A PARTICVLAR ANSWER TO THE Manifold Slanders and abominable Falsehoods contained in a Book, called Simplicities defence against Seven-headed Policy: Wherein Samuel Gorton is proved a disturber of Civill Societies, despe∣rately dangerous to his Country-men the English in New-Engl. and notoriously slanderous in what he hath Printed of them.

WHEN first I entertained the desires of the Countrey to come over to answer the com∣plaints of Samuel Gorton, &c. and to render a reason of the just and righteous proceedings of the Countrey of New-Engl. in the severall parts of it, against him being a common disturber of the peace of all Societies where hee came, witnes New-Plymouth, 2 Roade-Island, 3 Providence, and lastly the Massa∣chusets,* being the most eminent; I little thought then to have ap∣peared in print: but comming into England, and finding a Booke written by Mr. Gorton called Simpli•ities defence against Seven-headed policy: or, A true complaint of a peaceable people, being part of the English in New-Engl. made unto the State of Old-England, against cruell per∣secutors united in Church-Government in those parts. I then concei∣ved my selfe bound in duty to take off the many grosse and publike scandalls held forth therein, to the great amazement of many ten∣der consciences in the Kingdom, who are not acquainted with his Page  64 proud and turbulent carriage, nor see the Lion under his Lambe∣skinne coate of simplicity and peace. The Lord knowes how unwil∣ling I was personally to engage: and I trust hee will also guide mee in answering his booke, as I shall bee farre from bitternesse: tis true, time was when his person was precious in mine eies, and therefore I hope and desire onely to make a righteous and just de∣fence to the many unworthy things by him boldly, ignorantly, proudly, and falsly published to the great dishonour of God in wronging and scandalizing his Churches, which the Lord Jesus Christ will not leave unpunished.

I know the world is full of controversies and tis my great griefe to see my dear native Country so engaged in them, especially one god∣ly person against another. 'Tis my present comfort I come not to accuse any; but to defend New-England against the injurious com∣plaints of Samuel Gorton, &c. but as it comes to passe oftentimes that men wound others unavoidably in defending their persons from the violent assaults of such as draw upon them, which other∣wise they would never have done: so if Mr. Gorton receive any such hurt (which is unavoidable) hee becomes an accessary there∣unto: by forcing mee to defend the Country, without which I should bee unfaithfull.

I know the world is too full of bookes of this kinde, and there∣fore however I am unfitted of many things I have and could pro∣cure at home would well become a relation of the late and present state of New England, yet I shall now onely with as great brevity as may bee give answer to such injurious complaints as hee maketh of us. And however his Title, Preface, and every leafe of his booke may bee justly found fault with, I shall clearely answer to matters of fact, such as hee chargeth the severall Governments withall, so as any indifferent Reader may easily discerne how grosly wee are a∣bused, and how just and righteous censures were against him for di∣sturbing the civill peace of all societies where hee came, in such a manner as no Government could possibly beare: and for the blas∣phemies for which hee was proceeded against at Massachusets, they fell in occasionally by his owne meanes without any circumstance leading thereunto.

And first whereas hee accuseth us in the first page of his booke to goe over to suppresse hereticks.* 'Tis well knowne we went thither for no such end laid downe by us, but to enjoy those liberties the Page  65 Lord Jesus Christ had left unto his Church to avoid the Episcopall tyranny, and the heavy burthens they imposed, to which sufferings the kingdome by this ever to bee honoured Parliament have and doe beare witnesse to, as religious and just. And that wee might also hold forth that truth and ancient way of God wherein wee walke, which Mr. Gorton cals heresie. Next in the same Pag. hee chargeth us with affection of Titles, &c. To which I answer, either we must live without Government, or if wee have Governours wee must give them wee call such Titles as are sutable to their offices and pla∣ces they beare in Church and Common-wealth, as Governours and Assistants, Pastors, Teachers, Rulers, Deacons, &c. these are our highest Titles we give.

In his second pag. hee chargeth the Massachusets to unite with other Colenies to the end they might bathe themselves in bloud and feed themselves fat with the lives of their brethren, &c.* This is a notorious slander. 'Tis true that the Massachusets new Plimouth, Cone••••ut, and New-haven, I meane the severall Colonies there entred into a civill com∣bination, and are called by the name of the Vnited Colonies, and this was occasioned by a generall conspiracy of the Indians against the body of the English there seated, together with the distracted condi∣tion of England, from whom we could expect no helpe at that time. But Mr. Gortan and his company fell at that time into more then ordinary familiarity with the Nanohigganset Indians, who were the principal contrivers of the Villany; who where they could not draw others to them by for•e or flattery, they did it by large gifts, &c. as I could prove by many testimonies of the Indians, ma∣ny hundred miles asunder from each other, in which designe had not the finger of God in much mercy prevented, I had beene the first ••d fallen; which I forbeare to relate here, being what I now doe, is but an answer to his invective▪

Next in the same pag. hee tels us at his landing how •ee found his 〈◊〉 men at great variance at Boston in point of Religion; But had not hee holpen to blow the bellowes the flame might never have beene so great. And whereas hee said that Mr. Williams was banish∣ed thence for differing from us being a man of good report, &c. In answer, 1. take notice, I know that Mr. Williams (though a man lovely in his carriage, and whom I trust the Lord will yet recall) held forth in those times the unlawfulnesse of our Letters Patents from the King, &c. would not allow the Colours of our Nation, denyed the lawful∣nesse Page  66 of a publique oath a being needlesse to the Saint•, and a prophanation of Gods name to tender it to the wicked, &c. And truly I never heard but he was dealt with for these and such like points: however I am sorry for the love I beare to him and his, I am forced to mention it, but God cals mee at this •ime to take off these aspersions.

In pag. 3. hee mentions the proc•edings of the Massachusets against Mr. Iohn Wheel wright &c. Had it beene the will of God I would those differences had never been But the maine difference was about a Petition by way of Remonstrance, which the Government tooke very offensive: But Mr. 〈◊〉 and they are reconciled, hee having given satisfaction, &c. In the same pag. hee wrongs the do∣ctrine of our Churches, which is well knowne to bee sound. But whereas hee tels us in the same pag. of denying cohabitation, and of •hippings, confinement, imprisonment, chaines, fines, banishment. I confesse all these things befell him, and most justly: for hee was bound to the good behaviour at Plimouth and brooke his bonds in the face of the Court, whipt and banished at Roade Island for mu∣tinie and sedition in the open Court there: also at Providence as factious there though his party grew greater then Mr. William• his better party, as appeares by his and their sad letters to the Govern∣ment of the Massachuset for helpe and advice; and afterwards ba∣nished the Massachusets: all which appeares in another place of this booke, and the just causes of their proceedings annexed there unto. Lastly in this pag. hee tels us of his hardship divers nights together, that himselfe and the rest of his mutinous companions, as Weekes, Holden, &c. endured, which was just with God and man, for extream evils must have extreame r•medies, and yet tis well knowne tis not a full dayes journey from Roade Island to Pr•vidence. And whereas a stranger would thinke hee was then forced to goe to Nauhiga•set∣Bay amongst the Indians, hee went not from Providence till they were as weary of these Muti•eeres as either Plimouth or Roade Island had beene before them.

And because hee often mentioneth the hard measure hee received at Plimouth, still carrying it on as if difference in Religion had beene the ground of it: I thought g••d here to give the Reader to under∣stand what was the ground of his •roubles there, that so all men may know what Religion this 〈◊〉 is of: for the tree is best knowne by its fruite. The first complaint •hat came against him for which hee was brought before authority, was by Mr. Ralph Smith a Minister, Page  67 who being of G•rtons acquaintance received him with his family in∣to his house, with much humanity and Christian respect, promising him as free use of it as himselfe, &c. but Mr. Gorton becomming troublesome, (after meanes used to remove the offences taken by Mr. Smith, but to no purpose, growing still more insolent) Mr. Smith desired him to provide elsewhere for himselfe: but Gorton refused, saying, hee had as good interest in the house as Mr. Smith had. And when hee was brought before Authority, stood s•outly to maintaine it to our amasement. But was ordered to depart and provide other wayes by a time appointed. And not long after there comming a woman of his acquaintance to Plimouth, divers came to the Governour with complaints against her, being a stran∣ger, for unworthy and offensive speeches and carriages used by her. Whereupon the Governour sent to her to know her businesse, &c. and commanded her departure, and ordered the Sea-man that brought her, to returne her to the place from whence shee came, at his next passage thither. But G•rton said shee should not goe, for hee had occasion to employ her, &c. Hereupon the Governour (it being in the time of a Court) sent for him, and because hee had hidde her, stood in justification of his practiseand refused to obey the command of the Court (who seconded the Governours order.) He was com∣mitted till hee could procure sureties for his good behaviour till the next Court which was a generall Court, and there to answer to this contempt. The time being come and the Court set, •orten was called; But the Governour being wearied with speech to other causes, r•quested one of his Assistants who was present at his com∣mitment and privy to the whole cause to declare the same. This Assistant no sooner stood up to shew the Country the cause of his bonds in the great affront hee had given the Government, but G•r∣t•• stretching out his hand towards his face said with a loud voice, If Satan will accuse the brethren, let •im come downe from Iehoshuabs right hand and stand here, And that done, in a seditious manner tur∣ned himselfe to the people and said, with his armes spread abroad▪ Yee see good people how yee are abused! Stand for your liberty; And let them not bee parties and judges, with many other opprobrious speeches of that kinde. Hereupon divers Elders of Churches being present, de∣siring leave of the Governour to speake, complaining of his sediti∣ous carriage, and requested the Court not to suffer these abuses, but to inflict condigne punishment. And yet notwithstanding all wee did Page  68 to him was but to take the forfeiture of his foresaid bonds for his good behaviour. Nay being but low and poore in his estate, wee tooke not above eight or ten pounds of it, lest it might lie too heavy upon his wife and children. But he must either get new sureties for the behaviour till the next generall Court, or such time as he departed the Government, or lie in orison till hee could: now hee knowing his outragious passions which hee could not restraine, procured suretles, but immediately left Plimoutb and went to Roade Island, where upon complaint of our persecutions hee found present re∣liefe there: yet soone afterward he abused them in a greater measure and had heavier yet too light a punishment inflicted on 〈◊〉 and all for breach of the civill peace and notorious contempt of Authority without the least mention of any points of Religion on the Govern∣ments part, but as before.

And whereas in pag. 4. Mr. Gorten further accuseth us that they were deprived and taken away from their quiet possessions, &c. Such was his carriage at Plimouth and Providence at his first settling as neither of the Governments durst admit or receive him into cohabi∣tation, but refused him as a pest to all societies. Againe in the same pag. he accuseth Massachusets and Plimouth to have denyed them to be in our Government, but when wee perceived the place to bee a refuge for such as were oppressed then, &c. 'Tis true that Plimouth gave way to Mr. Williams and his company to fit downe at Providence and have never molested them to this day, but refused Gorton and Weekes, &c. upon Weekes his sollicitation when I was at Providence for the reasons before mentioned, &c. And for those particular relations he makes of Robert Cole, William Arnold, and Benedict his sonne, I wave, as not being so well acquainted with their cases, but see hee writes with a venomous pen; onely take notice he would make it a great crime in them to trade on the Sabbath (as it is) when himselfe at that time denyed the sanctification of it.

In pag. 5. hee complaines that powder was traded to the Indians and denyed to them, Answ. If it were traded to the Indians, for my part I approve it not, it being against the expresse law of the Country, and a large penalty annexed: but there was good reason to refuse it to them which held such familiarity with Malignant Indians especially during the time of their confederacy against u•.

In pag. 6. he speakes as if hee had beene under some censure of the Page  69 Massachusets at the time of the warrant there by him specified, how truly copied I know not: but am sure at this time he was personal∣ly under no censure of theirs.

In pag. 7. hee accuseth Magistrates and Ministers for bringing in all the accusations that came in against them. Who but publique per∣sons should take notice of publique insolencies? And as for Mr. Collens his story I am a stranger to, but beleeve it is misreported as well as others.

In pag. 8, hee manifests hee durst not live under a forraigne Prince, meaning the Dutch, having never been false to his King and Coun∣try, &c. with many ignorant swelling words; as if it were treason to ones Prince to live under a forraigne State though an Ally. And in the same pag. hee would lay the death of Mistris Hutchenson who was mother in law to Mr. Collens, on us: although they went from Road Island which is not under the Massachusets where shee had li∣ved some years after her remove from the Bay, and not from the Massachusets to the Dutch of her owne accord where they were cut off by the Indians.

In pag. 9. he shewes how they bought lands of Myantonimo Prince of those parts. Answ. 1. Hee was not the Prince of that part as was proved publiquely at Massachusets himselfe being present. 2. He had no proper right in it, as is shewed at large elsewhere.

In the same pag. he beginneth a large letter full of railing blasphe∣mies which continueth to pag. 31. and however it bee not exactly set downe as it was sent, yet I admire at Gods providence, for hee is falne into the snare he laid, this being brought against him to accuse him of blasphemy, before a Committee of Parliament, who called in his book, and referred him to the House, &c. but I forbeare to shew his folly here, which is referred to another place and his wicked∣nesse discovered therein.

In pag. 32. hee saith the Government of the Massachusets had no shew of any thing against them but Religion, and yet the whole carried on in his owne way as well as what wee now print, shewes it was in the right of two Indian Sachims, namely P•mham and So∣cononoco, who placing themselves under the protection of the Massa∣chusets complained of violence offered them by Mr. Gorton and his company; it being our manner both in Capitals and Criminals to dot them the like justice wee doe one to another, wherein walk∣ing by the same rules of righteousnesse towards them, they Page  70 have the lesse cause to take offence at us.

From pag. 33. forward, are many Letters which I cannot beleeve al is in them, and therfore remain jealous of his sincerity in Printing them.

In pag. 37. hee holds forth conversion to be the ground of the Massachusets sending to them, now to that end, saith hee, they sent a Minister. 'Tis true, there was a gracious young man one Mr. Ioh. Bulkley then a Student, but in no ministery, went to teach to the Company they sent to guard their owne Commissioners, and to bring in Gorton if need required: but I dare not beleeve what hee affirmes. And for the Copy of a Letter hee fathers upon the Com∣missioners sent by the Government of the Massachuset; I conclude 'tis rather set downe upon memory then right, because of some at∣testations I have by me to make use on elsewhere, which seeme to hold forth the contrarry, and so I doe not credit it.

In pag. 38, & 39. hee relates how their wives were frighted at mens presenting their muskets at them, &c. and suffering such hard∣ships as occasioned death, &c. Which must also bee false, for honest men have deposed there was no such presentment, and that their wives came freely and familiarly to them, both before and after they were taken. So also hee affirmes our men would allow of no par∣ley but private, or else they would dispatch them in a quarter of an houre, which I will never beleeve, because I know the men to bee men fearing God, and durst not proceed as hee relateth it.

In pag▪ 40, & 41. he also taxeth the Commissioners and souldi∣ers with breach of Covenants in time of treaty, as, breaking open their houses, desks, killing their cattle, &c. All which is false, for oath is made to the contrary, which I shall make use of before my Lord of Warwick Governour in chiefe, and the rest of the honou∣rable Committee for foraign Plantations in due time and place, that whereas they were by agreement to have two houses for their com∣pany being about 40 men, they made use of but one, nor did any of these things laid to their charge.

In pag. 45. he would make Pumham and Socononoco, the naturall subjects of Myantonimo their Prince; but this was disproved. And in the same page, he saith, the Magistrates suggested to the people as though there were feare of some combination between the Indians and them, Answ. I dare not say you had a hand in the depth of their conspiracy: but this I thinke you dare not deny, that Weekes one Page  71 of your stoutest Champions, lent Myantonimo an Armour, in which he was taken in battell against Vncus, who was under the protecti∣on of the English united Colonies: for which Vncus put him to death; and in your own book you hold forth more familiarity then becomes you.

But here it will bee necessary for mee to shew you the ground of this warre. There was a people called by the name of the Pecoats, being a stout warlike people, who had been at warre with the Na∣nohiggansets many yeares, and were too strong for them; so also were they at some distance of affection with this Vncus, who was Sachim of a people called the Mohegans, neare the head of a River falleth into the sea at Pecoat, The chiefe Sachim of this people of Pecoat, was called Tatobam, a stout man. The Nanohiggansets and these strove who should be greatest. This Tatobam envied the En∣glish, and was the first stirrer and contriver of this generall Plot, that they might all joyne together to destroy the English; but the Nanohiggansets refused to joyne with them, knowing if that were once done, the next ruine must be their owne. Afterward having subdued many small peoples, and one as great as themselves, and and some English planting more neare then the body of our Planta∣tions, though without wrong to him, or any of them, hee cut off Captaine Stone his Barke and Company, and after this killed divers stragling English. This st•rred up the English to take revenge: The Nano•ggans•ts and Vncus, Sachim of the Moheges seeing this, because it was against their comon Enemy, offered their service to joyn with the English: the Nanohiggansets did no considerable service in com∣parison of the Moheges, who did as much as could bee expected, but the Nanohiggansets rather gathered up the spoile, to the great offence of the English and Moheges, seldome ingaging in any fight. The English killed and destroyed this people utterly, so that those that were left remaining utterly deserted the Countrey, and the English wonne it, and are now possessed of it. After this victory, Myan∣tonim• Sachim or Lord of the Nanobiggansets, and Vncus Lord of the Moheges, manifested no good blood towards each other; the En∣glish at Hartford where the Government for Coneetacut is held, hea∣ring of it, got them together, and made a peace and threefold Co∣venant between the Government of Coneetacut, Nanchigganset, and Mohege, which was signed by the Governour of Coneetacut, Myan∣tonim• Sachim of Nanohigganset, and Vncus Sachim of M•hegan. The Page  72 Covenants rant to this purpose, To confirme their League between the English and them, and either to other, and to hold forth a league of perpetuall peace between them. And in case any diffe∣rence should arise between them. And in case any diffe∣rence should arise between these two Indian Sachims, or their peo∣ple, the party offended should complaine to the Governour of Co∣neetacut, who was to mediate and to determine the controversie be∣tween his two friends and their people: And in case the injury were great, and the party wronging would not stand to the foresaid award and determination, then it should not onely bee lawfull for the wronged to right himselfe by force of Armes, but for the En∣glish party also to assist the innocent in that kind. And to this they all firmed as before.

The Nanohigganset Sachim never regarded this Covenant, the Mohege Sachim ever faithfully observed it. But Myantonimo of Na∣nohigganset had thoughts now to prosecute the P•coats designe, and to destroy the English, (the Pecoets Nation being rooted out by Gods just judgement as before) and travels farre and neare to draw all the Indians in the Countrey into this horrid confederacy with him; but this Vncus would not bee wonne, though he would have taken his daughter in marriage, but ever acquainted the English with his working. At length an inferiour Sachim, subordinate to Nanobigganset affronts him and his men, hee complaines to the En∣glish, they send to this inferiour Sachim, hee sleights their admoni∣tion, goes on his course; whereupon the other demands leave to make warre upon him, not requiring any aide. Still the English forewarne the other party of the evill they were like to bring upon themselves; till at length they professe they have had peace enough, & now it is time to war, Whereupon the English give way to Vncus to revenge himselfe, he doth it▪ the other are beaten. Now Myantonimo he prepares an Army of above 1000 men, and comes upon a sud∣den upon Vncus without any respect to Covenants, and took Vncus at advantage, not with above 300 men; by which meanes they be∣set him every way in his Fort, which stands upon a point of Land between two Rivers. Myantonimo so dispersed his men to prevent their flight, as Vncus making a desperate salley with almost his full force, routed the other, slew neare upon an hundred, and forced them to fly: But Mr. Weckes one of Samuel Gortons company (as I am credibly informed) lending the Great Sachim a complete Armor; and having it on in the fight, was not able to fly so fast as his men, Page  73 and was taken by this meanes. Yet such was Vncus respect still to the English, as hee kept him till hee sent to the English, viz. to the Right Wo•shipfull George Fenwicke Esquire, to know what he should doe with him, who lived next to him, Hee wished him to follow their owne Custome, and to deale with him, as if hee had not ad∣vised with him, or there were no English in the land to advise with∣all. Hereupon hee resolved to have killed him forthwith, accor∣ding to their Custome. But no sooner were the Nanohiggansets got home, who had lost divers Sachims, Captaines, and chiefe men in this fight, but they send to Mr. Gorton, &c who sent a Note to Vn∣cus, with a command by the bearer, that they put him not to death, but use him kindly and returne him. This the Messenger either said or they supposed came from the Massachusets Governour, and did much daunt Vn•us and his men: but to cleare up all, they advised with the Gent. of Co•eetacut, who wished him to keep him priso∣ner, and to advise with the Commissioners of the United Colonies whereof they were part, whose meeting would bee ere long by course at the Massachusets: which counsell hee followed, and entrea∣ted the Governour of Coneetacut (Myantonimo also desiring it) to keep him safe for him till then, whereupon hee was brought to Hartford: And many gifts were sent to the prisoner; which hee bestowed like himselfe, some on him that took him, some on Vncus, some on his wife, some on Vncus brother being a great Captaine, and some on others where he had received kindnesses, and this was all the ransome was paid, there being not so much as a ransome proposed by the Nanobiggansets, nor set down by Vncus. But hee advising with the Commissioners, they considering how many ways besides open hostility he had sought the life of Vncus, by poyson, secret murther, witchcraft, &c. advised him to put him to death, there being no safety for him whilst hee lived, being so restlesse in his practice against his life; and therefore wished Vncus to proceed with him according to their owne Custome towards prisoners of Warre, which is to put them to death; according to which advice he proceeded, knowing now that none of the Engl. would intercede for him. And hereupon Vncus went to Hartsord and demanded his prisoner, and led him to an house of his owne, out of the li∣mits of the English, and there killed him, where was an English man or two by to prevent their accustomed cruelties, in cutting off not onely the head and hands of their prisoners when they are Page  74 dead, and make bracelets of the •ore-joints of their fingers, &c. but to torture them whilst living with most inhumane cruelties. After this, the Nanohiggansets would warre upon him in revenge of his death; wee forbade them, and at our next meeting of Commissioners to consult about the Weale publike of the United Colonies, in re∣gard the Nanohiggansets pleaded they had taken a ransome for his life, and his life also, which the other denyed; Wee sent for Vn∣cus, and sent to the great Sachims of Nanohigganset to come also, or appeare by Commissioners; but they sent foure Commissioners with full authority to treate, where we found neither ransome, nor co∣lour of ransome in the least measure. And so a truce was agreed on, & if Vncus brake it, we were then freed from our engagement to defend him any further, for they desired no more: And if the Nanohiggan∣sets broke it, then it should be lawfull for us the United Colonies to take part with him, &c. But the truth is, though before they had so neare neighbours of the English, as Gorton, &c. and till Myanto∣nimo's Government, as they were the most in number, and most peaceable of all the Indians, yet now they were changed, as if they had not been the people, and had their Tutors, Secretaries, and promptors to suggest their greatnesse and our weaknesse to them, as his Book witnesseth, in such manner as I am confident if the Gorto∣nians (for I take the phrase from his owne Book here, never hearing it before) bee suffered to live so neare them, it will bee our ruine, or these Indians (which we desire not) in short time. I thought good to insert this Narration thus briefly, that the Reader might under∣stand the ground of his many charges, calling God to witnesse I know not the least falshood related in it, but many things for bre∣vities sake omitted worthy a history; but I am now about an answer, not an history, and therefore thus briefe. But to return.

In pag. 47. see how he scoffes at the Sabbath as if there were no other ground for our religious observation of it, then Mr. Cottons judgement. And in pag. 48. hee is full of many scoffs, as if hee and his Gortonians would not, nor did shoot at all, when as I have oath to prove they shot also at the other, but the truth is, I heard some say that their powder was so dampe and moist as they could not without great difficulty discharge a peece, which I well beleeve might bee the reason they shot no more then they did.

In pag. 49. hee chargeth Captaine Cooke with breach of Articles: And yet I have it attested upon oath, that there were none agreed on; Page  75 onely they desired they might not goe bound; which was easily assented to, they behaving themselves quietly. And for their cat∣tle, I never heard the number to be so great by farre; but asking the Governour of the Massachusets about them, hee professed they did not amount to halfe their charges. And if any aske by what au∣thority they went out of their own Government to do such an act? Know that his former seditious and turbulent carriage in all parts where he came, as Plymouth, Roade-Island, a place of greatest liberty, Providence that place which relieved him in that his so great extre∣mity, and his so desperate close with so dangerous and potent ene∣mies, and at such a time of Conspiracy by the same Indians, toge∣ther with the wrongs done to the Indians, and English under the protection of that Government of the Massachusets, who com∣plained and desired reliefe; together with his notoriou• contempt of all Civill Government, as well as that particular, and his blas∣phemies against God needlesly manifested in his proud letters to them, one whereof hee hath printed, and the other I have herewith published for him. All these considered, you shall see hereby cause enough, why they proceeded against him as a common enemy of the Countrey. And as such an one, the said Commissioners being then met together at Massachusets by course, for the Weale of the whole, upon just complaint ordered and thought meet that the Government of the Massachusets should call them to accompt, and proceed with them so farre as stood with righteousnesse and justice: And by their declaration thou maist easily see they went no further, for they refusing safe conduct to come to answer to the matters a∣gainst them, forced them upon this charge needlesly, which they made them beare part of as before. So that here's cause enough be∣sides blasphemy for their proceeding with them I suppose.

In pag. 51. he chargeth New-Engl. Ministers to pray in the streets: but take notice I have been there these 26 yeares, and better, but never heard of such a practise, till I now reade it in his Book.

In pag. 52. he saith, the Governour to satisfie the people, said, we were apprehended for divers grosse opinions, &c. Answ. You may see in the last Section but one there was cause enough. And yet for Opinions, let mee tell you that you held, That that Image of God after which man was created was Christ; and that when Adam fell Christ was slaine, &c. And as for your opinion concerning Chur∣ches, Mr. Williams by way of sad complaint told me, you denyed Page  76 any true Churches of Christ to be in the world: also Baptisme it selfe, and the Lords Supper, Sabbath, Magistracy as it was an ordi∣nance used amongst Christians. And for the Lords Supper, that it is but a spell, the Ministers Necromancers, and the Commu∣nicants drunke with the juice of the grape, &c. And for this last passage here mentioned, the Reader shall have it at large in a second Letter sent by him and his companions to the Government of the Massachusets, concealed by himself in his Book, though he pretend∣eth to have printed all, &c.

In pag. 53. as he abuseth others, so Mr. Cotton and Mr. Ward, in affirming that Mr. Ward put himselfe into a passion, and stirred up Carder to recant, &c. as being no discredit to him, because Mr. Cot∣ton ordinarily preached that publiquely once a yeare, which the next yeare he recants, &c. But Mr. Ward being in Towne, a man well knowne and reputed, I shewed him the Booke, and hee gave mee thanks, and returned this answer to it verbatim:

Thus much of the Answer and testimony of that Reverend and Grave Divine, wherein the Reader may see how Mr. Gorton abuseth all men, by casting mire and dirt in the faces of our best deserving In∣struments.

In page 54. he accuseth Mr. Wilson and Mr. Cotton for stirring up the people against them, &c. Answ. What they pressed in their Sermons, I was not present to heare; but this I can affirme, that from the time of their liberty to my departure from New England, which is not much above two moneths, I have heard many preci∣ous godly men affirme, that Sam. Gorton and his company needlesly in their writings and conference belched out such blasphemy as they thought God was offended with the Country for giving them the liberty they had. And that you may the better see his carriage, (it being the manner of the Countrey to let their prisoners come to heare the Word preached) Mr. Gorton, &c. being there after Mr. Cotton had ended his Sermon on a Sabbath day, asked leave to speake, which Mr. Cotton assenting to, the Governour being present gave him leave, where with a loud voice before the whole Congregation being very great, hee declared, That the Ministery of the Word, Sacra∣ments, Censures, and other Ordinances of Religion in the hands of Mi∣nisters, are like the silver Shrines of Diana in the hands of the cra•tsmen of Ephesus &c. And if the truth of this be questioned, I have testimo∣ny upon Oath to make it good.

In pag. 55, 56, 57. many things might bee excepted against, as Page  78 in p. 55. his great respect manifested to that government, because deri∣ved from the State of England, which what it was thou maist largely see in certaine Observations of a godly Divine annexed hereunto, upon his owne two contemptuous and blasphemous Letters, or rather Bookes, wherein are 48 severall aspersions cast on them, Secondly, his appealing, pag. 56. from their Justice when their Char∣ter enjoynes none.

In pag. 50, & 57, the Questions as hee hath set them downe, and the relation about the time allowed him to give his answer; I que∣stion whether he have dealt fairely therein, because hee is so often found faulty.

To passe by his Answer, and his large explanation of himselfe, pag. 58. and come to 59. &c and so the rest of his Answers to the Questions to 64. I answer, though I know not whether hee doe right as hee states things; yet this I know, being attested by reve∣rend persons, That hee then maintained, that God made man after •is owne image; and that God 〈◊〉 but one image, and that is Christ; and this was the Incarnation of Christ, his exinanition by which we are saved. And when it was objected, wee are not saved by the incarnation of Christ, but by the death of Christ. True, saith hee, therefore Adam fell, and so destroyed Gods image, and that was the death of Christ. When it was objected againe, Adams fall was not our salvation, but con∣demnation, but the death of Christ was our salvation: and there∣fore Adams fall could not be the death of Christ. Hee would by no meanes either revoke or explaine his speech (though much ur∣ged thereunto) to agree with the principles of Christian Religion. Being further demanded what he then thought of that Christ in whom we beleeve, borne of the Virgin Mary, and who suffered under Pontius Pilate? He answered, That that Christ was a shadow, and but a resemblance of what is done in ••e and every true Christian. And now judge good Reader, whether this be like what hee mentioneth, or whether it were a trifle not worthy the mentioning: But if he will be so unfaithfull as to omit it, I dare not.

As for his censure, pag. •4, I know not whether it bee right set downe; and so the charge, pag. 65. wherein I dare say he wron∣geth the Ministers, in saying, They stirred up the people to famish them.

As for his long and tedious Letter to Mr. Green, from page 66 to 74. I passe it by, as he saith Mr. Green did. But in 74. hee would Page  79 make it an aspersion upon Mr. Endec•t for saying that God had stirred them up to goe out of their owne jurisdiction to fete• them from their 〈◊〉 places. Take notice as it is litterally within the line of Plimouth Government in their Grant, yet the Indians before mentioned having subjected themselves to the Massachusets, the Commissioners for Plimouth as well as those for Con•etacu•, and New-Haven, upon the manifold complaints and reasons before mentioned, being met to∣gether at their ordinary time and place appointed and ordered it should bee so, as appeares by the copy of their act.

By which Order it appeares they were stirred up and allowed by Plimouth it selfe as well as the rest, as afore, to send for and deale with as indeed the common disturbers of the peace of the Coun∣try.

And whereas in pag. 76. He complaineth of the Governours last order for breaking the order of Court, yet take it as he relates it and any understanding man will easily see on the other side the same lease that they still were bound to the rest of the Articles at their confinement, which they were now in a high way to break▪ And for that little Island called Roade Island they were forced to shelter in, take notice 'tis 30 miles about, very fruitfull, and plentifully a∣bounding with all manner of food the Country affordeth, and Page  80 hath two Townes besides many great Farmes well stocked in the same.

In pag. 79. Hee complaines of us for calling them Gortoniant, and so the Indians calling them Gortonoges and not Englishmen, with many affected •oppish vanities, phrases and termes I never heard on be∣fore, and yet have lived in New-England from the beginning, being now above 26 yeares. I wish hee study not, nor affect these things, but I much feare it.

In pag. 80. Hee tels a tale of a tub, of Myantonimo's being slain as hee marched, which is false, for hee was put to death, and in an house, but not upon a march. And is it to bee wondered at, that two English were present to see the manner of their proceeding in so weighty a cause as one Prince putting another his perfidious enemy and captive to death, especially when they were required by the Commissioners to forbeare their accustomed torments and to give him honourable buriall, which they did and had thanks returned by the Nanhiggansets for those particulars. Now if any would know how it was done? It was onely at one blow with an hatchet on the side of the heade as hee walked easily in the roome (expecting no lesse) which fully dispatched him at once. And thus mnch for an∣swer to this charge.

To let passe pag. 81. what hee saith about Myantonimo's death as being answered before, and come to pag 82. &c. where he mentio∣neth a consultation held amongst the Indians to put themselves un∣der the subjection of the State of England, &c. Answ. Wee heard indeed of this desperate plot by this unfaithfull people, who had beene in Covenant with the severall Governments long before, but never observed any one Article farther then it might further their owne designe which was to bee absolute Lords of the Country though with the ruine of us all. And t••ly had he not published this and the following discourse wee could never have proved it though wee heard of it both from English and Indians. And however My∣antonimo dyed, yet the plot liveth and continueth to this day. Now though I dare not say, nor doe I thinke they joyne with them in aiming at the ruine of all the English, yet they joyne with them in many of their Councels, contri•e their sturdy answers by wri∣tings, and become their Secretaries. Who knowes not that they cannot write? and who knowes not their owne answers from those that come under your hands? And if the State of England (which Page  81 God defend) should establish your and their joynt propositions: then were their plot accomplished: for they might and would worke freely our ruine when as wee might not take up armes against them, but by vertue of warrant or writ from hence procured upon our complaints here, which also would bee six months, in ordinary course in procuring and returning, when as in one of these all our throates might bee cut, and those hopefull beginnings so much fa∣voured by our gracious God hitherto in a high way to bee overthrowne. Indeed wee heard further, and for my part I beleeve it, that for the better accomplishment hereof, Samuel Gor∣ton and some of his company had perswaded the Nanohiggansets to send the King a very large Present of Beaver and otter skins which they should bring in, and accordingly did: but withall the Eng∣lish reporter saith, that if he could finde favour with the Parliament, then hee would rest there: but if they frowned on him, hee doubt∣ed not to but obtaine what was meet from the King. But the times would not suffer him to publish this also, else I see wee should have had all: and this take notice of, That (as the same report testified) at his departure hee▪ wished them by no meanes to warre with us the Vnited Colonies, but compound though it cost them never so deare, but assured them at his returne hee would come strengthened with such authority and so many of his friends as that the Nanobiggan∣sets and themselves should not need to feare any thing the rest of the English could doe. And that we heard these things from cre∣dible restimony and are not faigned by mee, I take the searcher of the heart to witnesse, yea say further that I beleeve them to bee true.

His glorious seeming well-de•erving acts follow in pag. 82. &c. to 89. but note that Weekes, Holden, and Warner, (though I least know the last, but am sure for the other two) were his strong Assistants in his former seditious and mutinous carriages both at Roade Island and Providence, and therefore fit Commissioners as he terms them, for the accomplishing such a designe. And in pag. 85. note first, their complyance with the Nanohiggansets, and his false relation in say∣ing Myantonimo's ransome was taken and his life also, which is most false, as I made appeare in my former relation. And for the Kings being our and their Judge, as in pag. 86. Know the Indians care no more for the King then they doe for us, whom they would destroy if they could.

And in pag. 88. take notice of the Gortonists complying and joyn∣ing Page  82 with them, first, by calling them their fellow-subjects, and se∣condly, speaking of the Ma•kquagges (whom wee ordinarily call Mo-〈◊〉) as being the most fierce and warlike people in the Country, where (saith bee) wee are furnished with 3700 Guns, men expert in the use of them, &c. Now these indeed at the Switzers serve for hire. And the Nanohiggansets being rich have hired them to assist them in their warre. But though the Gartomists it seemes are interested with the Nanohiggansets in their strength against us, yet are they neither so many men not have so many arms, but have too many and are very expert in them: being continually supplyed by the French and Dutch, whose aime is chiefly at the trade of Furs, and hereby not onely robbe us of that should helpe to maintaine our plantations which are growing up into a Nation, but furnish the Indians with all manner of armes, which I would to God, and humbly beseech this High Court of Parliament to take into serious consideration, and treate with their severall Ambassadors about it, as a thing un∣reasonable in it selfe, and such as hath beene pernicious to French and Dutch, and may bee destructive to them and us, if some due course bee not taken, But to returne from my humble request to the State, to my answer to Samuel Gorton; although this be a most un∣worthy vaunt of his, yet I trust the State will make such use of it as never to suffer this desperate crew to live so neere our malicious ene∣mies the Nanohigans▪ and that they will not only countenance the sen∣tence of the Massachus. Government against them, but hinder the said Gortons returne thither, by sorbidding him to set foot on that land of New-England he hath filled with so many troubles in all the parts where he hath beene.

In pag. 91. Hee taxeth •lim•uth to joyne with the Massachusets to frustrate their Government by vertue of their new Charter, 'Tis true, wee would have had the Massachusets to have the seat, and ren∣dred a reason to the State of their proceedings, knowing as before that Mr. Gortons journey was for evill and not for good: but they being then taken up with more weighty concernments neglected it: but Plimouth did then petition the right honourable Robert Earle of Warwicke the Governour in chiefe of the English plantations in America and the rest of that ••nourable Committee joyned in Com∣mission with him, that wee might enjoy our ancient limits of Go∣vernment granted in our letters Patent, and withall shewed that their Charter for the limits of it now granted, was contained Page  83 within our line of Government: and trust I shall now receive an∣swer. Tis true also that we sent Mr. Iohn Brown furnished with these following instruction to signifie to all that were interessed in that new erected Government as followeth by Commission given at New-Plimouth, Nov. 8. 1644.

1. That a great part of their supposed Government is within the line of the Government of New-Plimouth.

2. That wee assuredh knew that this ever to hee honoured House of Parli∣ament would not, nor will when they shall know of it, take from us the most ancient Plantation, any part of the line of our Government formerly granted; it being contrary to their Principles.

3. To forbid them and all and every of them to exercise any authority or power of Government within the limits of our Letters Patents.

4. To certifie them that Coweeset is not onely within said limits, but that the Sachim thereof and his sonnes have taken protection of his our Government. And therefore to forbid them to cuter upon any part of his or their lands without due order and leave from our Government.

Now these instructions were signed by the Governour. And Mr. Browne going to Roade Island for this end came very seasonable when a publique meeting was appointed for your new Magistrates and people, (but as he reported, for a most vile end; viz. to take into consideration a new disposall of the lands formerly given out, as if some had too much and some too little, and for no respect of persons, and their estates was to bee laid aside.) And here note that Mr. Cod∣dington, Mr. Briuton, &c that we at Plimouth had speciall eye to, when wee commended them thither, abhorred their course, abstain∣ed from their meetings, looked upon themselves as persons in great danger, and bemoaned their condition to divers their friends, being now overwhelmed with cares and feares what would bee the issue of things. And note that now also Mr. Samuel Gorton that before had suffered so much by authority for his evill doing, and was come to deny it and preach against it, being now by these Inhabi∣tants called to place, accepts it, and became a Magistrate amongst them, &c. But whereas hee intimates, as if Mr. Browne had onely done his message (according to his instructions) in a private way from house to house, therein hee wrongs him: for hee did it pub∣liquely in the place of their Assembly, who were so daunted at it as they brake up, and did no act intended for that day, as hee rela∣ted it: but some would have had him imprisoned, others punished, Page  84 others sent to the Dutch and so for England. Yea Mr. Gorton him∣selfe told Mr. Brownes sonne that his father had done that which he deserved to die for, and were hee in any other place it would cost him his life. So fit for Government were these men, as to judge a peaceable claime of right without any further disturbance or stirre made should thus deserve, Neither indeed have wee further stirred then as before, ever resolving to rest in the determination of the right honourable the Governour in chie•e and the rest of his ho∣nourable Assistants of that Committee bee trusted with the affaires of the Forraigne English Plantations, assuring our selves what ever might proceed either from misinformation or want of due know∣ledge what was formerly done, would bee rectified upon the first in∣formation and complaint made: Such were our thoughts of them, and the justice wee expected, and still hope to receive from them. And thus much for answer to that complaint.

In pag. 92. He layeth another grosse aspersion upon us, in saying, There was distance and alienation of affection betweene Plimouth and the Massachusets at their fi•st comming, each thinking I am holier then th•u: and as if wee were new united on purpose to scatter them. The world knowes this to bee most false. Never people agreed better, main∣taining both religious and civill Communion with each other, and helping and being helpfull one to another• upon all occasions: which is so well knowne, as if hee had not more then ordinary boldnesse hee durst not affirme•it. Nor came the men of Plimouth▪ from Am∣sierdam as hee reporteth but Leyden, a people that many of that Church of Amsterdam would hardly allow communion withall: but his pen is no slaunder, at least will not bee where this answer shall follow it. And for his relation of the manner of the Indians mourning for their Prince his death; Truely had hee dyed a na∣turall death, 'tis their manner not onely so to mourne for their great Sachims which are Princes, but for ordinary men, women and children as hee well knoweth or might know.

Ia pag. 93. He further complaines of Plimouth and Massachusets for offering to goe out against the Nanohiggansets to cut them off by the sword. And so complaines also of Captaine Standish &c. Answ. I told you before how the Commissioners for the United Colonies meeting at Hartford by course, whose meeting alwayes begins the first Thursday in Septemb. sent for both the Nanohiggansets and vncus, who appeared, and a league agreed on: but the Nanohig∣gansets Page  85 broke againe, and warred upon vncus needlesly. The Uni∣ted Colonies admonished them againe and againe: and after no admonition nor perswasions would serve, wee were then forced to call the Commissioners together at an extraordinary season on purpose, who finding it meet to take up Armes in the behalfe of vncus our Confederate, whom by the agreement of the Nanohig∣gansets sundry times, at divers meetings wee were bound, and it was made lawfull to doe. Hereupon the Commissioners a∣greeing as before, sent out their Warrants to their severall and speciall Governments, and accordingly Forces were raised at a dayes warning. But before this, in stead of hearkening to righteous Counsell, they threatened also the English, saying, they would make heapes of our dead bodies and cattle, as high as their houses, burne our habitations, make spoile of our goods, and used our Messengers very discurteously, &c. And for Captaine Standish, this I heard him relate, that being at the place of Rendezvouze, before the Massachusets Forces came, observing that some of the Inhabitants of Providence received the Indians into their houses familiarly, who had put themselves also into a posture of Armes, and the place within a mile of Secunck or Rhehoboth where Captaine Standish lay; hee sent to Providence, and required them to lay aside their neutrality, and either declare themselves on the one side or other: For the warre being once begun, hee would not beare with their carriage in entertaining, fur∣nishing, and relieving the common enemy, but would disarm them, &c. And whether necessity put him not upon this course, or no, let the Reader judge.

And for the five hundred pound, 'tis true their hearts fayled to see Plymouth Forces appeare, and Massachus. both Horse and Foot upon their march on the one side their Countrey, under Mr. Edw. Gibbons who was chosen Generall of the United Colonies, with the help of Wo•samequis•, whose constancy to Plymouth is wel known, and Pumham and Secononoco with reference to Massachusets with all their men, attending the English word of command. And on the other side their Countrey the forces of Cone•tacut Ne•haven, with all the strength of Vncus, waiting but for the word from the Commissioners to fall on. Now I say they were daun•ed especially because it came so suddenly upon them, wanting Mr. Gorton and his friends who were not yet come; Hereupon they resolved to go to the Page  86 Commissioners to Massachus and compound, and did signe new Articles to observe the peace not onely with the United Colonies but with Vncus, Woosamequin, Pumham, and Socononoco, and o∣ther our Confederates, including all the English in the land, to make satisfaction for wrongs to Vncus, and to pay five hundred pounds to the united Colonies, for the charge they put us to, which indeed would not neare make it good, if they had paid it; but as at other times, so now, not with standing their Hostages, they abused us grosly, first sending •al•e persons• secondly, breaking all other their Covenants, and came at last to a resolution, they would ra∣ther give the money (which is a Beade, as current as coin in all that part of America, of their owne making) to the Mowhakes at once, to cut us off, then to pay it according to Covenant.

And thus contrary to my resolution, I see a necessity of more large answers then I intended; and indeed other wife I should speak riddles, and not satisfie the Reader. Although were it an History, I have many remarkable passages which here for brevity sake I must omit. And if any think wee doe needlesly ingage in the troubles betweene the Indians? •, Let them know if wee should not here and there keepe correspondency with some of them, they would soone joyne all together against us. 2. The quarrall betweene Vncus and Nanohigganset, arose upon his cleaving to us: For the great Sachim Myantonimo would have marryed Vncus daughter, and since Pessachus that succeeded him would have marryed Woosamequins daughter, and all in policy to take them off from us; so that in∣deed wee are necessitated to it. And 3. we are not out of hope in time to bring them to the knowledge of Jesus Christ, as will ap∣peare by a small Treat•se of that kinde. But this one thing I desire the Reader to take notice of, that when that great Prince Myanto∣nimo hee so much admires, had offered violence to Woosamequin (who was under the protection of Plymouth) and missing his person, re∣turned onely with the plunder of his goods: Upon Woosamequins complaint to Plymouth, that Government alone, it being before the Union, sent Captain Standish with a few men, not above 20. who sent a message over the Bay of Salt water which parts Woosa∣mequin from them, Either to make restitution of his goods so injuriously taken, or else to expect him to fetch them with a vengeance to their co•t. Here∣upon they sent over every particular that could bee demanded, even to a woodden dish, and salved up all againe; but this was before Page  87 any malignant English sate down so neare them, and held counsell with them, before they had violated our persons to them, reported us to bee base and low, out of favour with the King and State, &c. things very unworthy, abominable to be named, but that in defen∣ding the abused Governments of the Country, I am forced to dang such strokes at these proud and turbulent enemies of the Countrey.

Next in pag. 94. that hee relateth of Mr. Williams; viz, the mes∣sengers taking him with them that were sent to the Nanohiggansets, in that troublesome time, viz. being one cast out of the Church (Mr. Cot∣ton should preach) It was all one to take counsell of a witch, and that those that did it were worthy to die. Upon which Mr. Wilbour one of the messengers was ready to die, saith hee, for feare hee should have been hanged. This I cannot beleeve for these two Reasons: 1. Because all men that know Mr. Cotton, know his moderation, wisdome and piety to bee such, as such an expression was not like to drop from him. 2. The strictest Government in New-Engl. that I know, takes no advantage in the law at a mans person for being excommunica∣ted; insomuch as if he have an office, he holds it neverthelesse, and this, I know practised, and therefore his relation unlike. But that the Messengers were directed to another for their interpreter I know, and that some took offence at their• practise I know also, but upon different grounds, which I forbeare to mention, being now to answer Mr. Gorton, and not Mr. Williams.

In pag. 93. which is the last page in his Booke that I shall need to make answer to, and the thing hee there brings against us is an an∣swer to a doctrine one of their wives should heare delivered at Mas∣sachusets when shee came to visit them, from Matth. 24. 29. and al∣luding to Hebr. 12. 26, 27. briefly this doctrine there delivered, should make the doctrine of the Apostles and the Churches in their times to bee 〈◊〉 darkness• That the Ministery of the Apostles was and should be re∣movel, &c. which I desire the Reader to turne to; but bee assured through Gods mercy, by meanes of the late Bishop of Canterburies persecutions of the godly here, wee are so excellently furni∣shed with shining Lights of the Gospel, as no such blasphemous trash as this could bee there delivered, and so many able hearers, as if it should have been delivered by any, the Lord with-drawing his presence from him, it would have been forthwith excepted a∣gainst and published to the world. But I am confident if such a thing were there heard, it was either from one of their owne com∣pany, Page  88 or disciples made by them. And therefore I will passe by the answer also, as not concerning any difference between him and us, and so the rest of his writings to that end, and could wish that N•rcissus-like hee were not so much in love with his owne shadow, lest it prove his ruine; there needing no other matter against him then his owne words and writings to render him odious to the State here, as well as to New-England from whence he came.

AND now that I have finished what I conceive necessary con∣cerning Mr. Gortons scandalous and slanderous Bookes, let me briefly answer some objections that I often meet withall against the Country of New-England. The first that I meet with is, concer∣ning the rise and foundation of our New-England Plantations; It being alledged (though upon a great mistake by a late Writer) that division or disagreement in the Church of Leyden, was the occasi∣on, nay cause of the first Plantation in New-England; for saith the Author, or to this effect, when they could no longer agree together, the one part went to New-England, and began the Plantation at Plymouth, which he makes the mother, as it were, of the rest of the Churches, as if the foundation of our New-England Plantations had been laid upon division or separation, then which nothing is more untrue: For I perswade my selfe, never people upon earth lived more lovingly together, and parted more sweetly then wee the Church at Leyden did, not rashly in a distracted humour, but upon joynt and serious deliberation, often seeking the minde of God by fasti•g and prayer, whose gracious presence we not onely found with us, but his blessing upon us from that time to this in∣stant, to the indignation of our adversaries, the admiration of strangers, and the exceeding consolation of our selves, to see such effects of our prayers and teares before our pilgrimage here bee en∣ded. And therefore briefly take notice of the true cause of it.

'Tis true, that that poor persecuted flock of Christ, by the malice and power of the late Hiera•chy were 〈◊〉 L•yden in Holland, there to beare witnesse in their 〈◊〉 to the Kingly Office of Christ Jesus in his Church: and there lived together ten yeares under the United States, with much peace and liberty: But our Reverend Pastor Mr. Iohn Robinson of late memory, and our grave Elder Mr. William Brewster, (now both at rest with the Lord) con∣sidering Page  89 sidering amongst many other inconveniences, how hard the Coun∣try was where we lived, how many spent their estate in it, and were forced to return for England; how grievous to live from under the protection of the State of England; how like wee were to lose our language, and our name of English; how little good wee did, or were like to do to the Dutch in reforming the Sabbath; how una∣ble there to give such education to our children, as wee our selves had received, &c. They, I say, our of their Christian care of the flock of Christ committed to them conceived, if Godwould bee pleased to discover some place unto us (though in America) and give us so much favour with the King and State of England, as to have their protection there, where wee might enjoy the like liberty, and where the Lord favouring our endeavours by his blessing, wee might exemplarily shew our tender Country-men by our example (no lesse burthened then our selves) where they might live, and comfortably sub••iet and enjoy the like liberties with us, being freed from Antichristian bondage, keep their names and Nation, and not onely bee a meanes to enlarge the Dominions of our State, but the Church of Christ also, if the Lord have a people amongst the Natives whither hee should bring us, &c. Hereby in their grave Wisdomes they thought wee might more glorifie God, doe more good to our Countrey, better provide for our posterity, and live to be more refreshed by our labours, the• ever wee could doe in Holland where we were.

Now these their private thoughts upon mature deliberation they imparted to the Brethren of the Congregation, which after much private discussion came to publike agitation, till at the length the Lord was solemnly sought in the Congregation by fasting and prayer to direct us, who moving our hearts more and more to the worke, wee sent some of good abilities over into England to see what favour or acceptance such a thing might finde with the King. These also found God going along with them, and got Sir Edwin Sands a religious Gentleman then living, to stirre in it, who procu∣red Sir Robert Nawnton then principall Secretary of State to King Iames of famous memory, to move his Majesty by a private moti∣on to give way to such a people (who could not so comfortably live under the Government of another State) to enjoy their liberty of Conscience under his gracious protection in America, where they would endeavour the advancement of his Majesties Domini∣ons, Page  90 and the enlargement of the Gospel by all due meanes. This his Majesty said was a good and honest motion, and asking what prosits might arise in the part wee intended (for our eye was upon the most Northern parts of Virginia) 'twas answered, Fishing. To which hee replyed with his ordinary asseveration, So God have my Soule 'tis an honest Trade, 'twas the Aposties owne calling, &c. But afterwards he told Sir Robert Na••ton, (who took all occasions to further it) that we should confer with the Bishops of Canter∣bury and London, &c. Whereupon wee were advised to persist up∣on his first approbation, and not to entangle our selves with them▪ which caused our Agents to repair to the Virginia Company, w•o in their Court demanded our ends of going; which being related, they said the thing was of God, and granted a large Patent, and one of them lent us 300 l. gratis for three yeares, which was repaid.

Our Agents returning, wee further sought the Lord by a pub∣lique and solemn Fast, for his gracious guidance. And hereupon wee came to this resolution, that it was best for one part of the Church to goe at first, and the other to slay, viz. the youngest and strongest part to goe. Secondly, they that went should freely offer themselves. Thirdly, if the major part went, the Pastor to goe with them; if not, the Elder onely. Fourthly, if the Lord should srowne upon our proceedings, then those that went to returne, and the Brethren that remained still there, to assist and bee helpfull to them, but if God should bee pleased to favour them that went, then they also should endeavour to helpe over such as were poore and ancient, and willing to come; these things being agreed, the major part stayed, and the Pastor with them for the present, but all in∣tended (except a very few, who had rather wee would have stayed) to follow after. The minor part, with Mr. Brews•er their Elder, resolved to enter upon this great work (but take notice the difference of number was not great;) And when the Ship was ready to carry us away, the Brethren that stayed having againe solemnly sought the Lord with us, and for us, and we further engaging our selves mutu∣ally as before; they, I say, that stayed at Leyden feasted us that were to goe at our Pastors house being large, where wee refreshed our selves after our teares, with singing of Psalmes, making joyfull melody in our hearts, as well as with the voice, there being many of the Congregation very expert in Musick; and indeed it was Page  91 the sweetest melody that ever mine eares heard. After this they accompanyed us to Delphs Haven, where wee were to imbarque, and there feasted us againe; and after prayer performed by our Pastor, where a ••ood of teares was poured out, they accompanyed us to the Ship, but were not able to speake one to another for the abundance of sorrow to part: but wee onely going aboard (the Ship lying to the Key) and ready to set sayle, the winde being faire) wee gave them a v•lley of small shot, and three peeces of Ordinance, and so lifting up our hands to each other, and our hearts for each other to the Lord our God, we departed, and found his presence with us in the midst of our manifold straits hee carryed us tho∣row. And if any doubt this relation, the Dutch, as I heare, at Delphs Haven preserve the memory of it to this day, and will inform them.

But falling with Cape Cod which is in New-England, and standing to the Southward for the place wee intended, wee met with many dangers, and the Mariners put back into the Harbou• of the Cape, which was the 11. of November, 1620, where considering Winter was come, the Seas dangerous, the season cold, the winds high, and being well furnished for a Plantation, we entered upon discovery, and setled at Plymouth, where God being pleased to preserve and enable us, wee that went, were at a Thou∣sand pounds charge in sending for our Brethren that were behinde, and in providing there for them till they could reape a crop of their owne labours. And so good Reader, I have given thee a true and faithfull account, though very briefe, of our proceedings, wherein thou seest how a late Writer, and those that informed him•, have wronged our enterprise▪ And truly what I have written, is far short of what it was, omitting for brevity sake many circumstances, as the large offer• the Dutch offered us, either to have removed into Zealand, and there lived with them: or if we would go on such adventures, to goe under them to Hudsons River (where they have since a great plantation, &c.) and how they would freely have transported us, and furnished every family with cattle, &c. Also the English Mer∣chants that joyned with us in this expedition, whom wee since bought out, which is fitter for an History, then an answer to such an Objection, (& I trust will be accomplished in good time.) By all which the Reader may see there was no breach between us that went, and the brethren that stayed, but such love as indeed is seldome found on earth.

Page  92 And for the many plantations that come •ver to us upon notice of Gods blessing upon us, whereas 'tis falsly said, they tooke Pli∣mouth for their president as fast as they came. 'Tis true I con•esse that some of the chiefe of them advised with us (comming over to be freed from the burthen some ceremonies then imposed in Eng∣land) how they should doe to fall upon a right platforme of worship, and desired to that end since God had honoured us to lay the foundation of a Common-weale, and to settle a Church in it, 〈◊〉 shew them whereupon our practice was grounded; and if they found upon due search it was built upon the Word, they should be willing to take up what was of God. We accordingly shewed them the Primitive practice for our warrant, taken out of the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles written to the severall Churches by the said Apostles together with the Commandements of Christ the Lord in the Gospell, and other our warrants for every particular wee did from the booke of God. Which being by them well weigh∣ed and considered, they also entred into Covenant with God and one with another to walke in all his wayes revealed, or as they should bee made knowne unto them, and to worship him according to his will revealed in his written word onely, &c. So that here also thou maist see they set not the Church at Plimouth before them for example, but the Primitive Churches were and are their and our mutuall patternes and examples, which are onely worthy to be •ol∣lowed, having the blessed Apostles amongst them which were sent immediately by Christ himselfe and enabled and guided by the un∣erring Spirit of God. And truly this is a patternesit to b•e fol∣lowed of all that feare God, and no man or men to bee followed further then they follow Christ and them.

Having thus briefly shewed that the foundation of our New-En∣gland Plantations was not laid upon Schisme, division, or Separati∣on, but upon love, peace, and holinesse; yea, such love and mutuall care of the Church of Leyden for the spreading of the Gospel, the welfare of each other, and their posterities to succeeding generati∣ons, as is seldome found on earth: And having shewed also that the Primitive Churches are the onely pattern which the Churches of Christ in New-England have in their eye, not following Luther, Cal∣vin, Knoxe, Ai•worth, Robinson, Amies, or any other, further then they follow Christ and his Apostles; I am earnestly requested to cleare up another grosse mistake which caused many, and still doth, Page  93 to judge the harder of New-England, and the Churches there, be∣cause (say they) The Church of Plymouth which went first from Leyden, were Schismaticks, Bromnists, rigid Separatists, &c. having Mr. Ro∣binson for their Pastor, who-made, and to the last prosessed separation from other the Churches of Christ, &c. And the rest of the Churches in New∣England holding communion with that Church, are to bee reputed such as they are.

For an•were to this aspersion, First, he that knew Mr. Robinson, either by his Doct•ine daily taught, or hath read his Apology pub∣lished not long before his death, or knew the practise of that Church of Christ under his government, or was acquainted with the whol∣some counsell he gave that part of the Church which went for New-England at their departure and afterward, might easily resolve the doubt, and take off the aspersion.

For his Doctrine, • living three yeares under his Ministery, before we began the worke of Plantation in New-England; It was alwayes against separation from any the Churches of Christ, professing and holding communion both with the French and Dutch Churches, yea, tendering it to the Scots also, as I shall make appeare more par∣ticularly anon. Ever holding forth how wary persons ought to bee in separating from a Church, and that till Christ the Lord departed wholly from it, man ought not to leave it, onely to beare witnesse against the corruption that was in it. But if any object, he separa∣ted from the Church of England, and wrote largely against it; I ac∣knowledge hee wrote largely against it, but yet let me tell you, hee allowed hearing the godly Ministers preach and pray in the publick Assamblies; yea, hee allowed private communion not onely with them, but all that were faithfull in Christ Jesus in the Kingdome and else where upon all occasions; yea, honored them for the power of godlinesse above all other the professors of Religion in the world, nay, I may truly say, his spirit cleaved unto them, being so well acquainted with the integrity of their hearts, and care to walke blamelesse in their lives, which was no small motive to him to per∣swade us to remove from Holland, where wee might probably not onely continue English, but have and maintain such sweet communi∣on with the godly of that Nation, as through Gods great mercy we enjoy this day.

'Tis true, I confesse he was more rigid in his course and way at first, then towards his latter end; for his study was peace and union Page  94 so far as might agree with faith and a good conscience; and for schi••• and division, there was nothing in the world more hatefull to him: But for the government of the Church of England, as it was in the Episcopall way, the Liturgy and stinted prayers of the Church then; yea, the constitution of it as Nationall, and so consequently the cor∣rupt communion of the unworthy with the worthy receivers of the Lords Supper, these things were never approved of him, but wit∣nessed against to his death, and are by the C•urch over which he was to this day. And if the Lord would be pleased to stir up the hearts of those, in whom (under him) the power of Reformation lies, to reform that abuse, that a distinction might once be put between the precious and the vile, particular Churches might be gathered by the powerfull preaching of the Word, those onely admitted into com∣munion, whose hearts the Lord perswades to submit unto the Iron rod of the Gospel; O how sweet then would the communion of the Churches be! How thorow the Reformation! How easie would the differences be reconciled between the Presbyterian and Indepen∣dent way! How would the God of peace which commandeth love and good agreement smile upon this Nation! How would the subtle underminers of it be disappointed, and the faithfull provoked to sing songs of praise and thanksgiving! Nay, how would the God of order be glorified in such orderly walking of the Saints! And as they have fought together for the liberties of the Kingdome, Ec∣cle•iasticall and Civill; so may they joyn together in the preservation of them (which otherwise, 'tis to be •eared will not long continue) and in the praises of our God who hath been so good to his poore distressed ones, whom he hath delivered, and whom he will deliver out of all their troubles. But I have made too great a digression, and must return.

In the next place I should speak of Mr. Robinsons Apology, where∣in he maketh a briefe defence against many adversaries, &c. But be∣cause it is both in Latine and English, of small price, and easie to bee had, I shall for beare to write of it, and onely refer the Reader to it, for the differences between his congregation, and other the Refor∣med Churches.

The next thing I would have the Reader take notice of, is, that however the church of Leyden differed in some particulars, yet made no Schisme or separation from the Reformed Churches, but held communion with them occasionally: For we ever placed a large▪ diffe∣rence. Page  95 between those that grounded their practise upon the Word of God (tho differing from us in the exposition or understanding of it) and those that hated such Reformers and Reformation, and went on in Antichristian opposition to it, and persecution of it, as the late Lord Bishops did, who would not in deed and truth (whatever their pretences were) that Christ should rule over them. But as they often stretched out their hands against the saints; so God hath withered the Arm of their power, thrown them down from their high & lof∣ty sea•s, and slain the chiefe of their persons, as well as the Hierar∣chy, that he might become an example to all those that rise against God in his Sabbath, in the preaching of his Word, in his Saints, in the purity of his Ordinances, And I heartily desire that others may heare and feare withall.

As for the Dutch, it was usuall for our Members that understood the language, and lived in, or occasionally came over to London, to communicate with them, as one Iohn Ienny a Brewer long did, his wife and family, &c. and without any offence to the Church: So also for any that had occasion to travel into any other part of the Netherlands they daily did the like: And our Pastor Mr. Robinson in the time when Arminianisme prevailed so much, at the request of the most Orthodox Divines, as Poliander, Festus, Homlius, &c. dis∣puted daily against Episcopius (in the Academy at Leyden) and others the grand champions of that error▪ and had as good respect amongst them, as any of their own Divines; Insomuch as when God took him away from them and us by death, the University, and Ministers of the City accompanied him to his grave with all their accustomed solemnities; bewayling the great losse that not onely that particular Church had, whereof he was Pastor; but some of the chief of them sadly affirmed, that all the Churches of Christ sustained a losse by the death of that worthy Instrument of the Gospel I could instance also divers of their members that understood the English tongue, and betook themselves to the communion of our Church, went with us to New-England, as Godbert Godbertson, &c. Yea, at this very instant, another called Moses Symonson, because a child of one that was in communion with the Du•ch Church at Leyden, is admitted into Church-fellowship at Plymouth in New-England, and his children al∣so to Baptism, as wel as our own, and other D•etch also in communi∣on at Salem, &c.

And for the French Churches th•• we held, and do hold commu∣nion Page  96 with them, take notice of our practise at Leyden, viz. that one Samuel Terry was received from the French Church there, into com∣munion with us; also the wife of Francis Cooke being a Walloone, holds communion with the Church at Plymouth, as she came from the French, to this day, be vertue of communion of Churches; There is also one Philip Delanoy born of French parents, came to us from L•y∣den to New-Plymouth, who comming to age of discerning, demanded also communion with us, & proving himself to be come of such pa∣rents as were in ful communion with the French Churches, was here upon admitted by the Church of Plymouth; and after upon his remo∣val of habitation to D•xburrow where M. Ralph Partridge is Pastor of the Church; and upon Letters of recommendation from the Church at Plymouth, hee was also admitted into fellowship with the Church at Duxburrow, being six miles distant from Plymouth; and so I dare say, if his occasions lead him, may from Church to church through∣out New-England. For the truth is, the Dutch and French Churches either of them being a people distinct from the world, and gathered into an holy communion, and not Nationall Churches, nay, so far from it, as I verily beleeve the sixth person is not of the Church, the difference is so small (if moderately pondered, between them and us) as we dare not for the world deny communion with them.

And for the Church of Scotland, however wee have had least oc∣casion offered to hold communion with them; yet thus much I can and doe affirme, that a godly Divine comming over to Leyden in Holland, where a Booke was printed, 〈◊〉 1619▪ as I take it, shewing the nullity of Perth, Assembled, whom we judged to bee the Author of it, and hidden in Holland for a season to avoid the rage of those evill times (whose name I have forgotten;) This man being very conversant with our Pastor Mr. Robinson, and using to come to hear him on the Sabbath, after Sermon-ended, the Church being to par∣take in the Lords Supper, this Minister stood up and desired hee might, without offence, stay and see the manner of his administra∣tion, •and our participation in that Ordinance; To which our Pa∣stor answered in these very words, or to this effect, Reverend Sir, you may not onely stay to behold us, but par•k with us, if you please, for wee acknowledge the Churches of Scotland to be the Churches of Christ, &c. The Minister also replyed to this purpose, if not also in the same words▪ That for his part hee could comfortable partake with the Church, and willingly would, but that it is possible some of his brethren of Scotland Page  97 might take offence at his act; which he desired to avoid in regard of the opinion the English Churches which they held communion withall had of us: However he rendered thanks to Mr. Robinson, and desi∣red in that respect to be onely a spectator of us. These things I was earnestly requested to publish to the world by some of thè godly Pres∣byterian party, who apprehend the world to bee ignorant of our proceedings, conceiving in charity that if they had been knowne, some late Writers and Preacher would never have written and spoke of us as they did, and still doe as they have occasion: But what they ignorantly judge, write, or speak of us, I trust the Lord in mercy wil passe by.

In the next place, for the wholsome counsell Mr. Robinson gav• that part of the Church whereof he was pastor, at their departure from him to begin the great worke of Plantation in New-England, amongst other wholsome Instructions and Exhortations, hee used these expressions, or to the same purpose; We are now ere long to part asunder, and the Lord knoweth whether ever he should live to see our faces again: but whether the Lord had appointed it or not, he charged us before God and his blessed Angels, to follow him no fur∣ther then he followed Christ, And if God should reveal any thing to us by any other instrument of his, to be as ready to receive it, as ever we were to receive any truth by his Ministery: For he was ve∣ry confident the Lord had more truth and light yet to breake forth out of his holy Word. He took occasion also miserably to bewaile the state and condition of the Reformed Churches, who were come to a period in Religion, and would goe no further then the in∣struments of their Reformation: As for example, the Lutherans they could not be drawne to goe beyond what Luther saw, for whatever part of Gods will he had further imparted and revealed to Calvin, they will rather die them embrace it. And so also, saith he, you see the Calvinists, they stick where he left them: A misery much to bee la∣mented; For though they were precious shining lights in their times, yet God had not revealed his whole will to them: And were they now living, saith hee, they would bee as ready and willing to embrace further light, as that they had received. Here also he put us in mind of our Church-Covenant (at least that part of it) whereby wee promise and covenant with God and one with ano∣ther, to receive whatsoever light or truth shall be made known to us from his written Word: but withall exhorted us to take heed what Page  98 we received for truth, and well to examine and compare, and weigh it with other Scriptures of truth, before we received it; For, saith he, It is not possible the Christian world should come so l•tely cut of su•h thick Antichristian darknesse, and that full perfection of knowledge should breake forth at once.

Another thing hee commended to us, was, that wee should use all meanes to avoid and shake off the name of Brownist, being a meer nick-name and brand to make Religion odious, and the professors of it to the Christian world; and to that end, said hee, I should be glad if some godly Minister would goe over with you, or come to you, before my comming; For, said hee, there will bee no difference between the unconformable Ministers and you, when they come to the practise of the Ordinances out of the Kingdome: And so advised us by all meanes to endeavour to close with the godly party of the Kingdome of England, and rather to study union then divisi∣on; viz. how neare we might possibly, without sin close with them, then in the least measure to affect division or separation from them. And be not loath to take another Pastor or Teacher, saith hee, for that flock that hath two shepheards is not indangered, but secured by it. Many other things there were of great and weighty conse∣quence which he commended to us, but these things I thought good to relate, at the request of some well-willers to the peace and good agreement of the godly, (so distracted at present about the settling of Church-government in the Kingdom of England) that so both sides may truly see what this poor despised Church of Christ now at New-Plymouth in New-England, but formerly at Leyden in Holland, was and is; how far they were and still are from separation from the Churches of Christ, especially those that are Reformed.

'Tis true, we professe and desire to practise a separation from the world, & the works of the world, which are works of the flesh, such as the Apostle speaketh of, Ephes. 5. 19, 20, 21. 1 Cor. 6. 9, 10, 11. and Ephes. 2. 11, 12. And as the Churches of Christ are all Saints by calling, so wedesire to see the grace of God shining forth, (at least seemingly, leaving secret things to God) in all we admit into church fellowship with us, & to keep off such as openly wallow in the mire of their sins, that neither the holy things of God, nor the commu∣nion of the Saints may be leavened or polluted thereby. And if any joyning to us formerly, either when we lived at Leyden in Holland, or since we came to New-England, have with the manifestation of their Page  99 faith and profession of holiness held forth therewith separation from the Church of England, I have divers times, both in the one place, and the other, heard either Mr. Robinson our Pastor, or Mr. Brewster our Elder stop them forthwith, shewing them that wee re∣quired no such things at their hands, but only to hold •orth faith in Christ Jesus, holinesse in the feare of God, and submission to every Ordinance and appointment of God, leaving the Church of England to themselves, and to the Lord before whom they should stand or fall, and to whom wee ought to pray to reforme what was amisse amongst them. Now this Reformation we have lived to see performed and brought about by the mighty power of God, this day in a good measure, and I hope the Lord Jesus will perfect his work of Reformation, till all be according to the good pleasure of his will. By all which I desire the Reader to take notice of our former and present practise notwithstanding all the injuri∣ous and scandalous taunting reports are passed on us. And if these things will not satisfie, but wee must still suffer reproach, and others for our sakes, because they and wee thus walke, our practise being for ought wee know, wholly grounded on the written Word, without any addition or humane invention knowne to us, taking our patterne from the Primitive Chur∣ches, as they were regulated by the blessed Apostles in their owne dayes, who were taught and instructed by the Lord Je∣sus Christ, and had the unerring and all-knowing Spirit of God to bring to their remembrance the things they had heard: I say, if wee must still suffer such reproach, notwithstanding our charity to∣wards them who will notbe in charity with us; Gods will be done.

The next aspersion cast upon us, is, that we will not suffer any that differ from us never so little to reside or cohabite with us; no nor the Presbyterian Government which differeth so little from us. To which I answer, our practise witnesseth the contrary. For 'tis well knowne that Mr. Parker and Mr. Noyce who are Mini∣sters of the Church at N•wberry are in that way and so knowne so farre as a single Congregation can bee exercised in it; yet never had the least molestation or disturbance, and have and finde as good respect from Magistrates and people as other Elders in the Congre∣gationall or Primitive way. 'Tis knowne also that Mr. Hubbard the Minister at Hengam hath declared himselfe for that way: nay which is more then ever I heard of the other two, hee refuseth to Page  100 baptize no children that are tendred to him (although this liberty stands not upon a Presbyterian bottome) and yet the Civill State never molested him for it: onely comming to a Synod held in the Country the last yeare, which the Magistrates called, requesting the Churches to send their Elders and such other as might bee able to hold forth the light of-God from his written word in case of some doubts which did arise in the Country: I say hee comming the last sitting of the Assembly which was adjourned to the eighth of Iune next, was in all meeknesse and love requested to bee present and hold forth his light hee went by in baptizing all that were brought to him, hereby waving the practise of the Churches; which he promi∣sing to take into consideration they rested in his answer. So also 'tis wel known, that before these unhappy troubles arose in England and Scotland, there were divers Gentlemen of Scotland that groaned un∣der the heavy pressaries of those times, wrote to New-England to know whether they might freely be suffered to exercise their Pres∣byteriall government amongst us. And it was answered affima∣tively they might: and they sending over a Gentleman to take a view of some fit place; A River called Meromeck neare Ipswich and Newberry aforesaid, was shewed their Agent, which he well liked, and where wee have since four townes settled, and more may bee for ought I know, so that there they might have had a compleate Presbytery and whither they intended to have come: but meeting with manifold crosses being halfe Seas thorow they gave over their intendments, and as I have heard these were many of the Gentlemen that first fell upon the late Covenant in Scotland: by all which will easily appeare how wee are here wronged by ma∣ny; and the harder measure as wee heare imposed upon our bre∣thren for our sakes, nay pretending our example of their president. And last of all, not long before I came away certaine discontented persons in open Court of the Massachusets, demanding that liberty, it was freely and as openly tendred to them; shewing their former practices by mee mentioned: but willed not to expect that wee should provide them Ministers &c. for the same, but getting such themselves they might exercise the Presbyterian Government at their libertie, walking peaceably towards us as wee trusted we should doe towards them. So that if our brethren here shall bee restrained they walking peaceably, the example must not be taken from us, but arise 〈◊〉 some other principle.

Page  101 But it will not bee objected though you deale thus with the Pres∣byterian way, yet you have a severe law against Ana•aptists, yea one was whipt at Massachusets for his Religion? and your law banish∣eth them? Answ. 'Tis true, the Massachusets Governement have such a law as to banish, but not to whip in that kinde. And certaine men desiring some mitigation of it; It was answered in my hear∣ing. 'Tis true, we have a severe law, but wee never did or will exe∣cute the rigour of it upon any, and have men living amongst us, nay some in our Churches of that judgement, and as long as they carry themselves peaceably as hitherto they doe, wee will leave them to God, our selves having performed the duty of brethren to them. And whereas there was one whipt amongst us; 'tis true wee knew his judgement what it was: but had hee not carried himselfe so con∣temptuously towards the Authority God hath betrusted us with in an high exemplary measure, wee had never so censured him: and therefore he may thank himself who suffered as an evill doer in that respect. But the reason wherefore wee are loath either to repeale or alter the law, is, Because wee would have it remaine in force to beare witnesse against their judgement and practice which we con∣ceive them to bee erroneous.

And yet neverthelesse said the Governour to those preferred the request, you may tel our friends in England, whither yee are some of you going, since the motion proceedeth from such as wee know move it in love to us, wee will seriously take it into consideration at our next Generall Court. So that thou maist perceive good Rea∣der that the worst is spoken of things in that kinde.

Furthermore in the Government of Plimouth, to our great griefe, not onely the Pastor of a Congregation waveth the administration of baptisme to Infants, but divers of his Congregation are fallen with him, and yet all the meanes the civill power hath taken against him and them, is to stirre up our Elders to give meeting and see if by godly conference they may bee able to convince and reclaime him, as in mercy once before they had done by Gods blessing upon their labours. Onely at the foresaid Synod, two were ordered to write to him in the name of the Assembly, and to request his presence at their next meeting aforesaid to hold forth his light hee goeth by in waving the practise of the Churches; with promise if it be light, to walke by it: but if it appeare otherwise, then they trust hee will returne againe to the unity of practice with them. And for the o∣ther Page  102 two Governments of Coneetacut and Newhaven, if either have any law in force against them, or so much as need of a law in that kinde, 'tis more then I have heard on.

For our parts (I mean the Churches of New-Engl.) we are confi∣dent through Gods mercy, the way of God in which we walke, and according to which wee perform our Worship and service to Him, concurreth with those Rules our blessed Saviour hath left upon re∣cord by the Evangelists and Apostles, and is agreeable with the pra∣ctise of those Primitive Churches mentioned in the Acts, and regu∣lated by the same Apostles, as appeareth not onely in that Evange∣licall Histiory, but in their Epistles to the severall Churches there mentioned; yet neverthelesse if any thorow tendernesse of Consci∣ence be otherwise minded, to such wee never turn a dease eate, nor become rigorous, though we have the streame of Authority on our sides. Nay, if in the use of all means we cannot reclaim them, know∣ing the wisdome that is from above is first pure, then peaceable, gentle, easie to be intreated, full of mercy and good fruits, without partiality, and without hypocrisie, and the fruit of righteousness is sonne in peace, of them that make peace, according to Iames 3. 17, 18. And if any differing from us bee answerable to this Rule in their lives and conversations, we do not exercise the Civill sword against them. But for such as Gorton and his company, whose wisdome seems not to be from above, as appea∣reth in that it is full of envyings, strife, confusion, am. 3. 15, 16. being therein such as the Apostle Iude speaks on, v. 8. viz. earthly, sensuall, devillish, who v. 16. despise dominion, and speak evill of dignities. These v. 12, 13. are murmurers, complayners, walkers alter their own lusts, and their mouth speaketh great swelling words, being clouds without water, car∣ried about of winds, trees whose fruit withereth, without fruit, twice dead, plucked up by the roots, raging waves of the sea, foaming out their owne shame, wandring starres, to whom (without repentance, which I much desire to see, or hear of in him, if it may stand with the will of God) is reserved the blacknesse of darknesse for ever. These I say are to be pro∣ceeded with by another rule, and not to bee borne: who suffer as evil dores, and area shame to Religion which they professe in word, but deny in their lives and conversations. These every tender conscience abhors, and will justifie and assist the higher Powers God hath ordained, against such carnall Gospellers, who heare not the sword in vaine, Rom. 13. but execute Gods vengeance on such: for the Civill Magistrate is the Minister of God, a Revenger to execute wrath on him that doth evil. And Page  103 therefore a broad difference is to be put between such evill doers, and those tender consciences who follow the •ight of Gods Word in their owne perswassions, (though judged erroneous by the places where they live) so long as their waliking is answerable to the rules of the Gospel, by preserving peace, and holding forth holinesse in their conversations amongst men.

Thus much I thought good to signifie, because we of New-England are said to be so often propounded for an example. And if any will take us for a president, I desire they may really know what wee doe, rather then what others ignorantly or malitiously report of us, assuring my self that none will ever be losers by following us so far as we follow Christ: Which that we may doe, and our posterities after us the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, & our Father, accept in Christ what is according to him, discover, pardon, and reform what is amisie amongst us; and guide us and them by the assistance of the holy Ghost for time to time, till time shal be no more; that the Lord our God may still delight to dwell amongst his Plantations and Churches there by his gracious presence, and may goe on blessing to blesse them with heavenly blessings in these earthly places, that so by his blessing they may not onely grow up to a Nation, but be∣come exemplary for good unto others. And let all that wish wel to Sion say Amen.