdomes? And were it not greatly to be doubted and feared, that other Subjects would be as ready, as forward, as desirous as they of liberty, of alteration, and of a new kind of Govern∣ment? Nay, was there not a time, when almost at one time all the Sub∣jects of Europe, not seeing so much as they may now see, jumped so well in one desire to free themselves from their subjection unto Kings and Prin∣ces, as that all Kings and Princes were enforced to joyn together in strength and in good will to suppress them? The danger therefore of this inconvenience only, being well and wisely considered, all the Princes of Europe have great occasion to be offended with the Spaniard, who by his unjust severity hath in some manner endangered all their States and royal Principalities. But hereof more conveniently hereafter in another place.

Now again to my purpose. The Subjects of the United Provinces travell dayly into Spain, they carry thither and fetch thence many com∣modities, they only abstain from carrying and bringing of things necessa∣ry and profitable for the maintenance of Wars. May any man, conside∣ring the premises, and seeing how they and the Spaniards fight dayly one against another at home, and within their own Countries, say truly that there is no War betwixt them? No verily, it is not the entercourse of Merchants, nor the residence of Leaguers and Embassadours that alwayes proveth peace betwixt Princes: The one is permitted and entertained for commodities sake, and for the benefit of the Subjects on both parts, yea, for the better maintenance of the Wars: And the other is used and practi∣sed for his great advantage, whose Embassadour can carry himself most wisely and most cunningly. for Embassadours are (as Phil. de Comines said very well) but honourable Espies, and therefore it is usual to let them remain and reside in Princes Courts, not only after the rupture and breach of peace, but also sometimes when they are at mortal Wars, that they may be Mediators of peace. Send therefore saith de Comines, Em∣bassadours unto thine Enemies, even when thou art at most deadly feud with them: For, though thy charges in sending be great, and thy Adver∣saries be wary and circumspect in foreseeing they shall do nothing to their prejudice; yet if those whom thou sendest be wise, they cannot chuse but learn somthing that may be very beneficial unto them, and countervail their expences, The reading of Histories hath taught me, that Embassa∣dours are sent from one Prince to another even in the hottest times of their Wars, sometimes to demand a convenient place of parley.

So Caesar sent unto his enemy Ariovistus to require him to appoint some* 1.219 convenient place where they might meet and confer of matters concer∣ning the profit of himself,* 1.220 and of Ariovistus; sometimes to require and offer conditions of peace. So Divito was sent Embassadour unto Caesar

to desire peace at his hands: sometimes to spie and sound the affections of Subjects. So Hannibal when he was coming into Italy, sent certain Em∣bassadours unto the French King, being then subject unto the Romans, to enquire of their affections, and to see how they might be disposed and perswaded o suffer him to pass the Alpes quietly, and to behold where he might pass them with least danger. But I shall have occasion to handle this matter more largely hereafter. And therefore from it again to my purpose.

The taking of the fore-mentioned money is the matter that is most urg∣ed,* 1.221 and therefore must be more sufficiently answered. This is the sore that gauleth, the wound that grieveth, the corro••ive that groweth. To this therefore I will adde another Plaister. It shall not suffice that the mo∣ney intercepted was taken and esteemed not to be the King of Spains, but to belong unto certain Merchants of Genoa; that Allegation shall not go for sufficient and lawful payment; but it shall be added, yea and proved (for an Embassadour was sent by her Majesty into Spain of purpose) that her Highness complained unto the King of Spain of the great wrong that was done by the Duke of Alva unto her Majesty and unto her Subjects upon an unjust occasion of displeasure taken against her Grace and them for that money; which if the King (although it was certain it appertained unto those Merchants) would needs have it, it was offered unto him by the said Embassadour, that it should be restored, so that her Highness Subjects might enjoy their ancient Liberties and Priviledges within the Spanish Dominions, and also a restitution might be made by the Duke of Alva for all that was wrongfully detained from them: And the same Embassadour added further, that it was never her Majesties mind to of∣fend the Catholick king, nor to provoke him to wrath and anger, whose Friendship the knew might be a great help and honour unto her. What might her Majesty have said more lovingly? or what better satisfaction could the king of Spain demand? Was he displeased because her Majesty gave no better audience unto the Duke of Alva his Secretary, who was sent to admonish her Majesty not to meddle with any matter belonging to his Master? Why, his cross and rash dealing deserved no favour at her hands, and made his Masters Subjects fare far worse then otherwise they should have done in England. For her Highness hearing that the Duke had made stay of her Merchants, and of their Goods, to be even with him, commanded that all the Merchants strangers that then lived in England, and were Subjects to the King of Spain, should likewise be arrested, and their Goods attached; and strait Commandment was given unto our Merchants, that they should forbear to traffique into any place subject unto the Spanish Dominion, until the Kings pleasure was fully known what should become of our Merchants. Here you see that the unordinary and unkind proceeding of the Duke of Alva, was occasion of greater unkind∣ness then should have proceeded of so small a matter: For, if he had for∣born to arrest our Merchants, and to attach their Goods, until his Ma∣sters pleasure had been known, his Kings Embassadours had had better audience, and his Subjects had been free from inconveniences and harms, as they suffered by his default. For after he had rashly and unadvisedly layed hands upon our Merchants and their Merchandizes, her Grace could do no less then she did, especially since the Lawes of her Realm have provided, that her Subjects being restrained, in the like manner shall

have recourse unto her Highness, as unto her chief Justice, and there de∣mand, that the Subjects of a forraign Prince who hath offered wrong or violence unto them and their Goods, be presently attached in England, un∣til our Merchants and their Goods be released and set at liberty by that Prince: So the blame in this case must lye upon the Duke of Alva, who when this occasion of rupture and variance was growing betwixt our Queen and his King, should have wisely dissembled the same, and quick∣ly have extinguished the flames of the displeasure and discontentment that was likely to burn betwixt them.

For a Servant and Counsellor may offend as well in being too forward, as in being too ••low in his Masters business, as I shall have occasion to shew more at large hereafter; the which when I shall handle, will give light unto this matter, and fully and throughly cleer the same. Now to the proof that the King of Spain did before the intercepting of this money, give her Majesty just occasion to ••eize upon the same, and to detain it, al∣though it had been much more then it was, for her own use and benefit. It is since the taking of this money some four and twenty years agoe, and therefore if it may be proved that long before that time the Spaniard hath dealt more like an enemy then a friend with her Majesty; I think it will follow that she might justly have done him, even then, and before then, far greater despight then ever she did.

When the late French King suffered the Duke of Alencon,* 1.222 his Brother to take upon him the Title of the Duke of Brabant, and the defence of those Countries, he sent an Embassadour into Spain to excuse his Brothers going thither, and to signifie unto the Spanish King that all that was there done was done without his Counsel and Privity; The Spanish King was highly displeased with this Message, and answered the Embassadour, that he had rather have the French King a profess'd enemy, then a dissembling friend; And not satisfied with the indignity of this disdainful Answer, he sent presently after him another Embassadour into France, to tell the King thereof; That the Spaniards were not so foolish and so unwise, as not to see and perceive, that whatsoever the Duke of Alencon did, was done by permission, counsel, consent, and furtherance of the King his Brother. Out of this Answer, and this Embassage, I gather thus much: That it is better for a Prince to have an open enemy, then a deceitful friend: And to prove the Spaniard to have been always such a friend unto the State of England, I use these Demon••trations.

First, It is not unknown (as I have said before) all the Treasons and Conspiracies which have been attempted, intended and practised against her Majesty, ever since her first coming to the Crown, have had their beginning or their comfort, their counsel or their furtherance, their coun∣tenance, or their invention from Spain; Witness (to omit others of lesser moment, and yet of most dangerous consequence) the Treasons of the late Duke of Norfolk, since whose death it is better then twenty years, and more then forty since he first began to be a Traytor. Is it not more then twenty one years ago that Robert Rudolphy, a Florentine Merchant (who had lived many years in England) departed out of England, for fear that the Duke being committed to prison, should reveal the practises and means which he had used by the solicitation of the King of Spain, and of the Pope, to draw the Duke unto those Treasons which he afterwards in∣tended, and had executed, had he not been happily discovered? did not

the same Redolphy go from hence to Rome? and there communicated with the Pope how the Duke was apprehended, and thereby their Plot and device broken and prevented? Was he not sent from Rome into Spain, there to make the same relation, and to consult with the Spanish king what means might be used for the liberty of the said Duke, and if that might not be happily wrought and effected, for some other kind of of annoyance to be done to England? Was it not publiquly noised, and certainly beleeved, that the Duke of Alva should have joined with the said Duke, and have done us more wo then I may boldly speak of, and my heart can even without extream grief to relate or remember? Witness again the most unnatural practises of the late Queen of Scots; unnatural, because she was a Queen as her Majesty was, because she was her neer kins∣woman, and her Vassal beholding unto her Highness for her life, and for the life of her own only child, which unto good and loving Parents is always more dear then their own life. Lived not this unthankful, un∣gracious, and unfortunate Queen, more then twenty years prisoner in England? and which of all those years lived her Majesty free from some Treason or other? But hereof in another place.

Now let it suffice that it is apparent to all the world that she had secret Messengers, secret help and counsel from Spain, as well before as after her Imprisonment, to animate, encourage, and set her forward in all her mischievous endeavours and purposes against our gracious Sovereign, and her Realms. Is not then the Spaniard a deceitful friend unto Eng∣land? Is he not then, by his own confession, more to be feared, and more to be disliked then an open enemy? Or are not we so wise as the Spaniard, to see and perceive such deceitful proceedings? and seeing them shall it not not be lawful for us to think of him as he thought of the king of France? and to deal so with Spain, as he dealt and dealeth with France? such justice as a Magistrate useth unto others, such must he expect himself, saith the Emperour Iustinian: He that seeketh dayly to increase his own pow∣er, purchaseth to himself envy and batred; So Said Sabellicus, The Prince that desireth Cities that are far off, cannot but covet those which are near at hand; So said Leo Aretinus; and it is hard and difficult to beware of such friends which secretly play the part of enemies; So said Dionifius Hallicarnesus. If therefore the king of Spain hath nourished civil dissention in France; if he hath been so ready to maintain the Rebels thereof against their King, that rather then the Realm should be without troubles, he hath relieved and succoured the very Protestants of France, and the heads of their Faction against their Sovereign, and other their professed enemies: And if he hath done all this to the end the French king might not be able to en∣croach upon him in Italy, Flanders, or any other of his Dominions: Why may not our Queen, who as a woman is fearful, and timerous, and, as a Prince ought to be, careful and provident for the safety of her Realm, and of her Subjects, relieve the States of the United Provinces, being her ancient friends and Allies, to the end that he Spaniard being busied in those parts,* 1.223 may have no time, leisure, or commodity, to work any man∣ner of open or secret prejudice unto her Realm, and her Subjects? Dino∣thus a true Historiographer of the civil Wars in Flanders, reporteth, That when the King of Spains Embassador said unto the late French King, that it was neither seemly, nor convenient for his Majesty to receive the States who were Rebels unto his Master; The French king Answered him,

that he neither received nor harboured them as Rebels unto his Master but as men wrongfully oppressed; and that Christian Princes have always used to grant and give help and succour unto the oppressed: And further that the States had assured him, that they had oftentimes sent many sup∣plications unto their King, therein submiting themselves unto his mercy, and humbly beseeching his Majesty to remit their offences, and to receive them into his favour; yea, and when they might have any commodity, they delivered themselves such supplication unto the Kings own hands, but could never have any reasonable Answer from him. And that there∣fore it was lawful for them to appeal from him that denyed them justice; and to seek aid against him, where they might hope to find the same. If then the king of France, a Prince of contrary Religion unto the States; a Prince of as neer Alliance, and of later Affinity, unto the Spanish king, then our Queen is; a Prince that in his own Realm could never en∣dure Protestants, because he thought it very dangerous to suffer two Re∣ligions in one Kingdom, held it the part of a Christian Prince to succour the oppressed, and to be their Protector, unto whom justice was openly denyed: Why should it be a fault imputed unto our Queen, that she re∣leeveth her oppressed neighbours, since she doth it not in malice towards the Spaniards, but in mercy towards the afflicted; not so much to offend him, as to defend them, not to enlarge her Dominions, but to preserve her Realms and Subjects; for how can she think that the Spaniard desi∣reth not her Kingdoms, who sheweth many and manifest signs that he af∣fecteth the Rule and Empire of all the world? Why should she not envy and hate him who seeketh to encrease his power, to the end he may be the better able to annoy her? And how can she be too wary, too circumspect, too wathful over such a friend (if he will needs be taken as a friend) who watcheth and snatcheth, every little and great, secret, and coulourable oc∣casion, to play her the part of a deadly and a mortal enemy? Shall she take him for a friend, that seeketh to murther her person, to estrange her Sub∣jects, to destroy her Realms? The first, confirmed by the Treasons be∣fore mentioned: The second proved by the pernitious and detestable Book published by Dr Allen, wherein he exhorteth, teacheth, and licens∣eth her Subjects to rebel against her, and had for his labour a Cardinal∣ship, procured by the Spaniard: The last lately verified, and manifested by the hostile attempt and violence of his invincible Navy, gathered to∣gether in seven years space, compounded of all Nations, and reported to have conquered before it came to the place where it meant to conquer; and yet by our Might, and the Almighties assistance, happily and speedi∣ly conquered.

It is truly written, or wisely fained, That Hercules (a man exceeding common mens stature; a man blessed with more then ordinary good for∣tune; a man of rare vertues, and of admirable force and strength) went up and down the world walking with a mighty Club in his hand, and wandring from place to place, only to subdue and chastise Tyrants; and this true History, or wise Fiction, tendeth to no other purpose, is repor∣ted for no other cause, but to signifie that oppression is hateful, and op∣pressors hated; that affliction craveth compassion, and afflicted persons are worthy of mercy; and that to subvert the one is laudable, and to suc∣cour the other is lawful: Then if (as Cornelius Tacitus saith) other men direct their counsels to things that they think may and will be profitable

unto them; but Princes are and must be of another condition, because all their actions must tend to the affectation and purchasing of Fame and Re∣nown; The Prince that succoureth the oppressed, and seeketh to sup∣plant the oppressor, worketh a deed of Charity, an action of Piety, a work of commendation; and in working thereof, bendeth his counsels, and directeth his actions unto the attaining of true honour and everlasting fame: Then (if as Polibus saith) he that hath not compassion of other mens harms, must not hope that any man shall have pity of his miseries; Prin∣ces, because there is quaedam rerum vic••ssitudo, and fortune was never at all times favourable, although they be in the highest degree of felicity, must not presume too much on their own good fortune, nor condemn those that are in miseries, lest that if they chance to fall, no man will vouchsafe to help them up again: Then if (as Thucidides saith) he is not only a Ty∣rant that enforceth his Subjects to live in bondage and servitude, but he also that may withstand another mans violence, and do not withstand the same: Princes which see their neighbours violently oppressed, and as idle lookers on yeild them no manner of reliefe and succour when they may conveniently help them, and in danger to be esteemed and reputed Ty∣rants; Then if (as Zenophon saith) it be not lawful to break faith with him that falcifieth his word and promise; Princes that withhold not their helping hands from the oppressed, because they have been and are in League with the Oppressor, who hath violated his faith unto them, and unto others, are not to be condemned of wrong and iniquity; Then if (as Iosephus saith) patience and long suffering of an injury maketh the wrong-doer most commonly ashamed of his actions; the Prince that cannot be intreated to leave off his wrong doing may well be ashamed thereof; Then if (as Bartholomeus Facius saith) women-kind, the weaker and more fearful it is, the readier it is to beleive any credible re∣port, her Majesty is not to be blamed for crediting the just complaints of the oppressed States, unto which the late King of France did (as you have heard) give open ear, and would (as it is credibly reported) have vouchsafed sufficient relief, had he not been letted by domestical dissenti∣ons and wars, nourished and maintained of purpose by the Spaniard be∣cause he should not be able to yeild them relief and succor.

Then though it belong unto private men to conserve and retain their own, and unto Princes to contend and strive for other mens Goods (as ambitious minds do affirm and desire) yet must they remember, that the desire of Rule passeth all other affections; yet must they not forget that some things resembling vertues are scant commendable, but rather hateful and odious; as too too great and obstinate severity, and a mind nothing flexible or relenting, at the sight, at the remembrance of ano∣ther mans misery: Then though Princes be of power to begin Wars, and to oppress their Subjects, yet ought they to consider that it is not al∣ways expedient to do all that a man may or can do, that a wise man must first try all other means, then use the tryal of Armes; that as it is com∣mendable to be valiant against the enemy, so it is praise-worthy to use clemency and gentleness towards them that are meek and penitent, that they which offend by force, and not of purpose, by constraint and not of free-will, and use Armes for their liberty, and not o•• malice, deserve par∣don, and not hard dealing, favour and not cruelty, life, and liberty, and not death and servitude; Then to be short, if every one of these reasons shall

not be available unto the Queen of England, and the oppressed Flem∣mings, yet let all avail her and them; so shall she and they be justified, and the Spainiard condemned; so shall their and her actions be approved, and his doings be reprehended; so shall no man have just occasion to en∣vie their and her prosperity, and all Princes good cause to fear and sus∣pect his over-growing authority; so briefly shall it appear, that the Spa∣niards unkind dealing deserveth no kindness of her Majesty, and that although she hath hitherto spared him, yet she hath no occasion to favour ••im. And now I will make it appear, that not withstanding his many Kingdomes and great power, it lay in her power long sithence to have overthrown him. For if it had pleased her Highness to have sent great∣er strength in Flanders then she did, and of late years to have aided the United Provinces with huger Armies then she ever sent thither, those Countries which are now partly in h••s possession, and partly freed from his bondage, had all before this time rejected him for their Lord, and not any of them ever returned to his Subjection. But the fear which she had of him and his power at home, the supplies which she sent into France, and the upholding of her friends in Scotland, together with the repressing of her Rebels in Ireland, never gave her leave to bend her whole forces against him in the Low Countries. True, and that is one of the princi∣pal reasons why he hath by all means possible laboured to sow discord, and to maintain factions in all and every one of the Countries, thereby disabling them to send out any forces sufficient to annoy him, and diver∣ting her from using the uttermost of her power, to his prejudice; and yet, to conclude this point, considering the weakness of these his Neigh∣bours, by reason of their domestical divisions, and her Graces whole strength, because her Realm is not divided, it cannot be denied that she hath far better ab••lity then any other Christian Prince to weaken his pow∣er, and to abate his pride; and truly he that shall well look into his State, such as it is, shall find that it is far different from that which it is supposed to be: For, although he be Lord and King of many Domini∣ons and Kingdomes, although the Indies, in some mens opinions, fur∣n••sh him with abundance of Treasure, yet in truth neither is his power greatly to be feared, not his wealth far exceeding her Majesties and other Princes substance.

For first,* 1.224 touching his strength, some of his Countries are not so po∣pulous as France and England; others that have great store of people, have men of such a mould, and such conditions, that they are unfit and unapt for the Wars; and Spain it self from whence his best Souldiers come, sendeth forth so many Garrisons into the Indies, to Naples, to Milan, to Flanders, and to Burgundy, that he can hardly, upon an occasion of great and most urgent extremity, bring ten thousand Spaniards together: And although the benefit of the Camaradoes doth greatly help them, their long and late experience maketh them most expert and cunning; their military discipline containeth them in a very good order, and their extraordinary rewards and stipends maketh them both serviceable and very adventerous; yet neither can so small a number perform any matter o•• great worth, neither was it ever seen, since the first Wars of the Low∣Countries until this day, that being inferiour but by a few, nay being e∣qual unto our men in number, they departed with the honour of the field, neither can it be truly said, that our men being no choice men, but such

as our Country can spare, and hath least need of, having had no long time of experience, nor fighting for the Liberty of their own Country, or the right of their Prince (which two things adde and put courage even in men scant having any great stomack at all) did ever refuse to meet the best trained and long experienced Spaniards in the field, and meeting them in equal places, and in like number, they most commonly have driven them to the worst, or made their party good enough with them; and although the Spaniards for these few years (few I term them be∣cause they exceed not the memory of man) have had the name of great Souldiers, yet if we consider with what people they have encountred, and by what policies they have prevailed, they have not received the tenth part of that honour and renown which they seem to challenge of just and due desert; for the people with whom they have contended in all this time, have been the unexperienced Flemmings, the careless Germans, the unwarlike Italians, and the fierce and quickly fainting French-men. The first sort by long practise are grown equal, and nothing inferior un∣to them; the second of late have holpe them to most of their victories; the third by their own Writers are termed Infamia militiae; and the fourth was in Iulius Caesars time, and are still, in the beginning of a con∣flict more then men, in the end thereof less then women; neither may I so much derogate from the Italians, or from the Frenchmen, but that I must of necessity grant, that many of the Captains who have done the Spanish King greatest service, have been Italians; and the unprofitable Journies which Charles the fifth made divers times into France, with full intention and assured hope to conquer the same; and also the late dishonours received by the Prince of Parma and other his Lieutenants sent into the same Realm, with a purpose and resolution to do much more then was effected, do argue that the French-men yeild not greatly unto them in valour or in discipline. Then if he cannot make an Army of many natural Spaniards, and they when they are strongest, be it in num∣ber or experience, are easily to be matched, and many times over-match∣ed by men of less experience, practise and exercise then they, why shall his natural strength be feared, which cannot be great, unless he will dis∣furnish his Garisons, which were to overthrow himself, and to lose his best and richest Countries? Or why should a Prince fear his mercenary Souldiers, or hirelings? who fight no longer then they have money, and when they are ready to go to the Battel, either abandon their Master for want of pay, or fly to the enemy in hope of reward; or when they are in the conflict, behave themselves cowardly, faintly, and so indifferently, that if they might be assured of their lives, they would hardly strike one stroke. This is briefly his power.

Now to his Wealth.

It cannot be denied that his Revenues far exceed the Revenues of any Christian Prince whatsoever.* 1.225 It must likewise be granted, that the In∣dies yeild him yearly great store and abundance of Treasure; And it is supposed that his credit with Merchants is able at any time to supply his wants, if he should chance to stand in need: But his States being most of them gotten (as you have heard) by conquest; or distracted (as you see) by division; they must needs (as all such States do) put him to so great charges, as the comings in will hardly serve to de••ray his Expences.

The Treasure that cometh from the Indies, sometimes part of it pe∣risheth

by the Sea, part is intercepted by us, and all that is brought home, doth not suffice to maintain his Wars. His credit is not in any measure answerable to the conceit and opinion that is had of it.

For first, It hath been published in French Discourses, Printed many years since; that he oweth more money to the Merchants of Genoa alone, then ever he shall be able to pay; And I can shew, whensoever it shall please you to require the fight thereof, a Letter written better then sixteen years ago unto him by his Secretary Escovedo, and intercepted by the States, wherein he signifieth unto him, That his credit would not serve, (the which Don Iohn of Austria affirmeth by another Letter unto his Ca∣tholique Majesty) to take up any more money upon the Bourse at Antwerp, because the Merchants would first be paid that which then was owing them, before they would lend any more; And Don Iohn de Austria, ad∣deth in his Letter, That had not Escovedo his credit (by reason that the Merchants held him for a man of great wealth, and of great care to main∣tain his credit) been of greater worth upon the Bourse, then the Kings, their necessities had not been supplyed; and therefore in the end of his Letter, he beseecheth his Majesty to have an especial care of the payment of those small sums which were then taken up, lest that Escovedo his credit failing. for want of due payment, they might fail of their purpose when they should have the like occasion to borrow at another time.

Besides, his Father, by reason of the great Charges which his conti∣nual Wars put him unto, when he dyed, left him greatly in debt; and he himself ever since his Fathers death, hath been at exceeding great char∣ges, either by building Castles and Citadels, or by making houses of pleasure, and Monastries, or by maintaining continual Wars, or by keep∣ing many Garrisons, or by buying and building Ships to withstand our Navy, or by paying part of his Fathers debts, or by entertaining our Fu∣gitives, or by upholding the Rebels of France: Now as private men be∣ing left in debt by their Parents, and living always at great charges, can∣not not possibly be rich and wealthy: So Princes being not only charged with their Fathers debts, but also overcharged with ordinary and extraordina∣ry Expenses, cannot have great store of wealth in their Treasure-houses; And Alphonsus Duke of Ferrara (as Paulus Iovius reporteth in his life) held opinion,* 1.226 that the Prince was not worthy the name of a Prince, and was always likely to be contemned and wronged, who had not in his Trea∣sure great store of ready money laid up against he should have need there∣of.

But, to the end that all which I have said touching this last Point, may carry the more likelyhood of truth and probability, I take it not to be amiss to let you understand the proportion of some Princes expences, in their Wars; in their Buildings, and in other occasions, by which you may conjecture what the Spanish King hath expended of late years volun∣tarily and necessarily, beyond his usual and ordinary charges.

The Bishop and Town of Colen,* 1.227 in their Wars against Charls Duke of Burgundy, spent every Month an hundred thousand Crowns; as Philip de Comines avoucheth.

The Florentines in their Wars against the King of France, undertaken by the Commandment of Pope Leo the tenth, spent eight hundred thou∣sand Ducates, in the taking of the Dukedom of Urbin; In their Wars against Caesar, six hundred thousand; and in other occasions depending

upon the Wars against France, after the said Pope Leo his death, three hun∣dred thousand Ducates;* 1.228 And the same Pope spent in the said Wars against the Duke of Urbin, eight hundred thousand Ducates; as Guiccidine report∣eth.* 1.229 Clement the seventh spent in the Wars against Tuscany, for the resto∣ring of his Family, ten hundred thousands Crowns; as Paul Iovius re∣porteth. Paulus tertius consumed in fifteen years, in needless Wars, above twenty Millions of gold;* 1.230 as Illescas in his life affirmeth. The Duke of Alva for the building of the Castle of Antwerp, exacted of the Citizens thereof,* 1.231 four hundred thousand Florins; as Dinothus testifieth. Cosmus de Medicis, being first a private man, and then Duke of Florence, spent in private and publique buildings, better then forty Millions of Crowns, and ten Millions in Gifts and Rewards;* 1.232 as Paulus Iovius averreth. Edward the Third, King of England, spent in an idle Journey into France, nine hundred thousand pounds;* 1.233 as Thomas of Walsingham reporteth. The Frenchmen in the time of Richard the second, King of England, spent a thousand Marks every day from Easter until Michlemas,* 1.234 in maintaining but thirty seven Gallies, and eight other Ships; as the same Authour affirmeth. Henry the third spent in a Journey which his Brother Richard made into Germany, when he was chosen Emperour, above seven hundred thousand pounds;* 1.235 as Mathew Paris saith in his Chronicles. But to come more neer to our purpose: The King of Spain offered unto Don Iohn Duke of Austria, three hundred thousand Crowns every Moneth, to maintain his Wars in the Low Countties,* 1.236 as Dinothus setteth down in his History. The same King above sixteen years ago, had spent better then fifty Millions of Crowns in his Wars of Flanders; as Marco Antonio Arrayo* 1.237 testifieth. And the States of the said Countries gave unto the Duke of Alencon, yearly, four and twenty Tuns of Gold to maintain their Wars both by Land and Sea, against the King of Spain;* 1.238 as David Chaytraeus reporteth. Now, if mean States in small and short Wars; if petty Princes in private and publique buildings; if the French king in the maintenance of a few Ships, but for a few Moneths; if our Kings in idle Journeys; if the duke of Alva in building one Castle; if the State of the Low Coun∣tries in their Wars; and if the king of Spain himself so many years ago, spent so much as is before mentioned; What have his Citadels, his Ca∣stles, his Monasteries, his Journeys, his provisions by Sea, his Ships, and his Wars, not in one place, but in many, not against one Prince, but against divers, not for short time, but of long continuance cost him? And as these wonderful Expences are Arguments that he had much; so they be witnesses that he now wanteth: And as his long and continual Wars in Flanders do shew that he is malicious, prone to revenge, and desireous to recover his own; so they prove that his might, his puissance, and his power, is not so great as it is taken to be. For, he that withal his strength cannot master one poor Nation; that in many years cannot recover his own Pa∣trimony; shall any man take him to be able to bring to pass all that he at∣tempteth? Shall we deem him sufficient to subdue others Countries? common sence and reason teacheth us, that he which is not able to do lit∣tle things, is far unable to bring to pass matters of great weight. Titus Livius divideth men into three sorts; Some are so wise that they counsel themselves and others; Others be not wise enough to advise themselves, and yet to conceive and follow such advice as is given them: And the third sort can neither take nor give good counsel: So some Princes are able to help themselves and others; Others can defend themselves, but

not assist their friends; And there is a third kind that can neither defend their own States nor others. I know not in which of these three sorts to place the king of Spain: The last sort too base for him; the second not high enough; and the first in truth scant fit for him; for he that cannot help himself, how may we judg him sufficient to succour others? and yet we see that there are no Wars where he hath not somewhat to do, where he sendeth not some helps, either of men or money, or of both; which argueth that he loveth to be always doing, although he do nothing worthy his labour, always troublesome, although his troubles avail him little or nothing; always desirous to embrace many things, although he holdeth not safe any thing. But of Princes I had rather deliver unto you other mens judgments then mine own opinion.

You have heard what the Spanish Kingdoms are, and by that which hath been said you may easily conjecture that his principal force and strength cometh from Spain and Italy, Countries as far different in condi∣tions and qualities, as they are distant in place and scituation: Of the force of these two Countries you shall therefore hear what a learned Writer, and what I (who am not worthy to write) hath set down for his resolute opinion. I have told you long since, that Guicciardine termeth the Foot∣men of Italy, Infamia della militia; And now to the same purpose (be∣cause it falleth out very fit for my purpose) I may not forbear to tell you, that the same Authour in his ninth Book of the same History, useth of the Infantry of Italy, these words following; All Princes that can be served with High Dutchmen, Spaniards or Swizzers, refuse the service of Itali∣an Footmen, because they are neither acquainted with the Customs and Orders of other Nations, nor accustomed to continue long in the field. The same Writer considering that some kingdoms naturally are better able to defend themselves then offend their enemies; delivereth for his opinion, that the Spanish King is far better able to defend his Kingdom from any Invasion to be made by the King of France, then to offend or annoy the said King; By which two judgments I may boldly conjecture, and prove my con∣jecture by Nicholaus Machiavelli, (who hath written a whole Chapter up∣on this Argument) that not only the Spanish King, but also any other Prince whatsoever, being driven (when he hath occasion to offend or in∣vade an enemy) to use forrain power, and mercenary Souldiers, is not to be esteemed a strong and mighty Prince: and that such is the state and condition of the king of Spain, is manifestly proved by the places before alledged out of Guicciardine. For, if his Italians (the principal forces of an Army always consisting of Footmen) be not fit for that service; and his Spaniards are better able to maintain his Realm at home, then to molest his enemies abroad; who can justly esteem him strong, whose chief∣est strength dependeth wholy upon these two Nations? And now to leave the Italians, as men in this respect not worthy to be had in any great reck∣oning, and to proceed more largely in the discovery and declaration of the Spanish valour.

True it is that (as I have said before) continual use and daily experience in Martial affairs, have made them of late years very famous: It is also most certain and manifest,* 1.239 that they are very patient, and able to endure labour, hunger and thirst; light of body, sparing in their diet, and there∣fore satisfied and maintained with a little; wary and politique, and there∣fore cunning in using and inventing new Stratagems; briefly, so desire∣ous of Wars, that unless they have a forrain enemy, they will easily fall

to variance and civil discord at home: But if you call to remembrance how they come to that fame, which now they have attained; if you con∣sider that they are (as Titus Livius testifieth) of an unquiet and contenti∣ous disposition, and always affecting change and alteration; if you call to mind that (as Paulus Iovius reporteth) they have minds evermore thirsting for Rule and Government; whereunto if they once attain, they bend their whole force and thoughts unto the purchasing of further and higher Authority; Lastly, if you weigh and remember, that (as Piero Mexias, a Spanish Historiographer saith) they cannot endure to be go∣verned by a stranger; you must needs think that the before mentioned vertues may be either obscured or hindred by these later vices: For let them meet with a Nation not so timerous as those with whom they had to deal of late; let them follow their natural disposition, and so fall at va∣riance amongst themselves; let them still cover and affect Authority, and so when they should jointly help one another against their enemies, proud∣ly disdain to be ruled by their own leaders, as they have done of late years: Lastly, let them contemn a stranger, as they did the late Duke of Parma, or not agree with strangers, as they did in Flanders; what fruit may be expected of their service? or what profit can proceed of their valour? It is imputed unto the Germans for a great fault, that when they are ready to join with their enemies in battel, they oftentimes refuse to strike a stroke before they have their due and monethly pays; and for this one fault Princes make no great account of them; and yet the Spaniards, who are subject to this fault as well as they, are commended for their loyalty and obedience; in so much that some men write, that they were never discon∣tent for want of their pay: But if you read either the Indian History, or the Writers of their late Wars in Flanders, you shall find that they have of∣tentimes revolted for lack of their pay; yea they have banded against their Captains, and their best Souldiers have resisted the commandment of their Generals. This I could prove by many Examples, but one no∣table Example shall suffice for those many. At what time it was agreed betwixt the King of Spain, and the States of the Low Countries, that all Spaniards shall depart thence; It was thought convenient and neces∣sary by Don Iohn de Austria, who was the General for the King in Flan∣ders, to appoint some principal and chief Captains to have the leading and conducting of them into Italy; Whereupon Don Iohn gave express commandment unto the Kings Secretary Escovedo, to assemble the Coun∣sel of War in the Town of Antwerp, and there to consult and deliberate what man was meetest for that purpose. This Councel assembled, made special choise of Don Alonso de Vargas, who willingly accepted the charge; but Iulian Romero, a man of great worth, and no small experience, open∣ly re••u••ed to be commanded by Don Alonso, alledging for the only reason of his disobedience, that it would be a great dishonour for him to go into Italy under such a Leader; because that he being Master of the Camp, Don Alonso had been his Souldier; and De Vergas as boldly protested, that since he had been thought worthy by the Counsel to govern, he would not be governed nor guided by Iulian Romero. The Councel ac∣quainted Don Iohn with this contention; he fearing to discontent either Romero or Vergas, and doubting that if they should be discontented, some great inconvenience might follow thereon; commanded the Councel to chuse a third man, which was the County of Mansfield; Whereat Don Alonso so stormed, that he complained of Don Iohn de Austria, a Dande∣ras displagad, with Banners displayed, as the same Don Iohn termeth it

in his Letters to the king of Spain; yea it seemed that he was so displeased therewith, and so resolute to signifie his grief and discontentment unto the King, that Don Iohn de Austria in his Letter unto the King is fain to intreat his Majesty that if Don Alons••, moved with the same passion which possessed him when he chid hand-smooth with him, should so much for∣get himself as to write, Alganalibertag, some unbeseeming speech unto his Majesty, Como la ha hecho a mi, as he hath done (••aith he) unto me, it might please his Majesty not only to dissemble, but also to comfort, fa∣vour, and promise him some high reward, assuring his Majesty, that what∣soever recompence his Grace should bestow upon him, he would take the same as bestowed upon himself; yea further, beseeching his Majesty to let Don Alonso understand what he had written in his behalf, and that his commendations hath not a little availed him; to the end (saith he) Salga de la opinion que ya concedido, he may conceive no more so evil an opinion of me as he hath done. Was not this, think you, a point of great disobe∣dience in a base Souldier, as Don Alonso had been? Was it not a bold part of a Souldier to rail at his General unto his face? Was it not a fault severely punishable, to refuse to march under a Leader chosen by con∣sent of an whole Councel at War? Was not that General in an evil case, who was constrained to flatter so mean a Souldier? Or can that king be thought to have obedient and loyal Souldiers, who must of necessity be inforced, not only not to punish, but also to pardon, and not to tolerate alone, but also to recompence a rebellious and insolent Captain, for fear of some inconvenience that might follow of his discontentment or punish∣ment? But this was not all, And Don Alonso alone shewed not himself discontented; Sancho de Avila, the Colonel Mudragon, the Captain Monteselega, the Colonel Verdugo, the Castellan Francisco, Hermandes de Avila, and many other of the most especial Captains of that time, were likewise so displeased, and uttered their discontentments in such manner, as that Don Iohn was compelled (as he testifieth in the same Letter) to pacifie them, not only by granting them their whole pays out of Wars which they had in Wars, but also by promising them that they should have the like charges and Offices in the Dukedom of Milan, as they had in Flanders. Now whereas the wisest, best, and most serviceable Captains shew manifest signs of undutiful carriage, and intolerable arrogancy; may the meaner Souldiers be justly blamed if they fall into the like offence? Or can that Nation be worthily commended for loyal and obedient Souldiers, whose chief Officers do so highly forget and neg∣lect their duty? especially in a matter of such weight and importance as the departure of the Spaniards out of Flanders was at that time unto the King; but this kind of disobedience is not usual; and whereas there be good Masters, there most commonly be likewise good servants; So the Spanish King being better furnished with notable Captains then any other Prince in Christendom, he must likewise have sufficient and good Soul∣diers; And because it hath been said, that not the number and multitude but the goodness and valour of Souldiers maketh their Kings victorious, it must needs follow as a necessary consequent, that the King of Spain, whose Captains pass the Captains of all other Princes, both in number and experience, cannot be without good Souldiers, and therefore is strong enough to encounter with any Adversary whatsoever: To this Argument it is easily answered; that although the valour of Souldiers is better to be regarded then the number, yet that Prince who hath valiant Souldiers, not being able to bring into the field a proportionable and equal number

unto his enemies, especially such enemies as rather excel then yeild unto his Subjects in valour and Chivalry may undoubtedly be held and repu∣ted a Prince of no great strength and pui••sance. If then you remember (as you cannot forget) that the Christian Adversaries with whom the king of Spain hath any great contention; are, the king of France, and the Queen of England, (the Subjects of either of which Princes are nei∣ther inferiour unto the Spaniards in number or in valour) you cannot chuse but perceive and see, that the King is not of might and power suffi∣cient to contend at once with both these Princes. This was well known unto his Father, who (as it hath been said before) so carried himself in all his life time, that when he had England for his enemy, France was his friend; and when he fell at variance with France, he presently procured the friendship and alliance of England; Besides there is nothing more usu∣al then to make conjectures of things to come by things that are past, and to measure the present forces of Princes by their own or their Predeces∣sors strength and power at other times; for although a Kingdom be at sometimes more populous then at others; yet because man in reason hath a better regard of that which is commonly and dayly seen, then of that which happeneth very seldom; he cannot greatly be deceived that mea∣sureth a new raigning Princes might and power, by his own and his Pre∣decessors former puissance: But before I enter into the due consideration hereof, it shall not be amiss to let you understand whence it cometh to pass that the Spaniards are lately become so famous as they are: you know that in this our corrupt Age, as men are friended, so they are favoured, that they who are highest in Authority, are most commonly as high in praise, as they are in preheminence; that all men covet to win favour with the Mighty; that no man can so securely, as perhaps boldly, dero∣gate the least jot that may be, from their credit and reputation, who in common opinion are held praise worthy. Common same is by Law a certain kind of proof; and our common Proverb saith; That it may be an untruth which two or three report; but that can hardly be untrue which all or most men affirm to be certain and manifest; yea such is the force of com∣mon same, that whensoever it proceedeth first from grave and honest per∣sonages, it carrieth great credit, and he shall hardly be credited that shall venture to gainsay or control the same. Since therefore divers Authors of great Antiquity, of marvellous gravity, of singular learning, and rare wisdom, have attributed in their speeches, in their conferences, in their writings, more praises, and far greater commendations unto Spain, then unto any other Country; many for fear to be reputed unwise, if they should not subscribe to their opinion; some to follow the new received custome of open and intolerable flattery; and others for affection (which easily deceiveth very wise men) have of late years either thought it a duty, or a degree and step to preferment, to concur in opinion, both openly and pri∣vately, with as many as have dedicated their Studies, and devoted them∣selves and their uttermost endeavours, to the setting forth, maintenance, and augmentation of Spain, and of the Spanish Kings honour and reputa∣tion; Thence it cometh to pass, that divers learned men in their Writing, striving to yeild more praises to Spain then it deserveth; make mention of such commodities to be as yet in Spain, which many years before our great Grand-fathers time were never seen nor found therein. So doth Iohannes Vasoeus,* 1.240 in his Preface of his History of Spain say, that there was sometimes so great abundance of gold and silver Mines in one Pro∣vince of Spain called anciently Boetica, as that divers forain Nations, be∣ing

drawn thither with an unsatiable desire and covetousness thereof, did not only lade their Ships with Gold and Silver, but also made Anchors for their Ships of silver. The same Authour addeth further, That when the Carthaginians came first into Spain, they found in many houses great Barrels and Hogsheads made of pure silver; and in some Stables the Mangers for their Horses of silver: In so much that the Carthaginians being enriched only with the wealth of Spain, were made able therewith alone to subdue the Sicilians, Libians, and Romans; for they found their silver in such great quantity, that one man called Bebelo, gave daily unto Hannibal, there thousand Crowns: The same Authour proceeding in one and the same manner of commendation, affirmeth our of Iustin, That Spain may compare for fertility of soil, with France, Affrica and Italy, for that these Countries never help Spain, but Spain oftentimes holpe them with Corn, and all other kind of Victuals. The same Authour Hyperbo∣lishing still in one manner, calleth Spain the most warlike Nation of the world; the Teacher of Hannibal to war, the Nurse of Souldiers, and the Province which knew not her self, nor her strength, before she was overcome; and that she troubled the Romans more then any other Nati∣on of the whole world. The same Authour always continuing one course, preferreth Spain for Antiquity of true Religion, and for faithful obedi∣ence to her Soveraign Kings and Governours, before all other Nations, attributing the first foundation of their faith and profession of Christ, unto Paul the Apostle, and Iames the son of Zebedeus, and extolling their loyalty, because they have not only been always true unto their own Kings, but also to forraign Princes and Leaders; As Hannibal, Pompey, Iuba King of Numidia, Sertorius, a notable Roman Rebel, reposed greater trust and confidence in Spaniards then in their own Nations: Lastly, the same Authour striving to exceed all others in flattery, equalleth Spain for learned men and women, with the most learned Nations of Europe. And Sebastianus Foxius in his Book de Institutione Historiae, with a Spa∣nish brag, speaking by way of a Dialogue, more arrogantly then wisely of himself; giveth such praises unto himself for eloquence, as T••lly the father and founder of eloquence, would or did ever challenge; And yet Tullies Verse (O fortunatam natam me Consule Romam, argueth that he was somewhat proud and arrogant. Now to avoid the just reprehension of hatred or malice, I will forbear to confute their Assertions at large; and briefly, impugn them, not by mine own, but by other mens Testimo∣nies, who shall not be inferiour but equal to Vasoeus for learning and side∣lity: Munster therefore shall tell you, that Spain now yeildeth no golden or silver Mines, but that all the Mines it hath are of Lead and Tin; which may perhaps in time turn into Gold and Silver, if we may beleeve Ray∣mundus Lullius, and other Alchimists of his opinion, which if it should chance at any time as many Historiographers as write of England, would tell you that England should not then go behind Spain for gold and silver. The same Authour shall likewise tell you, how likely it is that Spain should excel Affrica, France and Italy, in fertility of soil, since (as he saith) Spain lieth barren, waste and desolate in many places; and late experience sheweth, that Denmark, Holland and England, have many times supplied Spains wants of Corn and other Victuals: How warlike a Nation Spain hath been, let not only Terapha, a Spanish Chronocler, and better wit∣ness for Spain then Vasoeus a Flemming; but also reason and daily expe∣rience testifie, both which telling us (as you shall hereafter hear) that Spain hath been conquered by more sundry Nations then any other Nation in

the world do by necessary inference conclude, that Spain yeildeth unto all those Nations in Prowess and Chivalty; And all Historians of form∣er times, and of this present Age, will undoubtedly controll as many as shall presume to affirm, that France and England troubled not Rome much more then Spain did, before they could be conquered, for where was Cae∣sar in greater danger then in England? Where was there a Prince that durst challenge him to a single Combat but in England? And what hold had he of his Conquest after he had conquered England? No better then Vasoeus might have of a wet Eel by the tail.

But to proceed to the confutation of the rest; Terapha in some manner agreeth with Vasoeus touching the Antiquity of Religion; for he saith, that during the Raign of Claudius the Emperour, Iames the Apostle travelled over all Spain, and not long after Paul came to Narbona: but how many won Iames to profess the Gospel, by travelling over all Spain? Forsooth but poor nine Disciples, as Ter••pha reporteth; a small number for so great a Travel, or for Vasoeus to boast and brag of, much less for him to pre∣••et Spain in this respect before all other Nations; for I know not why for Antiquity of Religion, England should yeild unto Spain; because the same Iosephus which buried the body of Christ, not alone, as Paul and Iames came into Spain, but with great company arrived into England, and not he alone, but divers of his society, converted not poor nine, but in∣finite many, and not to profess Christ Jesus, but to be baptized: And if a Spaniard may carry equal credit with a Flemming (which a Spaniard will rather die then not do) our little English Island professed Christ long before Spain. For Dr. Illescas in his Ponti••ical History reporteth, that Pope Elutherius sent Fugacius,* 1.241 and Damianus into England to baptize King Lucius and all his Houshold: And England was the first Province in all the world, in common opinion of all other Nations, that received and professed Christian Religion;* 1.242 and if Spain may brag of their Isidorus Archbishop of Sivil,* 1.243 or of Eludius, Archbishop of Toledo, which purged their Country of the Heresie of the Monopoliss; why may not our Island boast of Augustinus Militus, and that Iohn which Pope Gregory the first sent into England,* 1.244 not to remove errors as their Bishops did, but to con∣firm our Countrimen in that Christian Religion and Profession which they had received and entertained almost five hundred years before their coming. Neither may it be justified that Spain (as Vasoeus saith) after it had once entertained the Doctrine of Christ, never fell from the same; for Illescas, in the life of Pope Pelagius the second, affirmeth, that in the 585. year of Christs Incarnation, Recaredus, King of the Goths, and of Spain, was the first King that expelled the Arrian Heresie out of his king∣dom and expresly commanded all his Subjects to receive and profess Christian Religion: Whereby it appeareth that Spain lived from the time of St. Iames and St. Pauls being there, until Recaredus his Raign, which is better then four hundred years, in manifest and manifold Heresies; a crime which cannot be proved to have been in England, or in many other Nations, after they had once submitted themselves to the Doctrine of Christ and his Disciples. Lastly, if Spain will still continue to brag and say, that their King Ferdinand was entituled by Alexander the sixth, by the name of the Catholique King,* 1.245 they may leave to boast thereof, when they shall hear that Henry the eighth our King, not much after the same time, was surnamed by Leo the tenth, Pope of Rome, Defender of the Ca∣tholique faith; and that the Switzers for their service done unto the same Pope Leo the tenth,* 1.246 received of him the Title of Helpers and Protectors of

the Ecclesiastical Liberty; a Title in no respect inferiour unto that of Spain: And lastly, that Clouis King of France, above nine hundred years before their Ferdinando the fifth was honoured with the Title of The most Christian King: A Title as for Antiquity, so for worthiness better then the other, because the French Kings, for the worthiness and multitude of their deserts towards the See of Rome, are called Prim••geniti Ecclesiae, the eldest Sons of the Church of Rome: Now from their faith towards God, to their fidelity towards their Princes, a matter sufficiently handled, and therefore needless, and not requiring any other confutation, then the ad∣vantage that may be taken of Vasoeus his own words; for if they have been faithful unto forrainers and strange Princes, and have submited their necks unto many several Nations, it argueth inconstancy, fellow-mate to levity, which is either a Mother or a guid unto disloyalty; because light heads are quickly displeased, and discontented minds give easie entertainment unto rebellious and treasonable cogitations. To conclude then this Point with their learning, let me oppose a Spaniard unto a Flemming; a man better acquainted with the vertues and vices of his own Country then a stranger, a man who giveth his Testimony of Vasoeus, and of the cause of his writing of the Spanish History: Iohn Vasoeus a Elemming, seeing the negligence of the Spaniards, and how careless they were to commit to perpetual memo∣ry the worthy exploits and actions of their own Nation, began of late years to set forth a small Chronicle: Why then the Spaniards are negligent, they are careless of their own commendation; so thought Vasoeus, or else he had not written their History; so saith Sebastianus Foxius, the man whom I bring to confute Vasoeus; the man who by attributing (as you have heard) more unto himself then any modest man (unless it were a bragging Spaniard) would do, giveth me occasion to think that he will not derogate or detract any thing from the praises due unto his own Country: This man therefore in his before mentioned Book speaketh thus of the learning of Spain: Our Country men (saith he) both in old time and in this Age having continually lived in forrain or domestical Wars, never gave their minds greatly unto study; for the rewards of learning in our Country are very few, and they proper unto a few paltry Pettyfoggers; and our wits being high and lofty, could never brook the pains that learning requireth, but either we disdaining all kind of study, give our selves presently to the purchase of Honours and Riches, or else following our studies for a small while, quickly give them over, as though we had attained to the full and absolute perfe••tion of learning, so that very few or none are found amongst us, who may compare for learning with the Italians, or have shewed the ripeness and sharp maturity of their wits in any kind of any kind of study. You have heard two contrary opinions touching the Spaniards learning; I leave it to your discretion to follow and beleeve which of them you please; and withal to consider by the way what manner of Ecclesi∣astical Discipline and Government we should have, if the Spanish ignorant and unlearned Clergy might, as they have a long time both desired and endeavoured, prescribe Laws and Orders unto all the Churches of Chri∣stendom. The favourable Assertions in the behalf of Spain being thus briefly refelled, it remaineth now to make a conjectural estimate of the Spanish present Forces, by an Historical Declaration of the power thereof in times past; and because it were over tedious to trouble you with the recital of such forces as Spain hath imployed many hundred years ago, in her own defence, or in disturbance of her forrain ene∣mies abroad, I will restrain my self unto such a time as is within the memory of man, and especially unto the Raigne of Charls

the fifth; For (as I take it) Spain was never, for this many hundred years, so strong, as when the said Charles was both King thereof and Emperor. And albeit Piero Mexias, in the life of Gratianus the Emperor attributeth so much unto Spaniards, as that he more boldly then truly affirmeth; that the Emperor flourished more under Spaniards, then under any other Na∣tion whatsoever; and alledgeth for proof of his Assertion, the flourishing Estate thereof, under the before named Charles the fifth. Yet I think that the Empire being added unto Spain, rather beautified Spain, then that Spain being conjoyned with the Empire, did any thing at all il∣lustrate the majesty of the Empire; because as little Stars give no light or beauty unto the Moon, but receive both from the Moon; so a lesser dignity being joyned to a greater, addeth no reputation thereunto, but is greatly honoured and beautified by the conjunction thereof, neither re∣doundeth it much (in my simple opinion) unto the honour of Spain, or of the Empire, that Charles the fifth was Emperor.

Spain is not greatly honoured thereby, because Charles the fifth was a Flemming, and no Spaniard; and Spain came unto him (as I have said) by marriage with the heire of the Kingdoms of Arragon and Castile; and the Empire was rather disgraced then honoured by the said Charles, be∣cause he being born in Gaunt, was not onely a vassal, and natural-born subject unto the King of France, but also unto the See of Rome, for all the Dominions, Lands and Seigniories which he had in possession, saving those which he held of France and the Empire. But Charles the fifth, such an Emperor as he was (and undoubtedly he was a very mighty, wise and politick Prince) never brought into the Field against any of his Ene∣mies whatsoever, so great forces, and so mighty an Army, as might wor∣thily be called invincible (by which name the proud and bragging Spani∣ards baptized their late Army against England) This Emperor being (as you may conjecture and perceive by that which hath been already said) both Ambitious and Warlick, had in his life time many wars with divers Princes, but none more notable, famous, and worthy of perpetual me∣mory, th••n his wars in France, Italy, and Germany: For the wars which he had against the Turk are not properly to be termed his, because his Forces alone were not imployed therein, but the aid and help of the best and most part of Christendom. His Forces in Germany were not above 9000 Horsemen, and 50000 Footmen, as Lewis Guicciardine testifieth in his Commentaries: And although he used in these wars all his wit and po∣licy to increase his own power, and to weaken and diminish the strength of the Protestants; performing the one by drawing into League with himself, and unto his aid, the Pope, and other Princes of his own Religi∣on: And effecting the other (as Sleidan writeth) by great cunning, and policy used in distracting many Princes concurring in opinion touching matters of Religion with the Protestants, from their side and Faction; yet the Protestants Army, consisting of 10000 Horsemen, and 90000 Foot∣men, was far greater then his in number, and had undoubtedly gotten the day against him when they joyned battel together, had not divers of their Confederates left and abandoned them before the battel was fought; Or had not the Duke of Saxony committed a gross error in joyning battel with him. His Armies brought into France were many, but none greater then at Laundresy and Marcelles: In the first he was aided by our King;

And in the second, by most of the Princes of Italy, and other his confede∣rates, Insomuch that the King of France, who had been first overthrown by him in Italy, was constrained to implore the help of the Turk against him: For when he came to Marselles he had (as Dr. Illescas reporteth in the life of Paulus tertius) in his Army about 25000 Almains, 8000 Spaniards, and ten or twelve thousand Italians; the Almains ga••hered within the Dominion of the Empire, the Spaniards within his own Realm of Spain, and the Italians not onely in the Kingdom of Naples, and the Dukedom of Milan, but also in the Dutchy of Savoy, and in other parts of Italy, At Laundresey, reckoning therein the Forces which he had out of England, his whole Army came not to above 50000 (as the said Guicci∣ardine affirmeth.) These were the greatest Strengths that ever he gathered together; and these are not so great, but that our Queen, without the help of any other Allie or Confederate, hath oftentimes brought far grea∣ter Forces into the Field, as both our Histories, and the French and Scot∣ish Chronicles do witness. And Mr. de la Noüe, his opinion before men∣tioned, sheweth, that the French King of himself is very well able to raise a far greater Army, then any of these were, against any of his Enemies. I shall not therefore need (as I might conveniently do in this place) confer the Forces of England or of France with the strength of this Emperor, who had never gotten the happy victory, which he obtained against Franci•• the first, King of France, had not the Italian Captains, whom the French King put in trust, deceived him by taking pay for many more Souldiers then they had in their bands; (a fault too much used in our Modern Wars) had not the Switzers, when there was most need of them, departed to their own homes; had not the French King given himself too carelesly to pleasures, which caused his Forces to decrease and diminish daily; or had not the said King very unadvisedly attempted in the cold Winter to besiege Pavia:* 1.247 For the Marquess of Pescara, understanding that the King of France, being counselled thereunto by Captain Bonnevet, was gone to besiege Pavia, said unto his Souldiers; We that were no better then men already conquered, are now become Conquerors; for our Ene∣my, being therein ill advised, leaveth us in Lody, and goeth to fight with the Almains at Pavia; where the French-men will not onely lose that Fury, with which many times they work wonders, but also will spend their chiefest Forces in a long and tedious siege of a Town, not easie to be taken, and in fighting with a very valiant and most obstinate Nation; and in the mean while we shall receive fresh supplies out of Germany; and without all doubt, if the War continue long, as it is likely to do, we cannot but hope for a most happy and victorious end thereof.

Now if this Emperor, in these Wars, (the worst of which was far more just, then the best which the King of Spain hath lately undertaken) could with the help and furtherance of all his Allies and Confederates make no greater Forces, then are before mentioned; nor with his Forces should ever have had so good success as he had, if his Adversaries had been so wise and wary as they might have been: Why shall his son King Phi∣lip be thought able to bring more men into the Field, then were in those Armies, or worthy of so good fortune as his Father had, since his strength is in no respect comparable unto his, and his Actions and his En∣terprises have not the like colour and shew of Wisdom, or of Justice,

as the Emperor had? That the Father excelled the Son in strength, all men will confess, saving those wich carry a partial and prejudicate opinion of the present greatness of Spain: for albeit the son hath lately added the kingdom of Portugal unto those Realms and Dominions which his Father possessed and left unto him; although the Empire hath continued for these many years, and is likely to ••emain still in the House of Austria, and his very neer kinsmen; in regard of whose Affinity and kindred he may boldly rest in as great hope and assured confidence of the Aid and Assistance of the Empire, as he might if himself were Emperor: Yet having so governed in Flanders, that by reason of the long and continual Civil Wars, those Countries cannot yeeld him such Aid of Men and ••oney, as they did unto his Father, who in all h••s Wars, (as Lewis Guicciardin•• in the second Book of his Commentaries affirmeth) had greater help both of Men and money from them alone, th••n from all the rest of his Dominions; he hath greatly impaired his strength, and made it far inferiour unto his Fathers, or unto that same which he himself was like to make be∣fore, or at the first beginning of his Civil Wars. For to omit that he can now hardly make such strength as the Duke of Alva, or Don Iohn de Austria have had in their Armies in Flanders, whereof the first had at one time 6000 horse, and 30000 foot, and the other as many foot∣men, and 4000 horsemen more; The decrease and diminution of his strength doth manifestly appear in this, that the Low-Countries are now reduced unto that poverty, and to such a penury of men, that he can∣not possibly fetch any reasonable great number thence to imploy them in forreign services, but he is fain to bring in Strangers to defend his Towns against the united Provinces.

Iacobus Meyerus in the sixth book of his Chronicles of Flanders, reporteth that Philip King of Flanders in the year 1181 having Wars a∣gainst the French King, had 200000 Men in his Army: and Adrianus Barbadus, in the Chronicles of the Dukes of Brabant, recordeth, that the Bishop of Utritch is able, upon any urgent occasion, to arm 40000 Men. The first of these reports sheweth what the force of Flanders hath been; and the second giveth me occasion to conjectu••e and think, that the strength of the United Provinces cannot but be great, since a Bishop of one Town could readily and conveniently Arm so many Men. It is writ∣ten that the chiefest cause of displeasure and contention betwixt Philip, sirnamed The Fair, king of France, and Pope Boniface the eighth, was, because the said Philip would not, at the request and intreaty of the Pope, restore Guido Earl of Flanders unto his Liberty, that he might accom∣pany and assist the Christians in their Wars in the Holy Land, where the said Guido's Predecessors had done better service then any other Prince of Christendom; and the Pope held an opinion, that Guido's presence would avail the Christians much more then the society of all the other Princes. What a loss then hath the king of Spain by the Low Coun∣tries poverty, as well of money as of men, since the same Countries were of late years more populous, far richer, and better inhabited then they were in times past. It is a worlds wonder to see the Riches, the beauty, the Pride, and the jolity of those Citi••s before the late C••vil Wars; And it will make any mans heart bleed (as we say) within his bo∣dy, to behold the poverty, desolation, ruine and calamity of them at this

present. Neither is the weakness of Flanders so prejudicial or hurtfull unto the Spaniards, as the obstinate continuance of the United Provinc••s in their disobedience against him. For, considering the extremity of his malice against England, it must needs be very grievous unto him, that there is so fast a League of friendship betwixt us and them; And he cannot but be sorry in heart as often as he remembreth what aid they yeelded us against his invincible Navy, wh••reby the same was more easily subdued and overthrown: But if he should look considerately upon their Strength by Sea, and the multitude of their Mariners and Sea-fa••ing m••n, whereof he hath more need then of any other people whatsoever, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 cannot but utterly despair to attain unto his de∣sires, or to satisfie his revengefull minde, so long as those P••ovinces shall continue in Amity with us. It will seem inc••edible that I have heard reported of the multitude of the natural Inhabitants in such a Coun∣try, where most part of their Martial men are imployed in forreign Garri∣sons, and the people remaining at home are scant fit to make soulders; For that every man that hath an aff••ction and liking to be trained up in Armes, desireth to be sent into some such place where he may have the use of Armes; It is an ancient custom amongst Princes, if one hath an oc∣casion to passe with an Army through anothers Country, to take Pledges and Hostages that he shall passe without any kinde of Annoyance: And if caution be thought necessary when a multitude goeth but through a Forreign Dominion, how can a Prince be too watchfull, provident, and circumspect over an infinite number of Forreigners residing within the li∣mits of his Kingdom, where although they be not armed, yet they may arm themselves at any time? although they be dispersed, yet they may congregate and unite themselves together at their pleasure: although they want Guides and Governours to direct them in any malicious enterprise; yet if any Army of their own Nation should attempt any manner of Ho∣stility against the Prince within whose dominion they live▪ they may watch and wait for some good opportunity to joyne with their Coun∣trymen, and so endanger his Estate that harboureth them: And some∣times Strangers of a few, grow to so great a multitude in other Princes dominions, that they become both terrible and dangerous unto the Coun∣trey which they inhabit.

There was a time when certain wicked Rebels cruelly murthered Charles Earl of Flanders;* 1.248 of which some were according to their desert severely punished, and others were (both they and their Poste••ity) ba∣nished out of all parts of the Earldome, and also out of all the dominions of the king of France; insomuch that all men and nations hating them for their wickedness, they wandered up and down the wide world, and could not finde any place that would receive and harbour them; until that Edward King of England vouchsafed them a simple dwelling place in a lit∣tle Island of Ireland, called Gherma, where in a few years they so multi∣plied and encreased, that in the year 1287. they presumed to wage war against the said King Edward; but being happily subdued by him, the greatest part of them were slain, and the residue which escaped became Sea-Rovers, and spared not to pill and poll any Nation whatsoever, th••t chanced to fall into their hands. This example may warn all Princes to take heed of strangers, and especially of such as have been Traytors unto

their own Princes; and whosoever considereth well every circumstance thereof, and of many others like unto it, may boldly presume to say, that the Prince, whose Country is replenished with strangers, and especially with such as have b••en Traytors unto their own Princes, hath great occasion to live in great doubt of his own security, and of his subjects safety. But I speake not this against such strangers as are fled into England, or any other Country for their conscience sake, to avoid the tyranny of the Spaniards. I know that God ordained Cities of refuge, whereunto it was lawful for ••nnocents and men wrongfully oppressed, to fly for safety; and yet even over such strangers it cannot be amiss to have a watchful Eye, as well to Cherish t••em, if living well, and under Law, they be wronged by the natural subjects of his Country where they live, against the course of Law, as to foresee, that neither all, nor part of them be induced by the natural or professed Enemies of the State in which they are harboured, to attempt any open Hostility, or se∣cret Treason against him that vouchsafeth to harbor them. You have heard what may be said against the present strength of the Spanish King; Now it remaineth, that you hear what can be objected against his wisdom and justice in Civ••l Government: For as necessary are Justice and Pru∣dence for a peaceable regiment, as Force and Policy in time of Wars. To censure his wisdom, will argue small wisdom in me, who do both know and acknowledge it to be my duty to think well (as I have said) of all Princes, and not to examine their actions, nor look into the mysteries of their se∣cret enterprises; And yet because his favorites and friends spare not to report whatsoever their wicked hearts can imagine against our Sovereign, I may boldy presume to commit to your secret view what others have published in prejudice of his wisdom and justice, especially since I in∣tend not to discover any hidden oversights, but such as are known to the world for most manifest errours. These unto him that hath leasure to enter into considerations of them all, would fall out to be very ma∣ny; but my purpose is at this time but to acquaint you with four, and of these four I will deliver you my opinion in this manner.* 1.249 I hold it first for a great oversight, that being bound by oath to rule and Govern in the Low-Countries* 1.250 by Deputies, and principal Officers be∣ing born within the Limits of Brabant and Flanders, he contrary to his Oath and all good policy, hath ruled the said Countries by proud and d••sdainfull Spaniards.

For although a Magistrate loveth vertue, and hateth vice, embraceth justice, and disliketh oppression, possesseth all good qualities, and enter∣taineth scant any kinde of ill disposition; yet if he cannot accommodate himself unto the nature of those subjects which are committed unto his charge, instead of Peace and tranquility, he shall occasion and nou∣rish among them discord and diss••nsion: For proof whereof I shall need to alledge no other examples, but the troubles and civil wars, which in these few years have (as I have said) turned the prosperity, wealth and riches of Flanders into Poverty, Ruine, and desolation. For whosoever will considerately look into the causes of th••se tro••••les, shall finde that they have proceeded principally from the contrari••ty of the na∣tu••es and dispositions of the Spaniards, and of the Flemings, because the one never learned to command with a spirit of meekn••ss and lenity, and the

other could never endure to be ruled by proud and arrogant Officers, but have alwayes been far better governed by the Courtesie and Clemency of Women, then by the severity and rigour of Men.

And truly, although Nimrod began his reign with cruelty and vi∣olence, as the Scriptures testifie; and it hath been, and it is a que∣stion disputable, Whether it be better that the Ministers of Kings and Princes should be severe and cruel, or gentle and courteous; yet the wiser sort are of opinion, that Humanity and Gentlenesse is both more commendable and necessary; especially where the People that is to be governed is milde by Nature, gentle in con∣dition, and no way inclined to conceive well of cruelty. And certainly whosoever shall busie himself in reading many Chroni∣cles, shall undoubtedly finde in them, that more Kingdoms, Do∣minions and Seigniories have been overthrown and ruinated by the cruelty of under-Officers, then by the severity of the higher Powers: For in Histories men shall see, that even those people who lived many yeers in peace, without knowing what belonged to the besieging of a Town, to the maintaining of a Camp, or to the entertaining of any Domesticall sedition, have been enforced by the barbarous and Cruel Tyranny of wicked Officers, to prefer Wars before Peace, and the effusion of blood, before the conser∣vation of their lives.

The Province of Graecia, after that it had sought and gained many Battels, subdued sundry Nations, and triumphed over infi∣nite Enemies, was at the last overthrown and destroyed by the wickednesse and cruelty of their Governors. The iniquity and cruelty of Appius Claudius shewed unto Virginius his Daughter, changed the state of Rome, and was the onely cause that their form and manner of Civil Government was altered. The Ance∣stors of the same Flemmings, which of late years have born Arms against King Philip of Spain, not being able to brook and endure the Indignities and Injuries of those Officers which king Philip of France (sirnamed The Fair) set over them, took out of Prison a poor Weaver, and made him their Head, rebelled against their king, and killed all the Frenchmen that were in Flanders. The People of sicilie, moved thereunto by the barbarous cruelty of such French Governors as Tyrannized over them, slew in one night all the Frenchmen that were in that kingdom, and opened the bellies of as many women of their own Nation as were with childe by Frenchmen, onely to destroy the fruit of their womb.

How many times have the People of England, the Sub∣jects of France, and the Inhabitants of Spain rebelled for the same occasion? Yea, in the time of the Emperor Charles the fifth, whose Predecessors were driven out of all that ever they had in Switzerland, for the great Tyranny which was used by him whom they placed for their Lieutenant. And in truth, less grie∣vous and offensive are the Injuries which Princes themselves do un∣to their Subjects, then those which proceed from the enmity and ma∣lice of their Officers; and certainly much more dangerous to a Princes State are the Extortions, Cruelties and Exactions of inferiour Magistrates,

then of those unto whom as well the Magistrates as the Subjects are ac∣comptable. This is first proved by the force and efficacie of Reason it self, because every particular man can better endure to be wronged by the Master then by the Servant; for that the Indignitie and base Condi∣tion of the wrong-doers many times increaseth the grief and discontent∣ment which is conceived upon occasion of an Injury sustained. S••condly the Common People hating alwaies much more the evill and tyrannical Government of an Inferior Magistrate, then of the Superior Powers, think it far better to have a bad Prince, who wil be Governed and directed by good Counsellors, then to live under wicked Officers authorised to Rule and Govern them by a good and vertuous Prince. For, say th••y, a wicked Prince liveth at ease in his Kingly Palace, giveth himself unto pleasure, followeth his delights, and rejoyceth in the Company of his vain and foolish Favorites; and these are most commonly the worst things that he doth; But the wicked Magistrate studie••h continually, how to commit Violence, to invent new Exactions, to trouble and torment the common People, to clipp their Wings, to de••••owre their Children, to dishonest their Wives, and to seize upon their Goods, to withhold their Lands, and to violate and break their Priviledges. These are the harmes that proceed from the bad Magistrate, the remembrance of which is most greiv••us, the pain excessive, the beginning odious, and the end ex∣••crable. The consideration whereof maketh me think not onely ours, but all other Estates and Kingdomes most happy, which are governed by such Princes as are borne in the same Kingdoms which they Govern; And those contrariwise most unfortunate, and subject unto infinite mi∣series, which are ruled by Forain Princes: The consideration whereof made many kingdoms not to accept and acknowledge for their Kings the lawful Children of their deceased Soveraignes, because they were born in Fo••rain Countries. The which consideration (as it seemeth) had sometimes place in England, because am••ngst other Statutes of this Realme, there is one to enable and make the Child••en of our Kings which are born in other Countries capable of the Crown of England. Lastly the consideration whereof moveth many grave and wise Polititians to be of opinion, that the Princes are not overwise and discreet which labour all the daies of their lives to Conquer and subdue Forain Kingdoms; For after that they have attained the desired Fruits of their desired Labour and Travaile, what have they gotten worthy of their pain••s and charges? They have added somewhat to their former Reputation, They have increased their yearly Revenues of their Crown, They have (as it be∣cometh good Husbands) augmented the Talent which God bestowed upon them; And what is all this, but a thing that glistereth and is no Gold? a shew of Reputation, that is no true Glory? and a Representa∣tion of great profit than can have no long continuance? For if this happie and glorious Conqueror shall leave his natural Country, and govern in person his new Conquered Kingdome, what sorrowes, what inconve∣niences, what troubles, dangers and vexations will follow thereof? His natural Subjects will complain that they are forsaken, and the ••on∣quered will not long like of his Government; The former will find Fault with his Deputies, and the later will desire his room, rather then his pre∣sence; The one will not think him worthy to enjoy his own, and the other

will esteem all that he getteth theirs, because they presume that it is got∣ten with the goods and wealth of the Country which they call theirs; So he becometh a stranger unto his own, and being daily amongst his own, his own will not know him; And that which is most greivous, if his own chance to rebell, as many have done in their Soveraignes ab∣sence, he is fain to imploy strangers to suppress them; And if his Stran∣ge••e happen to revolt, he mu••t either make a Butchery of his own, to subdue them, or lose in a few daies that which was gotten in many years: I shall not need to stand upon the proof hereof, I have cleared that by many examples, in the beginning of this discourse; And therefore I will now come unto the second Error not inferior, but rather greater then the fi••st.

It is an usuall Policie amongst Princes,* 1.251 when they have given their loving Subjects just occasion of discontentment, to yeild them some manner of satisfaction whereby their alienated mindes may be Changed; and their natural Affections enforced to return. But the King of Spain being neither mindful of his Policy, nor careful (as it should seem) to maintain and keep his own, having alienated the hearts and estranged the Affections of his kinde and tender Subjects, by an indiscreet tolera∣tion of bad and leud Officers, is so far from pacifying their Wrath, as that he provoketh them unto further Anger and discontentment, by refusing to condiscend unto a most reasonable Requ••st, which not they alone by their Ambassadors, but also other Princes for them make unto him: For after that the Low Co••ntries by the example of the Kingdoms of Poland, Swedland, Denmark, France, Scotland, and England; together with the Common-wealth, Dukedoms, Principalities, Counties Pala∣tinates, and other Dominions and free cities of Switzerland, Savoy, Wit∣tenberge, and other Provinces of Germany, fell from Popery unto the profession of Gods true Religion, they desired of their King that they have liberty of conscience; and without danger of a Spanish inqu••si••ion profess that Religion wherein they were fully resolved to live and die; But the King thinking it not convenient, or beseeming the Royall Majesty of a Prince, to yeild unto any extraordinary Petition, were it never so humble or reasonable, of his Subjects, refuseth to satisfie this re∣quest; For which his refusing, as many as••favor him, or his cause, alleage these reasons, First that Men of two Religions can hardly live in Peace and quietnes together in one Estate. Secondly, that these suppliants have been and are still the cause of all troubles and seditions in the Low-Countries. Thirdly, that he had faithfully promised the Popes ho∣liness never to entertaine or maintaine any other then the present Roman Religion, within any of his Kingdoms or Dominions. Fou••thly, that such a toleration as was demanded by his Subjects, cannot be war••anted by the example of any K••ngs or Princes of later or former times: Fifthly, that the King of France, and the Queen of England having had the like motion made unto them by their natural and most loving Subjects, could never be moved to condiscend to their humble Peti∣tions.

And lastly, that it was not seemly for his Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to yeeld or not to yeeld unto his Subjects, espe∣cially since he both held and knew himself to be very well able to en∣force

his rebellious and heretical Subjects to submit themselves unto the profession of that Religion which his Subjects in Spain and in other his dominions do profess.

These are in briefe all the reasons that ever I could heare alledged by any man for the justification of his refusal; and to the end that his error may not be coloured or maintained by the shew and shadow of these simple reasons, I will briefly confute every one of them in order. True it is that there is no streighter tie, no surer stay, no stronger hold to co••joyn and knit the hearts of Subjects together, then is the conformitie and unitie of religion; and that the readiest way to sever and separate their Affections is to set them at strife and variance for Religion; In regard whereof diverse wise men and grave counsellors have advised their Kings to take heed that no kinde of heresie creep into their kingdoms, to resist the first beginni••g of any heresie whatsoever, and to foresee that no new opinion enter into the hearts of their Subjects; and if any by chance hap∣pen to finde never so small entrance, to labor by all meanes possible to remove the same. For variety of opinions easily ingendred, findeth meanes to increase without great difficulti••, and having once penetrated, into the interior cogitations of mens hearts, so ravisheth their senses, blindeth their eyes, and obscur••th their judgements, that they can neither see, nor discerne the truth from falshood, nor the light from darkness, but so cleave and hold fast on their opinions, that they will almost as soon and as willingly depart from their lives as from their heresies. But if by reason of not opposing and withstanding the beginning and increase of opinions, the number of Subjects professing a Religion contrary to their Kings, be once grown to be equall or grea∣ter then the multi••ude of those which agree with him in opinion, there are but two waies to reforme and order this disorder. The one to com∣mand (as Dagabert King of France did) that all they that profess not the same religion which their King doth, shall by a certain time appointed, depart out of his Realme; and that those who remaine within the limits of his kingdome, beyond the day prefixed, shall be held as Enemies unto the State, and therefore be reputed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 worthie of present death. The other, to permit them to continue in their Country, and to enjoy liberty of conscience: The which way because it draweth nighest unto huma∣nitie, seemeth unto mee best to bee followed: For since mens consci∣ences ought to be free and at libertie, since no man may rightfully be deprived of the benefit and ••ommoditie of his Conntry, without some off••nce committed worthy of ban••shment; since the life and wellfare of their Subj••cts is recommended unto Princes; since the fault that is com∣mitted by their Sufferance cannot be well punished without great pre∣judice unto their honor and reputation, and briefly since the life may be more beneficial then the death of such Subjects unto their Kings, it should undoubtedly be great Tyranny to deprive them either of their lives or of their Country. But we are commanded in the Scriptures to r••ject him that is an Heretick after one or two admonitions: Wee are told, that he that will not be obedient unto the Church, must be unto us as an Heathen man, or a Publican. And we are willed to take heed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no man deceive us, and that we keep not company with such men; how then shall the religious converse with the Reprobate? How shall the Papist live with the Protestant? And how can a Prince maintain both in

one Kingdome, in one City, in one Town, in one house? This is all that can be alleaged against us out of the word of God, and by these words the Protestants are not commanded to shun the Pa∣pists, nor the Papists to avoid the Protestan••s; only we are all in general taught to beware of vain Philosophers, of men delighting in many speeches, of such as with vanity of words excuse sins, and mock at at the Menaces and judgements of God; we are forbidden to give any credit to their Philosophie, and humane reasons, to put any confidence in their Traditions in their Fables, to be moved any thing at all with their Miracles, to participate with them in their Doctrine and Ceremo∣nies, and to admit them to conference or communication with us; this commandement stretcheth not unto men varying somwhat from us in Religion; these words forbid not the true worshippers of God to con∣verse with them that worship God truly, but not in the ••••me manner in all respects as they do; For if this were a general commandement, then all men not being well instructed or perswaded in Religion, should not be admitted into the company of Christians. The Church of God from the beginning hath withstood and infringed this commandement; yea our Saviour Iesus Christ should seem to have given contrary comman∣dements ••nto his Apostles, unto his Disciples: For, when he willed them to go and preach his word unto all Nations, as well unto the Iewes as unto the Gentiles, unto the b••leivers as unto the unbeleiving, Is not this Commandement contrary unto the former? Or could they as they were commanded, teach the Infidels, or instruct the ignorant without conversing with them? did not he, whose word is a Lanthon unto our Feet, whose life must be our guide, whose Actions must be our imitation, daily converse with Publicans, with Pharises, with Sadduces, with all sorts of people, never having respect of men, nor careing of what profession they were, because the end of his coming was to save the Sinner, and to con∣ver•• the Infidel? And hath he not said, that two shall be in one bed, whereof the one shall be received, and the other rejected? And doth not this saying import that the true Christians shall converse with the Schism••ticks of the world? Did not Abell live with Cain untill he was murthered by Cain? Did not Seth and Enoch, both beleiving in God, dwell amongst the other Children of Adam, who lived without Religion, without any knowledge of God? Abraham was commanded by God to leave his native Country, and to go to seek a new Habita••ion amongst men not knowing nor worshiping of God; Isaack swore friendship and Alliance with Abimelech an Infidel, and Iacob dwelt with Laban an Idolator.

••ut these and the Prophets of God were men so well instructed in Gods word, so affected thereunto, so willing to observe every Precept thereof, and so unwilling to give any occasion of offence in what Company soever they came, that they lived in peace with all men, they exhorted all men unto peace; and there was no man so ungodly that could receive any loss, detriment, scandal, or offence by their company: Men are not so in these daies; And therefore the like effects will not follow of their com∣pany: And yet in these dai••s the unbeleiving may not onely, but are also commanded to abide with the believers; and the believers are enjoyned to dwell with the unbelieving; for the woman that hath an husband that

believeth not, if he be content to dwell with her, let her not (sai••h the Scripture) forsake him; for the unbelieving husband is sanct••fied by his wife, and the unbelieving wife is sanctified by the husband, becau••e t••e Faith of the believer hath more power to sanctifie Mariage then the w••ck∣edness of the other to pollute it: And the Scripture goeth further, saying, what knowest thou O wife, whether thou shalt save thy husband? Or what knowest thou O man whether thou shalt save thy wife? Why then there cometh a benefit by suffering the Reprobate to converse with the Religious; the Faith of the one may sanctifie the other; and the b••l••ever may chance to save him that believeth not; and were it not th••n impious, wicked and irreligious to deprive the one of the societie, and of the instru∣ctions of the othe••? But they will not live together in p••ace and quietness. How know you that? or what shall cause variance betwixt them? forsooth the varietie of their Religion.

But may not they be forbidden to argue of matters of Religion? and take away all kinde of dispu••ation and argument; and do you not therewith∣all remove all cause of cont••ntion? know you not that knowledg comet•• partly by hearing? and if they should heare one another with mildness and modestie, would not the Faith of the believers be able to confound and confute the Infidelitie of them that beli••ve not? the prayer of a righteous man availeth much, as it was seen by Elias, who being a man subject to the like Passions as we are, prayed earnestly that it might not raine, and it rained not on the Earth for three years and six months, and he prayed a∣gaine, and the Heaven gave Raine and the E••••th brought forth her Fruit. The prayer of Fai••h shall save the sick, and the Lord shall raise him up, and if he have committed any sin it shall be forgiven him. If then by prayer raine is staied, and raine may be procured; if by prayer he••lth be restored, and sin be forgiven, shall not the prayer of the faithfull availe much? or shall not the Infidel be benefited or saved by their prayer? faith is the g••ound of things that are hoped for, and ••he evidence of things that are not seen.

By faith Abell offered unto God a greater Sacrifice the Caine. By faith Enoch was taken away that he should not see death. By faith Noah, being warned of Go••, of the things that were as yet not seen, moved with re∣verence, prepared the Ark to the saving of his Household. By faith Abra∣ham obeyed God, when he was called to go into a place which he should afterwards receive for an Inheritance. By faith Sarah received strength to co••ceiv•• Seed, and was delivered of a Child when she was past Age. By faith Moses forsook Egypt. By faith he with his people passed through the red Sea as on dry Land. By faith the Walls of Iericho fell downe after they we••e compast about seven dayes. And by faith ••he Prophets sub∣dued Kingdoms, stopped the mouthes of Lyons, quenched the violence of Fire, escaped the Edge of the Sword, of weak were m••de strong, waxed valiant in Battaile, and turned to Flight the Armies of the Aliens. Then since faith is of this force, and efficacy, shall not the faithfull bee able to convert them, by whose conversation they shall reape no small benefit? for if any man hath erred from the truth, saith St Iames, and some men hath converted him, know that he that hath called the sinner from going astray out of his way, shall save a soul from death, and shall hide a multitude of sins. And is it not a thing commendable before men,

acceptable unto God, and worth the l••bours of any good Christian to save a soul, and to hide a great multitude of sins? But to leave these Di∣vine arguments, and to come unto humane reasons, because they are more pleasing and acceptable to children of this world, whom (mee thinketh) it should suffice for proof that Papists and Protestants may live in peace and quietness together, because that in Poland where there are many Religions professed, you seldome heare of any civil contention; and in Switzerland▪ in many Townes thereof, the Papists and Protestants eate together, lye in bed one with another, marry together, and that which is most strange, in one Church you shall have a Mass and a Sermon, and at one Table upon Fish dai••s, Fish and Flesh, the one for Papists, the other for Protestants. And whosoever shall look upon the present State of Spaine, or the present Government of Italy in this Age, in which Countries there is but one Religion professed, shall finde no greater peace, no more assured Friend∣ship, no streighter League of Ami••ie amongst them then there is amongst the people of Poland, Switzerland, and other Nations which give Friend∣ly entertainment unto pluralitie of Religions; neither can any m••n say with reason, that the Protestants of Flanders have been the occasion of the unnaturall variance and civill dissention which now troubleth their Coun∣try: For there is no man that reverenceth the Magistrate, obeyeth the Laws of God and man, or fulfilleth the true sense and meaning of bo••h Laws more willingly then they, as their Supplications, their Le••ters, their Apologies do testifie. It is not they, but their Enemies; not they but their evill Governors; not the Inhabitants of their Country, but the Strangers sent into the Country, and del••ghted wi••h the pleasures and the profits thereof, that have occasioned these Troubles. Neither is it to be thought that so many Princes, as the King of France▪ the Queen of England, the Archduke of Austria, and the late Duke of Anjou, being all strangers unto them, would ever have undertaken their defence and p••otection, if they had thought or seen that the principal c••use of Se∣dition might justly be imputed unto them. It was the Tyranny of Don Iohn de Austria, the Crueltie of the Duke of Alva, the intolerable Pri••e of the Spaniards in general, the unreasonable exaction of the Hundreth, the Twentieth, and the Tenth Penny of ••v••ry mans substance, together with other Causes mentioned in the b••ginning of this discourse, that caused the forcible distraction of them from the usuall and dutifull Obedience. De∣votion, service, and observance of their Prince. I•• the time of Philip the Fair•• King of France, as now in the Raigne of Philip the second King of Spaine (whereby it may appeare that the name of Philip hath been fatall unto this Country) there were the like troubles is Flanders as there are now; and as now, there were some of the Country it selfe that favoured Spaine more then their owne libertie; so then there were many Liliari that tendred the French Kings Factions more then the safetie of their owne Conn••ry; and as now, so then those Liliari together with the King of ••••ance imputed the cause of the Troubles and Wars unto the peevish will••ullness of the poor Flemings, and not to the perverse obstinacy and obdurate malice and crueltie of the French King and his Councellors. Moreover, as now, so then, diverse flourishes and sh••wes of peace were made unto the Flemings; not because they that offered those conditions of peace meant to performe them, but to make the world believe that

they were desirous of Peace; whereas indeed their tender of peace was but to save themselves from the hazard of a Battel; when they saw there was no way but to take it either with some great disadvantage, or to for∣sake it with great dishonour: Such offers of peace were those that have been lately made unto the United Provinces; and such were they that were tendered many years ago, by which the Spaniards received alwaies some benefit; sometimes he got a Town, a Hold, or a Castle; some∣times he distracted some of the Nobility from the Prince of Oranges facti∣on, and at other times he avoided some eminent danger which could not otherwise be escaped. This will appear most true and manifest unto as many as shall read divers Apologies set out by the Prince of Orange and the States of the Low-Countries. And therefore I know not with what conscience, or with what shew of truth, the cause of this Civil Discord may be ascribed unto the Subjects of Flanders, and not unto the king of Spain and his evil Officers.

The first and second Reasons are sufficiently refuted; Now to the third.

He hath promised the Popes Holiness not to admit any other Religion but his in any part of his kingdoms or Dominions. How is his promise proved? What ground hath it? Upon what Reasons standeth it? He is in some manner subject unto the Pope; Be it; he holdeth all or most of his kingdoms and dominions of him: Let it be so; he beareth the title of the Catholick king, as an especial gift from him or his Predecessors; It shall not be denied. Lastly, it is he whose friendship and amity ••is fa∣ther willed him to embrace and entertain; this must also be granted: But what of all this? He may not break promise with his Holiness. True, if the promise be possible; for no man is bound to things impossible. And is this promise impossible? It is; or at least-wise like to a promise that standeth upon ••mpossibilities; ••r whatsoever cannot be done by a Prince without offence ••o God, without effusion of blood, without ruin of his Estate, and without manifest and great prejudice unto his honour and dig∣nity, that may in some respect be esteemed impossible; and whosoever maketh any such vow or promise, first, it had been very good that he had never made it; and next▪ it were very convenient never to put the same in execution; b••cause the sin that hurteth but one man alone, is much more tolerable then that which may endanger many. This promise therefore, if it were never made, but suggested, requireth no performance; and if it were once made, it likewise ought not to be performed, because it is im∣possible, and cannot be maintained without great effusion of blood, with∣out hurt unto many, and prejudice unto a whole estate. From this pro∣mise therefore unto t••e fourth Reason, a Reason almost as easie to be re∣futed as to be repeated. For the Emperor Constans maintained the Corps and Colledge of Arrianus, not for any affection that he ba••e unto them, but because he thought it part of his charge and duty to conserve and preserve the life of his Subjects. Theodosius sirnamed the Great,* 1.252 who was always a most mo••tal enemy unto their opinion, did likewise permit them to live in company with his other Subject. And Valens and Valentian, whereof the one w••s an Arrian, and the other a Catholick, suffered men of both Religions to live under their Government. The Emperor Ferdi∣nand granted leave and liberty unto his subjects of Silecia and Lituania,

which are Provinces of Bohemia, to change their Religion. And not long after him, Maximilian the Emperor licensed them to build Churches after the manner and fashion of Protestants. Besides the Pope himself, the Dukes of Mantua, Ferrara, Florence, and Baviera, together with the Seigniory of Venice suffer Iewes to live in their Country. And the Kings of Poland and Moscovia vouchsafe to suffer a number of Tartarians and Mahometists to lead their lives in their Countries, Imitating therein the example of Constantine the great, who after that he had established Christian Religion in Rome, excluded not any Pagans and Infidels out of Rome. In the Kingdom of Poland, the Greek and Roman Religion was at one time a long whi••e professed; And now there are many Lutherans, Catholiques, Anabaptists and Calvinists.

Lastly it cannot be denied (and this methinketh should move the King of Spain most of all) that his Father Charles the 5 after that he had fought a long while with the Princes of Germany which profess••. Lu••he∣rasme, being aided in the same Warrs by the Pope and all the Princes of Italy, granted at the length that Peace unto the Protestants which is called the Pe••ce of Aubspurge. Considering therefore, that al these Popes, Emperors, Kings, Dukes, Princes and Barons, having no less regard then the King of Spain, of their Soules health, & hoping to have no worse part then he in the kingdom of Heaven did permit & do yet permit the profess∣ed and sworn Enemies of Christ and of his Gospell, namely the Jewes, to live, nay to be born, and to enrich themselves within their kingdomes, Dominions, and Principalities; What Shame, D••shonor, or prejudice can it be unto the King of Spains Catholick Majesty, to give leave unto his loving and trustie Subjects to adore and worship the same Go••, which he himself honoreth and reverenceth in such forme and manner as they desire? I know not what should be the cause that he, who is so desirous in all other things to follow his Fathers 〈◊〉〈◊〉, Examples, and Counsells, doth not vouchsafe to imitate him in this Toleration, which will be acceptable unto his Subjects, answerable ••nto their desires, agr••e••ble un∣to Gods word, and very pro••itable for the Adv••ncement of his own re∣putation. It is (to come unto the fift Reason) because the Queen of of England and the King of France will not yeeld unto any such Tolera∣tion in the••r several kingdoms? Ala••▪ neither the example of the one, nor the other can serve to strengthen his cause. For he hath not the like Authority in Flanders as they have in France and England: They are free, and he is bound; They are tied to no conditions, and he is fastened unto many; and especially unto these, not to break their ancient Pri∣viledges, nor to innovate any thing without the consent of the States of the Country, by whom he is to be directed in all matters of great counsel and importance. Besides there must needs follow farr greater Inconv••∣nience unto him then unto her, by denying Liberty of conscience unto their Subjects: For, his are so many that require the same, that above 30000 departed at ••ne time out of Flanders because he refused their humble Request; and the number of Traditioners in England is so little, that all that were of any note and name amongst them, were heretofore and are at this present reduced, into one little Island, nay into no great house of a little Island; But the late King of France, who was esteemed one of the wis••st Princes of Europe would

not in any wise suffer two Religions to be professed in his kingdom; but because he would plant one onely there, he made wars a great while against his own subjects, destroying their houses, wasting their Fields, ru∣inating their Cities, and Massacring their persons. But who gave him Counsel so to do? Was it not the King of Spain, or his Pensioners? And what advantage got he therefore? Truly no other but the ruin and de∣solation of his Country: And what end had he of his war before he died? Forsooth such an end as made him to repent that ever he undertook those wars: And what continuance had these wars? Certainly they last∣ed above thirty years, and the Protestants are now stronger then ever they were. And what issue is come of these French troubles? Undoubt∣edly the issue was such, that whereas the Realm was divided but into two Factions, a little before the Kings death there were three; and of those three the last was most unjust, pernitious, and execrable; For in the same one Papist killed another, the son bore Arms against the father, the bro∣ther against the seed of his mothers womb, and the subjects (being in their opinion of a good Religion) against their King, whose Religion was as good or better then theirs. It is not then the French kings examples that moveth him; It beseemeth not his Cathol••ck Majesty to be directed by other Princes what to grant or what to deny to his subjects: This is the last, and in effect the best of his Reasons. For it is usual amongst Princes, and therefore no shame to crave counsel, advice and direction one of another, in matters of great weight and moment; and happy ha••h that Prince been alwayes accompted who could and would follow such advice as h••s faithfull Friends abroad gave him: Thence it cometh that Princes send Ambassadors one unto another, that they crave conference one with another, that they have oftentimes Interviews and solemn Meet∣ings; and according to this custom he either dissembleth egredi∣ously, or meant truly, that the Ambassadors sent by the Emperor, the Queen of England, and other Princes of late years to Cullen, should have ended all contentions and controversies betwixt him and his Subjects. Again, this was no direction but an admonition, no counsel but a request, and such a request as might rather have ho∣noured then disgraced him: For had it not been a great glory and commendation unto him, not onely to have listened, but also to have submitted himself unto the motion and final judgment of so many Ho∣nourable and Princely Intercessors? Was it, think you, a dishonour unto Alphonsus King of Castile, and to Garsias King of Navarre, that they referred the contention betwixt them for the bounds and limits of their Kingdoms unto the judgement and decision of Henry the second, King of England? Wise Princes rather then they will en∣ter into wars, or being at wars continue therein, do usually commit their controversies sometimes to the determination of their equals, and sometimes to their far inferiours; and although the cause be far greater, and of more weight then the controversie betwixt the Spanish King and his Subjects was, yet they have been content to stand to their doom and judgement. The contention betwixt Artobazenes and Zer∣zes, was one of the most famous and intricate questions that hath been betwixt Prince and Prince; Artobazenes challenged the Kingdom of the Medians,* 1.253 because he was the first begotten son of his father

Darius; and Zerzes thought himself worthy to be preferred, because his Father was but a private man when his Brother was begotten, and a King whenas he begat him; and therefore his Fathers private Patri∣mony belonged in his opinion unto his Brother, but the Kingdom was his own Inheritance; the rather because Artobazenes came not onely of a private man, but also of a Mother and Grandfather by the Mothers side which were not Princes, whereas both his Mother and Grandfather had kings to their Fathers. This contention by mutual consent was referred unto the Uncle Artipherus, who after due exa∣mination of the Cause, gave the Kingdom unto Zerzes; and this judgement hath ever since remained, and been held for a lawfull sen∣tence and notable president to be imitated in the like occasion even in these dayes.

There are few or no Historiographers of France,* 1.254 England or Scotland, that mention not the notable controversie betwixt Iohn Ballioll, Robert Bruse, and Iohn Hastings, Husbands unto the three Daughters of Da∣vid King of Scotland, and Co-heirs of that Kingdom after the death of their Brother Alexander; and by common consent of all Historians, this rare and strange contention was referred unto Edward the first, King of England, who chose forty, or some say eighty, the one half English men, and the other half Scotish-men, who having throughly discussed every mans right, gave sentence for Iohn Balliol, who discended of the eldest Daughter of the King of Scotland; which Award was confirmed by the King.

The Chronicles of Flanders,* 1.255 and our Histories testifie, that Henry the second, and Philip King of France, and after them Philip sirnamed The Fair, and the Flemings his subjects, after they had been over-wearied with a long continuance of most cruel and sharp wars, the first two com∣promitted their difference unto their Archbishops, and the later unto men of meanner condition; and yet both the first and the last stood unto their Arbit••ement. I could alledge many other Examples to this purpose; but they would rather dilate th••n discuss my purpose; and therefore that which hath been said shall suffice for the confutation of part of this last Rea∣son; And the rest shall be confuted more conveni••ntly in another place.

Then to the third Error. Seeing that his purposes failed him in Flanders,* 1.256 that the Hollanders were continually secured against him by the Queen of England, & that the Princes & Cities Protestants increased daily as well in number as in power and authority, he thinking that it would redound great∣ly to his glory, honour and reputation to professe himself to be head and Protector of the Holy League which was intended to be made against all Princes, or any other whatsoever professing Lutheranism, entred into League with the Pope, the Princes of Italy, the Duke of Lorrain, and the House of Guise, with express condition, that he as head, and they as principal Adherents should labour, travel, and endeavour to the utter∣most of their power to subvert all those which made profession of a con∣trary Religion unto theirs. To sound the depth of this Alliance, and to understand whether the same shall be profitable or glorious, honest or commendable for him, it shall be very expedient to enter into a particular consideration of the powers, qualities, conditions

and means of every one of these Allies; For although some, or most of them have been spoken of before, when we handled their abilities and means to hurt and annoy him; yet it shall not be now amiss to declare what strength and sufficiency they have to help and further his intents and purposes: The Pope as Christs Vicar, the Holy Father of the Church, the lawfull successor of St. Peter, and the chief Protector of the Ro∣man and the Catholick Faith (for all these are his Titles that he challeng∣eth, as proper and peculiar to himself) will think that his sacred Ho∣liness is greatly wronged, if I should not vouchsafe him the first place in this Alliance; For albeit he very seldom entereth into League with Princes that are of less might then himself; yet be his confederates never so great, let their charges never so much exceed his, and their Armies (be they by Sea or by Land) far excel his, as well in number as in valour, yet he claimeth a Prerogative to be chief Patron of the confe∣deracy, and Umpier and Arbitrator of all con••entions that may arise thereof; The most famous Enterprise that hath been of late years, was the Attempt made at Lepanto against the Turk,* 1.257 by Pius Quintus, King Philip that now is, and the Venetians; For the performance whereof the Spanish King and the Seigniorie of Venice were at far greater charges, imployed more Gallies, and greater Forces then his Holiness; and yet the Reverend Father by reason of his usurped prerogative, must needs have the honor of the first place in that League; and whatsoever debates or difference fell out in any thing concerning the said League, the same was to be refer∣red unto his Holiness, and to receive no other end then such as he should decree and determine; For fear therefore of his heavy indignation, I will not presume to defraud him of his honour. The Princes of Italy shall have the second place, and the Peers of France the last. It shall be easie for any man to make conjecture, and give his judgement of the Popes power and puissance, that will consider that his City of Rome,* 1.258 which is the chief seat, and the greatest part of his strength, retaineth not so much as the bare shadow of her ancient vertue; that she loseth her Reputation, Prosperity, Peace and Dignity, as soon as she beginnineth to be troubled or molested with the factions and partialities of the con∣tentious Ursini and Colonesi, two notable Families of Rome, that a petty Duke of Ferrara hath presumed to withstand the Popes Ordi∣nances and Commandments,* 1.259 that the Florentines warred many years a∣gainst him, that the Venetians make no account of his Forces; that the nigher any Prince joyneth unto him, the less he esteemeth him; and lastly, that a very small Army of Charles the fifth, sacked, not many years ago, his Pont••fical Seat, and put him to such a ransom as best liked the victorious and conquering Emperor. But his Ex∣communications are more feared then his Forces, and he hath much more money then might; I must needs confess that many Princes have been excommun••cated by him; but because I shall have occa∣sion to shew what sl••nder accompt both Kings and meaner Potentates have made of his turbulent and thundering Excommunications, I will leave them, and come unto his demean, unto his treasure: For the better determination whereof I think it convenient to declare unto you what kinde of men our Popes are of late dayes; some of them are poor Inquisi∣tors, of base parentage, brought up in beggery, advanced by corruption

and preferred unto that Dignity by Bribes, Rewards aud Simony; And they who have been of best birth amongst them, have been but the younger brothers of Dukes of Florence, of Ferrara, of Mantua, or of some like mean Prince, and all of them have most commonly spent their poor patrimony, and the small gains of their former life in the attaining of their Pontifical Dignity. Besides when they come unto the height of that Au∣thority, either they spend their Revenues prodigally (as did Paulus Ter∣tius, who in less then fifteen years wasted 25 millions of Gold; or spare the same thriftily to buy some estate for their children, as did Gregory the 13th; so that what with prodigal spending, what with extream covetous∣ness tending to the advancement of their posterity, the Popes have not much money otherwise to help their Allies and Confederates. Moreover, who so shal consider that their yearly Revenues are mightily decreased, by by reason that Bohemia, Hungary, Denmark, Sweden, Scotland, Holland, England, and most of France, Flanders and Germany, are fallen from their Obedience, and vouchsafe not to send them yearly such Tributes, Pensions, Tenths and other Commodities as they were wont to receive from them, must needs understand and confess, that there can arise no great profit from their Alliance and Confederacy: The terrour of their interdictions, of which some Princes, more Religious then wise, have in times past made some small accompt; The regard of their Authority, of which when their vertues were more then now they are, greater reckoning was made then is at this present; & the converting of their Crociados which were wont to be imployed in holy Wars, into profane uses, are the onely means and benefits wherewith they are now able to pleasure their best friends. Leaving them therefore to their passions and extreme sorrows con∣ceived for the small hope which they have to recover their losses, which is in no respect answerable to the extremity of their desire, I will descend unto the ••rinces of Italy as from a mountain unto a Molehill.

These Princes if they were to give aid and succour unto a King of France, unto an Emperor, or to any other Prince or Potentate pretending some Right. Title, or Interest un••o some Dukedom of Estate of Italy, may perhaps yeeld such help and Assistance as happily may further such a Prin∣ces Enterprise:* 1.260 But as for such a League, and such forces as shall be suffici∣ent to hasten the utter overthrow and subversion of all Protestant Princes, or to revenge the great injuries and indignities lately endu∣red by the Spanish king, they are far unfit and unable to gather to∣gether any such strength; and he is greatly deceived that ca••rieth such an opinion of their might and power, The best guard that they have is the reciprocal fear which one of them hath of another, the continual and great jealousie which is betwixt them, and the small and slender Love which one of them beareth unto another, every one of them not onely enveighing, but also withstanding by all means possible the advancement of the other, be it in wealth or in credit, in power or preheminence: Their Subjects are not warlike; their best Souldiers are (as you have heard) of no great value or estimation; their Courage is soon cooled, their Ar∣mies are quickly defeated; there best Captains by reason of their long Peace, are of mean experience, and their is scant any Town, City or Country that is not a witness of their Cowardise, Adversity, bon∣dage and servitude; you shall hear hereafter what discommodities

may arise unto those Princes of Italy which have unadvisedly entered into this League, and therefore from them unto the Peers of France; These Princes are no other then Traitors, Rebels, and Conspirators against their Prince and Country; And therefore detestable before God, odious unto the world, and execrable unto their Post••rity; For although Princes, ac∣cording to the Common saying, like such Treason as any wise is beneficial unto them; yet all men hate and abhor Traitors, especially such as these be, who having received great honour, pleasure, and prefermen of their King, did by all mean•• possible endeavour to deprive him of his Crown, Scepter and Life: Their taking of many Towns, their purpose to seize upon the Kings own person, their desire to bring him to Paris as a Prisoner, their carriage towards him there, and their preparation, Army and Hostility against him after his departure from thence, do abundantly testifie and declare their Treason; now what honour can it be unto the King of Spain to joyn and associate himself with such men as the world de∣testeth, all men abhor,* 1.261 and his own Spaniards will not onely hate, but also be ashamed to receive them into their Company, or to harbour them in their houses? For I find in the Histories of France, Italy and Spain, that whenas the Emperor Charles the fifth intending to honour the Duke of Burbon, who had revolted from his King unto his service, prayed one of the chief and principal Dukes of Spain to lodge him in his Palace; the Duke shewing himself therein a greater Enemy to Traitors, then a Friend to Treason, answered the Emperor, that both he and his house were at his Majesties commandment; but if that it pleased him to lodge the Duke therein, he would set fire thereon as soon as the Duke should be out of it, as on a house infected with the Treason of Burbon. But Francis the first King of France used the like help of the Turks and Infidels to be revenged upon his Enemies; and Lewis Sforza Duke of Milan to make himself the better able to withstand their violence which went about to de∣prive him of his Estate, brought an Army of Turks into Italy; and it is com∣monly said, that the Queen of England was in the League with the Great Turk; Why then may not the king of Spain implo••e and use the help of his Friends in France, of whom because they are Christians and Catholicks, he may have far better assurance and confidence then of Turks and In∣fidells?

Truly, I have heard the befo••e mentioned French king greatly blamed for entring into League with the Tu••k, and his honour and reputation hath been, and still is so much blemished thereby, that a very wise and grave Author of our time, to cover his fault with some honest pretence, hath been enforced to distinguish how and in what manner a Christian Prince may be at league with the Turk; The causes for which a Christian Prince may (as he saith) enter into League and Amity with this common Ene∣my of Christians, are either to obtain Peace or Truce, or to end a con∣ten••io•• and qu••rrel for any Dominion or Seigniory, to have reparation and amends for wrong done unto him, or to entreat leave for his Subjects to trade & traffick i••to his Countries, and not to yeeld him any aid against his Enemies: And the same Author addeth, that the said Francis being con∣tinually assaulted by the Emperor Charles the 5th and by the king of Eng∣land within his own Realm, and not being able to make his party good a∣gainst them and other enem••es, who at their instigation and request did put

him ofttimes in great & manifest danger to lose his whole estate, was coun∣selled by his wisest Friends for his better defence to joyn in amity with Sul∣tan Solimon, who was better able then he to interrupt and cross the violent course which Charles th•• 5th took to make himself Lord and Monarch of all the world. Necessity therefore enforced Francis the first to enter into this League, without the which he had been in great p••rill and hazard of losing his whole Kingdom; For conservation whereof I read in Histo∣ries, that a Predecessor of the Spanish King called Peter, confeder••ted himself with the King of Bellemarine,* 1.262 a Sarizi••, married his Daughter and renounced his Faith and profession of a Christian. Considering there∣fore that necessity hath no law, that Commoditie and sweetness of Rule and Governmen••, maketh many good Christians to forget themselves and their Duties; that extreame malice conceived and borne against an Ene∣my, hath constrained many Princes to seek to be in League with their very Adversaries; and that a noble and valiant heart deteste••h nothing more then to yeild unto his Enemies, and laboureth by all meanes possible to avoid that dishonor; No man can can justly condemne Francis the first, or the Duke of Milan. Now touching the Queen of England, her Majesty having alwais the feare of God before her eyes, and walking in his waies as much as any Prince of Christendome, hath alwaies thought no better of the Turk then he deserveth, as well because she hath nothing to do with him, as for that by reason of the great distance that is betwix•• her and him, she hath less occasion to stand in fear of his forces then any o••her Prince of Europe; True it is that in regard of the late Traffick which some few of her Merchants have into Turky, to their great benefit and advantage, her Majesti•• hath suffered them to have their Agent there who carrieth not the n••me of Ambassador, as the Emperors, the French Kings, the Spanish Kings, the Venetians and other Christian Princes Ambassadors do, and yet his Credit is such, that either with favours or with presents (w••ereof the Turke is very desirous and coveteous) he might have broken the League of peace and Truce which is betwixt Spain and h••m, to the Spanish Kings great hurt & detriment. But he•• Majestie had ••a∣ther that the H••stories of our tim•• should mention her vertues, then declare her policies, and thinketh it far better that as all men of our Age com∣mend her Beauti••, her bounti•• and her goodness, so her after-Commers should have occasion to p••aise and ex••oll her constancy and Religious af∣fection towards God and the Common wealth of Christendome. But to returne to the Spanish league with the Peeres of France, I think no good Christian can think b••tter of them then of a Turk; and I am of opinion that the League and Am••ty of Turkish Infidels is more to be este••med then the friendship of these Leaguers, more profitable and advantageous unto him that shall stand in need thereof, and more assured and firm•• un∣to any one that have occasion to rely thereupon; For since that these Rebels have deserved to lose their Lands and possessions, have incurred the odious and detestable Crime of Tre••son, and have worthily merited the name of Traytors and Conspirators, there can be no other League or A∣mitie with them then is with Theeves and Felons, the societie and conver∣sation with whome hath been in all Ages, and in all places accounted as most odious and execrable; yea by how much a Traitor is more odious and wicked then a Thief, by so much his Infamy, shame, and dishonour is

greater who as••ociateth himself with a Conspirator, be i•• that he conspireth against his Prince, or against his Country, or against both. Such as a mans Companions are, such shall he be held to be in all mens opinions; and he that converseth daily with wicked men shall hardly be reputed an ho∣nest man.

The great and large Priviledges which belong unto Princes appointed by God to rule and governe his people, make me forbeare to say so much as I might say in this place; and yet I may not spare to reprehend and condemne the bad Consciences of those Consciousles Councellors who have perswaded the King of Spain to forget and forgo his honour, his Re∣putation, his blood, and his Parentage, to joyne himself with those who may increase the number, but not the Forces of his Allies. I have often∣times heard say that the end honoureth all the rest of a mans life;* 1.263 that the elder a man is, the wiser he should be; that the Actions of al men that are placed in high degree and dignity, are subject to the view, the sight, the censure and judgement of all men; that a man may easily fall from the top of honor and glorie unto the bottom of shame and infami••; and briefly that all men with open mouth speake boldly and freely that of Princes when they are dead which they durst not muter whilest they lived. I could with therefore, that either the vertues of the late French King, or the affinitie, conjunction and parentage that was betwixt these two Crownes, or the conformitie of their religion, or the remembrance of the greatness and power of France might have been able to have diverted and withdrawn the mightie Monarch of Spain from the Amitie of those Traitors and Felons of France, to live in peace, League and Amitie with his deare and beloved Brother of France: But the detestable vice of Am∣bition, which misleadeth the greatest and wisest Princes of the world, with a vaine hope of good success and prosperous fortune in all their en∣terprises, hath turned his love into hatred, and covered the spots and ble∣mishes of true dishonor with a Cloak of false honor and repu••ation. And it seem••th that the custome of Princes is to receive into their protection such Subjects as other Princes have banished ou•• of their Realms (although in truth this kinde of Clemency ought to be shewed and extended unto Princes only which are constrained by necessity to flie from their king∣doms, and not unto Subjects) for succouring of whom many Princes of great friends have become mortall E••emies; it seemeth (I say) that this custome doth somwhat excuse the Spanish Kings indiscretion in this action: But wise men consider not so much what men do as what they ought to do; and true Glory consisteth in vertue, and not in shew or shadow of vertue; and as Caesar would not have her to wife who was more de∣famed by suspition then by action, so it becometh the Princes of our time to hate those who are vicious, not in deed onely, but in common fame also; especially whenas it is in question whether the friendship of a kinsman be to be preferred before the Amitie of a Stranger; of a king before that of a Subject; of one that is equall in power to the greatest Prince of the world, before those who depend wholy upon the power and authoritie of others.

And undoubtedly the Guisards of France have no other Credit, strength or reputation then that which hath been derived and given unto them by the late French King and his predecessors, the which in time will decay

and returne unto the place and person from whence it came; even as rivers returne unto the Sea, from whence they have their first original and being. I may therefore boldly say, that the King of Spain hath carried himself very indiscreetly in entring into League with these Guisards for four prin∣cipall causes.

The first because the shame and dishonour which will arise thereby shal alwaies continue,* 1.264 and never be forgotten through length of tim••, or voluntary silence of the Authors and writers of our time.

The second, because the profit arising thereby will be of small con••i∣nuance. The third because the quarrel betwixt him and France proceeding thereof will be both dangerous and immortall. The fourth, because the hatred ingendred by this quarrell will rekindle the fire of old dissentions, and revive the memorie of ancient rights, titles and Interests which the Crown of France pretendeth unto diverse States lately fallen unto the house of Spain. For the dishonor which is gotten by wicked waies, cannot so be buried in silence but that it will alwaies be reported by the Father unto the child,* 1.265 and by that child unto his posterity, alwaies finding increase and augmentation by the report which is made thereof.

And it is and alwaies hath been the nature of man to remember one only error, evill deed or oversight of a Prince far better then many of his vertues, valiant exployts, or wise and discreet Actions; Witness the common consent and accord of all Historiographers as wel of ancient time as of our Age, who although in other things they be oftentime•• very contrary the one unto the other, yet they agree very well in this point, that they all as it were with one mouth and one voyce, speak ill in their writings of the wisest Philosophers; Orators, Emperors, Kings, Princes and Captains that ever were in the world.

So the Author that greatly busied himself in commending Alcibiades,* 1.266 a great Philosopher saith, that as he did many notable deeds, spake many worthie sayings, and shewed many apparent Arguments of his great wit and Dexteritie, so he was too delic••••e in his ordinary Diet, too dissolute in fond Love of foolish women, too inordinate in his daily banquets and too superfluous and effeminate in his usuall Attire; To maintain him∣self in which things he often times took dishonest rewards and was cor∣rupted with unlawful Bribes. So hee that laboured to set forth the praises of Marcus Cato, a notable Sen••tor of Rome would not conceale that he had lett out his money at Interest, that he became so severe in time that he took a very young damsell descended of base Parantage to Wife, when he was of such years as required not marriage. So Plutarch recounting the Valor, Magnanimitie, and vertues of Titus Quintus Flami∣nius and of Philopaemon, two notable Captains, was so bold as to say, that the one was Ambitious, Turbulent, and easie to be displeased; and the other conceited, opinionative, and very hard and difficult to be pleas••d.

So Cajus Marius, by the s••me Author, who for his valor was called the son of Mars, for his delicacy and effeminate behavior was sirnamed the Child of Venus so Alexander the great who is commended by many Authors for the greatest and mightiest Conqueror of the World, is re∣prehended by as many for that he was somwhat hateful for his vain glory, and imitated therein those vain Souldiers who are never well but when

they are comm••nding themselves; So Cicero who for his excellency deserved to be called the Orator, was disgraced in this, that he was fear∣full and timerous as well in the field as in his Pleadings, and it is written of him that he never beg••n to speak but with great fe••r and ••••••mbling. So Pompey sirnamed the great, who had these qualities to make him well beloved, Temperance in his Life, Dexterity in Armes, Eloquence in his Speech, Faith and loyaltie in his Word, good Grace in his behavior, and an Amiable Carriage towards all men that had to deale with him, was hated, and in the end ruinated, because he would endure no Superior. So Iulius Caesar, who hath this commendation, that he took a thousand Cities by Assault, subdued more then 300 sundry Nations, took above a Million of Men prisoners, and slew better then an other Million in the Field (the least of which things the best Captain of our Age never was nor will be able to do) is greatly blamed, not only because he was in∣debted above 700000 Crowns before he bore any Office in Rome, but also for that he could not endure to have any companion in t••e admini∣stration of the Roman Commonwealth: So to be short, and to come to the Princes of our Age, diverse men spare not to speak very ill of Charles the fift (although he was a most wise, ve••tuous, and valiant Prince) because he took the Pope prisoner at Rome, and shewed himself very hard and severe unto Francis the first of France, when he was his prisoner at Madrill;* 1.267 and whereas some commend his wisdome for resigning his Empire unto his Brother, and his Kingdoms unto his Son; Others repre∣hend his folly and pride therein, because he did it with a hope and full intention, as they say, to be chosen Pope,* 1.268 and with a purpose in his Pope∣dome to give unto his Son all or most of those States which he held in Italie of the See of Rome, meaning thereby to leave in his house and Fa∣milie the Government, or the meanes to attain and usurpe the Regi∣ment and Monarchie of all the world; By these Examples it is apparent, that the Prince who by any oversight hath made himself odious and contemptible, cannot possibly avoid shame and Infamle.

And for so much as it becometh not any Prince to debauch and estrange the Subjects of another Prince from their obedi••nce unto their King, the Spanish King shall in his life time, or after his death be reprehen∣ded, for that he hath perswaded and induced the French men to rebell against their Prince and Country, the which Frenchmen were wont (as I shewed you long sithence) to be counted and reputed the most true and loyall Subj••cts of the world.

Is it likely think you, that any man will spare him when he is dead, since during his life we reade in some histories, that his own Sonne, his French wife, the Prince of Orange, the Counts of Edmond and of H••rne, the late Duke of Alencon, the Admiral of France the Prince of Condy, the Queen of Navarre, and the last King of France with many other Princes and Po••entates have been unnaturally Murthered, cruelly Poy∣soned, wrongfully done to Death, and horribly Massacred by his con∣sent and Counsell, Commandement or Approbation? It is common in every mans mouth that he maketh no Conscience to rid his hands of his enemies by any manner of Wickedness, be it never so execrable and im∣pious. His la••e in••ent to poyson our gracious Soveraign (whose life God long preserve) testifieth thus much; and as many as shall hear of his

purpose of Dr. Lopes and his Complices, cannot but esteem his worthy of everlasting Ignominy.

But now to declare unto you that this League cannot be of any long continuance, I will use these few demonstrations.

First, as many as have read either Ancient or Modern Histories, shall easilie perceive by them, that Fortune, or rather the Eternal, never gave unto Rebels any long Continuance of their prosperitie.

Next, the Common People which easilie forsake the heads and chief of their Rebellion, depart from them so soon as they perceive that their strength decayeth; then feare, jealousie, suspition, distrust, and diffidence alwaies attend upon Rebels to dismay, daunt and terrifie them.

And lastly, these great and Archtraytors are beset with so many d••ffi∣culties that it is impossible for them to attain unto their pu••pose. For if there be many that are equall in Authoritie, credit and reputation, the one alwais distrusteth the other; And if there be but one upon whom the rest do depend, he must of necessitie please him that cometh nighest unto him in Authoritie, least that he make the way hard and difficult for him to worke his desire and pleasure. He must content the common People, sati••fie the Gentlemen, and accommodate himself to the Nature, Covetousnes and Avarice of the common Soldiers, matt••rs of gr••at diffi∣cultie, hardness and impossibilitie, because the desires of the Nobilitie, People and Soldiers are most commonly contrary, and tend to diverse purposes, the first seeking for advancement, the second for Peace, and Tranquillitie, and the third Coveting nothing more then the continuance of War. Moreover whereas the wisest amongst them begin to consider that they have violated the Lawes, offended their Kings Majestie, born Armes against their Prince and Country, against their neer kins∣men and their own ••amilies, and that instead of one King (which perhaps fleeced them) they are now subject unto many Princes who fleece them more, instead of ordinary charges, they are now charged with new expences and unsupportable Subsidies, instead of Cl••mency, Justice, and Mercie, they are now exposed unto I••justice, Crueltie and Briberie; they lose by little and little th••ir Indign••tion and Fury, and seek by all meanes possible to reenter, into the good grace and favor of their Leige Lord and Soveraign. The chiefe consp••••at••rs therefore fearing to be forsaken and abandoned by their companions and ••ellowes in Armes, in the end are constrained to submit themselves unto their Princes discretion.

And the common People which at their instigation was too pron•• and readie to rebell against their Soveraign, do sometimes after due consideration of the indignitie of their unnaturall disobedience, become so desirous to recover the Kings favor and good likeing, that to the end the way to attain thereunto may be made the more easie, they kill the fi••st Authors of their Rebellion, or els deliver them into the hands of their Prince;* 1.269 And if ever Rebells have been left and forsaken by their partak••rs, these Traytors of France may justly st••nd in great fea••e thereof, be∣cause the nature of Frenchmen is such, tha•• if a man do not take present advantage of their unnatural heat and fury, but suffer the same to wax cold and to relent, it is very difficult and almost impossible to revive the same with the best art or counsell that may be used.

If therefore they shall begin to want money, of which they canno•• chuse but stand in great need quickly, because they are poor, and cannot at all times and on all occasions have present supplies from their Allies, or if the Parisians (whose custom it hath been always to be quickly discontented, and ••asily to repent themselves of their Folly) depart suddenly from their League and Amitie; if the King of Spain who sh••ll have so much to do on every side, that he shall hardly be able to defend his own Countries, do not continually send them fresh relief of men and money.

If the King of France chance to be Superior to his Adversaries in num∣ber of Soldiers and of all things necessarie for the m••intenance of his Wars; lastly if the Princes of the blood shall begin joyntly to put their hel••ing hands to the suppressing of those Rebels, I cannot see how they can possibly hold out long. And although fortune should show herself so favorable unto these Traytors, as that they might, in process of time, effect and accomplish their desires; yet considering that the murderers of Princes are most commonly murdered, that those who have ascended unto the royall dignity of Kings by Treason or Rebellion, are thrown down againe the sam•• way which served them for a Ladder to mount and clime up thereunto; that when the Vsurper shall divide the prey and spoile betwixt them ••hat have aided and assisted him, they fall presently unto contentious brawlings and quarrels; and briefly, that of such Controversies oftentimes followeth th•• ruin and destruction of him that held himself well assured of his new gotten kingdom; It is much more to be doubted, then to be hoped, that who∣soever shall be declared King amongst them, cannot continue long in his place which is purchased by force and violence, and must needs not only be subject unto the inconstancy and varietie of fortune, but also unto the diversite of humors of men that are inconstant, light, and very ready to change and alter their opinions. I could alleage infinite examples to prove all that I have said, but I forbeare for brevities sake, to trouble you with a superfluous and needless enumeration of such examples, and let you un∣derstand that these Rebels had long since been suppressed and overthrown, had not the late King committed divers oversights after his resolute murder of the Duke of Guise.

For had he not killed the Cardinal of Guise,* 1.270 the Clergie had not been so highly offended wi••h him, had he not presently called the now King to help and succour him, made him his Generall, and declared him his im∣mediate Successor, he had not so much displeased the contrary Faction as he did, and yet he received no great benefit by his coming unto him; for he brought not above two thousand men with him, and the Nobility which within a few daies after came unto him with their people were a∣bout thirty thousand; againe the delay and surcease of Arms for fifteen daies together, after the victory had against the Count of Egmont, gave time and space unto the Parisians to make sufficient provision of all such things as they wanted. Secondly the King hindred himself greatly by staying to recreate and solace himself a while at Corbeit, making a sure reckoning that he had gotten a final and happie end of his wars, because he had won that Town, which is as it were the Key of all Victuals that pass by that River to Paris:* 1.271 Thirty, had he been so provident in executing all other Peers and Noblemen of the Duke of Guise his mind with the same Duke, as they were which committed the Massacre of Paris, he had quickly been ridd of his Enemies. Fourthly, had he presently after the

same murder shewed himself in the field with those Companies that came unto him, and had he not done all things by haifs as he did, ••e had un∣doubtedly dismayed and terrified all the Towns adhering unto the L••ague••s, which were greatly discomfi••ed and amazed with the sudden accident of the Duke of Guise his death; but after that he saw his Enemy dead, he thought that he had no more Enemies in the World; this confidence made him so careless, that he suffered Orleanc•• to be lost, which might have been saved by shewing himself only within convenient time in the Field, and he gave the Duke of Maine leave to returne and fortifie himself, and made small account to do any of those things which within a month after hee would gladly have done. The Leaguers likewise committed their oversights, of which if the King had taken advantage, he might easily have subdued them.

For after that the Duke of Guise had driven the King from Paris, many prognosticated, that either the Duke would destroy the King, or that the King would murther the Duke; For there was no hope and less likely∣hood, that so foule an Indignitie offered unto a King both of great might and notable valor, would bee put up at the Dukes hands without a revenge; And after that day all that the Duke did, was begun without providence, continued without justice, and in end, had a bad ••nd; For when he had mounted almost up to the top of his desi••es, by force and violence, he a thinking that the Nobilitie of France would be highly displeased with his audacious Insolency, and insolent Attempt, seeketh meanes to pacifie the King, and to reenter into his good grace and favor.

This poor Prince blinded with ambition, and b••so••ted with the love of a kingdom, thought that a Prince being so injuriously dealt with all as the King was, would by the goodness of his nature be reconcile••, and he believed that he might easily find the meanes to perswade the K••ng to resign his Crown, or to induce the People to inforce him thereunto: But the King was fully resolved to have his revenge; hee assembled ther••••ore the Estates of France thinking to find sufficient credit and ••u••horitie in that Assembly to bring the Duke to his death by Sentence and Judgment; And the Duke on the contrary side supposed, that in that Assembly he should find friends enough to deprive the King of his Scepter; But the King failed of his purpose, and the Duke missed his marke, and yet the King within a small while after effected his desire; but committed other errors besides the above mentioned, of which the Leagu••rs took present hold and advantage; they thought that the Kings negligence and the ha∣tred of the People conce••ved against him for the Dukes death, gave them fit opportunity to deprive h••m of t••e Crown; But withall they considered not how unwort••y th•• best of them was to weare the same; and how un∣able to keep it when it was upon his head. Again, when they saw that the Dukes death had rather fortified then weakened their partie, they supposed that all was gotten, that nothing remained to be conquered, that they needed to take no more paines, but to give themselves unto delights, and to make partition amongst themselves of the kingdoms and when they came to deliberate who should be their King, they could not agree amongst themselves upon any certain person; whereas if they had presently resolved to make the Duke De Mayne, it migh easily have been effecte••; but the com∣petitors were many, and there began a debate and emulation betwixt the Duke and the Marquis Du pont; his cosen the Duke of Aumale wo••ld not

give his head for the washing, and the Dutchesses of Montpensieur and of Nemurs put in for their best friends, the later for her Son of Nemurs, which began to win credit amongst the people, and the first for her bro∣ther who began to lose his reputation; and the Duke De Mayne foolishly gave over the name and hope of being a King, and accep••ed the Title of Lieutenant of the Crown; besides, whilst this contention was rife amongst the Nobles, and whilest they busied themselves in framing a Process against the late King, which Process endured some eight or nine Monthes, the people perceiving how pleasant a thing it was to be subject unto no man, and the chief cities being glad that they had cast off the yoak of a Monar∣chie, would not endure any speaking of a new King, but to free and eman∣cipate themselves as well from the Authoritie of a Prince, as of an high Cou••t of Parliament; by the imitation of Paris, they establ••shed in every City a Council of certain persons of mean and base qualitie, into whose hands they pu•• all kind of Authority, and they presumed to limit the Duke of Maynes Authoritie, and to set certain controllers over them.

T••is breedeth a dislike betwixt the Nobilitie and the Peop••e; and espe∣cially the Officers of the Crown, as the Officers of the Privie Seale, of the Parliament, of the Exchequers, the Judges, the Treasurers, and all the Servitur••es of the Monarchie were highly displeased therewith, and would not give place to, nor go after the Magistrates that were c••e••ted by the People. Lastly the King of Spain, their chief Patron and upholder, dealeth but faintly with them, and is not so readie to help them as they supposed he would be. So they are enforced to threaten him that they would yeild to the King before they could obtain such help as they expected from him. For although he sent the Duke of Parma and others to relieve them in their Necessities, yet he st••ndeth in doubt, that if he should send any great sup∣plies, and God should bless them with any extraordinary Fortune, that the Duke of Mayne should be chosen King; he seeth that they were too strong to yeild unto his motions; hee perceiveth that he must keep them low and in continual need of his help; and therefore when he hath once succoured them, he withdraweth his forces and leaveth them somtimes in such distress that the Duke of Mayne is constrained to forget that he is Lieutenant General of the Crown of France, and to his great shame and dishonor is driven to go seek for Aid of the Duke of Parma, which car∣ried the ••itle but of a Lieutenant unto his Master in one Province. And truly it is reported that the King of Spain took not the loss of his men at the battaile of Iury, where he received a great overthrow, so grievously, but that he was right glad to see his partakers reduced to so great an extremitie, as that they were enforced to present him a Blank, and to offer to subscribe to any thing that he should demand. These faint procee∣ding of the King, of Spain, these apparent coutentions betwixt the Leagu••res themselves; and this general discontentment of the common people might have shortned the Warrs in France, if the now King had been of sufficient power to take and make his advantage of them: But I shall have occasion to shew why this advantage was omitted and not taken, in another place; And therefore to proceed according to my purpose. If you consider that the Etolians and Arcadians warr••d a long time together for a wild Boare; that the Carthaginians held long Warrs with the People of Piraca for a Sea-Rovers ship; that there were mortall W••rrs betwixt the Scots and Picts for a few Doggs which the one Nation

had taken from the other, And that the wars betwixt Charles Duke of Bur∣gondy and the Switzers began but for a cart loaden with sheep skins which Mr. de Romont took from a Switzer who passed therewith through his ground:* 1.272 you shall easily perceive and see how ready Princes are to take ve∣ry light occasions to war one against another; And this ready desire accom∣panieth most commonly those Princes who have valiant hearts,* 1.273 good occasi∣ons, and ready means to be revenged on their Enemies. It is therefore to be thought that the now king of France, who is endowed with all the per∣fections and vertues which the Almighty of his bounteous liberality useth to bestow upon Princes, will not suffer the king of Spain to offer him such wrong as he doth without revenging the same. He is valiant and wise, and undoubtedly he will follow the Life and Actions of his Predecessors; of which Pipin made wars with the Venetians, because they favoured the party of Nicephorus Emperor of Greece against Charles the great his Father; Philip sirnamed The Fair warred against Adolph the Emperor, because he had taken money of the king of England to make wars against France; Philip Augustus denounced wars against France unto Iohn king of England, be∣cause he killed his Nephew Arthur: And Clovis, the first of that name, warred with Alurick king of the Visgots, because he harboured and recei∣ved the Exiles of France, and had suborned certain men to come and kill the French king within his own Realm: And hath not the king of Spain de∣served much more then all these the hatred and hostility of the present king of France? since he sendeth aid not to the Enemies, but to the Subjects of the king of France; since he hath not taken but given money to others to make wars against him; since he hath not killed his Nephew, but his own Son; since he not onely receveth the Exiles of France, but counselleth the good Subjects thereof to become bad, and the most obedient to rebel a∣gainst their king, and hireth not strangers, but his own natural Subjects to come and murther the French king in his own Palace.

But it may be said that the Spanish king hath taken a good course to keep the Frenchmen out of his kingdom,* 1.274 by sending his Forces into theirs, and by nourishing and continning the Civ••l Wars in France.

To this I answer,* 1.275 That the Leaguers begin now to lose their credit, that their Forces and Strength declineth, that their Towns and Partners leave them; and that if they will not vouchsafe to imitate M. Coriolanus, they must expect the success and fortune that fell unto the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury in England; M. Coriolanus taking in evil part that the Romans had rejected a very reasonable demand which he made unto them, joyned with their Enemies, and obtained for them many battels and victories against his own Country; but being intreated by his Wife and his Mother, he re∣turned into his Country, and recovered whatsoever he or his Enemies had taken from Rome.

By whose Example, if the Guisards, being now so weakned as they are,* 1.276 will not learn to submit themselves unto their Princes mercy, they must fear and be afraid, when they hear that the Earls of Warwick and Salisbury, after that they had deprived one king of his Royal Seat and Scepter, and placed another in the same, were both cruelly murthered in the Field, although there was a time whenas the one could have obtained whatsoever he would of the common People, and the other by reason of his Offices had all the chief Forces and strength of England as well by Land as by Sea, at his disposition and commandment. Now if these two Earls had no better end

but to be slain in the Field, although they were the mightiest and best be∣loved Rebels that ever were in the world: What assurance can the Gu••sards of France have of their good fortune? What hope in the multitude of their partners, and their fellows in Arms? What confidence in the favour of for∣tune which never was, nor never will be constant in any other thing but inconstancy? Their glory therefore cannot continue long, their Alliance shall not greatly avail the Spanish king, and the remembrance and memory of this their Rebellion will alwayes remain fresh, as well in the hearts of our after-comers, as in the mindes of our selves and our children, because men are more prone and ready to remember the wrongs that others do un••o them, then the benefits they receive from others. How can the French∣men then forget the subtilty and cunning which the Spaniards used in taking from them the kingdom of Naples? the rigour and cruelty that was shewed unto Francis the first to make him resign the Sovereignity of Flanders? the injury and injustice used by Ferdinando king of Castile,* 1.277 when he usurped and took into his hands the moyetie of the kingdom of Navarr? and the unlawfull violence of the Spanish kings father practised in the usurpation of the Dukedom of Milan? And remembring all this, can they want good occa∣sion to exercise all kinde of Hostility against the Spaniards, as soon as it shall please God to send an end of these Civil Wars? The occasions are great: And if you remember what hath been said of the Strength of France, you will think that the means which the French king may have to be revenged of these wrongs, are far greater; and so in this respect the Spanish king hath shewed his indiscretion in entring into League with the Guisards; Of whose Friendship I pray you let us now consider what hold and good as∣surance he may have.* 1.278 There are divers kindes of assurances to be taken to∣gether; some content themselves with the faithfull promise of their Allies; others require Hostages; many demand to have some Holds and Towns of strength in their custody: and there be such as never think themselves safe or well assured, unless they unarm their confederates; But the strongest and best bond is, in the opinion of the wisest, a firm conjunction and binding of the Allies together by the way of Wedlock. Now of all these sorts of Alli∣ances, which hath the king of Spain taken? Or which of them can he take without shewing himself very indiscreet? May he content himself with the faithfull promise of his Allies? Will they hold their promise unto him who have violated their faith unto their Liege Lord and Sovereign? Hath he taken Hostages of them? Will they carefull of other mens lives, who have so small care of their own? Will they give him any strong holds? With what reason can he detain them, since both they that give them have no authority or sufficient power to deliver them up into his hands, and he is not strong enough to keep and defend them when the hath them? Will he unarm them? Take their weapons from them, and what good can they do him? Will he make them assured to be at his devotion by a fast bond and linck of marriage? What honour, or rather shame shall it be for him to mingle his Blood, his Honour, and his House with the Infamy, Dishonour, and Ignominy of Rebels and Traytors? But of Traytors some one of them will become a king: O poor and unadvised Prince, who shall spend his mo∣ney to honour him who deserveth no honour, and of whose faithfull friendship he can have no fast assurance. But how shall he become a King? By the Forces of Spain? O simple and indiscreet King, who thinketh to purchase a great and invincible Kingdom from a Stranger, when he is not

able to recover a poor Country taken from him by his own Subjects. But by what means, and by what colour shall he become a King? By the Ex∣ample and imitation of Hugh Capet, who (as you have heard) was made King by shewing unto the Pope and the People of France, that in choosing a King, the man that is present ought to be preferred before him that is absent; he that governeth in Person, before him that ruleth by a Deputy; he that is both carefull and vertuous, before him that is careless and vicious. But what manner of imitation is this, unless you call it an imitation when as a man doth all things quite contrary to his Actions whom he proposeth to himself to follow and imitate? For he that was deposed by Hugh Capet governed by his Lieutenant, and the present King of France ruleth by his own person; he was hated by reason of his great negligence, and this King was beloved for his great pains and diligence: He was insufficient to Go∣vern, and this King hath given many Experiments of his great wit and suf∣ficiency; And to be short, This Hugh Capet, who is proposed as a man worthy to be imitated by the Arch-Traitor that would make himself king of France, used as his most principle reason this Argument to shew that Charles Duke of Lorrain, and Uncle unto Lewis the fifth, deserved not to be cho∣sen king, because that in all controversies that fell out in his time betwixt the Empire and the Kingdom of France, the said Charles shewed himself more affectionate and friendly unto the Emperor then unto the French King. How blinde then are those Guisards, who cannot see that when they shall desire the people to make choice of one amongst them to be their King, the greater part will hardly yeeld to their motion? they will cry out that their King is yet alive, that it is not reason to take the crown from his head, and to put it upon a Strangers, or upon one of his inferiour Vassals; that many can witness, that in all contentions betwixt. France and Spain, they have al∣wayes shewed themselves more favourable unto Spain, then unto their own Country; And lastly, that the Duke of Lorrain because he was a Prince of the Empire, had more Reason to favour the Emperor then the Guisards have to befriend the Spanish king, whom they should hate and abhorre, be∣cause he loveth not their Country.* 1.279 You have seen the Spanish kings indis∣cretion in contracting this League: Now give me leave to shew you the League••s great solly in subscribing thereunto. The Causes which moved them to enter into this League, were (as you understand already) very many: But it appears not how true, or rather how false their pretentions are: This must be discovered, and then their folly cannot be concealed.

They lay to their late kings charge, that he was an Heretick, a Parricide, a wicked and impious despiser of God, a Tyrant, and Hypocrite, a perjured Prince, and a man given over to all kinde of vice and wickedness.

They charge him further, that he wasted the Revenues of the Crown, and that he committed many other follies long since mentioned. To all these,* 1.280 that their malice, falsehood and folly may appear, I will answer briefly; A full denial of all that they say might serve for mine answer, were it not that I seek by reason and truth to confound them that have neither reason nor truth. I must therefore run thorow the kings life, and to purge him of the crime of Heresie, I think it convenient to declare what he did both before and after he was king, against those whom the Leaguers term Hereticks.

Now to omit other matters, testifying his great zeal and affection unto the Roman Catholicks before he was king of France, I will prove the same

by four principal Arguments. First, it is apparent unto the world, that he was one of the chief Authors of the Massacre of Paris, which was general through Erance, and practised with a great hope utterly to extirpe all the Protestants in France: Next, it is certain that no Prince living could shew greater hatred, stomach, or courage against men of a contrary Religion unto himself, then he did at the ••iege of Rochel, before which he lay, until he was fetcht thence into Poland. Thirdly, it is notorious unto as many as know any thing of his Election unto the Kingdom of Poland, that there was no∣thing that more estranged the Affections of the Electors from him, then his great hatred shewed against the Protestants, both in the time of the mas∣sacre, and also at the siege to Rochel; Insomuch that Mr. of Valence, who was his Ambassador unto the Electors, was fa••n to publish a Book, wherein he more cunningly then truly derived the fault and crime of that M••ssacre from him unto the Duke of Guise, who took the same in so evil part, that after the king was est••blished in Poland, the said Duke published an other book wherein he cleared himself, and layed the chief blame upon the late French king. Lastly, whenas he had ruled a while in Poland and saw the di∣versities of Religions there, he loathed the Country, detested their opinions, and could hardly be brought to take the Oath which bound him to permit and tolerate a plurality of Religions in that kingdom.

But it may be thought, that as many Princes have shewed themselves honest,* 1.281 vertuous and religious before they were kings, to the end they might the better attain unto a kingdom; so he being assured by his Mother, and by a vain prophesie, that she should live to see all her sons kings, and knowing that he should hardly come to the kingdom unless he gave some manifest signes of his zeal in Religion, during the time that he lived as a Subject under his Brother, repressed his nature, dissembled his manners and disguised his Religion, that Heresie might not be a bar unto him for the kingdom.

In the refuting of this Objection, I shall have occasion to confound ma∣ny of his Actions together,* 1.282 which will serve to confute some other crimes layed to his charge. When his bother Charles the ninth died, he was in Po∣land, where hearing he news of his death, he took such a course for his de∣parture from thence, as highly commendeth his wisdom, and manifestly de∣clareth his great and natural love and affection unto his native Country, with which course it shall be very requisite and expedient to acquaint you throughly, because his Adversaries draw from hence their principal Argu∣ments to prove his Infidelity, and the beginning of his evil Government; for where as he was (say they) bound by faithfull promise and oath to cont∣nue in Poland, and to have an especial care of the Wealth and welfare of that Country, he left and abandoned them when they had most need of him, as may appear by the Letter that was sent unto him after his departure, by the principle Peers, Nobles and Senators of that Realm. It is not un∣known unto any that know the State of France, and are conversant in the wri∣ters of the later Accidents thereof, that he was very unwilling to go into Poland, because that he saw that his brother was not likely to live long, and that he dying, in his absence the kingdom, which was alwayes to be prefer∣red before the Crown of Poland, might be wrongfully tranferred unto his Brother, or unto some other whom his Brothers young years, or his absence might encourage to affect the same. This consideration mo∣ved him not to give his consent unto that journey, before that his Mother faithfully promised to revoke him with all possible diligence,

if his Brother should chance to die. And some write, that at his departure, his mother, whether it were to make him the more willing to goe, or that she was resolved to take such order that Charles the ninth should not live long, said unto him; Take not his departure (my son) grievously, for it shall not be long before thou shalt returne: Let it be spoken either to comfort and encourage him; or with her foreknowledg and prejudicate o∣pinion; he was scant setled in Poland when a Messenger came unto him, to signifie his brothers death; This Message being delivered, he wisely and providently called together the Nobilitie of Poland, imparted unto them his Brothers death, required their Counsel in a case of such difficulty as great∣ly perplexed his Wits, and not lightly troubled the wisest amongst them.

The first thing that was decreed, was, that the Nobles should mourne for him, in the same manner, and with the same solemnities that they us∣ually observe in mourning for their own Kings, whereby they signified their great love which they bore him.

The next matter that was resolved, was to dispatch a present Messenger into France, with Letters of Credit unto the Queen his mother, requiring her for him to take upon her the Regency of France, untill his returne.

And the third Conclusion of their consultation was, to call a general Assembly of the States, and therein to deliberate and consult what might be best for the King to do, whether to returne into France, or to continue and remaine in Poland.

In this interim, he calling to minde the trubulent Estate of France, the young years of his Brother, and the Ambitious and aspiring minds of di∣vers of the French Nobility: And li••••wise understanding, that the Peers of Poland fearing his suddain departure, were about to take some order for preventing the same, determined with himself to depart thence before his going should be known, aswell because he would not have the same hindred and crossed by the Nobilitie; as for that he knew it would be very danger∣ous for him to pass homeward through the Countries of divers Princes that bore him no great good will, if he should depart thence as that they might have any foreknowledg and intelligence of the time of his departure, and of the way which he went in returning into France.

This resolution thus taken, he writeth a letter with his owne hands unto those in whome he reposed greatest confidence, and signified unto them, that since the time of their last conference, he had received such Intelligence out of France, as gave him just occasion to hasten thither in Poste, and not to attend the general Assembly of the States of Poland; he promiseth to returne so soon as he could conveniently; prayeth them to excuse his sud∣dain departure unto the rest of the Nobilitie; And for such matters as his leisure would not permitt him to committ unto his Letter, he desireth them to give credit unto a faithfull Counsellor of his, whom he left behinde him with further instructions for them: The Nobilitie understanding by his owne Letter, and these mens reports (marke the love they bore him, and the care which they have of him) sent presently a Nobleman in Poste after him, to beseech him to returne; and wrote their Letter un••o the Emperor to certifie his Majestie, that his hastie returne into France proceeded not of any offence given unto the King by them, nor of any evil opinion conceived by the King against them, but of some urgent occasion requiring his pre∣sence in France: They rested not here; but when they saw that he returned not in such time as they looked for him, they wrote a large Letter unto

him wherein they declared how lovingly they consented to choose him be∣fore a number of other P••••nces that were competitors with him; how ho∣norably they sent for him into France, how royally they received him; how dutifully they carried themselves towards him; how carefully they provided for the safety of both his kingdoms, aswell of that which came unto him by discent, as of that which he received from their Election; how greatly he was honoured by their choice, and how dangerously he had forsaken them: they prayed his returne if it might stand with his good liking, if it mig•••• be to his benefit; if not, they humbly besought him to consider in what danger they stood of Forreine Enemies, what troubles hung over their heads by reason of the hatred and quarrels that were betwixt them and the Princes of Walachia, Scythia, and Muscovia, and how needfull and neces∣sary it w••s for them not ••o be long without a King, whose presence might comfort them, whose counsel might advise them, whose experience might direct them, whose Authoritie might govern them, and whose Credit might countenance them. They forgot not the Inconveniences that had hapned unto them since his departure, nor the difficulty and impossibility to provide for their redress, and their owne safetie without his presence; for that it is an inviolable Law in Poland, that although the States of the Coun∣try have decreed Wars against an Enemy, yet it can neither be denounced nor prosecuted without the consent and suffrage of their King.

These necessities being thus expressed, they set him down a peremptory day within which to returne, with a plaine intimation, that if he shall not returne by that day, they will proceed unto the Election of an other King; beseeching him not to thinke that they will choose another for that they are weary of him, or desirous to forsake him; there is no such conceit lodged in their hearts, no such Cogitation entred into their heads; but they and he must consider that Poland is so situated, that barbarous Enemies do en∣viron it on every side, and that it is the stay of all Christendom, and that therefore it behooveth them to be carefull when others are negligent, and to watch that others might keep in quiet without danger. And lastlie, that these premises well and dulie considered, such a kingdome cannot be long without an Head, without a Captaine, without a King.

He receiveth these Letters, and they receiving no such Answer from him as might assure them of his returne unto them by the day appointed, pro∣ceeded to a new Election: And hence his Enemies derive their best Argu∣ments to condemne him of Infideltie, and Heresie; Of Infidelitie, in that he returned not according to his promise; and of Heresie, in that living there amongst a number of sundry Sects, and Sectaries, he learned to bear with Heretiques.

I finde in the Histories of Poland, that when the States had agreed upon his Election, the Ambassadors which he had sent into Poland about those Affairs, were sworne in the name and behalfe of their Master, by the Arch∣bishop of Cracovia, to maintaine, uphold, conserve, and increase the Ancient Laws, Rights, Liberties, and Immunities of the kingdome of Poland, and of the great Dukedome of Lituania. The which Oath being thus taken, the Palatine of Cracovia, being high Marshall of the Kingdom of Poland, and the great Captaine of Samogitia, being Marshal of the great Dukedome of Lituania, presently proclame him King of Poland, and Duke of Lituania: Here is no promise to abide with them for ever; Here is no Oath not to returne againe into France; Here is no Bond to tie him to

continuall Residence: And though he promised to return at his departure, yet you shall understand, that although he could 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would have return'd, yet hee had small occasion to return unto them: For first the kingdom of France is farr better then that of Poland; Next few Princes have ever left their native Countries unto the Government and administration of a Lieutenant, to rule themselves in a Forreign Dominion: Then hee found his own kingdom at his return, in such broyles and contentions, that hee c••uld not possi••ly appease them to return into Poland at his day prefixed: And lastly, they not admitting his lawfull excuses, chose another king be∣fore h••e refused to come back unto them.

This last cause is sufficient to excuse his not returning into that kingdom: And this is so true, that when I was in Italy, I remember that it was a fresh news that the Polacks had sent an Ambassador unto the Pope to excuse their suddain choise of their new King, and to do such ceremonies unto the Pope as in such cases is required. This Ambassador p••ssed by Padua, where I saw him, and hee staied there so long, that he spent all the money that was allowed for his Journy to Rome and home again, before he went thence. The cause of his long stay, was the Protestation that was made by the French Ambassador residing then at Rome, and requiring the Pope not to accept of the said Ambassador, as an Ambassador sent unto him by the lawfull King of Poland, because the French King his Master had not re∣signed his Right and Title unto that Crown: And the validity of this exception was so long in debating, that intimation being given to the Poland Ambassador not to proceed any further on his Journy towards Rome, untill the same question was fully decided, he was enforced to con∣tinue so long as I have said in Padua, to the great hinderance of himself, and of all his company. Besides, as our Kings still carry the Title of Kings of France, in remembrance of their Right unto that kingdom; so the late King of France ca••sed himself to be called King of Poland untill his dying day, in token that he never had resigned his Interest and claime there∣unto.

This Argument brought against his fidelitie is sufficiently refelled. It resteth to refute the exception made against his carriage and Government in Poland. This shall need no great Confutation, because it appeareth by the aforementioned letters of the Senato••s unto him, and the Emperor after his departure, that there was no d••sl••ke conceived against him; and the earnest entr••aty which was made unto him to return, testifieth the good opinion, hope, and confidence which they had to be well and wisely ruled by him.

Now whereas it is said, that he learned to bee favourable unto Hereticks in Poland: It may be that he conversed with some of them whilst hee was there, because he could not otherwise do (their generall Assemblies and meetings requiring his presence, and consisting of such Peeres and Nobles as were of diverse Religions) But it appeare••h by his letters written unto his especiall Friends of that kingdom when he departed thence, that he had no great confidence or trust in them that were contrary unto him in Religion. For, besides the letter that ••e wrote to the Generall States of all the Country, he wrote unto certain choice men, as unto the Bishop of Cinavia, unto the Palatine of Cracovia, ••nto the Marshall of Eboronius, unto the Vice-Chancellor Wotkins, unto the Castellan of Meymcimer his Vice-Chamberlain, and unto the Marsh••l of the Court of Lituania, all

which were very zealous and earnest Catholicks, and the o••ely men of whom ••e made any ••eckoning, during his short abode in Poland.

Thus I have freed him from suspition either of Heresie, or of any favor shewed unto H••reticks whilst he was abroad: Now l••t me examine his li••e at home, and see whether untill his dying day he might be justly ••axed or touched with the crime of Heresie.

He came to Lyons about the 9 of September, in the year 1574 where the Que••n his Mother, the Duke of Alencon, his Brother, the King of Navarre, Charles Cardinal of Guise, and others met with him: The 10 of September, (a short space of recr••a••ion and solace after so long a Journey) he falleth to consult with all those before nam••d, what meanes were best to be used to renew Wa••rs against those whom they termed Hugonetts; he beseig••th Pusania upon the Roane, and taketh the same the 5 of October, assaulteth Mombrim, laieth seige to Lioron, and never left in the dead of Winter to Warr against the Protestants, untill he took a little Truce during the solem∣nitie of his Coron••tion: Not long after his Coronation, there came Amb••ssadors unto him from the Switzers to intreat libertie of Conscience for the Protestants of France; They are heard with small favor, and their Petition rejected with so great indignation, that the Quee•• Mother was fain to pac••fie her son in h••s great rage and fury: The Protestants require ayde out of Germany: Duke Casimer cometh into France: The Prince of Conde groweth strong; the king of Navarre flieth from the French Court unto him: the Catholicks want money, the P••pe sendeth them 400000 Florins. The Duke of Guise is sent to meet with Casimir, either to repell him with force, or to deceive him with policy; and becau••e they feared the king of Navarre, diverse waies and meanes are practised ••o make him sus∣pected unto the Prince of Conde; immediatly after the Duke of Guise, fol∣loweth Mounsieur the kings Brother with greater troup••s; but both he and the Duke finding themselves not able to encounter with the P••ince of Conde and the Duke of Casimir, Mounsieur receiveth the Duke with great Fri••ndship in Burgony and talketh very familiarly with him.

To be short, the king and Queen, and Casimir meete; a Peace is conclu∣ded; all offences are forgiven, and liberty of conscience is granted to be used in all places saving Paris. The Duke Casimir dep••rteth; and hee is no sooner gone, but the Catholicks cry out against this peace; the Citizens of Paris tread the Articles thereof under their feet. A generall Assembly is called at Bl••ys. The king of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and the Mashal Damule come not to this Assembly. The Articles of the be∣forenamed Peace are abrogated, and a full resolution is taken to subvert the Prot••stants, or to enfo••ce them to receive the Counsell of Trent. The Decrees of this Assembly are sent to the Prince of Conde,* 1.283 and they are re∣quired to subscribe unto them; which they refuse to do. The king is disco••tented, and sweareth not to leave untill he hath u••terly overthrown the Protestants. Hee writeth unto Duke Casimir, and unto the Lansgrave of Hesse, requiring them not to give any more succour unto the Prince of Conde. The one answereth the king gently, and prayeth him to keep the late concluded Peace; and the other threateneth that if the same be not observed, to return into France with far greater strength then he brought thither the year before. New troubles begin, but are quickly ended by reason of Mounsi••urs going into Flanders, and taking upon him the de∣fence and Patronage of that Country.

This is the kings behaviour and carriage before the holy League, the which beginneth in the year, 1585.

Of this League three especial causes are pretended; The Troubles of France, the kings sterility, and the right of succession, which belongeth unto the king of Navarr. By the confederates in this League these things are required; That the Catholick Religion, and the Nobility that profes∣sed the same, may be restored unto their ancient dignity; That a Parliament might be called, that Tributes may be gathered for the king and the king∣dom; that extraordinary exactions may be mitigated; that ev••ry third year a Parliament may be held. And lastly, that an Army of 16000. foot∣men, and 3000 horse may be gathered and maintained with the kings trea∣sure against the Hugonets, and the same Army to be lead by the kings own person, or by the Duke of Guise, as his Lieutenant General. They set fo••th an Apology containing their Griefs and these Petitions, and end the same with a promise to lay down their weapons, if the king will be content to sub∣scribe to these Articles, and to overthrow the Protestants.

The king of Navarr finding himself to be the mark whereat these Lea∣guers shot, published his Apology, proveth himself to be no Heretick, Apostate, Persecutor, or Rebel; sheweth that the Duke of Guise is the onely Perturber of the peace and quiet of France, and that he cannot feel the wound thereof because he is a stranger; and lastly, for the ending of all troubles without more effusion of blood, challengeth the combat.

The late King published likewise his Answer to every Article, and pro∣miseth that all these things shall be done answerable to Gods Word and the prescript rule of Justice; praying the Leaguers, that since both he and the Queen are yet young enough to have children, and that children are the Gift of God, they will not rashly think him to be without all hope of children.

Here I might trouble you with the rehearsal of many examples of many Rebels like unto these, who when their demands have been so reasona∣bly answered as these were, desisted from wars, or had but an evil is∣sue. But I must restrain my self, and labour to be short, otherwise I shall be both too long and tedious. What could a king, nay the most abso∣lute king of the world, the mightiest king of Europe, do more then this king did? Or what would they require more at this kings hands then he performed? He entered not into this League; would not be one of their confederates; Hinc nostri fundi Calamitas; But he seemeth to al∣low the proscription and disinheritance of Navarr; he banisheth all Prote∣stants out of the Realm; he answereth the king of Denmark, who becometh a sutor for them, that he neither can nor will have Peace with them; he writeth to the Prince of Germany, who likewise intreated his favour for the Protestants, That he knoweth well enough what to do without their counsel, and marvelleth that they have so great leisure as to meddle with other mens matters, and especially with such things wherewith they have nothing to do.

This is not enough; He provideth an Army against the Protestants, he sendeth to encounter with the Forces of Germany that were coming into France to succour them; The Duke of Guise overthroweth them; and the kings Brother-in-Law, the Duke of Ioyesa is overthrown by the king of Navarr, with the loss of his own life, and of 12000. of his Souldiers. The Duke of Guise made proud and insolent with this victory, and having got∣ten

above 120000 Crowns by the spoiles of the Enemies returneth to Paris, boasteth of his conquest, preferreth himself before his idle & loytering king, (as he termeth him discovereth his secret intentions more openly then he did before, and seeketh how he either might make away the king, or thrust him to a Monastery. And when he heard that his secret practices were re∣vealed unto the king by the Duke of Espernon, he is sore troubled, and la∣boureth to free himself from all manner of suspition; What way taketh he to bring this to pass? Submitteth he himself unto the king? Cleareth he himself of the Accusations laid to his charge? Craveth he pardon of his in∣solency? He doth; But how? Forsooth, in such manner, that even a man with one eye might easily see that he dissembleth. He cometh to Paris with a small Troop, but so disposeth his Army that his intention to carry away the king by force could not be hidden. He craveth conference with the king, is admitted to his presence; They spend three whole dayes together in conference; he so playeth his part, that the king leaveth to suspect him, removeth the Duke of Espernon from the Court and his company, who had revealed his secrets, and is angry with the said Duke for accusing him wrongfully. What followeth? God who knoweth the inward thoughts of all men, and hath an especial care of Princes ••afety, by a sudden and un∣expected accident, layeth open his dissimulation, and bewrayeth the Dukes Treachery.

The king seeing that armed men came into Paris in great Troopes by night and day, setteth his Switzers to watch and ward in every street of Pa∣ris. It ••ortuned that a Switzer by chance was striken by a Parisian, with whom he had some private quarrel; hereof followeth a great slaughter. The Duke of Guise committeth the Switzers to prison, besetteth the Lover with a Garison of Souldiers: The king beginneth to be afraid, he fleeth from Paris secretly, taketh his mother thence with him, commende••h the Duke of Espernon his Faith and Loyalty, and escapeth the danger of the Li∣on that lay in wait for his life, for that time, but is to die the death within a short time after, not by the sharp and merciless sword of the proud and am∣bitious Duke (which had been more Princelike) but by a short and poyson∣ed knife of a Jacobin Fryer, which was too base a death for the greatest Monarch of the World.

But again to the Duke; who hearing that the king began to sound the depth of his Treasons, and to suspect all his proceedings, to remove his ma∣ny doubts, and to recover his good opinion, sendeth certain Ambassadors unto him, (if they may be termed Ambassadors that go from a Rebel unto a king) of his own, and of diverse Cities and Provinces which he had drawn to his own Faction, and had alwayes ready at hand. By the mouth of these Ministers (sufficiently instructed what to say) he protested that nothing was further from his thoughts then to seize upon the kings person; For if he had had any such minde, any such intention, he might have wrought his pleasure upon him when he had him in Paris.

First therefore he desireth, that the Duke of Espernons malice and un∣true Accusations might carry no credit, at the least-wise not breed any dis∣grace and discredit.

Next, that whatsoever hath been heretofore done, or said, might be bu∣ried in oblivion.

Thirdly, that the Duke of Espernon, and his brother Mr. de Valetta might be banished the Court disturbers of the Common Peace.

Fourthly, that the Government of Normandy might be given unto the holy League.

Fifthly, that his Brother the Duke of Mayne might be created great Master of the kings Pallace, and the Cardinal of Bourbon made Governor of all France.

Sixthly, that two Armies might belevied, and maintained at the kings charges against the Hugonets, and one of them to be sent into Picardy, under the kings or the Duke of Guise his conduct, and the other into Dolphine, of which the Duke of Mayne must be General.

Lastly, that the king of Navarr, with all his Adherents, and all other Hereticks, might be thrust out of the Court and utte••ly destroyed, and a Parliament presently called, wherein they might consult of matters of great∣er weight and consequence.

The king perceived by these unreasonable demands that their pleasure and purpose was to make him a king of Poland in France, that is, such a king as should carry the bare 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Name of a king, and others should rule, thinking it high time to call his wits together, to be in no longer subjection, and to begin to dissemble with them who go about to deceive and subvert him by cunning and dissimulation; he therefore yeeldeth to all that was de∣manded, commandeth an Assembly of the three Estates to be held the next September at Bloys, exhortethall his Subjects unto a general Peace, and de∣vise••h all means possible to supplant the Duke of Guise. To this Parliament came the most and best Peers of the Realm. The Duke of Guise absenteth himself, either for fear, because his guilty conscience accuseth him, or of set purpose and cunning, because he seeketh to be intreated. In his absence they began to consult of great matters, in all which the king rule••h not, but is ••uled; he signifieth unto the Nobility th••re assembled, that he taketh him∣self greatly bound unto them for their good and wholesome counsel, pro∣fesseth himself to be unable to Govern so turbulen•• a kingdom any longer, desireth to be eased of s•• great a charge, and thinketh it expedient, both for the Common-wealth, and for himself, to imitate the example of Charles the fifth, and to shut himself; up as a Penitentiary in some Monastery; and there∣fore he praye••h them to consider to whom he might best surrender his Crown. But if his judgement might be of any fo••ce and weight with them, no man should contend for it. For no man was equal, much less to be pre∣ferred before the Duke of Guise; He is valiant in Arms, wise in Counsel, zealous in Religion, faithfull to h••s Country, and wanteth nothing requisite in a king but the name of a king; He is heard with great attention, be∣leeved wi••hout any contradiction, and the Duke is sent for with all speed possible. It is no need to bid him come, he flyeth, he seemeth to be in Heaven; but falleth as suddenly as Lucifer did down to hell. The king calleth him into his private Chamber, pretending to have some great occa∣sion to confer with him; before the rest of the Nobility he giveth him into his hands certain Letters of his own hand-writing s••nt unto the king of Spain, but intercepted, by which he is convinced to have ••ought the kings untimely death, and the unlawfull possession of his Crown: He ••alleth down upon his knees, humbly bes••echeth the kings pardon; And whiles with frivolous Protestations, and false Oaths he laboureth to clear himself, he is not so cruelly as justly murthered in the king presence.

The Arch-Traytor being thus executed, the Queen Mother allowed the execution, praiseth her Sons wisdom, thanketh God that it hath plea∣sed

him to put that counsel into the Kings head, and to give him grace to execute the same; and now (saith she) my Son playeth the king indeed.

The Parisians are presently certified of the Dukes death; there is weep∣ing and gnashing of Teeth; the Crochilers have lost their Countenance, the Fac••ious their Father, the Seditious People their ambitious Patron, and the Malitious Sorbonists their Religious Protector. What followeth? Sud∣den accidents must have suddain consultations; new devises, hasty resoluti∣ons, hastie executions, and the new year must begin wi••h new Treasons: They chuse the Duke of Aumale for their Head; they draw the kings pi∣cture in the durt through the streets; they rob and ransack his Exchequer, his Palace, his Store-houses; and for their last resolution, they conclude that he must be no longer their king.

According to this conclusion, after that their City was hardly beset, and they had almost endured as hard a siege as the Citizens of Ierusalem, they send out a desperate Jacobin Fryer, as their Iudith to behead Holo∣fernes, to execute their doom and devillish sentence upon the Lords an∣ointed, and their lawfull king. The Fryer goeth to the kings Camp, which was at St. Clovis, feigneth to have Letters of great weight to deliver unto the king; he is brought to his presence, kindly received, (for the king al∣wayes loved those Fryers too well) and lovingly willed to declare the cause of his coming; he delivereth his Letters; the king readeth them seriously, and the Jaobin, more like a Iudas then a follower of St. Iames, seeing the kings doublet loose about him, aiming at a place where he might be sure to dispatch him, whilest he was busied in reading the Letters, thrusteth a poysoned knife into his Bowels of which wound he died within a few hours after.

You have heard his Tragedy, his Reign, and his End, and what can you finde that savoureth of Heresie? Was it Heretical to persecute those whom they call Hereticks before he Reigned, and as long as he reigned? Was it Schismatical to proscribe, banish, and massacre them? Was it Apostatical to proclaim and make Wars against them, whensoever and wheresoever the Guisards required him? Was it irreligious and hypocritical for him in a Lent time, when men use to be penitent for their Sins, to whip themselves while the blood followeth, by his own Example to induce the Cardinal of Lorrain, and others his chiefest Counsellors and Courtiers to do the like? Was he a despiser of God, who with consent of the Popes Holiness, to shew his zeal, and to leave an Eternal Monument thereof, did erect a new order of Knighthood of the Holy Ghost, and took an Oath to live and die in de∣fence of the Catholick Faith? Was it impious, and an Act not beseeming a Christian Prince, to go in person, and accompanied with most of the Peers of his Realm in Procession bare-headed and bare-footed? If none of these things be Heresie, Apostacy, and contempt of God, and Religion; then undoubted••y the late French King, having done all these things, was no Heretick, no Apostate, no Schismitick, no despiser of God, but a Zea∣lous, a Religious, a Catholick, and a most Christian Prince.

But the Duke of Guise his death is the matter that is most urged,* 1.284 is the sore that most grieveth, is the objection that needeth a present and large con∣futation: He was murthered without any desert, without any rightfull ad∣ministration of Justice, without any manner of proof, that he had committed a Crime worthy of death. God said unto Cain where is thy brother Abel;

He said unto the woman accused or Adultery, Where are thy Accusers? He said unto his Disciples, In the mouth of two or three consisteth a Truth; He said unto the Judges of the Earth, Be ye wise and discreet in your judge∣ments. And why said he all these? Forsooth, to shew that in every Capi∣tal Cause there ought to be an Accuser, divers witnesses, and a Judge to give Sentence according unto Law, and unto his Conscience.

Truly the Laws of France,* 1.285 and the Lawes of all Nations require,* 1.286 that a man being held guilty of any Crime, be it never so odious, never so horri∣ble, be called unto Judgement, and be convinced by his own confession, or some other pregnant and forcible proof, before he can be condemned. But if the crime whereof he is accused be so manifest that all the world knoweth it, that he cannot deny it, and hath nothing to say for his defence; it is lawfull to condemn him, yea, to execute him without hearing his Cause; especially, if by giving him notice of his Arreignment, you give him time and opportunity to escape without punishment: The Word of God saith, Thou shalt do no murther; But the Laws of Nature, the Laws of Nations, yea, the Laws of Princes say, That it is better to kill then to be killed: The Apostles have taught, that the testimony of two or three witnesses is suffi∣cient in any Cause; but the Civil Laws require sometimes seven, other times five, and commonly they are contented with two; and by Canonical constitutions according to the degrees of dignities of Ecclesiastical persons, the testimony of seventy two, of sixty four, of twenty seven, and of seven is oftentimes requisite and necessary. God hath commanded every man to do according to his conscience; but the Lawes of Princes command all Judges to give judgement according to the proofs and allegations that are made before them. I may therefore boldly say, that not onely the Pope, (unto whom the Canonists onely attribute this power and authority) but al∣so every lawfull secular Prince (unto whom God hath commanded that every soul should be obedient) may, upon good occasion, and consideration of some circumstances, qualify, and interpret the Lawes of God. He that stri∣keth with the sword, shall perish with the sword, sayeth the holy Scripture; and there is no express commandment given not to suffer Malefactors to live. But Humane Policy hath thought it convenient and equitable, that children because they know not what they do, that mad men because they are deprived of the use of Reason and Understanding, that any man killeth one another by mischance, because he offendeth through ignorance, and not of malice: And lastly, that an honest man, if he chance to kill a Thief by night or by day, in defending his own person or goods, because it is lawfull to repel force by force, shall not be condemned to death, although his crime in it self, in strictness of Law be Capital.

There is nothing more certain then the commandment of God, not to swear, and yet it is lawfull to swear, yea, it is an offence not to swear, if a man be commanded by a Magistrate to swear; and if a truth cannot be known but by an Oath, and the oath that a man hath taken must be inviola∣ble, It cannot be broken; and there is no mans more odious, no crime more detestable then the sin of perjury; and yet a Judge that hath taken an oath to keep the Statutes of his Country without breaking the same, or without departing from the true sense and literal meaning of them, may violate them, if the iniquity of the time will not give him leave and leasure to confer with his superiour, or to ask his opinion, or if there be manifest dangers like to follow of the delay which he shall use. Besides if a Judge be commanded,

yea sworn not to do any thing against the L••wes of God, or nature, or of his Country, yet if he be urged by some great occ••sion, or if necessitie enforce him thereunto; or if some notable danger, scandall, or inconvenience is like to follow of the strict observance of those Lawe••, he may lawfully violate them. And shall a Judge have Authority to break Lawes, and shal not an absolute Prince have the like liberty? A Provost Marshal taking a Theif in the fact of committing a robberie, may hang him up presently with out any forme of Judgement; and shall not a King cause a notorious Tray∣tor to be murthered without a solemn Sentence? The Governor of a City taking an Homicide, an Adulterer, a rav••sh••r of Women upon the Fact▪ may chastise and punish them according to the Rigor of the Law w••thout any forme of Law; and a King taking a Traytor be••ng abou•• to deprive him of his life, of his Crown apd Scepter, shall he not do him to death without asking the opinion of his Judges without imploring the helpe of his Magistrates, and without imparting his Treason unto his Counsellors, or unto the Friends and Allies of the Traytors, especially when as he may escape whilst these things shall be doing, when bee is so strong, so backed with friends, so guarded with Souldiers, that if he be not executed upon a suddain, the respi••e and leisure which shall be given him, shall g••ve him time and meanes not only to escape the punishment which he hath deserved, but also to put in great hazard the life of his Prince, and the weale of his Country; to be short, when either the Prince or the Traytor must die pre∣sently?

It is written of Iehu the Judge and King of Israell, that he fearing the great multitude of Baals Priests, and doubting that if he should put them to death by the way of Justice, there would follow some great Inconveni∣ence or scandal to himself; he feigned that hee himself wou••d do sacrifice unto God Baal, and by that pretence and colour he caused them all to come together, and when they were all assembled, hee willed them all to be mur∣thered.

Who hath heard the Historie of Ladislaus king of Bohemia, commen∣deth him not for his wisdome and discretion in dissembling the grief which he took to see the Earle of Cilia, his faithfull and assured Friend and Vncle, killed almost in his presence, so ••uningly that he not only seemed not to be grieved with his death, but also to think that he was lawfully killed, be∣cause hee presumed to come Armed into the Court where all others were unarmed? The Bohemians seeing how lovingly hee entertained Ladislaus Humiades the Author of this Murther, how kindly he used his Mother, how wisely hee suffered Ladislaus and his Brother Matthias to bring him into Beuda, and how resolutely when he had him where hee was stronger then hee, he commanded him to be done to death for the murther committed on his Vncles person, took it for a manifest Argument that he would prove (as ind••ed hee did) a very wise, just, and valiant Prince, si••ce in his youth he was so subtile, and so resolute, and gave them so notable an Example and President of his Justice.

Who hath read the policy which Darius king of Persia used in revenging the injury of Oretes, who was grown to be so mightie, so proud, and so well backed with friends, that hee neither could nor durst do him to death by the ordinary Course of Justice, and prayseth him not for inventing a way to induce 30 of his Gentlemen to undertake his death? And who com∣mendeth not the Mag••animitie and resolution of Bageus, who when it fell

out to his lott to be the first of the 30 that had vowed to haza••d their live; foe their king, went no less hastily then cuningly about his enterprise, and within a very short while murthered Oretes, who had bea••ded and braved his King many years?

Briefly, who readeth and alloweth not the History of David, who when a man c••me to him from Saul his Camp, and told him that he had kil••ed Saul, commanded his S••rvant to kill him presently, and said unto him, Thy blood bee upon thine ow•• head, for thine own mouth hath spoken against thee? And yet every man knoweth that Saul killed himself, and that this poor simple man thought to have had a reward of David for bringing him the first news of Sauls death.

These premiss••s therefore being duly considered, it must follow that the late king had great reason a••d just cause to command the Duke of Guise to be killed. But his friends say nay; They have caused it to be imprinted that he was one of the Peers of France; one of the greatest of that Realme, one of the best beloved Subjects of Europe, and one that was allied unto great Kings and Princes: And that therefore the King causing him to be murthered, as he was mig••t well think, and justly feare, that in doing him to death, he should highly offend his best friends, and give just occasion unto as many as suffered any loss or detriment by his death, to revenge the same.

As therefore Iulius Caesar winked at the Treason committed by Dunorix,* 1.287 and called him not into question for the same, for feare to offend his Brother Divitiacus, who was an assured and faithful Friend unto the people of Rome, and a man of great credit and Authority in his Country; even so the King should have spared the Duke of Guise, and not have used such c••ueltie to∣wards him as he did for feare to displease and discontent his dearest and best friends; and as Henry the 4 King of England deprived the Dukes of Anmarle, of Exceter and Surrey, of the Lands and possessions which Richard the second gave them, and yet spared their lives; so the king had done well if he had taken away the lands and livings, and not the life of the Duke of Guise.

Truly if h••s kingdom should have received no greater loss or dammage by the Duke of Guise his life, then the commonwealth of Rome received by Dunorix, the king should not have greatly done amiss to have suffered him to live: But since that the Duke did alwaies aspire unto the Crown, and since he desired, sought and laboured by all meanes possible to usurpe the same, the King played (as his Mother said) the right part of a King, wh•••••• as he resolved and ex••cuted his death with all convenient speed. For▪ the same Caesar which had pit••y and compassion on Dunorix, because his life could not greatly hinder or cross his d••signes and purposes, first banished, and afterwards secretly caused his near kinsman Lucius Caesar to be mur∣thered because he had both the mind and the meanes to withstand and prevent his intentions: and Henry the 4 should have had good occasion to repent him of the clemency and mercy which he shewed unto the before named Dukes, if the E••rle of Rutland had not been constrained by his own folly to reveale unto the King their Treason and Conspiracy against him, for which afterwards they were worthily executed: Pitty therefore is commendable and best beseeming the Majesty of a Prince, when as the same may be used without any danger unto his person, or his State, or his kingdom; but when as he seeth manifestly, that never a Province, never a

City, never an house of his kingdom, can or will long continue in good estate, in dutifull obedience, in naturall affection towards him, and his Crown, unles he do som••••imes use to play the King, to revenge wrongs, and to punish Treasons; hee must needs change his na••ure, make a ver••ue o•• neces••i••ie, and accommodate himself unto their manners and their me∣rits with whom he hath occasion to deale.

France n••v••r had any King that was more gentle, kinde, and curteous then that Lewis who for his Curtesie and Clemency was ••irnamed The Meek; And yet the same Lewis (as you have already heard) forgot that name, and the qualities and conditions incident thereunto, when it was in question whether he or his Nephew Bernard should rule and Reigne. For then knowing that a Prince cannot live in any good assurance of his Estate and kingdom so long as another pretendeth Right and Title thereunto; and having wrongfully been kept from the possession thereof he pluckt out his Eyes, kept him in perpetuall prison, and in th•• end caused his head to be cut from his shoulders.

Who can then blame the late K••ng of France, if he chose rather to rule, then to be ruled; to kill, then to be killed; to murder the Duke of Guise, then to endanger his whole Estate and Kingdom? The Prince that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not an Iniury that is done unto his Commonaltie, or to a private per∣son, is in danger somtimes to lose his life, or his kingdom ••as were the Romans, and Philip King of Macedania; he because he punished not A••∣tilas at the request of Pau sanias; and they, because they sent not the French men those which in the battaile betwixt them and the Citizens of Chynsie, forgeting the dutie of Ambassadors, were found in the forem••st ranke of their Enemies fighting against the French men: And is it necessary that a King shall punish or revenge a wrong done unto his Country, or unto •• pri∣vate man; and shall it not be lawfull for him to take vengeance of the wrongs and Indignities which are done unto himself? May he command a Ju••g to proceed Defacto, without taking full knowledg of the cause, and every circumstance of the Subjects cause; and shall it not be lawfull for him, to use the like power and authoritie in his owne case? The least and meanest Judg, may he not sometimes give judgment hearing no other proof but very violent presumptions; and sh••ll it not be lawfull for the King, from whom▪ he same Judg receiveth such power and authoritie, to do the like? We say and confess that The••e is manifest, when the Theif is taken in the Fact; and shall it not be lawfull for a Prince to take that Treason for noto∣rious which the Trayt••r hath Committed▪ If a man finde a stolle •• thing a∣bout a Theef, he is in danger of death; and if a man finde a Traytor armed and all things else in a readiness to performe and execute his treacherous At∣tempts shall he not be reputed a Traytor? The Law sayeth, that whatso∣ever a King doth, it seemeth to be done with great reason: If he comme••d∣eth any thing, every one is bound to beleeve that he hath good occasion to commend the same. His Actions are manifest, but his thoughts are hid∣den and secret; it is our dutie to tolerate the one, and not to murmur a∣gainst the other, nor to enquire or demand the Causes, Motives, and Rea∣sons of his Commandements; his pleasure must be unto us as a Law, and his Will hath the full force and strength of reason; and when the cause of that punishment which it pleaseth him to inflict is notorious and manifest, his Commandment, although it be done in hast, and without great ad∣visement, yet it carryeth no less force and moment then doth a sentence

that was dulie examined, wisely perused, diligently considered, and solemn∣ly pronounced.

Why then shall the death of the Duke of Guise be thought unlawfull, since the King commanded the same, not for hatred to the Duke, but for securitie of himself, for love of the weal publique; not without 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Justice, but according to Law and Equitie, (because a Princes pleasure is held for Law) not without example▪ but with approbation and imitation of many, who having had the like occasion have used the like punishment; briefly, not to revenge his particular quarrels and Jnjuryes, but to preserve his Right and his Crowne, upon which the wealth, the life, and the well∣fare of all his good and loyall Subj••cts do depend.

He was Allied unto many great Princes which are displeased with his death, and will not leave it unrevenged; But if these Princes were the Kings friends before the Dukes death, they will not take the same in evill part; and if they were his Enemies, he needs not to care for them, or to feare their displeasure more then the universal ruine and destruction of his Subjects. He was one of the Peers of France: But honor may not be a Priviledg un••o any man to embolde•• him to offend the Laws; but the more honor a Sub∣ject receiveth from his King, the more he is bound to love and f••are him.

But grant that the King did evill in causing him to be murther••d; shall the Subjects be grieved therewith? shall they seek Revenge thereof? shall they bear Arms therefore against their Prince and their Country? May the son arme himself to kill and murther his Mother? And is he not held for an ungracious and wicked child which will be revenged of his Father al∣though he have done him great wro••g? And is not a King the Father of his Subjects? and is not every Country the Mother of the naturall Inha∣bitants thereof? Or may they war against their Prince wihout seeking the lamentable overthrow, Ruine and destruction of their Country? Are all alterations dangerous in every well governed State, and can that alteration be without danger which transferreth the Crowne from the right heire unto an Usurper, from the lawfull King to an ambitious Subj••ct?

But it is onely said, and no way proved, that the Duke of Guise had any such int••n••ion as to deprive his Sovereigne, and to crown himself; it may be suspected, but it is not notorious. This must appeare more manifestly then it doth, or else all that is said will be to no purpose.

To manifest this therefore I will briefly examine that which hath been already said, and by his own Acts and Demands convince and prove his intention. It is said that the foot shall not presume to rule the head, no more should a Subject take upon him to controll the King, or to pre∣scribe unto him what hee shall do: And yet the Duke of Guise, not once, but many times rebuketh his Kings proceedings against she Protestants, blameth him of Negligence, and telleth him more boldly, then wisely, that hee must not spare them but subvert them. And what was that but to spoile his kingdom? The Counsellor is commended which rather re∣fuseth as Office and charge with modesty, that is laid upon him, then affecteth the same before he be thought worthy thereof; and yet the Duke of Guise staieth not untill he was moved by the King, but n••med himself for his Lieutenant: And what was that but to appoint the Kings Officers? Wee read of Saul, that it grieved him greatly when it was said that David had killed Twenty thousand Enemies, and Saul but ten Thou∣sand;

and yet the Duke of Guise, after that he had overthrown the Ger∣mans, is termed an other Gideon, and he termeth his King a loiterer; and what was that but to disgrace his Soveraign? It is commonly said, that where there is no offence committed, there needeth no pardon; and yet the Duke of Guise would seem not to have offended, although hee desireth to have all that was said or done to bee pardoned, and buried in Oblivion: And what was that bu•• to betra•• a guilry conscience, and an unwilling minde to acknowledge and confess his offence? The Subject that armeth multitudes without his kings commandment, when there is no fear of a For∣reign Enemy, or any other in arms within a Realm, giveth many presump∣tions and arguments of a Rebellious minde; And yet the Duke of Guise doth not onely arm Multitudes, but also prote••teth, that he and they will lay down his and their arms until the king yeeldeth unto his demands; and what was that but to threaten and menace his king? The Count of St. Paul, High Constable of France, was held a Traytor by Lewis the eleventh, and so ex∣ecuted, because he betrayed his counsel▪ and kept certain Holds and Towns of strength from the king; and yet the Duke of Guise must be no Traytor, who revealed the kings secrets, and withheld many Towns and Cities from him, and drave him out of the principal City of his Realm. Francis the first proclaimed the Duke of Bourbon to be a Rebel and a Traytor because he fled to Charles the fifth, and bore arms in his quarrel against him; and yet the Duke of Guise is no Traytor who favoureth the Spanish king more then his own Prince, and bringeth Spaniards into France to murther and massacre the kings loving Subjects.

He saw that his conspiracies and secrets were discovered by the Duke of Espernon, and therefore he must be banished the Court; He saw that the king of Spain prevailed not against England, because he had no Towns in France, to harbour his wearied and Sea-beaten Souldiers; and therefore at his next coming he must have Normandy at his devotion; for that was his pur∣pose when he demanded that Normandy should be given to the holy League. What meant he when he required that his brother should be made great Master of the Kings Pallace, and the Cardinal of Lorrain Governour of all France? Why demanded he no office for himself? Forsoo••h, because it was not yet time for him to say he must be king. France could not brook two kings. The late king must be first deposed; and was it not his mean∣ing to procure him to be depo••ed and deprived of his Crown at the Parlia∣ment which he required to be presently called and assembled? That was the matter of great wait, the cause of such consequence whereof they must consult; an to bring the matter to pass there must be two great Armies in readiness (the one in Picardy, and the other in Dolphine) to bridle those who were most likely to withstand h••s Coronation, and not to admit and re∣ceive him for their king. The Hugonets also must be all subverted. They were the Orato••s that preserved Athens; they were the Ge••se that saved the Roman Capitol; they therefore must be taken away, or else he must fail of his purpose. That Nation whose king hath the honour to be called the most Ch••istian king, may not brook an Heretick for their king; and therefore the king of Navarr must be taken away, he must not live any longer; the Prince of Conde next heir to the Crown after him, was already dispatched by poyson, and his young infant was not fit to rule.

But if the king of Navarr's death might have contented him, if his over∣throw might have set France at Liberty, and utterly have subverted the

Protestants, why was not this king of Navarr's offer accepted? Why re∣fused he the combat, whereunto he was challenged? Such a Champion as the Duke was, should not have refused such a challenge; such a Gideon, that flew so many Germans, should not have been afraid to encounter with one Man, especially with such a man as forgat the name and state of a King to fight with a Rebel, as debased himself to contend with a Traitor, as if he won the battle, could not but lose some of his honour, because he had encountered with an infamous person, and if he lost the field, lost both his life and Scepter. Such a Father and Protector of his Country should not have denied to hazard his life in such a quarrel as might have saved the lives of many of his best friends, who have been killed since the time of that challenge. But he thought it best to sleep in a whole skin, and he knew how to be king without such a hazard: he had preferred many, and there∣fore they would and should prefer him.

But of him enough. And from him to the rest wherewith the late king was more vainly then truly charged. It followeth in the Accusation, that he prodigally wasted the Revenues of the Crown, and gave himself to all kinde of vice and wickedness.

This wastfull spending of the Revenues of the Crown, is a fault that ex∣ceedeth all other faults; a fault that offendeth a kings Subjects much more then any other vice, because when Princes Treasures are wasted, they flie to their subjects Coffers, and empty their Chests to fill their own Exche∣quers. Subjects therefore for their ease require that their king should be a good husband. It was a commendation that Tully gave to king Demetri••s; It is a quality that is required in a good Steward; it is a property by so much more requisite in a Prince, by how much his charge is greater then other mens; but a though they desire that their Prince should be thrifty, yet they would not have them covetous; and as they can be contented that they should be liberal, so they like not that they shall be prodigal: Thrift maketh them able to live with their own, Covetousness enforceth them to prey upon their Subjects. Liberality procureth them the good will and love of all men, and Prodigality bringeth them to Poverty, and Poverty teach∣eth them to invent and practice extraordinary wayes to supply their ordi∣nary wants.

But I must not stand upon such a king as Subjects desire to have: I ha∣sten to the Accusation, and in handling thereof I mean not to free the king from all blame, but to lay the greatest blame upon them who are most to blame.

True it is, that the Revenues of France are now far greater then ever they were, and that they have received their great increase of late years; yea, that the ancient kings never did nor could impose such subsidies and charges upon their Subjects as have been lately levied in France. For Charles the seventh was the first king that got and begun this point of imposing charges upon his Subjects at his own pleasure, and without the consent of the States of his Realm; and yet this Charles never levied more of his Subjects then eight hundred thousand Franks by the year, a smal sum in regard of that which is now levied.

After him succeeded Lewis the eleventh his son, who raised the Revenues from ten hundred thousand, to forty and seven thousand, and yet he layed up nothing at the years end into his Treasure-house; For he builded more Houses, and fortified more Cities then all his Predecessors did before him;

It is written of Charles the eighth that he purposed to have reduced his sub∣sidies unto twelve thousand Franks, and to have the same sum by way of Ben••volence from his Subj••cts, or for the d••fence of his Realm, meaning to defray his ordinary charges which the Revenues of his Demesnes, which to∣gether with all Customs and Impositions came to a Million of Francks. But sa••th my Author Philip de comines, the people pay now but two Millions and one half, a great increase in so small a time; and yet no increase in re∣spect of that which followeth For you have heard out of Mr. de la Nove, that Henry the second, the la••e kings father, levied by ordinary means on his Subjects fifteen millions o•• Franck•• by the year, which are five millions of Crowns: And another of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time testifieth, that the Revenues of the late French King came unto ten or eleven millions of Crowns.

The Book called The Treasure of Treasures of France, setteth down at large how the Revenues are gathered,* 1.288 how they increased▪ and how they have been, and are either Prodigally or unthriftily, superfluo••sly, or extra∣ordinarily wasted. The same Book testifieth, that divers complaints have bin exhibited unto the king against the wastfull spenders of his Treasures, and that his Majesty was often••imes minded to take some present order for the redress of those abuses. But▪ when he began to think thereon, and pur∣posed to call into question those which were noted to have wasted his Trea∣sure, he was presently drawn from that intention by suddain wars, procured (as it was thought) by those who were guilty of mispending of his Revenues, to the end that he might not have leisure to examine their abuses.

It was shewed unto his Majesty, that in thirty one years after his Grand∣father Francis the first his death, the receipt of such money as came in those years unto the Treasure amounted unto more then 400 millions of Crowns, and the expences came but to 260 millions. It was shewed that besides the same sums which entered into the kings Coffers in that time, the People had payed to the king use fifteen millions of millions, and 246 millions of Crowns, which i•• as much money as 423 thousand Mules are able to carry. It was shewed that the Pope in those few years had out of France better then thirty millions of Crowns. It was shewed that this infinite Treasure was not wasted by the Kings of France, but by their Officers; That there were above two hundred seventy four Families, whereof some might dispend an hundred thousand Francks by the year, others eighty thousand, some sixty thousand, others forty, thirty, twenty▪ and fifteen thousand, of which the best could not dispend above nine or ten thousand Francks, and some not above two or three hundred before they had the collection of the kings Rents and Revenues. It was shewed that there were three hundred thirty eight Trea∣surers, of which some were worth ten thousand, others twenty thousand, some thirty thousand, some forty thousand, others sixty and eighty thou∣sand Crowns. It was shewed that some began but with three hundred Francks a year, whose yearly Revenues came now to sixty thousand, or eighty thousand Francks, and they were worth b••sides thirty, forty, fifty, sixty, and eighty thousand Crowns in ready Money, Pla••e, and Jewels. Lastly, it was shewed, that whereas the k••ng might well have had two hundred millions of Crowns in the Treasury, he was indebted above thirty millions. And that there might be found six and thirty Ladies in France, whose heirs, rather then they would be called to an accompt, would willingly pay the twentieth part of the debts of the Crown; and the above mentioned Of∣ficers might think that they escaped very well if they might be freed from all danger by paying the Residue.

Now considering that the house of Guise,* 1.289 or such as depend upon them, ruled not onely the Realm, but also managed the Treasure of France of late years, during the minority of their Kings, considering that the late King would and could not redress the abuses of such Officers as received, and were countable for his Revenues; considering that he was charged with greater burthens then his Predecessors, as the maintenance of his Brother, the Dower of his Mother, and of the late Queen of Scots, the marriage of his Sisters, and other debts in which he was left by his Predecessors, considering that his Revenues were increased before his time, or by such as ruled more then he in his time, and that Princes do ra∣ther augment and encrease, then diminish their yearly Rents and Demeasns; And lastly, considering that of Thirty three Chambers of Account which are in France, not above six of them were for the King towards his end, and those of the poorest, and such as scant yeelded him Three hundred thou∣sand Crowns, his Receits being, as it hath been said, almost eleven Milli∣ons; no man may justly accuse him of consuming the wealth of his Crown and Kingdom.

It is likewise to be noted, that Wars are much more chargeable then they have been, and that he seldom lived out of Wars; not through his own folly, but by their fault who can blame him most; And it cannot be denied but that he gave away much unto his Favourites, and to his Minions; and yet his Gifts were nothing comparable to the excessive liberality of his later Pred••cessors. For it is written that Lewis the 11. gave to his physitian in five months Fifty four thonsand Crowns, besides the Bishoprick of Amiens for his Nephew, and divers Offices and Lands for himself and his friends. Bodin in his Book De Republica reporteth, that Charls the Ninth King of France his Brother, gave away in the year 1572. Two millons and seven hundred thousand Francks, and the next year two millions and forty four thousand Francks, and in the last year of his reign One million five hundred and two thousand Francks, besides certain years Pentions, which amounted unto One hundred thousaud Francks.

But grant that he gave much more then he did; Is it not lawful for a Prince to reward his Servants? Is it not in his liberty to cast his especial fa∣vour upon whom it pleaseth him? And is there any thing that sheweth a Kings greatness, procureth him faithful Friends, and eternizeth his Name, more then his bounty and liberality? I know that Nero was reprehended, because that in Fifteen years he gave away above Fifty five millions. I con∣fess that Caligula is blamed for that he spent in one year Sixty seven milli∣ons. And I acknowledge that Dion reporteth it for no praise and commen∣dation unto Claudius that he wasted in three years five Miriades of Miriades and Seventh usand seven hundred and eight drams, or as some report, One thousand seven hundred and eight miriades. I allow no such prodigality, and yet I think it not lawful for Subjects to rebel against their Princes if they be over-prodigal; I know that there be other ways to be used to restrain their excessive liberality.

I read that the Parliament House, in the tenth year of Richard the Se∣cond of England, considering that through the covetousness of the Offi∣cers by them displaced, the Kings Treasure had been imbezelled and lewd∣ly spent, chose Thirteen Lords to have the oversight (under the King) of the whole Government of the Realm. And I finde that divers Subjects have revolted from their obedience to their Princes, because they having

wasted their Revenues, they over-charged them with Subsidies and Impositions. But I see that their rebellion wrought their own confusion.

Now from the late Kings Prodigality, briefly in a few words to his other vices; he is noted to have been somewhat more given to Venery then it be∣came a married Prince, but I find not that his wantonness was outragious; and sure I am, that he never had so many Concubines as Solomon; nor caused any man to be killed that he might enjoy his Wife, as David did to Urias; nor made away with his own Wife to have another, as it is said the Spanish King did: And yet Solomon was the wisest Prince that ever lived; and no King ever pleased God more then David did; And the Leaguers held King Philip to be the mirror of the Kings in our age. Neither did the late King of France delight so greatly in the company of wanton wo∣men, but that he could and would have used the same with much more mo∣deration then he did, had not the Queen-Mother, the Duke of Guise, and others who ruled all things under him, nourished that humour in him, to the end that he following of his delights, they might the more freely govern the whole Kingdom at their own will and pleasure; a policy borrowed of Cardinal Wolsey. This Wolsey being Henry the Eighth his Chaplain, and brought into credit and favour by the Bishop of Winchester, made his House a Paradise of all kind of pleasure, and oftentimes invited the King thither, and so fed him with vain delights, that his Majesty during the greatest time of his younger years, committed the Government of the whole Kingdom into his hands.

It is written of Lewis King of Bohemia, that if he had had a good Go∣vernor in his youth, who would not onely have had a care of his health, but also have given him good instructions, he would undoubtedly have made a notable Prince; for he had a very good Wit, and a natural dispo∣sition to Vertue and Goodness: But the Marquess of Brandenburg, who by his Father was left to be the Teacher and Informer of his Youth and Man∣ners being a very good Prince, but more delighting in Banquets, Dancings, and other such Sports and Pastimes, then in serious and grave studies be∣fitting a Prince, brought the King up in those Vanities, wherein he took such pleasure and delight, that he cared not how little he medled with mat∣ters of State. Good Education is a great Jewel for all men, but especially for Princes, because that such doctrine and disposition as Children and Young-men receive in their youth, such they retain in their elder years. * 1.290 And the Prince is not so much to blame who is given unto vanities in his riper years, as they are to be reprehended who trained him up in vain De∣lights in the days of his indiscretion.

The blame therefore of Henry the Third his wantonness, must light up∣on them who were the Authors of his folly, and abused those good Gifts and Graces which the Almighty had bestowed upon him, which were Va∣lour, Wisdom, Eloquence, and the use of divers Languages, Qualities not so common as commendable in a Prince: His Valour is proved by the siege of Rechel, where (as it is written by Historiographers of good cre∣dit) it was impossible for a Prince (for such was he at that time) to shew himself more truly valiant then he did; and the commendation which Sir Henry Cobham (a discreet and wise Gentleman, and of great Judgement and Experience) when he was Ambassador for her Majesty in France gave him, upon occasion of talk at his Table (coming from such and so able a

man as was) may serve for a sufficient proof of the rest of his good qua∣lities: For I well remember that the said Sir Henry, talking with his Ne∣phew Mr. Maximilian Cobham (who was then lately come out of Eng∣land into France) of the late King said, that he had been imploied as Am∣bassador for her Majesty unto the Emperor, the King of Spain, and divers other Princes, but among them all, he never heard any forein Prince that delivered his mind more eloquently, readily, and wisely then the said King; and that as often as he had Audience of him, he would sometimes speak in French, and sometimes in Italian; and although he Answered him fully to every point whereof they conferred, before he departed from him, yet (like a wise and discreet Prince) he would always require him not to take it for his full and resolute Answer, untill he had talked with his Council; and at their next meeting, his later Answer seldom or never varied from the former; a manifest Argument of his great Wisdom, who was able to answer an Ambassador upon the sudden, and that not at one Con∣ference onely, bnt upon as many and as great occasions as he the said Sir Henry had to confer with his Majesty, in the space of three or four years, so well and so wisely, that his greatest and gravest Councellors could not upon deliberation amend his sudden and extemporal Answers.

This commendation given him by Sir Henry Cobham is confirmed by the Siegneur Darrennes,* 1.291 one of the Ambassadors sent from the Prince of Con∣dey unto his Majesty in the year 1575. to negotiate a general peace betwixt the King and his discontented Subjects, as well Papists as Protestants. This Ambassador in the preamble of his Speech to the King used these words.

We thank God that it hath pleased him so highly to favour us, as to send us a King that both will and can hear himself the wants and com∣plaints of his Subjects, and order and redress the same according to his good pleasure, and the laudable course of Justice: For if our Writers have imployed their Labours in writing to blame and reprehend those Kings which hear not but by the Ears of others, which see not but by the Eyes of others, and speak not but by the Mouthes of others; We have most great occasion to think our selves very happy and blessed, unto whom God hath sent a King so gentle, and so loving unto his Subjects, as that he will hear all our causes and controversies himself; and a King of so rare and excellent Wisdom, as that he is able to decide and determine our Contentions.

This commendation given him by Seigneur Darennes far exceedeth Sir Henry Cobhams, because he was the Ambassador of a Prince that was in League with the late King, and the Siegneur Darennes of a Prince that not long before had born arms against this King; And Sir Henry might speak for favour, but the other spake as he thought; because it appeareth by the rest of the speeches which he used in the same negotiation, that he neither would or could dissemble: And because this praise and commendation was given by an Enemy rather then by a friend, it cannot but be void of all par∣tiality, assertion, or flattery.

Thus you have heard the French Kings Vertues and his Imperfections; the Leaguers folly, and the Spanish Kings indiscretion.

Now it resteth to declare unto you his further error, which although it be the last, yet it is not the least; and I fear me I shall have occasion to enlarge my self more of it then I did of the other three.

It is not unknown unto all or most part of the World, that the King of Spain too much crediting the light and false reports of certain English Fugitives, did once attempt, and doth still intend to invade and sub∣due England. This attempt and this intention, although it seemeth to be grounded upon good reasons, and to be allowed by the wisest Coun∣cellors; yet I will shew that it was neither begun with wisdom, nor is con∣tinued with any great discretion.

To shew this, it shall be needful to examine all and every of the causes which moved him to undertake this attempt and purpose. The causes are many, and some of them are already sufficiently declared; others rest, first to be discovered, and then then to be confuted: It hath already been shewed, that for succouring of France, for aiding of Flanders, for inter∣cepting his money, and for favouring and furthering of Don Antonio his resolution to recover the Kingdom of Portugal, the Spanish King had no just occasion to be offended with the Queens Majesty. It remaineth to prove that the Popes Excommunication, That the false and sinister re∣ports of the English Fugitives, the death of the late Queen of Scots, OF the sending away of his Ambassador with some small disgrace out of Eng∣land, giveth him no just occasion to trouble her Majesties quiet and peace∣able Government.

All this being proved, his indiscretion shall be made appear by three principal Reasons. The first, because he took no good course for the ac∣complishment of his enterprise. The second, Because that although his course had been good, yet he neither was, nor is able to subdue England. And the third, Because albeit he should chance to conquer our Realm, yet he could not hold the same long.

The order whereunto I have tied my self, requireth that I begin with the Popes Excommunication. And for the better clearing of this point, it were necessary to shew what Authority he hath to excommunicate. But this is a matter that requireth a whole and large Volume; and there∣fore I have thought good not to medle therewith, but to refer you for your better instruction unto the large Apology which Marsilius Patu∣rius wrote above 266 years ago in the defence of the Emperor Lewis of Baviera against the Pope, that would not admit or allow him for Em∣peror: There you shall see that the Pope, although he were Christs law∣full and indubitate Vicar, (a point which never was nor will be proved) yet he hath no more Authority then Christ himself had. There you shall read,* 1.292 that Christ came not into the world to Rule, that he took not upon him to Command Princes, but that both he himself obeyed, and taught his Apostles to obey Princes. There you shall understand that Saint Paul the Apostle, Saint Peter, and other of Christs Disciples obeyed the Ci∣vil Magistrate, and submitted themselves unto Temporal Government. There briefly, you shall learn that not Clergy man ought to meddle with Temporal matters; And that the Pope hath no more Authority to par∣don sins, or excommunicate any man, then other Inferior Priests and Mi∣nisters have.

All this being true, as in that Apology you shall finde it learnedly, substantially and sufficiently proved, not by humane Reasons, which may be erroneous, but by sacred Scriptures, which cannot be con∣trolled; your own discretion may sufficiently warrant you, that this Excommunication can be of no great force; And yet because many

of our Countrimen attribute too much unto the Popes Authority, and cannot be perswaded but that he came unto the same directly, and holdeth it immediately from Christ. I will shew you as briefly as I can, how the Pope of Rome attained unto that great Authority which he now en∣joyeth.

It appeareth by Du Haillan in the French Chronicle, that in the time of Charles the Great, the Popes of Rome had no power or authority in Rome it self; they medled but onely with matters of Religion, with Ecclesiastical Discipline, and with points of Divinity. It appeareth also by Platina, Dr. Illescas, and Robert Barnes, three notable Writers of the Popes lives; the first being an Italian, the second a Spaniard, and the third an English∣man, that many years after Christs passion, and after St. Peters death, they were cruelly massacred and martyred by the Emperors of Rome. It is also notorious and apparent, by the testimony the same Writers, and of many more, that they were wont to be chosen, approved, and confirmed by the Roman Emperors, insomuch that he was not held for a lawful Pope which had not the Emperors approbation; Briefly you shall find in the Histories and Chronicles of France, that three Popes being chosen at one time, they came into France (the Kings whereof were then also Emperors) to excuse themselves and their election, because it was made without the consent or privity of the Emperor, and to stand to his opinion that then was Em∣peror, which of the three should be Pope; but now there is a great alte∣ration, and a marvellous change. For the Servant commandeth the Master, the Subject his Sovereign, the Inferior his Superior, the Vassal his Lord, and the elegible the Elector; Whereat so many marvel, that it was never more necessary or expedient then it is now, to declare how this came to pass; you shall therefore understand that there was a time when as the Emperor had power and preheminence over all the Princes of Christendom, as well spirituall as temporal; and as long as this power and prerogative continued, so long the name of the Emperor was honored of all men, his Empire was large and ample, his Dominions great and excessive, and his credit and authority was marvellous and incredible.

About, or not long after this time, not God, but the Devil raised up a man,* 1.293 who seeking the preferment of this world, and the advancement of his See, endeavoured by all means possible to attain his purpose. What doth he? What course taketh he? What means useth he? What habit putshe on? He thinketh it not good to use any violence; his Forces are too weak, his Treasury too smal, his Arms are not great, and he wanteth a Lyons skin, he therefore playeth the Fox; accommodateth himself unto the humors of Princes, counterfeiteth an extraordinary kind of Holiness, and more then a common and usual kind of Zeal, Sancti••y and Devotion, and entreateth the Emperor to make him Head of all the Churches of the World; because as Rome was his Seat that commandeth the World in Se∣cular causes; so the Bishop that had his Sea at Rome, was worthy to govern and rule all other Bishops in spiritual Affairs.

The Emperor that then was, had killed his Predecessor, had usurped his Empire, and had need of one to tolerate and excuse his murder, and to countenance and allow his Usurpation; and therefore taking the Pope to be the fittest man that then lived to further his purpose, yeeldeth to his de∣mand; But the other Bishops, which before that time never acknowledg∣ed any Superiour, refused to receive and acknowledge him for their Head,

who was wont to be their Equal and Companion. The Bishops contra∣diction could not make him give over his Suit; he praieth, entreateth, beseech∣eth, and never leaveth to be importunate untill Phocas the Emperor grant∣eth his Request. He might have contented himself with this, Grant, with this favour; But as covetous men, the more they have, the more they de∣sire; so this ambitious and proud Prelate studieth presently how to get new Dignities, how to purchase new Honors; wherein he findeth not only For∣tune, but the time favourable and friendly unto him. For whenas the Em∣pire began to decay, having lost France, England, and Germany, the Huns conquered Italy, the Vandals became Lords of the greatest part of Africa, and the dissolution and loss of the Empire began to be so great, that the Emperors were fain to give over all the West Countries, and to sea•• themselves in the East.

It happened not long after, that there fell out a great contention be∣twixt the Pope and the Emperor touching Images; the one commanded them to be pulled down, and the other to be raised up, and he excommu∣nicated the Emperor for withstanding his commandment.

And about this time, or not very long after, the Lumbards began to make great Wars in Italy, whose Forces the Pope (who was then very weak) not being able to resist, was forced to flie for Aid to the King of France, by whom being defended from the force and violence of his Enemies; were it to be revenged of the Emperor of the East, or to recompence the good turn and pleasure which the Frenchmen had done him in debasing the pride of the Lumbards, or to make the way to encrease his own power and magnificence more ready and easie, considering the weakness of the Eastern Emperor, whose power began daily to decrease and diminish, through the continual and cruel Wars which were between him and the Turk, he presumed to declare the King of France, which was then Charls the Great, for rightful Emperor. And so he, which at the beginning was poor aud needy, feared not to deprive him of the Emperial Diadem, unto whom God commanded all humane creatures should be obedient, and to chuse the Roman Emperor, whose election belonged in former times to the people or the Soldiers of Rome.

But what were the fruits, what the effects of this choyce? Forsooth, a division of the Empire, the which of one was made two; a dangerous con∣tention, and long Wars, the beginning and end whereof was most lamen∣table; For the Empire having continued a long time in the Race of Charls the Great, the Princes and Pe••rs of Italy began to grieve and grudg thereat; Insomuch, that entring into League and Confederacy together, they chose Berengarius Emperor, and aided and animated him to make Wars against the lawful Emperor who was then Lewis the Third. This Lewis being hated of his own Subjects for his great Pride and Tyranny, Othon Duke of Saxony went into Italy with a great Army, and there sub∣dued Berengarius, and received of the Pope the Emperial Crown for his guerdon and recompence, Lewis the right and lawful Emperor being then alive: The Pope that then was being Gregory the Fifth, and this Othon, whom he had made Emperor, were both Germans, and naturally hated all French men; And therefore began to devise with themselves, how they might take away all possibility for ever from the French-men to reco∣ver the Empire.

The Pope shewing himself herein wiser then the Emperor, inventeth

these means. He thought it convenient for the better countenance of the Emperor, that he should be assisted and alwayes accompanied with certain grave and wise Personages, as well for learning as for honour: and there∣fore he ordained that seven Princes of Germany should have full power and authority to chuse the Emperor, whereunto the Emperor consented most wil∣lingly, as well in regard of the hatred which he bore unto France, as for that there were like to rise quarrels and debates betwixt the Germans them∣selves touching the Election.

What doth the Pope when he hath gained this high point? Seeketh he not for something more? Thought he that it was sufficient honour for his Pontifical Seat, that three of the seven Electors of the Emperor were Bi∣shops, and all of them sworn to be obedient unto him in all things? Ap∣proved he alwayes their Election? Beareth he any respect or honour unto them that were chosen by the same Elector? He meaneth no such thing: For he setteth them at naught, seeketh to discredit them, and is not ashamed to command them to swear that they shall alwayes defend, keep and main∣tain the goods of the Church, and the Popes, and also their Dignities, their Priviledges, their Laws, and their Decrees; by vertue of which Oath he re∣straineth their Wills, abridgeth their Power, and enforceth them to be at his devotion.

True it is, that the Emperors Frederick the third and second, and Henry the fourth, not vouchsafing to brook their Bravadoes, their Threats, and their Outrages, opposed themselves against all their audacious Enterprises; but they care not for the first, set as little by the second, contemned the third, and excommunicated them all.

They rest not satisfied with these honours; they proceed further, and desire more; commanding that no secular Prince shall take upon him to give any Spiritual Living, any Ecclesiastical Dignity; they excommunicate as well those that give such Livings, as those which receive them at their hands; having obtained this advantage, they covet still more; and think it not suffi∣cient to be Priviledged themselves, but all the Clergy must participate and taste of their honours. All Priests and Ecclesiastical persons must be exempt from all charges, subsidies, and impositions; no man must be so bold as to meddle with their Rents, with their Revenues; The Bishops and all the Clergy are bound to them for their Liberality: In requital therefore of these great Priviledges and Immunities, it behooveth them to purchase and get the favour, and good liking of all secular Princes; of some, to get as much by them as they can possibly; of others, to have their help against their enemies, and against those that will not yeeld and condiscend to all their demands and desires. They deal herein so cun∣ningly that they finde some so ready, willing, and desirous to help and suc∣cour them, that they vouchsafe to imploy their Goods, their Subjects, yea, their own lives to do them service.

All Histories are full of Wars, of Battels, of Victories, begun, fought and obtained at the instance, at the request, and in the behalf of the Popes. I shall not need to name the Princes, to record the Battels, or to mention the victories. Our Histories, and the Histories of all other Nations re∣member them sufficiently. Our forefathers declared them unto their Poste∣rity, and we may have heard of them of our Fathers, of our Grand∣fathers.

But to give the more credit unto my speech, and occasion unto the incre∣dulous

to beleeve me the better, I will briefly discover unto you the means; the cunning, and the subtilty which they have used to attain unto their greatness, and height, and to the continuance and perpetuity of their Rule and Government.

There is nothing more profitable or expedient for him that will advance himself in credit, reputation and authority, then to know the deliberations and purposes of his Enemies: And because it is very difficult and hard to at∣tain unto this knowledge, he deserveth gret praise & commendation, that can behave himself so cunningly, so politickly, as to learn all his secret adversaries intents, and practices; and it is not only necessary to understand his determi∣nations, but also it is convenient and fitting sometimes to foresee and pre∣vent them; yea, it is needfull to be acquainted with his Actions, and not onely with those which he intendeth to do presently, and at home, but also with them which he purposeth to do hereafter, and far from home; for by understanding and knowing these things, a man may quickly either get all that he desireth, or else so temporize and prolong matters until the time fall out fit and favourable for his purpose.

All Princes therefore, to have a certain and sure knowledge of these things, are accustomed to have their Ambassadors in the Courts of their Friends and Confederates, who do not onely send them certain news of the intents and purposes of their Friends, but also whatsoever else is done or said in their Courts or in their Councils. But the Pope as he challengeth unto himself a Preheminence above all other Princes, so he far excelleth them all in this kinde of providence.

For besides that he hath his Ambassadors in the Courts of divers Princes, he hath also his Espies, his Favorites and his sworn men. There are many Bishops, Abbots, Priors, and Cardinals which are Councellors unto Kings, al∣though they have sworn to do nothing in prejudice of the Holy Church, to condiscend unto nothing that shall weaken or diminish the Popes authority; to learn, espy, understand, prove, attempt, foresee, and practice all things that may any wayes befit or advance his Pontifical Dignity.

Moreover, to make his way more ready and easie for his Ambassadors to understand all that may stand him in steed, he purchaseth the favour and good opinion of Princes Favourites, and such as are neerest about them, by rewards, promises, bribes, and corruptions: Unto some he giveth a Cardi∣nalship, unto others his daughters or kinswomen in marriage; and not to leave the Princes themselves uncorrupted, he sufferth them sometimes to take the tenths of their Kingdoms, to make their profit of his Croicadoes; and to pro∣cure them to be the more ready to do him pleasure, he feedeth them with fair words, with sweet and sugered speeches, he adorneth them with new titles, with new honours and dignities, that are more gorgeous in shew then in deed; calling some of them Catholick Kings, others most Chri∣stian Kings, some Protectors of the Sea of Rome, and others Defenders of the Faith: and when he hath occasion to change or innovate any thing, then he helpeth himself with a specious shew of a zeal of Religion, with the report and remembrance of that authority which he challengeth to have received from God, and with a vain flourish of that honour and reverence, which some Prin∣ces being more zealous and devout then wise, have shewed unto him, endea∣vouring to perswade others by their examples to do the like. But if it chance, either by the iniquity of time, or by their incredulity whom he seeketh to make his Friends, that they will not give ear unto his perswasions, he hath

presently recourse unto the decrees and constitutions of his Predecessors, he wresteth the Text of the holy Scripture to serve his purpose, and forgetteth nothing that hath been either done or devised, and decreed for his advantage. He putteth them therefore in mind, that Boniface the eighth made a Decree, That as many as would be saved, and have a part in the Kingdom of Heaven, must of necessity be obedient in all cases and in all places unto the Pope: Wherein he doth not onely resemble, but make himself equal to, and better then his Master Christ, because he, while he was upon the earth, did not onely shew obedience, but also taught his Apostles (as I have formerly said) to be obedient unto Inferior Magistrates, and such as were in Authority; And the Pope will be both honoured and obeyed of the greatest Princes and Monarchs of the World; Yea, if all the Princes of Europe, if the sacred and general Councils of all the Nations of the World should make a Law or Ordinance, the same shall be of no force, strength, or validity, if he do not approve, ratifie, and confirm the same; and if any Prince being more bold then the rest, presumeth to say there have been many bad and evil Popes, it shall be answered him presently that he ought not therefore to contemn or reject their pontifical Authority, and that no man upon earth may be so bold as to examine or reprehend, or censure the Popes actions.

I have acquainted you with many Devices, great Subtilties, and fine policies, but the finest deceits are yet behind; For is it possible to have a better means to overthrow and ruinate a Princes Enemies, then to make them perish without laying hands upon them, without effusion of blood, without spending of money, without imploying his own Force and Authority? There is no Victory but is honourable, and yet of all Victories that is most commendable which is purchased with least ef∣fusion of blood or spending of money. The Pope therefore aiding him∣self with this kinde of policy, whenas some Prince or other being mighti∣er then he, will not bow under his yoak, against whom he dareth not make open Wars, he seeketh by all means possible to bring him in∣to hatred with some other Prince; he slandereth him, spreadeth evil rumors and reports of him, taketh away his good name, scandalizeth his person, and imploreth the Aid and Assistance of all Christian Princes against him; he giveth his Kingdom to him that can or will invade the same, he declareth him to be an Hereticke, he depriveth him of his Scepter, he taketh all his Titles from him, he commandeth his Sub∣jects not to obey him, he suborneth his own Children to rise up in Arms against him, he procureth his Subjects to seek his overthrow, he causeth another to be crowned in his place, and he excommunicateth both him and his Kingdom.

And if neither the Forces of his Enemies, nor the rebellion of his Subjects, the confederacy of many Princes against him, nor the pollicies whereof we have spoken be able to supplant and suppress him, then he procureth some one or other to kill him, or to deliver him by some Treason into the hands of his Enemies.

Truly these are strange policies, cruel devices, and such kind of revenge as a man shall hardly find to have been practised by secular Princes; and therefore that my words may carry the more credit, since they tend to the discredit of the holy Father of Rome, I will prove by the Testimony of authentical Histories all that I have said.

Boniface the eighth, sollicited the King of England to w••rr against Philip the faire King of France; And Pope Benedict, who cared not wh••t it cost King Philip, so that his Popedome might bee honoured by the Holy Warrs, which the said King had promised to make against the Turk, defamed him through all the world, calling him disloyall, false and forsworn Prince. Pope Hildibr and sowed great dissentions and immortal warres betwixt the Prin∣ces of Germany and the Emperor Henry the 4. and commanded the Electors to chuse another Emperor in his place; and when that would not prevaile, he suborned the Son to beare armes against the Father, and to deprive him of the Empire. Alexander the third procured the Millanois and other Cities of Italy to rebell against Frederick the Emperor; and Alexander the sixt took the name and Title of most Christian King from Charles the eighth of France, and gave it unto the King of Castile. It is written that Innocent the fourth held a Councell at Lions in France, and with the helpe of the Frenchmen thrust Fredericke the second from the Empire, and caused Henry Landsgrave of Thuring to bee chosen in his place. And we find in diverse true Histories, that Pope Pascall, Gregory the 7. Victor the 3. and Vrban the 2. had great variance and contention with the Emperor Conrad and Henry his son for the Collations and Installations of Bishops; And when they could not otherwise hu••t them, they excommunicated both the Father and the Son.

But I have to tell you a more strange History, a more wicked Action, and such a one as beseemed not a Christian, much less the Pope, who calleth himself the Father of all Christians; And that is an History of Alexander the 3. who was so furious, indiscreet, and frantick in prosecu∣ting the hat••ed which he bore unto the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa, that besides other malitious and wicked meanes by which he sought to have him killed, whiles the good Emperor was busied in warring against the Turk for the good and benefit of all Christendom, he sent word unto the Turk, that he should look for no peace at the Christians hands so long as the Emperor lived, and that therefore it behooved him to look for some meanes to surprise and kill him; and to the end the Emperor should not escape the Turks hands, unto whom hee was not known, hee sent him his picture, whereby the Turk found a way within a small time after, to t••ke him Prisoner. And although the Emperor feigned himself to be the Em∣perors Chamberlain, yet that could not helpe him. For the Sultan conferred him with the Picture which the Pope had sent him, and thereby knew him. And when the Emperor was sett at Liberty, not without great charges to himself, and greater detriment to the whole State of Christendom, he assembled the Princes of Germany together, and there shewed them the Pop••s letters, and likewise the Picture which he had sent to the Sultan.

There wanted no good will in Gregory the 7. that the Emperor Henry the 4. was not killed in hearing Mass, by a great Stone which hee had caused to bee ••ung so cuningly and artificially right over the place where the Emperor should heare Mass, that while he was upon his knees, and at his devotion, it should have fallen down upon his head; but it pleased God to preserve the Innocent Emperor, and to suffer the Store to fall upon the chief Workemans head whiles hee was making tryall of his skill and cun∣ning.

What shall I speak of his unsatiable desire of Revenge, who so much forgat God and the reverence which his best Predecessors bore unto the

Sacrament of the Altar, that he caused the same to be poysoned and a good Emperor to be poysoned therewith.

But what do I trouble you with Forreign examples, with old and ancient Histories, since we have some of later time, some ••igher unto us, some domesticall Testimonies which do sufficiently witness the Fury, Enmity, Hatred, Cruelty and Tyranny of Popes? Can any man desire a better proof of the Popes Avarice then the History of King Iohn? This King (as our Chronicles testifie) was somewhat too severe to his Clergy, and over-hard to the Nobility of his Realme, insomuch that bo••h rebelled a∣gainst h••m, and had their recourse for their better Ayd unto the Popes Holiness, who presently excommunicated him, and commanded all Christian Princes, and especially the King of France, to invade his Country. The French King obeyeth this commandement, and sendeth his Son Lewis with a great Army into England, where he is received with great honor, and aided by the rebellious Barons with all the helpe and power that they could make for him.

The King perceiving that he was too weak to encouunter with his own Sub∣jects, and with the Forreign supplies that were sent ••h••m, and thinking that it was best for him to seek for helpe at his hands by whom he was hurt, sent presently Ambassadors unto Rome to pacifie the Pope, by making his kingdom Tributary unto him, and by promising to hold the same of him, to take him for his Superior, and to bee obedient unto all his commandements. The good old man presently changeth his mind, pacifieth his own wrath; and of a deadly foe, becometh the Kings great friend, insomuch that he revoketh whatsoever was before decreed; excommunicateth the King of France for robbing the Patrimony of the holy Church, and commandeth the English Subjects to return presently unto the dutifull obedience which they owe unto their King.

Is there any Man so ignorant within this Realme, that hath not often∣times heard how many times the later Popes of Rome have sent not only secular Men, but Seminary Priests into England to murther our gracious Soveraign? There are some Widowes and Orphans within this Kingdom, who lament even at this day the death of their husbands, and of their Pa∣rents which have lost their lives because they would have deprived our mercifull Queen of her life at the Popes instance and instigation.

It were to be wished that poor France had not lately felt the great mise∣ries which follow after the Popes heavie indignation; It should not have lost within the space of 15 years 14 hundred thous••nd men, not Strangers but naturall French men; it should not have lost in so small a time above 142950. French Gentlemen; it should not have lost in so unhapy a time their late King, the first King that ever was murthered by his owne Subjects in France; it should not complaine that the Father had killed the son, the child h••s parent, the brother the seed of his mothers Wombe, and the kinsman the next of his owne kin; briefly, it should not be pestred and plagued with such unnatural Subjects as delight in the slaughter of their owne Country men, as comment and approve of the wicked, horrible, and most odious and detestable Murther of their owne Leige Lord and Sover∣raigne.

Now seeing that either the Approbation of murther, as in the Emperor Phocas, or the Allowance of unlawfull usurpations as in Charles the great, or the Toleration of wicked Rebellions, as in Henry the son against the

Emperor Henry the Father; or the maintenance of wrong Titles, as in King Pipin of France; or the practise of subtile and devillish devices, as in the before mentioned Popes hath caused the Advancement of Popes: It must needs follow, that they have not lawfully attained unto the Authoritie which they now challenge.

But to omit all that might here be conveniently spoken against the Suc∣cession of Popes, against their Authoritie, their Pride, their abuses, and the Iniuries offered unto all Nations that either voluntarily or forcibly have lived under their obedience:

To leave to tell you how many Catholick Princes they have excommuni∣cated as Hereticks, how many Seditions, Tumults and Wars have been raised in the world by them, and in the defence of their causes: To leave to declare unro you,* 1.294 how ••thany religious Princes and Kings have nothing e∣steemed their excommunications, & how many had good occasion to com∣mend and bless them; briefly to avoide that prolixitie which could not be avoided if I should enter into this discourse; I will onely signifie unto you, the great Wrongs, losses, and Indignities which our Realme alone hath received by receiving the Pope and his Authoritie; for, of a brief declaration hereof will follow this great benefit, that when it shall appeare (as it may appeare unto as many as will vouchsafe to reade the before named Marsilius Pativius) that their Authoritie is usurped, and that by receiving and ac∣knowledging the same, our Realm fele many inconveniences, and many Miseries, from which it is now freed, no man should think her Majestie to be Lawfully excommunicated, whome the Pope hath anathematized for not reverening him, and his Authoritie, whom her Prede••effors long since rejected.

There was a time when as our Kings, blinded with the same zeale and affection which now possess••th the hearts of those Princes which are wholie devoted unto the Popes holiness, honored him as those Princes now do; then there was no Realme comparable to ours, neither for number, nor for beautie of religious houses; There was no Country that yeilded greater Obedience unto the Sea of Rome, no people that was more readie to receive and entertaine the Popes Legats, to honor and reverence them, and to ful∣fill and accomplish whatsoever they required at our hands.

This great zeale and obedience of ours, whereas it should have purchased us especiall favors (for he that loveth most, ought to be required with most love) procured us in time great hatred; for no Nation had the like injuries offered unto them, as were proffered unto us. Whence this hatred proceed∣ed I shall not need to relate, our H••stori••s ease me of that labour and paine, and the manifold Abuses which are suffered will manifestly prove the same.

There is nothing that derogateth more from the Majesty of a King then to be ruled by Forrein Laws, nor any thing that grieveth or offendeth Sub∣jects so much as to be drawen from home into remote and far distint places to prosecute their Right and Suits in Law; The first is odious, because it disgraceth the Country whose Prince endureth that Jndignitie; and the last is grievous, because it is both troublesome and chargeable.

In the time of our Superstitions and foolish zeale unto the Sea of Rome, Thomas Archbishop of Cant. was slaine in his Cathedrall Church by William Tracey, Reynold Ursin, Hugh Marvell, and Richard Britton; who thinking it no•• convenient that a proud Prelate should prefer the Popes

Commandment before our Kings Authoritie, and being grievously offen∣ded with the great Indignities that were offered unto our King and his king∣dom, for his superstitious and contentious Bishops sake, came out of Nor∣mandie of purpose to end by his death those troubles and vexations, from which they thought that our Realme could not be freed so long as he lived.

The King when••this Murther was committed in England, was in Nor∣mandy, where hearing the News thereof, he greatly lamented his death. Clothed himself in Sack-Cloth, confessed himself unto Almighty God, and protested before his divine Majestie, that he neither was guil••ie or privie to the Archbishops death, (unless he might be held for guil••ie which had just occasion not to love him over well) besides Henry the second (for he was then King) having for this Bishops sake, tasted somewhat of the bitter fruits of the Popes Indignation, and fearing that when his death should be known at Rome, he should incurr his further displeasure, sent presently certain Ambassadors unto Rome to excuse him, and to signifie his Innocen∣cy unto the Pope; but his Holiness would not admit them unto his sight, untill that certaine of his Cardinals told him, that they had express com∣mission from their King, to signifie unto his Holiness, that he would stand to the Popes and his Cardinals Iudgment, and undergo what Penance so∣ever it should please him and them to lay and inflict upon him.

The Pope sendeth two Cardinals into England, before whom the King sweareth, that the Murther of the Archbishop was undertaken and perfor∣med without his consent and privitie; And yet because he confessed that in his wrath and anger he had spoken some words that might perhaps embol∣den the Malefactors to committ the same, he could not be Absolved before he promised to give the Cardinals so much readie money as would maintaine 200. soldiers for a year in the Holy land, and also that all his Subiects should have libertie to appeale from his Courts unto Rome; a great punishment for a small offence: For what a trouble and grief was it thinke you unto the Subjects of this Realme, to have all causes carried unto Rome, where they spent their travel and their money many years before they could be ended, and received no indifferent Iudgment, because their Contentions were for the most par•• (as you shall heare) with Italians, who found bet∣ter favour, either for money or for love, then our Countrimen, which were meer Strangers unto the Judges.

But these griefs are nothing in respect of those which we endured in the time of Henry the third, the which were so grievous, that the King together with the Clergie and Nobility complained thereof unto the generall Coun∣cell which was held in Pope Innocent the third his time at Lyons.

They complained, first that the Pope not being contented with his Peter-pence, did newly exact new contributions of the English Clergy, and still intended to extort more and more from them, contrary to the ancient Customes and Liberties of England.

Next, that the Patrons of Churches, when they fell void, could not pre∣sent fit Clerks unto them, as by grant from the Pope they might do, but their Churches were collated unto Italians, who understood not our Mother tongue, and therefore could not instruct their People, whose Soules for lack of discipline and good instructions perished.

Thirdly, they complained that the Pope imposed upon their Churches more Pensions then he had formerly promised to take of them, and lea∣vied

divers taxes within this Realme, without the Kings knowledge or consent.

Fourthly and lastly, that Italians succeeded unto Italians in the best Benefices and Ecclesiastical livings of England.

Of which followed these Inconveniences; First, there was no Hospi∣tality kept for the releif of the Poor. Next the word of God was not preached to the edifying of mens Soules, their divine Service was not ce∣lebrated to the comfort of mens consciences; and lastly church••s were not repaired to the benefit of their next Incumbents.

It was further shewed, that the Clergy of England was enforced to maintain and arme, some Ten Souldiers, others five, and others fifteen, to bee sent with sufficient Armor and horses to serve the Pope, in what place soever it pleased him.

Again it was declared, that although there was an Ancient priviledg in England, that no Legate should come into the Realme unless the King required and allowed him; yet they came continually one after another, and the later still exceeded the former in troubling and overcharging the Realme.

Moreover it was proved, that besides the Popes Tributes and Subsi∣dies, Italians held Benefices in England to the yeerly value of 60 Thousand marks; and transported out of the kingdom t••e most part of that money, to the great impoverishment of our Country.

Neither were these griefes so lamentable, but that it grieved all estates in our Country much more, that our best wits for lack of such preferment as was due unto Learning, were fain to leave the Universities, and to be∣take themselves unto Mechanical Trades, and such Occupations as were not fit for men of their Gifts and capacities, whereby our Realme was almost induced unto a very Barbarisme.

The Ambassadors that made this complaint, were men of great dignity, mature Judgment, and of exceeding great learning: But what could they prevaile in a Councell where the Popes•• Faction was so strong, that at the very self same time he deposed the Emperor Frederick, and sent away our Ambassadors greatly discontented: For he gave them a charg•• streightly to command all Bishops in England to set their hands and seales to that de∣testable Charter which King Iohn made to the Pope for a ye••rly pension to be paid unto the Sea of Rome; unto which commandement all the Bishops (more indiscreetly then wisely) shewed themselves most obedient: But the King protested that although the Bishops had bowed their knees unto Baal, yet he would stand stoutly in the defence of the Liberty of his Realme, and would never pay any yearly pension unto Rome under the name of a Tribute.

I might here take occasion to tell you how this Tribute grew, but you must remember that I have already touched the same somewhat, in all that may be said in the behalf of the Pope; and for the maintenance of that Pension, it hath been lately confuted in a leamed Treatise called Anti-Sanderus; I might also proceed in declaring other inconveniences which our Realme hath endured by our voluntary subjection unto the Pope: But these may suffice to commend those our Kings for their wisedome, and magnanimitie which cast off that yoke, amongst whom there are none that deserve greater commendation then the Queens Majesty that now raigneth, and her Noble Father and godly Brother: For some of their predecessors

(indeed) permitted not the Pope to overcharge their Subjects; but they have discharged them of all kind of Grievances which he was wont to put them unto, and have both wisely and boldly excluded him and his Autho∣rity, which he wrongfully usurped. Whereat both his Fatherly reverence and our Romish S••ctaries so much repine, that they cry out with open mouth, that it is against all Reason, all Divinitie and Scriptures that secu∣lar Princes should have and arrogate unto themselves any manner of Au∣thority in Ecclesiastical causes.

This, and the Substraction of such Taxes and Impositions, as the Sea of Rome was wont to impose upon the Engl••sh Clergie, are the true and only Causes why the Pope thundereth his Interdictions and Menaces a∣gainst our Gracious Sovereigne and her kingdom; although he pretendeth that her dissent▪ and diversitie from his Religion only moveth him to ex∣communicate her Majesty: You have heard sufficient Reasons to just••fie the taking away of those duties and services; And the same might be war∣ranted by the Examples of many Forreine Examples, who upon the like oc∣casion have done the like: But I may not handle every matter that is worth the handling, in this discourse, which already is grown to be far large then I thought it should have been; And yet considering the Impudency of our Adversaries in denying all kind of Authority unto Temporall Princes in spiritual Causes, and for satisfying you somewhat in that point, who espe∣cially Charged me to yield you some satisf••ction therein, I will in few words, and by a few Examples fetcht from the holy Scriptures, prove unto you that this her Majesties proceeding in Ecclesiasticall Causes is waranted by holy Scriptures.* 1.295

Ioshua King of Iuda commanded Heikias the high Priest of the second Order, and the Keepers of the Doores to bring out of the Temple of the Lord, all the Vessels that were made for Baal, and to do any manner of things mentioned in the 23. Chapter of the second Book of Kings.

David assembled the Sons of Aaron and the Levites to bring the Ark of the Lord into the House prepared for it, Commanding them to sanctifie them∣selves; And David had a Linnen Garment, as all the Levites had that bear the Ark, And upon David was a Linnen Ephod: David also blessed the People in the Name of the Lord, and appointed Certain of the Levites to be Ministers before the Ark of the Lord: He Likewise divided Offices to the Levites, to their Preists, and to their Sons.

Solomon set the Courses of the P••iests to their Offices, according to the order of David his Fath••r, and the Levites in their Watches, for to praise and Minister befo••e the Priests every day, and the Portersby their Course at every Gate, For so was the Commandment of David the Man of God.

Iehosaphat, in the third year of his Raigne sent his Princes to teach in the Cities of Iudah, and with them the Levites and Priests. And after he had ap∣pointed Judges in Civil Causes over all Iudah, the set in Ierusalem certaine of the Levits and of the Priests, and of the Chiefest of the Fam••l••••s of Israel for the Judgement and Cause of the Lord; and made Amoriath the Priest the chief over them in all matters of the Lord.

Ioash Commanded the Levites, the Preists and Iehoiada the Cheif Preist to gather Money of all Israel to repair the House of the Lord.

Briefly, Hezekias goeth furthen then all these; for he repaireth the Temple of the Lord, and commandeth the Levites to cleanse themselves, and to

sanctifie the House of the Lord. He commandeth the Preists the Sons of Aaron to offer his Sin Offerings upon the Altar of the Lord. He appoint∣eth the Levites in the House of the Lord with Cymbals, with Viols, and with Harps; He willed the Levites to praise the Lord with the words of David, and of Asaph the Seer. He set posts through all Israel and Iudah to command them to come to keep the Passover with him, and to turn unto the Lord; He appointed the Courses of the Priests, and of the Levites by their turns, every Man according to his Office. Bri••fly he com∣manded the People of Ierusalem to give a great part to the Priests and Levites that they might be encouraged in the Law of the Lord.

Since therefore the Queens Majesty intermedleth not in Ecclesiastical Causes somuch as these Princes did, or any thing more then other Kings & some of her Predecessors have done; Since, when her Maj••sty called a Parliament to Consult of temporal matters, the B••shops and Pre∣lates of this Re••lme have a meeting also in their Congregation House, where whatsoever they decree and order, is ratified by her Highness Roy∣all Assent and Approbation; since not her Majesty but her Graces Fa∣ther was the first that assumed unto himself (not without just occa∣sion) the Title of Supream head and Governor in all Causes Eccle∣siastical within his Majesties Realms and Dominions; And Briefly, since what power soever the Pope had over England, was lo••g since taken from him, This sentence of Excommunication against her Ma∣jesty is neither warrantable by Law, nor any sufficient cause for the King of Spaine to invade our Realme.

Now to the false Reports of our English Fugitives who (as all other Fu∣gitives have accustomed to do) fill the King of Spains ears with many vain Fables, seeking thereby to exasperate him against our Realm & to extenuate the Forces thereof, to the end he may think the Conquest of England to be a matter of no great difficultie; They calumniate her Majesties Justice, ••ccuse her Government, and blame her Proceedings against Seminaries and Romish Priests sent into this Realm from Rome as out of the Trojan Horse, to se••uce her Majesties loving Subjects, and to withdraw t••em from th••ir Obedience. These grievous Accusations be sufficiently answered in a little and very learned Treatise Called the Execution of Justice.

But the Chiefest Point which they reprehend in Her Highness Gover∣ment, is there unanswered, and therefore I have thought good to re••ell it in this place. They signifie unto the Spaniard, That her Maj••sty had, before the Coming of his Invincible Navie, so overcharged her Subj••cts with new Subsidies and unaccustomed Taxes and Impositions, that they nei••her would be willing nor able not to defray so great charges as should be requi∣site and necessary to maintain an Army by Sea, and an other by land; This Accusation is auggravated, because her Majesty hath called a Parliement almost every fourth years since she came to the Crown; and in some of them h••th not been cont••nted with a single Susidie, but hath charged her Sub∣j••cts with a double Subsidy; A matter (as they say) never heard of in any of her Predecessors times, nor then needfull when it was required.

For the better answering of this obj••ction, I must run over the whole Raignes of some of her Maj••sties Predecessors, thereby to make it appear that they called Parliaments and levied Subsidies as often as her Highness hath done; And because it would be tedious to trouble you with many, I have restrained my self unto two only, namely unto Ed. 1. and Ed. the 3.

The Commons granted a Subsidy unto Edward the First in the third year of his Reign, and another within two years after; then having no ex∣traordinary expences until the eleventh year of his Reign (which was six years after) he obtained another Subsidy; And when he had reigned two and twenty years, the Clergy gave him the half of their goods, the Inhabitants of the Cities the sixth part, and the rest of the common people the tenth of all that they possessed. And yet within two years after, he levied of all Towns-men and Citizens the Eighth part, and of the Country people the Twelfth part of their goods; and because the Clergy refused to grant him a Subsidy at that time, they were all excluded from his favor and protection; for the recovery whereof, some by themselves, and others by their friends gave him the Fifth part of all that they possessed. Neither did the Liberality of the Laity, nor the bounty of the Clergy so free them from further Contribution, but that the very next year after, the King having occasion to War against Scotland, the common people gave him very willingly the Ninth part of their Goods; the Clergy subject unto the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Tenth, and the Clergy of York Di∣ocess the Fifth part, because they were nearer to the danger and invasion of the Enemy.

Edward the Third had a Subsidy of his people the sixth year of his Reign, and another the next year after, and within four years after the Commons granted him a Fifteenth, the Burgesses of Towns and Inhabi∣tants of Cities a Tenth, and the Clergy as much for three years together; And yet the same year, the City of London was charged with Two hundred armed men, Canterbury with Forty, St. Albans with ten, and other Towns and Cities according to their wealth and ability. Two years were not fully ended, but the people were charged again, and so almost every third year during his reign,, until that in the Forty fifth year thereof he levied a cer∣tain sum of Fifty thousand Marks of his Subjects; aud within six years af∣ter, he charged all persons of his Realm, as well men as women that were fourteen years of age, to pay him Four pence a peece, except onely such as went a begging from door to door. The like Subsidies were levied by Richard the Second, by Henry the Fourth, and Henry the Fifth, and al∣most by all the rest of our Kings; the which for brevitie sake, I pass over with silence.

But to clear her Majesty the better of this accusation, and to make it known unto her Subjects how greatly they are bound unto her Highness, for sparing to use such means for money, as many of her Predecessors used in time of their necessity; it will not be a miss to acquaint you and them with many ways that our Princes have practised to releive their wants, of which her Majesty, although her occasions to use money were greater, or as great as theirs, never did put any one in practice. In the recital of these practices, I will not name our Kings in order as they reigned, but relate their means to make money as they shall come to my me∣mory.

Edward the First called (by a Writ called Quo Warranto) all toge∣ther that held any Lands of him, to shew by what Title they held their Lands, who recovered much money of the meaner sort, who having no evidences to shew, durst not withstand his demand, untill the Earl of Surrey, called before the Justices to the same effect, answered, That he and his Ancestors entering into this Realm with William the

Conqueror won their Lands by the Sword, and that he would hold his by the Sword; which stout answer made the king surcease his demand.

Henry the seventh wanting money, caused all penal Statutes to be exami∣ned, and all forfeitures layed upon his Subjects by them, to be strictly and severely exacted. Which exaction cost Richard Empson and Edmond Dudly their lives.

Henry the first, in a Parliament held in the one and thirtieth year of his Reign, put Priests to their fines who lived with their wives still in house with them.

Henry the second, Anno 1166. ordained a Collect••on on to be made through all his Countries and Dominions of two pence in the pound of every mans Lands and Goods (Jewels and Apparel onely excepted) to be paid the same year; and for the space of four years next ensuing one penny of every pound to be paid yearly; and those that had not the worth in goods and lands to the value of twenty shillings, and were house-holders, and had any offices, they should pay a penny to this Contribution. And those that departed this life within the term that that this Collection was current, their debts being paid, were appointed by the same Ordinance to pay the tenth part of all the residue of their goods unto this Contribution.

Richard the first, to make money for his voyage against the Turks, levied a Tax, engaged, sold, and let to Farm his Lands, his Tolls, his Customs, and other his Revenues, with certain Countries and Offices; and under∣standing that Hugh Pudley Bishop of Durham had great store of ready mo∣ney, he sold to him the Mannor of Seggesfield, with the Wapentake belong∣ing unto the same, and also found means to perswade him to buy his own Province, which he did, and was thereupon created an Earl by the King for the same, and was Intitled both Bishop and Earl of Durham: He had likewise great sums of money of the Citizens of London for Priviledges granted unto them. Besides he had licence of Pope Innocent to dispence with such as pleased him for their vows, and to go into the Holy Land, al∣though they had taken the cross on them for that purpose, and of those he took abundantly; and divers others he compelled to fine. Also he feign∣ed that he had lost his Seal, wherefore he commanded a new to be made, and willed it to be proclaimed and published in every Country, that those to whom he had granted any thing by his Deed or Charter, meaning to enjoy the same in surety, should not think it much to come and have it confirmed by his new Seal, least afterwards the other being lost, their lawful Titles might be called in question. Lastly, he levied the tenth part of all the moveable goods throughout the Realm of England to the aid of the Wars; and this Collection passing under the name of an Alms, was extended upon the goods of Spirituall men as well as Temporal. This King was (as you shall hear hereafter) taken Prisoner in returning from those Wars▪ and for his Ransom order was taken that all manner of persons as well Spiritual as Tem∣poral, should give the fourth part of their whole Revenues due to them, for that year toward the Kings Ransom. The same king after his retu••n sold the Offices of Sheriffs and divers other Offices, and procured a Subsidie to be given unto him of two shillings of every •• lough-land, and command∣ed that every man should make for him the third part of Knights service ac∣cordingly▪ as every Fee might bear, to furnish him forth into Normandy. The same King by vertue of a Parliament, called back, and resumed into his hands all Patents, Annueties, Fees, and other Grants, before his voyage

into the Holy Land, by him made, or otherwise granted or alienated. And because it should not seem he used a meer extort violence herein▪ he treated with every one of them in most curteous wise, bearing them in hand that he well knew they meant not to let forth their money unto him upon usury, but would be contented with such reasonable gains and profit as had been raised to their use in the time of his absence, of those things which they held of him by Assignation in way of loan, so that now the same might be resto∣red unto him again, since he meant not to sell them, but to let them forth as it were to Farm for a time, as all men might well understand, considering that he could not maintain the port of a King without receipt of those pro∣fits which he had so set forth; And hereunto every man yeelded, although no man had received a third part of the principal which they had layed forth. The same King having borrowed a great sum of money of the Merchants of the Staple, called the Monks of Osteaux, gat them to pay the same, tel∣ling them that he borrowed it of certain Merchants beyond the Sea, upon confidence of their good benevolence. The same King caused all Offices in Aurmen, Poictou, and Mayne to fine with him for their Offices. The same King seemed in appearance to be offended with his Lord Chancellor for con∣cluding the Truce with the French King, and therefore took the Seal from him, and caused a new to be made, proclaiming through all his Dominions, that not any thing sealed with the old Seal should stand in force, both for that his Councellors had wrought more indiscreetly then was conven••ent, and because the same Seal was lost when his Vice-Chancellor was drowned; wherefore all men were commanded to come to the new Seal that would have their Charters and Writings confirmed. The same King having levied two shillings once before of every Hide of land, levied 5 s. of every Hide of Land for a Subsidie, rating every Hide to certain hundred acres. Lastly, the same King caused Turneys to be exercised in divers places for the better trayning of men at Arms in F••ats of Arms, whereby he raised no small sums of money for granting license to his Subjects so to Tu••ney; every Earl paid for his license twenty Marks, every Baron ten Marks, and every landed Knight four Marks, and those that had no land two Marks.

Now from this King unto others; King Iohn in the year 1204 levied a Subsidie of two Marks and an half of every Knights Fee, belonging as well unto Spiritual as unto Temporal men; the which exaction must needs be ve∣ry great, considering that there were better then forty thousand Knights Fees in England, and that every shilling then was worth three shillings in these dayes, according to the rate which Sir Thomas Smith maketh in his Book de Republica Anglorum.

Henry the third revoked all lands granted in his Minority unto his Ser∣vants, and called to an accompt all his Officers, displaced some, fined o∣thers, sold his Plate, and borrowed so much money as he could get of the Londoners, of Priors, Abbots, and of the Jews, of one of which named Aaron, it is written that he had at one time above 30000 Marks.

Henry the third again obtained certain Authentick Seals of the Prelates of England, and sealed therewith certain writings and instruments▪ wherein it was expressed that he had received certain sums of money for dispatch of business pertaining to them and to their Churches, of these and the Mer∣chants of Florence and of Sienna, whereby they stood bound for repaiment by the same Instruments, made by him their Agent in their names. The Pope yeelded his consent unto this shift, because it should go unto the

discharging of the kings debts into which he was run by bearing of the charges of the Wars, whereof I have made mention in another place against the king of Sicilie.

The same Henry caused a Proclamation to be made, that all such as might dispend 15 l. in land should receive the honour of Knighthood, and those that would not, should pay their Fines; and five Marks were set on every Sheriffs head for a Fine, because they had not distrained every person that might dispend 15 l. land, to receive the order of Knighthood, as was to the same Sheriffs commanded. The same Henry in the Forty fourth year of his Reign, had granted him a Scutagium or Escuage, that is fourteen shillings of every Knights Fee. The same Henry, in the second commotion of the Earl of Glocester, engaged the Shrines of Saints, and other Jewels and Relicks of the Church of Westminster for great sums of money, where∣with he got Aid out of France and Scotland. Briefly, the same Henry caused all the weights and measures throughout all England to be perused and ex∣amined, and laid great Fines on their heads that were found with false Weights and with false Measures.

Edward the second, for his defence against the Scots had the sixth penny of temporal mens goods in England, Ireland, and Wales: And Edward the Third for the recovery of France, besides other Subsidies, took the ninth Lamb, Fleece, and Sheaf of Corn through England.

Ri••hard the Second had a Mark of the Merchants for every Sack of their Woolls for one year; and six pence of the buyers for every pound of Wares brought in from beyond the Seas and here sold. He had likewise towards his charges for the Wars of France a Noble of every Priest, Secular or Re∣gular, and as much of every Nun; and of every married or not married man or woman being sixteen years old four pence, and forty shillings of every Sack of Wooll; of which ten shillings to be imployed at the ••ings pleasure, and thirty shillings to be reserved for his necessity.

In the 24. year of Henry the Eighth his Reign, when his Majesty married with her Highness Mother, the Lady Ann Bullein, Writs were directed to all Sheriffs to certifie the names of all m••n of 40 l. lands to receive the ho∣nour and order of Knighthood, or else to make a Fine.

It is written by Philip de Comines, that our Kings when they wanted mo∣ney, were wont to feign that they would go into Scotland or into France with an Army; and that to make great sums of money, they would levy men, and pay them for a matter of two or three months, within which space they would again dismiss their Armies, although they had taken mo∣ney of their Subjects enough to maintain them for a whole year or more; and many times they had money of the King of Scotland or of France to∣wards the charges of their Wars.

It is written by du Haillan in the Tenth Book of his French History, that Iohn King of England being in great want of money, enjoyed for six years together all the B••nefices of his Realm, and all his Bishopricks, Ab∣beys, and Monasteries, wherewith he defraied the expences of his House and of his Armies; which he might do very well, because the Revenues of such Benefices as Italian Priests enjoyed sometimes in England, came by just computation to above seventy thousand Marks by the year. And it was declared in a Parliament held in the 11. year of King Henry the Fourth his Reign, that the King might have of the temporal possessions, Lands and Revenues which were lewdly consumed by the Bishops, Abbots and

Priors of England, so much as would suffice plentifully to finde and main∣tain 150 Earls, 1500 Knights, 6209 Esquires, and an hundred Hospi∣tals more then were at that time. The same King Iohn accused some∣times one, sometimes another Nobleman of England, that they lost his Towns and Cities beyohd the Seas by their negligence, and fined them at great sums of money.

Thus I have with as much brevity as might be, waded through the seve∣ral reigns of most of the longest-lived Kings of our Realm, and have set you down about thirty sundry and divers kinds of ways which they have used to make money in time of their want and necessities; of all which, her Ma∣jesties greatest enemies cannot truly shew or prove that her Highness in thirty six years that her Grace hath now reigned, ever used as much as one; and if it may please those that being Fugitives abroad, and most envy and malign her peaceable and quiet Government at home, to confer the ne∣cessities of her Predecessors with the urgent occasions that her Grace hath had to use much ready money, they shall finde that her Ancestors never had so just occasions of necessary expences as her Majesty had of late years, yea almost for the whole time of her reign.

For albeit her Majesty hath not had continual open Wars, as some of them had, yet her charge hath been nothing inferior unto theirs. For first, Wars are now adays (as I have said) far more chargeable then they were wont to be. Then her Grace hath had no other Princes to contribute to∣wards her expences as her Predecessors had. Next her Loans to foreign Princes, as to the Kings of France, of Navar, of Scotland, to the late Duke of Alencon, and to the States of the Low Countries have been very great. And lastly, her charges both by land and Sea could not chuse but amount yearly to infinite sums, considering how many times her Highness hath been constrained to send her Navy to the Seas, and her Land Souldiers forth of the Realm. Besides, her Predecessors charges were for the most part voluntary, being undertaken to conquer, and not to de∣fend their Realms, to get other Princes Dominions, and not to conserve their own; to revenge forein injuries, and not to repulse domestical invasions; briefly, their Wars were for their own profit, and hers for her Subjects be∣nefit; considering therefore, that whatsoever her Grace hath levied, not granted unto her by her Parliament, without any contradiction, without any accusing her of Prodigal••ty, w••thout any such exception taken against her demands, as hath been taken against other her Predecessors, without any sus∣pition of h••r evil Government, therefore without any consigning the mana∣ging and government of the same unto others, then unto them who by her Majesties appointment have the custody thereof; it is a manifest argument, that her Subjects were always most willing to yeeld to all manner of contri∣butions that her Highness in her Princely Wisdom and Discretion did take to be necessary for the defence of her Realm. And if these malicious Accu∣sers would look upon the governments, upon the Exactions, upon the ex∣tortions of such Princes in whose Realms they either live by Alms, or wan∣der up and down as Vagabonds, their own consciences (if at least they have any) would condemn them of malice, of untruth, or of gross ignorance; for the wisest amongst them may and are well able to make large volumes of such Subsidies, Taxes, Impositions and Grievances as are levied in France, Italy, & Spain, of which the hundreth parts are unknown, much less practised in Eng∣land, and this must needs appear to be most true and manifest, since it cannot

be denied that in some Dukedoms of Italy, the Circuit of which is not com∣parable unto one Shire of England, the yearly Revenues of the Duke far ex∣ceed the Revenues and Rents of the Crown of England.

Moreover, if it may please this Viperous generation of Fugitives to call to mind the Interest that Princes have in their Subjects Goods, and the great power that is given unto kings in the Old Testament over the Lands and Possessions of as many as live under their Obedience; and also to remem∣ber, that Princes, the longer they live, the more absolute, Imperious, and self-conceited they are in the Execution of their Government, and the more Experienced in their proof, they must rather commend then condemn her Majesty, whom neither continuance of time, nor fulness of Authority, nor presumption upon the good Wills of her people, nor confidence upon the Equity of her Cause, nor the consideration of her Subjects weal, wholly depending upon her welfare; nor briefly, the remembrance of her gentle and sweet-Government, hath ever imboldened to be over-chargable unto the Realm, or over-burthensome unto her Subjects. This grievous accusation is more truly then briefly refelled.

Now leaving the rest of these Fugitives suggestions unto another place, wherein I shall have occasion to handle them more fitly; I will end this point with condemning the King of Spain for being too light in crediting these Rebels in two principal points.

For first he ought to have considered,* 1.296 that neither the vain Pamphlets dis∣spersed by his lying Ambassador Mendoza, nor the malicious book written by Cardinal Allen, was able to alter, remove, or shake the natural and dutifull affections of our English Subjects; they were too well acquainted with the Ambassadors old and inveterate malice, with his hostile practices, and his de∣sperate intents. They knew the Cardinal to be a Religious Fugitive, to sell his tongue and the use thereof for money, to be like unto Richard Shaw, that was hired to preach at Pauls-Cross, and there publickly to justifie the wrong∣full usurpation of Richard the third; to resemble the Duke of Buckingham, who neither feared nor blushed to commend the same cause for just and most lawfull in the Guildhall London; to imitate Iohn Petit a Preacher of France, who for a far less bribe then a Cardinalship, allowed, approved, and com∣mended, in Pulpit and in writing, the most horrible murther committed by the Duke of Burgoigne on the person of the Duke of Orleans: And lastly to follow his example, who (without all example) was not ashamed to write a large volumn against the late king of France, and therein to deduce many reasons, many causes, for and by which he maintained that the said King might be lawfully deposed, and another set up and established in his place.

Secondly, he might have considered that those Fugitives are (for the most part) peevish and discontented Schollers, fitter to mannage a Pen then a Lance, to dispute of Philosophy, then to discourse of War, to be partial in their own conceits, then to be prodigal in their assurance; briefly, to be ready to say more then they know, especially when they are either assured, or in good hope, by saying much to obtain much: he might have remembred that Iohannes Viennensis sent into Scotland by Charles the sixth of France, although he was a man of great experience, a Captain of long continuance, aud one that by his long abode in Scotland knew England and her Forces far better then our Fugitives do, deceived his King at his return out of Scotland, in reporting unto him the strength of our Nation; he had fought with many of our Armies, had seen 60000 Foot∣men,

8000 and Horsmen of ours in the Field, was of opinion that our Coun∣try was easie to be conquered within the Realm, howsoever it prevailed and conquered abroad; And lastly, he both knew and signified unto the king, that the Duke of Lancaster was absent in Portugal with the Flower and chief Youth of England.

These reason▪ moved the French king to determine to invade England presently, to carry an huge Army to Sluce in Flanders, to assemble all the Nobility and Peers of his Realm for that voyage, and to pro••••se unto him∣self an assured victory against England. But what event had this Journey? What effect followed of this perswasion? The king hearing that the Duke of Lancaster was returned out of Portugal, and that in England f••r greater Forces were prepared to resist his invasion then Iohn of Vienna had menti∣oned, withdrew his Forces from Sluce unto the places from whence they came; and as the Spaniards would cover their dishonour received in their attempt against England by the Duke of Parma his not joyning with them in convenient time, as it was decreed in Spain before they departed out of Spain; so they laid the fault of not proceeding in the journey upon the Duke of Berry, who knowing the Forces of England (as undoubtedly the Duke of Parma did far better then those that took upon them to make report there∣of) came not unto the French king at Sluce until the dead of Winter, when it it was too late to depart thence to invade England.

And as the Frenchmen falsly charged the Duke of Berry that he had recei∣ved Bribes of the king of England to divert his king from his intended en∣terprise against England; So the Spaniards more indirectly then justly, blame the Duke of Parma, that in consideration of some reward either re∣ceived or promised from us, he held not his promise to joyn his power with the Spanish strength against us.

And lastly, as of the French vain enterprises and all the preparations thereof, there came nothing else into England but certain great Tents and lodgings of Wood, capable, (as their Authors report) of all their kings huge Army; So of the Span••sh invincible Navy, and of their mighty Army, nothing was seen in England but the spoil of their strong Armado, and the flags of their tallest ships, which were brought to Pauls••Cross and there shewed unto the People as notable monuments of their wonderous overthrow.

Now followeth the death of the Queen of Scots, a Queen in whom God had joyned some vertues with many vices;* 1.297 a happy Queen, if she had not been too much affected unto the Pope of Rome, too much lead and coun∣selled by the Spanish King; a Pope and a King that have overthrown more noble Families in England, France, Flanders, and Scotland, then they have true and good Noblemen within their Realms and Dominions.

Of this Queen because she was nobly descended, and the mother of a most noble King, I forbear to set down what Buchanan hath written: And yet because her Majesty is charged to have done her to death wrongfully, I cannot but relate what another reporteth of her; Another, that was neither an Englishman, nor a Scot, but a German: Another that writeth of her as Cornelius Tacitus doth of his Emperors, Sine ira & studio, without hatred or affection; for she was unto him as those Emperors were to Tacitus, neither known for any good turn that ever he received of her, nor hated for any wrong that ever she did unto him. This Queen saith my Author) being weary of her second husband, whose life was often sought, and at length un∣happily

shortned, not long after his death married James Hepborn Earl of Bothwel, whom during her Husbands life she had used most fumiliurly. Certain Noblemon of Scotland, being greatly moved with the indignity of so wicked a deed, and desirous to revenge so horrible a Parricide, raised an Army against the Queen, and forced her to resign her Kingdom un∣to her young Son; But they confined her unto a certain Island, whence escaping the next year by corrupting her Keepers, and the Hamiltons Forces which fought in her defence, but overthrown by the Lord Protector of Scot∣land, she meaning to go unto her Mothers friends into France, took her journey by England, where she was detained; and when as certain Treasons, intended by the instigation of the Pope against the Queen of England her State for the delivery of the Scottish Queen, and establishing her in both Kingdoms, were revealed and discovered, she was more straightly kept and lookt unto, until at length because she had used many means to deprive the Queen of her life, she was cond••mned to death in the year 1586. by the Lords and Commons of the Parliament House, and executed the same year accordingly.

Against this Sentence,* 1.298 and his execution there are made these excepti∣ons. First, it is said, That the late Queen of Scotland, being an absolute Prince as well as the Queen of England, could not be condemned to death by her, because Par in parem non habet potestatem. Next it is alleadged, that if a Prince should so much forget himself, as not onely to pronounce, but also to execute a sentence of death upon his Equal, over whom he hath no manner of Jurisdiction or Authority, other Princes will be greatly of∣fended with this Sentence, and never endure that it should be put in exe∣cution. To these Reasons there is added a Third, That since there is no Law as yet written to punish a Prince with death, they think it unlawful to make new Laws, new Statutes for the punishment of a Prince; and in case it were lawful, it is not known who should make these Laws, who should adminster them, who should execute them; and therefore sithence there is no law against Princes, there can be no great punishment inflicted upon Princes; and because there was never any custom known or practised to proceed so severely against Princes Lives, it must needs be against all good Cust••m to call their Behaviour in question, or their Lives into danger.

The favourers of this cause proceed further, and look upon the malice and wickedness of Subjects, who as soon as they begin to hate their Prince, unjustly and for no occasion, would quickly by themselves or by other Princes, by open violence, or by secret conspiracies, be rid of their Princes; So (say they) would it come to pass, that by whom Princes ought to be preserved, by them they should perish; and by whose help they mould be delivered against all others, through their hatred they should be destroyed by themselves.

The Patrons and Advocates of this Queen bring another reason to con∣firm their opinion. For (say they) if a Prince fall willingly into another Princes hands, or if it happen that flying from his malicious Subjects, or from his foreign Enemies, or being driven by Tempest, or other casualty into one Kingdom, when he meant to go into another, or that being in the field, one Prince is detained by another, the detainer that shall not ransom but execute such a Prince, shall break and violate the Laws of Arms, of Humanity, or of Hospitality.

Lastly, the Laws of Nations require, that Princes Ambassadors, even in the hottest broils, and most bloody contentions that are betwixt Princes,

shall have free ingress and egress into and out of the Kingdoms into which they are sent: But if the Laws permit, or rather command Ambassadors, who do but represent the persons of Princes, to be free from all dangers; what honest or just pretext can there be to violate or wrong their Lords and Masters? For, it is against all reason, against common pract••ce and ex∣perience to spare the Servant, and to spoil the Master; not to hurt the Sub∣ject, and to murder the Prince; to dismiss the Messenger, and to detain the Sender; briefly, to honor him who representeth another mans person, and to disgrace the party whose person is represented.

These are the most substantial Reasons that are made against this Sen∣tence; And to every one of these I will frame a brief Answer. Par in pa∣rem non habet potestatem. And therefore Princes who are most common∣ly equals,* 1.299 cannot exercise any power or authority one against ano••her. True it is, that this is an ancient principle or maxime in Law; but as other Rules or Maximes have their exceptions, so this position is not without a limitati∣on, without an exception or interpretation. Two Magistrates (I grant) being made and constitu••ed by their Superior with equal power and autho∣rity, have no power or jurisdiction one over another; but they are created as it were with this condition, that they shall use the authority which is given them by their Princes against their Inferiors, and to those that are subject to their several jurisdictions. But sithence this Law was made in their behalf onely who do acknowledge a Superior, and that in such a time, and in such a State in which there were many Magistrates but one King; many Judges but one Emperor; many that were equa••s among themselves, but one that excelled them all in power and and authority; I take it that the same concerneth absolute Princes no more then a privilege granted to Ti∣cius alone belongeth unto Marius; For sithence that the charge and alte∣ration of time hath brought forth so many Kings instead of one Emperor, that almost every Country hath now his several King: Since the consent and general agreement of people hath given full power and authority un∣to their Kings to make what Laws they pleased; since need and necessity requireth that new Laws be made and published almost every day; and that they being once made, shall not be of force out of those Realms within which they are established, it cannot be but both absurd and ridiculous to beleeve and affirm that a Law made many hund••ed years ago, by a Roman Emperor, and that in Italy, shall in these days bind those Princes over whom the Emperor hath no manner of power, and that when a••tient Em∣perors had it long sithence abrogated and abolished. For as many Shires and Provinces of England, France and other Countries, which had their several Kings, are now reduced under the obedience of one King; so con∣trariwise the Emperor, which was wont to command many Nations, is now brought to such alow ebb, to so smal and slender an Estate, that he can hardly challenge the absolute Rule and Government over the twentieth part of one Nation;

Since therefore Laws made by our Ancestors are so derived to our after∣commers, that it may be well said, that they a••e as well Successors unto them in their Laws, as they are their Heirs in their goods; it is certain that many Laws remain still which were made many years ago; but no Prince will admit or allow them any longer then they shall be found to be profit∣able and expedient for the Commonwealth, or then they shall not diminish their royal Authority; hence it cometh that some men hold opinion, ••hat a

King cannot make a Law which shall prejudice his Successors: hence it cometh that former Laws may Lawfully be abrogated; and others, al∣though they be quite contrary, made in their stead, so that they be found profitable for the S••ate. Hence lastly it cometh that the latter Statute re∣pealeth the former, and that which came last to light obtained most force. Neither although there be but very few or no Princes, (especially in Chri∣stendome) which even in these days of Weakness and infirmity of the Em∣pire, do not greatly respect and reverence the Emperor; And albeit there be very few Lawyers which do not both read and admire the large volumes of the Civil Laws, Compiled, or rather digested into order by Iustinian the Emperor; yet is there any King that useth the same Laws as Iustinian his Laws? Or any Civilian that joyneth not the knowledge of the Statutes and Constitutions of his Country with the Studie of the Imperial decrees and Ordinance? In England the Civil Law hath small force, and lesse use: In France it is in great Credit; but there is a Capital punishment laid upon them who in pleading a Cause presume to alledge a Civill Text as a Law made by the Emperor, but they alledged them as Laws approved by the French King. For, when as the King of France perceived that his Majesty should be greatly blemished and prejudiced, if he should Govern his king∣dom by Forreigne Laws, and yet he saw that it was impossible to have or invent better Laws then the Civil Laws are, he entertained the best of them, being very loth that so good Laws should utterly perish, and be forgotten; But he commanded them to be Called his and his Successors Lawes, least that it might turn to his discredit to Governe by other Princes Laws. What accompt other Nations make of the Civil Laws, it is easie to Conjecture by this; That in Germany it self, in which only Country the Emperor hath Imperial authority, there are many Provinces which have banished the Civil Law.

Considering therefore that Laws made in Spaine binde not us in England; and that the Frenchmen are not tyed to ours; who shall be esteemed wise that will affirm, that these Kings are Subject unto Iustinians Laws, which are nothing inferior unto Iustinian his Successor in power and Authority? But grant that the Emperors Laws have now as great Force and Strength as ever they had, and that this Maxime, Principle, or Rule in Law (Par in parem non habet potestatem) doe bind all the Kings of the World; yet it shall appear that it cannot any thing at all availe the late Scottish Queen.

For First, as it oftentimes happeneth that men of great Authority, lose the same by their own default, or Negligence; So princes going our of their own Countries into other kingdoms and Dominions, make themselves infe∣rior unto them in whose kingdom they remaine.

This is proved by Common experience. For, what Householder (be he never so poor will suffer a rich man to rule, or be his better in his own House? What Master of a Ship will permit a Passenger, b•• he of never so great Wealth, to Guide or Governe his ship? Or what Captain can or will endure that a young Nobleman, be he of never so great birth and Paren∣tage shall lead and direct his Soldiers? The sweetness which is in Command∣ers admitteth no Companion; The Pope, the Emperor, or if there were any greater then they, hath no share, no part or Portion therein; but all, were it never so much, belongeth wholy unto him that ruleth; And there is such a feeling, such pleasure in this sweetness, that to extenuate the same by words

is dangerous, to diminish it by deeds perilous, and to make others partakers of it, foolish in a King, and Capital in a Subject. Eumenes was King but of a poore Castle, and yet he would not accknowledge mightie Antigonus for his Superior▪ Pompey was a Subject, and yet he could not endure any one man to bee above him. Caesar a Citizen of Rome, and yet he could not brooke an equall: And the late Prince of Orange a Prince of no great Power or Wealth, and yet he held himself for as absolute a Prince as the mightie Monarch of Spain.

This again is proved by a notable example of the Emperor Charles the 4. who coming into France in the time of Charles the 5. King of France, to end all debates and quarrells betwixt him and our King, was mett upon the way by the French King; which is a ceremony observed by them who acknowledge themselves to bee inferior unto him whom they meet, but the Emperor as soon as they were mett, would have yeilded the highest place unto the King, and accepted it not without great ceremony; and it was written that it was given him but of Curtesie, a Curtesie usuall among Princes aswell as amongst private men; for as private men in their own houses, and at their own Tables, will of Curte••ie sett meaner men then they are before themselves; so Princes when strange Kings come into their coun∣try, will preferr them before themselves. It is ce••tain that the Emperor precedeth of right, all the Princes of Christendom. And yet when Francis the first King of France, was brought from Pavia, where he was taken Prisoner, into Spain, at their fi••st meeting, the Emprror and he em∣braced one another on horseback, with their Capps in their hands, and in covering their heads there pass••d great ceremony betwixt them, each of them striving to bee the last that should bee covered, and after that they had talked a while, they both covered their heads at one very selfesame time. And after that there was a new strife betwixt them for the right hand.

This again is proved by the Emperor Sigismond, who when hee would have made the Earle of Savoy (as you have heard upon an other occasion) Duke at Lyons, hee was commanded by the Kings Attorney not to attempt any such thing in France, aswell because it was thought, that being in an other Kings Country, he lost his Authority and Power to create a Duke, as for that it seemed unto the French King that he was not to suffer him to use any Royall Authority within his dominions.

The Queen of Scotts therefore when shee was in England,* 1.300 was inferior unto the Queens Majesty, and this inferioritie is proved by three other principal Reasons. The one because there is an inequalitie betwixt Kings; one of them being better then an other. The other because she was her Majesties Vassall; and the third because she was deposed, and so no longer a Queen; First for the inequality, it is certain that the Kings of Spain and of France be both resolute Princes, and yet France challengeth precedency before Spain for five principal causes.

The first, because the consent and opinion of the learned is for France, and not for Spain.

The second, because the French Kings have a long time had the honor to be Emperors, and not the Kings of Spain.

The third, because the French Kings have been called most Christian Kings these many hundred yeares, and Ferdinando the fift was the first (and that but lately) that was called the Catholick King of Spain.

The fourth, because at the Feast of St. George in England, France even in Queen Maries time, was preferred before Spain.

The fift, because the house of France is more ancient then that of Spain, which raigned long before the Castle of Hapsburg was builded.

The sixt and last, because the book of ceremonies (which is kept at Rome) preferreth France before Spain.

Next to France is England, as appeareth by the same book, which putteth England in the second place, and Spain in the third. Again, those Kings are best which are Crowned; and by the same book it is evident, that France, England and Spain only have Crowned Kings. Next it seemeth that the meaner sort of Kings also strive for Precedency, and one of them will be accompted better then another; For it is written that Matthew King of Hungary, thinking himself better then Ladislaus King of Bohemia, when they met once together, Matthew went bare-headed, and tyed about the head with a green Garland, because hee would not put off his Capp unto the Bohemian, but have him put off his unto him; which the King of Bohemia perceiving, deceived his expectation, by tying his own Capp so fast unto his head, that when they met hee could not put it off; and so the Hungarian being bare-headed, saluted the Bohemian, that was covered.

But to leave these Inequalities,* 1.301 and to come unto the second point, which being proved, it must needs follow, that the Scottish Queen was farr inferior unto our Queen, u••••o whom shee owed honor, homage, and obedience:

Many of our Kings have challenged the Soveraignity over Scotland, but none prosecuted the same more eagerly then Edward the first; who because hee would be sure that his right thereunto was good, caused all the Monasteri••s of England and Wales to bee searched, to see what evidences or bookes he could finde in them to prove his Title. The King found in the Chronicles of Mariamis Scotus, of William of Malmesburg, of Roger of Hoveden, of Henry of Huntingd••n, and of Radolph of ••ucet, that King Edward his Predecessor in the yeare of our Lord nine hundred and ten subdued the Kings of Scotland and C••mberland, and that the Subjects of both these kingdoms, in the nine hundred and eleventh year, chose the said Edward for their Soveraign Lord. He found further that Adeslaus King of England subdued in the yeare nine hundred twenty six Scotland and Nor∣thumberland, and that the People of both Countries submitting themselves unto him, swore unto him both fidelity and homage. Hee found again that King Edgar overcame Rinad the son of Alphinus King of Scots, and that by that victory, he became King of Four kingdoms, namely of England, Scotland, Denmarke, and Norway. He found also that St. Edward gave the kingdom of Scotland, to bee held under him, unto Malcolm, son unto the King of Cumberland; and that William the Conqueror in the sixt year of his raigne conquered the said Malcolm, and took an oath of homage and fidelity of him. The like did William Rufus unto the same Malcolm, and unto his two Sons, who raigned one after a∣nother. Besides it appeareth unto the said Edward, that Alexander King of Scotland succ••eded his brother Edgar in his kingdome, with the consent of Henry the first King of England; that David King of Scots did homage unto King Stephen; and William unto King Henry the second, unto Henry the third, unto King Richard, and unto King Iohn.

It appeared again by the Chronicles of St. Albans, that Alexander King of Scots in the thirty year of King Henries Raigne, married Margaret his Daughter at Yorke, and then and there did him homage for his Kingdom; Lastly it appeared by the Popes Bulls written into Scotland, that the Kings of Scotland were excommunicated by divers Popes because they would not obey the Kings of England their Lords and Soveraignes.

Bu•• against all this and whatsoever else may be said by us to fortifie and defend our Title, the Scots make three principall Objections.

The first that their King never did homage unto us but for the Countries of Northumberland; Cumberland, Westmerland and Huntingdon; the which they confess they held of our Kings, and by their grant and guift.

The second, that Edward the third being chosen Arbitrator of the great and notable contention that was betwixt Iohn Bali••l and Robert Bruce for the Kingdom, took the two Competitors aside, and sounded which of them would take the kingdom to hold it of him, which when Robert (whose Title was, as they thought best) refused to do, and Iohn was content to performe, hee wrongfully pronounced Judgement for Iohn Baliol; and so extorted this Homage by Fraud and Corruption.

The third, that the Estates of the Realme never acknowledged this Homage, but were so farr from yeilding thereunto, that the Nobility of Scotland deprived Iohn Baliol of the Crown, and gave the same unto Robert the first, because he submitted himself and his Kingdom unto King Ed.

The three Obj••ctions may not be unanswered; and therefore unto ••very one of them in Order. True it is that a King may hold his Kingdom of no Superior, and yet owe Homage for some Member thereof unto another, or some Principality that hee holdeth of an other, and he shall still nevertheless remaine a most absolute King: For who will deny King Edward the third of England to be either absolute or So∣veraigne King of England, although he swore Homage and Fidelity unto King Iohn of France for Gascoigne and other Dominions which he held of him in France? Or who will take the Emperor Chales the fift not to bee an absolute and Soveraign King in Spain or other his Dominions and Kingdomes, because hee sometimes owed Fi∣delity and Homage unto the French King for the Dukedome of Burgondy? B••t the case is altered in the King of Scots, because hee did Homage both for these Countries and for his Kingdom: And this is no good Argument. The King of Scots did Homage unto England for certain English Provinces held of England, there∣fore they did not Homage for Scotland.

But the second Objection is of better weight, and yet may bee thus answered; I might here oppose the Credit of an English man against a Scots credit, and desire to have Holinshed, and Th••. Walsingham speaking for us, to be as well believed as Hector Boetius and George Buchanan would bee credited when they speake for Scotland. But you shall heare this Objection confuted by an Italian, namely by Pelidore Virgil, a man of more indifferency, of less partiality, and perhaps of better Judgement: against whom if it be be said, that he was either hired to write our History favorably, or that he could write nothing of us but what he had from us; I ••n∣swer that there was never any man justly condemned upon a bare and light suspition; and I eftsoones say as I once said before, that where a matter can∣not be proved but by domestical witnesses, there such a proof is both allow∣able and lawfull.

Then to refell this Objection, I say out of Polid. Virgil, that K••ng Ed∣ward pronounced not Judgment for Iohn Balioll because he promised to hold Scotland in homage of him, but because he came of the eldest Daughter of King David, and Robert Bruce of the Second. I strengthen my saying by these Arguments; First, it is said, that King Edward very wisely, when as this great con••ention was referred unto his Audience and determination, he called together (as Hector Boeti••s himself writeth) the learnedst men of England and of Scotland; he sent the State of the Question into France, whence he received Answer, that Iohn Baliolls Title was the better; And because he might be su••pected if he should examine the matter alone, and give sentence himself, he chose 12. English men (as Boetius saith) or 20. (as Holinshed reporte••h) and as many Scots as English men, whom he made Judges of the controversie; and they when they had throughly discussed both conpetitors Rights, gave Judgment for Iohn Balioll, which Award was confirmed by the King. Then whenas the King had seen so many Evidences and proofs confirming his Right and Title unto the Soveraignity of Scotland, as are before mentioned, is it likely that he who had Right to that which he demanded, would condition with the Competitors in such manner as is objected? Lastly although he had made Iohn Bali••ll to enter into such a condition, and to binde himselfe thereunto, this cannot help the Scots, for that it is lawfull for any Man to Claime his Right at any time, and to tell him that is likely to detaine and withstand his Right, that he shall not have his law∣full Favor unlesse he will be content. And this is most lawful in a cause of Contention betwixt the Soveraigne and his Vassal, be∣cause the Soveraigne must require Homage at his hands, and the Vassal is not (in some Mens opinion) bound to do him homage un∣lesse it be required.

The third Objection is Answered with as little difficultie as the rest: For the chief Peers of Scotland acknowledged Obedience and homage unto King Edward: They consented unto the delivery which Iohn Balioll made unto our king of his kingdom; they required our king to be bound (as he was) in an hundred thousand Marks to deliver the kingdom to thier king again within two moneths; and they appointed certain principal No∣blemen to receive and keep the Revenues and Profits of the Crown to his use, whom King Edward should declare to have best Right there∣unto.

Againe, Iohn Balioll was not deprived of his Crown by the States and Nobility of Scotland (as Bucanan reporteth) but was enforced (as Hector Boetius restifieth) to resigne all his right in the Crown unto King Edward, and to relinquish and give over his kingdom and at; the same time all the Nobility of Scotland did swear homage and Obed••ence unto our King: and Boetius hath nothing to say 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their defence, but that our King enforced them thereunto; As though it were not lawfull for the Su∣perior to constraine his Vassals and Subjects (in case fair means cannot pre∣vaile with them) by violence to acknowledge their duty and service unto him. But it pleased the Almighty to punish the Scotish disloyalty, Incon∣stancy and Rebellion: they revolted often; They broke their promise ma∣ny times; They thought it lawfull to delude us with fair words, and to de∣ceive us with vaine promises; But the eternall who hateth deceivers, and deceitfull dealings, so prospered all our Attemps against them, that

our King for a while left them destitute of a King, caused them to swear and submit themselves unto some of his own laws; made the Earl of Pem∣broke (whose name was Odomar Valentinian) Governor of Scotland; and to the end they should have no Memory, no Monument nor Testimony of a Royal Majesty, he transferred a Seate of Stone (whereupon their Kings were wont to sit at their Coronation) out of Scotland into England, and the same remainth at th••s day at Westminster.

Now to leave these and the like Testimonies, because they carry the lesse credit, for that they are reported by our own Historiographers, I will come to the violent presumptions which may be gathered out of their own Histories.

First, it cannot be denyed that God hath blessed us with many famous and notable Victories against the Scots. Then it must be granted that we had alwaies wit enough to make our best advantage of those victories. Next, it is not likely but that we took the benefit of such advantage••: And who will think that when we were so often provoked, so many times de∣ceived, so throughly informed of our Right, that we would not claime our Right? Againe, at the very time of this notable competency betwixt Iohn Balioll and Robert Bruce, it is written that Ericus King of Nor∣way, sent certain Ambassadors wi••h Letters of Commissi••n from him to demand the Kingdome of Scotland in the Right of his Daughter Mar∣garet, sometimes Wife unto the King of Scots; in which Letter he ac∣knowledgeth our King to be Lord and Soveraigne of Scotland. And why should there be found Bulls of Excommunication against the Kings of Scot∣land for not obeying our Kings? Or why should it be recorded, that two K••ngs of Scotland Carried, at severall times, the Sword before King Ar∣thur and king Richard at their Coronations? Or why is it not probable that Scotland should be as well Subject unto us, as Bohemia and Hungaria were unto the Empire, Naples and Sicilie unto Rome, Burgondy and Na∣varr unto France; the Du••edom of Moscovia a••d the Marquisate of Brandiburge unto Pol••n••a, Portugall unto Spaine, and Austria unto Bohemia? Or l••stly, why may it not be thought, that as these King∣doms and Dominions remaine still in their old Subjection and acknow∣ledg their Ancient Soveraigne, so Scotland ought to do the like? Our For∣tune seldome failed us against them; They never used us so kindly, nor our kings at any time behaved themselves so unwisely, that they Resign∣ed their Right and Title unto Scotland, as other Princes have done.

But now to the like advantage of this kind of inferiority, as a French∣man contracting or bargaining with one of our Nation in England, mak∣eth himself by this contract and Bargaine a Subject unto our Laws; so any man whatsoever offending within our Realm subjecteth himself, by reason of his offence, unto our Jurisdiction: And this is so true, that a very mean man being a Judge, if a great personage remaining under his Jurisdiction (who by reason of his greatness may seem to be freed from his Authority) shall commit an offence worthie of Punishment during his abode there, the same mean and Inferior Judge may lawfully punish his Offence. Example will make this matter more cleer. For Example sake then, grant that a Bishop abideth a while within an Archdeacons Jurisdiction, and there offendeth in some Crime that deserveth Punish∣ment; the question may be, whether the Archdacon may punish this delinquent?

For the Negative, it may be said, that Par in parem non habet protestatem, much lesse an Inferior against his Superior; and that an Archdeacon is Ocu∣lus Episcopi, and Major post Episcopum; and therefore can have no Authori∣ty over a Bishop; yet it is resolved, that if the Bishop be a stranger, and not a Bishop of the Diocesse, the Archdeacon hath sufficient Authority and the power to Chastise and Correct his offence; but he cannot meddle with him if he be his own Bishop; and the reason of the diversity is, because his own B••shop is as it were the Archdeacons spirituall Father, and it is not Convenient that the Son should have any manner of Authority over the Father. Now since it is certaine, that where there is the like reason, there the like Law shall be, I may boldly infer by this Law; that the Scottish Que••n offending within her Majesties Dominion, may be punished by her Grace, al∣though she were her farr better.

I might here, before I come unto her voluntary and forcible Resignation of the Crown, tell you, that she committed many things, both before and after her Imprisonment, that made a plaine forfeture of her Kingdome; But although when I t••uched the duties of Vassals in some part, I promised to touch the same in this pl••ce more largely; yet for brevitie sake, I must o∣mit this large discourse, and only tell you, that as the French King called our King Iohn in question for the murther commited by him (at his Insti∣gation) on the person of his Nephew Arthur, and forfeited his States in France for his not Apperance, or insufficient Answer unto that Crime; so if the Scottish Subjects had not deprived their Queen for the Par••icide la••d to her charge, our Queens most excellent Majestie might not only have tak∣en notice thereof, but also have punished the same. For, albeit the Fact was committed without her Highness Realm and Dominion, yet the person who was murthered being her Subject and Kinsman, her grace might ex eo capite, in my simple opinion, lawfully have proceeded against the Malefactor. And I remember that I saw a man executed at Venice because he killed his own Wife in Turky; and the reason why they proceeded against him, was the hainousness of the Fact, and for that his Wife (although she were not so) was their naturall Subject. And yet I confesse that our Common Laws regard not offences commited without our Realm; where∣in me thinketh they have small reason; For, sithence that for a Bargain made beyond the Seas I may have my re••edy here; why shall not have the benefit of Law for my Child and Kinsman, or any other that is near and dear unto me murthered beyond the Seas, since the life of a Subject ought to be of far greater value and worth then his goods? And if in a Civill action, of which the Cause and originall is given beyond the Seas, they can 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Bond and Obligation to be made at Lyons, within some Shire in England, when indeed the same Lyons which they meane, and where the Bond was made, is in France, why may they not lawfully use the like Fiction in a Criminal Cause?

But now the third point that Argueth the late Scottish Queens Infe∣riority unto our Queen; She was deposed, and therefore no longer a Queen.

This point hath in it two very strange points. It is strange to hear that a Man or a woman being borne a Prince should be deprived; and that he which receiveth a Kingdom by his birth, should lose the same before his death. But because this point hath great affinitie which the third objection that is made against the unfortunate Queens Execution, I will forbear to speak thereof untill I come to that Objection.

Considering therefore all the premisses, I may boldly conclude, that notwithstanding our often repeated Maxime, Par in Parem non habet potesta∣tem; Her Majesties proceeding against the Scotish Lady was most law∣full. For, although as there is but one Sun and one Moon in the Firmament, so there should be but one king in a kingdome, yet this king may receive a∣nother coming into his Dominion (if he will) gentlie, for that is huma∣nitie; but let him neither admit him to be his Companion, al∣though he earnestly intreat him; for that were folly; nor to be af∣fraid to punish him if he offend; for that would argue foolish Pusillanimitie.

It is written of Lewis the Emperor, that he having taken Frederick his Competitor Prisoner in the Wars, took his Oath that he should never af∣fect the Empire any more, nor bear armes against him, and so did set him at Libertie; And he returned into Austria, where he lived af••erwards qui∣etly; and never molested or troub••ed the Emperor more. Againe, it is reported of Cyrus, that he having taken King Astiages Prisoner, Caused him to be kept as a king, and never did him more harm••: And that he likewise shewed the like Clemency unto Croesus king of part of Asia; Now as these kings were Commended as well by those who lived in their days, as by their Posterity, for their courtesie shewed unto these Cap••ives; So it had greatly rebounded (say the Scotish Queens favourers) unto her Majesties Commendation, if it had pleased her to have preserved the unfortunate Queen; The Spanish king would have thanked her, France would have p••••••sed her, the Guisards would have liked it, and the Orphan her Sonne would have taken very it kindly; Whereas now all these are or justly may be highly offended and displeased with her severily

Truly, Compassion and Mercy in a Queen towards a Queen is commen∣dable, and it becometh the Feminine Sex (whose hearts are more tender then Mens) to be kind unto their own kinde; But if this kindness cannot be shewed without manifest danger unto him that shall shew it, I hold it for crueltie rather then clemency to use it; For there is quaedam credulis miseri∣cordia; and sometimes to spare a sinner, is as much as to kill a sinner; and poor pity many times (saith the Proverb) overthroweth a whole city.

Cle••menes flying from king Antigonus his wrath and violence, had re∣course and refuge unto Ptolomy king of Egypt, by whom he was courte∣ously entertained, and promised Ayd•• to help him unto his kingdomes. This Ayde was deferred from day to day; and the longer it was delayed, the greater was Cleomenes desire to return into his country; And therefore finding that his courteous host was so given unto Wine and Drunkennesse that there was small hope to have present helpe from him, he entred into conspiracy with some of his Nobles against him, and thought to have ex∣torted by force, what he could not obtaine by intreaty, but he failed of his purpose; And he that meant to have killed, was killed.

But what if Ptolomy had understood his Treason before it was put in practise, and he punished him according to his deserts, who would or could have justly blamed him for repelling Force by Force? who would have been grieved at so unthankfull a Guests death? who would have sought revenge for so ungratefull a person? who, to be short, would have reproved in an other that which he would have done himself, if the like wrong had been offered unto himself? I know that many Prince cannot a∣bide him that giveth such counsell as liketh them not, although it be never so good.

Some cannot endure that any man should presume to tell them of their faults, and very few can finde in their hearts to pardon him that would take away their lives: In which opinion the more stiffly they dwell, the more reason I give them, because such Lenity would encourage wicked and evil∣minded men to intend and procure their final destruction. For if Cle••menes had killed Ptolomy with impunity, who would not have been animated by his Example to have made the like Attempt, especially against him whose death might yeeld him any manner of benefit▪ In regard whereof Ptolemy examined Cleomenes his Treason after his death, and finding him guilty, condemned his memory, and caused his dead carcass to be hanged up to his great dishonour and perpetual infamy. There lived many good and courteous Princes in that age; but none of them reprehended Ptolomy his action, be∣cause they saw that if they tolerated or allowed Cleomenes his Ingratitude and Treason, being such as no man but a most wicked man ever adventured to attempt none except he had been a very simple fool would have made any conscience or difficulty to have done the like.

Since therefore the Scotish Queen, not onely resembled, but exc••lled and exceeded Cleomenes (for she conspired many times, but he but once against his Host) since she was so neer unto her as Astiages was to Cyrus, nor could not serve her for so faithfull a Councellor as was Craesus; nor in sparing her, she was to regard any mans favour or friendship, as Lewis the Emperor did the Love and Amity of Leopald the duke of Austria, when he shewed mercy unto his Competitor Frederick; why should her Maje∣sty have spared so unthankfull a Guest, so merciless a Queen? Should she have feared the King of Spains displeasure? It was he that set her on▪ and ani∣mated her in her enterprises; And therefore it had been as much to fear him, as to be afraid to execute a Thief, for fear of his Companion. Should she have born respect unto the Guisards? Why she knew their hatred was so great towards her, that she needed not to fear to increase the same, and she had so provided that they should not be able to annoy her. Should she have been afraid of the French Kings displeasure? Why she sent her Process, her Ex∣amination, her Arraignment unto him, and found that he rested well and throughly satisfied therewith, and he was to reap a great benefit by her death; for he was discharged of the Dower which she had yearly out of France. Lastly, should she have stood in fear of her sons displeasure? Why she saw that so long as she lived he could not live in peace, in quiet, in secu∣rity; and as for his Subjects, they when they deposed her, or rather when they caused her to resigne her Diadem, shewed their minde and affection to∣wards her. The rest of the princes of Christendom, some might perhaps marvail for a while at her death, because it was a strange President; others might pitty her, because she was a woman, and a Queen, but none will fight for her, because that they which were allied unto her were not able; and they that had no alliance unto her, had no cause to Revenge her death.

The second Objection is fully answered; now followeth the third; a dangerous Question to be handled by a Subject,* 1.302 and yet too boldly discus∣sed by some learned Subjects; for considering we finde many Texts in the Holy Scripture, whereby we are commanded to obey Princes, to be subject unto them, to honour them, to pray for them; since they are called Fa∣thers, and we Children; they Shepherds, and we their Flocks; they Heads, and we their Feet; it is an hard Resolution, and (in my opinion) an heavy sentence that Children should disobey their Parents, a Flock to

Rebel against their Shepherd, or the Feet to presume to command and di∣rect the Head.

This question, notwithstanding that it is dangerous and difficult, is larg∣ly discussed by George Buchanan in his Book de Iure Regni apud Scotes, and also by him who was ashamed to put his name unto the Book that was lately written against the French king. In these two authors you shall finde every point of this third Objection sufficiently debated: You shall finde the Text alledged out of St. Paul in the behalf of Princes, and other places of the Scripture learnedly answered: You shall finde many examples of profane and Ecclesiastical Histories, of Princes that have been done to death. Briefly, you shall finde more to move others perhaps then there is to move me to subscribe to their opinion. For Buchanan argueth in such manner, as I may rather commend his subtilty, then his conscience. And he that writeth a∣gainst the French king, sheweth himself too partial, too malicious, too in∣jurious to Princes: And Buchanan giveth too great Authority unto Subjects, and the other too much power unto the Pope. It cannot be denied that Princes received their first Authority from the consent of the people; It is likewise certain, that this Authority was given them to be used to the be∣nefit of the people. And no man will deny that Countries can subsist and stand without kings: But shall every man that receiveth a benefit of ano∣ther be alwayes subject unto him that once pleasured him? Shall either a rude multitude, or a few contentious Rebels judge when a King useth his Authority to the benefit of the people? And because Coun∣tries have flourished, and may still flourish without a king, shall therefore every Country reject their king, when they dislike their king? It ••eem∣eth that Buchanan is of this opinion, because he approveth the death of king Iames the third, and alloweth the approbation that was made thereof by some of the people and Nobility of Scotland, who were the principal Actors in the Rebellion against the same king, and the chief Authors of his death.

The causes which moved those Rebels to bear Arms against their King, were but two; The one, that he had made certain base money, and called it not in again at their pleasure. The other that he had advanced certain base Personages unto high places of great credit and dignity; if these two faults might be amended, the Rebels offered to submit themselves to their King. The King yeelded not unto these motions; Why? The History giveth a good reason for the King. They made these demands being in Arms. It seemeth that they would not entreat, but inforce their King; and the King thought it convenient to chastise their insolency and boldness, who pre∣sumed to War against him at home, when he and his Kingdom stood in ma∣nifest danger of foreign Enemies. There was amongst them, namely the Duke of Albania, who affected the kingdom, who to further his Traite∣rous purposes, had joyned with the King of England, against his native Country, and animated his lewd confederates to continue in their obstinate and unlawful demands. They considered not that extream necessity and want compelled their King to use that money; and when they had taken these base persons from the King for which they seemed to rebel, and had hanged them, contrary to all Law and Equity, they laid not down their Weapons, but followed the poor King, and so followed him that at length they flew him. And why? My Author giveth this reason, Because they knew that they had so highly offended him, that they feared, that if they should

have spared him (as some better minded then the rest purposed to have done) he would have been revenged of them. This murther, the States of Scot∣land (saith Buchanan) allowed, and ordained that no man should be called in question or troubled for the same. But what States are these? Those (saith my Author) that had born Arms against him, and for whose sake he was murthered: And they had good cause to decree that no man should be accused of his death.

But what will some man of Buchanans opinion say unto me? Shall Prin∣ces do what they list, and no man censure them? Are they not subject un∣to the Laws? May they not be called to an accompt? Shall the people, from whence they derive their Authority, have no manner of authority over them? And hath it not been always held very dangerous in a State to have any man so mighty that no man may or dare controle him? Truly I allow not that liberty unto Princes, that their pleasure shall stand always for a Law: I limit their Wills unto Reason, I tie their commandments unto the Word of God; I fasten their Decrees unto the Laws of Nature, unto E∣quity, and unto the Weal of the people. And if these things be not regar∣ded, I take their Laws to be unlawful, their Commandmen••s unjust, their Decrees ••••ique. I know that good Princes are so far from nor subject∣ing themselves unto their Laws, that they suffer themselves and their causes to be tried daily by their Laws. And if any of them, by negligence or wil∣fulness by folly or ignorance, by malice or forgetfulness, begin to contemn their Laws. I think it convenient that they should be modestly rebuked, but not utterly rejected; be in a mannerly sort checked, but not violently condemned; be gently admonished, but not straight ways furiously and turbulently punished. Is there no way but down with them, depose them, kill them? Must we cry against the Lords annointed with the Jews▪ as they did against Christ, Crucifige, Crucifige; and not rather learn by the Jews, that the common people is no competent Judge to determine matters of great weight and consequence.

I am not such a stranger in the course of Histories, but that I know that some Princes have been deposed for their insufficiency, as in France, Theo∣dorick, and Chilperick; others for their negligence, as again in France, Lewis sirnamed Do nothing; some for poysoning the next Heir of the Crown, as Martina Empress of Constantinople; others for perjury, and not keep∣ing promise with their Enemies, as Iustinian the Son of Constantine the Fourth; some for not tendring the Weal, and publick Welfare of their Subjects, as Richard King of England; others for murthering them which reprehended their vices, as Boleslaus King of Polonia; some for usurping things not belonging unto their Crown, as Sumberlanus King of Bohemia; others for their extream rigor and cruelty, as Sigismond King of Hungary; some for their childrens Adultery, as Tarquine King of Rome; others for Tyranny, as Archilaus, Son to Herod; some for unreasonable exactions, as Slaomire King of Abredites; and others for corruption, as Adolph the Emperor.

But if all these Depositions were examined and tried by the Touch∣stone of Law, I think the most part of them will be found scant lawful. For all these crimes in private men, are not capital, and therefore why should they be so severely punished in Princes? How many judges take Bribes, and are not deposed? How many Magistrates are negligent, and are not punished? How many Officers execute not their Offices and are not re∣moved?

How many rich men offend in Adultery, and are not censured? briefly, How many Noble men commit Adultery and Murther, and are not condemned? In Poland the Gentleman that killeth a Yeoman payeth but a certain Fine in money; in France he that killeth another manfully and in the field, is seldom executed. In Italy many are vilely murthered, and the Murtherers are not always punished. And in all Countries grievous Crimes are either tolerated or pardoned, sometimes because the Male∣factors are descended of notable parents, whom Princes are loth to offend and discontent.

You have heard how Dunorix was spared, although he were a Traytor, for Diviaticus his Brothers sake; and our Chronicles report, that Henry the Third, having taken in the Barons Wars many Schollars of Oxford in Northampton, who did him more harm then all the rest of his Enemies, would have hanged them all, had not his Council perswaded him to save them, because in executing them he might displease their friends, who were Gentlemen and Noblemen of great Houses. Shall mean personages, vile murtherers, private men escape unpunished, and must the Law be ex∣ecuted with all severity upon Princes? They are in higher places, their actions are beheld of all men, and most men are lead by their example. True, but David was not punished as soon as he had killed Uriah; Solomon was not deposed although he kept many Concubines; Herod was not streightways deprived for murthering of Iohn Baptist; and it was long be∣fore Saul was removed by David.

But how then? May Princes offend as often as they will, and never be punished? No; Must their Subjects endure all their Cruelties and Tyran∣nies? No; May they be troublesom unto their Neighbours, untrue unto their Confederates, Enemies unto the common peace, and never to be re∣prehended? No; What course is then to be taken to bridle their Appe∣tites, and restrain their Insolency? Truly I finde two notable Laws for the punishment of such Princes, the one made by Conrad the Emperor, and the other by Otho the Third.

Conrad his Law commanded all Princes to embrace Peace, to maintain Law and Equity, and not to disturb the quiet and peaceable Estate of the Empire; and that whosoever transgressed in any of these three points, should suffer death.

Othon his Law was much to the same effect; but he added, That the Prince offending in any of these three points, should besides the loss of life, lose all his States and Dominions, and be held for a common enemy; and that all the Princes of Christendom should rise in arms against him, as a perturber of Christian peace and tranquillity.

But in these days Princes neither are, nor will be, nor can be ready to help every one that complaineth; and why should Subjects seek for releif abroad, that may be releived and succoured at home? The course is ordi∣nary, the remedy easie, if men will not deceive themselves in taking their course. Every Country hath its Parliament, every Kingdom the Assembly of their Estates; there may their Griefs be heard, their Wrongs red ressed, and their Princes repressed: And in this course the common people loseth not a jot of their Authority; for they which attribute most unto the people, take not every confused, rude, and tumultuous multitude for the people, but a choice company of the wisest Nobility, and of the most grave, honest, discreet and wise men amongst the Commonalty. It must not be such base and

busie companions, as was Iack Straw in England, Nicholas Rency in Rome, Iaques Artevilla in Flanders, George Zechius in Bohemia, Anthony Bavadella in Spain, and William Siler in Switzerland, that must presume to controll mighty Kings, or to alter well governed States: For such petty Compani∣ons are better able to mislead a number of simple people with their venemous tongues, then to consider with discretion, that many things are done in every Kingdom which Princes know not of, and that divers abuses are committed, which the Officers that commit them keep, as long as they can possible, from their Princes knowledge; which abuses should be quick∣ly redressed if the king might be made acquainted with them.

These Companions consider not, that there is an High Court of Parlia∣ment, unto which Princes either can be contented, or be constrained to sub∣mit themselves, and wherein Subjects may speak unto their King freely, so they speak reverently, any thing that may benefit their Country; I said, reverently, because methinks it is not tolerable, that any Subject be he ne∣ver so great and mighty, should use unreverent speeches unto his King secret∣ly, much less in an open Parliament, as did Richard Earl Marshal of Eng∣land unto King Henry the third, who when the King called him in choler (and perhaps not without occasion) Traytor, gave him the lye in the Par∣liament House, and told him to his face he cared not for him because he was well assured, that as long as he lived in obedience unto the Laws of the the Realm, he could not hurt him; And when the king answered, he could intercept his victuals, and suffer no man to bring him any manner of Pro∣vision, he replyed, that if he sent any to intercept his victuals, he would send them home shorter by the heads then they came. Such an audacious and un∣reverent speech coming to the ears of such busie Companions as Iack Straw and Iack Cade were in England, would make them take the Speaker for a Demy God, for a Patron of his Country, for a Protector of their Liberty, and being carried from them unto others, may draw them like a company of mad-men, to adventure life and limbs for such a desperate Cataline, and without ever considering whereabout they go, to undertake for his sake the utter subversion of Town and Country.

But it may be said, that I am like the Physitian that prescribeth a remedy unto his Patient, but telleth him not how he shall come by it; so I talk much of a Parliament, but I conceal how difficult it will be to have a Par∣liament, especially when a Prince, without whose consent and command∣ment the same cannot be called, knoweth, or mistrusteth that any thing shall be debated and determined therein to his prejudice. I cannot but ac∣knowledge this difficulty, and therefore if the wrongs that are offered be not too great, it is better to suffer them with patience, th••n to seek to reform them by violence. But if the outrages grow once to be so extream that they are no longer to be endured, I hold the same for a most unfortunate, unhappy, and servile State, wherein the Nobility is either too timerous, or so besotted with the love unto a bad King, that they will not be moved upon the just complaints of the poor and distressed Commonalty, to enforce him to call a Parliament: and in this kind of violence, I require discretion and judgement in the Confederates, lest they mar a good Cause with evil handling thereof, as did Iulius Caesar, who when he had deserved a triumph, took so violent a course in demanding the same, that his sure was rejected, to his endless dis∣honour, and his Countries great detriment. Let the Subjects be therefore humble Petitioners unto the Princes to reform such abuses as are notoriously

known to be abuses. Let them yeeld such measure unto their kings as they would desire for themselves; let them when neither their humble suits may prevail, nor their gentle connivence or toleration mitigate the wrath, or mo∣derate the affections of their Soveraigns, humbly beseech the Peers of the Realm to be their Patrons and Protectors of their Innocency. Then will he that ruleth Princes, and hath their hearts in his hand, that can prevent their imaginations, and cross their intentions, raise up some better disposed then others, better minded then the common sort of men are, better able then the Commonalty is to judge of wrongs, to redress injuries, and to re∣press evil-disposed Princes.

All Authority is divided into Ecclesiastical and Temporal; of the one the Pope, of the other the Emperor challengeth superiority; and yet both these Heads, notwithstanding their preheminence, their power and prero∣gatives, have been reduced to Reason, when they have swerved from all Reason, by those who by Reason were led to challenge Power and Autho∣rity over them. For both the Colledge of Cardinals and the States of the Empire have claimed, and according to their claims have used a certain Right both over the Pope and over the Emperor, when the one or the o∣ther of them hath been found negligent in their duties; and therefore have presumed that the power of the one and the other hath been devolved unto them. Even when an inferiour Prelate is negligent, the Bishop may assume into his hands all his Jurisdiction and Authority; or when the Bishop is care∣less in performance of his duty, either the Dean and Chapter or the Arch-bishop may lawfully rebuke his negligence, and reform whatsoever he vouchsafed not to amend; so although the Pope challengeth to be by many degrees higher then all the Princes of Christendom, yet divers Cardinals in the time of Pope Iulius the second, considering that the Church had need of Reformation, as well in the Head, as others Member thereof, im∣plored the aid of the Emperor, and of the King of France, and with assu∣rance of their help and assistance caused certain peremptory citations to be set up in Modena, Bolognia, and other Cities of Italy, by which they cited the said Pope to appear at a general Councel to be he••d at Pisa, and to answer to such Articles as should be layed in against him, touching his Simony, neg∣ligence, and other abuses not specified in the said Citations; In regard of which faults, and of his Negligence, they affirmed that the Pope was not sufficient and fit to govern the Universal Church of Christendom, and that the Power and Authority to call and summon a general Councel was lawful∣ly devolved unto them. So although our Kings (as I have said) are the greatest and most absolute Kings of the world, next unto the Kings of France; yet the Barons, after the battel of Lewis, in the time of Henry the third, ordained that two Earls and a Bishop elected by the Commonalty should chose to them nine other persons, whereof three should alwayes re∣main about the King, and by the whole twelve both the Court and the Realm should be governed. So in the fourth year of the Reign of Edward the second, the Prelates, Earls and Barons made Ordinances for the State and Government of the Realm, which because the King would neither con∣firm, not allow, were confirmed by sentence of Excommunication against all them that should go to break the same. So the Scotchmen in the time of Iohn their King, being moved thereunto by his negligence, chose twelve Peers, and four Bishops, four Earls, and four Barons, by whose advice and counsel the King should Govern the Realm. So to be short, although (as

Bodin reporteth) when a certain Advocate pleading a cause in France said, that the Kings of France had received their Power and Authority from the Common-people, the Kings Atturney stepped up and requested the Court, that those things might be razed out of his Plea; shewing that the Kings thereof never received any Power or Authority from the common people and required, that both that Advocate and all others might be commanded (as he and they were) never to use the like words in their pleas: yet before and since that time divers Kings of France have been censured by the three Estates of their Realm, as it may appear by the examples of those Kings which were (as I have said) deposed in France.

Thus it appeareth, that if Princes offend, they may be chastened accor∣ding to the nature and quality of their offences; and it cannot justly or truly be said, that that is against a Law or without Law which is done by an high Court of Parliament, from whence all or most Laws have their beginning, their foundation, their strength. Neither can this manner of correction embolden Subjects to conspire against the life of their Soveraign. For either the Majesty of their Prince, or the remembrance of their du••y towards him, or the fear of punishment, or the danger that followeth Rebellions, or the hope of Reformation by imploying the aid of the Peers and Nobility will alwayes restrain their insolency, and keep them within the bounds and limits of true obedience.

But when Subjects are disposed to be rid of their Kings, they may (say the Favourers of the Scotish Queen) implore the aid of Forreign Princes to suppress them.

Whereunto I answer, that if their cause be just and good▪ I grant it to be lawfull so to do; But if it shall proceed of Malice, and not of Justice, of their desire, and not of their Princes desert; of a rash and foolish dislike, and not of manifest Tyranny or evil Government, there will be no Prince so ill advised as to hear them, much less to succour them; for he that should hear••en to such light complaints, and in regard of them molest another King, would undoubtedly by Gods good and just punishment, in time be troubled with the like Subjects himself.

Now whereas it is said, that a Prince coming upon what occasion soever into another Princes Country cannot be put to death without the breach of Humanity and Hospitality. Hereunto I answer briefly, that if such a Prince shall so much forget himself, as, although he be detained for never so unjust a cause, to attempt and conspire by himself or others his death that detaineth him; truly, neither the Laws of Humanity or Hospitality are or can justly be said to be broken, if such a Prince be severely punished; for since he first violateth these Laws himself, he giveth thereby just occasion unto him whose death he seeketh by unlawfull means to use the benefit of Law, for the short∣ning of so unthankfull a Guests life; especially if before his attempt and conspiracy his detainor always used him gently and curteously.

But it was never seen (say the Scotish Queens friends) that a Prince flying from the violence of her Subjects, or passing by another Princes Realm (as the Scotish Queen did) to go into another Country, was detained prisoner; It is a thing never heard of, never practised in any Age, or by any Prince, were he never so barbarous, never so void of Humanity.

This is a vehement Objection; but not so vehement as ridiculous: For as a private man cannot come upon his neighbours ground without his leave, so Princes may not set their feet on their neighbours Territories without asking

them leave and license; and the Prince that shall presume to come into ano∣ther Princes Country without his leave, is thought too indiscreet and unwise, although the occasion of his coming be never so just and lawfull. It is writ∣ten of Baldwine the Emperor of Constantinople, that when he being driven from his Imperial Seat, came into England to demand aid of our King, the cause of his coming was very just and equitable; but when landed at Dover, word was sent him by our King, that he had done unadvisedly and other∣wise then it became a king of his Magnificence and Majesty, to adventure to come into our Realm without making them privy before hand to his coming; and because he vouchsafed not to ask leave, it was held for a mani∣fest sign of great pride and contempt.

Was there ever Prince that took a more just and necessary and com∣mendable voyage then Richard the first king of England did unto the Holy land? Was there ever any journey of which followed better success then of that his voyage? Had ever Prince more just occasion to hope to pass by a∣nother Princes Country without danger or detriment then he had? And yet as he returned, although he was disguised in apparel, to the end he might not be known, and pass safely, he was intercepted by Leopald Duke of Au∣stria and held a long time in prison by him, and afterwards dilivered unto the Emperor. And albeit that the Pope and other Princes, considering that he was unlawfully detained, became Mediators and Intercessors for his liberty, yet he could not be delivered before he had endured twenty two moneths imprisonment, and had paid better then one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for his Ransom.

Both our Chronicles and the Scotish Histories report, that Iames son unto Robert King of Scotland, (when his Uncle being Governor of the King∣dom, had murthered his Elder brother, and purposed to have made him away also) was sent by his father into France or into England, with letters of recomenmdation unto both Kings, wherein the poor and distressed Father besought both Kings to have compassion of his wofull and unhappy estate, and to receive and entertain his Son with all kindeness. The young Prince, after that he had been but a small while upon the Seas, not brooking them very well, commanded the Master of the ship to land him in England; He is presently brought unto the presence of King Henry the first, to whom he shewed his Fathers letters; The King having perused them, called his Councel together; they deliberate what were best to do with the Prince; some think it good to send him into France; others (whose opi∣nion was followed) perswade the king to detain him as prisoner. I might alledge a number of Examples like unto these two, but they may suffice to refute this frivolous Objection: And the late Queen of Scots might have learned of either these Princes how to have carried her self in the time of her Captivity.

King Richard was a valiant, a mighty, and a notable wise Prince. His case was lamented of all the Princes of Christendom: His Subjects were both willing and able to have constrained his Detainers to deliver him: His journey was undertaken for the benefit of all Christendom; and therefore it behoved all Princes to be offended with his imprisonment. Briefly, neither the Duke nor the Emperor had just occasion to detain him; and yet during the long and tedious time of his durance, he neither sought any unlawfull means to escape out of prison, nor practised any treacherous wayes to be re∣venged of his Detainers. The Scotish Prince doubtless was to be pittied:

The cause of his flight was just and honest, and the detaining of him prisoner wa•• rather hatefull then honourable; and yet this poor Prince carried him∣self not onely honestly and faithfully as long as he was prisoner in England, but also when our king caused him to attend upon him into France, where he might have easily escaped from his keepers, or quickly ha••e procured some violent means to purchase his liberty, he continued st••ll a faithfull prisoner; And was so far (at all times) from seeking revenge for his hard and long imprisonment, that he alwayes thought that he was well and courteously used; and in requital of that courtesie, when as Henry the sixth, Son unto the same Henry who kept him Prisoner, was driven out his kingdom, he not onely ha••boured him, but also helped to restore him to his kingdom.

The good carriages of these two Princes condemneth the Scottish Queen; and the general custom of Princes as not onely to crave leave when they come into other Princes Dominions, but also to provide for their safety and security as long as they shall be there, confuteth this foolish, this fond, this ridiculous and childish Objection.

It is written of a King of Navarre, that when he had occasion to come into England, in the four and fortieth year of Edward the Third his reign, not to conspire against us but to intreat a League with us, and to fight for us, he not onely demanded leave, but also durst not adventure to come, before that the King had sent unto his Realm certain Bishops, Earls and Ba∣rons to remain as Hostages and Sureties that he should be well used so long as he continued in England. And surely Princes have great reason to re∣quire such Assurance, since many Kings and Princes have been in great dan∣ger to be killed, yea and some have been killed when they met of purpose to talk of Common Affairs: So was Iulius Caesar in danger to have been in conference with Ariovis••us; so was William Duke of Normandy killed in conference with Arnold Earl of Flanders; so was the Duke of Burgun∣dy mu••thered at a meeting with the Dolphin of France. And these ex∣amples have made Princes more provident and wise then they were wont to be, for that they will hardly be perswaded or intreated to any such En∣terviews; or if they must needs meet, they cause places to be made of pur∣pose before the meeting, in such manner that they may see and hear one another, but not come so near together that the one may hurt the o∣ther.

But Ambassadors are safe in their enemies Countries; why then should Princes be in danger in their Neighbors Dominions? The Answer is very easie, ••ecause Ambassadors are not spared either for their own sak••s, or for their Masters, but because that without them there would never be an end of Hostility, nor any ••eace after Wars. Neither is the name or person of an Ambassador so inviolable either in peace or in the time of War, but that there may be both a convenient time, and a good occasion to pun••sh an Ambassador. For to omit that Olaus and Euetus killed the Ambassador of Illalcolnius King of Scots, as Hector Boetius recordeth; that Teaca Queen of Selavonia slew a Roman Ambassador, as Polybius reporteth; that the Athenians caused King Darius his Ambassador to be thrown and drowned in a deep Well, as Herodotus testifieth; and that William King of Sicily plucked out the eyes of Henry Dandelo, Ambassador unto him from the Venetians, as Illescas writeth; because these and the like examples are manifest Presidents of barbarous cruelty, rather then of Justice and Equi∣ty;

I will shew you by a few examples, that an Ambassador hath been, and may as often as the like occasion happeneth, be lawfully punished or sent out of the Realm wherein he remaineth as an Ambassador.

Titus Livius writeth, that when Brennus had found Quintus Fabius Ambustus fighting in the Camp of the Clusians against him, he sent presently as Herald of Arms unto Rome, to demand him to be delivered into his hands, as a Breaker of the Laws of Arms, because that being sent from the Romans as Ambassador unto him, he returned not home as soon as he had done his Ambassage, but remained still in the Clusians Camp; and because the Romans did not deliver unto his Messenger the said Ambustus, he left the siege of Clusius, and conveyed his invincible Army unto Rome, and there∣with spoiled and sackt the City.

Adrian the fourth Pope of Rome, sent his Chancellor Rowland, and Car∣dinal Bernard unto Fredrick the Fourth, who used such unreverend speeches unto the Emperor, that the County Palatine of Vitilispatch, not brooking the indignity that was offered unto his Master, drew his sword, and had not the Emperor staid his hand, he had slain the Ambassador in his presence; and the Emperor was so moved with indignation to see his insolent carriage and behaviour, that he presently commanded him to avoid out of his Court, and not to stay so long as to dispatch his necessary business.

The Romans when Marcus Aemilius Lepidus and Ca••us Flaminius were Consuls, delivered Lucius Martinus and Lucius Manlius into the hands of the Carthaginians to be used at their pleasure and discretion, be∣cause they had beaten their Ambassadors.

Edward the Second, King of England, amongst others sent a French Gentleman Ambassador into France, whom the French King (had not the Queen purchased his pardon) had excommunicated as a Traytor, because he presumed to serve his enemy for an Ambassador unto him.

Francis the First, King of France, sent Caesar Fregosus and Antony Rincone Ambassadors unto the Great Turk; Charls the Fifth his Soldiers took them upon the River of Poe in Italy, and presently slew them both: The French King complaineth that they were wrongfully murthered; the Emperor justifieth their death because the one being a Genouis, and the o∣ther a Milanois, and both in some manner his Subjects, they feared not to serve the French King his enemy.

Henry the Eighth, King of England, commanded a French Ambassador to depart presently out of his Realm, for no other occasion but for that h•• was the professed enemy of the Sea of Rome.

The Seigniory of Venice understanding that certain Traitors who had revealed their secrets to the Turk, were fled to hide themselves to the French Ambassadors house at Venice, sent certain Offices to search the Ambassadors house for them, and when the Ambassador forbad and refu∣sed to suffer those Officers to enter into his house, the Senate made no more ado, but sent for certain peeces of great Ordnance out of their Arsenal, where∣by they would have beaten down the house, had not the said Ambassador as soon as he saw the same Ordnance, yeelded the Traytors to their mercy and discretion.

I might alledge many more Histories to this purpose, but I should be over long and tedious; And yet I may not omit these two following, be∣cause they are worthy observation, and make more for my purpose then all the rest.

In the year 1544 the French King sent certain Ambassadors unto Charls the Fifth to Spires, sending an Herald of Arms before with Letters unto the Emperor, and unto the Princes Electors, in which he required a safe Conduct for his Ambassadors. The Herald is staid by the Cardinal Gavilla and made to deliver him his Letters, and to shew the cause of his coming; further he is commanded to keep his lodging, and that no man should be suffered to speak with him, and within four days he is willed to depart, and take heed that he presume not to come within the Emperors Dominions a∣nother time without his leave; he was now pardoned rather of lenity then of desert, because he had broken the Laws of Arms: And as concerning his Letters, it was told him that the King his Master had so deserved of the Emperor, and all the whole state of Christendom, that the Emperor neither could nor would receive them. This answer was given unto him written in French, and certain Soldiers appointed to bring him to the Borders of France.

The second example is of a Bishop, who in the year 1302 being sent Ambassador unto the French King from the Pope, practised certain Trea∣sons in France against the King, whereof he is accused, arraigned in the Court of Parliament at Paris, and being found guilty is committed unto prison. But he is delivered out of prison at the Popes request, and both he and the Popes Nuntio are commanded to avoid the Realm. The Pope excommunicateth the King for proceeding thus against his Ambassador; and the King to requite him with the like courtesie, commanded that no more money should be carried out of his Realm to Rome.

By these examples I may boldly infer two necessary Consequents; the one, that if Ambassadors fail in their duty, or fall into these follies which I have mentioned, they are either punishable, or may be sent away in dis∣grace. The other that the Spanish King hath no just cause to be offended with our Queens Majesty for the sending away of D••n Bernardine Mendoza his last Ambassador in England. For although he fought not in any Camp against her Majesty, as did Ambustus against Brennus, yet he perswaded di∣vers of her Subjects to bear Arms against her; although he used no unci∣vil and unreverent speeches against her Majesty as the Cardinal Bernard did unto the Emperor Fredrick, yet he did both backbite and slander her unto her Subjects and unto other Princes; although he did not beat her Ambas∣sadors, as Martinus and Manlius did the Carthaginian Ambassadors, yet he did both vilifie and discredit her Ambassadors abroad; spared not to speak evil of her best and wisest Councellors at home; although he was not an Ambassador of a professed enemy to the Sea of Rome, as was the French Ambassador residing in England in Henry ••he Eighth his time, yet he was an Ambassador of a professed enemy unto her Highness, because he was his Ambassador who was in league with the Sea of Rome; Briefly, although he denied not to deliver Traitors unto h••r Majesty, as the French Ambassa∣dor did at Venice; yet he not onely received but procured her many Trai∣tors, and both counselled and encouraged them to commit sundry Treasons against her Majesty.

The premises being therefore duly considered, why might not her Ma∣jesty imitate Charls the Fifth, who hardly admitted the French King Lerold to his presence, because his Master was his professed Enemy? Why might not her Grace command the Spanish Ambassador to depart out of her Realm, since he had lived many years in England, not as a Mediator, but as a Per∣turber

of a peace; not as a friend to her Estate, but as a debaucher and cor∣rupter of her loyal Subjects; not as one that desired her welfare, but endea∣voured to procure her overthrow? Why might not her Highness send him away in peace, who as long as he lived in her Realms, would continu∣ally have interrupted her peace? Might the King of France arreign and con∣demn a Bishop for practising Treason against his person? might he com∣mit him to prison, and after his deliverance profess open enmity against the Pope his Master, against the Pope that had, or at lestwise challengeth some authority over him? and might not her Majesty do the like unto a Spanish Gentleman, a meer Lay-man, not so priviledged as a Prelate, not so favoured in Law as a Bishop; briefly, not so worthy of favour or compassion as was a Popes Legate, a Legate either equal, or as the days were then, and are in some places yet, not inferior to a Prince? It was Mendoza that misled the Scottish Queen; it was he that drew Francis Throgmorton into dangerous Treasons; it was he that had se∣cret Intelligence with Babington and his Complices; it was he that encou∣raged Morgan and Paget abroad; it was he that studied night and day to procure us Enemies at home; Briefly it was he that spared no labour, no money, no expences, whereby he might either openly or secretly endan∣ger our State.

He lived not many months but years in England without bringing so much as a Letter from his Majesty unto her Majesty, without perform∣ing any Function belonging to an Ambassador: And how lived he? Not in Court, but in the City; not in open view of the World, but in secret corners; not as an Ambassador, but as a Spy. And when was he dismissed? Not so soon as he was found to have committed one action of hostility, but after that he was admonished, not once, but many times, to leave off his Treachery; not when he was suspected, but after that many Traytors had confessed that he was not only privy but principal unto their Treasons. Breifly, how was he dismissed? Not with a crimina∣tion and threatning, as was the French Herald, but with fa••r words and a kindly farewel; not with a Troop of Soldiers to conduct him to Sea side, but with a company of Gentlemen to associate him to the place where he took shipping; not to pass with danger through the Country that hated him for his Treasons, but to be conveyed without danger unto the Country that loved him for his Treachery intended against her Majesty: To be short, not slightly sent away in disgrace, but then commanded to de∣part, when as his Master would not vouchsafe audience unto a wise and dis∣creet Gentleman sent by her Majesty unto him, to signifie his demeanor and his carriage.

Well, he is gone out of England, and whether? Into France; And to what place in France? To Paris: And what to do there? To per∣severe in his malice against England, to confer with the English Traytors personally, with whom he talked before by Letters; to confirm the Gui∣sards in their Treasons, to dispose the French Leaguers to favour and fur∣ther his Majesty against us and our friends: Briefly, so to behave himself, that without him, neither whole France, nor rebellious and obstinate Paris had held out so long as it did against the late and present French king; for the people of Paris are (as a Spanish writer reporteth of them) proud, rich, and rebellious, which humor this Ambassador nourisheth in them; and when they were most hardly besieged, there were five things (as the same Author

writeth) that made them hold out; First, The valour and courage of the Duke of Nemours Governour of the Town; Secondly, the pre∣sence of the Popes Legate; Thirdly, the Alms and Liberality of this Embassador; Fourthly, the perswasions of the Preachers; Fifthly, the news that were daily sent to the Town by the Duke of Mayne, and published by Mendoza and other Princes.

Thus it appeareth that he was a notable Instrument of Rebellion, and a fit man to be imployed in factious services: For, as God hath deprived him of his sight, and made him blinde; so he intended to deprive others of their senses, and to blinde their fight and judgement, to the end they might not be abe to see and discern the hidden projects of his conspiracies. But of him enough. Now again unto the Queen of Scots.

It appeareth that being culpable, she might be arraigned; and being found guilty, she might be condemned. But the manner of her arraign∣ment and of her condemnation seemeth very strange unto as many as hear of it; and ••is repugnant unto the Laws and Customs of England, observed in the Trial of meaner Subjects. It seemeth strange that her Majesty should be a judge in her own cause, in a matter of Treason; and especially against a Princess: And of this strangeness many of the Scotish Queens Favourites take such hold, as they hold it for a matter without Example, without any former Presidents.

But if it might please these her Favorers to consider, that although it be a certain rule in Law, that no man shall be a Judge in his own cause, yet the Preheminence, Excellency and Prerogative of Kings and Princes, is, and hath alwayes been such, that they may Judge and determine in any causes that concern themselves. For Tiberi••s Caesar sate Judge in his own cause, in dividing certain Inheritances: with him was substi∣tuted one Parthenius, Caesars servant. Marcus Antonius the Em∣peror judged that the goods of Valerius Nepos were lawfully devolved, and as it were confiscated unto the Exchequer. And Quiltilian testifieth, that he pleaded a cause for Queen Berenne, whereon she her self sat as prin∣cipal Judge.

What Scholar hath not read the Orations of M. Tullius Cice∣ro made in defence of Quintus Ligarius, of Deiotarius, of Marcus Marcellus before Iulius Caesar, he being the onely Judge and Arbitra∣tor of his own cause? And it was the custom of the first kings of Rome to hear all causes themselves, as well concerning their sub∣jects as themselves, until that Servius Tullius, the sixth king, reserved all publick causes for his own audience, and referred his own private matters unto the Senate; There was nothing so great or so small (saith Suetonius Tranquillus) but Tiberius, when he began to be wea∣ry of managing of publick affairs, referred the same unto his Sena∣tors: And so did Marcus Antonius, as Capitolinus testifieth. But after that Princes began to grow absolute, after that their States became he∣reditary, and they had established a certain order in Judgement, then began they to have their Judges, who sat as their substitutues, as well in other mens as in their own causes, as Choppianus reporteth. And although they appoint such Judges, yet they wrong not their Subjects therein, because both they themselves vouchsafe to swear to see their Laws maintained, and their Judges are sworn to Judge according un∣to their Laws. But our Queens Majesty was not Judge in the Scotish

Queens cause; It pleased her to make the high Court of Parliament judge thereof. What wrong then was there offered unto her, since she had the same Trial which many Kings of England have had? As namely, Richard the second and third, and Henry the fourth and sixth.

She had not the favour which was shewed unto Subjects or Strangers. She should have had a Jury of Twelve Peers to pass on her, whereof the one half should have been Englishmen, and the other Scots, or other strangers?

This in truth is the usuall and ordinary manner of Tryal for strangers of∣fending within the Queen Dominions: But where should such strangers have been had, but that they would have been partial on the one side, or on the other? what course might have been taken for their coming into England? And when they were come, if she had made, as she might have done, any manner of exception against them, had it not been dangerous to stay the coming of others? Had it not been costly to have defrayed their Charges? And who should have born their charges? The strangers themselves would not have been at the cost. The Scotish Queen was not able to main∣tain them: And there was no reason to put her Majesty to such charges. It may be that the Spanish King would have been content to have paid their charges. Let it be granted; yea, and those whom he would have sent, would have saved her life, because they durst not displease him, and he must needs have gratified her, because she had (as she confessed) sold unto him her pretensive Right unto the Crown of England. Is it likely, that six Peers of our Realm would have spared her, when six and thirty of the chiefest of our Nobility, and of the most discreet Judges and Lawyers of our Realm found her guilty, and the whole Parliament condemned her? In which Parliament, by reason of the Priviledges and Liberties thereof, any man might have spoken more freely, in her defence, then in any other place? And was it not seen, that before she had endea∣voured by so many wayes and means as she did, to take away our most gratious Soveraigns life and Scepter, that very mean men presumed to speak for her in the Parliament House, and were heard with all favour and indifferency? And if she had been saved by the Spaniards bene∣fit, would he not have used her to our destruction? And should not we have lived in continual servitude, then which nothing is more grie∣vous unto a good minde, nothing more contrary and repugnant un∣to the nature and quality of a Prince? May it be thought that that King, who objected unto our Queen, in a most disdainfull and di∣spightfull manner, that he had saved her life, and that her Majesty was bound unto him for the same, when as indeed there was no cause why she should have ever have been in danger to lose her life? May it be thought (I say) that he wou••d not have done the like unto the Scotish Queen, if she had not been alwayes at his dispo∣sition?

But it was strange that a Prince should be put to death. It was not strange in Scotland, where more Kings have been slain and murther∣ed then have died a natural death; where Alphinus, not onely King of Scots, but also Heir unto the Kingdom of the Picts, was open∣ly beheaded. It was not strange in Hungary, where Queen Ioan was executed for the murther committed on the person of her Hus∣band.

It was not strange in France, where Bernard King of Italy, and lawful King of France, was adjudged and done to death. It was not strange in Asia, where Hercules slew Laomedon for his tyranny and cruelty. It was not strange in Spain, where Henry the Bastard executed Peter the lawful King. It was not strange in the kingdom of Naples, where Conrad right∣ful King thereof was beheaded. Briefly, it was not strange in the holy Scrip••ures, where we read that Ioshuah discomfited five Kings, and hung them all upon trees; that Saul was reprehended by Samuel for not kil∣ing Agag King of the Amalakites, whom Samuel took and hewed in peeces; that Gideon slew the Kings of Midian, and that Iehu slew Iehoram King of Israel, and Ahaziah King of Iudah.

There is nothing then strange or without example in the execution of the Scotish Queen, unless it be strange that our Queens Majesty was care∣less of her life, when her Subject were careful of the same; that she would not hear of her death, when they desired nothing more then her death: That when the Parliament had condemned her, she could not be in treated to subscribe to their Judgment.

Briefly, That when with great labour and many perswasions she was won by her privy Councel and others, who were of opinion that Vita Ma∣riae would be Mors Elizabethae, as Vita Conradini was thought by the Pope to be Mors Caroli, to deliver her Warrant to one of her Secretaries for her death, she imprisoned, and grievously fined that Secretaryfor sending that Warrant with such speed as he did, whereby it seemed, that had not the Warrant been obtained when it was, she would hardly have yeeled to her execution; and by punishing him that was so willing and ready to have her executed, it appeareth that her Majesty not onely loved her whilst she lived, but also after she was dead; and her Highness grave and wise speeches delivered unto her loving Subjects in the Parliament House, do testifie how sorrowful and unwilling her Majesty was to consent unto her death, al∣though it was there made most apparent unto her Grace, that as long as that Queen lived, she could not be without continual danger of losing her life.

This opinion being therefore confirmed to be most true since her death, because there have no such Treasons been either intended or practised against her Majesty since, as before that time; It followeth, that her execution gave the King of Spain not just occasion to invade her Highness Realms. The causes then of this invasion are unjust; now fol∣loweth the course, a course not beseeming a Prince of his might, of his years, of his long continuance and experience in the exercise and administration of a kingdom.

For first, his years are fitter for peace then for war; for rest and quiet∣ness, then for troubles and unquietness; and many wise and mighty Princes, either before or as soon as they came to his years, have given over the World, resigned their kingdom, and spent the residue of their time in Monastical idleness. I read that Sigisbert, Etheldred, Elured, Constantine, and Inas King of England; that Charls the Fifth, and Uladislaus kings of Bohemia, Constantine king of Scotland, and Amadeus Duke of Savoy, before they came to the Spanish kings age, renounced the world to live unto God in houses of Religion. I record oftentimes the notable exploits, the marvellous victories, and the rare and admirable vertues of Pompey, of Alexander, of Antiochus of Theodosius, and of Charls king of France (who were all, as

you have heard sirnamed the Great) and I find that they were all so far off at his age from seeking new occasions of Wars, of new Conquests, that ei∣ther all, or the most part of them commended their souls unto God, and committed their bodies unto the earth before they attained his years. I remember all this, and in remembring it, I think that it pleased the Al∣mighty to take them out of this world so soon as they were no more fit and able to conquer in the World; thereby giving to understand unto their after-commers, that in their youth they may lawfully attend upon Con∣quests, upon Arms, upon Wars as occasion shall be presented unto them, but that in their elder age, they ought to have their thoughts, their cogita∣tions, and their eyes fixed upon no other things then upon the conservation of their kingdoms, the wealth of their Subjects, and the health of their own souls: For when private men, much more Princes, attain unto threescore and odd years, it is high time for them to amend their lives, and to recon∣cile themselves unto God, because their strength faileth them, their vital spirits decay, and the hour of death approacheth.

Here you see one great over-sight in his course; now followeth another. Wise and discreet Princes most commonly before they enter into dangerous and long Wars, appoint and compose the Quarrels and contentions which they have with their Neighbors, or with any other Princes that are able to cross their Enterprises. It is written of Iulius Caesar, of whose commen∣dations all Histories are plentiful, that when he was fully resolved to war with the Veyans, he sent a Gentleman accustomed and acquainted with the natu∣ral disposition of those people, to contain the Inhabitants of the River of Rhine in their duty and obedien••e, and to take order that the Gascoines should not in any wise help or assist his enemies. The Romans being entreat∣ed by the Spaniardw, with whom they were in league, to succor them against the Carthaginians, denied them such aid as they demanded, because that the Frenchmen at the sametime warred in Italy. Richard the first, king of England, being determined to make a voyage into the Holy Land for relief thereof; and fearing that either the King of Scots or his Brother Iohn might at the instigation of the French king, trouble and disquiet his Realm in his absence, would not undertake that journey before he assured unto himself the king of Scots and his Brother by many gifts and rewards; and also bound the French king by vow and oath to attempt nothing against his kingdom, be∣fore that fifty days should be expired after his return out of Syria. And that victorious king of France ••who passed triumphantly from the begin∣ning of Italy unto the end thereof without striking a stroak) would not ad∣venture to enter into Italy before he had made a very fast ane strong League of Amity and Friendship with Fardinando and Isabella King and Queen of Spain, and before he had purchased through Bribes and Corruption, the assured friendship of the king of England, and had also accommodated and appeased all causes and occasions of contentions and variance betwixt France and the Emperor Maximilian.

It seemeth the Spanish king either regarded not, or remembred not these examples, because that intending and fully resolving to invade England, he made the French king his enemy rather than his friend; from whom he might receive far greater annoyance and disturbance in his inten∣ded purpose and enterprise, then from any other Prince in Christendom. But the Catholick kings Councellors perswade him that he and his Con∣federates are well enough able of themselves, not onely to withstand,

but also to subdue and subjugate all those Princes which are not in league with him; and that the next way to recover his own patrimony in the Low Countries, was to distress and destroy England first; which being once happily effected, he should finde it very easie and nothing at all diffi∣cult to master his Subjects, and inforce them by open violence to re∣ceive both him and his Religion; he must therefore bend his whole ••or∣ces against Engla••d; against England that hath highly offended him, and that may easily be subdued, because he shall finde many there, who being weary and discontented with the present Government, will be ready to en∣tertain his Armies, and immediately will joyn their strength with his Forces.

But not to stand long upon the confutation hereof, let these grave Councellors, or these discontented Fugitives, unto whose perswasions both the Spanish King, and his wisest Councellors give too much credit, tell me whether ever any Prince had, or may desire to have a better op∣portunity, or an easier means to invade and conqu••r England, then Lewis Son unto the King of France had, who was not onely called into the Realm by the Barons, with a faithful assurance of all the best help and furtherance that they could yeeld him against King Iohn, but also was comforted and accompanied with all the good wishes and blessings that the holy Father of Rome could bestow upon him; and wanted not the many Forces, and continual Supplies which the mighty Kingdom of France was able to afford him: And yet how speeded this valiant Lewis? What success had his ambitious Enterprise? Forsooth he prevailed for a time; won to day, and lost to morrow, and in the end was glad to return from whence he c••me with far greater shame then honour.

But what need I speak of matters beyond mans memory, worn out of remembrance, and reported by antient Historiographers, when as the success of the late Spanish Fleet may serve to admo••ish a wise Prince, how to trust the vain reports of lying Fugitives, and how to make great preparations against a mighty Kingdom in hope of assistance within the Realm? Was there any man that gave them succour either of Men or Victuals? Was there ever an Haven that was either able or willing to harbour their Ships their Ships that needed both harbour and re∣parations? Was there any friend either within the Country, or nigh unto the Country would bestow a little fresh water upon them, for lack whereof many of their people died? Was there ever a Pri••ce or Potentate, that would suffer them to repair either broken, wind-shaken, or Sea beaten Ships within his Dominion? Briefl••, was there any man that would furn••sh them with Masts, Sa••ls, Cables▪ and other things n••cessary, for want whereof most of their Navy perished?

I will tell you a thing which may be strange to others, but no news to you, and yet worthy to be told, because it is meet that it should be known unto all men. When the report was certain in England that the Spanish Fleet and Forces were at hand, instead of lamentat••ons, weepings, out-cries (which things in time of sudden accidents are common, and even used amongst valiant people) the Queens Maje∣sties ears were filled with Prayers, Petitions, and Motions, some∣times of one Shire, sometimes of another, most humbly beseeching her Highness to give the Spaniards liberty to land with their Forces, and them

leave to encounter with them alone. I my self do marvel, and I think as many as shall hear it will marvel thereat, that in men of one and the same Religion, there should be divers opinions, and different Judge∣ments in matters concerning the advancement of their Religion; Yet I know, and you shall understand, that the English Catholicks which are out of England, and those that live within the same Realm, were not all of one opinion, of one minde, when the Spaniards were coming for England; for the one sort wished them all manner of happiness and prosperity; and the other prayed to God not to prosper their journey, much less their Attempt, and besought the Queens Majesty to place them in the foremost Range and Ranck against the Spaniards, and where they might endanger themselves most, and do her Highness most service; not because they were weary of their lives, but for that they thought it most honorable to die in the defence of their Country, and that God would never forsake them in so just a cause.

This may serve to shew that the Spaniards had, and may have very small hope to finde any manner of aid within England. And yet to clear this point the better, may it please you to remember, that when the re∣port of the Spaniards coming began to be certain, all those which we call Papists, and our Adversaries term Catholicks, at least the better sort of them, were conveyed to several houses far distant the one from the other, and there kept, not like Prisoners, but like Gentlemen of their calling, and all the Nobility was commanded to repair to the Court; of which com∣mandment their followed two commodities: The one, That the Catho∣licks being under safe custody, there was no man of account to sollicite the Subjects to Rebellion; the other, that if any small or great number had been disposed to rebell, there was not any man of worth to be their Head; And it hath seldom been seen that Rebels ever durst adventure to shew their evil inclination; or adventuring, had at any time good suc∣cess, without having some man of special accompt and authority for their head.

But Ireland and Scotland may be thought to favour the Spanish King, and undoubtedly he hath been made beleeve, that in either of those Realms he shall finde faithful friends, and such as will adventure their lives to do him service. Truly Ireland hath been a long time subject to the Crown of England, but always divided into two Factions; the one of ci∣vil and discreet people, the other of wilde and savage men; the first sort, true and faithful Subjects unto their Soveraign, and the other prone and ready to spurn against their Superiors, but not able to do any great hurt, no more then the Banditti of Italy, which may rob a house, spoil a little Village, and set fire on a Castle, and run away by the light when they have done; and yet to be sure that no great annoyance should come from Ire∣land to England, the best part of the Nobility of the Country was likewise called to the Court; the strongest Holds were committed to the custody of faithful keepers; and to hold them in better obedience, there was sent over such a Lord Deputy as was well acquainted with their Customs practised in the Country, and very well beloved of the people.

As for Scotland, although the Kings thereof have always been for these many hundred years in firm league and amity with the Kings of

France, and of late years have had some occasion of extraordinary great love and friendship with the house of Guise (the House that hath been, as you have heard, the onely upholder and mainta••ner of the Spanish Fact on in France) yet because the present King of Scotland hath been nourished up from his infancy in the same Religion which the Queen of England professeth; and for that he is bound unto her Highness for divers favors and courtesies shewed unto him in the time of his distress and ne∣cessity, he is very well affected unto the State of England, and desireth nothing more then the welfare of that Country, the health and safety of the Queens Majesty, and the reign and overthrow of all her Enemies; which desire he signified unto her Majesty at such time as she thought she stood in need of his help, offering to come in person to aid her Grace against the Spainards wi••h the greatest power he was able to make.

The Venetians brag of the strength of their City, because it is distant five miles from any land, and defended by a little natural Bank from the violence of the Sea: How may England therefore boast of her strength, since she is severed above thirty miles at the least from any other Nation, not by a little Bank, but by a great Sea; especially if ••reland and Scot∣land be under her subjection, and in League with her; and also if the Maritine forces of the United Provinces be always ready to joyn with her against all her enemies? It is not the happy success of one Battel, nor the mighty or innum••rable forces of one A••my that must or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 subdue England; but he that will undertake to conquer our Realm, must first overthrow our invincible Navy, and then encounter with our strengths by Land, and not obtain one onely, but many Victories against them; a matter in my simple conceit almost impossible, especially for the King of Spain. For besides that Fortune is seldom or never so constant or pro∣digal of her favours, that she vouchsafeth unto any man any long conti∣nuance of desired happiness; this impossibility will easily appear unto him that shall call to remembrance what hath been already said touching the Forces of England and Spain.

But the Romans first, then the Danes, next VVilliam the Conque∣ror; Lastly, Divers English Princes pretending right unto the Crown of England, have with very small difficulty, and with no great Armies subdued the same; and why may not the like fortune happen to the Spainard? Truely, if it might be inferred as a necessary consequent, that the Country that hath been conquered many times, and by many Nations, should always be very easily conquered; This inference might be far better made and used against Spain, then against England. For Spain was first governed by Tuball the Son of Iapheth, the Son of Noe, and by his posterity, who were deprived of the Possession and Government thereof by the Sidonians, and they by the Thracians, and they by the Rhodians, and they by the Phrygians, and they by the Phenicians, and they by the Cypriots, and they by the Aegypti∣ans, and they by the Miletians, and they by the Phocentians, and they by the Chaldeans, and they by the Carthaginians, and they by the Romans, and they by the Gothes, and they by the Vice-Gothes, and they lastly by the Spainards, whom the Sa••azens had driven out of their Country, had not the Frenchmen holpen them to repel and expel the Sar••zens.

England was undoubtedly subdued by the Romans, but not be∣fore they had conquered all the rest of the World, because they re∣served (as it may be well supposed) the conquest thereof (as Conquerors most commonly do in great Enterprises) for the last and greatest Exploit which they had to do, or for the best reward that they could attain or expect of their long and tedious Wars. And it is written that they boasted more of the Conquest thereof, then of all the Victories which they had obtained in their dayes, because they sup∣posed that England which was divided from the rest of the World by the Sea, was no part of the World; and therefore they made two Triumphs thereof; the one of the main Land, and the other of the huge and mer∣ciless Sea.

The Danes and Saxons likewise subdued England, but they enjoyed their Conquest but a very few years; And how subdued they England? Not by main force (as Spain was always conquered) but by cunning and deceit; for Vortiger King of England, being continually molested by Pirates, and by the Scots, was constrained to require Aid of the Saxons, who sent him a great Army under the Conduct of two Bre∣thren, Engistus and Orsus; of which, Engistus having cunningly obtain∣ed of the King a convenient place for his people to dwell in, fortified the same secretly, got more thereunto covertly, politickly perswaded the King to send for more forces out of Saxony; and lastly, Married his Daughter unto the King, by whose means he brought his Countrymen in great credit with his Majesty, made him banish the chief Nobility from the Court, caused the King by this means to incur the hatred of his Sub∣jects; and when he perceived that our Country-men began to suspect and fear his over-growing Greatness, he suddenly entred into league with the Picts, the Antient Enemies of England, and with their helps made an easie conquest thereof.

William the Conqueror became Master of England in this manner; Edward King of England dying in the year 1065. made by his last Will and Testament, William Duke of Normandy his sole and lawful Heir, with the consent and counsel of the cheif Peers and Barons of his Realm; But afterwards, being wone thereunto by the flattery and sweet words of his Wife, he changed his maid, and adopted Harrold his Brother for his Heir; whereupon there grew a great variance and contention be∣twixt the said VVilliam and Harrold; who having some occasion to go into Flanders, was by contrary winds driven into Normandy, where he was presently intercepted and carried unto the Duke as a Prisoner; be∣fore whom, when he came, fearing that he should not be set at liber∣ty in a long time, nor without a great Ransom, unlesse he used some cunning device for his present delivery; He said unto the Duke; Other Princes (Noble Duke) when they have occasion to require Helps or any thing else of their Neighbours or Confederates, use to demand the same by their Ambassadors; But I, contrary to this Custom, knowing that there is no better way to end this contenti∣on and competency which is betwixt you and me, then for me to mar∣ry your Daughter, am come in person to pray your good Will, that I may have her for my Wife.

The Duke yeeldeth to his desire; Harrold with his new Spouse re∣turneth

speedily into England, commandeth all Normans upon pain of death to depart out off his Realm within three dayes, prostitu∣teth his wife unto his meanest servants, cutteth of her nose and her ears, and sendeth her back unto her Father in a Fisher-mens Boat. This Injury and Indignity may seem grievous unto you that hear it; No marvel then if it so grieved her poor Father, that to be revenged thereof he presently implored the help of his Friends; who what for pitty of the distrested Princess, what in hope of high rewards, what in regard of the love and duty that some bare unto the Duke, were so many, that the greatest part of the Nobility of France, with all the power that they could possibly make, accompanied him in his journey.

But from him unto those kings of England, who being driven from their Kingdoms, recovered the same with small difficulty. And not to be over tedious, it shall suffice to mention unto you but two Princes of that kinde, namely Edward the fourth, and Henry the seventh.

And first to Edward, who being deprived by his own Subjects of his Royal Diadem, fled unto the Duke of Bugundy, of whom obtaining an Army but of two thousand men onely, he returned into England, and finding that very few favoured him, so long as he demanded the Crown, he caused it to be proclaimed and published, that he required nothing but the Dukedom of York, whereunto every man knowing that he had Right, many began to favour him, and no man at his first landing in Yorkshire would resist him; and yet he was not received into the City of York, before that he had sworn faith and obedience unto the King.

This Oath being solemnly taken, he goeth forward towards London; Some few of his Friends came unto him upon the way. The Earl of Warwick his Brother, who was incamped neer about York to inter∣cept him on the way, either for fear, or through ignorance, suffereth him to proceed on his journey, and so without so much as one stroke he came to London, where he was received by the Citizens with great joy and gladness, because divers of the richest sort, doubting that they should never have again such sums of money, as they had lent him whiles he was their king, unless he recovered the Kingdom, had purcha∣sed him the favour and friendship of the greatest part of the City; of which being once Master, he increased daily in power and strength; and his Brother the Duke of Clarence, and others, leaving the Earl of Warwick and his Faction, made him so strong that he daily subdued the rest of his Enemies. Thus prevailed he.

Now from him unto Henry the seventh, who living a long time as a banished man in Brittany with the Duke thereof, could never be sent into his Country unto Edward the fourth, or Richard the third al∣though both of them, knowing that that they could not Reign in security so long as he lived, had requested him very earnestly of the Duke; And the last of them ruled still in great fear, but in Peace and Quietness, untill that Isabella, wife of Edward the fourth, and Margaret the said Henries Mother, by the help of a Physitian came to conferre together, and in the end they con∣cluded of this agreement, that they would cause her Son, the said

Henry to return into England, and to possess the Crown thereof, with the help of his aid and their friends, if he would take to wife the daugh∣ter of Edward the fourth. Henry being certified hereof, and also given to undeastand, that Richard Thomas, a man trained up in arms all the dayes of his life, and Sir Iohn Savage would adventure their lives for him, and that the Lord Bray had provided great sums of money to pay his Souldiers withal, easily obtained of the king of France a small Ar∣my of 2000 men, with which arriving in Wales, and joyning with the Forces of the said Thomas, he went towards London; and upon his way daily received greater strength, even of the Souldiers of king Richard, his Enemy, who by reason of the great cruelty and ••y∣ranny which he used, was forsaken of his own Friends; and his Soul∣diers detesting his proud and cruel Government, fought so in his be∣half, that they seemed more desirous he should lose then win the Field; which fell out according to their desire.

By these Examples and others like unto these, you may perceive that never any man had any good success against England, who had not both a just cause to invade the same, and a strong faction within the Realm. And by that which hath been spoken you may understand that the Spaniard wanteth both the one and the other.

Here might I conveniently (if I had not sufficiently declared the strength of England, to make the difficulty and impossibility of the Spa∣niards purpose more apparent) enter into a large discourse of the Forces thereof; but let that suffice that hath been spoken. And yet I may not forget to let you, and as many as doubt of our strength, understand that we have been (and I know not why we should not still be) so strong and for∣tunate, that when the French were so many in the Field against us, that they thought the very Boyes and Lacques in their Camp were able to subdue our Army; and when the Scots, thinking that because our king was in France with fourscore thousand English, we had none but Priests and women left at home to encounter with them, entred with main force into our Country, and with assured hope and confidence to conquer the same, we neither fearing the multitudes of the French, nor being danted or terrified with the Scots suddain and advantagious Invasion, subdued both Nations, and took both their kings prisoners in the Field.

But our Englishmen cannot live with a little Bread and a Cup of Wine, as the Spaniards can do; they are not accustomed to endure cold, to lie abroad in the Field, to stand up to the knees in dirt and water, to watch nights and dayes, and briefly to take other such pains and travels as are incident unto wars.

To pleasure our Adversaries, let us grant this to be so (although the the contrary indeed is most true) who amongst the bravest Spaniards, or the greatest Souldiers in the World would willingly go to the wars, if he should alwayes be subject unto these or the like incommodities? And yet who would not rather endure, and suffer them patiently. then live in servitude or th••aldom, or yeeld unto his mortal Enemies? All Hi∣stories are full of examples of base and faint-hearted people, the which having been compelled to fight for their lives, because there was no other way to save or redeem the same, have behaved themselves most man∣fully,

and have enforced their Enemies to yeeld unto reasonable Conditions of Peace, which sometimes would not hearken unto any agreement, and have constrained them to become humble Sutors, who would not once vouchfa••e to hear their humble Petitions; and truly extream perils and ir∣resistible necessities have such force and vertue, that oftentimes they put both heart and Courage into them which by nature are neither hearty nor couragious. Considering therefore that our men shall fight at home, and the Spaniard abroad; that we will be as valiant to defend our selves, as they can be couragious to offend us; that when they have soiled us by Sea, they must fight afresh with us by Land; they being weary▪, and we fresh; they weak, and we strong; they lame and diseased, and we whole and in perfect health; Briefly, they far from home, and we at home, for our wives, for our houses, for our children, and for our goods; Is it not likely that we should fight with greater courage, with better success then they? Considering again the England is fertile, and replenished with all things necessary for mans sustentation; That her Majesties Councellors are wise and provident; her people rich and full of money, her Subjects loving and well affected to her Highness and their Coun∣try; Can there be any thing wanting that shall be needfull for the maintenance of a convenient Army? Considering thirdly, that if any want shall fall out, their cause being general, as the maintenance of the Spaniards Religion is universal and common to all his Confederates; is it not to be thought that the Princes Protestants will supply those wants, and fight for England, as well and as willingly, as the Pa∣pists will for Spain? Considering fourthly, that when Charles the fifth, a Prince (as I have said) of greater power and of bet∣ter experience then the Spanish king, warred with the Protestants of Germany, not onely the Princes of the Reformed Religion, but also the French (which hated their Religion) aided and assisted them; Can it be supposed that England should not finde the like aid and assist∣ance?

Briefly, Considering that the Spaniard cannot land his Army in any place in England, where he shall not finde at the least ten thou∣sand men, to finde him work until a greater power come; what hope can he then have to Land without Resistance, to proceed with∣out a Battel, to fight without loss, and to lose without extream con∣fusion?

Our Armies therefore being equal to his, and our hope more assu∣red then his, no wise or Politick man will doubt, but that our suc∣cess is likely to be far better then his, and therefore his hope and ex∣pectation vain, his purpose and intention ridiculous, as well in regard of his course taken therein, as of his possibility to attain thereunto. But it behooveth a king to bridle and correct his Rebellious subjects; and it is the part of a Protector of the Catholicks, not to permit his own subjects, or any other aiding or assisting them in the maintenance of their Errors and Heresies, to profess a contrary Religion unto his, especially when he is able to suppress them and their Patrons. This supposed Ability emboldeneth the Spaniard, and his confidence must be shewn to be as foolish, as other of his vain hopes, of his rash conceits.

First therefore I will make it appear, that he is not able to enforce any general alteration in Religion; Then, that though he could, yet he should not compell his Subjects by force and violence to change and alter their opinions.

There is nothing (as I have said) more common then to judge of things to come by things that are past, and to conjecture what a Prince can do, by that which his Predecessors did, and were able to do before him: And therefore to clear this question, it shall not be amiss to consider what the Span••sh kings Fath••r did, and was able to do, during the long time of his Reign, against Luther and his followers; and if it shall appear that he with all his might, his Friends, his Allies, could not suppress the Princes Protestants at their first beginning, and when neither the number, nor the power was so great as it is now, It must needs follow, as a necessary consequent, that the Spaniard with all his Ad∣herents shall never be able to enforce a general alteration and change in Religion.

At what time Martin Luther began first to discover the Abuses, Errors, and Heresies of Papistry, Pope Leo the tenth of that name, thinking it convenient to withstand an Evil at the beginning thereof, and knowing that if Luther were suffered, great danger and many inconveniences would follow thereof, he Excommunicated his person, condemned his opinions, and intreated the Emperor Charles the fifth to ratifie his condemnation in a general Assembly, held in Germany, and to command all his Subjects to take him prisoner wheresoever they should finde him: But what was the end and issue of this rigorous Sentence? Did the Almighty suffer it to be put it in execution? No, but he so crossed the Pope, and the Emperor therein, that neither their Counsel not their condemnation took effect. About twenty three years after, this sentence was published; and although that the Advancement of Luthers Doctrine depended onely upon his life, and that it was a matter of no great diffi••ulty to supplant him, and to suppress his discipline; yet it pleased God (meaning to shew thereby, that it lieth not in mans power to Prevent, much less to Cross his resolute intent and purpose not to permit any manner of prejudice to grow unto the Refor∣med Religion by the same Excommunication: For he presently troubled the Emperor, and busied him with a sudden and unexpected occasion of wars; which gave unto the Protestants sufficient time and opportunity to strengthen themselves against their Enemies. Not long after the Emperor, to subvert Luther and all that followed him, entred into League with Francis the first King of France; and they agreed not onely to imploy all their own Forces, but also to implore the aid and assistance of the Pope, and of all others of his profession, against the Princes Pro∣testants.

This undoubtedly was a great conspiracy, not onely intended, but also very like to be executed, by two mighty Princes, had not the Almighty hindred the accomplishment of their designes and purposes, by breaking the bond of their League and Amity, and by sending a suddain occasion of Wars betwixt them. But as after Rain there follows fair weather, so after those Wars succeeded a friendly Peace, in the Articles whereof the Emperour and the said Francis co∣venanted, that they should joyntly, and with all the Forces they

could possibly make War against the Protestants, and use the Popes Cruciadoes in these Wars, even as Christian Princes were and are wont to do, when they wage War against the Turk. Besides, the Emperor made a Proclamation, that all Lutherans should either convince and prove their Doctrine to be answerable unto the Word of God, or else leave and for∣sake the same within the space of five moneths; And the Pope at the Emperors Coronation, gave him great charge to see the same Proclama∣mation duely executed. The Protestants had never greater occasion to be afraid then they had at that time, when the Emperor was so bent, and so many Princes joyned with him against them. But whether it were because the Protestants, during the time of the War betwixt the Empe∣ror and the King of France, grew so strong that their Enemies feared them; or because the Lord of Hosts▪ who never f••ileth his people, had undertaken to protect them; or because that the true and holy Religion of the immortal God increaseth daily, notwithstanding the Threats and Menaces of mortal men; this alliance and confederacy availed Caesar no∣thing at all; but it pleased God so to abate his pride and humble him, that when he purposed most of all to hurt and annoy the Protestant••, he was constrained to crave their Aid against the Turk, who with a mighty and terrible Army invaded Austria, and had undoubtedly endangered the Emperor, had not the Princes of our Religion assisted him, and God so disposed his heart, that to make the Protestants more willing to help, he most will••ngly and of himself, without any manner of intercession and in∣treaty, so mitigated the rigor and extremity of his former Proclamation that through his lenity and sufferance our Religion began to receive great increase.

For, as Dogs, although they bark and bite one another; yet as soon as they see and discover the Wolf, they agree presently: And as when fire taketh hold of an house, of which the Master and Family are at variance, they forget their private contentions, their hatred, and their quarrels, and run with one consent and mind together to extinguish the fire: And as in a great Tempest, the Master and Mariners of a Ship, who before the Tempest were at mortall feud amongst themselves, become friends, and endeavor by all means possible to save their Ship, least they all pe∣rish together with their Ship:

So the Protestants, seeing there was no Wolfe more cruel, no fire more terrible, no Tempest more dangerous then the Turk, submitted themselves with all humility unto the Emperor, and aided him with all their power against the Turk.

In regard of which, his Majesty used them most courteously, and yeeld∣ed much more unto them then they hoped to obtain of him: And because his Highness found a rare Loyalty, a strange constancy, and a marvellous affection in them, he vouchsafed to afford them all kind of courtesie, until that after that he returned from Tunis, where he had got a notable Victo∣ry, the Catholick Princes bearing themselves bold in regard of that for∣tunate, and happy Success, began to brave, contemn, and despise the Protestants, and to threaten them that the Emperor should not keep the Peace of Norimberge, nor of Ratisbone: Of which insolency the Prin∣ces Protestants complained unto his Majesty, who answered them most lovingly, and assured them that he desired to end and compose all con∣tentions and Controversies that were in Germany for Religion, not by

force and violence, but by fair means and gentleness, praying them to have such an opinion of him, and not to be moved with the threats and menaces of their Adversaries: This Answer was given unto them, when the Emperor was leading his Forces unto Marcelles in France, against the King thereof; with whom, as soon as he was reconciled, the Catholicks thinking that he had but dissembled with the Protestants but for a time, hoping that he would bend his whole Forces against the Lutherans▪ But he deceived them all, and went into Spain; from whence he sent an Honourable Ambassage into Germany, to let the Protestants and all others understand, that he would be very glad that all Contentions, De∣bates, and Controversies touching Religion, should receive a final end and agreement by a General Assembly and Disputation of learned Divines, to the end that the right and true Doctrine of Jesus Christ being by that means laid open and discovered, he might establish and confirm the same with his Imperial power and authority.

It happened not long after, that the Emperor had an occasion to pass through France into Flanders; then the Enemies of the Reformed Re∣ligion began to promise to themselves great wonders, and to conceive an ass••red hope of an invincible power to be levied by the Emperor and the King of France against the Protestants, for, that then the two cheif Protectors of their Catholick Faith, were throughly reconciled, and were equally bent against Luther and his Followers; and their con∣ceits proved to be most vain; and of that Journey followed no good success for them: For the Emperor, either because he would be still mindful of his promise; or for that he knew that the Protestants strength increased daily, caused a General Diet to be Assembled; wherein, al∣though he was daily entreated by the Catholicks to declare open Wars against the Protestants, yet he would never take that violent course, but ordered, that shortly after there should be a general Assembly, in which the cause of Religion might be freely and lovingly decided by learned Divines; who having lightly discussed some Points of Controversie, were commanded by his Majesty to come to Ratis••one; Where when as all Contentions could not be fully ended, his Majesty was contented to refer the final Conclusion unto another General Assembly; of which the success and event was so well known, that I shall not need to acquaint you with the particulars thereof.

Now considering the Reasons, Varieties and Circumstances of all that hath been said, what may a man judge thereof, but that the Al∣mighty prevented, crossed and hindered the determinations, purposes, and Enterprises of the Emperor, and so guided and directed them, that it lay not in their power to confo••nd the Protestants by force of Arms; For, if we shall consider the great strength of the Catholick Princes, as well in Foot as in Horse, the number of their Souldiers, the multitude of their Provisions, the greatness of their Treasure, the vehemency of their hatred, the wilfulness of their perseverance therein, their courage, their animating and provoking the Emperor against the Protestants, and how to win him thereunto, they spared no kind of policy, cunning and deceit that humane wit could invent; and that notwithstanding all their utmost endeavors, they were then so far from attaining their purpose, that in the very last Diet that was held, certain points of Doctine were yeelded unto, which before that Assemby both the Emperor, and his best

Divines, held to be most erroneous. It must needs be confessed that it was Gods pleasure so to dispose and govern the hearts of those Princes; for in that Diet many opinions were received and allowed for good and god∣ly, for the maintenance whereof many Protestants had lost their goods, their Countries, and their lives.

The Catholicks therefore, seeing that they prevailed not greatly by force and violence, they cast off the Lyons skin, and put on the Foxes, whom they counterfeited so well, that they brought the Protestants into disgrace, by sowing false Rumors and Accusations against them▪ And because they had rather lost much, then gotten any thing by dis∣puting with them, they caused it to be bruited abroad that the Pro∣testants durst no longer dispute with them, and they gave liberty un∣to all sorts of people, without any regard of learning or modesty, to raile upon Luther, and to write malicious and false Invectives against him:

A strange course, and too much used in these dayes! but in my simple opinion, a course not now like to have better success then that course then had: For, as Luther, when he saw that it was law 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for every man to exercise the bitterness of his pen against him, conceived such ma∣lice against the Pope, that he discovered many of his follies, which might have lien hidden unto this day: Even so it is greatly to be feared, if men having more Zeal then Learning, of greater Malice then Judge∣ment, shall be suffered to preach and write against the foolish impug∣ners of our Ecclesiastical Discipline, that either their Malice or their Ig∣norance will utterly disgrace the same, because preaching by preaching may unhapply be disgraced, and a few turbulent and unqu••et spit••ts may with a small Pamphlet, or with a simple Sermon do more harm then a number of learned men shall be able to amend or reform with great pains and travel.

Had not the Pope given too great encouragement to such as wrote against Luther, Had not rude and ignorant men been suffered bitterly to inveigh against his Doctrine, Had not certain malicious persons la∣boured to disgrace him with the Pope and the Emperor, Had he not been condemned before he was heard: Briefly, had not his Books been unjustly adjudged to the fire, he had never appealed from the Pope un∣to a General Council; he had never laboured so much as he did in searching out, and laying open the Popes Errors; He had never made so bitter Invectives as he wrote against the Pope and his Bishops; He had never impugned the Pope and his General Councils Au••hority; He had never implored the Duke of Saxony and other Princes help and countenance; He had never procured the Popes Canons to be burned; Briefly, he had never written a Book against the Catholicks Reformation; so many things might and should still have remained, as it were buried in ob∣scurity, which are now brought to light, and made known and palpable to very Babes and Infants.

They therefore (in my simple cenceir) did not a little hurt and prejudice unto the Papists and their Cause, who pe••swaded the Pope and Emperor to make wars against Luther and his Adherents. For since that time many other Nations besides Germany are fallen from their obedience to the Pope, and from their good liking of his Re∣ligion,

and so many and divers opinions are now crept into mens hearts, that I take it a thing almost impossible to reconcile those di∣versities. For such is the nature of man that we hardly change our o∣pinons; and yet when we have changed, we stand stiff and obstinate in our new and late received conceits, and are very hardly removed from them;* 1.303 Insomuch that whatsoever the Childe receiveth from his Fa∣ther, or whatsoever the Grandfather teacheth the Grandchildren, that seemeth to be irremoveable, and subject to no kinde of altera∣tion.

A man may therefore boldly say, yea swear, that the Spaniard (let him try all the means he can possible) shall never inforce a general change in Religion. For since his Father (whose power al∣though he should surpass, yet he shall never match him in good for∣tune) could not constrain the Protestants (in the very infancy of Religion) to return unto his profession; is it credible that the Son should ever be able to compel far and remote Nations, mighty and great Princes, manly and warlike people, which of late years have forsaken Popery, to reassume their old opinions?

But if any man think him great, sufficient, and mighty enough to effect his disire; let that man consider, how many, how noble, and how learned men the cruel War of Charls the Fifth against the Prote∣stants in Germany, the most barbarous cruelty of Francis the First a∣gainst them in France, the bloody five years persecution of Queen Mary in England, the Spanish Kings terrible and horrible Inquisition in Spain, Italy, and Flanders; lastly, the most execrable and hateful Massacre of Paris, hath sent headlong, and before their times unto ano∣ther World: And when he hath considered all these, let him likewise remember, that the more these Tyrants murthered, the more the Protestants (as though others sprang out of their blood) encreased daily.

If all these shall not content and satisfie him,* 1.304 let him call to mind how many years the Wars continued in France and Flanders for Re∣ligion, with far greater obstinacy then with good success and hap∣piness.

Lastly, Let that man weigh with himself how unlikely a thing it is for the Spaniard to prevail against so many Nations, who in almost Thirty years continuance, hath not been able to replant his own Re∣ligion in a few Provinces of one Nation: Besides the rare success, and the wondrous events that have alwayes followed the Pro••estants, make me beleeve that their Cause is a good Cause; and whosoever so beleeveth, must likewise beleeve, that were their number smaller, their Forces weaker••, their exprience far more slender then it is; yet God that can win with a few as well as with many, with the weak as well as with the strong, will not onely protect them, but also con∣found their Adversaries. How many examples find we in prophane Histories, which record that small sroops have oftentimes subdued great Armies, and that mighty Kings have been put to flight by weak Princes? How can we then but think, that the Protestants who are Gods Souldiers, who fight in his Cause, and are defended by his Forces, are able to beard the proud Spainard; yea, to brave

and foil all his Confederates? It is no small comfort to have God on our ••ide. It is a geat Consolation to sight in a good cause. And who can desire better advantage then to contend with and Adversary, that beginneth to decline, that is ready of himself to fall? And is not the Pope and his Kingdom in this case? Have not many Nati∣ons (as I said said) long since shaken off the intolerable burthen of his grievous yoke and bondage? And do not all States, when they begin once to decline, sooner fall from the half way towards the end, and to their utter destruction, then from the beginning of their first declination unto the middest of their downfull? Shall not those then that seek to defend Popery, do even as a Physitian doth, when he la∣boureth to preserve a very weak and old man from the danger of death? Hath not St. Paul said, that Antichrist shall perish as soon as he beginneth to be known? And if God by the mouth of St. Paul, hath pronounced this Judgement, this Sentence against him; who either can or will be able to prevent or hinder the execution there∣of? He is now no more able to encounter with Henries, Othons and Fredericks, great and mighty Emperors: He hath no more Kings of France to fight in his quarrels; No more Kings of England to be Defenders of his Faith; No more Switzers to be Protectors of his Church; all these have forsaken him, and by Example of these, many other Princes have learned not to set a Fig by him.

Thus the First point is cleared; now it remaineth to clear the se∣cond, and to make it appear that the Span••ard, although he could, yet he should not constrain his Subjects by force of Armes to change their Religion. This point, although it hath been already touched in some manner, yet it was not so sufficiently handled, but that it needeth a more ample Declaration.

For the better understanding therefore of this Question, you shall understand that the Common people (which are Princes Subjects) ne∣ver did; and particular men, although they change their lives, yet they leave most commonly behinde them their posterity and their Chil∣dren, which succeed them not onely in their Lands and Inheritances, but also in their quarrels and affections; Insomuch that there dieth scant any man so bad, so wicked, so unbeloved, but that he leaveth behinde him, either children, kinsmen, or friends, who will not one∣ly be sorry for his death, but also revenge the same, if he chance to be violently or wrongfully put to death.

This appeareth by the Wars of France and Flanders; This appear∣ed most evidently, by the Bloody and long Civil contentions that were betwixt Lewis the last Earl of Flanders (for after his death the Earl∣dom fell to the House of Burgondy, as it did after the death of the County Charles unto the house of Austria) and the Citizens of Gaunt; who after that they had unadvisedly born arms against their said Earl, and began to repent themselves of their folly, most humbly intreated the Dutchesse of Brabant, the Bishop of Leige, and other Noble men to be Mediators of a friendly peace betwixt them and their Earl. The Dutchesse and the rest became humble Suitors for the poor Gantois; the Earl was obstinate, and would not yeeld to their Request, unless the Inhabitants of Gaunt would be content to meet

him at a place appointed, bare-headed, and bare-footed, with halters a∣bout their necks, and there ask him pardon and forgiveness, which being done, he would then pardon them if he thought good. The rich Citizens hearing these hard conditions, and considering that when they had made this humble submission, it was doubtfull and uncertain whether they should be pardoned or no; of humble Suitors, became most desperate Rebels; and (as Men careless of their lives) resolved rather to die then to yeeld to so unreasonable conditions; and with this resolution, be∣fore they were constrained to leave their Town, not above Five Thousand of them issued out of the City, and (as roaving Wolves seeking for their prey) went in a great rage and fury to Bruges, where the Earl lay with his Forces, who with an Army of Forty Thousand at the least, set presently upon them, with a full resolution to kill eve∣ry Mothers Son of them; But God who saved the Children of Is∣rael from the persecution of Pharaoh, unto whom they had humbled themselves, and drowned the Persecutors in the Red-Sea, vouchsafed to be their Protector, and gave them such Courage, such Fortune and good success, that they overthrew the Earl, and made him hide him∣self in a poor Cottage under an old womans bed, ransacked his Houses, took Bruge••, and most of the Cities and Towns of Flanders, and sent their unfortunate and unmercifull Earl to beg a••d into France, from whence he returneth with great help, and findeth them more insolent, rebellious, and obst••nate then ever they were.

To be short, the Earl is driven to offer conditions of peace▪ A mean and base Citizen, named Leo, fearing that if a Peace were con∣cluded, he should be severly punished, changed their mindes that were inclined to Peace. This Le•• died not of a natural death, but of po••••on, given h••m (as it was thought) by the Earls means.

Then was there great hope to mitigate the rage of the common people; and yet the war ceased not: The cause of the continuance was, that the Nobility favoured the Earl, and began to malice and me∣nace the Common People; and the Magistrates of Bruges, in a Tu∣mult that was betwixt the Gentlemen and the Weavers of the Town, shewed themselves more favourable unto the Gentlemen then unto the Weavers; of this small Cause followed so great a War, as continued above seven years, and consumed above two hundred thou∣sand Flemings.

In those Wars, sometimes Iames Artevild, other times Philip Artevild; sometimes Basconius, other times Francis Agricola, all base men, and of no accompt before they began to be Rebels, so ruled the people, that they led them whither they would, and how they would. Artevild imposed upon them what Tributes soever it pleased him. Basconius hung up so many of them as but once spake of Peace. Artevild was served in Plate of Silver and Gold like an Earl; Feasted the Dames and Ladies as an E••rl; Swore his Subjects; and was sworn unto them as an Earl; Contracted Ami∣ty and Alliance with the King of England, and used his help as an Earl: Briefly, lived with far greater Magnificence then an Earl. Agricola wanted not his commendation. He was adored like a god; preferred before the Duke of Burgondy (who for his val••ur was called

Philip the audacious) both for Valour and Wisdom promised to be made Duke, and in all respects more honoured then the Duke. Arte∣vild had one named Carpenty, to extol his Vertues, to recommend him to the people. And Agricola used Besconius for his Instrument, who so delight∣ed the peoples ears, that they would willingly hear no s••und, no voyce but his. It was he that when Artevild was slain brought Agricola into favour and credit. It was he that when the people was dismaid and out of cou∣rage because of Artevilds death, put them in heart, and made them more couragious then ever they were. It was he that perswaded the relent∣ing Commons that Artevild lost the field and his Army by indiscretion and rashness, and that Agricola would easily overcome their enemies by valour and wisdom.

The like instruments unto these had the Duke of Mayn at Paris, where he had never obtained so much as he did of the people, nor contained them so much in their devotion, had he not used the malici••us help and furtherance of Marteau, Campan, Nally, Rowland and Bassy the Clerk, the Ministers of his fury, and misl••aders of the ignorant, rude and seditious Commonalty.

By this you may see how one mutinous Subject begets another. By this you may observe and note, that if Princes could be content to yeeld somewhat unto such mutinous Subjects, and now and then wink at their follies, pardon their boldness, and pacifie their rage and anger, they might live in quiet, and save the lives of many of their loving Subjects: And by this you may perceive, that Princes by Civil Wars incur the hatred and ma∣lice of their loving Subjects; which sometimes taketh such deep roo: in their hearts, that it is hard, yea almost impossible to root it out. And last∣ly, By that which followeth you may understand, that when a multitude of Subjects are discontented, it is far better to pacifie and reconcile them with courtesie and gentleness, then to provoke and punish them with ri∣gor and cruelty. For the Prince that either openly or secretly practi∣seth the death of his Subjects, and delighteth to see them massacred and murthered, very seldome or never escapeth himselfe unmassa∣cred.

The Emperor Caligula caused many of his Subjects to be done to death; some for his pleasure, and others without any just occasion, especially those that reprehended his actions, or disliked his Government. He thought by these murthers to dispatch all those that hated him, and sup∣posed that when they were dead, he might reign and rule at his pleasure; but he was greatly deceived, for the more he caused to be killed, the more he displeased; and if he slew one Enemy, that one begat him ten far worse Adversaries; insomuch that seeing himself hated of all the people, he wish∣ed (as you have heard) that all the Subjects of Rome had but one head, that he might have cut it off at a blow; and in the end, when it was too late he perceived that the people multiplied daily, and had infinite heads, and he himself but one, of which he was deprived sooner then he thought he should have been.

Maximinus the Emperor, who was so strong of body that with the blow of his fist he could strike out the tooth of an Horse, and with his hands break in sunder an horse-shoo, presuming on his strength and the multitude of his Souldiers, cared not whom he put to death wrong∣fully, but after that he had murthered above Four thousand Gentlemen

without any due observance of Justice and Equity, he himself was mur∣thered by his own Soldiers, who hated his barbarous cruelty more then they honoured his Imperial Majesty. I might trouble you with many ex∣amples like unto these, as with the Emperors Nero, Vitellius and Gallienus. But I must proceed.

Briefly to my purpose: As the people therefore live still, and live to revenge the wrongs and injuries done into them; so contrariwise, Princes die, and their Quarrels, their Designs, and their Purposes many times die with them; for their Successors are not alwayes of their minds, nor of their Humors, but oftentimes govern themselves otherwise then they did, and taking a quite contrary course unto theirs, most common∣ly break the Laws they have made, distress the persons whom they ad∣vance, and exalt them whom they depress; In regard whereof it is usual amongst wise Courtiers not onely to pleasure him that ruleth, but also him that shall succeed the Ruler; and as Pompey said unto Sylla, More do adore the Sun rising then the Sun setting,

It is wondrous that is reported of Alexander the Great, how with an Army of Thirty thousand Macedonians onely, he overthrew Da∣rius in Three sundry Battels; in the first of which Darius had Three hundred thousand Souldiers, which was Ten to One; in the second, Six hundred thousand, which was Twenty to One; in the third, a Mil∣lion, which was better then Thirty to One. He conquered all Darius Empire, Persia, Media, Parthia, Armenia, Babylonia, Aegypt, Pa∣lestina, Syria, and all the rest of Asia and Europe that was then inha∣bited.

But these Conquests quickly vanished away; For he died very young, and left not any valiant Successor like unto himself behind him; Where∣upon Titus Livius moveth this Question, Whether if Alexander the Great had warred in his time with the Romans, he might easily have subdued them as he did Darius?

He Answereth Negatively, and giveth a Reason for his Negative: Alexander was a valiant King, and a very brave and very notable good Souldier; but he was but one man, and when he dealt with Da∣rius he medled but with one Captain; Whereas if he had encountred with the Romans, he should have made trial, not of one, but of many Ge∣nerals the one after the other, as of Valerius Cervinus, Martius Rutilius, Caius Sulpitius, Manlius Torquatus, Publius Philo, Papirius Cursor, Fabius Maximus, Lucius Volunius, Marius Curius, and many others who were most valiant Captains, and would haue made Alexander know that they under∣stood the manner and Stratagems of War as well as he did. Be∣sides, Alexander was young, and could not have so good counsel given him as those men had who were directed in their Actions by a grave and wise Senate.

Tit. Livius concluded his speech in this manner. The Macedonians had but one Alexander, and the Romans had many Captains which were nothing Inferior unto him, every one of which lived and died without any great loss or danger to the Common-wealth of Rome; but whenas Alexander died, the State and Honor of his Monarchy perished. The reason of this speech is verified, and the experience thereof seen in the wars Hanibal had against the Romans. For Hanibal was such a Captain as you have heard me describe him long since, and he overthrew many Captains of Rome, as Flaminius,

Paulus Emilius, Terentius, Varro, Marcellus and many others; But in the end he was defeated by Claudius Nero and Fabius Maximus, and utterly overthrown by that great Scipio who was sirnamed the Affrican. By which as he might, so you may perceive that it is no small matter to meddle with a multitude of people, because the death of a few, b••getteth daily a number more; and he that hath subdued them, hath not presently conquered all; Nay the longer he warreth with them, the harder it shall be to pre∣vaile against them: For continuance of them will make them more hearty and valiant, and their Captains more expert and cunning, as Experience hath verified both in France and Flanders, where the People, bearing Armes against their right or pretended Soveraignes, have more and better Captains then they. But how then, will some men say to me, Shall Sub∣jects Rebell, and shall nor Princes punish them themselves? Yes, but not by open warres, if they may pacify them by other meanes. For, few offend at the first, and those few instead of a great Multitude who offend not so gri••vously as their Counsellors and Cor••uptors do, and therefore it is neither reason nor humanity, nor equity to punish them all alike; And yet in Civill warres the Innocent suffer together with the malitious, the good with the bad, the ignorant with the wilful, and those that would easily relent, and might quickly be reclaymed, with such are F••rebrands to heat them, Schoolemasters to instruct them, Captains to guide them, and evil Councellors to corrupt them. Princes may learne in the dangerous times of popular Seditions, how to carry themselves by the An••ient Romans who knowing that their Subjects were the Members, and they the head of one body, and that they were Invincible against Strangers, but not against their Subjects, as often as they chanced to raise any Tumults or Seditions, pre∣sently sought meanes to pacify them by Curte••ie and Gentleness. The People of Rome being once greatly discontented with the rigor and cruelty which was shewed unto them by great usurp••rs, unto whom they were in∣debted, rose up in Armes, and were like to have made a great Tumul••. The Consuls ca••led the Senater together, to know how they might best pacifi•• that popular Commotion. The Senators in order delivered their opinions.

Appius Claudius in a rigorous and cruell Senator, was of opinion that the usurpers should be paid all that was due unto them, and that it was not con∣venient to suffer the Common people to breake such Contracts, Bonds and Obligations, which they had made with good advise, and when they had great occasion to borrow. And that if they punished those severely which were most mutinous, and had been the chiefest Authors of the mutiny, the rest would be quickly terrified, and taught by their examples never to en∣ter into the like Follies again. The Consul Servilius was of a contrary mind, and thought it best to content the Seditious by some Gentle meanes, saying, that it was far more easie to bend then to breake the hearts of the Common people; and that gentleness and lenity is a far better meanes then rigor and severity to conserve and preserve any State whatsoever, because if a rigorous course take not good success, presently the People wax insolent, hard to be reconciled, and so peremptory and obstinate, that it will be impossible to reduce them to good order. The Senate allowed Servilius his opinion; and order was taken th••t the Usurpers should forbeare their money and Interest for the same, untill their debtors were more willing and better able to pay them. The same Romans can also reach Princes, that if they commit any extraordinary kind of violence, and the Subjects for a time forbeare to shew their dislike thereof, yet they must not presume upon that forbearance to offend and displease again in the like

manner; because he that winketh at a fault once, will not beare with offences of the like nature alwaies. It hapned that not long after the Tumult before mentioned, som•• few of the greatest Senators of Rome had secretly caused a Trbiunes of the people to be murthered, because under the colour and pre∣tence of his Office, he had (as they were informed) done his best endeavor to make a commotion amongst the common people. The Tribune thus mu••thered, the people shewed no outward sign of discontentment, because they knew not unto whom they might impute his death, or whom to blame or accuse for the same. The Senators were glad to see that his death was so well taken, thinking that they had used a very good course to pre∣vent and withstand the like seditions, and that the other Tribunes would be warned by their Fellow and Colleagues punishment never hereafter to move the common people to rebell. They supposed that by one mans death they had removed all occ••sions of Tumultuous disorders; But expe∣rience taught them not long after, that they were greatly deceived. For when they were to levy an Army of men to use in their warres, and thinking that the Tribunes death was forgotten; they commanded one Volero, one of the common people who had been Captain of certain foot∣men, to have his company in a readiness, he answered them plainly, that he would not obey their commandment Whereupon the Consuls Emilius and Virginius, sent certain Sergeants unto him to carry him to prison; He escapeth out of their hands, getteth himself into a press of common people, there he crieth out with open mouth, My masters, let us defend our selves; we must not think to be any more supported by our Tribunes who dare not speak for us, for feare lest they be ki••led, as one hath been already that favoured us in our honest causes. He had no sooner said this, but that the people, although the Consuls endeavoured to appease the Tumult, ran upon the Serjeants, who after that they had been well beaten, and their Maces broken about their heads, saved themselves in the Palace where the S••n••te was assembled. The Senators deliberate presently how they might pacifie this sedition; many thought it meet to repress force by ••orce; but the graver sort was of opinion, that it were not good to tame the members of a body by violence, and that they had already too much offended who were Authors of the Tribunes death, and much more they who intreated Volero hardly, for that in Popular diseases, the gentler a Medicine is, the better it is; and the more that a Magistrate spa••e••h, the better he fareth. The same Romans will likewise teach Princes, that the eldest Counsellors are not alwaies the wisest, and that the most voices are not oftentimes the soundest voices. It chanced another time in Rome, that the Commonalty was so greatly discontented, that the greater part of the people were purposed to forsake their City, and to inhabit in some place where the Nobility should not carry so heavy an hand over them as the Senators did; and with this resolution they left their houses, and were ready to betake themselves to their journey. The Senators understanding of this determination, cast their heads together, and advised among themselves what it were best to do to remove this setled opinion, and to hold them still in the City, which was almost past all hope. Appius Claudius, according to his rigorous nature and old custome, perswaded them to bridle the mutinous by rigor, and severity; For saith he, the common people, if they be not held in continual awe, wax proud, disdainfull and insolent, not caring what they do, or how often they offend; And therefore to suffer them in one Folly, were to encourage them to commit another. This opinion was

presently approved by all the younger Senators, whose hands tickled and hearts burned with a desire of revenge for some small indignities offered unto them by the Commonalty. Menenius Agrippa, a Senator of few yeares, but greater clemency then Appius Claudius, contradicted this opinion; because the Commonwealth representeth, saith he, the body of a man; and a good Physitian will not presently cut off a member or joynt that is grieved, but will seeke some gentle meanes to affwage the griefe; and experience hath taught us, that as a wild beast being gently used wax∣eth tame, and contrariwise a tame one being rudely handled becom••th wild; so the most rude and common people relent if you use them gently, and they that are most civill and modest, quickly forget all modesty and civility if you once provoke them too much, if you continue to displease and discontent them too long and too often. Menenius his opinion was followed. Spurius Manlius intreated them to excu••e the younger Senators Folli••; They were commended that departed quickly from Claudius his opinion; and Agrippa was enjoyn ed to pacifie the people: He therefore followeth this commandement; calleth the Commonalty together, declareth unto them the Senators good will towards them; speaketh so gently unto them that he maketh them all change their resolution and useth this principal reason to enforce this perswasion. The Senators (saith he) resemble the Belly, and you the rest of the members of mans body; must the other parts of mans body complain that all they can gather and scrape to∣gether is little enough for the Belly? Is it not the Belly that nouri∣sheth all the rest or the Body, that maintaineth and sust••ineth every part thereof? doth the Belly when it receiveth any kind of victuals be it never so delicate, never so rare, and exquisite, res••rve all for it self? Doth it not distribute and disperse the same even to the parts that are fur∣thest off from the Belly? even so the Senators, do they challenge that for their own use and benefit which they exact of you? Do they not imploy the Tributes and Subsidies which they levy to the behoofe and commodi∣ty of the whole State? Do they not all that they do for your good and safety? Are they not rather Nurces to nourish you, then Lords to com∣mand you? Are they not Shepheards to defend you, and not Wolves to devoure you? And do they not shew themselves to be your Fathers, rather then your Foes? Why then do you complain of them? Why th••eaten you to leave them, who will forget themselves to remember you, and ra∣ther die to content you, then live to confou••d you? Thus ended Menenius his speech, somewhat abruptly and yet so mildly, that the grave Senators most highly commended it, and the common people most willingly followed it. Now to apply these examples to the King of Spain, and to tell you how he, and any other Prince in the wide world, governing as he doth, might have made some use and profit of them, it will be no lost labour, be∣cause it will make his oversights more manifest then they are unto the view and Judgement of the whole world: Had he therefore, at the beginning of the Alienation of his Subjects hearts and Affections from him, harkened unto such Counsellors as Servillus and not Appius Claudius; had he when some one Subject like unto Volero was displeased, satisfied him, and not provoked him; had he when his Subjects were departing out of their Country, not sent a Claudius to repress them, bu•• a Menenius to recon∣cile them, hee had never found so many Agricolas, so many Artevills, so many Carpentaries, so many Basconii, so many Leones as he did amongst them. H••d he not disturbed, disgraced, discredited his faithfull Subjects,

servants, his best Officers, as Nero did Rufus, Su••rius, Flavius, Sulpitius, After, Corbulo, and Galba, they never would have harboured a thought to deprive him (as the others did Nero) of the possession of the Low Countries; Briefly had he considered that when Nero began to be a Tyrant, First France, then Spaine, and at the last other Provinces fel from their obedience towards him, he might easily have perceived, that when Brabant failed him, Flan∣ders, Holland and all the rest of his seventeen Provinces would likewise fall from him. But it pleased him having two notable Examples before his eyes, the one of Antien••time, the other of latter years, the first bad, and the o∣ther good, to reject the one, and to follow the other.

The Examples were these; Reh••boam the sonne of wise Solomon would im∣pose greater Taxes and Subsidies upon his Subjects then his Father had done before him. The People hereupon complained unto him, as the Low∣country Subjects did unto the Spanish King, desired him rather to mitigate then to increase his Impositions, shewed that they were not able to bear and support so great charges. He called his Councellors together (as un∣doubtedly the Spaniard did) and craved their advice: The elder Coun∣sellors were of opinion that it was good and expedient to yield unto his Subjects demands (as perhaps the better sort of the Councell were) and by easing their charges to assure unto himself their hearts and their affections; But the younger sort (and such undoubtedly were the Spanish Senators, either in Wit or years) advised him to reject their Petition, and not to suffer them to prescribe Laws unto him (who were to receive laws from him) but to let them know that he was their King, and they his Subjects, and that it belonged unto them to obey. This Counsel what followed: But what fol∣lowed in following this Counsel? The greatest part of his People Rebel∣led against him: Ieroboam was chosen King, and Rehoboam raised an Army of 80 Thousand men to constraine his Subjects to return to their former o∣bedience; but he lost him time and Ten parts of his Kingdom.

Lewis the Eleventh King of France, a wise and subtile Prince, if ever there were any in France, at his first coming to the Crown, played his part as Rehoboam did, until that the chief of his Nobility rebelled against him.

This wise King acknowledged his fault, sought all means possible to pacify and reconcile those Rebells; He yielded to their demands, and was so far from punishing their disobedience, as that he received them for his chief Councellors, and was always more directed by them, then by any o∣ther of his Counsell. And when he had escaped the danger, whereinto he was fallen by his Folly, he gave great thanks to Almighty God, that it had pleased him to give him the Grace not to hazard the losse of so great and mighty a Kingdome as France was, and is, upon the uncertainty of a Battaile and especially of a B••ttaile to be fought against his own Subjects; Subj••cts that love their Prince as the head of the Politique body, their children as the stay and hope of their everlasting Families, and their Liberty as the most precious Jewell of their worldly wealth: And therefore when they see their Liberty restrained or impeached, they forget their duty to their Prince, remember not their love to their chil∣dren, and cut off their love and affection to their goods; Nay they are no longer Masters of themselves, being void of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, of reason, of Judgment, apprehending no thing else but that which is before their eyes, and follow∣ing those only who delude their senses, abuse their reason, and deceive their

Judgment; so that to strive with them in these Passions, is to contend with mad men in their fury; and it is almost as impossible for a Prince to rule them in this rage, as it is impossible for one man to take and tame a number of wild Beasts in a wide and great Forrest. It is doubtless that the Spanish King knew thus much; but it pleased him to beleeve Appius Claudius better then Servilius; to persecute and not to pacifie Volera; to reject and not to receive Menenius his Counsell, and to imitate Rehoboam of Israel, rather then Lewis of France; no marvel then if Rehoboams hard and ill Fortu••e, and not Lewis his rare and strange Felicity be••ideth him. You have seen his bad course; heard his impossibility to subjugate and subdue England; It remaineth to shew you, that although he should conquer Eng∣land, yet he could not continue long in quiet and peaceable possession thereof. It is hard to say what course he would take, and how he would governe if he should chance to prevaile against England; but I think he would imitate the example of, others who have made conquest of strange and forreigne Countries before him; and he will therefore make all things new, as he himself shall be new; He will appoint a new government and new Governors; He will establish new Laws, new Orders, new Customes; build up new Citadels, and pluck down old Castels; kill our Nobility and place Spaniards in their roomes; Change all our Officers, and make Castles and For••s to keep his Subj••cts in awe and in fear; destroy the Coun••y and take away all ancient Priviledges; impoverish the rich, and inrich the poor; unarme the vanquished, and arms the vanquishers; plant his religion, and banishours; impose new tribute•• and charge the Subjects with strange impositions; Briefly set spies in every City, in every village, in every town, in every Hamlett, and in every House, to mark what is done or said, what what is Counselled or practised, Behold this is all that he can do: This is as much as the Danes did: This is the course that William the Conqueror took; Briefly this is the manner of Government, which the Ro∣mans practised; and it is likely that he will doe all this in his own Kingdome: But our Country men knowing by certaine report, that he will doe all this, will rather die then endure all this; or if they endure it for a time, will undoubtedly both seek and finde means to free themselves from such servitude in shorttime. The examples of other Nations and other Peo∣ple which have killed themselves with their own hands because they would not fall into their Enemies hands, will both move and encourage them to imitate and follow their Magnanimity; The rebellions of many Princes will animate them to Revolt from their obedience; Necessity will put some way or other into their heads how to find weapons, how to choose Cap∣tains, how to perswade a general Revolt, and how to procure an alteration and change of his Tyrannical Government. For albeit that the Spaniards will perhaps for a time Governe with all mildness, ••••••anity and Justice; yet as soon as they think themselves well setled and assured to hold and con∣tinue their conquests; as soone as they taste those sweet Commodities and pleasant fruit which follow after the great increase of wealth and riches, then will they begin to change their customes and their conditions; then should you see (which God forbid you ever see) the Magistrates rob the commonwealth; base and unworthy persons advanced to places of Dignity; Superiors wrong their Inferiors; ••••supportable tributes im∣posed upon the People; abominable Vices left unpunished; Offices of Justice sold for money; Laws little or nothing regarded; Strangers more

honored and respected then our own countrymen; and good manners changed into evil conditions: And when you see this, then you may boldly say, that things are at the worst; that violent courses cannot long endure; that a time of a change and alteration is not far off; and lastly, since those things which Philosophers and wise men have noted to be the Forerunners of the Subversion of States, are hap∣ned, and fallen upon our State, that it will quickly change and pe∣rish.

All things therefore being well considered, and that especially remem∣bred which was said, when I handled the first oversight of the Spanish King; I may boldly inferr, that Conquests are chargeable before they bee gotten, easie to be lost after they be attained, and wholly depending upon the Government of such Officers as are placed over them; who if they be good Servants, many times make themselves Masters; and if they be bad, put in great hazard all that is committed to their charge; And since there are not many that endeavor to be such as they should bee, there can be no great good looked for at their hands, so long as they continue such as they appeare to be.

Besides, the great ingratitude of Iustinian the Emperor to Mar∣celles, of Ferdinando of Spain to Gonsalvo, breedeth a Jealousy and feare in the hearts and heads of as many as are imployed in the like services, that their Kings and Princes will reward them with the like recompences; And this Jealousie maketh them to seek meanes how to be able to match or rather overcharge their Soveraigne in Power and Authority.

Was not this Jealousie the sole and onely cause, that Tiberius had like to have been deprived of his State by Sejanus, Commodus by Pervicius, Theodosius the second by Eutropius, Iustinian by Bellizarie, Xerxes by Artaban, and the Merovingians and Carolovingians by the great Masters of their Pallaces?

Is not the feare of the like danger the cause that Princes change their Liuetenants and Deputies often, least that growing in too great Credit and love with the people, their Credit may breed in them Ambition, their Ambition a disloyalty, and their disloyalty a plain Rebellion, and their Rebellion a lamentable overthrow of their Kingdomes?

Is not this yearly or continuall changing of Officers the cause that they knowing that their Authority is of no long continuance, study more to enrich themselves then to benefit the people, to oppress and over∣charge the Subjects, then to comfort and relieve them? And is not their study the cause that the people are discontented, and of••entimes enforced to Rebell? Moreover how can it be but all or most part of those In∣conveniencies of which I have spoken, must needs fall upon the King of Spain, whether he live long or die shortly, since many motives and causes of Rebellion in Subjects and discontentment in Noblemen con∣cur together in him? For hee is old and will leave a very young Infant or no old Prince to succeed him in all his States, who perhaps will Governe by Deputies and Liuetenants, as his Father did before him in those Dominions which are far distant from Spain, and will participate some small portion of Government with his Sister, that hath been a long time nourished and nousled up in the sweetness of comman∣ding.

Of his Governors some will be ambitious, and desire to rule; Others of baser minds, but yet greedy of Recompenc••es and Rewards, for services done to him and his Father; He will be jealous of some, and give too much credit unto othe••s; His Courtiers will engage and indebt themselves in setting themselves fo••th in Triumphs and p••stiumes that they will devise to shew him: His Captains will ••rave to be always imployed in wars, and to levy those Soldiers in those Countries which will not be well con••ented with those Le••ies: B••iefly then will some Potentates and Frinces, considering the years and weakness of this young Prince, lay claim unto some of his States, and every man will snatch what so ever shall be fitt••••t for his purpose, nighest to his State, and most open to his Invasion.

The Soldiers of Rome rebelled against Oth••, because h•• was old: Cer∣tain Cities of France against the Romans, because they were greatly in debt: The People of Thraci•• against Rome, because there were Sol∣diers l••vied in their Country against their wills: Orgatorix Prince of the Switzers: because he was desirous to be a King, Morgovias and Cave∣dagins against Cordi••a their Aunt, because she was a woman: The Englis••∣man against Edward the Fourth, because he dishonored the Earle of Warwick; against Henry the Third, because he would have made new Laws; The Duke of Buckingham against Richard the Th••rd because he brake promise with him for the Earldom of Hertford; the Scots a∣gainst Iames the Third, because he gave greater credit unto some of the Courtieers then they deserved; and the Spaniards against Charls the Fifth, because he lived more in Flanders then in Spain, and governed Spain by Flemings.

Lastly, when as Alexander the Great died, Seleucus seised upon the King∣dome of Syria; Ptolomy usu••ped upon Egypt, Antigonus made himself King of Asia, and Cassander reigned in Greece and Macedonia. So whensoever the King of Spaine shall die, his Son will enjoy most of his Dominions, the Duke of Savoy will look for part of them; His other Daughters Husband will look for a proportionable share, and the Princes of Italy will perhaps lay in for their part and for their portion. For every Kingdom hath a cer∣tain Period, an end and declination; And it is seldome seen that any State flourisheth many hundred years: And as those bodies die soonest, that are subject to most diseases; so those Kingdomes perish soonest, whose Princes are most inclined to many vices. Saul reigned but Forty years; and he and his posterity perished for his Infidelity. David ruled other For∣ty, and his Kingdom was divided for his Adultery. Achan was King no longer time, and his Kingdome was destroyed for his Idolatry. And Cy∣rus enjoyed his Crown and Scepter not many years, and his race failed in his Son Cambyses for his Cruelty.

And how can the Spanish Kings declining glory last long, since many probable and very learned Authors do greatly belye him, if he be not infected with all or most part of those vices which possessed incredulous and unbelieving Saul, adulterous and leacherous, David Idolatrous and Su∣perstitious Achan, Cruel and incestuous Cambyses. I favor and reverence his Person because he is a King, hate and detest his vices, because they become not a Prince; have declared and discovered his indiscretion, because he may be no more thought so wise as common Fame report••th him to be.

And now, because of a dissembling friend, he is become our professed Enemy, I may not conceale the means how his courage may be cooled, his Pride abated, his purposes prevented, his courses crossed, his Ambition restrained, his hopes frustrated, his strength weakned, his Alliances dissolved, and Briefly, all or part of his Kingdom rent and dismembred.

To know how all this may be done, you shall need but to look back upon the means that he useth to conserve his States, and to crosse his Coun∣sels and Intentions in the use of those means. For, doth he continue in credit by the General reputation and conceit that is had of his wealth? Let it be shewed that he is poor and needy. Holdeth he his Subjects and Towns of Conquest in awe, by keeping Garisons in them? Seeke either to corrupt those Garrisons, or to perswade those Towns to expel them. Borrows he money in his need and necessity of the Genowaies and other Merchants of Italie? Counsel them to call for their old Debts and to lend him no more money before they be paid. Doth our Nation and others in∣rich his Country by resorting thither? Let them repair no more then they needs must to those Countries. Fetcheth he yearly great wealth from the Indies? Let that be intercepted more then it hath been. Placeth he wise Governors and Magistrates in his Dominions to Containe his Subjects in obedience, and his Neighbours in fear? Send Fire-brands and Authors of Sedition amongst his Subjects as he doth amongst ours, and think it as lawfull and easie to estrange the affection of his wisest and most trusty Deputies and Lieutenants, as it was and is for him to allienate the hearts of some of the Nobility of France from their King.

Hath he married the now Duke of Parma so meanly that he can not be able to recover his right to Portugal? Or hath he so weakned Don Antonio that he shall never be able to returne into his Country? Provoke the one to be his Enemy in putting him in mind of his Fathers untimely death, and by remembring the great wrongs that he suffereth, and let many Princes joyn in heart and in helpe to set up the other against him, and to strengthen and succor both, rather then the one or the other should not annoy him. Is France unable to hurt him because France is divided? Reconcile them that are dissevered, and revive the quarrels and pretentions that France hath against him? Presumeth he that the Germans will rather help then hurt him, because he is ally'd to some in Conjunction of blood, and to others in league of amity? dissolve his alliances and debase the mightiest of his kindred.

To be short, are the Pope, the Venetians, and the other Princes of Italy either for feare or affection his friends? encourage the Timerous and fear∣full, and alter and remove the love and affection of them that beare him best good will.

But some man will say, This is sooner said then done, and therefore I have said nothing unless I shew you how all this may bee well and conve∣niently done. There is a generall meanes, and there are diverse spe∣cial waies to effect all this. I will acquaint you with both, because you shall bee ignorant of neither, and I will be as brief as I may, because I take it high time not to trouble you any longer. It is grown unto a general use of late yeares, and undoubtedly it was usual in times past, when Princes undertake any great actions or enterprises that may perhaps seem strange and somwhat unreasonable unto other Princes whose favor and friendship they desire, to publish the causes and reasons which induce them to enter

into those actions; and in those Declarations to omit nothing that either may grace and credit them, or discredit and disgrace their Adversa∣ries.

The States of the Low Countries when necessity inforced them to renew Wars against the Spaniards, published certain Books containing the cau∣ses which moved them thereunto; and caused those Books to be im∣printed in seven several Languages, in Latine, in French, in their own Tongue, in High Dutch, in Italian, in Spanish and in English, to the end that all the Nations of the World, hearing the Justice and Equity of their quarrel, m••ght either as Friends help and assist them, or as Neutrals, neither aid nor hinder them as their Adversaries. The late Duke of A∣lenson, because it might seem strange unto some, that he being a Catholick Pr••nce, would aid men of a contrary Religion; and reprehensible unto others, that being in some manner allied and a supposed friend unto the Spanish King, he would accept the Title of the Duke of Brabant, and undertake the de∣fence of the Low Countries against the Spaniards, made it appa••ent unto the world, by the like means, that it was not any ambitious mind, or greedy desire of advancement, but a Princely clemency, and commiseration of the distressed state of that Country, too much oppressed by the Spa∣nish Tyranny, that moved him to receive them into his Protection and Pa∣tronage.

The like did the County Palatine Cassimer when as he came into Flan∣ders with his Forces. And the like have many other Princes done, not in just causes only, but in matters that had far greater affinity with injustice and dishonesty, then with justice and integrity. That Duke of Burgondy which more wickedly then justly murthered the Duke of Orleance, fearing that his murther might justly purchase him the Kings heavy displeasure, and the general harted of all France, suborned a learned and famous Divine named Iohn Petie, not onely to excuse, but also to commend and al∣low the execution thereof in many publick, Sermons, and writ divers Letters unto the best Towns of France, to declare and justifie the cause that moved him thereunto. Henry the Fourth of England, whom many H••storiographers hold rather for a wrongful Usurper then a lawful King, to make it known by what Title he took upon him to be King of England, sent divers Ambassadors into Spain, Germany, and Italy, with such instructi∣ons, and so forceable reasons, that he made a bad cause seem just and equi∣table. That Pope of Rome, which (as you have heard•• betrayed Frederick the Emperor most leudly unto the Great Turk, and was the onely cause of his long and chargeable imptisonment, finding that his unchristian treachery, being happily disclosed, did greatly blemish his name and reputation, to give some shew and colour of Justice to a bad cause, caused to be published, that two notable Murderers had been taken at Rome, who voluntarily con∣fessed that the Emperor Frederick had hired and sent them thither of purpose to kill the Pope.

How the Duke of Bnckingham, and the more learned, the conscionable Dean Richard Shaw, justified in the Guild-hall of London, and at Pauls Cross, the unlawful and tyrannical Usurpation of Richard the Third, our Histories make it so manifest, that I need not to trouble you with the reci∣tal thereof. Since therefore not mean and Lay-men onely, but Noblemen and great Divines hav•• both defended and furthered wrongful causes; and with their de••ence and furtherance, have brought to pass their lend

and wicked purpose; why should not men sufficiently seen in matters of State, and throughly furnished with all good qualities, requisite in a good and worthy Writer (of which sort this Realm had rather some want then any great store) depinct the Spainard and his tyranny so lively and so truly, that their reasons, their perswasions, and their admonitions may may shake the affections, and penetrate even to the hearts of his best friends and his most assured Allyes? But he is a faint friend that will be won with a word, and he not worthy the name of an Ally, whom the dash of a pen may make forsake and abandon his Confederate. How then? what other gene∣ral way is to be practised. Where a pen cannot prevail, let a purse be walk∣ing. Quis nisi mentis snops oblatum respuit aurum? Let greater advance∣ment be proffered to the Spanish Governors; greater preferment to his best friends; notable rewards unto those that will leave him. Iulius coesar, to win the hearts and affections of Scipios Souldiers, promised them peace∣able and quiet possession of their own goods, and to reward them with the self same Honor, Offices, and Dignities which he vouchsafed upon his own own followers; and by this means he won from Scipio many of his dearst friends.

Francis Forza a Captain of great worth, and of better credit, served the Venetians and the Florentines together many years, against Philip Ma∣ria Duke of Millan; and they to retain him to their onely service, made him great offers, promised him great preferment; but the Duke hearing hearing thereof, with a faithful promise to give him his onely Daughter in marriage, and to make him his sole and onely Heir, made him forsake his old friends, and to become his vowed friend and ser∣vant. But Francis Forza was a mean Captain, and a man of no great Linage, and therefore easie to be changed with an assured hope of better advancement; whereas men of good account, of honorable Parentage and of fufficient Lands and possessions (such as the Spaniards cheifest Go∣vernors commonly are) will not falsifie their faith, or forsake their King for any reward whatsoever. Truly men of great honour, prefer their credit before their gain; and yet honorable men are men as others be, and suffer themselves to be won as others are.

There was a time when the Marquess of Mantoua (whose Successors are now Dukes, and equal to great Princes, and he not inferior unto any of his Predecessors) having vouchsafed to serve the Venetians as their General against Lewis Duke of Millan, stood not so much upon his honor, but that the said Lewis with greater offers, and a larger Pention then he had of the Venetians, was able to withdraw him from their service and de∣votion.

There was a time when the mighty Emperor Charls the Fift, being desi∣rous to alienate the affection of Pope Leo the Tenth, from Francis the First, King of France, obtained his request and purpose, by promising the Cardinal Iulio de Medicis a yearly Pension of ten thousand Ducats to be paid him out of the Arch-Bishoprick of Toledo, and by giving to Alexander de Medicis a Pension of the like value in the Kingdom of Naples.

There was a time when the said Emperor Charls, being jealous of the great friendship that was betwixt Pope Clement the Seventh, and the Duke of Urbin, and likewise desirous to distract Andrew Dorea from the service of the said Pope, who then was in League with the French King, prevailed with the one by giving him the City of Lova

in the Kingdom of Naples, and gained the assured friendship of the other, by making him Duke of Malfie, and by encreasing the pay and Pension which the Pope gave him. To be short, there was time when as Philip sirnamed the Fair, King of France, did not onely entreat Adolph the Emperor•• by the onely means of great Rewards to for∣sake the Amity and Alliance of Edward King of England, and of Gui∣do Earle of Flanders, but also procured Albert Duke of Austria, by warring upon the Emperor at home, to detain him in Germany, so that he could not, as he had promised, trouble and molest France.

But some men will say, These men had no regard of their honour, whereunto a man carrying any reasonable respect, will hardly be intreated to commit any thing that may never so little blemish or prejudice his re∣putation. It cannot be denied that vertuous men had rather have their names eternized by their vertuous action, then their Families enriched by un∣lawful corruption: Yet it is written, and written by an Author worthy to be remembred amongst the best Authors of our time, That the Marquess of Pescara, a Prince whose Vertues, Fame, Reputation, Credit and Ho∣nor were nothing inferior unto the most honorable and vertuous Princes that ever lived on earth, had been won by his friend Ieremy Morony to for∣sake the Emperor Charls the Fift, if the Cardinal Acoltera and the Mar∣quess of Angel••, together with those learned Civilians which were sent by the Pope and the Venetians to perswade him that the Emperor was not law∣ful King of Naples, and that the Pope had power to dispose thereof unto whom it pleased him, had used pregnant and sufficient Reasons to enforce their perswasions, and to assure him of the Kingdom••

And undoubtedly the brotherly love of Don Iohn de Austria, and the loyal affection of the late Duke of Parma, might easily have been shaken by a more sweet then tempestuous wind of the like nature: For since Mar∣quesses, Dukes, Emperors and Popes, have been content to be caught with a golden hook; let no man be afraid to try and sound, or despair to win and change the affections of meaner personages, especially such as are either greedy or needy of rewards, and against such Princes as have given many occasions of discontentment unto such Personages.

But now to descend from the general means unto those particular ways which I promised to declare unto you, let me, I pray you, with good leave and patience run over the short Catalogue of his best friends, and shew you how even they may be entreated or councelled either to forsake him utterly, or to stand as Neutrals and idle lookers on, whilst others shall annoy him. And because of late years, and since his late dishonour re∣ceived in England, he hath used all means possible to induce the Princes of Italy to aid him in a second Enterp••ise which he intendeth against Eng∣land; I will as briefly as I can set down divers Reasons which may be used to disswade them from yeelding him any manner of assistance. It may therefore be said unto the Italians in general, th••t they live now in peace and quietness under the wings and protection of divers Princes; but who knoweth whether the Spaniard desireth this aid of them to disturb their quiet, and to disquiet their general peace? who knoweth whether he that now favoureth them, will hereafter take occasion to hate them? who knoweth, since it is the custom of Princes to seek help of others, not for any great need they have thereof, but either to weaken them, or to bring

them into the ha••red of others, whether the King of Spain desireth their succour and furtherance to diminish their strength, or the number of their friends? Briefly, who knoweth when their friends are diminished, and their forces impared, whether he will not suddenly denounce open Wars against them? Great is the force of ambition, and unsatiab••e are the desires of covetous Princes, who having subdued one Country, seek presently after ano••her, and when they have conquered that, labour to attain un∣to new Conquests, and never leave to inlarge their over large Territories until a small peice of ground incloseth their dead and rotten bodies.

But it may be said, the King of Spain is old; but covetousness dieth not, but increaseth in old age. He is already Master and Lord of many Kingdoms and so many Countries: But as I have said, the more a man hath, the more a man wanteth; he being nigh unto deaths door, thinks nothing of his death. But every Prince before his death, would be glad to make his name immortal, his Dominions infinite. He is a Catholick Prince, & therfore will hold his words and promises with Catholicks as he hath done hitherto: But deceitful men keep touch in small matters, to deceive the better in causes of great weight and consequence: They may therefore justly fear, that he who coveteth Kingdoms that are far from him, is not without a great de∣sire of States that joyn and border upon his Dominions; and they may well think since he is descended (as you shall hear anon) of such Prede∣cessors, as were ready to take any occasion whatsoever, just or unjust, ho∣nest or dishonest, commendable or reprehensible, to enlarge their Domi∣nions, that he hath learned of them to have the like desires, and use the like practises.

But grant they have no just occasion to distrust him? what shall they gain by his friendship? what profit shall they reap by aiding and assisting him? He called them to help him: But when forsooth? when his ships were su••k, bruised and broken; some lost and never heard of, and those which returned into Spain, were so shaken and beaten with weather and Gun∣shot, that either they will be altogether unprofitable, or hardly repaired without great and infinite charges; and when his people were either drowned, or so terrified, that they will have a small desire, and less courage to return in England. But why implored he not their helps when he went for England with an assured hope and confidence, of an happy Conquest, of an honourable Victory? He was loath to use their help, because he thought himself able to a••tain his purpose, without making them partakers of his glory; and now that he hath failed of his purpose, he calleth them unto a second voyage, intended for a revenge of the dishonour received in his first journey; and they must go to recover his credit, and to revenge his quar∣rel, who have not as yet righted many wrongs done unto themselves, nor wiped away divers foul spots and stains which blemish their own credit. And how must they revenge his quarrel? Forsooth, by sending their best Soldi∣ers into a strange Country, by dis-furnishing themselves of Ships and Ar∣tillery, and by lending him Munition and Mariners, who might do well to spare his own people, and to reserve theirs to encounter with the common enemy of Christendom. Their Ancestors bought peace with unreason∣able conditions, and at a great price; and they shall go to Wars where they have no cause of War. Their Predecessors when any Nation dwel∣ling beyond the Alps intended to pass the Alps, endeavoured by all means possible to hinder their passage, and to keep them at home, and

they having not felt the forces of such Nations these many years, shall for his sake now go about to provoke them. Their Forefathers lived quietly at home with their own; and they shall disquiet themselves and other men, and endanger their own for his cause and his advantage. Their Parents never suffered their ships or their Souldiers to depart out of Italy, for fear left the great Turk in their absence should invade their Country and they must send their provision and their people to fight against the Heavens, against the Windes, against the Weather and the Sea, for so they sight that fight against England. Their hearts may tremble to think of it; and that wh••ch hath happened once may happen again. If whilest their Forces shall be im∣ployed in the Spanish kings service, the Turk shall assail them at home, shall they stay for their strengths until they come out of England? Or shall they yeeld themselves unto his mercy and discretion? For there is no other way to relieve them, or to repel them. But it may be said that the Spaniards credit and reputation will be their Buckler; his greatness will restrain and re∣press their Adve••iaries. Tell me, you that think so; Is he stronger then h••s Father was? Hath he ever had better success in the Wars then he? And yet in the prime and flower of his years, and even when he thought himself free from all danger, from all trouble and vexation of the Turks, the Turks came to besiege Vienna, which is the Emperors chief Seat, and a City of as great strength as any other City of Europe. They may consider that Armies that go far from home have (as I have said) seldom good success; that enterprises which are unadvisedly and hastily taken in hand, seldom fall out well; that men being once deceived of their expe••ation in any thing that they undertake, proceed faintly and fearfully in all that belongeth to that action; that to hang good Souldiers, and to imploy them in a bad cause and evil quarrel, is but to tempt God; and lastly, that is more grievous that which a man hath already in possession, then not to attain unto that which he would fain obtain.

All these being duly considered, they may justly be afraid when they call to minde, that their Navy which they shall send into England to help the king of Spain, shall pass through many Seas, Rocks, with many con∣trary Winds, in great Tempests, and through manifest and dangerous parils; and that their Souldiers shall be sometimes subject to hunger and thirst, sometimes be Sea sick, and in great danger of other diseases; for where many be shut up close together, there few can be in health long.

All this being duly considered, they may well be dismayed when they shall remember that the Spanish Fleet, which went out of Spain with an as∣sured hope of victory, returned with great loss and ignommy: And they may be discomforted, when they enter into cogitation that the Spanish Na∣vy returning to that place where they were once well beaten, and remem∣bring what small relief they had when they were in distress, will not onely lose the••r courage themselves, but also discourage their Italian Souldiers, not being accustomed to sight so far from home, or on so dangerous and trouble∣some Seas, and with so valiant a Nation as the English Sea and Subjects are.

They may again be dismayed, when they consider, that although they should conquer England, yet they cannot keep it long, because they have no just cause to fight against England.

And lastly, they may be dismayed when it shall come to their mindes and remembrance, that the small hope and confidence which they have to prevail in England, cannot countervail the great distrust and fear which

they have to lose their own possessions and Country, whilst they busie them∣selves in seeking after strange and difficult conquests; And if to leave no∣thing unsaid that may be said to encourage them, some men will use unto them all the same perswasions which our Fugitives used to induce the Spa∣nish King to undertake the Conquest of our Land, that man whatsoever he be, may well and sufficiently be answered with the same Arguments which I used long since to confute their Reasons: With these and the like Reasons uttered by grave men unto the Common people (who hearken wil∣lingly unto any thing for their own quiet and security) and used in conve∣nient time and place, of which wise men in their wisdom and gravity can take their best advantage, the most discreet and wisest Subjects of I∣taly may quickly be perswaded not to further the Spaniard in his unlawfull and ambitious attempts and purposes, and the Princes themselves who wil∣lingly enter into no action, whereof some great commodity is not like∣ly to follow, will easily hearken unto any man of credit and experience, that shall review their memories, and reduce unto their minde the means that their Predecessors have used to free themselves from Forreign Servitude and bondage; a commodity, far exceeding all the commodities that heart can imagine or tongue express. It may therefore be shewed unto them in ge∣neral, that Maximilian the Emperor, and the Spanish Kings great Grand∣father (for it were tedious to talk of his former Predecessors, and of the wrongs that they did unto Italy) entered oftentimes into League and Amity with barbarous Nations against the Princes of Italy, brought them into their Country, besieged their Cities, cast down their Walls, ransacked their Houses, changed their mirth into sorrow, and never lest to trouble and molest them, until that his strength, and not his good will to annoy them failed him. Charles the fifth his Father (for his Grand-father Philip died in the prime of his years, and therefore could not greatly trouble them, be∣cause he wanted the means) doth the like; and many of the Italian Princes most loving Subjects die, some by the sword, others by famine, some through grief, and others by infinite labour and travel, neither permitting them that resisted him to live one hour in rest and quietness, nor suffering those that yeelded unto him to enjoy any long peace and tranquillity; but reduced both the one and the other sort unto extream beggery, by grievous impositions and long and tedious wars. He himself wheresoever he ruleth in Italy (and he ruleth there too much) impose••h new Tributes, unac∣customed Subsidies, and extraordinary impositions; and where he hath no Authority to rule, there he borroweth money, and payeth his Debts with fair words, and sweet promises; and when he useth them best, with Bonds and Obligations, which shall be paid when every brother payeth an∣other. When this is said, and they moved with the grievous remembrance and lamentable rehearsal hereof, it may be they would be glad to remedy and revenge these wrongs; but they dare not adventure to contend with him; they will fear him, because he is wealthy; stand in aw of him, because he is mighty; and strive amongst themselves, who shall first begin to trouble him, because they distrust one another. His might and his wealth have al∣ready been shown sufficiently, and proved to be far inferiour unto the general conceit and opinion that is had of them, and their distrust may be removed by a general League, and perfect imitation of their Predecessors.

It must therefore first be remembred, that Nicholas the third Pope of Rome, fearing the great wealth of France, under Philip the son of Lewis

sirnamed The Godly, used all means possible to abate and diminish the French Kings power and reputation. And the state of this present time must be conferred with the condition of that Age, to the end that if the like causes of fear be now apparent, the like remedies may be applied. Then was France to be feared, because there was no Civil War in France; Now Spain must be suspected, because Spain is quiet and at peace within it self; all the Lords and Peers of France were then obedient unto their king, and are they not so in Spain? The French king was then in League with England and Germany; and is not the Spaniard allied unto many For eign Princes? The king of Navar a Vassal of France, ruled all things then in Spain, because he was Tutor unto the young king; and doth not Spain now sway and rule a great part of France, by reason of the League betwixt him and the unnatural Reb••s thereof? Siciy was then subject unto Charles the French kings Uncle; and now both Sicily and Naples are under the Spaniard. The same Charles was of great authority in Rome; he was Lieute∣nant General unto the Empire, and under that Title either commanded by force, or prevailed by authority through all Italy. And hath not the Spa∣niard as great authority there at this present as he had then? The face and countenance of both times are alike; the Remedies therefore should be such now as they were then. Then the Pope weakened the credit and authority that Charles had in Rome; the Pope must do like to the Spaniard now. Then was the Title of Lieutenant General taken from Charles; Now should all helping Titles be likewise taken from Spain. Then was the Pope determined to make two kings in Italy; the one in Lombardy, and the other in Tuskany, and both of the House of Ursim, of which he was the chief and principal branch; And if the like device were now practised, undoubt∣edly the Great Duke of Florence, and some other Potentates of Italy, upon whom the most should agree, would accept the Title of kings, and be able both for their wealth and their might, to maintain the same with credit and reputation. Then was Phaleologo Emperor of Constantinople incensed and encouraged to war upon the Sicilian king; now there would want no sufficient reasons to move the French king to do the like against the Spani∣ard. Then upon suddain were all the Frenchmen either slain in Sicily or driven thence; and now might all the Spaniards be either murthered (which were somewhat too bloody and cruel an action) or removed by main force from Naples and Sicily, which would be a general benefit and comfort unto all Italy. But Italy of it self is not able to do all this, what then shall it avail to intend and purpose this? Italy must then be strengthened and holpen, lest it fa••l in doing this. But how shall Italy be assisted? Forsooth by an imitati∣on of the Princes which lived in Charles the fifth his time, and envied his greatness. Forsooth, when they saw that he had by subtilty and corruption obtained the Empire, and that what with the vigour of his youth, what with the reputation of his might and strength, he was so puffed up with pride, that he intended to make himself Monarch of all the world; all the Princes of Christendom fearing his over growing greatness, began to consult and take advice how they might bridle his ambition, and hinder the proud and insolent projects of his aspiring and imperious minde. But the Princes of Germany, who had greatest occasion to fear him most, were the fi••st that bended all their thoughts, and all their cogitations to move the rest of the Princes and Potentates of Europe to joyn with them in League and Amity against him: Then were there sent Ambassadors unto the King of England,

France and Denmark: Then were there Letters written unto the Swi••zers: Then were Letters dispatched to the Duke and Seigniory of Venice to desire help against the Emperor, and to distract the Venetians from the League of Amity which they had with him, and to intreat both the Venetians and the Switzers, not to suffer any Forces to pass by their Dominions which should be sent out of Italy unto Caesar. Then did as many Princes as were not in League with the Emperor, shew themselves forward in this honourable Action; and those who for their Leagues sake could not openly assist the Confederates against Caesar, exhorted others to joyn with them against him; and to make them more able and willing to enter into the action, they lent or paid them great sums of mony which they owed unto them. Then, since it behoveth Princes in wisdom and policy to keep their next neighbours as weak as they may; since the Spaniard before the king of France changed his Religion, pretended to war against him for no other cause•• but to inforce him thereunto; and now continueth his Wars and ai••ing his Rebels, al∣though the French king is of himself become a Catholick, which proveth manifestly, that it was not Religion, but ambition that moved him to aid and assist those Rebels; since it is apparent to the World, that he onely disturbeth (as I have said) the peace and quietness of all the world, and causeth the Turk to insult as he doth upon Christian Princes; since both Othon the Third, and Conrad the Emperors Laws injoyn all Princes (as it hath been shewed upon other occasion) to bend their Forces, and to bandy themselves with main might against such a Prince, and such a disturber of common peace as the Spaniard is, I see no reason why the Princes of Chri∣stendom, as well Friends as Foes unto him, should not all joyntly, and with one consent, inforce him to contain himself within his bounds and limits, and to succour and assist him against the common Adversary of Christian Religion, who of late hath given the Christians no small overthrow. The Popes of Rome were wont, when Christendom stood in no greater danger of the Turk, then it doth at this present, to send their Ambassadors from Prince to Prince, to reconcile them if they were at variance, and to exhort them to imploy the uttermost of their powers against the professed Enemy of Christendom. It is written that Paulus Tertius, a Po••e that was ninety years old when he departed this world, not long before he di••d, consider∣ing the great danger and peril that was likely to fall upon Christendom, by reason of the pride and ambition of the great Turk, and the unnatural dis∣cord and dissention that was betwixt ••rancis the first and Charles the fifth, sent his own Nephew the Cardinal Fernese unto them to make a friendly composition and agreement betwixt them. The like Atonement might the present Pope make betwixt the French king and the Spaniard; who hath now no other pretence to fight against France, but that the king there∣of, although he is become a Catholick, yet he remains Excommunicate; a pretence both vain and frivolous, because the kings of France and the Peer; thereof, and also all his Officers, cannot be lawfully excommunicated by the Pope, as it may appear by the priviledges granted unto divers kings of France by many Popes: as namely, by Martin the third and fourth, Gre∣gory the eighth, ninth, ten••h and eleventh, Alexander the fourth, Clement the fourth and fifth, Nicholas the third, Urban the fifth, and Boniface the twelfth; The which Priviledges are to be seen in the Treasury where the kings Charters are usually kept: And when the Pope shall interpose his Authority, many other Princes shall likewise labour to make them friends,

as of late years the King of Denmark, was a Mediator of peace betwixt him and our gracious Sovereign. And if when this motion shall be made un∣to him, he will neither regard the Authority of the Intercessors, nor respect the manifest eminent danger of Christendom, but still continue and follow his ambitious nature and unchristian course; then will it be a sit and con∣venient time to implore and imploy the aid and assistance of his near and dearest friends against him; then because ••insmen forsake even the next of their own blood, when they will not yeeld unto reason, and friends many times fall unto variance when they are put in mind of old quarrels, and an∣tient injuries; it will not be amiss to revive the memory of old and new wrongs and indignities, offered by the house of Austria unto their Neigh∣bors, their Allies, their Kinsmen, their Friends, and other Princes that now either fear or favour them; Then would it be shewed, that all the Em∣perors and Princes of that Family have neither regarded consanguinity of blood, or alliance of Friendship, nor the wealth of their Subjects, nor the bonds of Equity and Reason; but have always preferred their private gain before the Commonweal, their own interest before their ••••insmens and Friends commodity and advantage, their own will and pleasure be∣fore all Law and Justice; briefly, their subtil devices and deceits before plain dealing and sincerity.

Then, to begin with the infancy of their Family, it would be made known, that when they were but poor Counts of Hapsparge, they en∣cro••ched upon their Neighbours, they wronged and oppressed the simple and well-meaning Switzers, over whom they tyrannized so long, that at length by common consent, and by a general Revolt against them, both they and their Officers were violently driven out of the Coun∣try.

Then would it be declared that Rodulph the first Emperor of their House, obtained the Empire by plain deceit and cunning; and so car∣ried himself therein, that he sought his own commodity more then the wealth of the Empire, and shewed many evident signs and arguments of loathsom and detestable ingratitude. For, whenas the Empire had been void almost Twenty years, and divers Compeitors affected the same, as Henry of Thyringia, and VVilliam Earl of Holland, Alphons King of Castile, and Richard, Brother unto the King of England; and all those Corrivals had almost wasted themselves and their friends in seeking for the place, and in maintaining themselves therein: The Electors be∣ing over-wearied with the length and troubles of this tedio••s Compe∣tency, sent Conrade Archbishop of Coruge unto Othagarius King of B••hemia, to pray him to accept the Empire; but he thinking himself not sufficient enough to rule his own Kingdom, re••u••••d their offer; and they in disdam of him, presently made choice of this Rodulph, who had been the Master of his Palace, and had learned divers Feats of Chivalry under him; in regard of which experience, the Electors as some men write, yeelded him their consent: But others report, that af∣ter that, for his ingratitude and evil demeanor, he was put out of O∣thagarius his service, he followed the Arch-bishop of Ments, and attend∣ed so diligently upon him in the Journey which he made unto Rome, that when he returned thence he made him Emperor, although he was then of a very mean living, as Albertus Argentinensis, Iohannes Vitudaranus,

Rotridano Molespini, Giovani Villani, and Aeneas Sylvius (who was af∣terwards Pope Pius the Second) with many others do testifie. And it is written that the same Arch bishop, bragging many times with his friends in secret conference, what a great deed he had done to make so mean a man Emperor, would say unto them merrily, that he carried an Emperor behinde him in his riding Hood when he travelled by the way.

You have heard how he came to the Empire; now let me tell you how he demeaned himself therein. The first thing he did wisely; consider∣ing his own weakness, he insinuated himself into the favour of the Ger∣man Princes; and whether it were to please them, who were somewhat of∣fended with Othagar King of Bohemia, because they thought he dis∣dained to be Emperor, or to shew himself grateful where he had re∣ceived great favour and courtesie, he presently summoned his Master Othagar to come to do him homage for his Kingdom. Othagar con∣temning both the Message and the Messenger, and taking him for a proud servant, who b••ing unworthily advanced, would begin to shew his pride against his Master, refused to appear at his summons; Rodulph pre∣sently in regard of this contempt, invaded the Dukedom of Austria, and forfeited the same unto the Empire. Othagar being highly offended with the confiscation, denounceth Wars against the Emperor. By the intercession of friends they met at a place appointed; And there Rodol••ph, dissembling cunningly his pride and insolency, goeth first to salute O∣thagar, calleth him his Lord and Master, thanking him for vouchsa∣fing to end their contention by a friendly composition, rather then by bloody Wars; maketh a marriage between his Daughter and Venceslaus the Son and Heir of Othagar; and then with a fair shew of assured and faithful friendship, prayeth him to vouchsafe, if not openly, because perhaps he would be ashamed to do it, yet secretly and within his Royal Tent, to do him Homage for his Kingdom and Principalities. The King won with fair words, yeeldeth to his demands, offereth up unto him five several Banners, whereof the Emperor restoreth unto him on••••y two, and de∣taineth the other three, one for Austria, another for Corinthia, and the third for Syria; and pacifieth the King who was greatly offended there∣with, by promising faithfully to restore them unto his Son Venceslaus, as soon as the Marriage betwixt him and his Daughter shall be solem∣nized.

To this deceit and cunning he addeth a worse despight and contumely; For having intreated to do him Homage secretly, and within a Tent, he caused a deceitful Tent to be made, the which should fall open as soon as the cords thereof were unloosed. In this Tent Othagar falleth down on his knees, and suddenly whilst he is doing Homage, the Tent falleth open; the Germans laugh at his humility; the Bohemians are grieved with his submission; and he himself is highly displeased with the Emperors deceit: And his grief is increased because his Wife scorned and mocked him at his return. To be short, he prepareth all the Forces that he could possibly make, and reneweth War against the Emperor: The Emperor that whilst he had been his servant remembred that Otha∣gar had given great occasion of discontentment unto the great Captain of Moizona, called Milota, him he putteth in mind of an old injury;

and so prevailed, what with bribes, and what with perswasions, that in the very conflict, he forsaketh his Master, and leaveth him to be murthered of two Brethren, whose third Brother Othogar had caused to be executed, for some offence worthy of death.

The king being thus slain, he rewardeth both the Traitor and the murthe∣rers, and following his victory, burneth a number of Monasteries and Re∣ligious houses that Othogar had builded: A rare and strange Pesident; For it is abominable in a servant to betray his Master; more abominable to cause him to be murthered; and of all abominable things the most abominable to reward the Traitors, and recompence the murtherers: But to burn Religious houses in despight of the Founder, and to spoil Gods Temple in hatred of a man, is an act the like whereof hath never been found but in such as nei∣ther care for God nor regard his service.

Neither did Rodolphs wickedness end in these hainous Actions, but he wrongfully warred upon Bemera, unjustly invaded Bohemia, unlawfully seised upon Austria, and most cruelly burnt above threescore very fair and beaut full Castles in Turingia.

Rodolph having reigned as Emperor nineteen years, and in all this time never vouchsafed to set one foot towards Italy, to be crowned there of the Pope (which negligence in those dayes was held for a most hainous offence) departed the World, and leaveth his son Albert Duke of Austria, who in disdain of the French king, within 6 years after is made Emperor, and imitateth his Father in his bloody cruelty: For he beginneth his Empire with killing Adolph his Predecessor, continueth the same with the wrong∣full molestation and usurpation of Mayeme, dishonoureth his Reign with a violent and forcible seisure into his hands, and to his sons use, of the kingdom of Bohemia, and endeth the same, not by a natural, but by a violent and unnatural death: For it pleased God, that his own Nephew, and other Earls of the House of Austria should by taking him, revenge the wicked and detestable murther which he committed on the sacred per∣son of Adolph the Emperor.

Frederick Duke of Austria was the third Emperor of this House; if he may be called an Emperor, who being unlawfully chosen, wrongfully usurp∣ed the Empire. For the Bishop of Trevers and Ments, and the Marquess of Brandenburgh, together with Iohn king of Bohemia, chose Lewis of Bamera Emperor, and Frederick had the voices and suffrages of the Bishop of Colen, of the County Palatine, and of the Duke of Saxony; whose Elect on was of no force, because when the six principal Electors cannot agree, but three of them are for one, and three of them are for another, the king of Bohemia as Umpier, determineth the matter, and he casteth his voice upon the said Lewis, and made him lawfull Emperor. But Fre∣derick according to the ambitious and violent nature of his proud Family, pursued his pretensive right by bloody wars, and drew the Pope, the kings of France, and of Hungary, the County Palatine, Stratsbourgh, and other Imperial Cities, to stand stout and obstinate in the defence of his quarrel, wherein many thousands were slain, and many more had been murthered, had not the Almighty (who alwayes favoureth just causes) vouchsafed to give the Emperor Lewis grace to take him prisoner in the Field; After which disgrace, he and his Family had been for ever been un∣done, had not the good Emperor been so gratious unto him, as after three

years imprisonment to set him at Liberty, and to restore unto him the Dukedom of Austria, the which he might have returned with more reason unto the Empire, then Rodolph had to distract it from the Em∣pire.

The fourth Emperor of this Family was Albert the second, who married the daughter and heir of the Emperor Sigismond, and had with her in Dower, the kingdoms of Bohemia and Hungary: This Emperor ruled scant Two years, and therefore did not any good or bad exploit worthy of me∣mory.

The fifth Emperor of this Family was Frederick the third, whose Go∣vernment was such, that his own Subjects with the help of his own Brother Albert, besieged him a long time in the Castle of Vienna; where they had ta∣ken him prisoner, had not George king of Bohemia delivered him by deceit and cunning, rather then by strength and fortitude; For although he came to Vienna with an Army of eight thousand good Souldiers, yet was not this Force able to succour him, but he was fain to play the Umpier be∣twixt him and his Citizens, and so under a colour of conference called him, his wife and his son forth of the Town, and when he had cunningly set them at Liberty, he conveyed them secretly unto a place of security.

This Emperor to prosecute a Bishop which was deposed by the Pope, raised such troubles in Germany, that the Princes thereof were not able to succour the Emperor Constantine of Constantinolpe, whom the great Turk Mahomet drove from his Imperial City, caused him to be slain be∣fore the gates thereof, set his head upon a Lance, and commanded it to be carried about the City; his wife, daughters, and many other La∣dies and Gentlewomen, were invited to a banquet, after which they were all deflowred, and then cut into small pieces, as flesh to the pot. And lastly, in despight of Christ and all Christians, he caused the Picture of our Saviour to be set up in the Town, with this Inscription, Behold the Saviour of the Christians that could not save them! Immediately after Frederick succeeded Maximilian, and after him Charles the fifth, his grand-childe; of which two I have already said enough, and might say much more to make them more hatefull, but I should be too long and over-tedious; And yet I may not forget three notable Arguments of of Charles the fi••hs dissembling, and of his turbulent nature and condi∣tions.

The First sheweth that he pretended to be a zealous Catholick, and was indeed no better then a dissembling Hypocrite.

The second proveth, that although he shewed an outward desire of peace, yet he cared not what occasions he took to make war.

The third declareth, that albeit he would seem to love Germany, as the Nation from whence all his greatness proceeded, yet he sought the ad∣vancement of Spain more then of Germany, or of his own Family or House of Austria.

The first point is proved, because that having obtained of Leo the tenth great sums of money, and ten thousand well appointed Souldiers, in regard of his faithfull promise to subvert and utterly overthrow the Lutherans of Germany, as soon as he had with those men and that money fully revenged himself upon certain Princes of Germany, w••th whom he was highly offended, and whom he had never subdued, had he not had the Popes help, he gave

over his wars, and granted both unto them and all others liberty of consci∣ence; wherewith not only the Pope had just occasion to be displeased, but his own Confessor took it so grievously, that the next time he came to Con∣fession, he denied him Absolution.

This zealous Christian, when he had troubled Italy, with long and tedious wars, not meaning (as it seemed) to end the same wars without doing some notable action, worthy of eternal memory, took the Pope prisoner at Rome, and kept him a long time in the Castle of St. Angelo. And although he would not suffer him to be set at Liberty before he had paid a great Ransom, yet he dissembled and handled the matter so cun∣ningly, that he caused publick Praises and Supplications to be made un∣to God generally throughout all Spain for the delivery of this Holy Fa∣ther, and protested openly unto the World, that his unruly Souldiers, full sore against his will and pleasure, being in great distress of money and other necessary provision, had sacked Rome, and imprisoned the Popes Holiness.

The second point shall need no other proof but his great malice, and continual spight, notwithstanding that the Princes of France were in some manner the onely and special cause of his greatness: For had not Lewis the eleventh with great cunning & policy weakned the last Duke of Burgondy; had he not most wisely and providently nourished the wars be∣twixt him and the Switzers; had he not covetously and carelesly set him at variance with the Duke of Lorrain; and lastly, had he not secretly & privily won Nicholas Campobasso to leave the said Duke in the midst of the battel, which he fought with the Prince of Lorain (a practice not to be forgot∣ten against the Spaniard) valiant Charles of Burgundy had never been slain in the Field, nor the troublesome Maximilian should ever have inherited his Dukedom by matching with his daughter. How sought he continually to perturb and disquiet the peace thereof? Which side left he unassaulted? Which way to enter into France untried? And what cause had he to disquiet France, especially after that he had taken the king thereof prisoner, and made him yeeld unto all unreasonable demands? It is written that many times entering into a serious cogitation of the great slaughters that had been committed in France by him and his Soul∣diers, of the great wrong that he had done to the good and vertuous Kings thereof; and of the simple and weak causes that moved him thereunto, he was often and greatly troubled in his Conscience, and sometimes sought peace of himself; and yet the wicked spirit overcoming the good inclination that sometimes guided him, he returned presently and without any just occasion unto wars.

The last point is proved by a Diet and a general Assembly of the States of Germany, which he held at Auspurge, under a colour to re∣form and order divers abuses in Religion; unto which Diet many great Princes of Germany would not vouchsafe to come, because they knew certainly, that the reformation of Religion was but the pretence and colour of keeping that Diet; but the very end and p••rpose thereof was to reverse the order of the Election of the Emperors, and to tranfer the Empire from Germany unto Spain: The which his intention was afterwards so apparent, that although in regard of his brotherly love, and during the minority of his son, he had caused Ferdinando his brother

to be elected King of the Romans, yet he used all the cunning he could possibly, to perswade him to relinquish and resign that Title unto his Son Philip, now and then King of Spain; and also he sent for Maximilian his Son in Law, and Nephew, King of Bohemia, to pray him to be content to condescend and yeeld unto his Fathers resignation; and the Queen of H••ngary, and Gravilla the Emperors Chancellor made many Voyages into Hungary, to intreat Ferdinando to yeeld unto this motion, unto which neither the King of Hungary nor Maximilian his Son would vouchsafe their consents.

These three points being thus cleared, it resteth to speak some∣what of Charls the Fifths Successors, as Ferdinando, Maximilion and Rodolph; but their actions are fresh in memory. And if the Law of the Emperors Creation (called the Golden Bull) which expresly for∣biddeth to chuse above four in one house, to succeed one after another in the Empire, were (as it should be) in full force and strength, none of them should be accounted or held lawful Emperors. Now if the breach of this sacred and inviolable decree (I mean the golden Bull) which hath been infringed by making not four, but seven or eight at the least of the House of Austria Emperors together, shall nothing at all incense and instigate the Princes of Christendom against this ambitious and aspiring generation;

It shall be needful to revive the loathsom memory of many great and grievous indignities and ingratitudes unkindly and unjustly shewn by the late Emperors of the house of Austria, unto divers great and mighty Princes of Germany, and unto the Empire it self. It must therefore be shewed unto them, that Rodolph the first Emperor of this Race, to assure unto himself and his Heirs the Dukedom of Au∣stria, and the States of Stiria and Suevia (which were united unto the Empire for fault of Heirs Males) resigned the Exerchat of Italy unto the Pope, and freed as many Cities of Italy from the homage and obedience which they owed unto the Emperors, as would buy their freedom and liberty of him for ready money. Albeit his Son when he was Emperor, fought many Battels and got many Towns with the Forces and Expences of the Empire, but reserved all the profit arising by those Battels to his proper use; and to have better and more easie entrance into Bilencia, he usurped the State of the Marquess of Me∣nia. And Albert the Second enriched himself greatly, although he ruled not long by troubles and divisions. Is it not the House of Austria that hath wrongfully deprived many Princes, and divers E∣lectors of the Empire of their States and Dignities? Is it not this house that hath unjustly compelled the greatest Princes of Germany to flie for succour, and to seek the protection of the French King? Is it not this House that hath unlawfully confiscated the States and Digni∣nities of Iohn Fredrick, Duke of Sexony? Is it not this House that hath most cruelly razed the Walls and destroyed the Forts of the most noble and vertuous Prince the Lantsgrave of Hess? Is it not this House that hath violently sacked, destroyed and utterly overthrown the great and goodly Dukedom of Wittenberge? Is it not this House, that contrary to all humanity hath confiscated the greatest part of the Duke of Cleur his goods, and made him too deer for a Wise that

brought him Dowry? Is it not this House that, to make the Princes of Germany their Servants and Slaves, have contrary to the Laws of the Empire, erected a new Councel in the City of Spires? Briefly, Is it not this House that useth them most unkindly of whom they have re∣ceived most Curtesie? Have they ever had greater aid, greater helps of any Princes of the Empire then of the Duke of Saxony? Who sought for Frederick Duke of Austria, against Lewis Duke of Bava∣ria more willingly and valiantly then Rodolph Duke of Saxony? Ernest Duke of Saxony was the only cause and means that Maximilian was chos••n Emperor. And Iohn Duke of Saxony went unto the Assault of Aba in Hungary, and never departed thence until he made Maximilian Lord and Master of the whole Count••y. Frederick of Saxony refused the Empire when it was offered unto him, and procured it to be given unto Charles the Fift; And yet the same Charls omitted no Art, no cun∣ing, no way, nor means, that he could possibly devise to ••subvert and ••vinate the House of Saxony. He set up Maurice and Agust his Bro∣ther against Iohn Frederick; And Maximiliam stirred up the Sons of Iohn Frederick one against another. Rodolph Count Palatine bore armes in the behalf of Frederick of Austria against his own brother Lewis Duke of Bamera, and Frederick Count Palatine, who was Recom∣penced for this pleasure by Frederick the Third, who procured all the States and Princes of the Empire to be his mortall Enemies. Briefly, who favoured and furthered the Election of the last Maximilian so much as Frederick Count Palatine? And yet not long after he gave so hard a sentence against him at Auspurghe, that all the Princes of the Empire reversed the same in his Presence. Now to speak of the Spanish Kings abuses towards the Princes of Germany and others, were infinite labour, and either that which I have already said is sufficient to cause him to be generally hated, or the late Apologies of the Prince of Au∣range, of the State of the Low Countries, of the now King of France, of Don Antonio and of others, will supply whatsoever I, either for modestie or for br••vitiesake forbear to discover.

Then to conclude this point, If France might be moved to set on Foot for the Kingdome of Navarre, the Dukedom of Burgondy, and all or part of the Lowcountries: If the Pope might be intrea••ed to bestow the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily upon som: Prince of worth and esti∣mation; If the Venetians and other Princes of Italy would be content to divide and share the Dukedom of Milan betwixt them; If the States and Princes of the Empire would be pleased to reconcile the King∣domes of Bohemia and Hungary, with the Dukedom of Austria, unto the Empire▪ If the Duke of Parma or Don Antonio might be seated in Portugall: And lastly England, Holland, and other States and P••in••es, that are mighty upon the Seas, would either stop the Spaniards passage into the Indies, or intercept his Treasure when it cometh from thence, the proud and insolent House of Austria should quickly be reduced unto their old and pristine Estate; and the Princes of Christendome, when they should have no Adversary to fear, but the common Enemy of Christians, should undoubtedly live in great security, peace and Amity: For, then are Kingdomes most safe, when their Neighbours Forces and their own strength are not

greatly unequall; And then should our English Island be the strong∣est and happiest Kingdom in Christendom.

But in taking this course it behooveth to be somwhat Circumspect, least that the overthrow and downfall of one terrible and mighty Adversary raise up another, who may be in all respects as dangerous and as well to be feared as he. For, because France lieth neerer unto us then Spaine (and Vis unita is alwaies held to be Fortior) if France should recover Burgondy and the Low Countries, should we not have great and just occasion to fear France? For neither may our happy victories against France encourage us not to esteem France, since it is no point of wisedom, not to fear the least Enemy that may be; nor the late benefits pleasures, and Offices of kindness shewed by us unto the late Kings thereof, can assure as that France will never endammage us.

I have already shewed the causes of our fortunate success against France; and if those causes should once begin to fail us, the good fortune which proceeded of them, would soon leave to follow us; and as well Princes as private men receive favours and courtesies readily, look upon their Benefactors unwillingly, remember good turns slowly, and requite received benefits faintly. Then because the fresh memory of new courtesies cannot extinguish the grievous and unpleasant remembrance of ancient quarr••ls, we must (as we have said) still have a very care∣ful and watchful eye over France, and intreat France to be content to joyn with us in placing and preferring some such Prince unto the quiet and assured p••ssession of the Low Countries, as may be well able with the help of us and France to retain the same, and yet unable to hurt us or France. Neither must the cross dealings of the late Duke of Alen∣con discourage us to attempt any such matter; for we saw that they whom he had handled somewhat unkindly, might easily have been per∣swaded to have received him again for their Duke. And there may a Prince be found that shall be less suspected, and more acceptable unto the Flemings then any French-man can be.

The Duke Ernestus who was lately sent to be their Governour, in my simple opinion se••meth to be a fit man for that purpose. For where∣as the Spanish King of late would have bestowed the Infanta his Daugh∣ter upon him, it may easily be thought now that that hope faileth him, because he knoweth now where to find a fitter Husband for her then to match her with him, and to give him the Low Countries for her Dowry. But common same reporteth, that there is an intent and purpose to marry her unto the French King, as well because he is now become a Catholick, as for that France and Spain have often matched together; and the Pope may easily be entreated to dispe••se with the French King to take her for his Wife. Truly it were hard to permit him to marry so near a Kinswoman as is his now living wives own Neece. But grant that the Popes dis∣pe••sation may salve this sore, that the French King may forget the wrongs and indignities offered unto him by Spain; that this were a good and ready way to reconcile these Princes that have lived too long toge••her in contention and variance, and that of this reconciliation there is likely to follow a great and general benefit unto all Christen∣dom: Yet I can hardly think that the Spanish King would ever yeeld his consent unto such a Match; And though he would ever yeeld

his consent thereunto, yet it behoveth all the Princes of Christendom to hinder such a marriage. For if his Son should die (whose life is in Gods hands) should not all the Kingdoms and Dominions of the Spaniard, because there is no Law Salick in Spain, descend unto his Daughter? And would not the desired addition of all those unto the Kingdom of France, make the warlike and mighty Prince thereof, not onely to think upon, but also to attempt the Conquest of all Europe? Should he not grow too mighty? Should he not be able to Tyrannize over all the world, more then the Spaniard doth now? And then doth it not greatly import all Christian Princes to withstand this Marriage? Be∣sides, grant that his son doth live to have many children, were it not a very unwis•• and indiscrect part of the Spanish King to give h••s Daughter in marriage unto such a one, as what for his old grudge unto Spain, what in re∣gard of the Title and Interest that this wife may give him unto the Crown of Spain, will undoubtedly be content to take her for wife, were it for no other occasion but to have so good, just, and colourable a cause as her right would give him, to challenge, invade and conquer Spain? For the Prince of Orange, by noting the Spanish Kings son of Bastardy in his Apology, and by animating the French King to defend his Neece, right, whenso∣ever God should call her Father to his mercy, hath set open such a gap as will give a very easie entrance into the Kingdom of Spain unto the Spanish Daughters ambitious nature, or unto his valiant minde (if there be any valour in him) who shall have her to wife.

The surest and safest way then for the Spaniard, is either to match her lowly, as Austiages did his Daughter, with some mean Prince, who shall not be able to hurt or prejudice his Son; or else to bestow her upon the said Duke Ernestus, who although he be her neer kinsman, and a Prince of no great living; yet because it is a matter very usual in the House of Austria to match in their own blood, and for that the Spa∣niard hath Kingdoms and Dominions enough to bestow upon her in mar∣riage, neither the propinquity in blood, nor the want of living can be an obstacle unto the match; But it may be said, what shall it avail if she be married to the Duke Ernestus, and Flanders be her Dowry? Shall it not be all one? Will he not be at the devotion of his Father in∣law? And will it not be a means to make the Emperor more fast and assured unto Spain, and to carry the less love and affection unto us and our Friends? But I suppose the Empire shall be transferred unto some other Prince: and although it shall remain still in the House of Austria, yet I know he that shall be, or is Emperor, can have no great means to annoy us. Besides, we may finde many wayes to set a vari∣ance and separa••ion betwixt the Father and the Son, and (when God shall have wrought his will and pleasure upon the Father) betwixt the Brother and the Sister. Were there ever more hot and bloody wars be∣twixt us and France, then when the French Kings Sister was married un∣to our King? Or when our Kings Daughters have matched with France? Did not these marriages breed and bring forth the chiefest causes of our most deadly contentions? And did not our and their profit and gain make us forget blood, affinity and Alliance? But if it shall seem dangerous to hazard our safety upon so weak an hope, it shall not be amiss to use all policy to procure such a match▪ and to cause her Dowry to be either

the Kingdom of Naples or of Portugal. For so shall his Sons power be weakened; his Daughter further off from us, and from France, and her ambition better satisfied with a kingdom then with a Title of Dutchess; too base a name for so proud a woman, and such an one as hath lived a long time in equall credit with a Queen. And we finde that the desire of that Char••es his wife (who of a Duke of Anio•• was made and crowned King of Naples) to be a Queen was the chiefe and special cause her Husband entered into that quarrel; for his wife (who was descended of a King; and still lived among Queens) would never suffer him to be at quiet until he had made her Queen. There is no doubt but that the Princes of Italy could be very well content, that the Kingdom of Naples and Sicily were in some such poor Princes pos∣session, rather under the subjection of the sole heir of Spain, because he being a young Prince, and King of so many Dominions, will not perhaps be keep within his bounds as his old Father is; and they would easily finde means to hold such a Prince long enough, and to keep him from all kinde of ability to hurt and damnifie them. For experience hath taught them, that when Naples and Sicily were go∣verned by a proper King, and he alwayes Resident amongst them, they lived not then in such danger, or in such fear as they have been since the French or the Spaniards were Masters of those Kingdoms. Duke Ernestus being placed thus far from us, the question would be, what Government would best content us in Flanders; whether it were best to have a Prince there; and if a Prince, what he should be; or else such a Government as is now amongst the United Provinces; and if such a Government, whether it were best to unite the rest of Flan∣ders unto them that are already united. The questions are full of diffi∣culty; and a man of far greater experience and wisdom then my self can hardly resolve them: And yet because this is my last task, I will▪ as I have done in the rest, adventure to commit my follies to your se∣crecy.

The pleasant and sweet Government under the States of the United Provinces, The consideration of their Subjects quiet and wel••are, The regard of their wealth, The credit whereunto they are grown, The accompt that their Neighbours make of them, The free Traffique which they have with Forreign nations, The recourse of Strangers unto them, The beauty and increase of their Cities, lately enlarged and beautified, and their strength being (as I have once said already) almost comparable unto the power of mighty Princes, might easily induce them to consent to make one Common-wealth of all the seventeen Provinces. But if they should all joyn in one Form of Government, it were greatly to be doubted that they would grow so mighty in time, that their might would make them ambitious, and their ambition desirous to encroach up∣on their Neighbours; who with the same and good of their great ease and prosperity, would happily be content to shake off their Kings, and live under their wings and protection. Was it not the common report of the Romans good Government that made Forreign Nations desirous to be subject unto them? Was it not the incorporating of those Nations into their own Cities, and their permitting of them to enjoy the like Priviledges and Liberties as the Romans enjoyed, that drew

other people to follow the example of those Nations? Was it not then seen, and may it not be seen again, th•••• the less Cities iimita∣ted the greater, and whether the first inclined, thither the last repaired? Is it not generally said, that two eyes see more then one? And do not many Councellors consult and resolve upon any thing better then a few? and is it not true that it is not the Clymate or the Region that onely maketh men wise? The Spaniard is wiser then the French-man, the Florentines of a quicker wit and judgment then the Vene∣tian; and yet when the light-headed French-man beginneth once to be staid, he is nothing inferior to the wise Spaniard; and the Venetians when they consult upon matters of weight, resolve them not so soon, but bet∣ter then the Flo••entines. The reason whereof is given by Bodin; because the first trusting too much to the dexterity of their wits, dwell obstinate in their first conceived opinions and sometimes will not yeeld unto the sound∣est judgments, because they proceed from them who are either their ene∣mies, or in their opinions not worthy to be reputed wiser then they; whereas the later, distrusting every man his own judgement, and examining soundly and with great deliberation all the reasons that may be alleaged pro & con in any matter whatsoever, after long con••er∣ence and consultation, conclude upon the best and wisest resolution. Is it not this proved in the States of the United Provinces; espe∣cially in the Hollanders, who until of late years were commonly called by the Flemings The Blockish and hard-headed Hollanders, and now they are grown equal to the wisest Flemings, Italians, French, or Spaniards? Court they not Princes that were wont onely to live by the transport∣ing of commodities of their Island into England and other places? Have they not their Agents in Princes Courts, who in many years would not presume to look upon a Court, and knew not how to be∣have themselves when they came thither? Have they not learned the means and ways to insinuate themselves into Princes favours, and continue themselves therein, who not long ago cared for no Princes favour, but ••or one Kings good will and countenance? Sent they not their Ambassa∣dors unto the Christening of the Scottish Prince? Gave they not their Present as well as others, and within it a yearly Pension unto the young Prince, to be paid unto him yearly out of the rents of one of their Towns? Have they not discovered a shorter way to the Indies? and will they not take and make a benefit by the discovery? Do they not daily encrease their Revenews? Do not their Subjects that were wont to guide a Boat, and govern an Oar, now manage a Lance, and handle a weapon as well as other Nations? Do not the better sort amongst them, who heretofore never medled with matters of State, match the wisest Politicians in Counsel, and the best Statesmen of the world in their writings? And to be brief, is it not likely, that if they proceed as they have begun, they will in time grow too strong, and exceed the Seigniory of Venice, the which if it be not assisted by other Princes of Christendom, standeth in great danger to become a prey unto the Turk? I have once already said it, and cannot say it too often; God grant that all the Princes of Christendom, yea the Child that is unborn, have not just occasion one day to curse the King of Spain for enforcing the States to know and use their strength.

Let us remember the weakness of the Switzers, and call to minde up∣on what occasion they began to encanton themselves; how base men they were that were the first Authors thereof; how Stansfather Gualter first, and Arnold Melthdiall detesting the unsupportable Tyranny of the Governor Greisleir, drew first divers Gentlemen, and then the inhabi∣tants of a few Towns to conspire the death of their Governour, and the banishment of all the Officers set over them by the house of Austria; how they beat down to the ground all their Castles; how they perswaded the Towns of Sinty, Ury, and Underwald to free and emancipate themselves from the Thraldom and Bondage wherein they lived under the house of Austria; How after this association others entred into League with them, and briefly, how after their general confederacy, they lived many years contented with their own, and scant knew what wealth meant: Was it not wonderous that after the notable victory which they had at Grason against Charles Duke of Burgondy, they knew not the worth or value of the goods that came to their hands? Will any man beleeve that they should tear into a Thousand pieces the fairest pavilion that ever was seen in the world? May it be credited that they sold great dishes and platters of clean Silver, thinking that they had been of Tin, for six pence a piece? Will it not seem incredible that the fairest Diamond that was in those dayes in the world, and had a very great and rich pearl hanging thereat, was sold unto a Priest for a Florin, and that he sent it unto their chief Governor, who gave him but three Franks, which is a French Crown, for the same? And to what reputation are these people now grown? Are they not held the best Pikemen of the world? Do not the greatest Princes of Europe seek their Amity and alliance? Strive they not who shall first entertain them, and continue longest in league with them? Have they not more liberty in Italy then any nation whatsoever? Are not the Grisons their Confederates, free from the Inquisition, a freedom not granted unto any Nation but unto them? Was there not a time when a King of France, for calling them base people, was forsaken by them, and made a prey unto his Enemies? Did they not in revenge of that disdainfull word, make a Road into his Country? and had they not come unto the walls of Paris, if they had not been intreated and hired for great Rewards to return into their Country? Who can desire a more notable and worthy example of valour and fortitude, then they shewed in Navar in Italy, where they being in a strong Citty, and not needing to make any sally out, they came forth upon the French that lay before the Town, went proudly and without fear, upon the fearfull and terrible mouthes of their greatest Artillery, took the same and bended it upon their Enemies, whom with the onely help thereof, they put to a most shamefull flight, and to the edges of their unmercifull swords? When we remember these men, and enter into cogitation of the premisses, we must justly fear that the Hollanders and their Adherents may one day have the like mindes and the like fortune; And if they should chance to grow to the like greatness, be it of minde or of fortune, let us consider what advan∣tage they shall have of Princes; Even the same advantage which Titus Li∣vius mentioneth in the comparison which he maketh betwixt Alexander the Great and the Romans. For they have many Alexanders, whereas a Kingdom should have but one; and with this ones death his whole State

should be endangered; whereas the losse of some of their Alexanders shall not endanger their State; and Kingdoms Enterprises shall perish with their King, and their Attempts shall be performed by their surviving Alexan∣ders; Briefly, the Kings posterity shall not resemble him, and their Suc∣cessors sh••ll rather excel then not imitate them.

Thus to have all the Low-Countries governed by a few States, or by one Prince, wholly depending upon the King of Spain, were in one and the same measure dangerous; and therefore it were convenient for us in wisdom and policy, to erect and establish such a Prince as should neither a••together depend upon France, nor be wholy devoted unto Spain; or else to divide the seventeen Provinces into divers several Cantons, and to nourish continually a diversity of opinions and Religions amongst them; whereby some of them being led to affect us, and others to favour Princes of their Religion, they shall be neither holpen nor hurt by them more then we, nor we more then they.

Besides, Experience yeeldeth us this comfort, that as long as we shall entertain a free and loving 〈◊〉〈◊〉 entercourse of Trade and Traffique with them, whereby their people may be inriched, their Cities frequented, and their several Artificers maintained and nou∣rished, so long may we be assured of their fast Friendship and Ami∣ty. For if, when as that notable contention and competency for the Crown of France was between Edward the third, and Philip de Val••ys, although Lewis the Earl of Flanders favoured the French King, because he was his Vassal, yet the Common people affect∣ed and furthered our Kings claim and quarrel, and would not be drawn from us by any manner of whatsoever perswasion; why may we not hope to fined the like affection in them even against their Soveraign, if we should have the like occasion to use their furtherance? For as then many of their Towns standing wholy upon the Trade of wooll, with which their Diers, Fullers, and other such Artificers were maintained, they would not leave us to lean to their Prince, because if our King should not have sent thi∣ther our woolls, they knew not how to live, and for that France was not able to hurt them so much as England could do both by Sea and by Land; so now if they should want such Commodities any long time, as we send over unto them; although they be now far stronger by Sea then they were then; yet either the regard of profit, or the fear of discommodity and hurt that might arise unto them by the discord betwixt us and them, would cause them to stand fast and as∣s••••ed unto us, rather then unto our Enemies; especially if we shall entertain some such faithfull friends unto us amongst the common people, as were the before mentioned Artevild, Boscanus, Agricola, and others.

Thus Spain being weakned, and the Low-Countries, either all, or the most part thereof well-affected unto us, we shall stand in less danger and fear of France, whose troubles and divisions, although they begin now somewhat to cease; yet I fear me, that when they are once utterly ex∣tinguished, they will be quickly revived again: For as fire being but covered over with ashes, and not throughly put out, is soon kindled again; so recon∣ciled friends, the causes of their former contentions not being wholly re∣moved,

upon very light occasions fall again to strife and variance. The experience thereof was seen in the Reign of Henry the third of England, and in the time of Lewis Menervensis Earl of Flanders, whose Nobility and Subjects were often reconciled unto them, and yet returned to their former disobedience and discontentment.

And France in my simple opinion, although the King that now raign∣neth, and his discontented Subjects were never so well reconciled, would quickly return again into Civil Dissentions. For the King being most honest, frank, open-hearted, free-minded, sometimes somewhat hasty, so earnest of that which is laid before him, that he hath less regard of that which is passed, and also unto that which he must follow; and lastly, so much presuming upon his good hap and fortune, that he can neither con∣ceive, nor careth to prevent far fetched practises; these his conditions will easily renew some occasions of discontentment, even perhaps in his best and his most loving Subjects; Every man that hath deserved little, will demand much, when his Kingdom is frank and free; And will it not be impossible to content all that shall and will beg of him? An open-hearted man cannot dissemble his grief, nor conceal an injury; and is it not likely that he shall have many griefs, many injuries offered him? An hasty man never wanteth wo; and doubtless he shall have many occasions to shew himself hasty: And then if he shall either neglect that which he ought to follow, or not be carefull to prevent such practises as may be devised against him, he that hath but one Eye may see that he cannot long continue in Peace and Amity with such Subjects as shall be still encoura∣ged by other Forraign Potentates to rebel against him; And that which hath been said already maketh it most manifest, that his Subjects shall not want this encouragement.

Thus have I satisfied your Request in every point that it pleased you to give me in Charge. In some things I have been somewhat briefer then I would, and in other perhaps longer then I should. The length may be excused, because all things being done for your pleasure, I hope you will give me leave to please my self in some things wherein I was carried away with the great delight that I took in handling the same; And the brevity is excusable, because when I saw that my Treatise was grown to be somewhat long, I thought it convenient to hasten to an end.

Excuse both, and tender my credit; and accuse me of unkindness if I be not ready to yeeld you better contentment in the like Task hereafter, when years shall have encreased my sl••nder Experience, and Experience shall have perfected my simple Knowledge.

FINIS.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Carion.
• * 1.2

  Plutarch.
• * 1.3

  Plutarch.
• * 1.4

  Herodorus.
• * 1.5

  De Hailon.
• * 1.6

  Plutarch.
• * 1.7

  Carion.
• * 1.8

  Plutarch.
• * 1.9

  Herodotus▪
• * 1.10

  Titus Li∣vius.
• * 1.11

  Holinshed. Polid. Virg.
• * 1.12

  Plutarch.
• * 1.13

  Herodot.
• * 1.14

  Don Anto∣nius.
• * 1.15

  Apology. R••stbergius
• * 1.16

  Dubraevi∣us
• * 1.17

  Dinothus de Bello Belgico.
• * 1.18

  Plutarch. Justinus.
• * 1.19

  Carion.
• * 1.20

  Du Haillan
• * 1.21

  The same Author. with Pol. Virg. and Hector Boetius.
• * 1.22

  Mores gen∣tium. Munster.
• * 1.23

  Fr•••• Lean. Guido Do∣nato.
• * 1.24

  Tit. Livi. Du Hailan Carion.
• * 1.25

  Terapha de vitis Reg. Hispan.
• * 1.26

  Polid. Vir. Holinshed. Guicardin. Paradin. Dinothus de bello Belgico. Gio. Giov. Pontavo della guer∣ra di Na∣poli.
• * 1.27

  Nicolle Giles An∣nales. de Aquitanie. Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed. Hect. Boe∣tius.
• * 1.28

  That the Turk is grown great by the dis∣sention of Christian Princes.
• * 1.29

  Mar. Arro∣go. Pietro Mexias. Illescas. Du Haillan Carions Cron. Guyl. At∣chives. Di Tyro nella Histo∣ria della guerra Hi••∣rusalemme.
• * 1.30

  An answer to an ob∣jection, that Prin∣ces aid Re∣bels, pro∣ving that in times past they did the like
• * 1.31

  Terapha Holinshed. Pol. Virg. Du Haillan
• * 1.32

  That the Flemming had just cause to re∣bel against the King of Spain.
• * 1.33

  Anales Flandriae. Marchan∣tius.
• * 1.34

  Smillerus de Repub Helvetior.
• * 1.35

  Dinothus de bello Belgico. Responce, ala Decla∣ration de D. Jehan de Austrice Discourse summarie de Estates Generals. du Pags Bas.
• * 1.36

  Dinothus D. Chy∣traeus:
• * 1.37

  That France hath rebel∣led against their Kings before this time.
• * 1.38

  Pedro Corn de la lyga q confedera∣tion Fran∣cesa.
• * 1.39

  The causes of the Lea∣guers rebel∣lion, their proceeding & policies.
• * 1.40

  David Chytraeus. Risember∣gius.
• * 1.41

  The Duke of Guise the head of the League; his procee∣dings and policies.
• * 1.42

  The Duke of Guise his imitati∣on of other great Re∣bels, and a Compari∣son betwixt him and them,
• * 1.43

  C. Tacitus
• * 1.44

  C: Tacitus.
• * 1.45

  Plutatch.
• * 1.46

  Dion.
• * 1.47

  Piero Mexias.
• * 1.48

  Da Haillan
• * 1.49

  A strange Interpretation of the Oath of Allegiance.
• * 1.50

  A compa∣rison be∣twixt the Duke of Guise, and S••jan, Caesar, Pipin, and Hugh Capet.
• * 1.51

  Du Haillan
• * 1.52

  Du Haillan Holinshed.
• * 1.53

  Du Haillan denieth the Law Sa∣lique.
• * 1.54

  The French∣mens first Objection, and the an∣swer there∣unto. Hottoma∣nus de jure successionis
• * 1.55

  The second Objection, with the answer.
• * 1.56

  The third Objection and answer.
• * 1.57

  Guido Papnis quest. 23. 9. Hostiensis extr••de ma∣jor. et obe∣dientia. c. dilecti fi∣lii.
• * 1.58

  Alexander Cent. 25. n. 20. vel 5.
• * 1.59

  Baldus in tit. Si de∣fendo fue∣rit contra int. Dom. in general•• n. v.
• * 1.60

  The fourth Objection and An∣swer.
• * 1.61

  John Bo∣din.
• * 1.62

  Philip de Comines,
• * 1.63

  Guicciar∣dine G••o∣viano Pon∣tavo della guerra di Napoli.
• * 1.64

  Du Haillan.
• * 1.65

  Polid. Virg. Holinshed.
• * 1.66

  Du Haillan. Froissart.
• * 1.67

  The fifth Objection, with the answer.
• * 1.68

  Hottoma∣nus.
• * 1.69

  Gul▪ Bene∣dictus, inc. Raghutius in verb. mortui. n. 49. Terrix∣ubeus tract. 2. Con Clus. q.
• * 1.70

  Terapha. Holinshed. Hect. Boet.
• * 1.71

  Hist. Polo∣niae.
• * 1.72

  Du Haillan
• * 1.73

  Piero Mex∣ias vida de Carlo Magno.
• * 1.74

  Du Haillan lib. 15. p. 214.
• * 1.75

  The sixth Objection with the Answer.
• * 1.76

  John de Terra Ru∣bea tract. 2. conclus. 9. 10, 11, 12.
• * 1.77

  Guliel. Be∣nedictus in c. Ragnat. in verbum & eodem test. num. 148. Guido Papius quest. 279.
• * 1.78

  Nich. Gyles Froissart.
• * 1.79

  Froissart.
• * 1.80

  Nich. Gyle••
• * 1.81

  Du Haillan. lib. 21.
• * 1.82

  Vita de Marc. Au∣relio.
• * 1.83

  Tarapha Illescas lib. 6.
• * 1.84

  Du Haillan lib. 6.
• * 1.85

  Du Haillan lib. 8.
• * 1.86

  Du Haillan lib. 2.
• * 1.87

  Du Haillan lib. 2, 6, 8.
• * 1.88

  Nic. Gyles.
• * 1.89

  Idem.
• * 1.90

  Idem.
• * 1.91

  Smillerus de republica Helvetio∣rum.
• * 1.92

  The reasons why England chal∣lengeth not her right in France.
• * 1.93

  Du Haillan Polid. Virg. Holinshed.
• * 1.94

  Da Haillan Phil. de Comines. Holinshed Polid. Virg. Hect. Boet.
• * 1.95

  Vie da Francois Primier de∣ce nom.
• * 1.96

  Phil. de Comines.
• * 1.97

  Du Haillan. Polid. Virg. Holinshed. Annales de Aquitain. T. Walsing. in his Neu∣stria.
• * 1.98

  Hect. Boet.
• * 1.99

  The Causes and means how we lost all France.
• * 1.100

  Holinshed. Polid. Virg. Du Haillan Ph. de Co∣mines.
• * 1.101

  Paulus Ae∣milius.
• * 1.102

  Marco Ar∣rogo sans occino nel suo gover∣no.
• * 1.103

  Hect. Boet.
• * 1.104

  Hottoman. Joh. Tille∣tius.
• * 1.105

  Du Haillan lib. 15.
• * 1.106

  Pedro Cor∣neio de la lyga y Confedera∣tion Fran∣cesca▪
• * 1.107

  How the King of Spain his Predecessors grew from mean Earls to be migh∣ty Kings.
• * 1.108

  Historia Pontifical. de D. Illescas Spa∣nish.
• * 1.109

  Piero M••xi. Vida de Lu∣dovico Sp.
• * 1.110

  Nich. Giles.
• * 1.111

  Guicciard.
• * 1.112

  Vida de Don Alonso.
• * 1.113

  Du Hailan. Nic Gyles. Froissart. Munsterus. Functius.
• * 1.114

  Polid. Virg. Holinshed.
• * 1.115

  Terapha Guicciard.
• * 1.116

  That the Kingdom of Naples hath been fatal to many Na∣tions.
• * 1.117

  Nic. Gyles. Du Haillan Functius. D. Illescas
• * 1.118

  Piero Me∣xias vida de Wence∣lao D. Illes∣cas vida de urbano 6.
• * 1.119

  Functius lib. 10. Caxton. Du Haillan
• * 1.120

  Math. Paris
• * 1.121

  Math. Paris
• * 1.122

  Paul Jovi∣us. lib. 2. Guicciar∣dine.
• * 1.123

  D. Illescas vida de Fa∣genio.
• * 1.124

  Phil. de Comines.
• * 1.125

  Guicciard. lib. 5.
• * 1.126

  Guicciard. lib. 1.
• * 1.127

  D. Illescas vida de Ju∣lio 2.
• * 1.128

  Guicciard. D. Illescas vida de Clemente 7.
• * 1.129

  How the Spanish King came by Naples.
• * 1.130

  Guicciard. lib. 5. 6. & 9. Sleidon lib. 16.
• * 1.131

  How the Spanish King came by the king∣dom of Na∣varra.
• * 1.132

  Guicciard.
• * 1.133

  Terapha de Regibus Hisp.
• * 1.134

  The Spani∣ards title to the King∣dom of Portugal.
• * 1.135

  Sleidens Commen∣taries.
• * 1.136

  Don An∣tonio his Apology.
• * 1.137

  Froissart vol. pr. c. 252.
• * 1.138

  Du Haillan. lib. 6. Froissart vol. 3. c. 25.
• * 1.139

  D. Anton. his Apol.
• * 1.140

  The Spa∣nish King's right to the Indies.
• * 1.141

  The Spa∣nish Kings title to the Dukedom of Millan.
• * 1.142

  Guicciard. lib. 14.
• * 1.143

  Vie de F••ancois p•• Guicci∣ardin.
• * 1.144

  The Spa∣nish Kings Title to the Duke∣dom of Burgundy. D•• Com.
• * 1.145

  De Com.
• * 1.146

  How the Spanish King re∣taineth all those States which he now pos∣sesseth.
• * 1.147

  Titus Liv▪ Corn. Tac. Polibius.
• * 1.148

  Appianus. Alexand.
• * 1.149

  Tit. Liviu••
• * 1.150

  Plut. in the life of Eu∣menes.
• * 1.151

  Plut. in the life of The∣seus.
• * 1.152

  Idem in the life of Ro∣mulus.
• * 1.153

  Holinshed. Polid. Virg.
• * 1.154

  Ti••us Liv▪
• * 1.155

  Guicciard. lib. 15.
• * 1.156

  Polid. Virg. Hect. Bo••t. Holinshed.
• * 1.157

  Appianus. Alexand.
• * 1.158

  Tit. Livius.
• * 1.159

  Historia Pontifical. de D. Illescas
• * 1.160

  Neustra. Tho de Walsingh.
• * 1.161

  Justinus.
• * 1.162

  Vida de Paulo 3. de D. Illescas.
• * 1.163

  The Spa∣nish Kings opinion & proceeding with the Turk.
• * 1.164

  The Spanish Kings opinion & proceeding with the French King.
• * 1.165

  Bodin.
• * 1.166

  Tit. Livius. lib. 33.
• * 1.167

  Tit. Livius. lib. 9.
• * 1.168

  Monsieur de la Nove en le, dis∣course po∣litiques.
• * 1.169

  Plutarch.
• * 1.170

  Du Haillan
• * 1.171

  Andreas Friccius de Repub.
• * 1.172

  Polib. l▪ 1.
• * 1.173

  The Spa∣nish Kings opinion & proceeding with the Princes of Germany.
• * 1.174

  The Spanish Kings opinion & proceeding with the Pope of Rome.
• * 1.175

  The Spa∣nish Kings opinion & proceeding with the Venetians, & the rest of the prin∣ces of Italy.
• * 1.176

  The Queen of England is the mightiest enemy that the Spanish King hath.
• * 1.177

  Da Hailan
• * 1.178

  Plutarch.
• * 1.179

  Man can∣not prevent what God intendeth.
• * 1.180

  Herodotus lib. 1.
• * 1.181

  Just. lib. 43. Tit. Livius.
• * 1.182

  Herodotus lib. 3.
• * 1.183

  Just. lib. 44.
• * 1.184

  The justi∣fication of the Queens attempts against Spain and Portugal.
• * 1.185

  Guicciard. lib. 10.
• * 1.186

  Machiavel in his dis∣course upon Tit. Livius.
• * 1.187

  That it is lawful for a prince to re∣ceive & suc∣cour ano∣ther Prince flying unto them for re∣fuge and re∣lief.
• * 1.188

  Du Haillan lib. 24.
• * 1.189

  Vida de H. 3
• * 1.190

  Holinished. Du Hailan Polid. Virg.
• * 1.191

  Holinshed.
• * 1.192

  Bible, in 2 Kings. Chap. 12.
• * 1.193

  Illescas vid•• de Alexan∣dro. 6.
• * 1.194

  Biondo lib. 16.
• * 1.195

  Du Haillan lib. 9.
• * 1.196

  Piero Me∣xias vide Macrino.
• * 1.197

  Du Haillan. lib. 1.
• * 1.198

  Jul. Caesar lib 3.
• * 1.199

  Terapha de Regibus Hispan.
• * 1.200

  Justin. lib. ••7.
• * 1.201

  Holi••shed. Polid. Virg.
• * 1.202

  T. Walsing▪ in his Neu∣stria.
• * 1.203

  Du Haillan.
• * 1.204

  That leagues are no longer inviolable then until there is some advan∣tage given to break them.
• * 1.205

  Guicciard. lib. 5. ••. 2.
• * 1.206

  Polid. Virg. lib. 19.
• * 1.207

  Hect. Boet. lib. 7.
• * 1.208

  Idem lib. 9.
• * 1.209

  Idem.
• * 1.210

  Princes for lawful occa∣sions may, & have bin offended with their confederates and leave them.
• * 1.211

  Illeseas vida de Sexto 4.
• * 1.212

  Idem vida de Julio▪ 2.
• * 1.213

  Idem vida de Leon. 10
• * 1.214

  Idem ibid. Paulus Jo∣vius. l. 26.
• * 1.215

  Idem vida de Cle∣ment. 7.
• * 1.216

  Idem de Paulo. 3.
• * 1.217

  Holinshed. Pol: Virg. Du Haillan.
• * 1.218

  Dinothus de bello Belgico.
• * 1.219

  Czsars Commen••
• * 1.220

  〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.221

  That the intercepting of the Spaniards money sent many years ago into Flanders gave him no just cause of quarrel against England.
• * 1.222

  Dinothus de bello Belgico.
• * 1.223

  Dinothus de bello Belgico
• * 1.224

  The Sp••••ni∣a••d is not so strong as men ••••pose him to be.
• * 1.225

  The Spani∣ard is not so wealthy as he is ta∣ken to be.
• * 1.226

  Paul Jovius
• * 1.227

  Comines
• * 1.228

  Guicciard.
• * 1.229

  Paul Jovius
• * 1.230

  Illescas.
• * 1.231

  Dinothus
• * 1.232

  Paul Jovius
• * 1.233

  Tho. Wals.
• * 1.234

  Idem.
• * 1.235

  Math. Paris
• * 1.236

  Dinothus.
• * 1.237

  M. Ant. Arrayo.
• * 1.238

  David Chyt••aeus.
• * 1.239

  Munsteri Cosmog.
• * 1.240

  Vasoeus.
• * 1.241

  Vide de Elutherio.
• * 1.242

  Functius. lib 1.
• * 1.243

  Nic. Gyes••. Polid. Virg. lib. 4.
• * 1.244

  Rob. Barns in vita Ponti••icum pag. 68.
• * 1.245

  Guicciard. lib. 10. 5. 18.
• * 1.246

  Nic. Giles. Munsterius
• * 1.247

  Vide de Marq. de Pescara
• * 1.248

  Holin. shed.
• * 1.249

  Dionthus de Bello Belgi••o Sil••a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 aei.
• * 1.250

  The fi••st 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the Spa∣nish King in go∣verning the Low•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by Spani∣ards.
• * 1.251

  The Spa∣niards •• Error in not gra••∣ting Li∣berty of Conscience un∣to his Subjects in Flan∣ders.
• * 1.252

  Memories de France Ca••ion. Sleidanus
• * 1.253

  Herodo∣tus.
• * 1.254

  Holinshed Pol. Vir∣gil. Boe∣tius.
• * 1.255

  Annales. Flandriae.
• * 1.256

  The King of Spains third Er∣ror in en∣tring in∣to League with the Guis••rd••.
• * 1.257

  Mar▪ An∣tonio Ar∣rogo.
• * 1.258

  That the Pope is not able to yeeld the Spa∣niard any great help.
• * 1.259

  De Comi∣nes. Guic∣ciardine.
• * 1.260

  That the Princes of Italy cannot greatly respect the Sp••∣niards.
• * 1.261

  That the Spaniards can nei∣ther have pr••fit nor h••nour by the Leaguers.
• * 1.262

  Du Hatl∣lan.
• * 1.263

  Finis co∣ronat opus.
• * 1.264

  Four causes proving the Spa∣niards in∣discreti∣on in entring in∣to League with the ••••isards.
• * 1.265

  Fama crescit eundo.
• * 1.266

  Plutarch in his life.
• * 1.267

  Guicciar∣dine.
• * 1.268

  A•• un∣known Author in Italian
• * 1.269

  Du Hai∣lan.
• * 1.270

  Pedro Corneiod•• la ligay Consider∣ation Franc••se••.
• * 1.271

  A French discours•• written by an un∣known Author▪
• * 1.272

  Du Hail∣lan Ca∣rion De Comines.
• * 1.273

  Du Hail∣lan Ca∣rion.
• * 1.274

  Objection
• * 1.275

  Answer.
• * 1.276

  H••linshed Pol. Vir∣g••l.
• * 1.277

  Gui••ciar∣dine.
• * 1.278

  That the Spani∣ards can have no good as∣surance of the Lea∣guers firm friend∣ship.
• * 1.279

  A Book written in Latine as it is supposed by the Arch-bi∣shop of Lyons.
• * 1.280

  The same Authors accusati∣ons re∣futed.
• * 1.281

  O••jection.
• * 1.282

  Answer.
• * 1.283

  Declara∣tion del Estate de France en temps les Roys Hen∣ry 2 Francis 2 & Charles 9.
• * 1.284

  Objection.
• * 1.285

  Answer.
• * 1.286

  That the French King had just cause to kill the Duke of Guise.
• * 1.287

  Caesar Comment.
• * 1.288

  Tresor de∣Treso••s.
• * 1.289

  Declara∣tion del Estate, &c.
• * 1.290

  Quosemel est imbui•• recens, &c.
• * 1.291

  Negoti∣ation de la pax del an. 1575.
• * 1.292

  That the Popes excom∣munica∣tions are not to be feared, nor a lawful cause to invade England.
• * 1.293

  The Popes means to grow up to authori∣ty.
• * 1.294

  The great wrongs losses and Ind••gnities which England sustained by Ac∣know∣leding the Popes Authori∣ty.
• * 1.295

  Tempo∣ral Prin∣ces inter∣medling with spe∣ritual mat∣ters war∣ranted by the Scrip∣tures
• * 1.296

  The Spa∣niards indiscre∣tion in crediting our Eng∣lish Fu∣gitives.
• * 1.297

  The late Scotish Queens death gave the Spaniard no just occasion to invade England.
• * 1.298

  Six Ar∣guments in the b••half of the Scot∣tish Q. used by her friends to prov•• that she could not law∣fully be condem∣ned by our Queen.
• * 1.299

  The An∣swer to the first Argu∣ment.
• * 1.300

  The Queen of Scots is in••eri∣or to the Queens Majesty.
• * 1.301

  That the Kings of Scotland owe ho∣mage unto the Crown of Eng∣land for Scotland.
• * 1.302

  The an∣swer to the third Objection.
• * 1.303

  Quo semel est imbu••a recens, &c.
• * 1.304

  Sanguis Martyrum semen Ec∣clesiae.