The history of Great Britain being the life and reign of King James the First, relating to what passed from his first access to the crown, till his death / by Arthur Wilson.

THE LIFE & REIGN OF JAMES THE FIRST KING OF Great Britain.

THE various hand of Time began now to sheath the Sword of War,* 1.1 that had been long dispu∣ting the Controversie,* 1.2 which Religion and Po∣licy (that Princes mix together) had for many years so fiercely maintained. The wearing out of that old, but glorious, and most happy Piece of Soveraignty, the late Queen, bating the Spanish Violence, and ending with the Irish-Rebellion, and sub∣mission of Tirone, as if the old Genius of Iron-handed-War were departed, and a New one Crowned with a Palm of Peace, had taken possession of the English Nation; Iames the sixth, King of Scotland, was proclaimed King of England. For though Prin∣ces that find here a Mortal Felicity, love not the noise of a Suc∣cessor in their life-time, yet they are willing (for the Peace of their people) to have One, when they can hear no more of it. That which the Queen could not indure from others, She was well pleased to express her self, and bequeath in her last Will, as a Legacy to this, then Happy Nation. He was thirty six years of Age when he came to the Crown. How dangerous the passage had been from his very Infancy to his Middle Age, is not only written in many Histories, but the untamed and untractable Spirits of most of that Nation, are a sufficient Witness and Record.

The wise Queen found many petty Titles, but none of that Power; any other Hand that should have reacht for the Crown, might a caught a Cloud of Confusion; and those Supporters, and Props, that held up her Greatness (loth to submit to Equals) made Scaffolds to his Triumphs. In the Wane, or last Quar∣ter of the late Queen, the Court Motions tended (by an Oblique Aspect) towards this Northern Star, and some of her great Council in her Presence, would glance at the King of Scots as her Successor, which would make her break into Passion, saying, Was this imputed to Essex as a Crime, and is it less in you? Yea, Cecil himself, held his Correspondencies, which he was once like to be trapt in. For the Queen taking the Air upon Black-Heath by Greenwich, a Post summoned her to enquire from what Quar∣ter his business came, and hearing from Scotland, She staid her Coach to receive the Pacquet; but the Secretary, Sir Robert Cecil, (being in the Coach with Her) fearful, that some of his secret Conveyances might be discovered, having an active Wit, calls for a knife suddainly to open it, lest put offs, and delays, might beget Suspition, and when he came to cut it, he told the Queen, it looked, and smelt ill-favouredly, coming out of ma∣ny nasty Budgets, and was fit to be opened, and aired before She saw it; which reason meeting with her disaffection to ill Scents, hindred her smelling out his underhand Contrivan∣ces.

* 1.3 But now he may do it openly, for he was the first that pub∣lickly read, and proclaimed the late Queens Will; Posts are sent in hast, yet in so calm and quiet a manner, as if the loss of so pretious a Mistriss had stupified the people. And now the Great-ones strive who shall be most Obsequious, and Court their Happy Hopes. That Party that had been Opposite to the late Earl of Essex (whose death as some thought shortned the Queens life) strove to ingratiate themselves, by suppressing them, that had any Relation to him, assuring the King (that always counted him his Martyr) that he aimed at the Crown himself, and Prin∣ces apt to be jealous soon take such impressions. And now I have stirr'd the Ashes of great Essex, I must revive his memory with this short Character; for Reports flying upon the Airy wing of the Times, have variously exalted, or depressed him, as the Serene for him, or the cloudy fancy against him, waved up and down. He had a Gallant and Noble Spirit, full of Vrba∣nity and innate Courtesie, which too much took the Popular Eye, and being a great ingrosser of Fame, it procured him many Enemies, which made his Spirit boil into passion, and that was more suitable to his Enemies Designs than his own, for they lighted their candle by his fire, and this heat being blown by some fiery Spirits about him, gave to the goodness of his Nature, a tincture of Revenge, which his Enemies made reflect upon the Queen, so

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  OVID RETRIBVAM DOMINO PRO OMNIBVS QVAE TRIBVIT MIHI
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  Jacobus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Mag Brit Fra & Hib Rex
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  IACOBVS DEI GRATIA MAGNAE BRITANNIAE FRANCIAE ET HYBERNIAE REX

  HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE

  BEATI PACIFICI

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  ✚ IACOBVS DG MAG BRITA FR ET HI REX
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  MAG BRIT FRA ET HI VX ELIZABETHA FILIAR••
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  NOBILIS SPE FIDE VERITATE

FRAN-PERRY DEL-ET SCVLP

that the Coal he strove to bring to burn his Enemies Nests, kindled his own Funeral Pile.

But our King coming through the North, (Banquetting and Feasting by the way) the applause of the people in so obsequi∣ous and submissive a manner (still admiring Change) was checkt by an honest plain Scotsman (unused to hear such humble Ac∣clamations) with a Prophetical expression; This people will spoil a gud King. The King as unused, so tired with Multitudes, espe∣cially in his Hunting (which he did as he went) caused an in∣hibition to be published, to restrain the people from hunting him. Happily being fearful of so great a Concourse, as this Novelty produced, the old Hatred betwixt the Borderers not yet forgot∣ten, might make him apprehend it to be of a greater extent: though it was generally imputed to a desire of enjoying his Re∣creations without interruption.

At Theobalds,* 2.1 Secretary Cecil's House, the Lord Chancellor Egerton, the Lord Buckhurst Treasurer, the Earl of Notingham Admiral, and others of the Council to the deceased Queen, met him; and they with him found the Duke of Lenox, the Earl of Marr, the Lord Hume, and the Lord Kinloss. These with others were made of his Privy-Council. The Bishops forgot not to strengthen themselves, and their Party, against their op∣posites, the Non-Conformists, who had gotten new courage upon their hopes of the Kings compliance with them, and the King to please both sides, went in a smooth way betwixt them, at first, not leaving out the third Party, the Popish, the most dan∣gerous, whom he closed with also, by entertaining into his Councils the Lord Thomas Howard, and the Lord Henry Howard, the one Son, the other Brother to the late Duke of Norfolk, who would have been his Father, but became a Sufferer for his Mo∣ther: The one a plain-hearted man, the other of a subtile and fine Wit, of great Reading and Knowledg, excellent for out∣ward Courtship, famous for secret Insinuation, and cunning Flattery; the first a suspected, (though it was otherwise) the last a known Papist, bred up so from his Infancy, yet then con∣verted (as he pretended) by the King, being the closest way to work his own ends. On these he heaped Honours, making the Son Earl of Suffolk, and the Brother Earl of Northampton. And this Gentleness of the King to the Popish party, was so pleasant to them, that they suckt in the sweet hopes of alteration in Religion, and drunk so deep thereof, that they were almost in∣toxicated.

Now every man that had but a Spark of Hope,* 2.2 struck fire to light himself in the way to Advancement, though it were to the Consumption both of his Estate and Being. The Court being a kind of Lottery, where men that venture much may draw a Blank, and such as have little may get the Prize. Those whose

Hopes were almost quenched, like Water cast upon Lime, burn inward till it breaks out into Flame; so hard it is for uncom∣posed Spirits (missing their aims) to settle upon the Basis of solid Reason. The Earl of Southampton, covered long with the Ashes of great Essex his Ruins, was sent for from the Tower, and the King lookt upon him with a smiling countenance, though displeasing happily to the new Baron of Essingden, Sir Robert Cecil; yet it was much more to the Lords, Cobham and Grey, and Sir Walter Rawleigh, who were forbidden their attendance. This damp upon them, being Spirits full of acrimony, made them break into Murmur,* 2.3 then into Conspiracy, associating themselves with two Romish Priests (men that could not live upon lingring Hopes) and other discontented persons, which every Change produces. The ground of the Design was to set up the Lady Arabella (a Branch sprung from the same Stem by another Line) and to alter Religion and Government; disposing already to themselves the principal places of Honour and Profit. The Lord Grey should get leave to transport two thousand men into Holland, with whom he should seise upon the King and Prince; Sir Walter Rawleigh was to treat with Count Arembergh for procuring of Moneys, and Cobham to go to the Arch-Duke and the King of Spain, to perswade their Assistance. This Embrion proved abortive, and they brought their Plea to excuse their at∣tempting it, as compleat a One; That the King was not yet crowned. The Arraignment was at Winchester, where strong proofs meet∣ing weak denyals, they with others were found guilty of High Treason. George Brook, the Lord Cobham's Brother, and the two Priests suffered for it, the rest found Mercy; the King be∣ing loth to soil the first steps to his Crown with more blood. But their Pardon carried them to the Tower, where the Lord Grey some years after dyed, and in his Death extinguished his Family. The Lord Cobham, Sir Griffin Markham, and others, discharged of imprisonment, lived miserable and poor, Cobham at home, and the rest abroad. And Rawleigh while he was a Prisoner, having the Idea of the World in his contemplation, brought it to some perfection, in his excellent and incompara∣ble History, but when Liberty turned it to Action, it taught him to roam, so, as the event proved fatal to him.

* 2.4 This Conspiracy put on such a face, that few or none could discover, or know what to make of it: That the muddy wa∣ters were stirr'd, was apparent, but it was with such a mix∣ture, that little could be visible in it. The Lord Grey, Cobham, and Sir Walter Rawleigh were Protestants, why should they strive to alter Religion, though the Priests, Markham, Bainham, and others might? But it seems they joyned together in a Poli∣tick way, every one intending his own ends; Discontent be∣ing the Ground-work, upon which they built this slight Su∣perstructure,

A great mischiefe intended to the Kings Maje∣stie at his first entrance into the Kingdome of Eng∣land before his Coronation; Watson & Clark Priests administring Oaths of secresie and applanding the project. It came to nothing by Gods mercy. The Kings Majesties clemency towards the Conspiratours after judgment past upon them. No treason in England at∣tempted but had a Romish Priest in the practise.

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Watson Seducing Noblemen

that being hudled together, could not stand long. Rawleigh's greatest Accuser was a Letter of Cobhams, which some say after he denyed to be his hand. Some of the Conspi∣rators (it may be) desired to seem formidable, venting their Anger so for being slighted; others strove to make themselves so, that they might have the glory of enlarging the Roman Pow∣er, and they joyned together, thinking their single strength would not prevail. In this Cloud looking for Iuno, they begot a Monster, which having neither head nor foot, some part lived, the other dyed.

While these were provoked with Neglects, others were in∣couraged with Favours: Many of the Gentry that came out of Scotland, with the King, were advanced to Honours, as well as those he found here, to shew the Northern soyl as fruitful that way as the Southern; But Knights swarmed in every corner; the Sword ranged about, and men bowed in obedience to it, more in Peace than in War; this Airy Title blew up many a fair Estate. The Scots naturally, by long converse, affecting the French Vani∣ty, drew on a Garb of Gallantry (meeting with a plentiful soyl, and an open-handed Prince) The English, excellent for imita∣tion, loth to be exceeded in their own Country, maintained their follies at their own charge. All this came accompanied with a great Plague, which hapned this year in London, whereof above thirty thousand dyed; Yet who will not venture for a Crown? For in the heat of it, on the five and twentieth of Iuly,* 3.1 being the day dedicated to Saint Iames, the King, with his Wife Queen Anne, were both crowned at Westminster, fulfil∣ling that old Prophecy, or rather Fancy, current among the Scots (as they report) before Edward the first brought the Royal Chair out of Scotland, with the Stone in it, and placed it at Westminster to Crown our Kings in. Which Stone some old Saws deliver to be the same that Iacob rested his head on.

Ni fallat Fatum Scoti hunc quocunque locatum Inveniunt lapidem, Regnare tenentur ibidem.

Englished.

Fate hath design'd, That wheresoe'r this Stone The Scots shall find, There they shall hold the Throne.

But how the Stream of Time runs through the Chanel of these Prophetical Fancies, experience shews: For 'tis true, if

the Scots came so near the Throne, as to enjoy the Stone, or Chair where the English Kings are Inaugurated, they may hold the Crown. But being only grounded upon Conjecture, these Con∣ceits are commonly made up before they are half moulded, or like Abortives, are shaped after they are born.

When these Ceremonies were past, the King retired from this croud of Infection, gave some admission to Ambassadors, that from all the neighbouring Princes and States came to congra∣tulate his happy Inauguration: For besides the ordinary Ceremony a∣mong Princes, their Reason might tell them, that if his Prede∣cessors were able to graple with the growing Monarchy of him that coveted to be Vniversal, and to assist and relieve her Neigh∣bours and Confederates from his oppression; He would be much more formidable, bringing with him, if nothing else, Bo∣dies of men, Warlike and industrious, hardned with cold and labour, and active in the difficultest attempts (however of late, by what Divine Judgment I know not, utterly disheartned) to be Helpers, who were formerly Hinderers to all the English Expe∣ditions; so that in him they courted their own Conveniences: For certainly, if ever the English Monarchy were in its true Glo∣ry and Greatness, it was by this Union. But there is a Period set to all Empires.

The Prince,* 3.2 a little before this, was installed Knight of the Garter, the Earl of Southampton, and the young Earl of Essex, were restored to the right of Blood and Inheritance; and Ho∣nours were conferred so thick, as if the King intended a new kind of Conquest, by a proceeding, that tended to their, and his own Ruin: For, to subdue the greatness of the Nobility (who formerly could sweep such a Party of People to them, with their long trains and dependencies, that they were able to graple with Kings) He by a multiplicity of them made them cheap and invalid in the Vulgar opinion; For nothing is more destru∣ctive to Monarchy, than lessening the Nobility; upon their decline the Commons rise, and Anarchy increases.

* 3.3And now the old Irish Rebel Tirone coming over (led by his Conqueror the Lord Monjoy) had not only Pardon, but Civi∣lities, and all outward expressions to gain him; the edg of the Peoples hatred being abated by a Proclamation, that no man should shew him the least dis-respect. The Lord Monjoy, as a reward for his good service, was created Earl of Devon∣shire. And having given way to Creations, they break in upon us like a Deluge. The King being an inexhaustible Fountain of Honour, cannot be drained dry, when other means of grati∣fying his servants may fail. Those he brought with him wan∣ted means more than Honour, those he found here wanted Ho∣nour more than Means;* 3.4 He could, and did supply both to ex∣cess. Sir Robert Cecil, the first English Trumpet that proclaimed

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HONORAT: Do CAROL BLVNT CO: DEVON BA^R MOVNTIOY

The RIght honourable CHARLES BLVNT Earle of Deuon Baron Mountioy and Knight of the Garter.

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him was made Baron of Essingdon, and soon after Viscount Cranborn, and Earl of Salisbury; Sir Robert Sidnèy Baron of Pens∣hurst, and not long after Viscount Lisle; Sir William Knowles Baron of Grayes, Sir Edward Wotton Baron of Morley, Sir Thomas Egerton (Lord Chancellor) Baron of Elsmere, Sir William Russel Baron of Thornaugh, Sir Henry Grey Baron of Grobie, Sir Iohn Pe∣tre Baron of Writtle, Sir Iohn Harington Baron of Exton, Sir Henry D'Envers Baron of Dantsey, Sir Thomas Gerrard Baron of Gerrard Bromely, Sir Robert Spencer Baron of Worm-Leighton. The Lord Buckhurst, Lord Treasurer, he made Earl of Dorset, and his old Servant Sir George Hume, Earl of Dunbar. These, with Suffolk and Northampton, were Nobles of the finest metal, and first stamp, and most of them he placed as Iewels about his Throne. But these were but as an Essay; for they after grew to such a Volume, that some unhappy fancy pasted up a Pasquil in Pauls, wherein he pretended an Art to help weak memories to a compe∣tent knowledg of the names of the Nobility.

As the Papist was different from the Protestant Religion on one side,* 3.5 so was the Puritan (as they then called pious and good men) on the other; both which were active to attain their own ends; and the King had the command of himself, not bitterly to op∣pose, but gently to sweeten their hopes for His: thinking him∣self unsecure betwixt them. The latter were now solicitous for a more clear Reformation. This the Bishops opposed, as trenching too much upon them, and the King listen'd to (ha∣ving experience of it in Scotland) how much it had incroached upon Him: For He thought their dissenting from the esta∣blished Government of the Church, was but to get that Power in∣to a great many mens hands, which was now but in one, and that one had dependance upon him, with whom He might better grap∣ple. The Prelates distilling this Maxim into the King, No Bishop, no Monarch; so strengthning the Miter by the same Power that upholds the Crown: Yet to satisfie the importunity, a Confe∣rence is appointed at Hampton-Court,* 3.6 where the Bishops Oppo∣nents, Doctor Reynolds, Doctor Sparks, Mr. Knewstubs, and Mr. Chadderton, men eminent in Learning and Piety, in themselves, as well as in the opinion of the people, did desire in the name of the rest of their party, That the Doctrine of the Church might be preser∣ved in Purity; That good and faithful Pastors might be planted in all Churches; That Church-Government might be sincerely admini∣stred; That the Book of Common-Prayer might be fitted to more in∣crease of Godliness. Out of some of these Particulars, they insisted upon the Bishops power of Confirmation, which they would have every Minister capable of in his own Parish. They disputed against the Cross in Baptism, the Ring in Marriage, the Surplice, the Oath ex officio, and other things that stuck with them, which they hoped to get all purged away, because the King was of a

Northern constitution, where no such things were practised, not yet having felt the Kings pulse, whom the Southern Air of the Bishops breaths had so wrought upon, that He himself answers most of their Demands: Sometimes gently, applying Lenitives, where he found Ingenuity (for he was Learned and Eloquent) o∣ther times Corrosives, telling them these Oppositions proceeded more from stubborness in Opinion, than tenderness of Conscience; and so betwixt his Arguments, and Kingly Authority, menaced them to a Conformity, which proved a way of Silencing them for the present (and some of them were content to acquiesce for the future) and the King managed this Discourse with such pow∣er (which they expected not from him, and therefore more danted at) That Whitgift Arch. Bishop of Canterbury (though a holy, grave, and pious man) highly pleased with it, with a sugred bait (which Princes are apt enough to swallow) said, He was verily perswaded,* 3.7 that the King spake by the Spirit of God. This Confe∣rence was on the fourteenth of Ianuary, and this good man expi∣red the nine and twentieth of February following, in David's ful∣ness of days, leaving a Name like a sweet perfume behind him. And Bancroft, a sturdy piece, succeeded him, but not with the same Spirit; for what Whitgift strove to do by Sweetness and Gentleness, Bancroft did persevere in with Rigour and Severity. Thus the Bishops having gotten the Victory, strove to maintain it, and though not on the suddain, yet by degrees, they press so hard upon the Non-conformists (whom they held under the yoke of a Law) that many of them are forced to seek Foreign Re∣fuge. They prevailed not only for themselves here, but by their means (not long after) the King looked back into Scotland, and put the Keys there again into the Bishops hands, unlocking the passage to the enjoyment of their Temporal Estates, which swel'd them so high, that in his Sons time, the Women of Scot∣land pulled them out of their tottering seats.

On the other side, the late Conspiracy of Cobham and Grey, had so chilled the Kings blood, that he begins to take notice of the swarms of Priests that flockt into the Kingdom: For though the Conspirators were of several Religions, yet in their correspondence with Foreign Princes, Religion was the pretence. For in every alteration of Kingdoms, few are so modest but they will throw in the Hook of their vain Hopes, thinking to get something in the troubled Stream. The Iesuits were not slack (coming with the Seal of the Fisher) in spreading their Nets; but a Proclama∣tion broke through them. The King being contented to let them alone, till they came too near him, willing to comply ra∣ther than exasperate; the safety of his own person, made him look to the safety of Religion; and to secure both, He found this the best Remedy, Declaring, to all the World, the cause of this Restriction.

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VINVIT QVI PATITVR

OBIIT ANNO AETATIS SVAE 73

Having (after some time spent in setling the Politick affairs of this Realm) of late bestowed no small labour in composing certain Differences We found among Our Clergy, about Rites and Ceremonies heretofore established in this Church of England, and reduced the same to such an order and form,* 3.8 as We doubt not but every spirit, that is led only with piety, and not with humour, should be therein satisfied; It appeared unto Us in de∣bating these Matters, that a greater Contagion to Our Religion than could proceed from these light differences, was eminent, by persons, common Enemies to them both; namely, the great numbers of Priests, both Seminaries and Iesuits, abounding in this Realm, as well of such as were here before Our coming to the Crown, as of such as have resorted hither since, using their Functions and Professions with greater liberty than heretofore they durst have done; partly upon a vain confidence of some Innovation in matters of Religion, to be done by Us, which We never intended, nor gave any man cause to suspect, and part∣ly from the assurance of Our general Pardon, granted accor∣ding to the Custom of Our Progenitors, at Our Coronation, for offences past in the days of the late Queen, which Pardons many of the said Priests have procured under Our Great Seal, and holding themselves thereby free from danger of the Laws, do with great audacity exercise all offices of their Profession, both saying Masses, and perswading Our Subjects from the Religion established, reconciling them to the Church of Rome, and by consequence seducing them from their Duty and Obedience to Us. Wherefore We hold Our self obliged both in Consequence and Wisdom, to use all good means to keep Our Subjects from being affected with superstitious Opinions, which are not only pernicious to their own souls, but the ready way to corrupt their Duty and Allegiance; which cannot be any way so safely performed, as by keeping from them the Instruments of that infection, which are Priests of all sorts, ordained in Foreign parts, by Authority prohibited by the Laws of the Land; con∣cerning whom, therefore We have thought fit to publish to all Our Subjects this open Declaration of Our pleasure, &c. Will∣ing and Commanding all manner of Iesuits, Seminaries, and other Priests whatsoever, having Ordination from any Autho∣rity by the Laws of this Realm prohibited, to take notice that Our pleasure is, that they do before the nineteenth of March next, depart forth of Our Realm and Dominions. And to that purpose it shall be lawful for all Officers of Our Ports, to suffer the said Priests to depart into Foreign parts, between this and said nineteenth day of March: Admonishing and assuring all such Iesuits, Seminaries, and Priests, of what sort soever, that if any of them after the said time shall be taken within this Realm, or any of Our Dominions, or departing now

upon this Our pleasure signified, shall hereafter return into this Our Realm, or any of Our Dominions again, they shall be left to the penalty of the Laws here being in force concerning them, without hope of any favour, or remission from Us, &c. Which though, perhaps, it may appear to some a great severi∣ty towards that sort of Our Subjects, yet doubt We not when it shall be considered with indifferent judgment, what cause hath moved Us to use this Providence, all men will justifie Us therein. For to whom is it unknown, into what peril Our Person was like to be drawn, and Our Realm unto Confusion, not many Months since, by Conspiracy? First conceived by persons of that sort. Which when other Princes shall duly ob∣serve, We assure Our selves they will no way conceive, that this alteration proceedeth from any change of disposition, but out of providence to prevent the perils otherwise inevitable; Considering their absolute submission to Foreign Iurisdiction at their first taking Orders, doth leave so conditional an authority to Kings over their Subjects, as the same Power by which they were made, may dispense at pleasure, with the strictest Bond of Loyalty and Love, between a King his People

Among which Foreign Powers, though We acknowledg Our self personally so much beholden to the now Bishop of Rome, for his kind Offices, and private temporal Carriages towards Us, in many things, as We shall be ever ready to requite the same towards him (as Bishop of Rome, in state and condition of a Secular Prince) Yet when we consider and observe the course and Clame of that See, We have no reason to imagine, that Princes of Our Religion and Profession, can expect any assurance long to continue, unless it might be assented by mediation of other Christian Princes, that some good course might be taken (by a general Council, free, and lawfully called) to pluck up those Roots of Dangers, and Iealousies, which arise about Reli∣gion, as well between Prince and Prince, as between them and their Subjects, and to make it manifest, that no State or Po∣tentate, either hath, or can challenge power to dispose of earth∣ly Kingdoms or Monarchies, or to dispense with Subjects obe∣dience to their natural Soveraigns: In which charitable Action, there is no Prince living that will be readier than We shall be to concur, even to the uttermost of Our Power, not only out of particular disposition to live peaceably with all States and Princes of Christendom, but because such a setled Amity might (by an Union in Religion) be established among Christian Princes, as might enable Us all to resist the common Enemy.

Given at Our Palace at Westminster the two and twentieth day of February, in the first year of Our Reign, &c.

This did something allay the heat and hopes of the Iesuits, and their correspondents, but it made way for dark, and more se∣cret

Contrivances, which afterwards they put in practice.

On the contrary, another Proclamation came out for Vnifor∣mity in Religion according to the Law established, to reduce those to Conformity that had not received satisfaction at the last Conference.* 3.9 The Bishops thought themselves unsecure, while so many opposites (unblameable in their conversations) by their Pens and Preaching gained upon the people, striking at the ve∣ry Root of Hierarchy, that it was a hard Question, whether the Iesuits, whose Principles would advance their Greatness, or these that would pluck it down, were most odious to them. And now Proclamations are the activest Agents, some go abroad to please the people, some the King. All Monopolies (like diseases) that crept in, when the good old Queen had not strength enough to keep them out, must be purged away, and such protections as licentious liberty had granted to hinder proceedings in Law, must be taken off: Saltpeter-men, that will dig up any mans house by authority (where they are not well fee'd) must be restrained; and Purveyors, Cart-takers, and such insolent Officers as were grievances to the people, must be cryed down by Proclamati∣on. A Prince that is invited, or comes newly to a Kingdom, must have his Chariot wheels smooth shod. And yet the liberty of Hunting must be forbidden, the Kings Game preserved, and a strict Proclamation threatens the disobeyers. Indeed, take this Kings Reign from the beginning to the end, and you shall find Proclamations current Coin, and the people took them for good payment a great while, till the multitude of them lessened their valuation.

The Bishops could not be so wary,* 3.10 but some Courtier or other would commend a Preacher to the King, if they knew any of ex∣cellent parts, so that some preached before him that were averse to the Bishops ways. Among the rest one Mr. Burges, an excellent Preacher, and a pious man, moderately touching upon the Cere∣monies, said,

They were like the Roman Senators Glasses, which were not worth a mans life or livelihood: For (saith he) this Senator invited Augustus Caesar to a Dinner, and as he was coming to the Feast, he heard a horrid Out-cry, and saw some company drawing a man after them, that made that noise: the Emperor demanded the cause of that violence; it was answered, their Master had condemned this man to the Fish∣ponds for breaking a Glass which he set a high value and esteem upon, Caesar commanded a stay of the Execution, and when he came to the House, he asked the Senator, whether he had Glasses worth a mans life? Who answered (being a great lover of such things) that he had Glasses he valued at the price of a Province. Let me see them (saith Augustus) and he brought him up to a room well furnished. The Emperor saw them beautiful to the eye, but knew withal they might be the cause of much

mischief, therefore he broke them all, with this expression, Better all these perish than one man.

I will leave it (saith he) to your Majesty to apply. But the Bishops, got this and some other things against him, by the end, and silenced him for venting any more such comparisons. So that for many years after he practised Physick, and grew an excellent Physician. Put upon second considerations he was admitted again to Preach, retaining both his Piety and Integrity (though he writ a book for the mode∣rate use of the Ceremonies) ending his days in a good old age, at Sutton Cofeld in Warwick-shire, after a journey into the Palatinate, as shall be exprest in its time.

The fifth of August this year had a new title given to it.* 3.11 The Kings Deliveries in the North must resound here. Whether the Gowries attempted upon the Kings person, or the King on theirs, is variously reported. It may be, he retained something of his Predecessor, and great Parent, Henry the seventh, that made Religi∣on give way to Policy, oftentimes cursing and thundring out the Churches fulminations against his own Ministers, that they might be received with the more intimate familiarity with his Foreign Enemies, for the better discovery of their designs. I will not say the celebration of this Holy-day had so much Prophaneness, for Fame may be a slanderer. But where there is a strength of Policy, there is often a power of worldly wisdom that manages, and sways it. The King forgot not the services there done him, or the secret contrivances acted for him; for Erskin and Ramsey, two of his then deliverers, were not long after rewarded with wealth and honour, the one made Earl of Kellie, the other Earl of Holderness,; the first, prime Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber to the King; and second got to his Bedfellow one of the prime Beauties of the Kingdom, daughter to Robert Earl of Sussex; and both of them had their Masters purse at command, yet in our time, the one died poor with many children, the other poor and childless.

The Kings first going abroad was privately to visit some of his houses; for naturally he did not love to be looked on, and those formalities of State, which set a lustre upon Princes in the peoples eyes, were but so many burthens to him: for his private recreations at home, and his hunting exercises abroad, both with the least disturbance were his delights. While he remained in the Tower, he took pleasure in baiting Lions, but when he came abroad, he was so troubled with swarms, that he feared to be baited by the people. And the Parliament now drawing on, which was summoned to be the nineteenth of March, The King,* 3.12 with the Queen and Prince, four days before, rode from the Tower to Whitehall; the City and Suburbs being one great Pageant, wherein he must give his ears leave to suck in their gilded Oratory, though never so nauseous to the stomach. He was

not like his Predecessor, the late Queen of famous memory, that with a well-pleased affection met her peoples Acclamations, thinking most highly of her self, when she was born up on the wings of their humble supplications. He endured this days brunt with patience, being assured he should never have such another, and his triumphal riding to the Parliament that followed: But afterwards in his publick appearances (especially in his sports) the accesses of the people made him so impatient, that he often dispersed them with frowns, that we may not say with curses. So various are the natures of Princes, and their actions so remarkable, that he may pass for a good man, that will not pass for a good Prince.

The Speech he made to the Parliament, both Houses being met, and the first, cannot be waved, though it be somewhat long, and printed in his own Works; By the crisis and constitution of it, the temper of his mind may be discovered; For if ever he spake really to his Parliament it was then; And I shall not comment upon it: For I know Princes are made of those frail Elements that other men are, but this much I will say; He had strong abilities in some things, that did dignifie the doer of them, and in other things such weaknesses, as would have much advanced his Wisdom to have left undone. But if worldly Greatness, and Glory, may well make Princes more loth to leave them, than they that have less, we must give them some allowance of fear to lose them. The Speech was to this effect.

It did no sooner please God to lighten his hand,* 3.13 and relent the violence of his devouring Angel against the poor people of this City, but as soon I did resolve to call this Parliament, and that for three chief and principal Reasons. The first whereof is (and which of it self, although there were no more, is not only a sufficient, but a most full and necessary Ground and Reason for convening of this Assembly) the first Reason, I say, is, That you who are here present assembled to represent the Body of this whole Kingdom, and of all sorts of people within the same, may with your own ears hear, and that I out of my own mouth may deliver unto you the assurance of my due thank∣fulness for your so joyful and general applause, to the de∣claring and receiving of me in this Seat (which God by my Birth-right, and lineal Descent had in the fulness of time pro∣vided for me) and that immediately after it pleased God to call your late Soveraign of famous memory, full of days, but fuller of immortal Trophies of Honour, out of this transitory life. Not that I am able to express by Words, or utter by Elo∣quence, the vive Image of my own inward thankfulness, but only that out of my own mouth, you may rest assured to ex∣pect that measure of thankfulness at my hands, which is ac∣cording to the infiniteness of your deserts, and to my incli∣nation,

and ability, for requital of the same. Shall I ever? nay, can I ever be able, or rather so unable in memory, as to forget your unexpected readiness and alacrity, your ever memorable resolution, and your most wonderful conjunction, and harmo∣ny of your hearts, in declaring and imbracing me as your un∣doubted, and lawful King and Governour? Or shall it ever be blotted out of my mind, how at my first entry into this Kingdom, the people of all sorts rid and ran, nay, rather, flew to meet me? Their eyes flaming nothing but sparkles of af∣fection,, their mouths and tongues uttering nothing but sounds of joy; their hands, feet, and all the rest of their members, in their gestures, discovering a passionate longing, and earnestness to meet, and imbrace their new Soveraign. Quid ergo retribu∣am? Shall I allow in my self that which I could never bear with in another? No, I must plainly and freely confess here, in all your audiences, that I did ever naturally so far mislike a tongue too smooth, and diligent in paying their Creditors, with lip-payment, and verbal thanks, as I ever suspected that sort of people, meant not to pay their Debtors in more sub∣stantial sort of coin. And therefore for expressing of my thank∣fulness, I must resort unto the other two Reasons of my conve∣ning of this Parliament, by them in action to utter my thank∣fulness: Both the said reasons having but one ground, which is the deeds, whereby all the days of my life I am by Gods grace to express my said thankfulness unto you, but divided in this, That in the first of these two, mine actions of thanks are so inseparably conjoyned with my person, as they are in a manner become individually annexed to the same. In the o∣ther reason, mine actions are such, as I may either do them, or leave them undone, although by Gods grace I hope never to be weary of the doing them.

As to the first, it is the Blessings which God hath in my Person bestowed upon you all, wherein I protest, I do more glory at the same for your weal, than for any particular respect of my own reputation, or advancement therein.

The first then of these Blessings, which God hath joyntly [ 1] with my person sent unto you, is Outward Peace; that is, Peace abroad with all Foreign Neighbours: For I thank God, I may justly say, that never since I was a King, I either received wrong of any other Christian Prince or State, or did wrong to any: I have ever, I praise God, yet kept Peace and Amity with all, which hath been so far tyed to my person, as at my coming here you are witnesses, I found the State imbarked in a great and tedious War, and only by mine arrival here, and by the Peace in my person, is now Amity kept, where War was before, which is no small blessing to a Christian Common-wealth: For by peace abroad with their neighbours the Towns flourish, the

Merchants become rich, the Trade doth increase, and the People of all sorts in the Land enjoy free Liberty to exercise themselves in their several vocations, without peril or distur∣bance. Not that I think this Outward peace so unseparably tied to my Person, as I dare assuredly promise to my self, and to you, the certain continuance thereof; But thus far I can very well assure you, and in the Word of a King promise unto you, that I shall never give the first occasion of the breach thereof, neither shall I ever be moved for any particular, or private passion of mind, to interrupt your publick peace, except I be forced thereunto, either for reparation of the honour of the Kingdom, or else by necessity for the weal and preservation of the same: In which case, a secure and honourable War must be preferred before an unsecure and dishonourable peace. Yet do I hope, by my experience of the by past blessings of peace, which God hath so long ever since my birth bestowed upon me, that he will not be weary to continue the same, nor repent him of his grace towards me; transferring that sen∣tence of King Davids upon his by past Victories of War, to mine of peace; That that God who preserved me from the devou∣ring jaws of the Bear, and of the Lion, and delivered them into my hand, shall now also grant me Victory over that un∣circumcised Philistine.

But although outward peace be a great blessing, [ 2] yet it is as far inferiour to peace within, as Civil Wars are more cruel and unnatural than Wars abroad. And therefore the second great blessing that God hath with my Person sent unto you, is Peace within, and that in a double form: First, by my de∣descent lineally out of the loyns of Henry the seventh, is re-uni∣ted and confirmed in me the Vnion of the two Princely Roses of the two Houses of Lancaster and York, whereof that King of happy memory was the first Vniter, as he was also the first ground-layer of the other peace (The lamentable and misera∣ble events, by the civil and bloody dissension betwixt these two Houses, was so great, and so late, as it need not be renew∣ed unto your memories) which as it was first setled and uni∣ted in Him, so it is now re-united and confirmed in Me; be∣ing justly and lineally descended, not only of that happy conjunction, but of both the Branches thereof in any Times before. But the Union of these two Princely Houses is nothing comparable to the Union of the two ancient and famous Kingdoms, which is the other Inward peace annexed to my Person.

And here I must crave your patience for a little space, to give me leave to discourse more particularly of the Benefits that do arise of that Vnion which is made in my blood, being a matter that belongeth most properly to me to speak of, as

the Head, wherein that great Body is united. And first, if we were to look no higher than to Natural and Physical Reasons, we may easily be perswaded of the great Benefits that by this V∣nion do redound to the whole Island: for if twenty thousand men be a strong Army, is not the double thereof, forty thou∣sand, a stronger Army? If a Baron enricheth himself with double as many Lands as he had before, is he not double the greater? Nature teacheth Vs, that Mountains are made of Motes; and that at first, Kingdoms being divided, and every particular Town, or little Country (as Tyrants or Usurpers could obtain the possession of a Signory apart) many of these little Kingdoms are now in process of Time, by the Ordi∣nance of God, joyned into great Monarchies, whereby they are become powerful within themselves, to defend themselves from all Outward invasions, and their Head and Governour thereby enabled to redeem them from Foreign Assaults, and punish private transgressions within. Do we not yet remember that this Kingdom was divided into seven little Kingdoms, besides Wales? And is it not now the stronger by their Vni∣on? And hath not the Vnion of Wales to England added a greater strength thereto! Which though it was a great Prin∣cipality, was nothing comparable, in greatness and power, to the antient and famous Kingdom of Scotland. But what shall we stick upon any Natural appearance, when it is manifest that God by his Almighty Providence hath pre-ordained it so to be? Hath not God first united these two Kingdoms, both in Language, and Religion, and similitude of Manners? Yea, hath he not made Vs all in one Island, compassed with one Sea, and of it self by Nature so indivisible, as almost those that were borderers themselves on the late Borders, cannot distinguish, nor know, or discern their own Limits? These two Countries being separated neither by Sea, nor great Ri∣ver, Mountain, nor other strength of Nature, but only by little small Brooks, or demolished little Walls, so as rather they were divided in apprehension, than in effect; and now in the end and fulness of time united, the right and title of both in my Person, alike lineally descended of both the Crowns, where∣by it is now become a little World within it self, being in∣trenched and fortified round about with a natural, and yet admirable strong Pond or Ditch, whereby all the former fears of this Nation are quite cut off: The other part of the Island being ever before now, not only the Place of Landing to all Strangers that were to make Invasion here, but likewise mo∣ved by the Enemies of this State, by untimely Incursions to make inforced diversion from their Conquests, for defending themselves at home, and keeping sure their Back-door, as then it was called, which was the greatest hindrance and Let my

Predecessors of this Nation ever had, in disturbing them from their many famous and glorious Conquests abroad: What God hath conjoyned then, let no man separate. I am the Husband, and all the whole Island is my lawful Wife; I am the Head, and it is my Body; I am the Shepherd, and it is my Flock: I hope therefore no man will be so unreasonable as to think that I, that am a Christian King under the Gospel, should be a Polygamist, and Husband to two Wives; that I be∣ing the Head, should have a divided and monstrous Body; or that being the Shepherd of so fair a Flock (whose Fold hath no wall to sence it, but the four Seas) should have my Flock parted in two. But as I am assured, that no honest Subject, of whatsoever degree, within my whole Dominions, is less glad of this joyful Vnion, than I am; so may the frivolous objection of any that would be hinderers of this Work (which God hath in my Person already established) be easily answer∣ed; which can be none, except such as are either blinded with ignorance, or else transported with malice, being unable to live in a well-governed Common-wealth, and only de∣lighting to fish in troubled waters: For if they would stand upon their reputation, and privileges of any of the King∣doms; I pray you, were not both the Kingdoms Monar∣chies from the beginning? And consequently, could ever the Body be counted without the Head, which was ever unsepara∣bly joyned thereunto? So that as the honour and priviledges of any of the Kingdoms could not be divided from their So∣vereign; so are they now confounded and joyned in my Per∣son, who am equal and alike kindly Head to both. When this Kingdom of England was divided into so many petty Kingdoms (as I told you before) one of them eat up another, till they were all united into One. And yet, can Wiltshire or Devonshire, which were of the West-Saxons (although their Kingdom was of longest durance, and did by Conquest over∣come divers of the rest of the little Kingdoms) make Claim to Priority of place or Honour before Su••sex, Essex, or other Shires, which were Conquered by them? And have We not the like experience in the Kingdom of France, being compo∣sed of divers Dutchies, and one after another Conquered by the Sword? For even as little Brooks lose their Names by run∣ning and falling into great Rivers, and the very name and me∣mory of great Rivers swallowed up in the Ocean: so by the conjunction of divers little Kingdoms into One, are all these private differences and questions swallowed up. And since the success was happy of the Saxon Kingdoms Conquered by the Spear of Bellona; how much greater reason have We to ex∣pect a happy issue of this greater Vnion, which is only fast∣ned and bound up by the Wedding-Ring of Astrea? And as

God hath made Scotland (the one half of this Island) to enjoy my birth, and the first and most imperfect half of my life; and you here to enjoy the perfect and last half thereof: so can I not think, that any would be so injurious to me, no not in their thoughts and wishes, as to cut asunder the one half of Me from the other. But in this matter I have far enough insisted, resting assured, that in your hearts and minds you all applaud this my Discourse.

[ 3] Now although these blessings (before rehearsed) of inward, and outward peace be great: yet seeing that in all good things, a great part of their goodness and estimation is lost, if they have not appearance of perpetuity or long continuance; so hath it pleased Almighty God to accompany my person also with that favour, having healthful and hopeful Issue of my bod (where∣of some are here present) for continuance and propagation of that undoubted Right which is in my person; under whom I doubt not but it will please God to prosper and continue for many years this Vnion, and all other blessings of inward and outward Peace, which I have brought with me.

[ 4] But neither peace outward, nor peace inward, nor any other blessing that can follow thereupon, nor appearance of the per∣petuity thereof, by propagation in posterity, are but weak pil∣lars, and rotten reeds to lead unto, if God doth not strengthen, and by the staff of his blessing make them durable; for in vain doth the Watchman watch the City, if the Lord be not the prin∣cipal defence thereof; in vain doth the Builder build the house, if God give not the success; and in vain (as Paul saith) doth Paul plant, and Apollo water, if God give not the increase: for all worldly blessings are but like swift passing shadows, fading flowers, or chaff blown before the wind, if by the profession of true Religion, and works according thereunto, God be not mo∣ved to maintain and settle the Thrones of Princes. And although since mine entry into this Kingdom, I have both by meeting with divers of the Ecclesiastical state, and likewise by divers Procla∣mations clearly declared my mind in points of Religion, yet do I not think it amiss in this so solemn an Audience to take occasion to discover somewhat of the secrets of my heart in that mat∣ter. For I shall never (with Gods grace) be ashamed to make publick profession thereof upon all occasions, lest God should be ashamed of me before Men and Angels; especially lest at this time men might presume further upon the misknowledg of my meaning to trouble this Parliament than were convenient.

At my first coming, although I found but one Religion, and that which by my self is professed, publickly allowed, and by the Law maintained; yet found I another sort of Religion, besides a private Sect, lurking within the bowels of this Nation. The first is the true Religion, which by me is professed, and by Law is established: The second is, the falsly called Catholicks,

but truly Papists: The third which I call a Sect rather than a Religion, is the Puritans and Novelists, who do not so far dif∣fer from us in points of Religion, as in their confused form of policy and parity, being ever discontented with the present Go∣vernment, and impatient to suffer any superiority, which ma∣keth their Sects insufferable in any well governed Common∣wealth. But as for my course towards them, I remit it to my Proclamations made upon that subject. And now for the Pa∣pists, I must put a difference betwixt mine own private pro∣fession of my salvation, and my politick Government of the Realm for the weal and quietness thereof. As for my own pro∣fession, you have me your head now among you of the same Religion that the Body is of; As I am no stranger to you in Blood, no more am I a stranger to you in Faith, or in matters concerning the House of God. And although this my professi∣on be according to my education, wherein (I thank God) I suckt the milk of Gods Truth, with the milk of my Nurse; yet I do here protest unto you, that I would never (for such a conceit of Constancy, or other prejudicate opinion) have so firmly kept my first profession, if I had not found it agreeable to all reason, and to the rule of my conscience. But I was never violent, nor unreasonable in my profession: I acknowledg the Roman Church to be our Mother Church, although defiled with some infirmities and corruptions, as the Iews were, be∣fore they Crucified Christ. And as I am no enemy to the life of a sick man, because I would have his body purged of ill humours; no more am I an enemy to their Church, because I would have them reform their errors, not wishing the down-throwing of the Temple, but that it might be purged, and cleansed from corruption: otherwise how can they wish us to enter, if their house be not first made clean? But as I would be lother to dispense in the least point of mine own conscience, for any worldly respect, than the foolishest Precisian of them all, so would I be as sorry to streighten the politick Government of the bodies and minds of all my Subjects to my private Opinions: Nay, my mind was ever so free from persecu∣tion, or inthralling of my Subjects in matters of consci∣ence, as I hope those of that profession within this King∣dom have a proof since my coming, that I was so far from increasing their burthens with Rehoboam, as I have so much as either time, occasion, or law could permit, lightned them. And even now at this time, have I been careful to revise and consider deeply upon the Laws made against them, that some overture might be made to the present Parliament for clearing these Laws by reason (which is the soul of the Law) in case they have been in times past, further, or more rigorously ex∣tended by Iudges, than the meaning of the Law was, or might

tend to the hurt as well of the Innocent as of the guilty per∣sons. And as to the persons of my Subjects which are of that profession, I must divide them into two ranks, Clericks and Laicks: for the Laicks, I ever thought them far more excu∣sable than the other sort, because their Religion containeth such an ignorant, doubtful, and implicite kind of Faith grounded upon their Church, that except they do generally believe whatsoever their Teachers please to affirm, they can not be thought guilty of these particular Points of Heresies, and Corruptions, which their Teachers so wilfully profess. And again, I must subdivide the Laicks into two ranks; which are, either quiet and well-minded men, peaceable Subjects, who either being old, retain their first drunk-in liquor, upon a certain shamefacedness to be thought curious, or change∣able: Or being young men, through evil education, have been nursed and brought up upon such venom, instead of wholsome nutriment; And this sort of People, I would be sorry to pu∣nish their Bodies for the error of their minds, the reformation whereof must only come of God, and the true Spirit. But the other rank of Laicks, who either through curiosity, affectation of novelty, or discontentment, have changed their Coats, on∣ly to be factious, stirrers of sedition, and perturbers of the Common-wealth, th••s giveth a ground to Me (the Magistrate) to take better heed to their proceedings, and to correct their obstinacy.

But for the Clericks, I must directly say and affirm, that as long as they maintain one special point of their Doctrine, and another of their Practiec, they are no way sufferable to remain in this Kingdom. The point of Doctrine is, that arrogant and ambitious Supremacy of their Head the Pope, whereby he not only claims to be Spiritual Head of all Christians, but al∣so to have an Imperial Civil power over all Kings and Empe∣rors, dethroning and decrowning Princes with his foot as pleaseth him, and dispensing and disposing of all Kingdoms and Empires at his Appetite. The other Point which they ob∣serve, in continual Practice, is the Assassinates and Murthers of Kings; thinking it no sin, but rather a matter of salvation, to do all actions of Rebellion and Hostility against their Natural Soveraign Lord, if he be once cursed, his Subjects discharged of their Fidelity, and his Kingdom given a prey, by that three-Crowned Monarch, or rather Monster, their Head. And in this Point I have no occasion to speak further here, saving that I could wish from my heart it would please God to make me one of the Members of such a general Christian Vnion in Reli∣gion, as (laying wilfulness aside on both hands) we might meet in the midst, which is the center, and perfection of all things. For if they would leave, and be ashamed of such new

[illustration]

REVERENDIS^S: D^NS TOBIAS ARCHIEPISCOPVS EBORACENSIS ET ANGLIAE PRIMA•…•…

Exerit Hic Sanctos, viva ub imagine vultus Ecce Senex: Vtinam fas sit et inde loqui. Qui dum Zelus iners Boreali friget in Orbe; Emicuit gelidis flamma corusca plagis: Christiadae nautae, Mundi qui fluctuat•…•… dis, Erranti et dubio Stellae Polaris adest. Duplex cum Tibi sit Sanctorum Nomen Vtru In vitam pariter conuenit, Alme, tuam.

and gross Corruptions of theirs▪ as themselves cannot main∣tain, nor deny to be worthy of Reformation, I would for my own part be content to meet them in the Mid-way, so that all Novelties might be renounced on either side. For as my Faith is the True, Ancient, Catholick and Apostolick Faith, grounded upon the express Word of God; so will I ever yield all reve∣rence to Antiquity, in the Points of Ecclesiastical Polity: And by that means shall I ever, with Gods grace, keep my self from either being an Heretick in Faith, or Schismatick in matters of Policy.

But of one thing would I have the Papists of this Land to be admonished, that they presume not so much upon my le∣nity (because I would be loth to be thought a Persecutor) as thereupon to think it lawful for them daily to increase their number and strength in this Kingdom; whereby, if not in my time, at least in the time of my Posterity, they may be in hope to erect their Religion again. No, let them assure them∣selves, that as I am a Friend to their Persons, if they be good Subjects; so I am a vowed Enemy, and do denounce Mortal War to their Errors. And as I would be sorry to be driven, by their ill behaviour, from the protection and conservation of their bodies and lives; so will I never cease, as far as I can, to tread down their Errors, and wrong Opinions. For I could not permit the increase and growing of their Religion, without betraying my self, and my own Conscence, and this whole Island, as well the part I am come from, as the part I remain in, in betraying their Liberties, and reducing them to the former slavish yoke, which both had cast off before I came among them; as also the Liberty of the Crown in my Posteri∣ty, which I should leave again under a new Slavery, being left free to me by my Predecessors. And therefore I would wish all good Subjects that are deceived with this Corruption, if they find any beginnings in themselves of knowledg, and love to the truth, to foster the same by all lawful means, and to beware of quenching the Spirit that worketh within them. And if they can find as yet no motion tending that way, to be studious to read and confer with learned Men, and to use all such means as may further their Resolution; assuring them, that as long as they are disconformable in Religion to us, they cannot be but half my Subjects, be able to do but half service, and I shall want the best half of them, which is their souls.

And here I have occasion to speak to you, my Lords the Bi∣shops;* 3.14 for as you my Lord of Durham, said very learnedly to∣day in your Sermon, Correction without Instruction is but Ty∣ranny: So ought you, and all the Clergy under you, to be more careful, vigilant and careful than you have been, to

win souls to God, as well by your exemplary Life, as Doctrine. And since you see how careful they are, sparing neither la∣bour, pains, nor extreme peril of their Persons, to pervert, (the Devil is so busie a Bishop;) ye should be the more careful, and wakeful in your Charges. Follow the Rule prescribed you by Saint Paul, Be careful to exhort and instruct, in sea∣son, and out of season: And where you have been any way slug∣gish before, now waken your selves up again with a new di∣ligence, remitting the success to God, who calling them either at the second, third, tenth, or twelfth hour, as they are alike welcom to him, so shall they be to me his Lieutenant here.

The third Reason of my Convening you at this time, which containeth such Actions of my Thankfulness towards you, as I may either do, or leave undone, yet shall, with Gods grace, ever press to perform all the days of my life. It consists in these two Points; In making of Laws at certain Times, which is only at such Times as this, in Parliament; or in the careful Execution of the Laws at other Times. As for the Making of them, I will thus far faithfully promise un∣to you, that I will ever prefer the Weal of the Body above any particular or private ends of my Own, thinking ever the Weal of the Commonwealth to be the greatest Weal, and worldly felicity: A Point wherein a lawful King doth directly differ from a Tyrant. But at this time I am only thus far to forwarn you in that Point, that you beware to seek the making of too many Laws, for two especial Reasons; First, because In corruptis∣sima Republica plurimae leges; And the execution of some good Laws is far more profitable in a Common-wealth, than to burthen mens memories with making too many of them. And next, because the making of too many Laws in one Parlia∣ment, will bring in Confusion, for want of leisure, wisely to deliberate before you conclude; for the Bishop said well to day, That to Deliberation a large time would be given, but to Execution a greater promptness was required. As for the Execution of good Law, it hath been very wisely and ho∣nourably foreseen, and ordered by my Predecessors in this Kingdom, in planting such a number of Iudges, and all sorts of Magistrates, in convenient places, for execution of the same. And therefore must I now turn to you that are Iudges, and Magistrates under me, as mine Eyes and Ears in this case: I can say no otherwise to you, than as Ezekias the good King of Iuda said to their Iudges, Remember that the Thrones you sit on are Gods, and neither yours nor mine. And as you must be answerable to me, so must both you and I be answerable to God for the due Execution of Our Offices. That Place is no Place for you to utter your Affections in; you must not there

hate your foe, nor love your friend; fear the offending of the greater party, or pity the misery of the meaner; ye must be blind, and not see distinctions of Persons; handless, not to re∣ceive Bribes; but keep that just Temper and Medium in all your Proceedings, that like a just Ballance, ye may neither sway to the right hand, nor to the left. Three principal Qualities are required in you, Knowledg, Courage, and Sinceri∣ty; that you may discern with Knowledg, execute with Cou∣rage, and do both in upright Sincerity. And for my part, I do vow and protest here in the presence of God, and of this Honourable Audience, I never shall be weary, nor omit occasion wherein I may shew my carefulness of the Execution of good Laws: And as I wish you that are Iudges, not to be weary in your Office, in doing of it; so shall I never be weary, with Gods grace, to take account of you, which is properly my cal∣ling.

And thus having told you the three causes of my Conve∣ning of this Parliament, all three tending only to utter my thankfulness, but in divers forms; the first by word, the other two by action, I do confess, that when I have done, and per∣formed all that in this Speech I have promised, Inutilis servus sum. When I have done all that I can for you, I do nothing but that which I am bound to do, and am accountable to God for the contrary. For the difference betwixt a Rightful King, and an Usurping Tyrant, is this; That the proud and ambitious Tyrant doth think his Kingdom and People are ordai∣ned for satisfaction of his desires, and unreasonable appetite; The righteous and just King doth by the contrary, acknowledg himself to be ordained for procuring the wealth and prosperity of his People, and that his greatest and principal worldly felicity must consist in their prosperity: If you be rich, I cannot be poor; if you be happy, I cannot but be fortunate; and I protest, that your welfare shall ever be my greatest care and contentment. And that I am a Servant, is most true; that as I am a Head and Governour of all the People in my Dominions, who are my Natu∣ral Vassals, and Subjects, considering them in numbers, and distinct ranks; So if we will take the People as one Body and Mass, then as the Head is ordained for the Body, and not the Body for the Head; so must a righteous King know himself to be ordained for his People, and not his People for Him: For although a King and his People be Relata, yet can he be no King if he want People and Subjects. But there be many People in the World that lack a Head; wherefore I will never be ashamed to confess it my Principal Honour, to be the great Servant of the Common∣wealth; and ever think the Prosperity thereof to be my greatest felicity, as I have already said.

But as it was the whole Body of this Kingdom (with an uniform assent and harmony) which did so far oblige me, so is my thankfulness due to the whole State. For even as in Matter of faults, Quod à multis peccatur, impunè peccatur; even so in the Matter of virtuous and good deeds, which are done by the willing Consent and Harmony of the whole Body, no particular Person can justly claim thanks, as proper to him, for the same: And therefore I must here make a little Apo∣logie for my self, in that I could not satisfie the particular hu∣mours of every Person that looked for some Advancement or Reward at my hand, since my entry into this Kingdom. Three kinds of things were craved of me, Advancement to ho∣nour, Preferment to place of Credit about my Person, and Re∣ward in Matters of Land or Profit. If I had bestowed Ho∣nour upon all, no man could have been advanced to Honour; for the Degrees of Honour do consist in preferring some above their Fellows: If every man had the like access to my Per∣son, then no man could have it: and if I had bestowed Lands and Rewards upon every man, the Fountain of my Liberality, would have been so exhausted, as I should want Means to be liberal to any man. Yet was I not so sparing, but I may without Vaunting affirm, that I have enlarged my favour in all the three Degrees, towards as many and more, than ever King of England did, in so short a space. No, I rather crave your pardon, that I have been so bountiful: For if the means of the Crown be wasted, whither should I have recourse but to you my Subjects, and be burthensome to you? which I should be lothest to do of any King alive. Two special Causes mo∣ved me to be so open-handed, whereof the one was reasonable and honourable, but the other (I will not be ashamed to confess unto you) proceeded of my own infirmity. That which was Just and Honourable, was, that being so far beholden to the Body of the whole State, I thought I could not refuse to let some small Brooks run out of the Fountain of my Thankfulness to the whole, for refreshing of particular Persons, that were Members of that Multitude. The other which proceeded out of mine own Infirmity, was, the Multitude and importunity of Suters. But although Reason come by infusion in a manner, yet Experience groweth with time and labour: And therefore do I not doubt, but Experience will teach the particular Sub∣jects of this Kingdom, not to be so importune and undiscreet in craving; and Me not to be so easily and lightly moved, in granting that which may be harmful to my Estate, and conse∣quently to the whole Kingdom.

And thus at length having declared unto you my mind, My Conclusion shall only now be, to excuse my Self, in case you have not found such Eloquence in my Speech, as peradventure

you might have looked for at my hands. I might alledg the great weight of my Affairs, and my continual business, and di∣straction, that I could never have leisure to think upon what I was to speak; And I might also alledg, that my first sight of this so Famous and Honourable an Assembly, might like∣wise breed some impediment: But leaving these excuses, I will plainly, and freely, in my manner, tell you the true Cause of it; which is, That it becometh a King, in my opinion, to use no other Eloquence than plainness and sincerity. By plain∣ness, I mean, that his Speeches should be so clear, and void of all ambiguity, that they may not be thrown, nor rent in sun∣der, in contrary senses, like the old Oracles of the Pagan gods: And by Sincerity, I understand, that uprightness and honesty which ought to be in a Kings whole Speeches, and Actions; that as far as a King is in Honour erected above any of his Subjects, so far should he strive in Sincerity to be above them all, and that his tongue should be ever the true Messenger of his heart. And this sort of Eloquence you may ever assuredly look for at my hands.

Thus the Beams of Majesty had an influence upon every branch and leaf of the Kingdom, by reflecting upon the Root, their Representative Body; every particular expecting what fruit this Sun-shine would produce; striving as much to insinuate into him, as he did into the general, so that there was a Reci∣procal Harmony between the King and the People, because they courted one another. But when the Kings Bounty contracted it self into private Favourites (as it did afterwards) bestowing the affection he promised the whole people, upon one man; when the golden showers they gaped for, dropt into some few cha∣nels, their passions flew higher than their hopes. The Kings aims were, to unite the two Kingdoms, so that the one might cor∣roborate the other, to make good that part of his Speech (by this intermixtion) wherein he divides England and Scotland into halves: But the English stumbled at that partition, thinking it an unequal division, and fearing that the Scots (creeping into English Lordships, and English Ladies Beds, in both which alrea∣dy they began to be active) might quickly make their least half the predominant part.

But he was Proclaimed King of Great Britain;* 3.15 England must be no more a Name; the Scotish Coyns are made currant, and our Ships must have Saint Georges and Saint Andrews Crosses quartered together in their Flags; all outward Ensigns of Amity. But those English that had suckt in none of the sweets of this pleasant Stream of Bounty, repined to see the Scots advanced from blew Bonnets to costly Beavers, wearing instead of Wad∣meal, Velvet and Satin, as divers Pasquils written in that Age Sa∣tyrically

taunted at. Which is not set down here, to vilifie the Scots (being most of them Gentlemen that had deserved well of their Master) but to shew, how cross to the publick Appetite the Hony-comb is, that another man eats. But the King (like a wise Pilot) guided the Helm with so even an hand, that these small gusts were not felt. It behoved him to play his Master∣prize in the Beginning, which he did to the life, for he had di∣vers opinions, humours and affections to grapple with, as well as Nations, and 'tis a very calm Sea when no billow rises. The Ro∣manists bogled, that he said in his Speech, They were unsuf∣ferable in the Kingdom, as long as they maintained the Pope to be their Spiritual Head, and He to have power to dethrone Prin∣ces. The Separatists (as the King called them) were offended at that Expression, wherein he professed willingly, if the Papists would lay down King-killing, and some other gross errors, he would be content to meet them half way. So that every one grounded his hopes, or his fears, upon the shallows of his own fancy, not knowng yet what course the King would steer. But these sores being tenderly dealt with, did not suddenly fester, but were skinned over. The King desirous of the Title, Paci∣ficus, did not only close with his own Subjects, but healed up also that old wound that had bled long in the sides of England and Spain, both being weary of the pain, both willing to be cured. The King of Spain, sent the Constable of Castile with a mighty Train of smooth-handed Spaniards to close up the wound on this side, where (the old Enmity being well mortifi∣ed) they were received with singular Respect and Civility. The King of England sent his High Admiral, the Earl of Notingham, with as splendid a Retinue of English, to close it on that: Who being Personages of Quality, accoutred with all Ornaments sui∣table, were the more admired by the Spaniards for beauty and excellency, by how much the Iesuits had made impressions in the vulgar opinion, That since the English left the Roman Religion, they were transformed into strange horrid shapes, with Heads and Tails like Beasts and Monsters. So easie it is for those Iuglers, when they have once bound up the Conscience, to tye up the Vn∣derstanding also.

* 3.16 But the Parliament highly admiring the Kings abilities, made a Recognition thereof with many Elogies, as the prime Act of their humble submission to his Government, wherein they yield their most humble thanks to the Divine Majesty for his access to the Crown; and they desire from their Hearts, that as a Me∣morial to all Posterity (among the Records of the High Court of Parliament, for ever to endure) it may be published and decla∣red, that they acknowledg his Right of Succession to the Crown of England, and the Empire thereof; and thereunto they faith∣fully submit, and oblige themselves, their Heirs, and Posteri∣ties

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EARL OF NOTTINGHAM.

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GEORGE CAREW, EARL OF TOTNES.

for ever,* 3.17 until the last drop of their Bloods be spent. So high mounted was the Affection of the People to the King! And happily might have continued so, if some after Iealousies had not intervened, that like Clouds, hindred the influence of their more intimate Correspondence.

And to satisfie the Kings desires about an Vnion betwixt Eng∣land and Scotland,* 3.18 the Parliament made an Act to authorise cer∣tain Commissioners; viz. Thomas Lord Ellesmere, Lord Chan∣cellor of England; Thomas Earl of Dorset, Lord Treasurer of England; Charles Earl of Notingham, Lord High Admiral of England; Henry Earl of Southampton, William Earl of Pembroke, Henry Earl of Northampton, Richard Bishop of London, Tobie Bi∣shop of Duresme, Anthony Bishop of Saint Davids; Robert Lord Cecil, Principal Secretary; Edward Lord Zouch, Lord Presi∣dent of Wales; William Lord Mounteagle, Ralph Lord Eure; Ed∣mund Lord Sheffeild, Lord President of the Council in the North, Lords of the Higher House of Parliament. And Thomas Lord Clinton, Robert Lord Buckhurst; Sir Francis Hastings, Knight; Sir Iohn Stanhope, Knight, Vice-Chamberlain to his Majesty; Sir Iohn Herbert, Knight, second Secretary to his Majesty; Sir George Carew, Knight, Vice-Chamberlain to the Queen; Sir Thomas Strickland, Knight; Sir Edward Stafford, Knight; Sir Henry Nevill of Berk-shire, Knight; Sir Richard Bukley, Knight; Sir Henry Billingsley, Knight; Sir Daniel Dun, Knight, Dean of the Arches; Sir Edward Hobby, Knight; Sir Iohn Savile, Knight; Sir Robert Wroth, Knight; Sir Thomas Cha∣loner, Knight; Sir Robert Maunsel, Knight; Sir Thomas Ridge∣way, Knight; Sir Thomas Holcroft, Knight; Sir Thomas Hesketh, Knight, Atturney of the Court of Wards; Sir Francis Bacon, Knight; Sir Lawrence Tanfield, Knight, Serjeant at Law; Sir Henry Hubberd, Knight, Serjeant at Law; Sir Iohn Bennet, Doctor of the Laws; Sir Henry Withrington, Sir Ralph Grey, and Sir Thomas Lake, Knights, Robert Askwith, Thomas Iames, and Henry Chapman, Merchants, Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses of the House of Commons; or any eight of the said Lords, and twen∣ty of the said Commons: Which Commissioners shall have power to assemble, meet, treat, and consult with certain select Com∣missioners to be nominated and authorised by Authority of the Parliament of Scotland, concerning such Matters, Causes, and things, as they in their Wisdoms shall think and deem conveni∣ent and necessary, for the honour of the King, and common good of both Kingdoms. Yet the good intentions of this Vnion took no effect, as will follow in the sequel of this History. But there were a great many good Laws made, which are too volumi∣nous for this place, having a proper Sphere of their own to move in.

Thus the King sate triumphing as it were, upon a Throne

of his Peoples Affections; and his beginnings had some settle∣ment: for being loth to be troubled, he sought Peace every∣where. But our inbred distempers lay upon the Lee, intermixt with other gross dregs, that the Princes lenity, and the Peoples luxury produced. For the King minding his sports, many rio∣tous demeanours crept into the Kingdom, the Sun-shine of Peace being apt for such a production, upon the slime of the late War. The Sword and Buckler trade being now out of date, one cor∣ruption producing another (the City of London being always a fit Receptacle for such, whose prodigalities and wastes made them Instruments of Debaucheries) divers Sects of vitious Persons, go∣ing under the Title of Roaring Boys,* 3.19 Bravadoes, Roysters, &c. commit many insolencies; the Streets swarm night and day with bloody quarrels, private Duels fomented, especially be∣twixt the English and Scots; many Discontents nourished in the Countries, betwixt the Gentry and Commonalty, about Inclo∣sure (the meanest gaping after new hopes) growing in some places to a petty Rebellion. Daily discords (incident to peace and plenty) betwixt private Families, Papist against Protestant, one Friend against another; the Papists being a strong and dan∣gerous Faction, missing their hopes, strove to make the Scots more odious than they could make themselves, though some of them went so high as to counterfeit the Kings Privy-Seal, and make Addresses thereby to Foreign Princes, for which one Tho∣mas Dowglas, taken in the fact, was executed in Smithfield. Others were so insolent, as to quip and jear the English Nobility; and other misdemeanours, which caused secret heart-burnings, and jealousies betwixt the Nations. But then comes a Proclama∣tion, like a strong Pill, and carries away the grossest of these humours.

* 3.20Something yet stuck, especially in the Consciences of the Popish Party, that could not be purged away without a Toleration, which they Petition for; but not being granted, they contrived one of the most Horrid and Stupendious Mischiefs, that ever entred into the Hearts of Men: For their heat of malice would not be quen∣ched with the Blood Royal, but the Nobility and Gentry, the Repre∣sentative Body of the whole Kingdom, United at Westminster, must be shattered in pieces, and dis-membred, by the blast of six and thirty Barrels of Gun-powder, which those dark Contri∣vers had hid in a Cellar under the Parliament House, being di∣scovered by a light from Heaven, and a Letter from one of the Conspirators, when the fire was already in their hands, as well as rage in their hearts, to put to the Train.

* 3.21The principal of these Contrivers, was, Robert Catesbie, a Gentleman of a good plentiful Estate, who first hatched and brooded the Plot, and promised to himself the glory of an Eter∣nal Name, by the Propagation of it; making choyce of Thomas

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GUY FAWKES.

Executed in the Year 1606. for the GUNPOWDER PLOT.

Percy, Robert Winter, Thomas Winter, Iohn Grant, Ambrose Rook∣wood, Iohn Wright, Francis Tresham, Sir Everard Digby, and others, Gentlemen of good Estates (for the most part) and spirits as implacable and furious as his own; who like combustible mat∣ter took fire at the first motion, their zeal to the Roman cause burning within them, which nothing but the blood of Inno∣cents can quench. The design thus set afoot, they bind them∣selves to secresie, by those Sacraments which are the greatest ties upon the Soul, and Saint Garnet the Iesuit was their Confessor. The foundation being laid, every man betakes himself to his work, some to provide money, some materials. Percy was to hire the Cellars under the Parliament House, to lay Wood and Coal in, for his Winter-provision: Guido Faux, a desperate Ruffian (who was to give fire to the Train) was appointed to be his man to bring in the Wood and Coal. The Gunpowder provi∣ded in Flanders, is brought from Lambeth in the night, and co∣vertly laid under the Wood. Thus they prepare all things rea∣dy for a Burnt-offering, against the day the Parliament should meet,* 3.22 which was to be upon the seventh of February. But the King for some Reasons of State (which at that time the dictates of Providence did much approve of) prorogued the Parliament of the fifth of November following, which scattered the Contri∣vers at present, and they were at their wits end; and some of them went beyond Seas, because they would not beat too much about the Covert, their materials being fitted; others that staid here persisted with Patience (made a Vice by them) and met of∣ten to consult how they should manage their great business, if it took effect. They looked upon the King and Prince, as alrea∣dy sacrificed to their Cruelty: And Percy undertook to dispatch the Duke of York. But because they must have one of the Blood Royal, that must serve as a center to adhere to, to keep all from Confusion, they meant to preserve the Lady Elizabeth, and make her Queen, that under her minority and innocency, they might the better establish their bloody Principles of Piety and Policy. They had designed the fatal day to be upon the fifth of November, when the King and both Houses were to meet, and that day they appointed a great Hunting-match at Dunsmore-beach in Warwick-shire, to be nearer the Lord Harington's House, where the Lady Elizabeth was. And they had by their horrid Art, and Experience, so fitted their Matches, that were to convey the fire to the Powder, that they could know a hundred Miles off, to a minute, when that Monstrous Fiery Exhalation would break out.

Solacing themselves in this bloody expectation, and thinking their Conveyances under ground were not seen above by the Divine Discoverer, they stood like Vultures gaping for their Prey; when, behold! one tender-hearted Murderer among the

Pack,* 3.23 willing to save the Lord Monteagle, writ this Letter to him.

MY Lord, out of the love I bear to some of your friends, I have a care of your Preservation, therefore I would wish you (as you tender your Life) to forbear your attendance at this Parliament;* 4.1 for God and Man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this Time. And think not sleightly of this advertisement; for though there be no appearance of any stir, yet, I say, they shall receive a terrible blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurt them. This Counsel is not to be contemned, because it may do you Good, and can do you no Harm: for the danger is past as soon as you have burnt this Letter. I hope God will give you grace to make use of it, to whose Holy Protection I commend you.

Here is the Protection of the Holy God desired, a strange ex∣pression in so unholy an action, which is like their zeal, that made their children pass through fire to Moloch; what horrid madness kindles such Sacrifices? The Lord Monteagle astonished at the Letter (though he understood it not) thinking there might be something in it of dangerous concernment, commu∣nicated the contents of it to the Earl of Salisbury, and some o∣thers of the Kings Council. Salisbury could not find out the Riddle, he concluded him either a fool or a mad-man that wrote it, by this expression, The danger is past as soon as the Letter is burnt: If the danger be past when the Letter is burnt, what needeth any warning? But he did not reach the meaning; for the Writers desire was to have the Letter burned, and then the danger would be past both to the Writer and Receiver, if he had grace to make use of the warning. The King was Hunting the fearful Hare at Royston, while they layed this Snare for him at Westminster. As soon as he came to Whitehall, the Earl of Salis∣bury being of his intimate Councils, and principal Secretary, shewed him the Letter. The King considering it circumspect∣ly (as Cicero said of the Sibyls works, Id majus est attenti animi quam furentis) said, This is no Mad-mans writing. There is a great Blow to be given, they shall not see it that feel it, which is some secret mischief. Many times fear is a profitable and an active servant, if it do not domineer and grow masterly. He was so sensible of a stroak, that he felt it (as it were) coming: There∣fore the day before the Parliament should begin, he commanded the Earl of Suffolk, Lord Chamberlain, to make a strict search about the Parliament House, who accompanied with the Lord Monteagle, entred the Cellar under the House, which he found stuffed with Billet, Faggot, and Coal, and asking Whinyard of the Wardrobe (who was House-keeper) what provisions they were, he said, he had let the Cellar to Mr. Thomas Percy (who

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THOMAS PERSI NOBILIS ANGLVS MAGNIBRITANNIAE REGIS STIPENDIARIVS ANNO 1605

Haec est vera & prima originalis editio Thōae Perci

Os vultumq vides Thomae cognomine Percy Inter Britannos nobileis no•…•…ssimi Queis rebus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ambitione superstitioso Animo nefandam machinatur dum necem Regi Regina Ordinibus diprenditur: ipsum Deo volente seclus in auctorem 〈◊〉〈◊〉

A Thomas Ichry•• Cap••••••runt B Tho: Iehrus̄ Regi adduxe∣rit C Tho: Persi in Arce fugit D Thomas Persi sagittatus mortuus

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Execution of the Conspirators In the Gunpowder Plot in the Year 1606.

was one of the Gentlemen Pensioners to the King) and close by in a corner of the Cellar stood Faux, in a gastly condition (be∣ing a raw-bon'd tall man) who being questioned, said, he was Percies servant. The Lord Chamberlain, that would make no noise, and bustle as that time, left both the Engin and Engineer as he found them, taking no further notice, but apprehended Just Cause to have the Cellars further searched; the Lord Mounteagle assuring himself, it was Percie that writ the Letter to him, as soon as he heard him named, for there were little in∣timacies betwixt them. The King with his Council advi∣sing what to do, resolved of a further search that night, com∣mitting the Trust to Sir Thomas Knevet, one of the Gentlemen of his Privy-Chamber, a Man of approved Fidelity; who with a Retinue suitable to such an Enterprise, coming to the Cel∣lar about Midnight, he met the watchful Minister of Impiety, Faux, at the door, on whom he presently seized; and making further search, pulled out the core of all that horrid Contri∣vance. Faux, his under-ground Works being digged out, and seeing all unkennel'd, confessed the intention, and was only sorry i•• came not to perfection, saying, God would have concealed it, and the Devil only discovered it. In his pockets they found a Watch (which were not common then) and a Tinder box, the Engines to minute out his time to strike the stroke; so pun∣ctual was he in his wickedness! This tough piece, upon exami∣nation by the Lords of the Council, could have little drawn from him, only he said again, he was sorry it was not done. But the Conspirators revealed themselves; for finding all discovered, they pack to Dunsmore to the Hunting-meeting, breaking open some Stables in London, and taking out divers Horses of Noble∣mens, that were put into Riders hands to manage, thinking to make a great Party: But the High-Sheriffs of Warwickshire, and Worcestershire, hunted these Fire-brand Foxes so, that they were forced (most of them) to Earth themselves in Littletons House at Halbach, and there Piercie and Catesby desperately sallying out, were both slain, so were Iohn Wright, and Christopher Wright: Thomas Winter, Francis Tresham, and the rest, were taken; Tre∣sham died of the Strangury in the Tower;* 4.2 Thomas Winter, Guido Faux, Robert Keyes, Thomas Bates, Robert Winter, late of Hooding∣ton in Worcestershire, Esquire; Iohn Grant of Northbrook in the County of Warwick, Esquire; Ambrose Rookwood, late of Staning∣field in the County of Suffolk, Esquire; and Sir Everard Digby of Gothurst in Bucking hamshire, Knight, were executed according to their demerit.

This Prodigious Contrivance did not only stupifie the whole Kingdom with amazement, but Foreign Princes made their Wonderment also; And though, for the Propagation of the Catholick Cause, they might have Conscience enough to

with it had taken Effect; yet they had Policy enough to Con∣gratulate the Discovery; and some of them, to take off the a∣sperity of the Suspect, sweetned their Expressions with many rich Gifts, and Presents, to the King and Queen. But this bloody Design, found in the hand of the Malefactors, grasping the Mischief, and confirmed by their own Confessions (being such Spirits as were fit Boutefeus for so desperate an Enterprize) was notwithstanding father'd upon the Puritans (as Nero did the burning of Rome upon the Christians) by some impudent and cunning Iesuits (whose practice is to deceive) if not quite to clear their party, yet by stirring this muddy water, to make that which is in it to appear the less perspicuous; and it is like the rest of their Figments, fit baits for Ignorance to nibble on: Which some years after I had opportunity at Bruges in Flanders, to make Weston, an old Iesuit, active in the Powder-plot, ingenu∣ously to confess.

* 4.3This preceded the second Sessions of the first Parliament, pro∣rogued till the fifth of November, and upon the ninth they met; where with Hearts full of Fears and Jealousies, they ripped up the ground of the Machination, for discovery of the Complotters; and laid such a Foundation of good Laws against Papists, as might serve for a Bulwark in the time to come. The King was not unmindful of the Lord Monteagle, the first Discoverer of this Treason, for he gave to him and his Heirs for ever, two hundred pounds a year in Fee-farm Rents, and five hundred pounds a year besides, during his life, as a reward for this good service.

* 4.4In the midst of the Parliaments Activity, a rumour was spread (by what strange means unknown) that the King was stabbed at Okingham (twenty miles from London, where he was Hunting) with a poysoned knife: The Court at Whitehall, the Parliament, and City, took the Alarum, mustering up their Old Fears, every man standing at gaze, as if some new Prodigie had seized them; such a Terror had this late monstrous intended mischief imprinted in the spirits of the People, that they took Fire from every little Train of Rumour, and were ready to grapple with their own Destruction before it came. In the midst of this Agony, there came assurance of the Kings safety, which he was enforced to divulge by Proclamation, to re-establish the People. The Spanish Embassador gave Sir Lewis Lewknor, Master of the Ceremonies, a Chain of Gold of good Value, for bringing him the news of the Kings safety, which presently resounded in the Court; and it was thought, he was so bountiful, either out of Terror, being afraid of the People in this Confusion, because it was rumor'd, that the King of Spain was a Fomenter of the Plot; or out of a desire to vindicate his Masters Honour, and take the Odium from him; for he had been solicited by divers Iesuits, together with

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Si quid patimini propter iustitiam, beati i petri•• Henricus Garnetus anglus e societate IESV passus 3 May 1606

these Conspirators,* 4.5 to invade England. The Principal of which Iesuits, called Henry Garnet (Provincial of the Order in England) was arraigned at Guild-hall, the twentieth of March 1605. and executed at the West end of St. Pauls soon after.

Henry Lord Mordant, and Edward Lord Stu••ton, not coming to the Parliament according to their Writ of Summons, were suspe∣cted to have knowledg of the Conspiracy, and so was the Earl of Northumberland from some presumptions, and all three were committed to the Tower. The two Barons (after some impri∣sonment) were redeemed by Fine in Star-chamber, but the Earl continued a Prisoner there for many years after.

In Iuly this year the King of Denmark (Brother to the Queen) came in Person as a visitor,* 4.6 where he found their Shakings some∣what setled, their Terrors abated, and met with not only all those varieties that Riches, Power, and Plenty are capable to produce for satisfaction, where will and affection are the dispensers, but he beheld with admiration the stately Theatre, whereon the Danes for many hundred of years had acted their bloody parts: But how he resented their Exit, or the last Act of that black Tragaedy, wherein his Country lost their interest, some Divine Power, that searches the capacious hearts of Princes can only di∣scover. This short Month of his stay carryed with it as pleasing a countenance on every side, and of their Recreations and Pastimes, flew as high a flight, as Love mounted upon the wings of art and fancy, the sutable nature of the season, or Times swift foot could possibly arrive at. The Court, City and some parts of the Coun∣try with Banquetings, Masks, Dancings, Tilting, Barriers, and other Gallantry (besides the manly Sports of Wrestling, and the brutish Sports of bayting Wild-beasts) swelled to such a greatness, as if there were an intention in every particular man, this way to have blown up himself.

The seven and twentieth of May last, the Parliament was pro∣rogued to the eighteenth of November following;* 4.7 but before they parted (having hearts full of affection for Gods great deli∣verance of the whole Kingdom from ruin and destruction) they made an Act to have the fifth of November for ever solemnized with publick Thanksgiving: Imputing the Discovery of the Treason to Gods inspiring the King with a Divine Spirit to in∣terpret some dark phrases of the Letter, above, and beyond all ordinary construction. They attainted the blood of those Trai∣tors that were Executed, as also, those that were slain in the field, or dyed in Prison. They made many good Laws, for the discovering and suppressing of Popish Recusants. And gave the King three intire Subsidies and six Fifteens. Besides four Subsi∣dies of four shillings in the pound granted by the Clergy. But they put off the Treaty of Vnion, by an Act that referred it to be done as well any other Session of Parliament, so willing they

were to keep close to the Kings affections, and not to start from him. But the next Session (the King being loth to be longer delayed) the business of the Vnion was much pressed again, by some that knew the Kings mind, among whom, Sir Francis Ba∣con (now the Kings Solicitor) was a principal Instrument, who came prepared for it, and first moved the House of Commons, that the Scots might be Naturalized by Act of Parliament; which was opposed by divers strong and modest Arguments. Among which they brought in the comparison of Abraham and Lot,* 4.8 whose Families joyning, they grew to difference, and to those words, Vade tu ad dextram, & ego ad sinistram.

It was answered, That Speech brought the captivity of the one, they having dis-joyned their strength.

The Party opposing said, If we admit them into our Liberties, we shall be over-run with them, as Cattle (naturally) pent up by a slight Hedg, will over it into a better soyl, and a Tree ta∣ken from a barren place will thrive to excessive, and exuberant Branches in a better, witness the multiplicities of the Scots in Polonia,

To which it was answer'd, That if they had not means, place, custom, and imployment (not like Beasts but Men) they would starve in a plentiful soyl, though they came into it; and what spring-tide and confluence of that Nation have housed and fami∣lied themselves among us, these four years of the Kings reign? And they will never live so meanly here as they do in Polonia; for they had rather discover their poverty abroad than at home. Besides, there is a question whether England be fully peopled, witness the drowned Grounds, and Common-wasts; the ruins and decays of ancient Towns in this Realm; Witness how many serve in the Parliament for desolate Burroughs; Witness our Wasts by Sea, as well as by Land, suffering the Flemings to carry away all our Fishing, the sinews of our industry being slackned, we want active spirits to corroborate them by their example: Besides the planting Ireland, fully abounding with Rivers, Havens, Woods, Quarries, good Soyl, and temperate Climate. No surcharge of people hath been prejudicial to Countreys, the worst will be an honourable War, to recover our ancient Rights, or revenge our Injuries, or to attain to the honour of our Ancestors. We should not forget the consideration of Am∣plitude and Greatness, and fall at variance about Profit, and Recknings, fitter for private persons than Kingdoms.

The other side objected, That the Fundamental Laws of both Kingdoms are divers, and it is declared, they shall so continue, and therefore it would not be reasonable to proceed to this Na∣turalization, whereby to indow them with our Rights, except they should receive, and submit to our Laws.

[illustration]

[illustration]

EdwardusI DG Rex Ang: Dux Aqui: ete Dom: Hib:

sould by Robt: Peake.

It was answered, That in the Administration of the World under God, the great Monarch, his Laws are divers; one Law in Spirits, another in Bodies, one Law in Regions Celestial, an∣other in Elementary, and yet the Creatures are all one mass, or lump. That in the state of the Church, among People of seve∣ral languages, and lineages, there is a Communion of Saints, and we are all fellow-Citizens, and Naturalizants of the Heavenly Ierusalem, and yet divers Ecclesiastical Laws, Policies, and Hie∣rarchies; for the Laws are rather Figura Republicae, than For∣ma; rather bonds of Perfection, than Intireness. That in Ire∣land, Iersey, G••rnsey, and the Isle of Man, our Common Laws are not in force, and yet they have the benefit of Naturaliza∣tion.

To which it was replyed, that these are only Flourishes of Rhetorick; for God (who is the only Disposer of all his Crea∣tures) keeps them in Order and Obedience to Him, by a Law which they cannot deviate from, unless he withdraws his pre∣serving Hand from them: But betwixt Man and Man, or Realm and Realm, there can be no such Tie, or Obligation, to hold an Vnity, where they have various Laws, and various Priviledges. And for the immunities given to the Irish (for some Ages past) they were English Colonies sent there to plant, being a great part of them Natives with us, of the same blood and stock, with whom we are ingrafted by Time, and made (as it were) one Body, the better to secure their obedience, and hinder any League or Amity with a Foreign Nation. But Scotland hath an in∣tire Vnion with the French, continued for some hundreds of years, that is indissolvable, and therefore incompetent, yet to the freedoms of England. When we have had as much experience of the Friendship of Scotland, as of them, we shall incline to a more in∣timate Vnion. Besides there is an inequality in the Portunes of the two Nations; and by this Commixture, there may ensue ad∣vantage to them, and loss to us.

To the latter part was answered, Beatius est dare quàm acci∣pere: And Edward the First, among other Commendations of War, and Policy, none was more celebrated than his purpose and enterprize, for the Conquest of Scotland; as not bending his Designs to glorious Acquests abroad, but solid strength at home; which, if it had succeded, could not but have brought in those inconveniences, of the Commixture of a more opulent Kingdom with a less; for it is not the yoke either of Laws or Arms, that can alter the nature of the Climate, or the nature of the Soil; neither is it the manner of the Commixture, that can alter the nature of the Commixture; and therefore if it were good for us then, it is good for us now; and not to be prized the less, be∣cause we paid not so dear for it.

They strive further to prove, That the benefit of Naturaliza∣tion is by Law, to as many as have been, or shall be born, since the Kings coming to the Crown; for there is no more than to bring the Ante-nati unto the degree of Post-nati, that Men grown may be in no worse case than Children, and elder Brothers in no worse condition than younger Brothers. That if any ob∣ject the Law is not so, but that the Post-nati are Aliens as the rest, it is contrary to the Reason of Law. The Wisdom of the Common Laws of England is admirable, in distribution of the Benefit, and Perfection of the Law, according to the several conditions of Persons, The Degrees are four, two of Aliens, and two of Subjects: The first Degree is of an Alien born under a King or State, that is an Enemy; if such an one come into the Kingdom without safe conduct, it is at his peril, the Law giveth him no protection, neither of Body, Lands, nor Goods; so as if he be slain, there is no remedy by any appeal, at the Parties sute, though she were an English Woman; though at the Kings sute the Case may be otherwise, in regard of the offence to the Peace, and Crown, The second Degree is of an Alien that is born under Faith and Allegiance of a King, or State, that is a Friend; unto such a Person the Law doth impart a greater benefit and protection concerning things personal, transitory, and move∣able, as Goods and Chattels, Contracts, and the like, but not concerning Free-hold, and Inheritance; and the Reason is, be∣cause he may be an Enemy, though he be not; for the State where he was born, may enter into Hostility; and therefore as the Law hath but a Transitory assurance of him, so it rewards him with Transitory benefits. The third Degree is of a Subject, who having been an Alien, is made free by Charter, and Deni∣zation: To such a one the Law doth impart yet a more ample benefit, for it gives him a power to purchase Free-hold, and In∣heritance to his own use, and likewise inables his Children (born after his Denization) to inherit: But yet he cannot make Title, or convey any Pedigree from any Ancestour Paramount; for the Law thinks not good to make him in the same Degree with a Subject born, because he was once an Alien, and so might have been an Enemy; and Affections cannot be so setled by any bene∣fit, as when from their Nativity they are inbred, and inherent. The fourth Degree, and the perfect Degree, is of such a Person, as neither is Enemy, nor can be Enemy in time to come, nor would have been Enemy at any time past; and therefore the Law gives unto him the full benefit of Naturalization. Now if these be the true steps and paces of the Law, no man can deny, but whosoever is born under the Kings obedience, never could, in aliquo puncto temporis, be an Enemy; and therefore in reason of Law is Naturalized. So though the Scots seem to be in Rea∣son, Naturales ipso jure, yet it is not superfluous to have it done

by Parliament; for it will shew the World our love to them, and good agreement with them.

Then they shewed by authority of History, and Experience, the Inconveniencies that may grow, if this Vnion of Naturali∣zation doth not close, and bind up the Veins, so as to make it one perfect Body; For else it may be apt to open, and break out again upon all occasions, and relapse to the detriment of both: Ripping up ancient Stories of the Romans and Latines, and the Wars they had, meerly for want of this Vnion, and never were at quiet till they injoyed it. Then between the Peloponnesians, and the Spartans the like. And from ancient Stories to the Kingdom of Arragon and Castile, united in the Persons of Ferdinando and Isabella, severed and divided from the rest of Spain in Priviledges, and directly in this point of Naturalization, or capacity of Inhe∣ritance. But what came of this? A Rebellion grew among them, which a Royal Army with difficulty suppressed, and (they being made one incorporated Body with the rest of Spain) perpetua∣ted Peace to Posterity.

The like example was betwixt Florence and Pisa. And what∣soever Kingdoms and States have been United, and that Vnion corroborated by the Bonds of Naturalization, you shall never ob∣serve them afterward, upon any occasion to break or sever a∣gain: Whereof divers Provinces in France, by time annexed to that Crown, are further witnesses. So that except they proceed to this Naturalization, these Realms will be in continual danger to divide and break again.

Next they shew the Benefits to be Security and Greatness. Surety, by stopping up the Postern-gates of our Enemies, so that we shall not be so much a temptation to the ambition of Foreign∣ers, when their Approaches and Avenues are taken away: For having so little success when they had these advantages, they will have less comfort when they want them. And Greatness by this Vnion must needs follow: For having so many Iron-han∣ded men in these three Kingdoms, we shall not only pluck Gold from the (once poor) Spaniards Indian-mines, but by our Arms keep in awe the whole Christian World.

These Arguments prest with gilded Oratory by the Solicitor and his partakers, could not prevail, though urged with all the power Wit could invent, or Hope aim at: For being new budded in Court, he was one of those that smoothed his way to a full ripe∣ness; by liqu••rish and pleasing passages, which he at last attained to, being made Lord Chancellor of England. But such sweets, though delightful at present, breed rottenness in the end: for he withered, and came to nothing, as in due time shall be ex∣pressed.

But the King (like a great Sea) being troubled when such cross-winds are boistrous, sent for both Houses of Parliament to White-hall

hall the last of March,* 4.9 1607. to calm them; where betwixt a Sun-shine of fair Words, and a Cloud of Anger, he colours o∣ver some of the Arguments that had been used, and urges others for his best advantage, with a plain natural bluntness fit for Kings. He tells them,* 4.10 the Vnion he desires, is of Laws and Persons, such a Naturalizing as may make one Body of both Kingdoms; that as there is but Vnus Rex, so there may be but Vnus Grex, & Vna Lex. His intention is not, as some idly alledg, to give England the labour and sweat, and Scotland the fruit and sweet, vainly talking of transplanting Trees out of barren ground into bet∣ter, and lean Cattle out of bad pasture into a more fertile soyl. Can any man displant them unless they will? Or is Scotland so strong, to pull them out of their houses? Whereas the waste grounds in Scotland would rather be planted by Swarms of Peo∣ple that cumber the Streets here.

First, He desires that all Hostile Laws should cease, be∣ing the King of England cannot make War with the King of Scotland.

Secondly, That there should be Community of Commerce, he being no Stranger, but descended of their ancient Kings: and how can he be Natural Liege-Lord to both, and they Strangers to one another? And shall they that be under the same Allegi∣ance be no freer, nor have no better Respect than Frenchmen and Spaniards?

Thirdly, They all agree they are no Aliens, and yet will not allow them to be Natural. That he was informed by their own Iudges and Lawyers, at his first access to the Crown, that there was a difference between the Ante and Post-nati of each Kingdom; which caused him to publish a Proclamation, that the Post-nati were Naturalized by his accession; but he confesses, Iudges may err, so may the Lawyer's on their side: Therefore he admonishes them to beware to disgrace, either his Proclamations, or the Iudg∣es, for so they may disgrace both their King and Laws; who have power, when the Parliament is ended, to try them both for Lands and Lives.

And for some of them who with their flattering speeches would have the Ante-nati preferred, alledging their merit in my service, such Discourses have mel in ore, & fel in corde; carrying an outward appearance of love to the Vnion, but a contrary re∣solution in their hearts. For the King would have them know, it lies within the compass of his Prerogative to prefer whom he pleases to any Dignity Civil or Ecclesiastical. But he is so far from prejudicing the English, that he is willing to bind himself to reasonable Restrictions. Besides, it is a special Point of the Kings Prerogative, to make Aliens, Citizens; and in any case wherein the Law is thought not to be clear, Rex est Iudex; for he is Lex loquens, supplying the Law where it wants. But this he

speaks as knowing what belongs to a King, not intending to press it further than may agree with their loves, and stand with the conveniency of both Nations.

The inconveniences supposed to arise from Scotland, are pre∣tended to be,

• 1. An evil affection in the Scots to the Vnion.
• 2. That the Vnion is incompetible.
• 3. That the Gain is small, or none.

If this be so, Why is there talk of an Vnion? For the first, They alledg the averseness of the Scots, from the Preface, and Body of their Act; where they decare, they will remain an ab∣solute and free Monarchy, and not alter the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. And yet in the beginning of this Session of Parliament, the opinion was current, that Scotland was greedy of this Vnion, and pursued it with so much violence, that they cared not for the strictness of the Conditions, so they might attain the substance, and end. And yet they now say, they are backwards, which is a Contradiction; for how can they both beg and deny the same thing, at one and the same time? And by preserving their Fundamental Laws, they mean, those Laws by which Confusion is avoided, and their Kings Succession, and Monarchy maintained. To which he Declares, That he is in de∣scent three hundred years before Christ, not meaning (as they do) their Common Law; for the Scots have no Law but that which is Ius Regis. And for their desire of continuing a free Monarchy, he hopes they mean not he should set Garrisons over them, as the Spaniards do over Sicily and Naples.

And then he tells them, That he governs Scotland with his Pen; he writes, and doth more by a Clerk of the Council, than others could do by the Sword. And though he knows there are many seditious Persons in that Kingdom, that may talk lewdly enough, yet none of them ever spake dishonourably of England, as they have done of Scotland: For if any man speaks any thing uncomely there, the Chancellor by his Authority inter∣rupts him; but here they have freedom to speak what they list, and as long as they list, without contradiction. Then the King shews what the Laws of Scotland are.

1. Those which concern Tenures, Wards, Liveries, Signiories, and Lands, are drawn out of the Chancery of England, brought by Iames the First (who was bred up here) and differ only in terms.

The second are Statute Laws, to which he hopes they will be no Strangers.

The third is the Civil Law, brought out of France by Iames the Fifth; and serve only to supply in such Cases, where the Municipal Laws are defective: So that he hopes it is no hard matter to unite the People together, who are in effect already

subject to the same Law. And whereas it is Objected, that the King of Scotland hath not a Negative Voice in Parliament, but must pass the Laws agreed on by the Lords and Commons: He assures them, that the form of Parliament there, is nothing in∣clined to Popularity: For about twenty days before the Par∣liament begins, Proclamation is made throughout the Kingdom, that all Bills to be exhibited that Session, be delivered to the Master of the Rolls by a certain day: Then they are brought to the King, perused, and considered by him; and only such as he allows, are put into the Chancellors hand, to be pro∣pounded that Parliament, and no other. And if any man speak of any other Matter than is in this Form first allowed by him, the Chancellor tells him, that there is no such Bill allowed by the King: And when they are past for Laws, he ratifies and confirms them, first racing out what he doth not approve of. And if this be to be called a Negative Voice in Parliament, then he hath one.

[ 2] For the Vnion betwixt the French and the Scots, which makes this Vnion so incompetible; he assures them, it was a League only made between the Kings, not the People. For Scotland be∣ing solicited by England and France at one Time, for a League Offensive and Defensive, against each others Enemies. There was a great Disputation maintained in favour of England, that they being our Neighbours joyned in one Continent, a strong and Powerful Nation, it would be more Security to the State of Scot∣land to joyn in Amity with England, than with France, divided by the Sea, where they must abide the hazard of wind and wea∣ther, and other Accidents that might hinder relief.

But on the contrary, it was alledged in the favour of France, That England ever sought to conquer Scotland, and therefore there would never be kept any sound Amity: Whereas France, lying more remote, claimed no interest, and therefore would be found a more constant and faithful Friend; so it was concluded on their Part. But by the Tenour it was ordered to be renewed, and confirmed from King to King successively, by the mediation of their Ambassadors, and therefore merely personal. And so it was renewed in the Queen his Mothers time, but not by assent in Parliament; which it could not have wanted, if it had been a League of the People: And in the Kings Time, when it came to be ratified, because it appeared to be in Odium Tertii, it was by him left un-renewed, in consideration of his Title to the Crown.

[ 3] For the Profit and Commodity that shall arise to England by this Vnion; Who is so ignorant that doth not know the gain will be great? Do they not gain by the Vnion of Wales? And is not Scotland greater than Wales? Shall not Lands, Seas, and Person be added to their Greatness? Two Snow-balls put to∣gether

[illustration]

[illustration]

MARIA IACOBI SCOTORVM REGIS FILIA SCOTORVMQVE NVNC REGINA

[illustration]

[illustration]

HONORATISS: D^N{us} THOMAS EGERTONUS BARO DE ELLESMER ANGLIAE CANCELLAri{us}.

grow greater; two Houses joyned make one the larger; and two Castle-walls made into one, makes one as thick and strong as both. And he professes, he seeks this Vnion only to advance the greatness of their Empire here in England, yet with such caution as may stand with the weal of both States. What is now desired, hath oft been sought, and not obtained, to re∣fuse it then now were double iniquity, And for their security in such reasonable points of Restriction, which he shall agree to, they need not doubt his inclination: For he will never say any thing he will not promise, nor promise any thing which he will not swear, nor swear any thing which he will not per∣form.

This urged with asseveration might have wrought much with the Parliament,* 4.11 but that they apprehended a great incon∣venience in such an Vnion, where the Laws and Government are of different natures. All were not Romans that were born subjects to the Roman Empire, though St. Paul was born one, the Centurion was a purchaser. For notwithstanding all the former Arguments by the King, and his Ministers, the Parliament knew that it is true, That if Scotland had been Conquered, the only way to tie them to obedience, were to let them taste the sweets of English Liberties. But to let them sit Triumphing upon their own priviledges, and roam about among the English Freedoms, were to make them straggle too much. The Scots would not lessen, nor in the least derogate from the dignity of their long continued Monarchy, and the English thought they had no rea∣son to come to them to derogate from themselves. The Parlia∣ment only feared the Kings Power would have such an influence upon the Iudges of the Kingdom; that the Scots would be natu∣ralized too soon, they were resolved not to be accessary to it: which indeed some two years after was confirmed in Calvins case of post-nati, reported by the Lord Chief Justice Cook, who was fit metal for any stamp Royal, and adjudged by him, the Lord Chancellor Ellesmere, and most of the Judges of the King∣dom in the Exchequer-Chamber, though many strong and valid Arguments were brought against it (such Power is in the breath of Kings!) and such soft stuff are Judges made of, that they can vary their Precedents, and model them into as many shapes as they please. And thus this Case stood like a Statue cloathed by the Lord Chief Justice in the vulgar Language (when the rest of his Reports spoke an unknown Tongue) that the Kingdom might take more particular notice, that the Scots were as free in England as themselves, yet it fell not out to their wishes. But all that could be gotten from the Parliament, was, That the Laws of hostility that were anciently made betwixt England and Scotland were repealed, that the old grudges which caused the Dis-union (the War in the members) might be taken away. And

in the said Act they provided,* 4.12 That if a natural born subject of England did commit any misdemeanour in Scotland, and sly into England, he should be tried where he was taken, and not carri∣ed into Scotland to receive his judgment there; Till such time (which are the very words of the Act) as both Kingdoms shall be made one in Laws and Government, which is the thing so much de∣sired, as that wherein the full perfection of the blessed Vnion (already begun in the Kings Royal person) consisteth. And further they went not: For they found and feared the old enmity would yet a while continue; for since the Kings coming into England, the loose and uncomposed Borderers, that lived upon rapine and spoil (seeking new benefits from new changes) had broke out and com∣mitted many insolencies, who though they were suppressed by the Forces of Barwick and Carlile, and many of them suffered in it, yet custom and habit had bred in them a natural Ferity, which could only be restrained by giving freedom to the Laws, that within a short time gave bound to that barbarous animosity. The Laws made in Scotland to the prejudice of the English were like∣wise repealed there, so that all passages were made smooth on both sides. This Session also produced divers good Laws for the benefit of the Common-wealth.

But this Session brought in no money, that is as the blood of the Subject, which He (as a wise Physician) would not strain from them the ordinary way, lest the sense of it should bring the more fears and faintings with it, but by laying on little Burthens at first, he not only inured them to bear greater, but made them sweat out some of that humor insensibly, though they felt it af∣terward, when they found the weight laid upon their shoulders, only (as they conceived) to daub other mens with bravery. For the Kings Bounty was seen by the vulgar eye to overflow in many little Rivulets, who knew the golden streams that out-faced the Sun came not from the Norths cold climate, but were drained out of the fountains of their labor. They could not endure to see their fellow Subjects grow fat, by what should be their nourish∣ment. Collecting that the King had received three hundred and fifty thousand pounds subsidies, due to the late Queen, besides what the Parliament had given him. And fearing that Proclama∣tions (who were indeed very active Ministers) would now be∣come Laws, ushering in the Kings will with large strides upon the peoples Liberties, who lay down while they stept over them. The ingenious sort, sensible of this incroaching Monarchy, brake out into private murmur, which by degrees (being of a light nature) carried a Cloud with it, by which the wise Pilots of the State, foreseeing a Storm gathering, strive to dissipate it the next Ses∣sion of Parliament, which was held the nineteenth of February, in the seventh year of our Kings Reign.

[illustration]

Thomas Sackville Earl of Dorset

Not long after this,* 4.13 the Earl of Dorset, Lord High Treasurer, died suddenly, as he sate at the Council Table; which gave oc∣casion to some persons disaffected to him (as what eminent Of∣ficer that hath the managing of Moneys can please all?) to speak many things to his Dishonour.* 4.14 But they considered not, that besides the Black worm and the White (day and night, as the Riddle is) that are gnawing constantly at the root of this tree of Life, there are many insensible Diseases, as Apoplexies, whose Vapors suddenly extinguish the Animal Spirits; and Apostems both in the upper, and middle Region of Man, that often drown and suffocate both Animal and Vital; who are like imbodyed Twins, the one cannot live without the other; if the Animal Spirits fail, the Vital cannot subsist, if the Vitals perish, the Animal give over their operations. And He that judges ill of such an Act of Providence, may have the same hand, at the same time, writing within the Palace walls of his own Body, the same Period to his Lives earthly Empire.

The Earl of Salisbury succeeded him,* 4.15 a man nourished with the milk of Policy, under his father the Lord Burley (famous for Wisdom in his Generation) a Courtier from his infancy, Batteld by Art, and Industry, under the late Queen, mother of her Coun∣try. Though Nature was not propitious to his Outside (being Crooked backt) She supplied that want with admirable indow∣ments within. This man the King found Secretary, and Master of the Wards; and to these he added the Treasurers staff, know∣ing him to be the staff of his Treasury: For he had knowledg e∣nough to pry into other Mens Offices aswell as his own, and knew the ways of disbursing the Kings moneys. The Earl of North∣hampton, he made Lord Privy Seal; and these were the two prime wheels of his triumphant Chariot. The Earl of Suffolk was made Lord Chamberlain before, but he came far behind in the management of the Kings affairs, being a Spirit of a more Grosser Temper, fitter to part a fray, and Compose the differences of a disordered Court, than a Kingdom. Upon the Shoulders of the two first the King laid the Burthen of his business: For though he had many Lords his Creatures, some by Creation, and some by insinuation (for Kings will never want supple-hand Courtiers) and the Bishops, being his Dependents, the most of them tending by direct Lines towards him, as the Center of their advance∣ment; so that He (like the Supreme Power) moved this upper Region, for the most part, and that had an influence upon the lower, in inferior Orbs; yet these two noble Men were the two great Lights that were to discover the Kings mind to the Parlia∣ment, and by whose Heat, and Vigor, the blessed fruits of Peace, and Plenty,* 4.16 should be produced.

The Lord Treasurer (by a Command from the King) instructs both Houses in their business, and what they shall do well to in∣sist

upon this Session. First, To supply his Majesties wants. Se∣condly, To ease the people of their Grievances. They go com∣monly yoakt together; for the peoples Grievances are the Kings Wants, and the Kings Wants are the peoples Grievan∣ces, How can they be separated? If the King will always want, the people will always suffer: For Kings when they do want, lay commonly lawless impositions on the people, which they must take off again with a sum of money, and then they want again to a continued vicissitude.

These two Propositions are sweetned by him with a third: Which is to make the Parliament witnesses of those great favours, and honours, that his Majesty intended his Royal Son, Prince Henry, in creating him Prince of Wales: Which though the King might do without a Parliament, and that divers Kings his Predecessors had done so, (as by many precedents was manifested) yet being desirous to have a happy Vnion betwixt him and his People, he would have nothing resound ill in their ears, from so eminent an instrument to the Kingdoms good as his Son. Then they excuse the Kings necessities, proceeding from his great disbursements. For the three hundred and fifty thou∣sand pounds Subsidies, due in the late Queens time, he received with one hand, and paid her Debts with another, redeeming the Crown Lands which she had morgaged to the City. He kept an Army of nineteen thousand men in Ireland, for some time a foot; wherein a great many of the Nobility were Comman∣ders, and other deserving Soldiers, that would have been ex∣posed to want and penury, if not supplied: And it was not safe for the King to trust the inveterate malice of a new recon∣ciled Enemy, without the Sword in his hand. The late Queens Funeral Charges were reckon'd up, which they hoped the Parliament would not repine at: Nor was it fit the King should come in as a private Person, bringing in one Crown on his head, and finding another here; or his Royal Consort, with our future Hopes (like so many precious Ienels) exposed to Robbers, with∣out a Guard and Retinue? How fit was the Magnificence at the King of Denmarks being here? And how just that Ambassadors from Foreign Princes (more than ever this Crown received) should find those Entertainments and Gratuities, the want whereof would put a dim lustre abroad upon the most sparkling Jewels of the Crown; Besides the necessary Charge of sending Ambassadors to others, being concurrent and mutual Civilities a∣mong Princes.

That these are the causes of the Kings wants, and not his ir∣regular Bounty, though a magnificent mind is inseparable from the Majesty of a King. If he did not give, his subjects and ser∣vants would live in a miserable Climate; And for his Bounty to those that were not born among us, it must be remembred, he

was born among them; and not to have them taste of the bles∣sing he hath attained, were to have him change his Vertue with his Fortune. Therefore they desire the Kings wants may be supplied; a thing easie to be granted, and not to be valued by Wise-men, nor spoken of without contempt. Philosophy saith, that all Riches are but food and rayment, the rest is nugatorium quiddam: And that it is but purior pars terrae, and therefore but crassior pars aquae, a thing unworthy the denial to such a King who is not only the wisest of Kings, but the very Image of an Angel, that hath brought good tidings, and setled us in the fru∣ition of all good things. He whose depth of Knowledge as well as Conscience, deserves the Title of Fidei defensor; whose nu∣merous Issue makes Foreign Princes study to keep their own, not look abroad. He that hath shut the back-door of the King∣dom, and placed two Lions, a red and a yellow to secure it, who would have us live under our own Olive, that we may laetari & benefacere. That none will wonder at the Want, or startle at the supply, but such as study to serve their own turns, and believe nothing but what they find written in the stories of their own ignorance. Among which those are to be reckon'd, who (hear∣ing of an Order to bind up the printed Proclamations in a book, that the better notice may be taken of the things contained in them) have raised a bruit, that it was intended this Parliament to make Proclamations equal to the Laws, which never entred into the Kings heart; who is so far from governing by will and power, that he will yield to any motion from them, where∣in they shall hold a just Diameter, and proportion among them∣selves, and observe those Duties due to a great and gracious King.

Thus these Lords did please themselves and the King, by striving to keep the people in the milky way of Obedience, which they had long suckt in, and found the sweet of it tend∣ing to nourishment, not yet meeting any Callous, or Brawny-constitution (which must harden them by degrees) nor yet finding their own Tempers grown Robust enough, by so harsh a diet as afterwards they met with. They therefore are willing to go on in the way pointed out to them, as Pupils follow their Masters, minding rather the smoothness of the Tract they saw, than the roughness of the end. Yet some of them, whose hopes were not so high mounted, and their spirits more; spoke plainly, That the whole wealth of England would not serve the Kings vast Bounty; therefore it was a vain thing to give him, that would give it away again: That Gold and Silver in Eden∣burgh now in our Solomons time are like the stones in the streets, never so much glittering there, like a perpetual spring-time. Besides they look upon the Kings incroachments upon the pub∣lick liberty, by undermining the Laws, taking notice of some

expressions that fell from him publickly at his dinner, in de∣rogation of the Common Law, extolling highly the Civil Law before it; and approving a Book lately written by Doctor Cow∣ell, a Civilian, against it: Which netled our great Lawyers, that had not some of them been raised so high, that they could not with that Court-gag look downwards, it had bred a contest.

* 4.17The High-Commission also began now to swell into a Grie∣vance, which the Parliament complained of. Seldom is Authori∣ty and Power exercised with Moderation: Every man must con∣form to the Episcopal way, and quit his hold in Opinion, or safety. That Court was the Touch stone to try whether men were metal for their stamp; and if they were not soft enough to take such impressions as were put upon them, they were made malleable there, or else they could not pass current. This was the be∣ginning of that mischief, which when it came to a full ripeness, made such a bloody Tincture in both Kingdoms, as never will be got out of the Bishops Lawn sleeves. And though these Ap∣ples of strife thrown in the way did a little retard the course in hand, yet they carried not the prize: For the King according to his old wont (like a cunning Hunter) when they began to run counter, called them off, and at White-hall by one of his Le∣ctures he strives to bring them into the way again; By laying himself open as in a Glass, wherein, if they could not see his heart, they might scent out his meaning, and so follow the chace which was to be pursued.

* 4.18He tells them, though the Kings heart be in the hands of the Lord, yet he will set it before the eyes of the people: Assuring them that he never meant to govern by any Law, but the Law of the Land; though it be disputed among them, as if he had an intention to alter the Law, and govern by the absolute Power of a King. He knew, said he, the Power of Kings, re∣sembling it to the Power Divine: For as God can create and de∣stroy, make and unmake at his pleasure, so Kings can give life and death, judg all, and be judged of none. They can exalt low things, and abase high things, making the subjects like men at Chess, a pawn to take a Bishop or a Knight. (But he left out the power of a Pawn to take a Queen, or check a King). And when he had raised the Kings power to the height, with Vos dii estis, he brings them down again, with, They shall die like men: And that all Kings who are not Tyrants or perjur'd, will bound themselves within the limits of their Laws, and they that per∣swade them the contrary, are Vipers and Pests both against them and the Common-wealth. Yet as it is Blasphemy to dispute what God may do, so it is Sedition in Subjects to dispute what a King may do in the height of his power. And as he will not have his subjects discourse of what he may do, so he will do no∣thing

but what shall be consonant to Law and Reason. Then he strives to mitigate the sharpness of the words dropt from him at his Table to the disparagement of the Common Law, and as∣sures them, though he likes the Civil Law very well, as being Lex Gentium, which maintains intercourse with foreign Nations, and sitted to the Ecclesiastical Courts, Court of Admiralty, and Courts of Request, yet he is so far from disavowing the Common Law, that he protests, if he were to chuse a new Law for this Kingdom, he would prefer it before any other National Law, yea, the Law of Moses, nay, without blasphemy, the very Law of God. Then he recalls himself, and tells them, That though for this Nation he had preferred the Common Law to the Law of God, yet it is inferiour to the Iudicial Law: For no Book, or Law is free from corruption, but the Book and Law of God.

And therefore he could wish that three things specially were purged out of Common Law.

First, That it were written in the vulgar Tongue, and made plain to the peoples understanding, that they might know what to obey, that the Lawyers in the Law, like the Romish Priests in the Gospel, might not keep the people in ignorance.

Secondly, That the Common Law might have a setled Text in all Cases, for being grounded upon old Customs, Reports, and Cases of former Iudges, called Responsa prudentum, which are not binding (for divers times Iudges disclaim them, and recede from the Iudgment of their Predecessors) it were good upon ma∣ture deliberation, that the Exposition of the Law were set down by Act of Parliament, that the people might know what to depend upon.

Thirdly, There is in the Common Laws divers contrary Re∣ports and Precedents, and divers Statutes and Acts of Parliament, that do cross one another, being so penned, that they may be taken in divers senses, therefore he could wish, they might be reviewed, and reconciled. And whereas he is thought an Ene∣my to Prohibitions, he saith he is not ignorant of the necessity of them, if every stream might run in its own chanel, but the over∣flowing, and super-abundance of them, in every Court, stri∣ving to bring most grist to their own Mill, was a distemper fit to be cured, therefore he did not disallow the Use but the Abuse.

Then he closes with the House of Commons, and not only thanks them for the Bonefire they made of certain Papers which were presented Grievances from some discontented murmuring spirits, but he instructs them how to receive Grievances here∣after: In which he would have them careful to avoid three things.

The first, That they meddle not with the main points of Go∣vernment,

that is his craft, Tractent fabrilia fabri. To meddle with that were to lessen him, who hath been thirty years at the Trade in Scotland, and served an Apprentiship of seven years here, therefore here needs no Phormios to teach Hanni∣bal.

Secondly, He would not have such ancient Rights as he hath received from his Predecessors accounted Grievances, that were to judg him unworthy to injoy what they left him.

And lastly, That they should be careful not to present that for a Grievance, which is established by a Law; for it is very un∣dutiful in Subjects to press their King wherein they are sure to be denyed. Complaints may be made unto them of the High-Commissioners, let the abuse appear then, and spare not, there may be errors among them, but to take away the Commission is to derogate from him, and it is now in his thoughts to rectifie it in a good proportion.

Then he shews the emergent cause of his great expences, since his coming to the Crown, which makes him desire a supply from them, confirming what the Lords formerly delivered; wherein he said, when they opened his necessities unto them, his purse only labour'd, now his desires are taken notice of both at home and abroad, his Reputation labours as well as his Purse; for the World will think it want of love in them, or merit in him, that both lessen'd their hearts, and tied up their hands to∣wards him.

Thus the King expressed himself to the Parliament, desiring their assistance, assuring them he had no intention to alter the Government, though he wished the Laws might be rectified. But his King-craft (as he calls it) failed in striking at the Common Law, and he was convinced in it, how dangerous it was to give too much knowledg to the people; the two great Hammers of the State, the Church-man and Lawyer, that work the people to obedience, upon the two Anvils of Conscience and Policy, beat him to the understanding of it, so that ever after he joyned with them, and that three-fold Cord was not easily dissolved. But the times not being ripe yet to produce any thing but the fruits of obedience, they after this Lesson setled themselves to make divers good Laws, which they purchased at the rate of a Subsidie and a Fifteen.

* 4.19About this time, the Suburbs betwixt London and Westminster, had many ruinous Piles of Building, which Age had worn out, and Industry, and Riches (the two great supporters of this mo∣mentary Eternity) did strive to renew. Among the rest the Lord Treasurer erected out of the rubbish of the old stables of Durham-house, a goodly Fabrick, to be Rival to the Old Exchange, which the King by his presence dignified with the name of Bri∣tains Burse. But he took notice of the swelling Buildings upon

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DURHAM HOUSE SALISBURY HOUSE WORCESTER HOUSE.

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ILLUSTRISS. PRINC. IOHAN. GUILIELMUS DUX IULIAE, CLIVIAE & BERG. COMES MARCH. RAVENSBERG. & MEURS. DOMINUS IN RAVESTEYN.

IN DEO REFUGIUM MEUM.

Natus a^o 1562, 28 Maÿ, obÿt a^o 1609, 25 Martÿ, aetatis suae ann^o 46. mens. 9. die 25.

new foundations, which he looked upon as a Rickety constitu∣tion in the Head of the Kingdom, being Inviters of a Flux of humours, and diseases, to be near the Court; besides, he feared the Plague would come too near Whitehall, if that Distemper increased. And therefore he carefully, with mature delibera∣tion of his Council, forbids all New Buildings to be set up for the future, within two miles of the City; and by Proclamation strictly commands if any be, they shall be pulled down, though not taken notice of till seven years after. Whereby many men that did not so well heed the Proclamation) laid out their whole estates upon little Hovels, and building fair houses upon new foundations (though it were but two yards from the old) they became Trespassers, and must either purchase their houses again at a dear rate, or pull them down, both ways tending to their ruin; thus falling under the stroke of the times rough hand, without a providential care of the danger that would follow: For what was so strictly forbidden then, was permit∣ted after; and those reasons that caused the restraint then (the increase of the Plague) were found upon better experience to be a remedy; for there was more room, and better air to pre∣vent it, among thin and single families, than full-crouded hou∣ses. And this severity had a second consideration, which was, to prevent the greatness of the Body of the Kingdom from swel∣ling to be all Head, when the Head it self wanted so much in∣crease of Building, as to plump, and make those thin parts ap∣pear more round and beautiful, which was then a disgrace, but is now an Ornament to both Cities. So that what the wisdom of one time doth decry, the experience of another may advance: Such is the Worlds career! And they are only miserable, whose imprudence, or ill luck, puts them in the way to be over-run by it.

This year 1609.* 4.20 begot a Truce betwixt the King of Spain, and the Low Countries; yet by the death of the Duke of Cleve, the War was like to revive again: For while two petty Princes, Brandenburgh and Newburgh, strove for the inheritance, Spain, like the Vulture in the Fable, attempted to catch it from both, seizing upon Iuliers, one of the chief Strengths of the Country; which the States of the Netherlands, by the help of our King, and Henry the Fourth of France, besieged, and recovered a∣gain. Sir Edward Cecil, Brother to the Earl of Salisburg, com∣manded four thousand English at that Siege, whose Conduct gave Life to his Soldiers Valour, and that advanced the Glory of his Conduct. But where such fiery Spirits are congregated into a Body, there will be often violent and thundring eruptions. Sir Hatton Cheek was next Commander to Sir Edward Cecil, a Man of a gallant and daring courage in the difficultest enter∣prises; who speaking to Sir Thomas Dutton (one of the Cap∣tains

under his Command) somewhat hastily,* 4.21 Dutton disdain∣ing to be snapt up (being a man of a crabbed temper returned as hot an answer, which broke into a flame: But Dutton quen∣ched it, by telling Sir Hatton Cheek, He knew he was his Officer, which tied him in the Army to a strict Obedience, but he would break that Bond, and vindicate himself in another place: And instantly quit∣ting his Command, he went for England.

* 4.22 Some small time after the taking of Iuliers, Cheek fell sick; and his distemper was the greater, because he had heard Dutton strove to defame him, both in Court and City: for being full with passion, he vented it with freedom enough in every place. Cheek being recovered, and heart-whole, would not give time to his decayed limbs to suck in their old vigor, but sends to Dutton that threatned him, to give an account of the large ex∣pence of his tongue against him; Dutton, that waited for such a reckoning, willingly accepted the Summons: Cheek took Pigot, one of his Captains, to be his Second; Dutton took Captain Gosnald, both Men of well-spread fame; and they four met on Calais Sands: On which dreadful Stage, at first meet∣ing, Dutton began to expostulate his injuries, as if a Tongue-Combate might decide the Controversie; but Cheek would dis∣pute it otherwise. Then their Seconds searching, and stripping them to their Shirts in a cold morning, they ran with that su∣ry on each others Sword, as if they did not mean to kill each other, but strive who should first die. Their Weapons were Ra∣pier and Dagger, a fit Banquet for Death. At the first course, Cheek ran Dutton into the neck with his Rapier, and stab'd him in the neck backward with his Dagger, miraculously missing his wind∣pipe; And at the same instant, like one motion, Dutton ran Cheek through the Body, and stab'd him into the back with his left hand, locking themselves together thus with four bloody keys, which the Seconds fairly opened, and would sain have closed up the bleeding difference: but Cheeks wounds were deadly, which he finding, grew the violenter against his Enemy; and Dutton seeing him begin to stagger, went back from his fury, only defending himself, till the others rage weakned with loss of blood, without any more hurt, fell at his feet. Dutton, with much difficulty recovered his dangerous wounds, but Cheek by his Servants had a sad Funeral, which is the bitter fruit of fiery passions.

* 4.23 The next year was fatal to Henry the Great of France, who (in the height of his Glory, when he had impt his Wings with a Mighty Army, and a Mass of Treasure, and none knew which way his towring spirit would fly) was stopt by a horrid hand, that with a poysoned knife cut out his passage to another World: Such poor and penetrable things are Kings, as well as other Men! And when in this Worlds Sea they have toyled their spirits, in a

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HENRY IIII ROY DE FRANCE ET DE NAVARRE.

continued Tempest of fond Hopes, and built upon the Sand their vast desires, either old Age doth wash them quite away, or else some sudden storm makes them cast Anchor upon the shores of death, and there's an end. But one Act of Providence is very re∣markable towards him, as a Fore-runner of this ensuing mis∣chief. When he came first to the Crown (which he (as it were) snatched out of the fire, the whole Kingdom being in a flame) he was a professed Protestant, so born, and so bred up: but finding himself in a tottering condition among his Popish Sub∣jects, for his better security, he did something comply with them in Ecclesiastical affairs, which gave great scandal to the Reformed, yet did not much advance him in the good opinion of their Opposites. For the Iesuits unconfident of him (inclining more to the hot zeal of Spain) one of their Instruments stab'd him into the mouth with a knife, without much hurt. Which done, an intimate of his, that came to visit him, told him plain∣ly, that the Hand of God was much seen in this Action; for he had now denied the Truths of God, and the Religion he suckt in with his milk, but from the teeth outward, and therefore this punishment came to him as a warning: But let him take heed of denying it with his heart, for if he did, (it is to be feared) God would strike him there also: Both which were too much manifested. So suitable often are Gods Iudgments to our Sins!

The venom of this blow reached presently into England: and came somewhat near our Kings Heart; therefore he took the best way to prevent his Fears, by striving to prevent his Dan∣gers, having no other end but his own. For when he considered the horridness of the Powder Plot, and by it the irreconcileable malice of that Party, he thought it the safest policy, not to stir those Ashes, where so much Fire was covered; which gave way to a flux of that Iesuitical humour to infest the Body of the Kingdom.

But now being startled with this poysoned knife,* 4.24 he ventures upon a Proclamation, strictly commanding all Iesuits and Priests out of the Kingdom, and all Recusants to their own Houses, not to come within ten miles of the Court; and secures all the rest of his Subjects to him, by an universal taking of the Oath of Allegiance; which the Parliament, both Lords and Commons, (then sitting) began, and the rest of the People followed, to the Kings great contentment.

For the last Session the Parliament was prorogued till the six∣teenth of October this year; and meeting now, they were wil∣ling to secure their Allegiance to the King out of Piety; yet they were so stout (even in those youthful days, which he term'd Obstinacy) that they would not obey him in his incroachments upon the Publick Liberty, which he began then to practise. For

being now season'd with seven years knowledg in his professi∣on here, he thought he might set up for himself, and not be still journy-man to the lavish tongue of men, that pryed too narrowly into the secrets of his Prerogative, which are mysteries too high for them, being Arcana imperii, fitter to be admired than questioned: But the Parliament were apprehensive e∣nough, that those hidden mysteries made many dark steps into the Peoples Liberties, and they were willing by the light of Law and Reason, to discover what was the Kings, what theirs; Which the King unwilling to have searched into (after five Sessions in six years time) dissolved the Parliament by Procla∣mation.

* 4.25 Prince Henry, the prime branch of this Royal Cedar, now growing Manly (being the sixteenth year of his Age) put forth himself in a more Heroick manner than was usual with Princes of his Time, by Tiltings, Barriers, and other exercises on horseback, the Martial Discipline of gentle Peace, which caught the peo∣ples eyes, and made their tongues the Messengers of their hearts, in daily extolling his hopeful and gallant towardliness to ad∣miration. And now the King thought him full of ripeness for the Honour of Knighthood (which admitted of a willing con∣tribution from the people, and such old Customs as bring in mo∣ney are never out of date) and (to add the more splendor to his sparkling youth) created him Prince of Wales, (as he for∣merly intimated to the Parliament) with all the pomp and solem∣nity that a great King could express to a hopeful Son, his first born; or the merit of a Prince (that floated in the peoples af∣fections) could possibly attain to. For as yet the King could discover nothing in him but that harmless and wanton inno∣cency that commonly accompanies youth, being of a light nature, and soon blown away. But how far the Kings fears (like thick clouds) might afterwards blind the eye of his Rea∣son, when he saw him (as he thought) too high mounted in the peoples love, and of an alluring spirit, to decline his pater∣nal affection to him, and bring him to the low condition he fell in, may be the subject of my fears, not of my pen. With this Ingrandizing Title the King added a great Revenue, establish∣ing also a full and splendent Retinue and Family to attend his person at St. Iames, now appointed to be the Princes Court, where this new Star placed in the third House, might be feared to culminate, and become Lord of the Ascendant: His Palace being as gloriously attended with young and sprightly Blossoms, as the Kings was with older, and more sage Plants. And now the King deliberates for a Wife for him, and sends to Sir Charles Cornwallis, his Lieger Ambassador in Spain, to treat with that King for his eldest Daughter. But after some traverses, it was found there was more time lost than ground gotten: For Prin∣ces

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HENRICUS Princeps Walliae etc^a.

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Reverendissimus in Christo Pater D.D. RICHARDUS BANCROFT Archiepiscopus Cantuariensis.

in Treaties lie at the snap, and the most backward often gets the better of it. But the King being not so hot then for this, as he was after for the other Son, with another Sister (the eldest being matched into France) made a quicker, and a more honou∣rable Retreat.

About this time Richard Bancroft,* 4.26 Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, died; a person severe enough, whose roughness gained little up∣on those that deserted the Ceremonies. One work of his shewed his spirit better than the ruggedest Pen can depaint it: For it was he that first brought the King to begin a new Colledg by Chelsey, wherein the choice and abiest Scholars of the Kingdom, and the most pregnant Wits in matters of Controversies, were to be associated under a Provost, with a fair and ample allowance, not exceeding three thousand pounds a year, whose design was to answer all Popish Books, or others, that vented their malignant spirits against the Protestant Religion, either the Heresies of the Pa∣pists, or the Errors of those that strook at Hierarchy, so that they should be two-edged Fellows, that would make old cutting and flashing; and this he forwarded with all industry during his time;* 4.27 and there is yet a formal Act of Parliament in being for the establishment of it. But after his death the King wisely considered, that nothing begets more contention than opposi∣tion, and such Fuellers would be apt to inslame, rather than quench the heat that would arise from those embors: For Controversies are often (or for the most part) the exuberancies of Passion; and the Philosopher saith, men are drunk with disputes, and in that inordinateness take the next thing that comes to hand to throw at one anothers faces; so that the design fell to the ground with him; and there is only so much Building standing by the Thames-side, as to shew, that what he intended to Plant, he meant should be well Watered, and yet it withered in the bud. I can lay nothing to the charge of this great man, but from common fame; yet this I may truly say, That for his Predecessor Whitgift, and his Successor Abbot, I never heard nor read any thing tending to their disparagement: But on him, some unhappy Wit vented this Pasquin,

Here lies his Grace in cold Earth slad, Who died with want of what he had.

The Queen was Mistress of Somerset-house (as well as the Prince was Master of St. Iames) and she would fain have given it the name of Denmark-house, which name continued her time, among her people, but it was afterwards left out of the common Calender, like the dead Emperors new named Month. She was not without some Grandees to attend her for outward glory:* 4.28 The Court being a continued Maskarado, where she and

her Ladies,* 4.29 like so many Sea-Nymphs, or Nereides, appeared often in various dresses to the ravishment of the beholders. The King himself being not a little delighted with such fluent Ele∣gancies, as made the nights more glorious than the days. But the latitude that these high-flying fancies, and more speaking Actions, gave to the lower World to judg and censure, even the greatest with reproaches, shall not provoke me so much as to stain the innocent Paper. I shall only say in general, That Princes, by how much they are greater than others, are looked upon with a more severe eye; if their Vertues be not suitable to their Greatness, they lose much of their value: For it is too great an allay to such resinedness to fall under the common cogni∣zance.

* 4.30 As she had her Favourites in one place, the King had his in an∣other. She loved the elder Brother, the Earl of Pembroke; he the younger, whom he made Earl of Mountgomery, and Knight of the Garter: But either not finding him suitable to his hu∣mour, or affections, or seeing another object more delightful, his fancy ran with a violent stream upon a young Gentleman, who had neither Parts nor Birth to entertain such a current.* 4.31 His name was Robert Car, born about Edenburgh in Scotland, descen∣ded from Gentry of that name, a young man about twenty years of Age, a comely personage, mixt with a handsom and Courtly garb, which he had been practising in France, and late∣ly came over; Sir Iames Hayes, some say the Lord Dingwell, at a Tilting (among the rest of the Pages and Gentlemen that in their richest ornaments attended him for that days Triumph) made choice of Mr. Car (according to the custom) to present his Shield, and Device to the King; and as he was descending. the Horse full of fire and heat, prevented him, threw him down before the King, and broke his leg. This accident gave the King occasion to take notice of him, and hearing that his name was Car, remembred he had a Page of that name when he came first into England, which this proved to be: For the Pages the King brought first with him, according to the French way to wait upon his Coach, were discharged, and Footmen accor∣ding to the English way supplied those places. The King mu∣stering up his thoughts fixt them upon this object of pity, gi∣ving special order to have him lodged in the Court, and to have his own Physicians and Chyrurgions use their best endeavours for his recovery. The King visited him often during his necessi∣tated restraint, sometimes an hour or more discoursing with him, to sound him, and know what he was; and though he found no great depth of Literature or Experience, yet such a smooth and calm outside, made him think there might be good Anchorage, and a fit Harbor for his most retired thoughts. As soon as he recovered (which the King with some impatience at∣tended)

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Philip Earle of Pemb: & Mong: Lord Chamberlaine to y^e King. etc.

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he made him Knight, and Gentleman of his Bed-Cham∣ber, took the pains himself to teach him the Latin Tongue, and laid a Foundation, by his daily discourses with him, to improve him unto a capability of his more indeared affections.

Now all addresses are made to Sir Robert Car, he is the Fa∣vourit in Ordinary; no sute, nor no reward, but comes by him; his hand distributes, and his hand restrains; our Supreme Power works by second Causes; the Lords themselves can scarce have a smile without him. And to give the greater lustre to his power, about this time the Earl of Dunbar, the Kings old trusty Servant (the Cabinet of his secret Counsels) died; so that he solely now took the most intimate of them into his charge, and the Officer of Lord high Treasurer of Scotland, which staff the other left behind him; and though it could be no great Suppor∣ter, yet the credit of it carried some reputation in his own Coun∣try, where it was his happiness to be magnified, as well as in England; for he had Treasure enough here, where the Fountain was. And to ingrandize all, the King created him Baron of Brandspech, and Viscount Rochester, and soon after Knight of the Garter.* 4.32 Thus was he drawn up by the Beams of Majesty, to shine in the highest Glory, grapling often with the Prince himself in his own Sphear, in divers Conteslations. For the Prince being a high born Spirit, and meeting a young Competitor in his Fathers Affections, that was a Mushrom of yesterday, thought the venom would grow too near him, and therefore he gave no countenance, but opposition to it; which was aggravated by some little scintils of Love, as well as Hatred (Rivals in passion) being both amorous, and in youthful blood, fixing by accident upon one object, who was a third mans; in which the Viscount got the Mastery, but to his ruin. The Prince shewing his affection, by his neglecting of her, to be grounded rather upon envy to the Man, than love to the Woman.

But before this time,* 4.33 the Treasurer Salisbury, that great En∣gin of the State, by whom all Wheels moved, held an intimate Correspondence with the House of Suffolk, which he had strengthned with an Alliance; marrying his eldest Son, the Lord Cranborn, to Katharine, the eldest Daughter of that Family. And being mindful of the asperity and sharpness that was be∣twixt him, and the late Earl of Essex, he thought it a good Act of Policy, and Piety, not to suffer Malice to become Hereditary; and therefore he was a great means in marrying the young Earl of Essex to the Lady Frances Howard, another of those Sisters, that the Fathers Enmity might be closed up by the Sons Nuptial Fraternity. The Earl of Essex was fourteen years of Age, and she thirteen, when they married; too young to consider, but old enough to consent: Yet by the advice of Friends separated after marriage, she under her Mothers wing, and he visiting

France and Germany, till Time should mature, and ripen a happy Co-union. The Court was her Nest, her Father being Lord Chamberlain; and she was hatched up by her Mother, whom the sour breath of that Age (how justly I know not) had already tainted; from whom the young Lady might take such a Tin∣cture, that Ease, Greatness, and Court Glories, would more di∣stain and impress on her, than any way wear out and diminish. And growing to be a Beauty of the greatest Magnitude in that Ho∣rison, was an Object fit for Admirers, and every Tongue grew an Orator at that Shrine.

The Prince of Wales now in his Puberty, sent many loving glan∣ces, as Ambassadors of his good respects, and amorous expressions are fit subjects for jealous reproaches to work on. Her Husband ha∣ving been now three or four years beyond the Seas, (sick with absence from her whom his desires longed after) came over a∣gain, and found that Beauty, which he had left innocent, so far∣ded and sophisticated with some Court Drug which had wrought upon her, that he became the greatest Stranger at home. His Patience made way for him a while, and he bore up with a gentle gale against the stream of this Womans affections, which ran alto∣gether (unknown to him) into another chanel. Nor was her reputation yet become so rebust (being of a tender growth) to strike his ears with reproaches, and therefore he imputed her sly entertainments to a Maiden bashfulness; till surfeted with that dull Potion (upon better advice) he went to the Earl of Suffolk (her Father) and demanded his Wife, thinking himself capable to enjoy both her and her love. The Father, that thought there had been an intimacy betwixt them, suitable to their Conjugal Knot, made use of his Paternal power, to reduce his Daughter to the obedience of a Wife. But while these things were strugling for, a most violent Disease of a poysonous Nature, imputed to, but far transcending the small Pox, seized on the Earl of Essex; and had not the strength of Youth, and that Almighty Power that orders all things, wrought out the venom of it, the Earth (as probably wished by her) had been his Marriage Bed.

* 4.34For this Lady being taken with the growing fortunes of the Viscount Rochester, and grounding more hope upon him, than the uncertain and hopeless love of the Prince, she cast her An∣chor there; which the Prince soon discovered, and slighted her accordingly. For dancing one time among the Ladies, and her Glove falling down, it was taken up, and presented to him, by one that thought he did him acceptable service; but the Prince refused to receive it, saying publicky, He would not have it, it is stretcht by another, meaning the Viscount: This was an aggravation of hatred betwixt the Kings Son and the Kings Friend.

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The Countess of Essex having her heart alienated from her Husband, and set upon the Viscount, had a double task to under∣go, for accomplishing her ends. One was, to hinder her Hus∣band from enjoying her; the other was, to make the Viscount sure unto her: For dishonest Love is most full of jealousie. Her Husband she looked upon as a private person, and to be carried by him into the Country out of her element (being ambitious of glory, and a Beauty covetous of applause) were to close (as she thought) with an insufferable Torment, though he was a man that did not only every way merit her love, but he loved her with an extraordinary affection, having a gentle, mild, and courteous disposition, especially to women, such as might win upon the roughest natures. But this fiery heat of his Wives mounted upon the wings of Lust, or Love, (call it what you will) carryed her after so much mischief, that those that saw her face, might challenge Nature of too much Hypocrisie, for har∣bouring so wicked a heart under so sweet and bewitching a coun∣tenance.

To strengthen her designs she finds out one of her own stamp,* 4.35 Mrs. Turner, a Doctor of Physicks Widow, a woman, whom Prodigality and Looseness had brought low, yet her Pride would make her fly any pitch, rather than fall into the jaws of Want. These two consult together how they might stop the current of the Earls affection towards his Wife, and make a clear passage for the Viscount in the place.* 4.36 To effect which, one Doctor Forman, a reputed Conjurer (living at Lambeth) is found out: The women declare to him their Grievances, he promises sudden help, and to amuse them, frames many little Pictures of Brass, and Wax, some like the Viscount and Coun∣tess, whom he must unite and strengthen; others like the Earl of Essex, whom he must debilitate and weaken; and then with Philtrous powders, and such drugs, he works upon their per∣sons. And to practise what effects his Art would produce, Mrs. Turner, that loved Sir Arthur Manwaring, (a Gentleman then attending the Prince) and willing to keep him to her, gave him some of the powder, which wrought so violently with him, that through a storm of Rain and Thunder, he rode fif∣teen miles one dark night to her House, scarce knowing where he was till he was there. Such is the devillish and mad rage of Lust, heightned with Art and Fancy.

These things matured and ripened by the cunning of this Jugler Forman, gave them assurance of happy hopes. Her Court∣ly invitements, that drew the Viscount to observe her, she im∣puted to the operation of those drugs he had tasted; and that harshness, and stubborn comportment she expressed to her Hus∣band, making him (weary of such entertainments) to absent himself, she thought proceeded from the effects of those un∣known

known potions and powders, that were administred to him: So apt is the Imagination to take impression of those things we are willing to believe.

The good Earl finding his Wife nousled in the Court, and seeing no possibility to reduce her to reason,* 4.37 till she were estran∣ged from the rellish, and tast of the delights she suckt in there, made his condition again known to her Father. The old man being troubled with his Daughters disobedience, imbitter'd her being near him, with wearisome and continual chidings, to wean her from the sweets she doted on; and with much ado forced her into the Country. But how harsh was the parting, being rent away from the place where she grew and flourished? Yet she left all her Engines and Imps behind her; the old Doctor, and his Confederate Mrs. Turner, must be her two supporters: She blazons all her miseries to them, at her depart, and moy∣stens the way with her tears. Chartley was an hundred miles from her happiness and a little time thus lost is her eternity. When she came thither (though in the pleasantest time of Sum∣mer) she shut herself up in her Chamber, not suffering a beam of light to peep upon her dark thoughts▪ If she stirred out of her Chamber, it was in the dead of Night, when sleep had taken possession of all others, but those about her. In this implaca∣ble, sad, discontented humour, she continued some moneths, al∣ways murmuring against, but never giving the least civil re∣spect to her Husband, which the good man suffered patiently, being loth to be the divulger of his own misery: yet having a manly courage, he would sometimes break into a little passion, to see himself sleighted and neglected by himself, but having never found better from her, it was the easier to bear with her.

* 4.38 While she was at Chartley she writ to her Confederates, That Her Husband found little operation in their Drugs, complaining of his Lustiness, and her Misery: For (she said) the Viscount would never love her, if her Husband did meddle with her, which with dif∣ficulty she yet impeded, but how long she should resist his Violence she knew not, therefore she implored their assistance, if they would not see her the most despicable creature in the world: And for sa∣tisfaction they should make their own price. With this kind of stuff she filled her Letters, which were after found in Formans Closet. These instigations made him active, and the man be∣ing skilful in natural Magick, did use all the Artifice his subtilty could devise, really to imbecillitate the Earl; for no Linnen came near his body, that was not rinsed with their Camphire Compositions, and other faint and wasting ingredients, and all Inward applications were foisted on him by corrupted servants, to lessen and debilitate the seminal operations. Which Venefi∣cium is one great part of Witchcraft, destructive to nature, and

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Robert Earle of Essex his Excellence Generall of the Army etc:

horridly abominable to be practised. And this in time wrought such effects upon his person, that he found himself unable with her, though she permitted him; yet when he had been from her some reasonable Time, to renovate his spirits, by shaking off those artificial applications, then his abilities made her unwilling, and refractory. Though some are of opinion, that he was not much debilitated, but that she got (by her vertuous Agents) an Artifice too immodest to be exprest, to hinder Penetration. And thus she to•• mented him, till he was contented to let her steer her own course, which after run her on ground.

For coming to London next Winter with this full sail,* 4.39 loaden with lust, she found the Viscount much prepared for her; who being at first fastned on the Object, absence, and all those little Artifices, that mischievous Women, and cunning Impostures could devise, had advanced him as much in his desires, as they had hindred the other. We could dispute the Nature of these Ope∣rations, how far they are Contingent, and how the fancy works with them, though ignorant of them, making their impulsions more active, being the sparks that kindle this combustible matter; for we will never allow there was any other Diabolical means u∣sed, Nature being strong enough for such a production; but being not pertinent to the Story, will leave it, and follow them that found the effects of it, and had affections suitable to it, which they made use of with an unbridled appetite, yet meeting closely in corners (Sin being at first shamefaced) but afterwards they grew more bold; and every hour that the Viscount could steal from his Royal Master, he dedicated it to his Disloyal Mistris; be∣ing caught in this Net of Adulation, he becomes a willing Pri∣soner; Lust only getting liberty to all looseness and licentious∣ness: Places of frequent Meetings are daily renewed, Persons fitted for such practices are employed; and when Nature was exhausted, Art, her subtil Imitator, brought in her store, to contribute new Spirits, purchased at any rate. All outward Adornment to present Beauty in her full Glory, were not wanting on both sides, being Lusts fuel, which tended to the Consumption of all Reason. And among the rest, yellow starch, the invention and foyl of Iaundice Complexions, with great Cut-work Bands, and Piccadillies (a thing that hath since lost the name) crouded in, and flourished among us, Mrs. Turner, being nominoted to be the first Contriver, happily in England, but the Original came out of France; which fashion and colour did set off their lean sallow countenances. Thus did the Viscount get the Conquest of two, the King, and this Lady, but could not subdue his own lust∣ful Appetite.

The Wheel of Fortune running towards the Scots,* 4.40 turned by the Viscount Rochester, was unhappily diverted upon the Lord Sanquir, a Baron of that Nation, and married to a good Family in

England: who some years before meeting with a sturdy Fencer, one Iohn Turner, who was a Master of the Weapon-Trade, in his own School, the young Lord strove to put some affront upon him (making it no little Conquest to disgrace a Master in the Art, as they termed it) and the man apprehensive of the Attempt, with a bold rudeness prest so hard upon him, that he thrust out one of the Barons eyes. This business was much regretted by Turner, and the Baron being conscious to himself that he meant his Adversary some ill, took the Accident with as much patience, as men that lose one eye by their own default, use to do for the preservation of the other. Some time after, being in the Court of the late great Henry of France, and the King (cour∣teous to Strangers) entertaining discourse with him, askt him, how he lost his eye; he (cloathing his answer in a better shrowd than a plain Fencers) told him, it was done with a Sword: The King replies, Doth the man live? And that question gave an end to the Discourse, but was the beginner of a strange Confusion in his working Fancy, which neither Time nor Distance could compose; carrying it in his breast some years after, till he came into England, where he hired two of his Country-men, Gray and Carlile (men of low and mercenary spirits) to murther him, which they did with a Case of Pistols in his own House in White-Fryars; many years after the loss of his bodily eye, thus the Ba∣ron lost the eye of his Reason. This bold nefarious Act was very deeply resented at Court, and the Kings Commands were so a∣ctive for apprehension of the murderers, that they were all three taken; one upon the Borders of Scotland, so far had his fears carried him; another in a Ship bound for Hamburgh, who sca∣ping in a Storm, the Seas delivered up; and the Lord himself being obscured (in this Tempest of his Soul) hearing a thou∣sand pound was offered to bring his Head (so liberal was the King for Iustice) threw himself into the Arms of his Mercy, by the mediation of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, to whom he presented himself an Object of pity: but no intercession could prevail,* 4.41 their lives satisfied the Law, the Baron not having the honour of a Noble death.

* 4.42The Cause of the Kings severity (if justice may be called se∣verity) was contrary to that of the Barons presumption; for he thought the Scots might do any thing, and he suffered because they had done so much. For Ramsey, one of the Kings Servants, not long before had switcht the Earl of Mountgomery, who was the Kings first Favourite, happily because he took it so. Max∣well, another of them, had bitten Hawley, a Gentleman of the Temple, by the Ear; which inraged the Templers (in those times Riotous, and subject to Tumults) and brought it almost to a National Quarrel, till the King stept in, and took it up himself. The Lord Bruse had summon'd Sir Edward Sackvill, (who was

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Edward Earle of Dorset. Lord Chamberlaine to y^e Queene. etc.

after Earl of Dorset) into France with a fatal complement to take death from his hand, such killing civilities these times produced! And the much lamented Sir Iames Stuart, one of the Kings blood, and Sir George Wharton, the prime branch of that noble Family, for little worthless punctillioes of Honour (being inti∣mate friends) took the Field, and fell together by each others hand. These, and many more private differences (though some of them of an ancient date) were bleeding fresh in memory; so that the King, like a wise Physician, opened this vein of blood, hoping by it to stop all other issues.

The Kings affections were not so monopolized,* 4.43 but that his crafty Servant the Earl of Salisbury, had a good hole as well in his Councils, as Treasure. And being not well pleased to see him∣self bearded by a Youth new started into the affairs of the World, and mounted by the wing of love, not of merit; he cast out many mists before him, to hinder and damp his passage so, that the Viscount could not rise to that pitch (during his life) that he afterwards arrived at. And one thing among the rest he obstructed was five thousand pounds the King had given him to maintain his Riot: Which sum the Treasurer thought too great a bulk to be carried lightly away, and therefore he desired the King might see what he did. And having layd the money in Silver upon Tables in his Gallery at Salisbury-house, he invited the King to dinner, making this the passage to his entertainment. The King strucken suddenly with such heaps, asked the Treasurer what this money was for; who told him, he had received his Majesties Commands to give so much to the Viscount Rochester. The King that either carelesly thought five thousand pound to be no more than the noise so much makes in Scotland (which doth not amount to above five hundred pounds) or, cunningly (if he knew the va∣lue, knew also the Treasurers meaning) said it was too much for one man, and made him be contented with less than the half.

And now the King casts his thoughts towards Peterborough,* 4.44 where his Mother lay, whom he caused to be translated to a Magnificent Tomb, at Westminster. And (somewhat suitable to her mind when she was living) she had a translucent passage in the night, through the City of London, by multitudes of Tor∣ches: The Tapers placed by the Tomb and the Altar, in the Cathedral, smoaking with them like an Offertory, with all the Ceremonies, and Voices, their Quires and Copes could express, at∣tended by many Prelates and Nobles, who payd this last Tri∣bute to her memory. This was accounted a Piaculous action of the Kings by many, though some have not stuck to say, That as Queen Elizabeth was willing to be rid of the Queen of Scots, yet would not have it her action, and being it could not be done

without her command, when it was done she renounced her own act. So though the King was angry when he heard his Mother was taken away by a violent death, recalling his Am∣bassador, threatning War, and making a great noise (which was after calmed and closed up with a large Pension from the Queen) yet he might well enough be pleased that such a spirit was layd, as might have conjured up three Kingdoms against him: For Patrick Grey that the King sent to disswade Queen Elizabeth from taking away his Mothers life, was the greatest In∣strument to perswade her to it; Distilling always into her this Sentence, Mortua non mordet. When she is dead she cannot bite; But the Love that tends to self-preservation, is an ad∣junct of Nature, more powerful than Filial duty, and therefore there will be no great strife where there are not adequate ope∣rations,

* 4.45 This time was also presented unto us in a various dress, and the event shewed (though some years after) there was more cause of Mourning than Rejoycing, though the latter got the predominance: For the Prince Elector Palatine came over into England to Marry the Kings only Daughter, and Death depri∣ved us of the Kings eldest Son.* 4.46 A Prince as eminent in Noble∣ness as in Blood, and having a spirit too full of life and splendour to be long shrouded in a cloud of flesh.* 4.47 If that which gave life to his life had been less, he might happily have lived longer: Not that there was too much Oyl, or that concur∣rent Natural Balsamum in this fair and well-composed Lamp to extinguish it self, but the light that came from it might cast so radiant a lustre, as (by darkning others) it came to lose the be∣nefit of its own glory. Iealousie is like fire that burns all before it, and that fire is hot enough to dissolve all Bonds, that tends to the diminution of a Crown. The Prince of Spain (his con∣temporary) Son to Philip the second (not long before this) like a young Phaeton, wished himself but one day in his Fathers Throne, and he fell (not long after) into the hard hand of an immature fate, before he could step into the Chariot. So dan∣gerous are the paths of Greatness, that the tongue (many times) rouling aside, makes men tread awry. Strange Rumors are rai∣sed upon this sudden expiration of our Prince, the disease be∣ing so violent, that the combate with Nature in the strength of youth (being almost nineteen years of age) lasted not above five days. Some say he was poysoned with a bunch of Grapes, others attribute it to the venemous scent of a pair of Gloves, presented to him (the distemper lying for the most part in the head.) They that knew neither of these, are strucken with fear and amazement, as if they had tasted, or felt, the effects of those violences: Private whisperings, and suspicions, of some new designs a foot, broaching Prophetical terrors, That a black

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CARLO D'AVSTRIA PRINCIPE DI SPAGNA

Christmas would produce a bloody Lent. For the Spaniard, who opposed the marriage of the Prince Palatine, and saw their ruin growing up in Prince Henries towardly Spirit, were reputed (vulgarly) the Mint-masters of some horrid practices; and that a Ship of Pocket Pistols was come out of Spain, fit Instruments for a Massacre. And these Trepidations were not only in the lower Region, but wrought upwards, so high, that Proclamati∣ons were sent abroad, to forbid the making or carrying of Pi∣stols, under a foot long in the Barrel. And all Papists are not only dis-armed (being ever esteemed Vassals to the Catholick King) but their Actions with caution pried into. In such dark clouds as these, the whole Kingdom was at a loss; all ordinary Transitions of Nature, are imputed to prodigious Omens; the greater the fears are, the more blazing is the Meteor that arises from them.

Some that knew the bickerings betwixt the Prince and the Viscount, muttered out dark Sentences, that durst not look into the light; especially Sir Iames Elphington, who (observing the Prince one day to be discontented with the Viscount) offered to kill him: but the Prince reproved him with a gallant Spirit, saying, If there were Cause he would do it himself. Now whe∣ther these rumors begot a further scrutiny, or whether it be the Court-trick to daub and slubber over things that may be per∣spicuous, I know not: But the Physicians about the Prince gave it under their hands (which was spread abroad in several co∣pies) that he died of a strong malignant Feaver (so are all vio∣lent dissolutions, where Nature hath power of resistance) that his Liver was pale, and livid, lead-like; the Gall had no Gall, but was full of wind; the Spleen was unnaturally black, and the Lungs in many places spotted with much corruption; the Midriff, or Diaphragma, blackish; and the Head in some places full of blood, and in some places full of clear water. Thus was he Anatomi∣zed to amuze the World, and clear the suspicion of poyson, as if no venoms could produce these effects. He died the sixth of No∣vember,* 4.48 and was carried on a Hearse (Triumphing even in Death) to Westminster, the seventh of December following; the pomp of the Funeral being fully compleated, with the People tears and La∣mentations.

* 4.49 But the King (though he could not but be troubled to lose so near a part of himself) looked over all these Mists and (like the Sun) dispelled all these Clouds and Vapours; commanding, no man should appear in the Court in mourning; he would have nothing in his Eye, to bring so sad a Message to his Heart. The jollity, feasting, and magnificence of Christmas, must not be laid down. There were Princes, and Nobles, that came out of Ger∣many with the prince Elector, that must see the Glory of the English Court; which was presented with so much eminency in

gorgeous Apparel, that the precedent mourning was but as a sa∣ble foyl, the better to illustrute it.

The Prince Elector Palatine, and Maurice Prince of Orange, were made Knights of the Garter, Lodowick Count of Orange be∣ing Maurice's Deputy;* 4.50 and Prince Maurice took it as a great honour to be admitted into the fraternity of that Order, and wore it constantly: Till afterwards, some Villains at the Hague, that met the Reward of their Demerit (one of them a French man, being Groom of the Princes Chamber) robbed a Ieweller of Amsterdam, that brought Iewels to the Prince, this Groom tempting him into his Chamber to see some Iewelr, and there with his Confederates they strangled the man with one of the Princes blew Ribonds; which being after discovered, the Prince would never suffer so fatal an Instrument to come about his Neck.

* 4.51In February following, the Prince Palatine, and that lovely Princess, the Lady Elizabeth, were married, on Bishop Valentines Day, in all the Pomp and Glory that so much Grandure could ex∣press. Her Vestments were white, the Emblem of Innocency; her hair dishevil'd, hanging down her back at length, an Orna∣ment of Virginity; a Crown of pure Gold upon her head, the Cognizance of Majesty, being all over beset with pretious gems, shining like a Constellation; her Train supported by twelve young Ladies in white Garments, so adorned with Iewels, that her Passage looked like a milky way. She was led to Church by her Brother Prince Charles, and the Earl of Northampton; the Young Batchelor on the right hand, and the Old on the left. And while the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury was solemnizing the Marriage, some eruscations and lightnings of joy appeared in her Countenance, that expressed more than an ordinary smile, being almost elated to a laughter; which could not clear the Air of her Fate, but was rather a fore-runner of more sad and dire Events: Which shews how slippery Nature is, to tole us along to those things that bring danger, yea sometimes destru∣ction with them.

She returned from the Chappel between the Duke of Lenox, and the Earl of Notingham Lord High Admiral, two married Men. The Feastings, Maskings, and other Royal Formalities, were as troublesome ('tis presum'd) to the Lovers; as the Re∣lation of them here may be to the Readers: For such splen∣dor and gayety are fitter to appear in Princes Courts, than in Hi∣stories.

The City of London (that with high magnificence had feast∣ed the Prince Palatine, and his Noble Retinue) presented to the fair Bride a Chain of Oriental Pearl, by the hand of the Lord Mayor, and Aldermen (in their Scarlet and Gold Chain Ac∣coutrements) of such a value, as was fit for them to give, and

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GUILIELMUS LUDOVIC: COMES A NASSAU / CATZENELNB: VIANDEN ET DIE:

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her to receive.* 4.52 And the people of the Kingdom in general, being summoned to a contribution for the Marriage of the Kings Daughter, did shew their affections by their Bounty. And though it be the custom of our Kings to pay their Daughters Portions with their subjects purses, yet a hundred years being almost past since such a precedent, it might have made them unwilling (if their obedience had not been full ripe) to recall such obsolete things, as are only in practice now by the meanest of the peo∣ple.

But,* 4.53 tired with Feasting and Jollity, about the middle of A∣pril, when the beauties of the Spring were enticing enough to beguile the tediousness of the way, the Prince Elector willing to review, and the Princess to see what she was to injoy; After all the caresses, and sweet embraces, that could be between the King, Queen, and Princes, that were to be separated so long, and at such a distance; And after all the Shews, Pastimes, Fire-works, and other Artifices that could be devised, and ma∣nifested, they parted at Rochester; The Lord Admiral being ready with a Royal Navy in the Downs for their passage and conduct. The season smiled on them, and they arrived the nine and twentieth of the Moneth in Flushing. The Duke of Lenox, the Earl of Arundel, the Viscount Lisle, and the Lord Haring∣ton, with divers Ladies and persons of Quality, attended them to Heydelburgh. Their entertainment was great and magnificent in the Low-Countries, not only suitable to the Persons, but the place from whence they came, (The English having been ever a Bulwark to the Netherlands) and now they were in full peace with Spain, which gave the better rellish to their Banquetings. And in every eminent Town in Germany as they passed, they found that welcom which prolonged their time, but made their travel the less, so that with much ado they reached Heydelburgh. And after some time spent there, to see the beauties and delights of that Court, and Country (which were extended and put forth to the uttermost) the Nobility and Ladies of England re∣turned home, only they left the Lord Harington behind them, who dyed by the way: A Gentleman much lamented in his own person, but much more in his Sons (who not long after survived him) with whom were buried, not only those excel∣lent indowments that make Noble-men great indeed, but the memory of a noble Posterity, which makes them little, or indeed nothing at all.

The Viscount Rochester all this while (though plunged in Lust) was held up by the chin in the glories of the Court;* 4.54 and the Prince (that interposed betwixt him and the beams of Ma∣jesty) being removed, the Earl of Salisbury (another obstacle) dying six months after the Prince, in the way from the Bath: he now took full possession of the Kings favours alone. He exe∣cutes

the place of Principal Secretary, receiving all Pacquets, and dispatching Answers without the knowledg of the King or Council, or if the King did know, his love had hoarded up such a confidence in him, as he laid all out upon that stock. Rochester's greatest assistant was a private Gentleman, one Sir Thomas Over∣bury,* 4.55 by whose Compass he steered his course, who (being a man of parts and abilities) had wrought upon the Viscount so, as not only to keep him in, and close with the King, but to make him capable of managing the highest affairs, if he had kept him∣self within the Circle drawn to his head This intimacy be∣twixt them, spake Overbury an actor in all his privacies. And when he understood by the Viscount his intention of Marri∣age with the Countess of Essex, he opposed it with all the power∣ful Arguments he could use: For though he might be so active, in his initiation of favour with the Viscount, to be assistant to his pleasures, and for carrying forward some of his dark con∣trivances (those Secretaries being always the greatest favou∣rites) yet having now gotten good footing in his affection, and building his fortune thereon, his reason might tell him, there could be nothing more destructive to both their growing hopes, than to lay a foundation upon so much publick Injustice, as to mar∣ry another Mans Wife, her Husband living; therefore he passi∣onately persuaded him to cast his thoughts upon a more honorable object, and not on one, whose disloyalty (in her present condi∣tion) was so much branded with infamy, that the marks of it would be visible on his face. But the Viscount bewitched with the inticements of his soul-ravishing Mistriss, (uncapable of good counsel) doth not only call home his affections from Overbury, that had been long lieger with him (denouncing enmity) But incites his Beloved against him also; who mustering up all her passions, with the greatest acrimony that a feminine malice could devise, she never left, till she had discharged all the vollies of her rage upon him. And the better to do it, she consults with her Uncle the Earl of Northampton, aggravating Overburies of∣fence, as tending to the dishonour of their whole Family. That he (a petty fellow) should dare to raise such scandals against her innocency. The Earl of Northampton, that knew of the indear∣ments betwixt the Viscount and his Niece (so base and mercena∣ry was his spirit) thought it good policy to stop all passages, that it might not come into the publick mouth: For being in a sphere elated above others, it was a sin of a high presumpti∣on for any of a inferior orb to move but in its own place, or med∣dle with what is above them.* 4.56 He therefore closes with the Viscount (whom in his flattering acclamations by Letters he makes a little Deity) and after some dispute of the man∣ner how to be revenged of Overbury, they conclude to dispatch him by poyson, which could not be done so well in a publick

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HENRY HOWARD. End of Northampton. From an Original Picture in the Collection of M^r. Harding

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The liuely Portraiture of the worthy Knight Sir William Wadd late Lieutenant of the Tower &c.

way; and therefore they subtilly contrive to exasperate the King against him, that being a Prisoner, and shack'led by them to a place, he might be a more setled mark for their envenomed Arrows.

About the same time,* 4.57 the King thinking fit to send an Am∣bassador into Flanders, to the Arch-Duke (some say, into France) the Viscount recommended Sir Thomas Overbury to the King for that Service (extolling his abilities, and fitness for the same, publickly, that more notice might be taken of the affront) and the King made choice of him for that Imployment. Which done, the Viscount (under the shadow of friendship) imparts to Overbury what intentions the King had towards him; but he thought it would not be so convenient for him to accept of it, because he should not only lose his converse, and company, by such an alienation (which he highly valued) but many a fair opportunity of improving his respects to him, in some better way of advancement. Overbury had not been so little a Courtier, or a man of so mean Reason, but that he was sensible what dis∣pleasure he should pull upon himself, by refusing the Kings Com∣mands; And therefore he told the Viscount, that betwixt the Kings favours, and his friendship, he had a great conflict in his spi∣rit, being willing to retain both; but how he should refuse the Kings commands with safety, he knew not. But the Viscount, with fair promises, prevailed with him to set up his rest at home, upon higher expectations (such a sweet bait is Ambition!) prote∣sting to take off the asperity of the Kings anger from him, and smooth his way so, as should be for his better advantage. When he had wrought Overbury in this forge, he goes to the King, and blows the fire, incensing him with all the aggravati∣ons he could; so that the poor Gentleman, for his contempt, was forthwith committed to the Tower. And to prepare all things for his reception there, Sir William Wade, the late Lieutenant, was removed; and Sir Iervis Ellowis, a Person more ambitious, than indigent (having made his way by money, the common merit) was admitted to the place.

Now the Countess,* 4.58 like another Alecto, drove furiously, her Chariot having two wheels, which ran over all impediments: One was, to sue a Divorce betwixt her and her Husband, that she might marry the Viscount: The other was, to take away O∣verbury, the blemish in her Eye, and that laid such a stain upon her, that nothing but his blood could expiate. For these she hath several Engins; the one must be acted Overtly; the other Covertly, in dark Corners; and she and her Agents find fit Mi∣nisters for both.

The Earl of Northampton resenting his Nieces grievances,* 4.59 makes the King acquainted with her Maiden bashfulness, how loth she is to divulge her Husbands infirmities, and how long

it is since her Marriage, and yet she hath not enjoyed the hap∣piness of a Wife; that her Husbands inability must needs be an unnatural conjunction, such as neither Law nor Reason can ad∣mit of; and that there was a great affection betwixt the Viscount and her, so as there seemed to be a more excellent sympathy, and sweet composition of Soul in them, more suitable Reason and Nature, than in the state she was in. Which was seconded by the Vis∣counts humble submissions to the Kings great wisdom, who (he ac∣knowledged) had not only raised him to what he is, but may yet make him more happy, by uniting him to a Lady of so much honour and vertue.

The King, that took delight to compleat the happiness of them he loved, commanded the Bishops to sue out a Divorce between the Earl of Essex, and his Lady, that the Viscount might marry her: For he had been practised formerly in Scotland, in his mi∣nority, with the like experiment. Elizabeth Daughter to the Earl of Athol,* 4.60 being married to the Earl of March, under pretence of impotency, but meerly for lust (as the Author reports) was Di∣vorsed from her Husband, and married to the Earl of Arran (the Kings Favourite) who had been before a Partner in her Adulterous Sheets (so current is the Parallel, and so equally are lust and ambition yoked together, that they both (with full violence) draw one and the same way,)

The Bishops, and others, having a Commission under the great Seal of England to convent the Earl of Essex, and his Countess, before them, sent out their Summons, and they made their ap∣pearance accordingly. But before they proceeded, they caused a Iury of twelve discreet Matrons to be impannelled, to search the Countess, whether she were (as she pretended to be, and was reputed) a Maid still; for if she were a Maid, they could fasten upon a Nullity, and so separate them, for the more ho∣nour of her Virginity. The Countess being ashamed, and bash∣ful, to come to such a Tryal, would not expose her face to the light; but being to appear before the Matrons under a Veil, an∣other young Gentlewoman, that had less offended, was fob∣bed into the place;* 4.61 and she passed, in the opinion, both of Iury and Iudges, to be a Virgin. Then the Articles were drawn up, where she accused her Husband of impotency (and that he was hindred with a perpetual and incurable impediment, whereby he is unable to have carnal copulation with her, with frigiditas quoad h••nc, often reiterated, &c.) The good Earl, willing to be rid of so horrid a mischief, did acknowledge he had attempted to en∣joy her many times, but he never did, nor could carnally know her, and believed he never should. Upon these Grounds the Iudges proceed to a Divorce.

Declaring, That Robert Earl of Essex, and the Lady Frances Howard, contracted by shew of Marriage, did cohabit in one House, and lie together in one Bed, Nudum cum Nuda, & Solus cum Sola;* 4.62 and that the said Lady Frances did shew her self prompt, and ready to be known of him; and that the said Earl neither did, nor could have knowledg of her, although he did think himself able to have knowledg of other Women. And that the said Lady Frances, by inspection of her Body by Midwives, expert in matter of Marriage, was proved to be apt for carnal copulation with Man, and yet a Virgin. Therefore we the said Iudges deputed in the Cause, first invocating the Name of Christ, and setting God before our eye, do pro∣nounce, decree, and declare, That the Earl of Essex, for some secret, incurable, binding impediment, did never carnally know, or was, or is able carnally to know, the Lady Frances Howard: And therefore we do pronounce, have decreed, and do declare, the pretended Marriage, so contracted, and solem∣nized, de facto, between them, to have been, and to be utterly void, and to no effect; and that they did want, and ought to want the strength of the Law. And that the Lady Frances was, and is, and so ought to be free, and at liberty, from any Bond of such pretended Marriage, de facto, contracted and solemni∣zed. And we do pronounce, that she ought to be Divorsed, and so we do free, and Divorce her; leaving them, as touching o∣ther Marriages, to their Conscience in the Lord. Which our Definitive Sentence, and Decree, we ratifie and publish.

Thomas, Wint. Lancel. Elie. Rich. Coven. & Lichfield. Iohn Roffe, Bishops.

Iulius Caesar, Thomas Parry, Daniel Dun, Knights.

These Bishops, and the rest of the Judges, could not be igno∣rant what scandalous reports of this Ladies actions flew up and down, from lip to lip; which however sweetned by the Parta∣kers, carried an ill savour with them in every honest understan∣ding, who were not blinded with wilfulness, or deafned with prejudice, which made the Bishops of Canterbury, and London, decline the business, though nominated in the Patent. But Kings will never want fit Ministers in corrupted Times, both in Church and Common-wealth, as long as there are Degrees, and Pla∣ces of Ascent to clime to. And though these things floated a∣while upon the Stream of Greatness, yet there is One above that moves the Waters, who did not only see what passed in the Bi∣shops Palace, but in the closest Prison, which he discovered to the shame and ruin of the Actors.

For while this Wheel was turning at Lambeth, the other Wheel had its motion in the Tower. Mrs. Turner, the Mistriss of the Work, had lost both her supporters: Forman, her first prop, dropt away suddenly by death; and Gresham another rotten En∣gin (that succeeded him) did not hold long:* 4.63 She must now bear up all her self. But she wrought in a Mine of inexhaustible Trea∣sure, therefore she may buy instruments at any rate. One Weston is thought on for this Vnder-work, who was sometime Doctor Turners (her Husbands) man, and hath a little experience in the nature of poysonous Drugs. This venomous Plant is sent for out of the Country to be transplanted here, and two hun∣dred pounds promised to disperse his Venom, so as it may be kil∣ling. Sir Thomas Monson is made by the Countess to recommend him to Sir Iervis Ellowis, and he to Sir Thomas Overbury to wait on him; where he goes under the character of a right honest man, making it good with a sober and fair outside, the true vizard of Hypocrisie, a fit Pipe for such corrupted Waters to run through; which must be provided by one Franklin, a swarthy, sallow, crooked-backt fellow, who was to be the Fountain whence these bitter waters came.

* 4.64But Overburies meat must be dressed in the Lieutenants kit∣chen, and therefore it is necessary to make him acquainted with it; which the Earl of Northampton undertook, smoothing him with such language, and promising him such rewards, as he thought fittest to gain upon him; Assuring him that it would be an acceptable service to the King to have him removed, being an inso∣lent, and pernicious fellow (as he called him) of a factious and dangerous spirit, and therefore advised him to be cautious in ad∣mitting any to see him, lest his passions should vent themselves and become publick. The Lieutenant being a man intelligent enough, could not but apprehend the dangerous path he trod in pursuing this business: For if he should make the King ac∣quainted with it, to know more of his mind, before it were done, and he 'disclaim it, Northampton was powerful enough to crush him on the one side; and if it should be discovered af∣ter it were done, he might be sure the King would not own it, and it would bring him a certain ruin on the other side: betwixt these two extremes he knew no mean, and therefore he took that which tended (as he thought) to most safety, hoping that the Earl of Northampton had some higher Authority for the same. And now they begin to put their design in practice; Franklin furnishes Weston with materials, compounded to consume Na∣ture insensibly; but this was not quick enough, Malice must be as active, as cunning! stronger Ingredients are infused, which Weston having received from the Countess by his Son, he meets the Lieutenant as he carried up Overburies meat, saying to him, Sir, shall I give it him now? The Lieutenant askt him, What?

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THE Portracture of Sir THOMAS OVERBURY Knight AETAT 32

Weston answered, Sir, you know what is to be done. The Lieute∣nant that would not have it known that he knew any thing, gave him a check, and would not understand his meaning, or at least would have him take notice that he understood it; for he thought that this connivance would not bring him within the compass of the fact (and for the guilt he could dispense with it well enough) and therefore his part of Working was only not to seem to know what was done. So subtily sometimes men strive to cousen themselves.

But these lingring operations do not suit with the Countesses implacable humor,* 4.65 Weston is chid by Mrs. Turner for being so slow. But he that knew he might be too active, kept on his old pace, as the only way to have it pass unsuspected, aiming at his own preservation, as well as Overburies destruction. He gets therefore (by the help of Franklin) several sorts of poysons, tempering them with his broaths, and every bit of meat he eat, that he might diminish by degrees; for his very Salt was mixt with white Mercury: And besides these, Sir Thomas Monson sent Tarts and Jellies of the Countesses and Mrs. Turners composi∣tion (by some of his servants) to Weston, for the better expediti∣on. Thus was the poor Gentleman tortured and rackt in a hor∣rid distemper, who being young, and of a strong constitution, was able to grapple a long time with these corroding Tormentors: But his body being not always able to bear it, at length he fell ex∣treme sick, and having no friend that could, or durst visit him, none to complain to but the causers of his misery (such strict guards were kept about him) he languished both in body and mind. But some friend by accident taking the advantage for a visit, and finding him very sick, procured him a wholsom Gli∣ster, which Weston was willing enough to have administred, be∣cause he would not be too quick, and that retarded the work, by carrying away some of the poysonous matter. Which North∣hampton hearing, the Lieutenant was checkt for being so care∣less, and commanded that none should come near him, being fearful lest the desperateness of his condition should make him re∣veal some thing of high concernment, that had been machinated among them. And Mrs. Turner rebuked her Minister Weston, for looking no better to his charge, so that they dealt with him now upon a new account.

The Countess got loose from her Husband grows wanton in her prosperity. Nature is unbounded where neither Law nor Grace doth limit. The good Earl of Essex must repay the Portion, to do which he is forced to sell Benington in Hartford-shire, a very gallant seat, and glad he is rid of a Torment at any rate. She now mounted on her Car drives over all oppositions, her Beauties shine in the Court (as she would have it) she is the Kings Fa∣vourite, as well as her Husband; the glories of her Marriage

must appear there, and she is a fit gift for the King to bestow, he that took her away from one Husband, can give her to an∣other, who must be of equal rank to her, that she may not descend, therefore he is Created Earl of Somer∣set; and all the splendid Equipage,* 4.66 and magnificent Preparation, that can either fill a Court with delight, or People with admiration, are not wanting for the Marriage. She thinking all the World ignorant of her sly practices, hath the impudence to appear in the habit of a Virgin, with her hair pendant almost to her feet; which Ornament of her Body (though a fair one) could not cover the deformities of her Soul: But these, and her high Elations, are Clouds to her Conscience, that (though her Bauds might for her) her indeed lovely Cheeks did not betray themselves to blushes. These glorious Days are seconded with as glorious Nights, where Masks and Dancings had a continued motion; the King naturally affe∣cting such high-slying Pastimes, and banquetings, as might wrap up his Spirit, and keep it from descending towards Earthly things.

* 4.67The City of London, and the Court at White-hall, like two great Stars in Conjunction, had one and the same influence, and operation; they must do something for the Man whom the King loves: Therefore a great Feast is prepared by them in Merchant-Taylors Hall (and all the Grandees and Ladies are invited) with so much magnificence, as if it had been Com∣petitor, and vyed with Whitehall for Glory. They all rod on horseback into the City in the Evening, following their two Leaders; the Men attending the Bridegroom, and the Women the Bride; so mounted, furnished, and adorned with Trap∣pings, and so bespangled with Iewels, that the Torches, and Flambeaux (which were numerous) were but little light to the Beholders.

* 4.68The noise of these Triumphs resounding in the closest Corners, brought the news to Sir Thomas Overbury, which was an unfit and comfortless Companion to a Man in misery, conscious to himself, that all his sufferings proceeded from his opposition to that which was now in agitation; so that in his obscure Prison, and darker thoughts, he could not see the least glimps of hope that looked towards liberty, when he considered the implacable nature of the Woman. But yet he was not so guil∣ty to his own Reason, and that friendship (as he thought) that was betwixt him and the Earl of Somerset, as utterly to despair, he having so faithfully promised to procure his Re∣lease.

* 4.69Therefore Overbury writes to him in the midst of his glory, to let him know the sad condition wherein he was, and how much his health was impaired, which he imputed to his reclused∣ness,

and want of Air, humbly imploring his assistance, that he might no longer languish under the burthens of his infirmities. Somerset not willing to have him exclaim made answer, That the King was now full of great business, but he would take the first opportunity to move him for his Release (though he was highly incensed against him) and make his indisposition a ground for the Kings mercy to work upon;* 4.70 including in the Letter a white Powder, which he desired him to take, assuring him, that though it made him a little sick at first, it would do him much good in the end. The poor abused Gentleman took his Pow∣der, which having a poysonous Quality, added to his afflicti∣on: But there must be something more violent to work the Feat.

The Lieutenant of the Tower (that was his frequent Visitor) opened his Breast to his complaints,* 4.71 and with an outward pity received them, against those that were Authors of his calami∣ties, and discharged them again into their bosoms, against whom they were spoken; so that he could say nothing that came not to their knowledg, his very words being racked, as well as his body tormented. For the Lieutenant confest after, with repenting tears, as one of his great sins, that he was unfaith∣ful and treacherous to him, doing things to his disadvantage that he trusted him to do, promising him secrecy, and betray∣ing him to satisfie greatness. Thus he continued in this dismal Den above four Months, whipt daily (as it were) with Scorpi∣ons, whose venomous stings entred even into his Soul. So that his Enemies, being more impatient for his enduring so long, than he was to endure so much, forced Nature so,* 4.72 with an impoysoned Glyster, (compounded by Franklin) that within a short time after he died.

And to kill him again after death,* 4.73 they brand him with the scandal of a lascivious life, giving out, that he died of the Pox: Which Northampton expressed to Somerset in a Letter, telling him of strange Sores, and Vlcers found upon his Body, ugly to behold, stinking intolerably, the People forced to throw him in a loose Sheet into a Coffin, and bury him privately on Tower-Hill: Concluding, That God is gracious in cutting off evil Instruments before their time. Which Sentence (while he was writing it) reflected the judgment on himself; For Northampton having a great influence in the Kingdom, being a prime Coun∣sellor to the King, and intimate with Somerset, they two grasp∣ing all Power, and Northampton having the better head to manage it, the miscarriages were, not without cause, imputed to him. For being a Papist, he did not only work upon Somerset to per∣vert him (by letting him see there was a greater latitude for the Conscience in that Religion) but got him to procure many im∣munities for the Papists, as the Kings best affected Subjects. And

being Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports,* 4.74 he gave free access to Priests and Iesuits, that abundantly flockt again into the King∣dom, the operation of the last Proclamation having now lost the vertue: And a Letter being discovered which he had written to Cardinal Bellarmine, wherein he expresses the condition of the Times, and the Kings importunity compelled him to be a Pro∣testant in shew, yet nevertheless his heart stood firm with the Papists, and if there were cause he would express it; with much more to this purpose. These things first muttered, then urged against him, touched him to the heart, so that he retired, dis∣posed of his Estate,* 4.75 and dyed. He had a great mind tending towards eminent things, which he was the better able to effect, by living a Batchelor to an old Age, being always attended (and he loved it) with Gentlemen of Quality, to whom he was very bountiful. His affections were also much raised to Cha∣rity, as by the Almshouse he erected appears, and his Works shew him to be a great getter. But leaving no Issue to propagate his name, he built a fair House by Charing-cross to continue it, which it lost soon after his death, being called Suffolk-house for a time, and now is Northumberland-house. Such changes there are in the Worlds measures! His Body was carried to be buried at Dover, because he was Warden of the Cinque-Ports, as was reported by some of his Followers, but it was vulgarly rumo∣red to be transported to Rome. But these actions of his about Overbury lying dormant, made no great noise at this time against him; but when they broke out, they laid upon his name as great a stench as Infamy or Oaium could produce.

* 4.76 The Bishops that were only to move in their own spheres had an influence over more than their own Seas: For some of them that were never unactive for establishing their Temporal Greatness, were not contented to suppress many Pious and Religious men, but, I know not for what Policy, restrained their going beyond Sea: For there were divers Families about this time shipped for New-England, and were not suffered to go, though after∣wards they were upon better thoughts permitted. For in Rea∣son (being there was an impossibility to reduce them to their Wills) it had been the best course to have set open the door, that the Enemy might have had a smooth passage. But this malicious proceeding was no hindrance to the establishment of that Colo∣ny, nor is the blame to be laid upon the Function (for some of the Bishops in these Times were holy men, and great Lights to the Truths of God) but on such, whose ambition made them in∣deavour more after Earthly things than Heavenly, and less to please God than the King (as Cardinal Woolsey long since con∣fessed of himself) and the malice of evil men may protract, but it shall never destroy what God intends to build up. A wonder∣ful Light breaking forth in the West-part of the World, this latter

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SUFFOLK HOUSE CHARING CROSS.

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Age, discovering the nakedness of the Nations both in body and soul; which carried a resemblance of the Creation of a new World, or at least the imperfection of the old. A vast Territory and few people.

The Spaniards, the first discoverers, being more covetous to grasp, than well able to plant, took possession of the most pre∣cious places, so that the English, French, and Dutch, caught but what they left. Sir Walter Rawleigh and others (after Sir Francis Drake) found out that Country now called Virginia, which was long since planted with a Colony. And in that tract of Land more Northerly,* 4.77 within the degrees of 40 and 48 of latitude, lies New-England, a Climate temperate and healthful, but not so much as the Old. It is rather a low than a high Land, full of Rocky-Capes or Promontories. The Inmost parts of the Coun∣try are Mountainous, intermixt with fruitful Vallies, and large Lakes, which want not store of good Fish. The Hills are no where Barren (though in some places Stony) but fruitful in Trees and Grass. There are many Rivers, fresh Brooks and Springs, that run into the Sea. The Rivers are good Harbors, and abound with plenty of excellent Fish, yet are they full of Falls, which makes them not Navigable far into the Land. The Seas bordering the Shores are studded with Islands, about which great Shoals of Fishes (Cod, Haddock, and such like) do wantonly sport themselves. The main Land doth nourish abundance of Deers, Bears, Wolves, and a beast called Moose, peculiar to those Regions; and the Rivers and Ponds are stored with some Beavers, Otters, and Musquashes. There are also divers kinds of small Beasts, but the most offensive are Foxes; Fowls there are store in their several seasons, as Turkies, Geese, and Ducks; and the soyl naturally produces wild Vines with very large Bunches of Grapes, but the extremity of heat and cold hinder their just temper. There are many other Fruits which are very good, with Plants, whose Rinds or Barks tran∣scends our Hemp or Flax; both Air and Earth concurring to bring forth most things that Industry and Art can provide for the use of man.

The first that sent a Colony into this Country,* 4.78 was the Lord Chief Justice Popham, in the year 1606. A man highly re∣nowned in his time, for persecuting such as transgressed the Laws among Christians, living like Beasts of prey to the prejudice of Travellers. And in this he had a special aim, and hope also, to establish Christian Laws among Infidels; and by domestical, to chace away those ferous, and indomitable Creatures, that infest∣ed the Land: Brave and gallant spirits having ever such pub∣lick ends. But Planters are like Alchymists, they have something in projection, that many times fails in production. It is concei∣ved the Romans were not well advised to settle one of their

first Colonies at Maldon in Essex, whose soyl about, is neither yet sound, nor Air salubrious. And the first opening of ground in a Climate not Natural, hath an extraordinary operation upon the Bodies of Men, whose Senses must comply to give entertainment to a Stranger, that often spoils the place where it finds Hospita∣lity. For the first Planters of New-England having seated them∣selves low, few of them were left, to direct those that succee∣ded, in a better way. Yet People, by dear experience, over∣came it by degrees, being yearly supplied by men, whose industry and affections taught them, there was more hope to find safety in New-England than in the Old.

* 4.79 Though these found some stop, yet our great Favourite, the Earl of Somerset, and his business, runs smoothly, without rub, since Overburies death. But he must alter his Bias, and go less, or find some new ways to bring in Monies; the Revenues of the Crown are not competent to maintain such vast Expences, accu∣mulated by his Riot, though he had all the Earl of Westmorelands Lands at his Marriage, and Creation, added to his Earldom. There must be therefore a new Order of Baronets made, in num∣ber two hundred, that must be next Degree to Barons, and these must pay a thousand pound a piece for their Honour, ha∣ving it by Patent under the great Seal, and continued to Posteri∣ty with the Title of Knights. Some of these new Honourable men (whose Wives pride, and their own Prodigalities had pumpt up to it) were so drained, that they had not moisture to maintain the radical humour, but wither'd no nothing. This money thus raised, is pretended for planting the North of Ire∣land, but it found many other Chanels, before it came to that Sea. And though at our Kings first access to the Crown, there was a glut of Knights made, yet after some time he held his hand, left the Kingdom should be cloyed with them: And the World thriv'd so well with some, that the price was afterwards brought up to three hundred pounds a piece. But now again, the poor Courtiers were so indigent, that sixty pounds would purchase a Knighthood, the King wanting other means to gratifie his Servants.

* 4.80 Yet he was of so free a Nature, and careless of Money, when he had it (though solicitous to get it) that he batled in his own bounty. For being one day in the Gallery at White-hall, and none with him but Sir Henry Rich (who was second Son to the Earl of Warwick) afterwards Earl of Holland, a Gentleman of ex∣cellent Natural Parts, but youthfully expensive; and Iames Maxwel, one of his Bed Chamber; some Porters past by them, with three thousand pounds, going to the Privy Purse: Sir Henry Rich whispering Maxwel, the King turned upon them, and asked Maxwel, what says he? what says he? Maxwel told him, he wisht he had so much money; Marry shalt thou Harry,

(saith the King) and presently commanded the Porters to carry it to his Lodging, with this Expression, You think now you have a great Purchase; but I am more delighted to think how much I have pleasured you in giving this money, than you can be in receiving it. This Story intervenes, to shew the Temper of his Mind.

About this time also Gold was raised to two shillings in the pound,* 4.81 occasioned from the high value set upon it abroad, which made the Merchant transport it. But the first Inhancers can make their Markets, by ingrossing great Sums; especially the Payments of those times, and all this Kings Reign, being for the most part in Gold so that it might be called the Golden Age; that it is a wonder now, what gulf hath swallowed those great sums, if their golden wings be not flown to the Sun-rising. But these little projects will bring in but small store of money, to maintain the Work; many such Materials must go, to make up a Royal Building, and little Streams will not easily fill a Cistern that hath many Issues. A Parliament can furnish all: but who dare venture on such Refractory Spirits?

Yet there was a generation about the Court,* 4.82 that to please and humour Greatness, undertook a Parliament; as men presuming to have Friends in every County, and Borough, who (by their Power among the People) would make Election of such Mem∣bers for Knights and Burgesses, as should comply solely to the Kings desires; and Somerset is the Head and Chief of these Vn∣dertakers. But this was but an Embrion, and became an Abortive. The English Freedom cannot be lost by a few base and tame spi∣rits, that would unmake themselves, and their Posterity, to ingrandize one Man. For the Parliament meeting according to their Summons, such Faces appeared there, as made the Court droop; who, instead of Contributing to the Kings wants, lay open his wasts, especially upon the Scots, with whom they de∣sire medietatem linguae, a share of favour: The Bread (by our Sa∣viours rule) properly belonging to the Children of the Kingdom. And they beseech His Majesty to stop the Current of future ac∣cess of that Nation to make residence here, having enough to eat up their own Crums. They enquire into the Causes of the un∣expected increase of Popish Recusants, since the Gun-Powder Plot, the detestation whereof (they thought) should have utterly extinguished them; and they find it to the Admission of Po∣pish Nobility into his Counsels; the silencing of many watchful, and diligent Ministers; the divers Treaties his Majesty hath en∣tertained, not only for the Marriage of the deceased Prince Henry, but for Prince Charles that now liveth, with the Daugh∣ters of Popish Princes, which dis-heartneth the Protestant, and encourageth the Recusant; laying open with these, many other miscarriages in Government, which the King willing to have con∣cealed, stopt them in their Course, dissolving the Parliament,

and committing to the Tower and other Princes (the begin∣ning of incroachment upon the publick liberties) such as were most active for the Common good.

These fair Blossoms not producing the hoped-for fruit, they find out new Projects to manure the People; different much in name and nature;* 4.83 a Benevolence, extorted; a Free-gift against their wills was urged upon them, and they that did not give in their money, must give in their names, which carried a kind of fright with it. But the most knowing men (like so many Pil∣lars to the Kingdoms liberties) supported their Neighbours totter∣ing Resolutions, with assuring them, that these kind of Benevo∣lences were against Law, Reason and Religion.

First against Law, being prohibited by divers Acts of Par∣liament; and a Curse pronounced against the infringers of them.

Secondly, against Reason, that a particular man should oppose his judgment and discretion, to the wisdom and judgment of the King assembled in Parliament, who have there denyed any such aid.

Thirdly against Religion That a King violating his Oath (ta∣ken at his Coronation for maintaining the Laws, Liberties, and Customs of the Realm) should be assisted by the people in an Act of so much Injustice and Impiety. These, and many other Ar∣guments instilled into the people by some good Patriots, were great impediments to the Benevolence: So that they got but little money, and lost a great deal of love: For no Levies do so much decline, and abase the love and spirits of the people, as un∣just Levies. Subsidies get more of their money, but Exactions enslave the mind; for they either raise them above, or depress them beneath their sufferings, which are equally mischievous, and to be avoided.

* 4.84 This Summer the King of Denmark revisited his Sister the Queen of England, with some forty Lords, Gentlemen, and o∣thers in his Train; landing at Yarmouth, and passing directly to London, took up his Lodging in our Common Inns, and was not known but for some Outlandish Nobleman, till he came to the Queens Palace in the Strand, where she was surprized with the unexpected joy of a Brothers company, distanced from her by the interest of his people, the great Bar that hinders Princes the common civilities and happiness of their Inferiors. But the joy continued not long; for after some fourteen days inter∣view, they parted again. But those days had such a pleni∣tude of all those delights that contend to satisfaction, as if a great deal of more time had been involved and contracted in them.

* 4.85 The Earl of Somerset new made Lord Chamberlain, succeeding his Father-in-law the Earl of Suffolk, and the Lord Treasurer

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VERA EFFIGIES FRANCISCAE COMITISSAE SOMERSETIAE / VICECOM: ROFFEN: ETc

The lively portraict of the Lady Francis Countesse of Somerset

Successor to Salisbury, were not very acceptable to the Queen, having the same spirit and animosity against Somerset that her Son had: But whether from an apprehension that the Kings love and company was alienated from her, by this Masculine conversation and intimacy, or whether the mans insolence, (thus high mounted) had carried him too near the Beams of Majesty (his creature Overbury being a little before his Commitment condemned for presumptuous walking with his hat on in her Palace Garden, she being in the window) or whether from that natural inclination that makes every one oppose Pride in others, though it be more active in themselves, and see it not; or from that Rumor of Prince Henries death, covertly imputed to Somer∣set, I know not. But she became the head of a great Faction a∣gainst him.

Sir Ralph Winwood, who had been Lieger-Ambassador with the States in the Netherlands, for his abilities and good service had merited so much from the King, that he made him Secreta∣ry of State; The Queen closes with him, the better to disco∣ver Somersets miscarriages, and he was ready enough to oblige her; for Somerset made him but an Vnderling, grasping all Pub∣lick imployments into his own hand, not caring whom he disob∣liged, or what Malice he pulled upon himself; for like a Coloss he stood the brunt of all the Tempests of Envy, making those that carried the greatest sail to strike and come under him. Nor would he suffer any place in Court, or dignity in State, to be bestowed; which was not sweetned with his smile that gave it, or their bounty that injoyed it; so that (it was thought) he in∣grossed a mass of Coin, as if his soul intended to take her ease. This Pride and Covetousness added to his other miscarriages such a number of Vnderminers, that he stood upon a tottering foun∣dation, having no support but the Kings favour, which, whe∣ther by Providence from above, or purposes below (both e∣ver concurring from the Will to the Means) was soon remo∣ved.

For about this time the King cast his eye upon a young Gen∣tleman,* 4.86 so rarely moulded, that he meant to make him a Master∣piece: His name was George Villers, he was second Son to Sir George Villers, a Knight of Leicester-shire, by a second Venter: For the old man coming to Colehorton in that County, to visit his Kinswoman the Lady Beaumont, found a young Gentlewo∣man of that name, allyed, and yet a servant to the Lady, who being of a handsom presence, and countenance, took his affecti∣ons, and he married her. This was the soil where the glorious Cedar grew? who having only the breeding and portion of a younger Brother, with the Mothers help and travel, got the ad∣dition of a French garb, which brought him to the Court in no greater a condition than fifty pounds a year is able to maintain.

The King strucken with this new object,* 4.87 would not expose him to so much hazard as the malice of a jealous Competitor, nor him self to so much censure, as to be thought changeable, and taken again with a sudden affection▪ therefore he instructs some of his Confidents to bring him in by degrees; who intimated the Kings pleasure to him, that he should wait Cup bearer at large, being so, at too strait a distance of place, to have any mark of favour for suspition to level at. And if the King had not received a new Impression thus, the old Character of Somerset that was imprinted in his soul, could not so soon (as many men thought) have been blotted out. But Courts that are the wisest, though not the most vertuous Schools, do teach their Scholars to observe the Seasons, and by the Astronomy of the Princes eye, to calculate what Fortune such Aspects, and such Conjunctions may happi∣ly produce: And they found so much as gave them incourage∣ment to hear, and boldness to discover, that which pulled down the one, and set up the other.

* 4.88 But Somerset that had the pulse of his Conscience always beat∣ing at Overburies door, was as active to preserve himself, as his Enemies were to ruin him: and finding himself shaking (though there was nothing yet laid to his Charge, but the imbe∣zelling some of the Crown Iewels) he throws himself at the Kings feet, acknowledging the great Trust his Majesty had re∣posed in him, and the weight of business lying on him, might make him incounter him with some miscarriages through youth and ignorance (great imployments often meeting with envy, that jossels them in the way) he therefore humbly besought his Majesty to grant him a general Pardon for what was past, that he might not be exposed to the malice of those that would wrest all his Actions to the worst meaning. The King that raised this fair Edifice, being loth to have it quite pulled down again, gave order for the drawing up of a general Pardon, in so ample and full a manner, that it might rather exceed, than take rise from any former precedent; This the King signed and sent to the Great Seal; But the Queen having notice of it, and using her Power with the Lord Chancellor, gave stop to the Seal till the Kings coming to Town (who was on his Progress in the West) and then what was mutter'd in corners before, rung openly in the Streets: For the Apothecaries boy that gave Sir Thomas Over∣bury the Glister, falling sick at Flushing, revealed the whole mat∣ter, which Sir Ralph Winwood by his Correspondents had a full Relation of, and a small breach being made, his Enemies, like the noise of many Waters, rise up against him, following the Stream.

* 4.89 The King hearing of the business, and what ill sound it car∣ried with it (as it was set out to him) that in the face of the Court, and so near his own bosom, such poysonous practices should be perpetrated, and on one that was his Prisoner, he

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VERA EFFIG: REVER•••…•••… DOMINI IOHAN̄IS KING EPISCOPI LONDIN•…•…

Lo here his shade whose substāce is divine; Like God, in all that may his Angell fitt: Whose light before men, like a lampe, doth shyne The Oyle of Grace and learning feeding it: Yet, like a lampe, that others light doth gieve, Still wast's the Oyle by which him self doth lieve. See thy true shadowe Nature and suppose How much thy Substance is belov'd of Harts O Cunning, if thy Mirror could diclose His heavenly Formes, of Zeale, Religion, Arts; This picture might exactllie shewe in Hym. Each vertue done to Life for each dead Lym.

seemed to be much moved with the Relation; and sending for the Iudges gave them strict Charge to examin the Matter through∣ly, imprecating a Curse upon them and their Posterity, if th••y did not endeavour to discover it; and if he did spare any guil∣ty Person, He wished Gods Curse mi••ht light on him, and his Posterity; So violent the King appeared in prosecution of it! And away to Royston he goes, and Somerset with him; thither these ru∣mours came buzzing about his ears, like a rising storm upon a well spread Oak; but he thought himself too firmly rooted in the Kings favour to be removed, therefore he went back to London, to still the murmurs vented against him. Some say, the Lord Chief Justice Cook sent for him, upon which he went to the King with a Complaint, as taking it to be a great presump∣tion; but the King made answer, Thou must go then, for if Cook sends for me I must go too. Others say, when he came to take his leave of the King, he embraced and kist him often, wisht him to make haste back, shewed an extreme passion to be without him; and his back was no sooner turned, but he said with a smile, I shall never see thy face more. Whether either, or both of these were so, cannot be asserted, but to London he went; his Countess was apprehended (and committed to Custody in Black-Fryars) before he came thither; he was no sooner there, but he was seized on, and commended to the Charge of Do∣ctor Mountain, Dean of Westminster; and then they went on roundly with the Business.

For a little before this,* 4.90 Weston was taken, and examined, but like a stubborn piece (unmoulded for impression) nothing could be drawn from him; but God (by the means and persuasion of the Bishop of London, Doctor King, a man eminent for piety in his time) so wrought upon his heart, that the eye of his soul being opened to the foulness of his sin, he discovered all, so that the whole Confederacy were laid hold on; Who falling into the hands of the Lord Chief Justice Cook (a Spirit of a fiery exha∣lation, as subtil as active) he left no stone unturned, till he had ript up the very foundation.

But in the mean time, between Westons standing mute, and his Trial, one Lumsden a Scotchman, took upon him to make a false and libellous Relation of the business, and delivers it to Henry Gib of the Bed-Chamber, to be put into the Kings hand; in which Writing he falsifies and perverts all that was done the first day of Westons Arraignment, turning the edg of his impu∣tations upon the Lord Chief Justice Cook: which Bolt was boldly shot by him, but it was thought not to come out of his own Quiver; and it lighted into an ill hand for him, for the King discovered it, and left him an open Mark to that Iustice, he had traduced.

Weston was the first that suffered by the hand of the Law; which Sir Iohn Hollis (after Earl of Clare) out of friendship to Somerset; and Sir Iohn Wentworth, a Person debauched and rio∣tous (hoping from the beams of of Somersets favour to increase his wanting fortunes) strove to blast in the spring;* 4.91 for they rod to Tyburn, and urged him at his Execution to deny all, hoping that way to prevent the Autumn that followed: but Westons Soul being prepared for Death, resisted their temptations, sealing pe∣nitently the Truth of his Confession with his last. And this at∣tempt of Hollu, Wentworth, and Lumsden, to pervert Iustice being aggravated against them in the Star-Chamber by the Kings Atturney, Sir Francis Bacon, they were sentenced there, and found the reward of their Presumption.

* 4.92Mistris Turner followed next: A Pattern of Pride and Lust; who having always given a loose Rein to her life, she ran this carreer at last into the jaws of death.

* 4.93 Sir Iervis Ellowis, Lieutenant of the Tower, was the third, who suffered on Tower Hill; a Man much pitied, being drawn in by the allurements of Northampton to be a Spectator rather than an Actor in this bloody Tragedy; but his Connivence cost him his life. And being a man full of sorrow for his offence, he left two Pillars behind him at his death, for Watch-Towers to all that pass by, in this Bark of frail Mortality, to prevent Ship∣wrack. One was, Not to vow any thing to God, but to perform it. The other was, Not to take a pride in any Parts, though never so ex∣cellent. For the first, he said he was a great Gamester, and loved it; and having lost one time much money, he seriously and advisedly, between God and his own Soul, clapping his hand on his breast, spake thus (as it were to God) If ever I play again, then let me be hanged! and breaking my Vow (said he) now God hath paid my Imprecation home. The second was, He took a great de∣light in his Pen, And that Pen (to use his own words) which I was so proud of, hath struck me dead, and, like Absolons hair, hath hanged me; for there dropt a word or two from my Pen, in a Letter to the Earl of Northampton, which upon my salvation I am not able to answer: At my Arraignment I pleaded hard for my life, and protested mine inno∣cency; but when my own Pen came against me, I was not able to speak for my self, but stood as one amazed, or that had no tongue. Such damps doth guiltiness cast upon the Spirit!

The fourth that fell by the stroke of Iustice, was Franklin, a Fellow as sordid in his death,* 4.94 as pernicious in his life, whose name deserves not so much as memory.

The fifth and sixth were Somerset and his Countess. At her Ar∣raignment, all the Letters that passed betwixt Forman and she, were read in open Court, and the waxen and brazen Poppets were made visible, dancing up and down from hand to hand, which discovered the folly of her Actions: But the Earl and

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JOHN HOLLES 1^st, EARL OF CLARE.

she, being condemned, found the King mercy, and were, after some time of imprisonment in the Tower, set at liberty, holding their lives by a Lease of the Kings Will, living in a private, and almost obscure condition. Shewing in it, That no content or hap∣piness can be truly established, but on the foundation of Iustice. For that Love that made them break through all Oppositions (ei∣ther by her decling to some new Object (as was the common ru∣mour) or his inclining to reluctancy for the Old) grew so weak▪ that it pined away, and they lived long after (though in one House) as Strangers one to another.

She died before him.* 4.95 Her death was infamous, his without fame, the obscurity of the rest of his life darkning the splendor of it. And though she died (as it were) in a corner (in so private a condition) the loathsomeness of her death made it as conspi∣cuous as on the house top: For that part of her Body which had been the receptacle of most of her sin, grown rotten (though she never had but one Child) the ligaments failing, it fell down, and was cut away in flakes, with a most nauseous and putrid savour; which to augment, she would roul her self in her own ordure in her bed, took delight in it. Thus her affections varied; For nothing could be found sweet enough to augment her Beauties at first, and nothing stinking enough to decipher her loath∣someness at last: Pardon the sharpness of these expressions, for they are for the Glory of God, who often makes his pu∣nishments (in the ballance of his Iustice) of equal weight with our sins.

For his Person,* 4.96 He was rather well compacted than tall; his features and favour comely, and handsome, rather than beau∣tiful; the hair of his head flaxen, that of his face tinctured with yellow, of the Sycambrian colour: In his own nature, of a gentle mind, and affable disposition, having publick affections, till they were all swallowed up in this gulf of beauty, which did precipitate him into these dangerous Contrivances. For that which made his friendship false, diverted his publick affection to his private interest; and when he found himself guilty of what he thought might ruin him, he grew covetous to heap that together, which he thought might preserve him; So that at one breach that our Corruptions make, many mischiefs fol∣low in the crowd. And if he had not met with such a Woman, he might have been a good man: but trials, and strong temp∣tations, enhanceth the Price of Vertue; the conflict is gallant, but to be overcome debaseth a man the more, by how much his fall is the greater.

I was loth to separate these Delinquents in their Trials (be∣ing close woven) by the length of Sir Francis Bacons Speech in the Star-Chamber, against Hollis, Wentworth, and Lumsden. But knowing what an Ornament his Oratory will give to this Story,

and how usual it was for ancient Historians to insert their Ha∣rangues of State,* 4.97 as well as Military Orations, I could not de∣cline this, though it comes almost in the Rere; the rather be∣cause it will serve as a Seal and Confirmation of what is for∣merly written. And thus it was.

* 4.98THE Offence wherewith I shall charge the three Offen∣ders at the Bar, is a misdemeanour of a high Nature, tending to the defacing and scandal of Iustice, in a great Cause Capital. The particular Charge is this:

the King among many of his Princely Vertues, is known to ex∣cel in that proper Vertue of the Imperial Throne, which is Iu∣stice; it is a Master Vertue, unto which the other three are mi∣nistrant, and do service: Wisdom serveth to discover, and dis∣cern of Innocencies, and Guiltiness; Fortitude is to persecute, and execute; and Temperance so to carry Iustice, as it be not passionate in the pursuit, nor confused in valuing Persons, nor precipitate in Time.

For this his Majesties Vertue of Iustice, God hath of late rai∣sed an Occasion, and erected (as it were) a Stage, or Theatre, much for his Honour, to shew, and act it, in the pursuit of the violent untimely death of Sir Thomas Overbury, and therein cleansing the Land from blood. For if blood doth cry to Hea∣ven in Gods ears, this is a stench, I may say, in the Nostrils of God and Man.

This work of Iustice, the greater and more excellent it is, you will soon conclude, the greater is the offence of any that have sought to affront or traduce it. And therefore, before I descend unto the particular Charge of these Offenders, I will say somewhat of the Crime of Impoysonment; somewhat of the particular Circumstances of this Fact upon Overbury; and thirdly, of the Kings great and worthy care and carriage in this business.

The offence of Impoysonment is most truly figured in that Device and Description which was made of the nature of Caius Caligula, That he was Lutum sanguine maceratum, Mire cemented with blood: For as it is one of the highest offences in guiltiness, so it is the basest of all others in the minds of Offenders. Treason, Magnum aliquid spectant, they aim at great things; but this is vile and base. I have found in the Book of God, examples of all other offences, but not any one of an Impoysonment, or an Impoysoner. I find mention of some fear of casual Impoysonments; when the Waters were corrupted and bitter, they came complaining in a fearful man∣ner, Master, Mors in olla: And I find mention of Poysons of Beasts, and Serpents, The Poysons of Asps is under their lips, saith the Psalm, but I find no mention in a Human Creature, of a

malicious and murtherous Impoysonment. Let their table be made a snare, is certainly most true of Impoysonment, but that I think was meant of the Treachery of Friends, that were par∣ticipant of the same Table.

This is an offence that hath two spurs of offending, Spes per∣ficiendi, & spes celandi, it is easily committed and con∣cealed. It is an offence, that is, Tanquam sagitta nocte volans, it is the Arrow that flies by night, it discerns not whom it hits: for many times the poyson is laid for one, and another takes it. As in Sanders case, where the poysoned Apple was laid for the Mother, and the Child eat it. And so in that notorious Case, whereupon the Statute of 22 Hen. 8. cap. 9. was made, where the intent being but to poyson one or two, poyson was put in a little Vessel of Barm that stood in the Kitchen at the Bishop of Rochesters house, of which Barm, Pottage or Grewel was made, wherewith seventeen of the Bishops Family were poy∣soned, nay, divers of the poor that came to the Bishops-gate, and had the Pottage in Alms, were likewise poysoned. Here is great talk of Impoysonment, I hope I am safe, I have no ene∣mies, nor any thing men can long for; that is all one; for he may sit at the Table by one, for whom poyson is prepared, and have a drench of his Cup or of his Pottage, and so (as the Poet saith) Concidit infelix alieno vulnere, he may die another mans death, and therefore it was most gravely, judiciously, and properly provided by that Statute, that Impoysonment should be High-Treason, because whatsoever offence tendeth to the utter subversion and dissolution of Human Society is in the nature of High-Treason,

But it is an offence, that I may truly say of it, Non est nostri generis nec sanguinis; It is, thanks be to God, rare in the Isle of Britain: It is neither of our Country, nor of our Church; You may find it in Rome, and Italy, there is a Religion for it, if it should come among us, it were better living in a Wilder∣ness than in a Court.

For the particular fact upon Overbury; I knew the Gentle∣man, it is true, his mind was great, but it moved not in any great good order, yet certainly it did commonly fly at good things; and the greatest fault that ever I heard by him, was, That he made his Friend his Idol. But take him as he was, the Kings Prisoner in the Tower, and then see how the Case stands. In that place the State is (as it were) a Respondent to make good the Body of the Prisoner, and if any thing hap∣pen to him there, it may (though not in this Case, yet in some others) make an aspersion, and reflexion upon the State it self: For the person is utterly void of his own defence, his own care and providence can serve him to nothing; He is in the custody and preservation of Law, and we have a Maxim

in our Law, that when a State is in preservation of Law, nothing can destroy it, or hurt it, and God forbid but the like should be in Persons, and therefore this was a circumstance of great ag∣gravation.

Lastly, To have a man chased to death, in a manner, as it appears now by matter of Record (for other privacy of Cause I know not) by poyson after poyson: First Rosaker, then Ars∣nick, then Mercury sublimate, then sublimate again, it is a thing would astonish mans nature to hear it. The Poets feign that the Furies had Whips, and that they were corded with poyson∣ed Snakes; and a man would think that this subject were the very Case: To have a man tied to a post, and to scourge him to death with Serpents, for so truly may diversity of poysons be termed.

It pleased my Lord Chief Justice to let me know that which I heard with great comfort, which was the charge that his Ma∣jesty gave to himself, and the rest of the Commissioners in this Case, worthy to be written in Letters of Gold, That the business should be carried without touch to any that was innocent, not only without impeachment, but without aspersion, which was a most Noble and Princely caution; for mens Reputations are tender things, and ought to be like Christs Coat without seam. And it was more to be respected in this Case, because it met with two great Persons; A Noble∣man that his Majesty had favoured and advanced, and his Lady, being of a great and Honourable House, though I think it be true that the Writers say, that there is no Pomegranate so fair, or so sound, but may have a perished Kernel. Nay, I see plainly in those excellent Papers of his Majesties own hand∣writing (as so many beams of Iustice issuing from that Vertue which so much doth shine in him) the business so evenly car∣ried without prejudice, whether it were a true Accusation on the one part, or a practice or false Accusation on the other, as shewed plainly that his Majesties judgment was, Tanquam tabula rasa, as a clean pair of Tables, and his ears, Tanquam janua aperta, as a gate not side open, but wide open to the Truth, as it should be discovered. And I may truly affirm, that there was never in this Kingdom, nor in any other, the blood of a private Gentleman vindicated, Cum tanto motu Regni, or to say better, Cum tanto plausu Regni: If it had concerned the King or Prince there could not have been greater, or better Commi∣ssioners. The term hath been almost turned into a Iustium, or Vacancy; the people being more willing to be lookers on in this business, than proceeders in their own. There hath been no care of discovery omitted, no moment of time lost; and therefore I will conclude, with the saying of Solomon, this part of my Speech, Gloria Deicelare rem, and gloria Regis scru∣tari

rem, It is the glory of God to conceal a thing, and it is the glory of the King to find it out. And his Majesties honor is the greater; for that he shewed to the World this business, as it hath relation to my Lord of Somerset (whose Case in no sort I do fore-judg, being ignorant of the secrets of the cause, but take him as the Law takes him, hitherto for a suspect) I say the King hath to his great honor shewed, That were any man in such a case of blood, as the Signet of his right-hand (as the Scripture saith) he would put him off.

Now will I come to the particular Charge of these Gentle∣men And first I will by way of Narrative relate the Fact, with the occasion of it.

This wretched man Weston, who was the Actor, or Mechani∣cal party in this Impoysonment, the first day being indicted by a very substantial Iury of selected Citizens, to the number of nineteen, who found Billa vera, yet nevertheless at the first stood mute. But after some days intermission, it pleased God to cast out the Dumb Devil, and he put himself upon his Trial, and was by a Iury of great value, upon his own Confessions, and other testimonies, found guilty: So as thirty and one sufficient Iurors have past upon him, and he had also his Judgment and Execution awarded. After this, being in preparation for an∣other World, he sent for Sir Thomas Overbury's Father, and falling down upon his knees, with great remorse and compun∣ction asked him forgiveness; and afterwards again of his own motion, desired to have his like prayer of forgiveness recommen∣ded to his Mother, who was absent. And at both times out of the abundance of his heart confessed that he was to die just∣ly, and that he was worthy of death. And after again at his Execution (which is a kind of sealing time of Confessions) even at the point of death (though there were Tempers about him he did again confirm publickly, that his Examinations were true, and that he had been justly and honourably dealt with. So here is a period of this man, which was the subject of this calumny or affront of Iustice. Wherein Mr. Lumsden plays his part first, who in the time between Westons standing mute and his Tryal, frames a most odious and libellous Relation, contain∣ing as many untruths as lines, sets it down in writing with his own hand, and delivers it to one of the Bedchamber to be put into the Kings hands, falsifying all that was done the first day of Westons Arraignment, turning the pike and point of his im∣putations upon the Lord Chief Justice of England, whose name thus occurring, I cannot pass by, and yet I cannot skill of this same Flattery, or vulgar Attribute; but this I will say of him, and I would say as much to Ages, That never mans person and his place were better met in a business, than my Lord Cook, and my Lord Chief Iustice, in the Cause of Overbury.

Now for the person of Master Lumsden, I know he is a Scotch Gentleman, and thereby more ignorant of our Laws: but I cannot tell whether this doth extenuate his fault, or in∣crease it; for as it may extenuate it in respect of ignorance, so it doth aggravate it much in respect of presumption, to meddle in that he understood not, unless some other mans cunning wrought upon this mans boldness. The infusion of a slander into a Kings ear, is of all forms of Libels, and Slanders, the worst. It is true, that Kings may keep secret their informa∣tion, and then no man can enquire after them, while they are shrined in their Breast: but where a King is pleased that a man shall answer for his false information, divers precedents of slanderous Petitions have been as severly punished, as slan∣derous Libels.

For the Offence of Sir Iohn Wentworth, and Sir Iohn Hollis, which was, to scandalize the Iustice already past, or to cut off the thread of something that is to come, these two Gentle∣men came mounted on Horseback, and in a ruffling and fa∣cing manner, presumed to Examin Weston, whether he did poyson Overbury, or no; directly cross to that which had been tried, and judged. For what was the Point tried? That Weston had poysoned Overbury: And Sir Iohn Went∣worth's question was, whether he did poyson him? A direct Contradictory. Whereupon Weston answered, that he did him wrong; and turning to the Sheriff, said, You promised me I should not be troubled at this time; and yet nevertheless Wentworth prest him to answer, that he might pray with him. l know not that Sir Iohn Wentworth is an Ecclesiastick, that he should cut any man from communion of Prayer; and for all this vexing of the spirit of a poor man, now in the gate of death, Weston stood constant, and said, I die not unworthily, my Lord Chief Iustice hath my mind under his hand, and he is an honourable and just Iudg. Sir Iohn Hollis was not so much a Questionist, but wrought upon the other Questions, and like a Counsellor, wisht him to discharge his Conscience, and to satisfie the World: What World I marvel! It was the World at Tyburn: For the World at Guildhall, and the World at London, were satisfied before; Teste the Bels that rang e∣very where. But men have got a fashion now a-days, that two or three busie bodies will take upon them the name of the World, and broach their own conceit, as if it were a general opinion. Well, what more? When they could not work up∣on Weston, Sir Iohn Hollis in an indignation, turned about his horse, as the other was turning to his death, and said he was sorry of such a Conclusion. That was to have the State honou∣red or justified.

Sir Iohn Hollis offence hath another Appendix, before this in time, which was at the day of the Tryal. He presumed to give his Verdict openly, That if he were of the Iury he would not doubt what to do. Marry he saith he cannot well tell whe∣ther he spoke this before the Iury had given up their Verdict or after. Wherein there is little gained; for whether he were a Praejuror, or a Postjuror, the one was to prejudice the Iury, the other was to attaint them.

The offence of these Gentlemen is greater and more dan∣gerous than is conceived. We have no Spanish Inquisition, no Iustice in a corner, no gagging of mens mouths at their death, but they may speak freely to the last; but then it must come from the free motion of the party, not by tempting of Questi∣ons. The Questions that are asked ought to tend to further re∣vealing of their own, or others guiltiness: But to use a Que∣stion in the nature of a cross interrogatory, to falsifie that which is Res judicata, is intolerable. That were to erect a Court, or Commission of review at Tyburn, against the Court of Westminster: For if the Answer be according to the Judgment past, it adds credit to Iustice; if it be contrary, it derogateth nothing, yet it subjecteth the Majesty of Iustice to a popular vulgar talk and opinion. My Lords, these are great and dan∣gerous offences; for if we do not maintain Iustice, Iustice will not maintain us.

Then the Examinations being read, and further aggravated against these three Gentlemen, there passed Judgment upon them of Fine and lmprisonment.

Sir Thomas Monson,* 4.99 another of the Countesses Agents in this poysoning contrivance, had past one days Tryal at Guildhall. But the Lord Chief Justice Cook in his Rhetorical Flourishes at his Arraignment, vented some expressions (which he either de∣duced from Northamptons assuring the Lieutenant of the Tower, that the making away of Sir Thomas Overbury would be accep∣table to the King, or from some other secret hint received) as if he could discover more than the death of a private person, in∣timating, though not plainly, that Overburies untimely remove had something in it of retaliation, as if he had been guilty of the same Crime against Prince Henry, blessing himself with ad∣miration at the horror of such actions. In which he flew so high a pitch, that he was taken down by a Court Lure, Sir Tho∣mas Monsons Tryal laid aside, and he soon after set at li∣berty, and the Lord Chief Justices wings were clipt for it ever after.

And it was rumor'd, that the King (heightned to so much passion by this eruption of Sir Edward Cooks) went to the Coun∣cil Table, and kneeling down there, desired God to lay a Curse

upon him and his posterity for ever, if he were consenting to Overbu∣ries death. But this cannot be asserted, being above our Sphere: yet as Mathematicians do propose to themselves imaginary Cir∣cles, for the several motions in the Heavens, and though there be none discovered, yet they find the effects of what they appre∣hend: So the sudden stopping of Monsons Tryal, put strange imaginations into mens heads, and those seconded by Reports too high for private discovery,* 4.100 their operation only falling un∣der the common notion. But the Lord Chief Justice was blamed for flying out of his way; that having enough to prosecute the business, he would grasp after more till he lost all: For this Crime was thought second to none but the Gunpowder-plot; that would have blown up all indeed at a blow (a merciful cruelty) this would have done the same by degrees, a lingring, but as sure a way; one by one might have been culled out, till all opposers had been removed: Besides, the other Plot was scandalous to Rome, making Popery odious, this was scandalous to the Gospel ever since the first Nullity. The Devil could not have invented a more mischievous practice to Church and State.

* 4.101 The Lady Arabella dying about this time in the Tower, set mens tongues and fears a work, that she went the same way. Such mischief doth one evil action introduce, that it makes a great Rode for Jealousie to pursue after it. The Lady was Daughter to Charles Stuart, younger Brother to our Kings Fa∣ther, by Elizabeth Cavendish, who was married some years past to Sir William Seymaur, Son to the Lord Beauchamp, and Grand∣child to Edward Earl of Hertford; both at some distance allyed to the Crown, therefore such a Conjunction would not be ad∣mitted in the Royal Almanack, so dreadful is every apparition that comes near Princes Titles. Sir William Seymaur for the Mar∣riage was committed to the Tower, and the Lady Arabella con∣fined to her House at High-gate. But after some imprisonment they conclude to escape beyond Sea together, appointing to meet at a certain place upon the Thames: Sir William leaving his man in his bed to act his part with his Keeper, got out of the Tower in a disguise, and came to the place appointed. She drest like a young Gallant in mans attire, followed him from her house, but staying long above the limited time, made him su∣spicious of her interception, so that he sent away, leaving no∣tice if she came, that he was gone away, before to Dunkirk. She, good Lady fraught with more fears, and lagging in her flights was apprehended, brought back to the Tower, and there fini∣shed her earthly pilgrimage. She being dead, Sir William Seymaur got leave to return home, and married since to the Lady Fran∣ces, Daughter to the late noble Earl of Essex, a Lady in whose breast dwells as much Honor as can be derived from noble Pro∣genitors,

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William Seymour, Marquis and Earle of Hartford, and Baron Beauchamp.

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GRAUE PONDUS ILLA MAXIMA NOBILITAS PREMIT. Anno 1619.

by whom he hath a very hopeful Issue, and by the death of his Grandfather was Earl, and now is Marquess of Hertford.

And now the Temples of Ianus being shut, Warlike Abillia∣ments grew rusty, and Bellona put on Masking-attire; for Scot∣land bought her Peace at a good rate,* 4.102 and Ireland found the fruits of hers growing up to her hand. Those Irish that had great E∣states (though rude enough) the King suppled and tamed with Honours, and they that had little were content calmly to suck in what they had, and battel'd by it, so that they wanted no∣thing but moderation to make them happy. These Halcion days shined round about us. The influence of our Kings peaceable mind; had almost an universal operation Spains ambition was contented to be bounded by the Pirene Hills, and the Atlantick Ocean, sucking in the fruits of Italy and Sicily, and hoarding up the Treasures of the Indies, willingly singing a Requiem to the Netherlands, France wanting Exercise surfeited with diseases at home, which by fits broke out into Tumors among them∣selves. The Germans swelled into a Dropsie of Voluptuousness, by Plenty, and the sweets of Peace, Politick Bodies are like Na∣tural; Full feeding contracts, gross humors, which will have vent. Only such Exercise as may refine, and keep the spirits active, and digest the grosser and fulginous matter, strengthens the Nerves of a Kingdom, or Republick. Nothing now but bra∣very and feasting, the Parents of Debauchery and Riot, flourish∣ed among us. There is no Theam for History when men spill more drink than blood; when plots and contrivances for Lust, act∣ed in dark corners, are more practised than Stratagems in War; and when the Stages with silken Pageants and Poppets, that slack∣en the sinews, are more frequented than those Theaters of Honor, where Industry brawns and hardens the Arms: Peace is a great Blessing, if it bring not a Curse with it; but War is more happy in its effects than it, especially if it takes away the distemper that grows by long surfets, without destroying the Body. But since these buskind ornaments are wanting, we must imbellish our Discourses with such passages as paced up and down in the sock of Peace.

There had been in Prince Henries time a Treaty of Marriage betwixt him and a Daughter of Spain,* 4.103 which took no effect. Our King was real in his intentions, not willing to have his Sons Beams to display themselves but in a Royal Horizon. The Spanish policy clouded the business with delays, whether from the old grudg that was betwixt Queen Katharine and Henry the eighth, or the difference between the Nations in Religion? But the Spanish Courtesie being loth directly and point blank to tell our King, he liked not the Conjunction, went with a slow-pa∣ced Gravity, such as he thought befitted the Civility of Prin∣ces,

and gave a little light to hope that it might be accomplish∣ed. But Salisbury and others that managed those great affairs then, did at this chink discover, that their formalities were but Spanish Complements, which like the air that gave them being, soon vanished away. After this our Kings thoughts cast about, how he might provide a fit match for Prince Charles, who shined in the same sphere of Honor (that his Brother left for a better) but not so much inlightned with the peoples love, being less active and splendid, and (that I may not call it sullenness) more reserved. The German Dames were discoursed on (where his Sister shined in her Glory) as being of the same Religion, and more suitable in Christian Policy; but they were (in a manner) Subjects to the Emperor, and that would give an allay to the Super-elementary extraction of Kings, which should be of a high∣er Origine, to amuse, and that they might be the more admired by their people, and therefore not so fitting in State-Policy. And seeing there were small hopes expected from Spain, a Daugh∣ter to Henry the great, late King of France, was aimed at, and Sir Thomas Edmonds, our Kings Lieger Ambassador, had (long before this time) made his little addresses, superficially, and founded the Chanel, but he met some Rocks and Remoras in the way, so that he could not discover clearly their intentions; and the King was loth to express himself plainly, lest he should receive an affront. And now sending (as he thought it ci∣villy necessary) an Extraordinary Ambassador to congratulate the King of France his Marriage with Anna the Infanta of Spain, he thought it good policy to take this occasion to make a stricter scrutiny whether there were any ground to rest upon for match∣ing his Son.

* 4.104 And who is fitter for that employment, being only for Court∣ship and Bravery, than the Lord Hayes, a Gentleman whose Composition of mind tended that way? He was born in Scotland, where bravery was in no superfluity, bred up in France, where he could not have it in extravagancy, but he found it in Eng∣land, and made it his vanity. The King had a large hand, and he had a large heart, and though he were no great Favourite e∣ver, yet he was never but in favour. He with a great Train of young Noblemen, and other Courtiers of eminency, suited themselves with all those ornaments that could give lustre to so dazelling an appearance as Love, and the Congratulation of it car∣ried with it. All the study was, who should be most glorious, and he had the happiest fancy, whose invention could express something Novel, neat and unusual, that others might admire. So that Huntingtons Prophecy was fulfilled here,* 4.105 when speaking of the time of the Scots Conquest of England, he said, Multimo∣da variatione vestium & indumentorum designaretur. I remem∣ber I saw one of the Lord Ambassadors Suits (and pardon me

that I take notice of such petty things) the Cloak and Hose were made of very fine white Beaver, imbroidered richly all over with Gold and Silver; the Cloak, almost to the Cape, within and without, having no lining but imbroidery, The Doublet was Cloth of Gold,* 4.106 imbroidered so thick, that it could not be discerned, and a white Beaver-hat suitable, Brim∣full of imbroidery, both above and below. This is presented as an Essay, for one of the meanest he wore, so that if this Rela∣tion should last longer than his old cloaths, the Reader might well think it a Romance, favouring rather of Fancy than Re∣ality.

But this kind of Vanity had been long active in England: For the last Parliament it was moved by some well-affected to Re∣formation of the Abuses of excess in Apparel, that there might be a Regulation of this kind of Gallantry, to the distinguishing of men one from another; For (it was said) some of means Fortunes wore Garments fitter for Princes than Subjects; and many Gentry of antient descent had wasted, and impoverished themselves and their Posterities with this extravagancy, so that it was very requisite to give some stop to this redundant humor. To which was answered, That if those of mean Fortunes went so richly attired, and came not honestly by their ornaments, they would be quickly found out, and there were good Laws enough for such Transgressors. But as there is no perpetuity of Being on Earth, so there is a continual vicissitude and revolution in all sub∣lunary things, some are advanced, and some decline, God pulleth down one, and setteth up another. If any Noble, or antiently de∣scended Family will be so mad and foolish to beggar themselves and their Posterities with this, or any other excess, 'tis very probable that some man of more wisdom and merit will injoy that which the other hath so idlely and prodigally mispent; for to set such limitations will damp the spirits of Industry. So the motion was declined.

But to return to the Lord Hayes. Thus accoutred and accom∣plished, he went into France, and a day for Audience being pre∣fixed, all the argument and dispute betwixt him and his gal∣lant Train (which took up some time) was, how they should go to the Court, Coaches, like Curtains, would eclipse their splen∣dor; riding on horsback in Boots, would make them look like Travellers, not Courtiers; and not having all Foot-cloaths it would be an unsuitable mixture: Those that brought rich trap∣pings for their Horses, were willing to have them seen, so it was concluded for the Foot-cloth, and those that have none (to their bitter cost) must furnish themselves. This prepara∣tion begot expectation, and that filled all the Windows, Bal∣cones, and Streets of Paris as they passed with a multitude of Spectators, Six Trumpeters, and two Marshals (in Tawny

Velvet Liveries, compleatly Suited, laced all over with Gold, richly, and closely laid) led the way; the Ambassador follow∣ed with a great Train of Pages and Footmen in the same rich Livery, incircling his Horse, and the rest of his Retinue accor∣ding to their Qualities and Degrees, in as much bravery as they could devise, or procure, followed in couples, to the wonder∣ment of the beholders. And some said (how truly I cannot assert) the Ambassadors Horse was shod with Silver-shooes, lightly tackt on; and when he came to a place where Persons, or Beauties of eminency were, his very Horse prancing, and curveting, in humble reverence flung his shooes away, which the greedy understanders scrambled for, and he was content to be gazed on, and admired, till a Farrier, or rather the Argentier in one of his rich Liveries, among his train of Footmen, out of a Tawny Velvet bag took others, and tackt them on, which lasted till he came to the next troop of Grandies: And thus with much ado he reached the Louure.

All Complements and outward Ceremonies of State being performed, the Lord Ambassador made his business known by more private addresses, which in appearance was well resented, but indeed not intended, and came to no effect: For the Duke of Savoy had anticipated the young Ladies affection for the Prince of P••emont his Son. The Savoyan Agents bringing more Gold in their hands than on their backs, had so smoothed the way, that not only those about the Princess, but the great ones themselves were made workers for him. After the Am∣bassador had been feasted magnificently, with all his gallant Train, in several places, to shew the Grandure of France, he came over into England, and practised it here, making many times upon several occasions such stupendious Feasts, and heaped Banquets, as if all the Creatures had contributed to his excess. I know not what limits or bounds are set to the glories of Princes Courts, or Nobles minds. We see the Sea it self, and all his tributary Rivers, do ebb and flow, but if they swell so high, to overflow that Bank, that Reason hath prescribed to keep them in, what Inundations of sad mischief follow, Experience shews.

* 4.107A little before this time there was a breach between the Lord Chief Justice Cook, and the Lord Chancellor Ellesmer, which made a passage to both their declines. Sir Edward Cook had heard and determined a Cause at the Common Law, and some report there was jugling in the business. The Witness that knew, and should have related the Truth, was wrought upon to be absent, if any man would undertake to excuse his non appea∣rance, A pragmatical fellow of the party undertook it, went with the Witness to a Tavern, called for a Gallon pot full of Sack, bid him drink, and so leaving him went into the Court.

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CHRISTINE DE FRANCE DVCHESSE DE SAVOYE. Balt. Moncornet. ex.

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CAROLVS, EMANVEL DVC DE SAVOYE ET PRINCE DE PIEDMONT.

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This Witness is called for as the prop of the Cause, the Under∣taker answers upon Oath, He left him in such a condition, that if he continues in it but a quarter of an hour, he is a dead man. This evidencing the mans incapability to come, deaded the mat∣ter so, that it lost the Cause. The Plantiffs that had the Injury bring the business about in Chancery: The Defendants (having had Judgment at Common Law) refuse to obey the Orders of that Court, whereupon the Lord Chancellor for contempt of the Court commits them to prison. They petition against him in the Star-Chamber, the Lord Chief Justice joyns with them, foments the difference, threatning the Lord Chancellor with a Premunire. The Chancellor makes the King acquainted with the business, who sent to Sir Francis Bacon his Attorny General, Sir Henry Montague, and Sir Randolph Crew his Serjeants at Law, and Sir Henry Yelverton his Sollicitor, commanding them to search what Presidents there have been of late years, wherein such as complained in Chancery were relieved according to Equi∣ty and Conscience, after judgment at Common Law. These being men well versed in their Profession (after canvassing the matter throughly) returned answer to the King, That there hath been a strong current of Practice and proceeding in Chancery, after Iudgment at Common Law, and many times after Executi∣on, continued since Henry the sevenths time, to the Lord Chan∣cellor that now is, both in the Reigns (seriatim) of the several Kings, and the times of the several Chancellors, whereof di∣vers were great learned men in the Law; It being in Cases where there is no Remedy for the Subject by the strict course of the Common Law unto which the Iudges are sworn. This satisfied the King, justified the Lord Chancellor, and the Chief Justice received the foil: Which was a bitter potion to his spirit, but not strong enough to work on him as his Enemies wished.

Therefore to humble him more,* 4.108 he is brought on his knees at the Council Table, and three other Ingredients added to the Dose, of a more active operation.

First, He is charged, That when he was the Kings Attor∣ney, in the beginning of his Reign, he concealed a Statute of twelve thousand pounds, due to the King from the late Lord Chancellor Hatton, wherein he deceived the trust reposed in him.

Secondly, That he uttered words of very high contempt as he sate in the seat of Iustice, saying the Common Law of England would be overthrown, and the light of it obscured, reflecting upon the King. And thirdly, His uncivil and indiscreet carriage before His Majesty (being assisted by his Privy Council and Judges) in the Case of Commendams.

The last he contest, and humbly craved his Majesties Pardon. The other two he palliated with some colourable excuses, which were not so well set off, but they left such a tincture be∣hind that he was commanded to a private life. And to expiate the Kings anger, he was injoyned in that leisurely retirement to review his Books of Reports, which the King was informed had many extravagant opinions, published for positive and good Law, which must be corrected, and brought to his Majesty to be perused. But the Title of the Books wherein he stiles him∣self Lord Chief Iustice of England, was to be expunged, being but Lord Chief Iustice of the Kings Bench. And at his departure from the Council Table (where he humbly acknowledged his Maje∣sties mercy, and their Lordships justice) the Lord Treasurer gave him a wipe, for suffering his Coachman to ride bare before him in the streets; which fault he strove to cover, by telling his Lordship, his Coachman did it for his own ease. But not long after the Lord Treasurer came under his lash in the Star-Chamber, and he requited him for it.

* 4.109While he was under this Clond, all his faults were ripped up, either by his Enemies, or his Well-wishers, who advise him to be humbled for this Visitation. That Affliction only levels the mole-hils of pride in us, plows up the heart, and makes it fit for Wisdom to sow her seed, and Grace to bring forth her in∣crease. That he delighted to speak much, which becomes a Pleader, and not a Iudg; for so his affections were entangled with a liking of his own arguments, and an undervaluing of others; when having a large and fruitful mind, he should not labour so much what to speak, as what to leave unspoken. Such lusty soyls are often to be weeded! That he was wont to praise, and dispraise, upon slight grounds, the same man, and that sometimes suddenly, so that his reproofs, or commendati∣ons, are neglected and contemned; when as the censure of a Iudg (coming slowly, but surely) should be a brand to the guilty, and a crown to the vertuous. That he will jest at any man in publick, without respect of the Persons dignity, or his own; which disgraceth his gravity, more than it can ad∣vance the opinion of his wit. That he makes the Law to lean a little too much to his own opinion, whereby he shews himself a legal Tyrant, striking with that Weapon whom he pleases, being able to turn the edg any way. That having the living of a thousand, he hath no bowels of compassion to men in want; the hand that hath taken so much, can give little, but gets, gets still, as if he did try how much he could gather to account for at the great and general Audit day. That in the Case of Overbury, he used too many delays, till Delinquents hands were loose, and his bound; in which slowness he was a Fa∣bins, but the humour of Marcellus would have done better;

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Vera Effigies Viri clariss EDOARDI COKE Equitis aurati nuper Capitalis Iusticiarij ad Placita coram Rege tenenda assignati R:White sculpsit

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for he stopt the Confessions and Accusations of some, that would have spoken enough to remove more stumbling blocks out of his way; and yet he did not this in favour of any, but out of present unadvised humour, supposing enough behind to discover all; which fell not out so: And therefore, though he were to be commended for what he did, yet he is to be re∣prehended for many Circumstances in the doing; and these are now briers in his sides, and thorns in his eyes. Much more, to this purpose, was written to him, and vented against him.

Truly he was a Man of excellent parts,* 4.110 but not without his frailties: for as he was a Storehouse and Magazine of the Common Law, for the present times; and laid such Foundation for the future, that Posterity may for ever build on; So his passions and pride so were predominant, that boyling over, he lost (by them) much of his own fulness, which extinguished not only the valuation, but respect to his merit: So often is that heat, that gives life to noble Parts, by a circular motion, the ruin of them! Yet to cool his distemper, and to bring him to himself, he is within a short time called to the Council Table, the King being loth to lose his abilities.

The Lord Chancellor Ellesmer also about this time,* 4.111 weary of his publick imployment, and weakned with age, desired the Kings leave to retire, that he might make use of the short time left him, to cast up his accounts for another World: The King gave the Seal, and the place of Lord Chancellor, to Sir Francis Bacon, his Attorney Ceneral; and the old Lord Ellesmer wore out the remnant of his life in quiet, dying in a good old age. and full of virtuous fame, leaving a Noble Posterity, who enjoy a great Estate with the Title of Earl of Bridgwater.

Time and Age had also worn out Sir Ralph Winwood,* 4.112 the Kings able, faithful, and honest Servant, and Secretary; who dying, Sir Robert Nanton, and Sir George Calvert, were made Secretaries; men of contrary Religions, and Factions (as they were then sti∣led) Calvert being an Hispaniolized Papist: the King matching them together, like contrary Elements, to find a medium betwixt them.

But the greatest remove was the Lord Treasurers staff,* 4.113 which was broken by Somersets fall, the way being now made plain, and laid open, that discovered the Treasurers imperfecti∣ons, and his Wives corruptions: The Lady keeping the Shop, and Sir Iohn Binglie, her Officer, crying, What d'ye lack? as the new Lord Chancellor Bacon was pleased to express himself in the Star-Chamber; whither the business being brought, the sore was open'd, and all the bad humours flow to the ill-affected part. Bribery and Extortion is the matter that appears, which is squeez'd out, and aggravated by Sir Edward Cook, (newly

perkt up, such is the Worlds bucket!) who very learnedly ci∣ted many Precedents of Treasurers in former Kings Reigns, that miscarried, and their several punishments.

He begins with Randulphus de Britton, Treasurer to King Hen∣ry the third, who had mis-imployed the Kings Treasure, decei∣ved the King in his Office, for which he was questioned, his Lands and Goods seized into the Kings hands, and sent prisoner to the Tower, where he submitted himself to the King, confest his fault, gave up his place, & pro Gratia habenda (saith the Re∣cord) obtained Restitution of his Goods and Lands, paying only three thousand pounds Fine. This was a piece of Wisdom (saith he) as well as Humility; alluding to the present Lord Treasu∣rers stout heart that would not submit.

The second was Petrus de Rivallis, who was Treasurer of Ire∣land, and Chamberlain of England in Edward the firsts time, who had taken Bribes in his Office, Tam de Religiosis, quam de Laicis. Of which being convicted, he lost his place, and was put to his Fine and Ransom.

And in the same Kings Reign, The Abbot of Westminster, and his virtuous Monks, took out of the Kings Treasure at Westmin∣ster many thousand pounds, Ad inastimabile damnum Regis & Reg∣ni. The Abbot being sent to the Tower, and the Monks disposed to several prisons, and notwithstanding they pleaded Priviledg of Clergy-men for their Tryal, yet in the Case of imbezelling the Kings Treasure, they had no Priviledg, but the Temporalities of the Abby were seized for satisfaction.

* 4.114 In King Edward the seconds time, Walter de Langton, a Bishop, was Treasurer to the King; He did take of the Earl of Montealto to be a friend to him (in agendis negotiis versus dominum Regem) a hundred pounds (the said Earl being a prisoner) to let him go free to do his business. And this was given, as the Record speaks, De spontanea voluntate, for a Gratuity, & ex curialitate sua, for his courtesie, yet this was adjudged Extortion and Bribe∣ry. Again, Iohn de Engam was indicted of Trespass by this Bi∣shop for the Mannor of Fisbie, whereunto the King pretended Title, and was by the Bishop imprisoned for the Trespass. But afterwards another Mannor was conveyed to this Bishop, ob diversas curialitates, for courtesies that he had done, and so En∣gam was discharged of his Indictment, and though that the Bi∣shop pleaded, that Voluntas Regis potius ad imprisonamentam quam ad sinem, because it was the Kings pleasure rather to pu∣nish by Imprisonment than Fine, yet this was adjudged Bribe∣ry. Again, the Bayliff of Oxford was committed for Arrera∣ges of a hundred pounds in his Account, and thereupon the Mannor of Calcot was conveyed unto the Bishop, and the Bishop of his pure devotion did discharge him of that Imprisonment. But these were Pleas and Flourishes of guilty men, as the Re∣cord

saith, but they were all three judged Extortion and Bribery; and for these the Bishop was put from his place, fined, and committed to the Tower.

William Lord Latimer, in Edward the thirds time, being ap∣pointed to pay the Kings debts, did buy in some of them at lower rates than was due, as eighty pounds for a hundred, and thirty pounds for forty; By which course he made the King a Bankrupt Compounder, and for this he was fined, and lost all his Offices.

In like case was the Lord Nevil, who was trusted to pay the Army, but he bought the debt of them, and justified, that they gave him the remainder of their free gift, but for this he was fined, and committed to the Tower.

These, and many other precedents and examples, armed with Authority and Antiquity, were mustered up, and the Lord Treasurers miscarriages exasperated, especially for embezelling those Moneys the King lately received of the State of the Ne∣therlands for the redemption of the cautionary Towns, Flushing, and Brill, which the King was forced to relinquish again to the States, because he had no money to pay the Soldiers there; and that money being designed for the lrish Army (which was also in great Want) it was thought the more heinous, and a double miscarriage, being it was so dearly bought, and so unduly spent. But the Earl himself being a man of a noble disposition (though too indulgent to his too active Wife) had retained the Kings favour, if he had taken Sir Edward Cooks counsel, and submitted and not strove to justifie his own integrity, which he maintain∣ed with a great deal of confidence, till it was too late, for then his submission did him little good. But his Wives faults being imputed to him, he was fined thirty thousand pounds, and im∣prisonment in the Tower; Sir Iohn Bingly fined two thousand pounds, and imprisonment in the Fleet: For it was thought the Lord and Lady could not have found the way into these ob∣scure, low, and dark contrivances, without the light of his help. Which Sentence was pronounced by the Lord Chancellor Bacon, who though he were of transcendent parts, yet was he tainted with the same infection, and not many years after perished in his own corruption; which shews, That neither Example nor Pre∣cept (he having seen so many, and been made capable of so much) can be a Pilot sufficient to any Port of Happiness (though Reason be never so able to direct) if Grace doth not give the gate.

But the King,* 4.115 more to exalt Iustice, and to shew the people, his high abilities, came in Iune this year to the Star-Chamber, where in a long, and well-weighed Discourse, he turns over the volume of his mind, that the World might read his excellent parts in lively characters.

He told the Lords he came thither in imitation of Henry the seventh his great Predecessor, and the reason he came no sooner was, that he resolved with Pythagoras, for seven years to keep silence, and learn the Laws of the Kingdom, before he would teach others, and the other seven years he was studying to find an occasion to come, that might not be with prejudice: For in his own cause he could not come; in a great cause betwixt man and man, it might be thought some particular favour brought him thither; and in a small Cause it was not fit for him to come; but now he had so much to say in relation to good Government, that he could no longer forbear.

• First, He charges himself.
• Secondly, The judges.
• Thirdly, The Auditory in general.

In his own Charge he lays a foundation for raising a most ex∣cellent structure in Government, wherein he was a Master-work∣man, and had a most admirable Theory, and full abilities to put it in practice, and happily the bent of his intentions tended that way, though it had for the most part a loose strong.

And to that which concerned the Judges, he not only reckons up their Duties in their publick Relation, but shews them the Iu∣risdiction and power of their several Courts, how far every one did extend, to which he would have them limited, that they might not clash and contest one against another, to shake the Basis on which they were built, but that there might be a har∣mony and sweet concordance among them, Expressing himself with such Elegance and Prudence, that the most studious Lawyer (whose design had been to imbellish a Discourse fitting for the ears of his Prince) could not have gone beyond what he exprest to his People; so strong and retentive was his judgment, and memo∣ry, so natural, and genuine that which came from them, that it did emanare, flow from him to the admiration of the hearers.

To the people in general, and under-Officers, he gave an ad∣monition to submit to the Law, and Justice of the Land, and not to go upon new Puritan strains (such was his expression) to make all things popular, but to keep themselves within the an∣tient limits of Obedience: For he feared Innovation as a Monster got loose, which should be always kept in such a Labyrinth, as none should come at, but by the Clew of Reason.

Then he commands the Judges in their Circuits to take no∣tice of those Justices of the Peace, that were most active for the good of the Country, that they might have incouragement from him. For (to use his own words) I value them that serve me faithfully there, equally with those that attend my person. Therefore let none be ashamed of this Office, or be discouraged in being a Justice of the Peace, if he serve worthily in it.

The Chancellor under me makes Justices, and puts them out; but neither I, nor he, can tell what they are: therefore we must be informed by you, Judges, who can only tell, who do well, and who do ill, without which how can the good be cherished, and the rest put out? the good Justices are careful to attend the service of the King and Country; the bad are idle slow-bellies, that abide always at home, given to a life of ease and delight, liker Ladies than Men; and think it is enough to contemplate Justice, when as, Virtusin actione consistet; con∣templative Justice is no Justice, and contemplative Justices are fit to be put out.

Another sort of Justices, are Busie-bodies, and will have all men dance after their Pipe, and follow their Greatness, or else will not be content: A sort of men, Qui se primos omnium esse putant, nec sunt tamen: These proud spirits must know that the Country is ordained to follow God, and the King, and not them.

Another sort are they that go seldom to the Kings service, but when it is to help some of their Kindred or Alliance; so they come to help ther Friends, or hurt their Enemies, making Jugice serve for a shadow to Faction, and tumultuating the Country.

Another sort are Gentlemen of great worth in their own con∣ceit, and cannot be content with the present form of Govern∣ment, but must have a kind of liberty in the people, and must be gracious Lords, and Redeemers of their Liberty; and in every cause that concerns Prerogative give a snatch against Monarchy, through their Puritanical itching after Popularity, some of them have shewed themselves too bold of late in the lower House of Par∣liament; And when all is done, if there were not a King, they would be less cared for than other men. So wise the Kings fears made him, and so wary to prevent the popular violence! And even in these Infant-times, the contention doth appear, which afterward got more strength, when by his power he had gained in every County such as he made subservient to his will: For as the King strove to loosen the Piles and Banks of the peoples liberties, so the people strove to bound, and keep off the Inun∣dation of his Prerogative.

Then he takes notice of the swarms of Gentry, that through the instigation of their Wives, or to new model and fashion their Daughters (who if they were unmarried mar'd their Marriages, if married, lost their Reputations, and rob their husbands pur∣ses) did neglect their Country Hospitality, and cumber the City, a general Nuisance to the Kingdom, being as the spleen to the Body, which as in measure it over-grows, the Body wasts; and seeing a Proclamation will not keep them at home, he requires that the power of the Star-chamber may not only regulate them,

but the exorbitancy of the new buildings about the City (which he still much repined at) being a shelter for them;* 4.116 where they spent their Estates in Coaches, Lacquies, and fine Cloaths, like French-men; living miserably in their houses, like Italians; becoming Apes to other Nations: Whereas it was the honour of the English Nobility and Gentry (above all Countries in the World) to be hospitable among their Tenants; Which they may the better do, by the fertility and abundance of all things. Thus the King pried into every miscarriage, being willing to re∣form these (then growing) abuses.

* 4.117But among all the heights of Reason that the spirit of man doth actuate, and give life to, the highest and most transcen∣dent is that of Religion, which as it partakes more or less of Faith, so it inclines more or less to Fancy: Wavering and un∣stable minds are not only blown about with the wind of every opinion, but pride and discontent (conjoyned often, though of different operations) are engins sufficient to shake the foundation, though never so firmly setled. Some men turn over the leaf of Conscience, and change a good Religion for a worse; some the leaf of Policy, leaving an evil Religion for a better: but these kind of spirits will not be brought under by fasting and prayer, unless it be by him that can discover the heart of hypocrisie, though in as variable a capacity as the countenance.

* 4.118 These times gave examples of both these humours, some that went from us to Rome, and some that came from Rome to us. Among the rest, one of eminency, Marcus Antonius de Dominis, Arch-Bishop of Spalato, a man old and corpulent, unfit for Tra∣vel, being almost at his journies end by Nature, came into Eng∣land with as little Grace. Here he preaches, rails, and writes against Rome, (extolling the Protestant Religion) till he came to be Dean of Windsor, and Master of the Savoy, which some few years he enjoyed; Then, whether he had higher hopes home∣wards, or the humour and fancy altering, like a wandring Star, he goes Retrograde, placing himself again in the Roman Calendar: but he is made to reckon at Rome by the Gregorian account; And though he thought himself in a full Conjunction with the Stars there of the greatest Magnitude (having publickly recan∣ted, and as bitterly reproached the Protestant Doctrine there, as he had exalted it here) yet the Inquisition had so strong an influ∣ence upon him, that it hindred the operation of it, for he died in Prison,* 4.119 and they buried him both like a new Heretick, and an old Emperor, committing his Body to the Flames. Such honour have all such Saints! For they hold it as a Maxim, That that founda∣tion is never again to be built upon, that was once of a tottering tem∣per.

* 4.120 About this time, France raging with passion, plaid her bloody pranks. There is in that Kingdom a mad Genius domineering,

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M. ANT. DE DOMINIS COM. PAL. ARCHIEP. SPALAT. DALM. ET CROAT. PRIMAS

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NICOLAS DE LHOSPITAL MARQVIS de Vitry et d'Arc, Comte de Chasteauuillain, premier Mareschal de France, Chler des Ordres du Roy. Gouuerneur de Meaux, Lieuten•• guāl eu Brie. Gou^•ur. pourle Roy en se•• pais et arm••es de Prouence. Fils de Louis de lhospital Seig^r. de Vitry, et de Fran∣coise de Brichanteau. Fut longtemps Cap.^ne des gardes du Corps du feu Roy Louis 13, qui sén seruitvtilenv. pour estoufer la naissance dime querre Ciuile, eu la p••rsoue du M. dAncre: qui diuisoittous les Francois Arachantile••ma iiis decet ambitieux fauory: les pretextes aux malcontens. Cêt incomparable coup deiustice de graud Priuce, mar∣quera a iamais quíl estoit diumem inspire pour le salut de son Estat, et le repos de ses sujet••: sínous faisons reflection surnos miseres presentes. M^r de Vitry fut rescompensépar S.M. du bastou de M.^al de France en 1617. et con∣duit pompeusem au Palais le iour de sa reception. Le Roy le fit aussi en 1619 son Gnāl. d'Armée contre les Princ∣es, retirez en Champagne. lan 1622 il fut laissé au blocus de la Rochelle auec le feu Conte de Soíssons Comandant l'armee du Roy, et donna les premiers aduis pour la construction de límportant fort Louis. Il fit encore paroistre son courage et sa bonne conduitte par la prise de forte place de Royan. Bref et dans la paix et dans la guerre il sést tousiours monstre inesbranlable au seruice du Roy. Son Zele a lavraye Religion•••• 'ay ant pas moins paru que sa ualeur dans les Combats. Il fute estaby Gouuer.^•ur de Provence en 1632, ou: l contibua de ses soms pour lataque des Isles de S.^t Honorat en suitte dequoy il ressenlit un reuers de la Fortune parsa prison dans la Basti Ile, dóu il ne sortit qu èn 1642: apres la mort du Card.^al de Richelieu. Il mourut de Maladie le 2•• Septembre 1644, ayant laisse plusieurs enfans de Dame Lucresse Bouhyer sa fe••e, quilespousa en 1617; alors Veufue du Mar∣quis de Noirmoutier. son Corps ••ist a Chastenuuillain.

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FRANCOIS DE BOVRBON PRINCE DE CONTY.

which like Climaterical Diseases, take rest, and after some inter∣mission break out again. The very same Tragedy acted at this time, was newly revived there three and thirty years after, as is now in the year 1650. perspicuous to every eye of Reason; the Persons in power the same, running all in one parallel. The Queen-Mother and the Marquess D' Ancre then, the Queen-Mo∣ther and the Cardinal Mazarino now; both Aliens, both Fa∣vourites. The Prince of Conde (the Head, and prime of the Nobility) imprisoned then, for opposing the swelling greatness of that Favourite; The Prince of Conde, and the other Princes, Conti and Longuevil, imprisoned now (though since set at liber∣ty, having a powerful Army afoot) for opposing this. The Nobility rise in Arms against the young King, and his Mother, to assist the Princes; so they do now. The Complaints and Grievances are the same; The Princes repined that such an Upstart should manage all the great Affairs with so much licen∣tiousness, and they sit still as lookers on, and have nothing to do; All Offices, both Civil and Military, bringing their Gar∣lands, and strowing their choisest flowers at Marshal D' Ancre's feet, which stunk in their Nostrils, and they infected the People, who are there but what the great Ones will make them; so that the Kingdom groaned under the insolencies of an insulting Mushroom, bred from the excrescency of Royal humours, as it doth now. Lewis the 14. fights with his Subjects now upon the same account that Lewis the 13. did then. But I can only give a Ca∣tastrophe to one of these Tragedies; the last Act of this now a play∣ing wants its Exit.

And to conclude the first, Lewis the 13. finding his Mothers power swell so high, as to threaten a deluge of Noble Blood, for the preservation of a Mechanick Florentine, and willing to be rid of a Governess, who eclips'd his Glory, commanded Mon∣sieur De Vitry, Captain of his Guard, to seize on the Marquess at his first access to Court. The Marquess (being then in his Government in Normandy, placing and displacing Officers, for his greater security) hearing there were new Whisperers admit∣ted to the King, came to the Court in a full career, with a ruf∣fling Retinue at his heels, thinking to remove all Obstacles in his way; but there he met the great One, Death, waiting for him, that his policy and high-flying thoughts never minded: For he had no sooner entred the Gates of the Louure, but De Vitry arrested him; and seeing him step back upon his arrest, as it were to lay hold on his Sword: he kill'd him instantly with a Pistol; The noise whereof put the whole Court into an up∣roar. The King approved the Fact, the Queen lamented it; but she must mourn no longer in the Court, therefore removed thence with a small Train, to practice her Italian Artifices, as she afterwards did, to the disturbance of most parts of Christen∣dom

The poor Marquess rested not in death; for though he was privately buried that night, yet the rage and malice of the People lighted them to his Grave the next day, and tearing him thence, and tying his naked body to an Asses tail, drew him through the Streets of Paris, and hanged him by the heels upon a Gibbet on the new Bridg; where they cut off flakes of his Body, to send as Presents to their Friends. And when they had satiated themselves thus, they took down the mangled Carcass, and made another Progress through the City, till wearied with their Delight, they strove ••o burn the Body, to be rid of it: but the fire being not so active as their malice, they threw the tattered bones into the River; so that their Rage pulled him out of the Earth, hung him in the Air, burnt him in the Fire, and left him in the Water. And (as they thought) to leave no memory of him, pulled down his house to the ground; which was afterwards ratified by publick justice, and his Wife was condemned by the same, and burned for a Witch. And to make their names the more odious, their very birth∣places were ripped up, and they were both found to proceed from the dunghils of Florence. Thus ended this sad Tragedy; which serves as Lights and Sea-marks of Mortality, to teach us how to steer our brittle Bark in this Worlds Tempest, that we bear not too much sail, but keep a moderate and even course, be∣twixt the rocks of pride, and shallows of contempt; both which are equally dangerous.

* 4.121 Our King dedicated this Summer to the Northern Climate; it is now fourteen years Revolution, since the beams of Majesty appeared in Scotland. He begins his Journey with the Spring, warming the Country as he went, with the Glories of the Court: Taking such Recreations by the way, as might best beguile the days, and cut them shorter; but lengthen the nights (con∣trary to the Seasons) For what with Hawking, Hunting, and Horse-racing, the days quickly ran away; and the nights with Feasting, Masking and Dancing, were the more extended. And the King had fit Instruments for these Sports about his Per∣son, as Sir George Goring, Sir Edward Zouch, Sir Iohn Finnit, and others, that could fit and obtemperate the Kings Humour: For he loved such Representations, and Disguises in their Maskara∣doe••, as were witty, and sudden; the more ridiculous, the more pleasant.

* 4.122 And his new Favourite, being an excellent Dancer, brought that Pastime into the greater Request. To speak of his Advance∣ment by Degrees, were to lessen the Kings Love; for Titles were heaped upon him, they came rather like showers than drops. For as soon as Somerset declined he mounted. Such is the Court motion! Knighthood, and Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber, were the first sprinklings: and then the old Earl

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Edward Somerset Earl of Worcester.

of Worcester (who had been long Master of the Horse to the late Queen, and continued it to this time) was made Lord Pri∣vy Seal, in exchange of his place, and a good sum of money put into the Scale: And Sir George Villers (Baron of Whaddon, Vis∣count Villers,* 4.123 and Earl of Buckingham, also of the Privy Coun∣cil) is made Master of the Horse. In this glory he visits Scot∣land with the King, and is made a Privy Counsellor there. Fa∣vourites are not compleat Figures, if the Princes Bounty be not circular, as well in his Northerly motion as his Southerly. He now reigns sole Monarch in the Kings affection, every thing he doth is admired for the doers sake. No man dances better, no man runs, or jumps better; and indeed he jumpt higher than ever Englishman did in so short a time, from a private Gentleman to a Dukedom. But the King is not well without him, his company is his solace, and the Court Grandees cannot be well but by him, so that all addresses are made to him, either for place, or office in Court or Commonwealth. The Bishops Seas did also ebb and slow, from the Wane or Fulness of his Influence upon them; and having a numerous kindred of the rank of Gentry, which he planted about him, as a Nursery in the Court, to make them virescere, and Spring up the better, the Dew of these Of∣fices, and the fresh Springs that came from those Seas must be contributed. It cannot with modesty be expressed how greedily some of our Prelates would clear all the passages of a bad Con∣science, to bring in such Waters of comfort, lest it should be∣spatter the more worthy, and brand them all with Simony, which dares not be done. But where God hath his Church, the Devil many times will have his Chappel: It was ever his Ambition to be like unto him.

But among all the Dances that these Times were guilty of,* 4.124 none of the Maskaradoes presented so horrid a Vizard as the Churchmans: For some of the Bishops, pretending Recreations, and liberty to servants and the common people (of which they carved to themselves too much already) procured the King to put out a Book to permit dancing about May-poles, Church-ales, and such debauched Exercises upon the Sabbath day after Eve∣ning Prayer (being a specious way to make the King, and them, acceptable to the Rout) which Book came out with a command, injoyning all Ministers to read it to their Parishioners, and to ap∣prove of it, and those that did not, were brought into the High Commission, imprisoned, and suspended. This Book being only a trap to catch some conscientious men, that they could not other∣wise with all their cunning insnare: For they would preach the Gospel in a Fools-coat (as some of them exprest) rather than be si∣lenced for a Surplis. And their Conjuring of them with the Cross in Baptism, and the Circle of the Ring in Marriage, could not make a well-composed Reason, and a sound Conscience then start

at it: But when so frightful an Apparition as the dancing Book ap∣peared, some of the Ministers left all for fear, others by force, they were so terrified with it. These, and such like Machina∣tions of the Bishops, to maintain their Temporal Greatness, Ease, and Plenty, made the stones in the Walls of their Palaces, and the beam in the timber, afterwards cry out, moulder away, and come to nothing: Whereas if those in most Authority had not been so pragmatical, but holy, prudent, and godly men (as some others of the Function were) their light might have shined still upon the Mount, and not have gone out as it did, offensive to the nostrils of the rubbish of the people.

The King in his return from Scotland made his Progress through the Hunting-countries (his Hounds and Hunters meeting him) Sherwood-Forrest, Need wood, and all the Parks and Forrests in his way, were ransacked for his Recreation. And every night begat a new day of delight, till he brought Holyrood-day (not * 4.125 Holyrood-house) to White-hall.

This new incroachment upon the Sabbath gave both King and people more liberty to prophane the day with authority: For if the Court were to remove on Monday, the Kings Carriages must go out the day before. All times were alike; and the Court being to remove to Theobalds the next day, the Carriages went through the City of London on the Sabbath, with a great deal of clatter and noise in the time of Divine service. The Lord Mayor hearing of it, commanded them to be stopt, and this carried the Officers of the Carriages with a great deal of violence to the Court, and the business being presented to the King with as much asperity as men in authority (crossed in their humors) could express it; It put the King into a great Rage, Swearing, he thought there had been no more Kings in England but himself; yet after he was a little cooled, he sent a Warrant to the Lord May∣or, commanding him to let them pass, which he obeyed, with this Answer, while it was in my power I did my duty, but that be∣ing taken away by a higher power, it is my duty to obey. Which the King upon second thoughts took well, and thanked him for it.

* 4.126 As Prophaneness crept in on one side, so did Idolatry and Supersti∣tion on the other; for there was more enmity against Ministers of the Gospel than Popish Priests; they swarmed over the King∣dom, working miraculous Projects in every corner. One pack of them got into Stafford-shire, among some of the Giffords in that County, Gentlemen of good Estates, where they practised their Artifices to seduce the people. There must be a Ground-work, Estates to keep them (being like the Gout, never troubling the poor) and then there must be materials, Correspondents to act for them. Holiness and Piety must be confirmed by Miracle, and these Miracles must be visible to the Peoples eyes, that they

may convey belief better to the heart. If the Priests be holy, and can subdue Satan, the Religion they profess must be heavenly, that triumphs over principalities, and powers, and spiritual wickedness, bringing all to obedience. These are finesses and subtilties of Mastring Wits (calling them Piae Fraudes, godly deceits, Worms to bring Fish to the Net) and this kind of frippery they are e∣ver fraught with.

For about this time there was a Boy born at Bilson in that County,* 4.127 whose father, mother, neighbours, and many other people, with admiration, did absolutely think possest with a Devil; for he had strange, sudden, violent, distorting fits, that appeared to all the beholders contrary to Nature, and being not full fifteen years old, it could not be imagined that any thing of Impostory could result from him, and therefore the same of it was the more remarkable.

The Iesuits (that are the best Physicians in such Distempers) hearing of it, visited the Boy, prayed by him, and used such other Charms and Exorcisms, as are fit to make them to be ad∣mired; giving his Parents good hope of dispossessing him of that foul spirit, by which might palpably be discerned, how much Gods power was exprest in their weakness, and difference the truth, and holiness, betwixt the Catholick Religion, and the Heresie professed among Protestants. So that they that heard them (as many resorted to the place) must needs take them for very holy men, by whom such Wonders were to be accom∣plished. The Iesuits visited him often, sometimes in private. sometimes in Company; but this kind of Spirit would not be commanded by them, so that they grew almost desperate of the Cure.

The Boy in his fits would rave against an old woman dwel∣ling near to his Father,* 4.128 intimating by signs, and ghastly beha∣viour, that she had sent a Spirit to torment him; and in plain terms (when he was out of his fits) accused her to be a Witch, and the Author of all his misery. This old woman is sent to the Bishops Chancellor at Lichfield to be examined; the Boy is brought thither to confront her, and having his back towards her, at her coming into the Room, where the Chancellor was, before she yet entred or appeared, he falls into a most bitter Agony, crying out, Now she comes, now my Tormentor comes! wreathing and tea∣ring himself in so horrid a manner, that it did not only breed amazement, but pity in the Spectators, there being many with expectation attending the issue: Which, with some other pro∣babilities, were an inducement to the Chancellor to send the wo∣man to Stafford Goal.

At the next Assizes for that County, the Boy and his Parents appear as Witnesses against the Witch; the Boy was placed in a conspicuous part of the Court, with his face to the Bench, ey∣ing

the Judg continually, in a very peaceable and quiet po∣sture; and as the woman was coming in (when the Court thought it impossible the Boy should be sensible of her appea∣rance) he fell into a more raging fit than ever he was possest with before: So stupendiously unnatural, that it was deemed by all that saw it, that nothing but a Diabolical Spirit could work such horrid effects. This, thus openly acted, and the Relation of what was done at Lichfield, and other probabilities evidencing, the old woman (that had no good Reputation among her Neighbours, being of a tetrical and froward temper, incident to old age) found few Friends to plead her Cause; so that be∣ing indicted for Witchcraft,* 4.129 she was found guilty by the Iury, and Condemned to die.

* 4.130 Doctor Morton Bishop of that Diocess, a great Father of the Anglicane Church (and happily then on the Bench about Secular Affairs) hearing that some Romish Priests had been tampering with their Exorcisms, to the undevilling of the Boy, and find∣ing little reason produced, why, or for what cause, the Witch should use the Child so ill, was perswaded, this might be some jugling trick in them, for effecting their miraculous ends. He therefore besought the Iudg to reprieve the woman till the next Assizes, and he would take the Boy home with him, have him carefully and strictly looked to, and doubted not before than time to find out the Bottom of some secret and hidden ••••••rivance. The Iudg assented to the Bishop's request, and so the Boy was carried to Eccleshal Castle, the Bishops House, whi∣ther his fits followed him with a great deal of violence: For being put out of his r••ad (having formerly all sorts of people come to admire him, and now being more carefully looked to) he grew s••llen, and would not eat sometimes in two or three days, so that his belly was almost clung, and grown to his back, and he had a new swelling about his throat, which never appeared before; lay in his Bed, sometimes as it were senseless, sometimes st••ring with his eyes, and foaming at the mouth, sometimes striking those that stood near him (his own careful mother be∣ing one, whom he made all black about the arms and breasts) never spoke but in his fits, and then a strange gibbrish, at other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he only muttered and made signs. The Bishop visited him often, striving sometimes to soften him with gentleness, at other times he handled him roughly, with objurgations, and threatnings; but his ill Spirit is capable of neither. He spoke to him one time some of the Greek Testament, to see how that would work, and it brought him into his fit. At another time, he uttered some Verses out of the Greek Poets, which his Devil was not so learned as to distinguish, for that put him into a fit again; so that the Bishop was confirmed, that he was an Im∣postor of a most pernicious, and pernicious Spirit; but how

to Conjure it out of him was the difficulty. And finding words and menaces made no impression in him, he fell to blows; for ta∣king him out of his Bed, and having one to hold him, the Bi∣shop gave him six very smart lashes with a Rod, which moved the Boy no more than if he had been an insensible stock. They also thrust needles into his toes and fingers, betwixt the nails, clapt burning candles to his eye-lids, till they sing ed the hair off, to divert him when he was in his fits; but with all their persecutions he neither winch'd nor stirred, so that the Actors were more troubled to execute than he to suffer.

And in this condition growing almost desperate, he would make signs for knives or any other instrument to do himself a mis∣chief, therefore strict care was taken, and many watchful eyes set over him to prevent any such danger. Thus he continued almost a quarter of a year, at last his Vrine grew so black, that the Physicians thought Nature had left her usual operations, ha∣ving never found in any Human Body so much Adust matter, to give so deep and deadly a tincture.

This struck the good Bishop very near:* 4.131 For he was certain the Priests had been Hammering about him, and now, if he should miscarry under his hand, those Mini-masters of mischief would in their dark shops coin such scandals against him, as might pass current in the Worlds opinion; therefore he used all the means he could possible, as well to preserve him, as to discover him: But finding the Boy indure so many Trials with patience, so much tough hardship, and robustness, in tender years, he resol∣ved if his water continued black, to sit•• the matter no further. To find out which he set a trusty servant to watch him through a hole that looked into the Chamber upon the Bed, which the Boy knew not of. The Bishop going that morning with his Fa∣mily to a Lecture, all things were very still in the house, and the Boy finding all quiet, no noise about him, he lifts himself up, stares, and listens, and at length gets out of his Bed, and in the straw or mat under it, takes out an Ink-horn, and makes water in the Chamber-pot through a piece of the Cotton, in his hand, another little piece of the Cotton he puts into his Prepuce, cove∣ring it with the skin, and that was for a Reserve, if he should be forced to make water when company is by. Thus having cun∣ningly put himself in order, he hides the Ink-horn again, and re∣turns to his Bed.

The man that was appointed to watch him seeing all this,* 4.132 discovered it to the Bishop at his coming home, who came to him presently, and askt him how he did? He according to his usual manner pointed to his water, looked ghastly on it, and mutter'd out his old howling tone. The Bishop that meant now to deal roundly with him, said, Sirrah, you have Ink in your bed-straw, which you make use of to black your water, and your

knavery is found out; and calling in his man, he took out the Ink-horn where the Boy had hid it, and the man justified, that he saw him make water through the Cotton. Which (with the Bishops threatning to send him to the house of Correction) struck the Boy with such a sudden terror, that he rose from his Bed, fell upon his knees, and humbly besought the Bishop to pardon him, and he would discover to him the whole Truth. And as he put on his cloaths, the Bishop laid open the grievousness of his sin, which wrought so upon his spirit, that he melted into tears, crying to God for mercy. A very strange alteration! That, what he did but counterfeit, the Devil had so hardned in him, that all the Torments and Pains, inflicted by man could not produce a tear, till God that melted the Rock, had first touched the heart.

* 4.133 Then he confest a Pedler with a pack on his back met him when he was going to School, and with many inticing words perswaded him to go to Mr. Giffords house, assuring him of good entertainment, and by his allurements he went thither with him. There he found four Romish Priests, who gave him mony and many fair words, promising him great matters, if he would be conformable to their instructions. They were three days teaching him how to demean himself, and after he was well tu∣tor'd, and had practised his tricks there privately, then they sent him home to his father (who thought he had been lost, and was much troubled for him) to exercise them in a more publick way. He came home in a very distracted manner, to the amaze∣ment of his parents, and in short time drew much company to visit him, and his parents being poor got money from many cha∣ritable people, which did incourage him to persist in that way. But when the fame of his being possessed with an evil Spirit was sufficiently bruited abroad, the Priests came to dispossess him, but he found so much sweetness in the ease, and profit of that life, that he would not be dis-inchanted by them, though they charmed never so cruelly; for they beat him, and pincht him, and used him bitterly ill, to make him desist. Thus were the de∣ceivers deceived! The Bishop askt him why he accused the poor old woman of Witchcraft? He answered, the Priests told him he must lay the cause of his being possest upon some old woman, and she being known to him, and of a scolding humour, he fixt it on her. Then the Bishop askt him how he came to fall into his fits a little before the woman appeared in the room, both at her Examination and Arraignment, his back being to∣wards her? for the first, at Lichfield, he said, he heard some about him mutter, She is here, which made him cry out, she comes, she comes: And for the second, at Stafford, he heard the people remove, and her chains gingle as she came, which gave him the sign. Lastly, he was asked how he made his throat

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swell, and he shewed, it was by thrusting his tongue (being very long) down his throat, which trick he found out himself; the rest were taught him by the Priests. Thus did the Bishop pre∣serve an innocent old woman condemned by the Law to die, discover the abhominable forgeries of the Priests, and convert a wicked Boy, whom afterwards he bound Apprentice, and proved a good man. This Story I heard from the Bishop's own mouth, almost thirty years before it was inserted here. And the Result of all is, That Falshood with her painted countenance appears often as beautiful as Truth it self, deceiving many, speci∣ally in this point of Witchcraft, which is a structure established in the vulgar fancy, that hath many odd passages and ways opening to it, and is many Airy-stories high; but being well examined, it will not prove (for the most part, I will not say always) paper-proof, as there may be occasion to express in another place.

The King took delight by the line of his Reason to sound the depth of such brutish Impostors,* 4.134 and he discovered many: For in the Beginning of his Reign, Richard Haydock of New-Colledg in Oxford, practised Physick in the day, and Preached in the night in his Bed. His Practice came by his Profession, and his Preaching (as he pretended) by Revelation: For he would take a Text in his sleep, and deliver a good Sermon upon it, and though his Au∣ditory were willing to silence him, by pulling, haling, and pinch∣ing, yet would he pertinaciously persist to the end, and sleep still. The fame of this sleeping Preacher flies abroad with a light Wing, which coming to the Kings knowledg, he commanded him to the Court, where he sate up one night to hear him: And when the time came that the Preacher thought it was fit for him to be asleep, he began with a Prayer, then took a Text of Scrip∣ture, which he significantly enough insisted on a while, but after made an excursion against the Pope, the Cross in Baptism, and the last Canons of the Church of England, and so concluded sleep∣ing. The King would not trouble him that night, letting him rest after his labours, but sent for him the next morning, and in private handled him so like a cunning Chirurgion, that he found out the sore; making him confess not only his sin and error in the act, but the cause that urged him to it, which was, That he apprehended himself as a buried man in the Vniversity, being of a low condition, and if something eminent and remarkable did not spring from him, to give life to his Reputation, he should never appear any Body, which made him attempt this Novelty to be taken notice of. The King finding him ingenuous in his Confessi∣on, pardoned him, and (after his Recantation publickly) gave him preferment in the Church. Some others, both men and women, inspired with such Enthusiasms, and fanatick fancies, he reduced to their right senses, applying his Remedies suitable to the Distem∣per,

wherein he made himself often very merry (being happily practised, to be taken notice of by him) but some of their Sto∣ries being a little coarse, are not so fit to be here related. And truly the loosness and carelesness of publick Iustice, sets open a door to such slagitious and nefarious actions, as severer times would never have perpetrated.

* 4.135 About this time, that gallant Spirit, Sir Walter Rawleigh, (who in his Recesses in the Tower, had presented in lively Cha∣racters, the true Image of the Old World) made Accesses to the King, whereby he got leave to visit the New-World in America. Captain Kemish (one of his old Seamen and Servants) shewing him a piece of Ore in the Tower, of a golden complexion, (a glittering temptation to begin the work) assuring him, he could bring him to a Mine in Guiana of the same metal: which (toge∣ther with Freedom, the Crown of Life and Being) gave rise to this enterprise.

The King looking on Rawleigh as a man whose abilities might better the Nation, if improved the right way, gave him Liber∣ty, and a Commission under the great Seal, to equip and set forth Ships, and Men for that service. His Reputation, and me∣rit, brought many Gentlemen of Quality to venture their E∣states, and Persons, upon the Design; and being gallantly fur∣nished with all things necessary, either for Peace or War, they set out; and met no difficulties, till they came to Cape Vert in Afri∣ca; and then they found the Winds averse to them, (contrary to the usual nature of it) with many violent Storms, which much impeded their Voyage: For they that usually navigate be∣twixt Cape Vert, and America, run it in less than twenty days, but it took them double the time. And being driven from the Isle of Bravo by a Tempest, their left their Cables, Anchors, and Water-Cask behind them; so that by the length of the Time, heat of the Climate, and their want of Water, great sickness fell among them, and swept away many of their ablest men, both for Sea and Land.

But with much patience and hardship, getting sight of the Coast of Guiana, they came to an Anchor in five Degrees, at the River Caliana, where they landed their sick men, set up Bar∣ges, and Shallops, which were brought out of England in Quar∣ters, washed their Ships, and took in fresh Water, being fed and assisted by the Indians, that Sir Walter Rawleigh had former∣ly known. Who (in this general contagion, having grappled long with sickness, and not yet able to move, otherwise than he was carried in a Chair) gave order to five small Ships to sail into the River Orenoque (having Captain Kemish for their Con∣ductor) towards the Mine, the Star that directed them thither. And in these five Ships were five Foot-Companies, under the Command of Captain Parker, and Captain North, Brothers to

the Lord Monteagle, and the Lord North; Captain Walter Ra∣leigh, the General's eldest Son; Captain Thornhurst, and Captain Chidley, Gentlemen of great Valour, and infinite Patience, in suffering hunger, heat and labour. Major Pigot died in the mi∣serable Passage, and Sir Warham Santleger (who was Lieutenant Colonel) lay sick, without hope of life; so that the Command of the five Companies being conferred upon George Raleigh, the General's Nephew (made Major, in Pigot's room) he was not so well obeyed, as the Enterprise required. As they past up the River, the Spaniards began the War, and shot at the Ships, both with their Ordnance, and Musket: but they landed their For∣ces, without any great loss, near unto a Town upon the Ri∣ver, called Saint Thome, and gallantly charged the Enemy to the very Ports; where finding some little opposition, they at last forced a passage, and made themselves Masters of the Town. In the Assault, Captain Walter Raleigh, the General's Son (a Man of fire and courage, fitter to execute, than to order his Valour) was slain, to the great grief of the Con∣querours.

The other five Ships staid with the General at Trinidado, having no other Port capable of them near Guiana. The first was commanded by the General himself; the second by Cap∣tain Iohn Pennington, Vice-Admiral; the third by Sir Warham Santleger; the fourth by Sir Iohn Fern; the fifth by Captain Chidley of Devonshire. The General had twelve Ships in all, set out with him; But Captain Whitney and Captain Wolleston mutined against him, and run home again from the Granadoes. With these five Ships they daily attended the Armada of Spain, and had they set upon them, their Force divided (one half be∣ing in Orinoque, a hundred and fifty miles from them) they in Trinidado had not only been indangered, but all those in the River had also perished. And though these five Ships with the General were but of little Defence against so strong a power as the King of Spain's Gallions, yet they would have given them their hands full, for they were all resolved to have burned, and died by their sides. But the Armada staid for them at Mar∣garita, by which Island they expected them to pass towards the Indies.

For the King,* 4.136 unwilling to displease his Brother of Spain, commanded Sir Walter Raleigh upon his Allegiance, before he went out, to set down under his hand, the Country, and the River, which he was to enter, the compleat number of his Men, the burthen of his Ships, and what Ordnance every Ship car∣ried; which being made known to the Count Gondemar, the Spanish Ambassador here, and by him in Post to the King of Spain, A Dispatch was made by that King to the Indies, and his Letters sent from Madrid, before Sir Walter Raleigh with his

Fleet departed out of the River Thames. For the first Letter sent by a Bark of Advice, was dated the 19th of March, 1617. at Madrid. The second Letter was sent by a Carvell to Diego de Palomeque, at Trinidado. The third Letter by the Bishop of Puerto Rico; and the fourth was sent by the Farmer and Secre∣tary of the Customs, at the same time. By that of the King's hand there was also a Commission, for the speedy leavying of three thousand men, and ten pieces of Ordnance, to be sent from Puerto Rico, for the defence of Guiana. These Provisions were made to entertain the English, and had they met them, they would have found a harsh Banquet.

But the Spaniards at Saint Thome (their Supplies being not come) were not so numerous as to defend both the Town, and the Passages to the Mines; therefore they quitted the Town, and fortified the way to the Mines near the Town. But the Passages leading to the Mine that Kemish had in his Eye, were Aspera & fragosa, as Sir Walter Raleigh exprest them; and Ke∣mish found the River so low, that he could not approach the banks, in most places near the Mine, by a mile; and where he found an ascent, a Volley of Musquets came from the Woods, and at one time slew two of the Rowers, hurt six others, and shot a valiant Gentleman, Captain Thornhurst, in the head, of which he with great difficulty recovered. Kemish seeing so much hazard in attempting to find the Mine, the Passage to it being full of thick and impassable Woods, and thinking the English that were left in the Town of Saint Thome, would not be able to defend it, especially if the Enemy should be recruit∣ed, the Country being all in Alarum, he gave over the Enter∣prise, and returned. For if he should have discovered the Mine, he had no men (as he pretended) to work in it; and be∣ing a great way up into the Land, men would have been got thither with much danger, and difficulty. And that was true. The Spaniards themselves complain for want of Negroes to work in their Mines; for the Indians cannot be constrained, by a Law of Charles the Fifth; and the Spaniards will not, neither can they endure the labour. But this was ill advised, to take so much pains, and run so much hazard, to get and possess that, which when they had it, they could not make use of it; so that which Kemish pleaded (when he returned) for an excuse, reflected up∣on him as a great miscarriage. As soon as he came to Saint Thome, the English pillaged the Town, carried away the best, and most portable things, and the Enemy not daring to ap∣pear for the Redemption of it, they set it a-fire, leaving behind them an infinite masse of Treasure, which either for want of knowledge, or power, they could not attain to. For there were two Gold Mines near the Town, the one possessed by Roderigo de Parama, the other by Herman Frontino, and a Silver Mine by

Francisco Fashardo: to preserve and fortifie which, they imploy∣ed all their strength and industry; so that they needed not have gone so far up the River to find a new Mine, when they had so many nearer them, that either ignorance or want of strength made them neglect.

The General,* 4.137 with the news of the death of his Son, and Ke∣mishe's return without effecting his work, was perplexed to the very soul, telling Kemish he had undone him, and wounded his credit with the King, past recovery; but he must think (he told him) to bear the weight of the King's anger as well as him∣self; for he must a vow that Kemish knew the Mine, and that with little loss he might have possessed it. Kemish much troubled in his mind,* 4.138 retires to his Cabin, which he had in the General s Ship, and presently after his being there, he shot himself with a Pistol; the General hearing the noise, askt what Pistol it was? Answer was made, that Captain Kemish shot it off in his Cabin to cleanse it; but Kemishe's man going into the Cabin, found his Master lying in his own blood: the Pistol having a little bullet did only crack the rib, which being too slow for his fury, he desperately thrust a knife in after it up to the haft; and with him the Glory of the Voyage expired. For the Design being thus broken, the Ships leaky, Victuals failing, and missing of those golden showers they gaped after (that Radical moisture which fills the veins of the affections, and gives life and vigor to all actions) some of the men began to mutiny against the General, others were for him; some would have him go home, others would have him stay; the major part forced him to swear not to go home but by their allowance; and yet his Ships dwindled a∣way one after another (his strength was best discovered by his weakness) ten Ships being reduced to four, and those would do what they list. Some would go for Italy, some for France, few for England, fearing the Spanish Power there more than they did in the Indies. Thus they were shatter'd in judgment, with a greater Tempest than the Seas or Winds could produce. Misera∣ble is that Government where the Multitude is Master! At last he is brought to Kinsale in Ireland.

The news of taking and burning St. Thome coming to Gonde∣mar,* 4.139 he besieges, and (as it were) assaults the King with impor∣tunity for Reparation: For he was a man not only of an insinua∣ting and glosing spirit, but of a violent and fiery temper, when any cross accident blew up the humor. The matter is aggra∣vated with the highest circumstances by those of the Spanish Fa∣ction, as if this irruption of Raleigh's, not only tended to the breach of the Treaty of Marriage betwixt Prince Charles, and the Infanta of Spain (that was then in motion) but to the in∣fringement of the Peace and Amity, established betwixt the two Crowns. The King's fears being heightned to Anger, he dis∣avows

the Action, and lest others of his Subjects should by this example take the boldness to attempt the like Hostility against the King of Spain, he puts out a Proclamation, wherein he shews his detestation of such proceedings, and threatens severe punishment to the enterprisers, thereby to deter them. Which gave Gon∣demar some satisfaction, whose design being only to get Sir Walter Raleigh home (after this brush) vented little passion, but so cunningly skinned over his malice, that when Raleigh was in Ireland, he found, nor heard of no such great difficulties (Dan∣gers often flying upon the wings of rumor) but that he might appear in England, and the men not willing to be banished their own Country (though some of them had France in their eye) put in at Plimouth Raleigh was no sooner ashore, but he had private intimation, which gave him cause to suspect, the smoothness of this beginning would have a rough end; therefore he attempt∣ed an escape from ••hence in a bark of Rochel: But being appre∣hended by Sir Lewis Stukly (his Kinsman) who had private war∣rant and instructions to that purpose (so unnatural and servile is the spirit, when it hath an allay of baseness, there being many others sitter for that employment) he is brought to London, and recommitted to the Tower.

* 4.140 He was no sooner in the Tower, but all his Transactions in this business are put to the Rack, and tenter'd by his Adversa∣ries. They say he knew of no Mine, nor did Kemish know that the Mine he aimed at was Gold; but Kemish bringing him a piece of Ore into the Tower, he fobb'd a piece of Gold into it in dissolving, making the poor man believe the Ore was right, that by these golden degrees, he might ascend to Liberty, promising the King to fetch it where never Spaniard had been. But when Kemish found by better experience he was couzen'd by Ra∣leigh, he came back from the Mine: And Raleigh knowing that none but Kemish could accuse him, made him away. This Vi∣zard was put upon the face of the Action, and all the weight of the Miscarriage was laid upon Raleigh's shoulders.

Gonaemar that looked upon him as a man that had not only high Abilities, but Animosity enough to do his Master mischief (being one of those Scourges, which that old Virago, (the late Queen) as he called her, used to afflict the Spaniards with) ha∣ving gotten him into this Trap, laid now his baits about the King. There is a strange virtue in this spirit of Sol! the intense∣ness makes men firm, the ductilness brings them to be active. French Crowns are not so pure, not so piercing as Spanish Pistols. Auri sacra fames! quid non mortalia pectora cogis? The King that loved his Peace, is incensed by them that loved their Profit, and the poor Gentleman must lay down the price of his life upon the old Reckoning.

In October this year he is brought to the King's-bench Bar at

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Westminster, where the Records of his Arraignment at Winche∣ster were opened, and he demanded why Execution should not be done upon him, according to the Iudgment therein pro∣nounced against him? To which in way of answer he began to justifie himself in the proceedings of the late Voyage; but the Lord Chief Justice wished him to spare that trouble; for there was no other matter in question but the former Iudgment, which the King would have executed upon him, for some occasions best known to himself, unless he could shew good cause to the contrary.

Raleigh answered, That he was told by his Council, that Iudgment was void, by the Commission his Majesty was plea∣sed to give him since under the Great Seal for his last Employ∣ment, which did give him a new vigour and life to that service. The Lord chief Justice replyed that he was deceived, and that the opinion of the Court was to the contrary. Then he desired that some reasonable time might be allowed him to prepare for Death; but it was answered, That the time appointed was the next morning, and it was not to be doubted, but he had prepa∣red himself for death long since. Raleigh having a courageous spirit (finding the bent of the King's mind, and knowing Disputes to be in vain, where Controversies are determined) acquiesc'd, was conveyed to the Gatehouse, and the day following was brought to the Old Palace yard at Westminster,* 4.141 and upon a Scaffold there erected, lost his head.

He had in the outward man a good presence,* 4.142 in a handsom and well-compacted person, a strong natural wit, and a better judg∣ment, with a bold and plausible tongue, whereby he could set off his parts to the best advantage. And to these he had the Adjuncts of general Learning, which (by Diligence and Experi∣ence (those two great Tutors) being now threescore years of age) was augmented to a great perfection, being an indefatigable Reader, and having a very retentive memory. At his Arraign∣ment at Winchester, his carriage to his Judges was with great dis∣cretion; humble, yet not prostrate; dutiful, yet not dejected: Towards the Iury affable, but not fawning; not in despair, nor believing, but hoping in them; carefully perswading them with Reasons, not distemperately importuning them with Conjura∣tions; rather shewing love of life than fear of death. Towards the King's Council patient, but not insensible neglecting, nor yielding to Imputations laid against him in words (which Sir Edward Cook, then the King's Attorney, belched out freely) and it was wondred a man of his high spirit could be so humble in suffering, not being much overtaken in passion. And now at his last, when Deeth was presented before him, he looked upon it without affrightment, striving to vindicate his Actions, by taking off the veil that false Reports had cast upon them (especially the

Imputation of his glorying, and rejoycing in the fall, & at the death of the la••e E. of Essex, w^ch had stuck so many years in his breast; & this new miscarriage of Kemish's of a later date imputed to him) for having provided himself privately for heaven, clearing his Ac∣counts with God before he came to the Scaffold, He publickly at last reckon'd with man (being to quit all soores) and so made an end.

* 4.143 Times of Peace are accounted the happiest times, and though they are great Blessings, proceeding from the influence of supreme Mercy, and the showers of Grace, yet the branches of the Tree of Knowledge (growing by this Sun shine) for want of due pruning, do often become so exuberant, that their very fruits are not on∣ly their burthen, but sometimes their ruin. Prosperity is of an Airy constitution, carried about with the breath of strange fancies, which mount sometimes as high as Omnipotency; but there find∣ing-resistance, they come down amain, and beat the lower Region with a Tempest of Strife and Malice. When the Romans wanted Enemies, they digged them out of their own bowels. Active Spi∣rits will be set on work.

Our Neighbours of the Netherlands (that had so long bounded the Spanish Power, & humbled their Pride so far, as to acknowledg them a Free-State, before they would so much as listen to an O∣verture of Peace) had a fire kindled in their own bosomes. It is now some time since the 12 years Truce betwixt Spain & them began, being in the Wain, & last Quarter. While they had their hands full of business, they had not their heads full of old Curiosities. Now like Plethorique bodies, that want letting blood, they break out into distemper; A Schism in the Church, and a Faction in the State.

The first Author of the Schism was Arminius; of the Faction, Barnevelt; Persons of great parts and power (though of different natures.) The one had been Divinity-Professor at Leyden the other the Manager of all the great affairs of the State. Distempers in Kingdoms and States, are like madness in bodies, which doth not break out till some accident doth stir the humor. Arminius dyed just upon the beginning of the Treaty, which was in the year 1609. Leaving behind him the seeds of this Pelagian Heresie, which though it were cherished much by some, in whose bosomes he had sown it, yet happily it might never have taken root, had not Peace and Ease manured it, and made it fruitful. The Mysteries of Predestination, and the ineffable Essence of God (Quae∣tremenda & admiranda sunt, sed non scrutanda (to use our King's own words) which are to be trembled at, and admired, not pri∣ed into) are the great Theme. Such intuitions are too high for flesh and blood: Yet what will not Pragmatical spirits do, when they proudly look into Divine things with the Eye of Reason, not humbly with the Eye of Faith?

This Rupture in the Bowels of the Church grew so great, that it indangered the Body of the State. The chief Rulers and Magi∣strates,

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Rombout Hogerbeets, pensionaris der Stad Leyden

in the several Provinces, being tainted with this Error, strove to establish it by Power; among whom Barnevelt was a Principal Agent, who by the assistance of Hoogenberts of Leyden, Grotius of Roterdam, and Leidenburgh Secretary of Utrecht, with others their adherents, drew on the Design, which was to sup∣press the Protestant Reformed Religion, and establish the Tenents of Arminius, being fomented by the Kings of France and Spain, as the immediate way to introduce Popery. This went on so smoothly, that the Orthodox Ministers were expelled out of their principal Towns, and none but Arminians admitted to preach to the people, which in some places bred many combu∣stions, that tended to nothing but popular Confusion.

But long before this time, our King saw the Storm coming up∣on them:* 4.144 For in the year 1611 he forewarns the State, telling them, that by the unhappy succession of two such Prodigies in one Sphere, as Arminius and Vorstius, some dreadful mischief would succeed. For Arminius was no sooner dead, but those that drew on the Design, had an eye on Vorstius his Disciple, to make him Divinity-Professor in his place; which the King hearing of, and having read some of Vorstius blasphemous Writings, sends to his then Ambassador Sir Ralph Winwood, Resident there, to let the State know that Vorstius rather deserved punishment than promotion; that the head of such a Viper should be trod upon, and crushed, that was likely to eat his way through the bowels of the State. And if they (nevertheless) would persist to prefer him, he would make known to the World publickly in Print, how much he detested such abominable Heresies, and all al∣lowers and tolerators of them.

The Ambassador urging the King's desires, they returned a long Answer in justification of Vorstius.

First,* 4.145 That the Curators of the University of Leyden (accor∣ding to their duty, and the ancient custom ever since the foun∣dation of that University) having diligently made inquiry for some Doctor to be chosen in the place of Divinity-Professor there, at that time void; after mature deliberation, they made election of Conradus Vorstius to that place. Which Election and Calling, was countermined presently after, by certain persons, to whose Office or Disposal, the business did nothing at all belong; who charged the said Vorstius with unsoundness of Doctrine; whereupon the Curators thought fit (with the good liking of Vorstius himself) that both at Leyden, and at the Hague, he should appear in his own justification, to answer all Accusers; which he did, and there came none to charge him. But not long after, six Ministers undertook to prove, That Vorstius had published false Doctrine, who being heard in a full Assembly of the States of Holland and Westfrizeland, they could by their Arguments find no reason, why the Execution of what

was done by the Curators lawfully, ought to be hindred or impeached. And they do assuredly believe, that if his Maje∣sty of Great Britain were well informed of the true Cir∣cumstances of this business, he would, according to his high wisdom, and prudence, conceive favourably of them, they proceeding in this business with all reverence, care and re∣spect, to his Majestie's serious admonition. Dated at the Hague 1 Octob. 1611.

The King seeing which way the States went, by the print of the footing that Vorstius had set among them,* 4.146 caused his Books publickly to be burned in Paul's Church-yard, and both the Universities. And not giving it over, writes to them again, to be mindful of the glory of God, and not suffer such scan¦ dalous members to remain in the body of the true Reformed Church, that maintain such execrable Blasphemies, as to deny the Eternity and Omnipotency of God: Therefore he desires them so much to mind the glory of God, and their own honour, and safety, as to extirpate such Atheisms, and Heresies. But if they suffer such pestilent Hereticks to nestle among them (who dare take upon them the licentious liberty to fetch again from Hell ancient Heresies long since condemned, and invent new ones of their own, to the depravation of the true Catholick Church) he should be constrained publickly to protest against them. Dated at Theobalds 6 Octob. 1611.

Sir Ralph Winwood represented this Letter to the States, and finding them cold and backward in proceeding any further a∣gainst Vorstius, according to the King's Directions to him, he made this Remonstrance to them.

My Lords,

* 5.1IF ever the King of Great Britain, my Master, hath merit∣ed, anything of this State, (and how much he hath me∣rited, in respect of his great favours, and Royal assistances, your Lordships acknowledging them with all gratitude, can best judge and witness) he hath surely merited at this pre∣sent, having by his Letters full of zeal and piety, which he hath written unto you, endeavoured to procure the esta∣blishment of that Religion only within your Provinces, which the Reformed Churches of Great Britain, France and Ger∣many, by a mutual consent have generally imbraced. For what is it to his Majesty whether Doctor Vorstius be admit∣ted Professor in the University of Leyden, or not? or whether the Doctrine of Arminius be preached in your Churches? sa∣ving that as a Christian Prince, he desires the advancement of the Gospel, and as your best Friend and Allie, the strength∣ning of your Commonwealth, whose first Foundations were ce∣mented with the blood of his Subjects; and which in his judg∣ment

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JACOBUS ARMINIUS S. S. TH. DOCT. ET PROFESS. NATUS OUDEWATRIAE MDLX. DENAT. LUGD. BATAV. MDCIX. AETAT XLIX.

Qui nunc per altas aurei caeli domos Regnat beatus, et suo junctus Deo Humana celsus spernit ac nescit simul, Sic. Hospes, ora magnus ARMINIUS tulit. Caelare mores atque dotes ingeni. Doctumque pectus quod fuit (sed heu Fuit) Manus nequivit artifax. et quid manus? Effere cum non lingua non stylus queant.

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can no way subsist, if wittingly and willingly you suffer the Reformed Religion to be (either by the practices of your Doctors sophisticated, or by their malice) depraved. If there∣fore Religion be as it were the Palladium of your Common∣wealth, and that to preserve the one in her glory, and perfection, be to maintain the other in her purity, let your selves then be Judges, in how great a danger the State must needs be at this present, so long as you permit the Schisms of Arminius to have such vogue (as now they have) in the principal Towns of Holland; and if you suffer Vorstius to be received Divinity-Professor in the University of Leyden (the Seminary of your Church) who in scorn of the holy Word of God, hath after his own fancy, devised a new S••ct, patched together of se∣veral Pieces of all sorts of antient and modern Heresies. The Fool said in his heart, there is no God: But he that with an open mouth, of set purpose, and prepensed malice, hath let his Pen run at random, to disgorge so many blasphemies a∣gainst the sacred Majesty of God, this Fellow shall wear the Garland of all that ever yet were heard of, since the Means of the Gospel, the Light of Christian Religion, hath shined unto the World. If any man doubt of it, for a proof see here what his Majesty, with his own hand, hath collected out of his Writings. And then presenting them a Paper, he pro∣ceeded.

These are, in part, the opinions of that great Divine, who is chosen to domineer in the Chair at Leyden: In opposition whereunto, I mean not to say any thing, but that which the Roman Orator did once pronounce in the like Case, Mala est, & impia consuetudo, contra Deum disputandi, sive serio id fit, sive si∣mulaté; It is an evil and wicked Custom to dispute against God, whether it be in earnest, or in jest.

Now my Lords, I address my self unto you, and according to the Charge which I have received from the King my Ma∣ster, I conjure you by the amity that is betwixt his King∣doms, and your Provinces, to awaken your Spirits, and to have a careful eye at this Assembly of Holland (which is al∣ready begun) ne quid Respublica detrimenti capiat, that the Commonwealth take no harm; which undoubtedly at one time or other will be turned upside down, if you suffer such a dangerous Contagion to harbour so near you, and not remove it as soon as possibly you may. The Disciples of Socinus (with whose Doctrine Vorstius hath been suckled in his Childhood) do seek him for their Master, and are ready to embrace him. Let him go, he is a Bird of their own fea∣ther, Et dignum sanè patellâ operculum, A fit Cover for such a Dish.

On the other side, the Students in Divinity at Leyden, to

the number of six and fifty, by a dutiful Remonstrance pre∣sented unto the States of Holland the sixteenth of October, the last year, being 1610. did most humbly beseech the said States, not to use their authority in compelling them to re∣ceive a Professor, who both by the attestations of the Divi∣nity-Colleges at Basil, and Heydelberg, as also by manifest evi∣dence out of his own Writings, is convinced of a number of manifest Heresies.

These Reasons therefore, namely, the many enormous and horrible Heresies maintained by him; the Instance of his Majesty, grounded upon the welfare and honour of this Country; the Requests either of all, or of the most part of your Provinces; the Petitions of all the Ministers (excepting those only which are of Arminius's Sect) should methinks prevail so far with my Lords the States of Holland, as they will at the last apply themselves to the performance of that, which both the sincerity of Religion, and the service of their Country, requireth at their hands.

Furthermore, I have Commandment from his Majesty, to move you in his name, to set down some certain Reglement in matters of Religion, throughout your Provinces, that this licentious Freedom of Disputation may be restrained, which breeds factions, and part-takings; and that you would absolutely take away the Liberty of Prophesying, which Vor∣stius doth so much recommend unto you in the Dedicatory Epistle of his Anti-Bellarmine, the book whereof his Patrons do boast so much.

And his Majesty doth exhort you, seeing you have here∣tofore taken Arms for the Liberty of your Consciences, and have endured a violent and bloody War the space of forty years, for the Profession of the Gospel, that now having gotten the upper hand of your miseries, you would not suffer the Followers of Arminius to make your actions an example for them to proclaim throughout the World that wicked Doctrine of the Apostacy of the Saints. The account which his Majesty doth make of your amity, appears sufficiently by the Treaties which he made with your Lordships, by the suc∣cours which your Provinces have received from his Crowns, by the deluge of blood, which his Subjects have spent in your Wars. Religion is the only solder of this Amity. For his Ma∣jesty being by the grace of God Defender of the Faith, doth hold himself obliged to defend all those who prosess the same Faith and Religion with him: But if once your zeal be∣gins to grow cold therein, his Majesty will then straight∣ways imagin, that your friendship towards him, and his Sub∣jects, will likewise freeze by little and little.

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The Right Honourable S^r. RALPH WINWOOD Kn.^t

This was the effect of Sir Ralph Winwood's Remonstrance, to which, after six weeks delay, he received this cold and ambi∣guous Answer.

THat the States General had deliberated upon his Maje∣stie's Proposition,* 5.2 and Letter dated the 6 Oct. 1611. and do give him humble Thanks for the continuance of his Royal affection towards the welfare of their Country, and preservation of Religion. And that they had entred into Con∣sultation concerning the Articles charged against Vorstius; and the Curators of Leyden did thereupon make an Order pro∣visional, that Vorstius should not be admitted to the Exercise of his Place, but remain in Leyden only as an Inhabitant, and Citizen. And in case Vorstius should not be able to clear him∣self from those Accusations which were laid to his Charge, at or before the next Assembly (which was to be holden in Feb. following) that then they would decide the Matter with good contentment to his Majesty.

But this Answer still savouring of delays, could not in effect be esteemed less than an absolute refusal to yield to the King's desires; besides, the specious Separation of Vortius as a Citizen, was only to satisfie the King at present; for he (after) not∣withstanding exercised his Place of Professor. Whereupon Sir Ralph Winwood knowing the King's mind, made this Protesta∣tion in their Publick Assembly.

My Lords,

THere is not any one of you,* 6.1 I suppose, in this Assembly, that will not acknowledge the brotherly love where∣with the King, my Master, hath always affected the good of your Provinces, and the fatherly care which he hath ever had to procure the establishment of your State. In which re∣spect, his Majesty having understood, that Vorstius was elect∣ed Divinity-Professor of Leyden, a Person attainted by many Witnesses, Iuris & facti, of a number of Heresies, is therewith exceedingly offended. And for the timely prevention of an infinite of evils, did give me in charge to exhort you (which I did the 21 of September last) to wash your hands from that Man, and not suffer him to come within your Country. To this Exhortation your Answer was, That all due observance and regard should be had unto his Majesty: But his Majesty hath received so little respect herein, that instead of debar∣ring Vorstius from coming into the Country (which even by the Laws of Friendship his Majesty might have required) the Proceedings have been clean contrary; for he is permitted to come to Leyden, hath been received there with all honour,

taken up his habitation, treated and lodged in the quality of a publick Professor. His Majesty perceiving his first motion had so little prevailed, writ a Letter to you to the same purpose, full of zeal and affection, persuading you by many Reasons, not to stain your own honor, and the honor of the Reformed Churches, by calling unto you that wretched and wicked A∣theist. These Letters were presented to this Assembly, the fifth of November last, at which time by his Majesties command I used some speech my self to the same effect. Some six weeks after I received an answer, but so confused, ambiguous, and imper∣tinent, that I have reason to conceive there is no meaning at all to send Vortius away, who is at present in Leyden, re∣ceived, acknowledged, respected, and treated as publick Pro∣fessor, whether it be to grace that University instead of the deceased Ioseph Scaliger, or whether to give him means to do more mischief in secret, which perhaps for shame he durst not in publick, I cannot tell. For these reasons, according to that charge which I have received from the King my Master, I do in his name, and on his behalf, protest in this Assembly, against the wrong, injury, and scandal, done unto the Refor∣med Religion, by receiving, and retaining Conradus Vorstius in the University of Leyden, and against the violence offered unto that Alliance which is betwixt his Majesty and your Pro∣vinces; which being founded upon the preservation, and main∣tenance of the Reformed Religion, you have not omitted to violate, in the proceeding of this cause. Of which enormous indignities committed against the Church of God, and against his Majestie's person, in preferring the presence of Vorstius, be∣fore his amity and alliance, the King my Master holds him∣self bound to be sensible, and if Reparation be not made, and that speedily (which cannot be by any other means, than by sending Vorstius away) his Majesty will make it appear unto the World by some Declaration (which he will cause to be printed and published) how much he detests the Atheisms, and Heresies of Vorstius, and all those that maintain, favour, and cherish them.

To this the States promised a better Answer at their next Assembly, but that producing no good effect, the King writes a Declaration against Vorstius, which is extant in his own Works, collected by Doctor Iames Montague, son to Sir Edward Monta∣gue of Bowghton in the County of Northampton, Knight, then Bi∣shop of Winchester, and Dean of his Majestie's Chappel; in which Volume is depainted the King's excellent spirit, and many Royal Graces tending to Religion and Piety.

Thus the States let in a Deluge of Impiety, by being so perti∣naciously affected to Vorstius, and though he lived not long a∣mong

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IOSEPHVS, SCALIGER—

them, yet what he had planted grew up abundantly, and were the bitter Roots of these present Divisions.

And after, in the year 1613. there were many Discords a∣mong them, which our King hearing of, he incited the States by Letters again (so willing he was to have Unity among them) that this War of the Tongue might be pacified rather by publick Authority than School Disputations,* 6.2 and by his Me∣diation, for a good time the Humor was abated, or rested, as in the interpolate Fits of Agnes, but the Rancor broke out again more than ever.

For this year 1618. (as formerly expressed) the Distemper came to the State, or height, and had ever after a decline. Our King hearing of the Disorders and Tumults among them, looked upon them (now) as so many ill Omens, portending not only the ruin of the Netherlands, but the Tempest growing greater might beat too soon upon the British-shores. To stay therefore the swelling progress of this Gangrene humor,* 6.3 he prohibits his Subjects by Proclamation to send their children to Leyden, and solicits the States by Letters again, not only to forbid the preaching of these Controversies (the Pulpits being made but the Bellows of Dissention) but commands his Ambassador Sir Dudley Carleton to shew them their Disease, and then prescribes them the Cure. Their Disease was this, Schism in the Church, which usher'd in a Faction in the State, jealousie and disaffection among the Magi∣strates, hatred, and heart-burning among the Common people, con∣tempt of the Orders and Decrees of the chiefest Courts of Iustice, distraction among the Souldiers, being tyed to several forms of Oaths, insurrections & commotions among the Companies new le∣vied, not well disciplin'd (as likewise among the common people) which have extended to blood, to the affrightment, fear, and trouble of all the Provinces; at which the Enemy smiles (who happily have a hand in the design) and their friends lament to see it so. To cure which Malady, there is no other way than to call a National Council, where these Waters of strife being kept in due bound, the asperous edge of Opinion might be taken off, by grave and weighty Reason, to abate the Passion both in Church and State.

The Remonstrants (which the Arminians called themselves) carrying on their Resolutions with a full sail,* 6.4 would by no means alter their course, or consent to the calling of a Council; either fearing their party in Council would prove the weakest, or knowing their partakers in Action would be the strongest; for most of the States and Governours of Provinces had tasted of this infected Cup. And Barnevelt (the Head of them) being an active person, and having a nimble tongue, distilling into them a Iealousie, that Maurice Prince of Orange (who had the command of all their Garrisons, as General or their Army) affected to

make himself (by his power) sole Lord and Monarch over them; that the Freedom which they had purchased with their bloods, was now ready to be trampled on; he that was their Servant, aspiring to become their Master; having all power both by Sea and Land, in his own hand; all Governments, and Offices at his dispose, so that he wanted nothing but the Title to make him absolute. These sparks took fire with many, and yet they could not well see by that light, because Barnevelt drew these preten∣ces as a Curtain, to get as much power in the Militia, as he had in their Councils, the better to bring his ends about. Whereup∣on to ballance the Prince of Orange's power, new Companies are levied in some of the Provinces secretly, specially in U∣trecht, meaning to make that the Stage to act their bloody parts on: Which Town being much corrupted with the Leaven of bad Doctrine, they soon closed with the corruption of as bad manners.

* 6.5 The Prince of Orange, and some others affected to him, did cut out their time to the length of the others endeavours, pro∣portioning their Prevention suitable to the others Action, so the advance of the one party ran upon the same Parallel with the o∣ther, being ready to tread on their heels for hast. And now the time being ripe,* 6.6 The Prince goes to Utrecht, accompanied with some of the States his intimates, Count Ernest of Nassau, and some other Commanders of the Army, to seise upon, or disband those new raised Forces; in which he was opposed by Leyden∣burgh and other States of the Town, who incited the Gover∣nour, Sir Iohn Ogle, our Countryman, to deny the Prince en∣trance; but he was too much a friend to the Honor of his Name and Nation, to falsifie his trust. So that the Prince encountred only with those, whose unwillingness had power enough if they had had hearts to oppose him. But he finding it would be an ill Precedent to the rest of the Towns to meet a Repulse here, had ordered five Hundred foot from Arnham and the next Garri∣sons, to meet him there, who entred the Town that evening peaceably, and the next morning about four a clock disbanded the new levied Companies, before the Towns-men were well awake.

The Prince had no great reason to trust the Garrison of the City, considering the Reformed Religion was totally kept under hatches, & the Arminian got upon the deck. The Governour him∣self suspected, and complying to outward appearance, and the common Souldiers running with the stream. But he knew (it seems) their temper ascended to no higher notions than thirty Stivers a week was able to purchase. Therefore he summon'd them all over night into the Market-place, without beat of drum, who, with the other five Hundred, struck such a terror into the new levied Companies, that at the first word of command

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IOHAN VAN OLDENBARNEVELD Binnen s'Gravenhage Onthalst Den 13. May 1619.

they laid down their Arms and submitted. They were in that City in all nine Hundred men, that knew they were raised to op∣pose the Princes power, pickt up of several Nations, that hoped to carve their fortunes out of bloody Tumults, and backt by a numerous multitude of Citizens, yet they all shrunk in their heads before the face of Authority.

This giving some stop to the carreir of the Remonstrants in Utrecht, the rest of the Towns took up, though they had run long uncurbed. And now the Prince and State thought of no∣thing more than of composing the Disorders of the Church, by a National Council, which Barnevelt and his Faction opposing, they resolved to take away those impediments that hindered the Peace and Tranquility of the Provinces. So that on the 19th of August, the prime Ring-leaders of the Sedition, Barnevelt, Ho∣genberts, and Grotius, were seised on at the Hague, as they were entring the Senate, and committed to several Prisons. This cast a general damp upon the spirits of the Remonstrants, as if they had been crushed in the head. And some few days after Ley∣denburgh was sent from Utrecht with a strong Guard. These be∣ing the four chief Pillars whereupon this confused Building stood, they being taken away, it fell to the ground. Ley∣denburgh to prevent their mercy stabbed himself in Prison with a knife, that opened a passage to let out his life. Hogenberts, and Grotius, found something of mercy by waiting for it, but they were condemned to perpetual Imprisonment in the Castle of Lovestien. And the latter of them (Grotius) after some time of Imprisonment made an escape in a Trunk, which his Wife pre∣tended to the Soldiers of the Castle, to be full of Arminian Books, which she would send away, because they should not trouble her Husband's head. But the Capital Offender, Barne∣velt, was Beheaded at the Hague the fourteenth of May follow∣ing, being 1619.

His Sentence of death was this,* 6.7 That for so much he had en∣deavoured to disturb the Peace of the Land, and had opposed himself against the wholsom advice of divers Princes, Lords, and excellent Persons, aswel without as within the Land, and that he had injured some of their mightiest Allies by his secret practices (namely, by calumniating the King of Great Britain, as though he had been the Author of these troubles in the Low-Countries.) For that he had kindled the fire of Dissention in the Provinces; had raised Souldiers in the Diocess of Utrecht; had disreputed his Excellency as much as lay in his power; had re∣vealed the secrets of the Council; and had received Presents and Gifts from Foreign Princes: Finally, for that by his Machi∣nations and Plots, new States have been erected in the State, new Governments against the Government, and new Unions and Alliances against the ancient Union, to the general pertur∣bation

as well of Policy, as of Religion, to the exhausting of the Treasures of the Land, to the jealousie and dislike, not only of the Confederates, but of the Natives of the Country, who by this means were brought into danger, that they were like to fall into final ruine.

He was born in Amersford,* 6.8 descended from the Antient Fa∣mily of Olden Bernevelt; in his Fortune a private Gentleman, but by his Industry, Travels, and Studies at home and abroad, he made himself capable of managing the highest affairs, which he did almost for forty years together. He was five times Ex∣traordinary Ambassador into England and France; had been in the Field with the Princes of Orange, and the Army, as one of the States, thirty two several Leaguers; nothing was acted without his Advice: Indeed he was the Tongue and Genius of the State. But whether Ambition (now in his old Age) mount∣ed him to grapple with the Prince for power, or whether that wild and frantick fancy, that men often brand their spirits with, and call it Conscience (but is nothing but pertinacy in opinion) impt the wings of his Affections, we cannot discover, being only the secret Companions of his own Breast, and let them dye with him. But thus he ended, in the seventy first year of his Age.

He lived to see (that which he had so much opposed) a Na∣tional Synod held at Dort,* 6.9 whither our King sent Doctor George Carlton, Bishop of Landaff, Doctor Ioseph Hall, Dean of Wor∣cester; Doctor Iohn Davenant, Professor Regius in Cambridge, and Master of Queens College; and Doctor Samuel Ward, Re∣gent of Sidney College in Cambridge; Divines of great Reputa∣tion, sound Learning, and well-grounded Faith. Where they met with divers Divines from Switzerland and Germany, besides the Natives of the Netherlands; who altogether in a full Sy∣nod, quashed, as much as in them lay, the Arminian Opinions; and though they could not utterly extirpate the roots of the Heresie, yet they laid them so low, that they never broke out there since into exuberant branches; though some of the Fibrae, the small veins left behind, much tainted our Nation, as shall be expressed hereafter.

* 6.10And now the Heavens declare the Glory of God; A mighty blazing Comet appears in Libra, whose bearded Beams covered the Virgin Sign; it began on Wednesday morning, the 18th of November this year, and vanished away on Wednesday the 16th of December following, making, in 28 days motion, its Circum∣giration over most Parts of the known World, extending its ra∣diant locks (by the observation of Astronomers) sometimes 45 Degrees in length. And as our Doctor Bambridge observed to∣wards the Declination of it, about the 11th of December, it past over London in the morning, and so hasted more Northwards, even as far as the Orcades.

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VERA EFFIGIES R.^DI IN CHRISTO PATRIS GEORGII CARLETON EPISC.^PI CICESTRIEN^SIS GEORGIUS CARLETONVS 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Age, tu solus regai cor. Orbis cor Sol est regai cor tu Pateriut Sol Orbe ••at reg sui seripta meant: 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Si cor principum 〈…〉〈…〉 Anglie reite Per 〈…〉〈…〉

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Nunquam futilibus excanduit ignibus Aether,

they make not their Course in Vain! These Apparitions do always portend some horrid Events here below, and are Mes∣sengers of mischief to poor Mortals: The Divine Wisdom point∣ing to us what we should do, to prevent these threatned dan∣gers, that we may have our lives for a prey. It appears first in Libra, the Emblem of Iustice, and streams over the Virgin Astrea, which (as the Poet saith) was last of all the Virtues left the Earth,

Ultima Coelestum terras Astrea reliquit.

We must by this Admonition from Heaven, learn to do justly; and it is for injustice that these sad Omens threaten us. What miserable Effects of War, Ruine, and Devastation, in most parts of the known World, followed at the heels of this stupen∣dious Harbinger, is obvious to all; and so far as relates to us, may be declared (God willing) in the Progress of this History: but I hope the operation and power of it is almost at an end, for it began in Germany, took France and Spain in the way, and past over England to the Orcades, and so vanished, as Bainbridge relates in the Description of it, Fol. 7.

Fulgura non semper, nec semper praelia durant. —let's count it almost past, For War, like lightning, doth not always last.

The first remarkable Accident that happened in England af∣ter this Prodigious Forerunner,* 6.11 was the death of Queen Anne, who died of a Dropsie at Hampton-Court, and thence brought to her Palace in the Strand, for the more triumphant glory of her Obsequies. The Common People, who naturally admire their Princes, placing them in a Region above ordinary Mortals, thought this great Light in Heaven was sent as a Flambeau to her Funeral; their dark minds not discovering, while this Blaze was burning the fire of War that broke out in Bohemia, wherein many thousands perished.

She was in her great Condition a good Woman, not tempted from that height she stood on,* 6.12 to embroyl her spirit much with things below her (as some busy-bodies do) only giving her self content in her own House, with such Recreations as might not make Time tedious to her: And though great Persons A∣ctions are often pried into, and made Envies mark, yet nothing could be fixt upon her, that left any great impression, but that she may have engraven upon her Monument a Character of Virtue.

* 6.13 About this time Henry Earl of Northumberland, who had been a Prisoner in the Tower ever since the Powder plot (a long Re∣cluse) was set at liberty.* 6.14 The Cause of his Confinement was upon a Sentence in Star-Chamber, for nourishing in his House Thomas Piercy his Kinsman,* 6.15 who was one of the Complotters of the Treason. And though nothing could be proved against the Earl, to endanger his life, yet upon the presump••••on of his knowledge of it, he was fined in thirty thousand pounds, and imprisoned in the Tower. He was married to Dorothy, eldest Daughter to Walter Earl of Essex, by whom h•• had a N••ble (yet surviving) Issue, two S••ns, and t••o Daughters; Algernon now Earl of Northumberland, and Henry, both in these Times young. Dorothy, the eldest Daug••te••, married Robert Viscount Lisle, after the death of his Father E••••l of Leicester, by whom he had a numerous Issue, like Clive branches a••out his Table. The younger Daughter, Lucy, a Lady of ••••••omp••rable Beauty, (solemnized in the Po••••s o•• ••he most exqui••••e Wits ••f her time) married the Lord Hayes (now made Vi••count Doncaster) against h••r Father's will (••ho aimed at higher ••xtracti••••••) during his Imprisonment; which the old Ear••'s stubborn spirit not brook∣ing▪ would never give h••r any thing; And Doncaster, whose affection was ab••ve money (••etting only a valuation ••pon his much-admired, Bride) strove to make himsel•• meritorious, and prevailed so with the King for his F••ther-in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that he got his Release. But the old Earl would h••rdly be drawn to take a Release from his hand, so that when he had liberty he restrain∣ed himself; and with much importunity was wrought upon, by (such as knew the distempers of his body, might best qualifie those of his mind) pe••••uading him, ••o•• ••ome indisposition, to make a journey to the Bath, ••hich was one special motive to accept of his Son-in-la••'s respects.

* 6.16 The stout old Earl, when he was got loose, hearing that the great Favourite, Buckingham, was d••awn about with a Coach and six H••rs••s (which was wondr••d a•• then as a novelty, and imputed to him as a mastring pride) tho••ght if Buckingham had six, he might very, well have eight in his Coach, with which he rode through the City of London to the Bath, to the vulgar talk and admiration; and recovering his health there, ••e liv∣ed long after at Petworth in Sussex, b••ting this over-topping humour, which shewed it rather an a••f••cted fit, than a distem∣per. Nor did this addition of two H••rses by Buckingham grow higher than a little murmur. For in the late Q••eens time, there were no Coaches, and the first had but two Hor••es; the rest crept in by Degrees, as men at first venture to Sea. And every new thing the People dis-affect, they stumble at, sometimes at the action for the person, which rises like a little cloud, but soon vanishes. So after, when Buckingham came to be carried in a

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HONORATISS•••••••• D{us} HENRICVS PERCEY COM•••••••• NORTHVMBERIAN•…•…

If Art could shewe the Spirit in the Face And in dead Sines expresse a Liuing Grace, You might (though wanting an Inscription) sweare That this the shadowe of a PERCY were For when the Noblest Romane worthies Liud, (Though greater Fame their Fortunes have atcheiud No brauer Spiritts did in ROME command Then were the PERCYS of NORTHVMBERIAND

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Chair upon Mens shoulders, the clamour and noise of it was so extravagant, that the People would rail on him in the Streets, loathing that Men should be brought to as servile a condition as Hor••es. So irksom is every little new impression, that breaks an old Custom, and rubs and grates against, the publick humour! But when Time had made those Chairs common, every loose Pimp, or Minion, used them; so that, that which gave at first so much scandal, was the means to convey those privately to such places, where they might give much more. Just like long hair, at one time decried as abominable, at ano∣ther time approved of as beautiful. So various are the fancies of the times! And that strong Reason is only able to manage this Beast, that can best curb its own Appetite.

But now War breaks in upon us,* 6.17 following that blazing Fore-runner; the House of Austria (like Pyrrhus and Lysander, ex∣tending their Dominions no further than the Sword could reach) having long seat hered their Nests with the Eagles plumes, grew formidable to the Princes and States of Germany. And because they found the Popes had shrewdly plumed some of their Pre∣decessors, till they had wrested most parts of Italy from the Empire, they were content to maintain their Grandure by the Popes power, and to ingratiate themselves the more, became great Persecutors of the Reformed Religion.

A little before this time Ferdinand (Uncles Son to Matthias the Emperor) was Crowned King of Bohemia,* 6.18 with this Reservation, that he should not exercise the Power of a King, as long as the old Emperor lived. This kind of Crowning of Kings (one in the life of another) was the great Chain, that (link by link) held the Empire, and the two Kingdoms of Hungaria and Bo∣hemia together in the Austrian Family; so that the State of ei∣ther Kingdom could not, or durst not, put forth their Strength to shake them asunder. The Emperor kept his Court at Vienna, King Ferdinand at Gretz in Stiria; so that the Government of Bohemia rested in such Counsellors as the Emperor Matthias left there for the management of Publick Affairs. These Coun∣sellors, and Ministers, with the Archbishop of Prague broke out about this time, not only to demolish the Protestant Churches, but by the help of the Iesuits (their bitter Enemies) strove to undermine the Religion it self.

The Protestant States, and Nobles of the Country, summon∣ing an Assembly, to redress their Grievances, were opposed by some of them Emperor's Ministers of State, the very day of their meeting; which exasperated them to such a height of Passion, (being backt by some Forces they brought with them for their Security) that they threw Slabata the Emperor's chief Justice, Smesansius, one of the Council of State, and Fabricius, a prag∣matical, Secretary, from a high Window in the Castle, down

into the Court, though some of them took little hurt, and lived (as reports go) to this time. This rash Action the Bohemians strive to palliate by Apologies to the Emperor, but withal strengthned themselves, making Leavies both of Horse, and Foot, the better to secure their own Peace, and banishing those Firebrands the Iesuits out of Prague, whose malicious and di∣stemper'd Zeal first kindled the Flame. The Emperor hearing of these mischiefs, raises an Army under the command of Count Bucquoy, and the Protestant States finding the Emperor exaspe∣rated, raise two Armies, one commanded by Count Thurne, the other by Count Mansfeldt: some bickrings past betwixt the Imperial Army and the Bohemians, some Towns taken on both sides; and in the heat of this stir the old Emperor dies.

Ferdinand King of Hungary, and Bohemia, and adopted heir of old Matthias, meeting (after summons) at Frankford, with the three Electors of Mentz, Collen, and Trevers, and only with the Representatives of the other three Electors; The Church carried it for him,* 6.19 and he was chosen King of the Romans. The States of Bohemia disclaimed the election, as invalid, because he could not be an Elector himself as King of Bohemia; for that he had never been actually in possession of the Crown. And though their dissent could not lessen Ferdinand's Election to the Empire, yet they protested by oath never to acknowledge him for their King. These eruptions made a noise all over Christendom, and most knowing men looked on this heavenly Torch, the late Comet, as fit fuel to give fire to such a train.

Our King fearing the clap would fall heavy upon the Pro∣testant party,* 6.20 sent the Viscount Doncaster, extraordinary Ambas∣sador, to mediate a Reconciliation betwixt the Emperor, and the Bohemians. But the asperity and bitterness was too great to find an allay by his sweet and candid Complements, being sitter for the bosoms of Lovers, than the armed breasts of Uprores and Tumults.

Ferdinand insinuated with the Princes of Germany, especially the Duke of Bavaria, to corroborate his party; the Bohemians, made election of our King's Son-in-law, the Prince Elector Pala∣tine, to be their King, hoping his great Alliance would strengthen theirs. Some little pauses were in the acceptation (though a li∣quorish bait) the Elector Palatine being fearful to ingage himself to snatch a Crown out of the fire: But the Bohemian States wrought the Prince of Anhalt, the Earl of Holoch, and the Ba∣ron Done, the Palatines intimates, in their forge (of great pro∣mises and preferments) to such a temper, that by their assistance (slighting the danger) he reacht at the Crown, before either he, or his friends were well advised of it. His Election was upon the 26 of August,* 6.21 his entrance into Prague the last of October, and his Coronation the fourth of November following. But as soon

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LOTHARIVS PAR LA GRACE DE DIEV ARCHEVESQVE DE TREVES B. Moucorne•• excudit

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as he had accepted, and swallowed the Royal bait, he sent the Baron Done to our King, to excuse the suddenness of the accep∣tation, before his Counsels were well concocted, but the emer∣gency of the Cause (as he pretends) would admit of no delibera∣tion. As some hasty Physicians, or cholerick Patients, to prevent a Feaver, bring the body to a Hectick.

Our King that looked upon his own condition through the Optique of the peoples mutable and unstable affection, would by no means countenance such a Precedent as should give them power to dispose of an established Royal dignity, at their plea∣sure, and upon every change of humor; for so he might shake his own foundation, which made the Barons addresses crude and nauseous to his Appetite, till time had a little digested them. And then he dispatched two Ambassadors into Bohemia.* 6.22 One was Sir Richard Weston, who was afterwards Lord high Treasu∣rer of England, and left to his posterity the Earldom of Port∣land, a man of a haughty spirit, yet knew how by suppling it, to make his way to the height he arrived at: For his Religion gave place to his Policy, and mounted him till he became one of the great grievances of the Kingdom. The other was Sir Edward Conwey, a man of a grosser temper; bred a Soldier, being Go∣vernor of Bril when England gave over her interest in the cau∣tionary Towns, who was after made a Viscount, and Secretary of State, a rough impollished peice for such an imployment. But the King that wanted not his Abilities would often make himself merry with his imperfect scrouls in writing, and hacking expressions in reading, so that he would break into laughter, and say in a facetious way, Had ever man such a Secretary, that can nei∣ther Write nor Read? These two were suited for the imployment, happily upon design; Weston being a kind of Papist, and Conwey a Protestant, the better to close up the breach between the Em∣peror, and the King of Bohemia,

But Ferdinand being startled with the flaring Glory of this new King,* 6.23 to cast a damp upon it, and to terrifie him, and his Adherents, he caused this Proscription to be published a∣gainst them.

WE Ferdinand, &c. To all Electors,* 6.24 Princes, &c. but espe∣cially to the Subjects of Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine, Elector, &c. send greeting. Because it is not known unto you, how that Frederick Count Palatine of the Rhine, &c. hath made himself head of that persidious and re∣bellious crew of our Kingdom of Bohemia: Wherefore we pro∣claim the said Frederick Count Palatine, &c. Guilty of High Treason, and iterate Proscription, and of all the Penalties which by Law and Custom are depending thereon. We conclude him out of Our, and the Imperial Peace, and are firmly re∣solved

solved to execute the said Penalties against the said Frederick,* 6.25 which calleth himself Count Palatine of the Rhine, as against one publickly proscribed,* 6.26 an Enemy and Adversary to us, and to the Empire, and as one which hath suffered himself to be made a Head of our disobedient and perfidious Rebels; who is a Contemner and Oppugner of our Imperial Autho∣rity, and Majesty; who is an Infringer of Publick Peace, and Tranquillity, and of other Ordinances and Laws of the Empire. Commanding you, under pain of Life, that in no way you give any aid, succour, assistance, neither in Money, Provision, Munition, nor any way else, neither openly, nor covertly, under what colour or pretext soever, to the said Frederick, who calleth himself Count Palatine of the Rhine. And if one or more of you should serve, or be in pay of the said Frederick, his Complices, or Helpers, We command him, or them, to forsake the Service of the said proscribed Fre∣derick, and of his Helpers. And we command you the Estates, Dependents, Alliances, Subjects and Vassals of the said pro∣scribed Frederick, that henceforth you yield unto him no obedience, help, nor aid, in assisting him any further; nor partake of his Rebellion, Disobedience, and Crime, but ut∣terly to forsake him in it, and to assist us with true and faith∣ful aid and succour, to reduce the disobedient, disloyal, rebel∣lious, proscribed Frederick, and his Helpers, to due Obe∣dience, any Treaty, Confederacy, Amity and Alliance not∣withstanding. And we absolve you that are Vassals of the said proscribed Frederick, or which are in his Protection, or which are his Natural Subjects, or Strangers, from all your Oaths, and Duties; promising to all those which shall be obedient unto this our Mandate, all Imperial favour, grace, and security. We will likewise, that none shall protect, de∣fend or secure the said banished Frederick, and his Helpers, and Assistants, in nothing that may be profitable to them. For we exclude the said banished Frederick, together with his Adherents, from all favour, liberties, promises, security, publick peace, confederacies, alliances, laws, privileges, immunities and customs heretofore given unto him, and them, by our Ancestors the Roman Emperors. But he that shall be disobedient unto this our Will and Command, and shall assist, take part, or aid in any sort, either privately or publickly, under what colour soever, the said Frederick, who calleth himself Count Palatine of the Rhine, and Duke of Bavaria, We declare by these Presents guilty of high Troason, and iterate Proscription, no less than himself. And this let every one take notice of, to keep themselves from danger. Given in our City of Vienna, &c.

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CHRISTIANVS II. DVX SAXONIAE, ETC. SEPTEMVIRATVS CAES. CREAN. HAERES ANNO MDCIX

VIRTVTE CHRISTI ANA

The Duke of Saxony took the Field with an Army of twenty thousand men,* 6.27 to execute this Imperial Ban, and reduced most part of Lusatia. But before this, the Earls of Thurn, and Mans∣feldt, with a great Army stood the shock of the Imperial power in divers Assaults:* 6.28 but when the King was established in Bohe∣mia, and his Counsels managed by the Prince of Anhalt, and the Earl of Holoch, then Thurn and Mansfeldt were eclipsed by the brightness of their power; for Anhalt must be General, and Holoch Lieutenant-General. This taking impression in the region of gallant minds, drew up some ill vapours of discontent, which tended to a fiery exhalation, that like ill Omens did pre∣sage an unhappy event.

While they were thus grappling in Bohemia,* 6.29 the Marquess Spinola was forming an Army in Flanders, and the Protestant Princes of Germany, Consederates to the Palatine (calling them∣selves the Princes of the Union) raised Forces for the defence of the Palatinate, and their own Interest, under the Command of the Marquess of Ansbach. But our King made no Prepara∣tions, yet he sent to his Ambassador at Bruxels, commanding him to enquire for what purpose Spinola's Army was called to∣gether, the Truce continuing betwixt Spain and the Low-Coun∣tries; but the Ambassador could receive little satisfaction, the Spanish subtilty having sealed up Spinola's Commission, which he was not to open till the Army were ready to march. But men of ordinary understanding might apprehend, that an Army of six and twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse, with all Military Provisions, were not to lye still; and though our King had divers Arguments presented to him, that did assure him that Army was intended for the Palatinate, yet would not his Spirit be set on work to preserve his Childrens Patrimony; So odious was the name of War to him! But at length, with much ado, one Regiment of Foot (to joyn with the Princes of the Union, and make a little noise and bustle) was extorted from him by importunities. This Regiment was the gallantest for the Persons, and outward presence of men, that in many Ages (I think) hath appeared either at home or abroad: It consisted of two and twenty hundred compleat; the chief Commander Sir Horatio Vere (who was after Baron of Tilbery) a Person bred up in the School of War, and a known Master in the Art of Victory. He was accompanied with the Earls of Ox∣ford and Essex, young and daring Spirits, whose honour not only descended from a long Series of Noble Progenitors, but they made it their own. And out of respect to them, as well as love to the Service, this Regiment was almost furnished with Gen∣tlemen, who went to make themselves capable of better im∣ployment; the English for many years having been truants in that Art. The two Earls had two hundred and fifty men a∣piece

piece in each Company; and so many flocked to Essex out of love (and he loth to put them off) that he carried 300 men into the Palatinate,* 6.30 paying fifty of them with his own Money. The King being drawn to consent, that two Regiments more should follow for these two Noblemen, which gave the more encou∣ragement to this petty Enterprize.

* 6.31 The English followed Spinola, but at a distance; for he being nearer to the Palatinate, got much the start of them, though they went out of England before he presented the Arch-Dukes with the civilities of his Departure, which was upon the eighth of August. And upon the last of the same month, by the As∣sistance of Maurice Prince of Orange, and the benefit of a Bridge of boats a little below Weasel, they past the Rhine under the Con∣duct of Prince Henry of Nassau, who with two thousand Horse, and four hundred Musqueteers, taken out of Gulick and the ad∣jacent Garrisons, cleared the Countrey before them, marching through Gulickland, and the barren Mountains of Collenland, till they came near to Coblentz, which Town stands upon the Center of two Rivers, the Rhine, and Mosell. Giving out in the march, as if the Army intended to pass the Mosell; but the Prince (to divert the Enemies intelligence) upon the six∣teenth of September drew two miles back from Coblentz, and past the Rhine in Punts, a kind of Liter, advancing forward on the other side of the River three English miles that night, to a Village called Hembach, where the Foot stayed till the Horse past the River. And this sudden change of resolution was one of Prince Henry's Master-pieces; for he knew from Collen, Spinola would have intelligence by Curriers, which way the bent of their march tended; and they had the Mosell in their eye all the way, but the Rhine in intention. In the Halt before Coblentz, one bullet among others from the Town, past between Gene∣ral Vere, and the Earl of Essex standing together, and hit a Gen∣tleman, called Flood, on the elbow: The cause of shooting from thence (as was conceived) proceeded from a Skirmish the night before, that happened betwixt some English, and the Country People of an adjoyning Village on the Mosell; for Captain Fairfax being sent with a Squadron to them, in a peaceable manner, to desire the accommodation of bread and wine for Money, the Bores shot at him, and hurt some of his men, but he stoutly advancing to them, they took their Boats, and hasted down to Coblentz. Some of the Bores were reported to be slain, for which Fairfax, upon the Prince's complaint, was committed, to give the Country satisfaction, but the next day released.

Before the Army past the Rhine, General Vere sent Captain Row, and Captain Dexter (with ninety four sick men, some Tents, Trunks, and other Luggage, that were cumbersome) by

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MAURITS PRINS VAN ORANJE

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Benssheim.

water to Bacrash, which Town within few days after was sum∣mon'd by Spinola, and yielded to him, after the example of O∣penheim, and the other Towns he had taken in the Palatinate; so spiritless were the people in every place, that he met no re∣sistance in any thing that he attempted. The English taken in Bacrach were used with civility, and with the payment of small Ransoms, had liberty to return home. After the Army, both Horse and Foot, had passed the Rhine, they had hard marches through the pleasant Country of Nassau (whose Amocnity and fruitfulness may rival the beauties of France) shaping their course towards Frankford.

Spinola finding himself deluded on one side of the Rhine,* 6.32 past the River Main with all his Horse, and four thousand Foot, in∣tending to snap them on the other; but the stream being too high, his Waggons with Munition took wet, and some Field∣peices miscarried, which could not be recovered with the loss of some of his men; which disasters happening, they admonish∣ed him to a retreat, otherwise in all probability he had cut off those Forces before they could have joyned with the Princes of the Union. The 24 of September Prince Henry with his Horse, and General Vere with the Foot, past the River Main, at a Ford not far from Frankford, the Foot for the most part marching up to the middle through the stream, and that night they stood in Arms, having two Alarums of Spinola's approach, not hearing yet he was retired. The next day they had a long march to re∣cover Darmstat, one half of which Town belongs to the King of Bohemia, the other part to the Landsgrave of Hessen. There Prince Henry and the Dutch Companies left the English, and re∣turned into the Netherlands again, and fifteen hundred German Horse, commanded by Colonel Megan, met them, by order from the Princes of the Union. The 27 of September they came to Beinsheim, being the first intire Town in the Palatinate they ar∣rived at; and upon the first of October past over the Rhine by Worms, upon a Bridge of Boats, and that day were met by the Marquess of Ansbach, and some others of the Princes of the Union, who stayed to see them march by, wondering at the gallantry of such Foot, who were with them the meanest of the people.

After two days rest,* 6.33 the Princes with part of their Army, being 4000 Horse, and 6000 Foot, joyned with the English, and together marched towards Altzi (a Town in the Palatinate that the Enemy had taken in) which they intended to surprize. But hearing by their Scouts that the Enemy had quitted the Town as not tenable, and that Spinola with his whole Army was marching towards them, they faced about to make his way the shorter, and within three hours their Scouts and the Enemies were in Skirmish, but the German Princes, not having their

whole Army, were not forward to engage. Spinola seeing them march towards him (being as weary as they) took the advan∣tage of a Hill, and forced their Horse with his Cannon to re∣treat; but the Princes drew their Cannon up another Hill on the right hand of the Enemy, there being a large bottom, and a hill of Vineyards betwixt the two Armies, which were not visible but from thence, for the one Hill drowned the other to them in the bottom. As soon as they saw how the Enemy strove to secure himself, and that he was loth to come on, they judg∣ed their strength not to be great, and therefore took a resolu∣tion to set upon them. The Dutch in curtesie yielded the Van∣guard to the English, which before they stood upon, as a Punctilio of honor. The English General drew out of every Division fourscore Musqueteers to give the On-set, who were incouraged by that Reverend Divine Doctor Burges (of whom mention is formerly made) who accompanied the General from England, and was an instrument of much good to that Regiment; though they needed no incouragement at that time, being spirits wil∣lingly prepared for such enterprises.

* 6.34 Standing thus ready, expecting the command of the Mar∣quess of Ansbach to begin the charge, and the evening hast∣ning with a sable foil to excuse his flowness: General Vere tired with his delays, rod up to the Hill, accompanied with the Earls of Oxford and Essex; and there they saw the Enemy began to march away, their Wagons marching in two ranks, and the Foot on the further side of them, the Wagons serving as a Bulwark for them; their Horse brought up the Rear, and the march was without Drum or Trumpet, till the last Division mo∣ved, and then they made the Air shake with the noise of their shouts, which was apprehended to be for joy of their escape: For the Princes afterwards had intimation, that they were not above six thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, and that they had marched all night, hoping to have found them in some security at Altzi, that they might have beaten up their Quarters before they had been setled. But the Spaniard, like a cunning Miner, finding them in a posture to entertain him, was loth to engage, fearing their strength, and seeking ad∣vantages. And if their German heads had countermined with him, and interposed betwixt him and Openheim (his head Quar∣ter, whither he was marching) being nearer to it than he, they might have either forced him to fight, or forced the Town from him. The Earl of Essex being informed of this by some that knew the Country, pressed the Marquess of Ansbach to it, de∣siring him not to let slip an opportunity so happily put into his hand. He, not well pleased to be urged to a thing so contrary to his humor, replied angerly, There is a Fort betwixt us and the Town, and we must pass thither under the mercy of their Cannon. Sir

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AMBROSIVS. SPINOLA. DVX. S. SEVERINO. PRINC. SARLVAL. MARCH. BENAFRO

Horatio Vere hearing the Marquesse's reason, said, When shall we then fight, if we shun the Cannon? But no persuasion can be prevalent, where Power and Disaffection joyn their Force. The Dutch Horse skirmished with the Rear of the Spanish, and took five or six Horse, and some stragling Foot, that was all the hurt done them.

The next day they marched to Quarters again,* 6.35 where the Soldiers found the Country Roots, Fruits, and Wine in the Must, no good preservatives: But after they had stayed by it seven or eight days, Spinola led them a dance for digestion, pre∣tending for Keisars Luther, a Town in the borders of the Pala∣tinate, which made the Princes advance their whole body to at∣tend him, but as they drew near he retreated, so that they sport∣ed with one another, as children at Seek and Find, though nei∣ther of their Armies could be much pleased with the sharp fro∣sty nights, those desolate and naked Hills exposed them to; up∣on the top of one of them, the English Commanders one night burnt a great many of their Wagons to warm them, the Frost was so violent, and the Soldiers lay in heaps upon the ground close together like sheep cover'd as it were with a sheet of snow. Yet they spent the time thus till their Stoves summon'd them to warmer lodging. And the English Regiment was disposed into three principal Garrisons: General Vere commanded in Man∣heim, Sir Gerard Herbert in Heidelburgh, and Serjeant-Major Burrows in Frankindale, imprisoning themselves in Walls, while the Enemy romed round about them, and they had only power to preserve themselves; For the Princes of the Unions Forces were garrison'd in their several Countries. I have the more par∣ticularly described this Expedition, because I was an eye-witness of what passed; and if we had not had an allay of Dutch dulness, the Spaniard could not have carved to himself so great a share in that Country, and their opposers had not mouldred away their Forces as they did afterwards, which makes this Relation harsh and unpleasing.

But there was a Divine Fate attended not only this Country,* 6.36 but all Germany; For the Almighty Wisdom that is the Author of all Revolutions in the World, hath his set times for changes, which often tends to the imbettering of it. For all the Northern Conquests of the Goths, Huns, Vandals, Scyths, and other ba••∣barous Nations, were to corroborate the Southern bodies wast∣ed with Ease and Luxury. And now in Germany a flood of Books, that almost tended to an inundation, overspread the World, and was her great disease: Besides the drunken Dropsie, witness their monstrous swelling tuns, and vessel. In lieu of books, War brings in barbarism▪ which is the first-born before Plague, or Fa∣mine. These do not always kill, but rectifie. Full bodies are apt to fall sick, and then they must be drawn very low often-times,

before they come to perfect health. These Iudgments have faln heavy upon England, we drink the dregs of the Cup; one sin is not to be pointed at, but all; and though it hath been bitter to the taste, yet He that knows the nature of the Ingredi∣ents may make it wholsom unto those that love him.

* 6.37 One thing both pitiful and remarkable, that hapned in the Palatinate, was almost omitted. There was a Gentleman whose name was Duncomb, that was a Soldier in the Earl of Oxford's company. This young man left a Gentlewoman behind him in England, to whom he had vowed his heart, and promise of mar∣riage; but her fortune being not fit for his Father's humor, he threatned to dis-inherit him, if he married her: and the better to alienate him from her, he sent him so long a journey, hoping time and absence might wear out those impressions, that the present fancy had fixed upon him, charging him at his depar∣ture, never to think of her more, lest with the thoughts of her he lost him for ever. The young man being now long absent from her, and having his heart full with the remembrance of her, could not contain himself, but let her know, that no threats or anger of Parents, should ever blot her memory out of his thoughts, which was illustrated with many expressions of love and affection. But the careless man writing at the same time to his Father, superscribed his Father's Letter to his Mistris, wherein he renounces her; and his Mistresses Letter to his Father, wherein he admires her. The Father swoln with rage and an∣ger against the Son, sent him a bitter Letter back again full of menaces; and whether that, or shame for the mistake, that she should see he renounced her whom he profest to love, did over∣come his Reason, is not known; but he killed himself, to the great grief of all the English there. And by this example Parents that are too rigid to their children, may see what Murderers they are: For it was not the young man's hand, but the old man's hard heart that killed him.

* 6.38 The Prince of Anhalt General to the King of Bohemia, in the beginning of the War (like a red morning, that is the forerunner of a foul evening) met Victory smiling in his face: For hearing that Bucquoy the Imperial General with his Army was draw∣ing near Prague, he interposed to stop his Progress, having not above twelve thousand men, a far less number than the Impe∣rialists. Bucquoy had a wooden Stratagem, and it thriv'd accord∣ingly; He mounted Trees upon Carriages, like Ordnance, to fright his Enemy; but they as wise as birds would not leave their prey for a whisp of straw drest like a man, but charged upon the mouths of such Cannon. Anhalt used a more real Stratagem, that took effect; He brought his Ordnance up behind his men, invisibly, loaden with Musquet-bullet; and when they should have charged the Enemy, made them wheel off, that those

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CAROLVS ALBERTVS DE LONGVEVAL COMES DE BVQVOY ET DE GRATZEN, BARO DE VAVX ET DE ROSEN BERGHE COMIT. HANNONLAE GVBERNATOR & B. Moucornet CXCII

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bloody Engins might break their ranks, which they performed to purpose, and forced them to retire into a Wood, where per∣suing their advantage, they scatter their main Body.

This was a fair Spring-time (the Battail being fought upon the tenth of March) and might have inhanced the hopes of a good Autumn:* 6.39 But in November following (when the Princes of the Union, and Spinola, were hunting one another among the frosty Hills in the Palatinate) the Duke of Bavaria coming with a great Army towards Prague, and joyning Bucquoy and Tillie, with all their Forces together, like cruel Hunters, meant ei∣ther to catch a Prey, or be a Prey. Anhalt then had not so closed with Count Mansfeldt, as to bring him up to him (being pufft up with his last Victory) and some of his Soldiers being dis∣contented for want of Pay, it abated the edge of their Cou∣rage; yet he got with his Army betwixt the Imperialists, and Prague, and stood upon the advantage of Ground; but all would not do; a Hand went out that gave a Period to that Royalty: for the Enemy breaking through them, forced his way, and put the Bohemians into such confusion, that happy was he that could escape with his life. The Prince of Anhalt, and his Lieutenant General Holloc, were the first that fled, and brought the news of the defeat to the King at Prague, who (with his Queen astonished with the danger) being in a City not very defensible, among a wavering People, and a Conquer∣ing Enemy in the Field, took time by the fore-top, and in this hurly burly, the next morning, being the 9 of Nov. left Prague, ta∣king with them their most portable things, having load enough within them: But the Queen, the more Gallant and Royal Spirit, carried it with most undauntedness; the King suffered doubly as he went,* 6.40 being blamed for keeping his Soldiers without pay, having such a masse of money by him, which he was forced to leave behind to his Enemies, and the imputation stuck upon him; but flying upon the Wings of common Fame, I shall not lure it into this Relation as a known Truth.

But by a sad Accident that some years after happened to this unfortunate King,* 6.41 it was obvious that he left not all be∣hind him; for going to visit the Bankers of Amsterdam, where his Treasure lay brooding, and passing in the night over Harlem mere, the winds and darkness in a conspiracy, made a cross Hoigh to run against the King's, and bulged it in the Sea: but before it sunk, the King and others got to the Mastring Vessel, and saved themselves; But the Prince his Son (being of a pregnant, hopeful puberty) with too severe a fate, was left to the broken Boat, which they durst not approach again, though they heard his cries, so that he was abandoned to be tormented to death, which was more grievous than death it self, for the Waters be∣ing shallow, and the Hoigh sinking not far, the next day they

found him frozen to the Mast, embracing it as his last Refuge, his Body half above, half under the water. This Story, melt∣ing with Pity, is here inserted, because the glory of this King expires.

* 6.42 And since there will be occasion to mention him no more, because his Actions afterwards never mounted up one Story high; Take this brief Character of him. He was a comely Personage for body, of a good stature, his complexion of a duskish melancholy; the constitution of his mind rather fitted for those little besoignes of Accounts, and Reckonings, than any vigorous, or masculine heat, to solder up the crackt Title of a Crown: He was a handsom, well-built, but slight Edifice, set on an ill Foundation, that could not stand long. The King of great Britain (that the Bohemians built upon) was not of so firm a temper, as to support a Fortress (weakly made) that must en∣dure the Rigorous Shock of War; which made it at the first or second Assault thus totter and fall.

* 6.43 The two English Ambassadors, Weston and Conwey, which our King sent to mediate for the Bohemians, could make little use of their Oratory, being scattered with the rest in the Cloud of this Confusion: But they brought the King and Queen to Limburgh, the first days journey, and after they were gone towards the Ne∣therlands, the Ambassadors procured a safe Conduct from the Duke of Bavaria to return to Prague; But there they could find no words so prevalent and penetrable, as the steel of a Con∣quering Enemy; and so they returned home, re infecta, no wiser than they went out.

* 6.44 This Defeat coming to the Ears of the Princes of the Union, quailed their courage, made them look back into their own condition; and having not so much faith as to depend upon our King for assistance, before the Spring they submitted themselves to the Emperor, leaving the almost-ruined Palatinate as a Prey to an insulting Enemy; the English only giving Spirits to the Vital parts of it, conveyed by the Conduct of those Instru∣ments, Vere, Herbert, and Burrowes; Men fitter to command Armies, than to be confined within the Walls of Towns.

* 6.45 As soon as Anhalt had done the King his Master this disser∣vice, he retires, applies himself by mediation to the Emperor, is received with favour, and admitted to be one of his Generals. No wonder that the War thriv'd no better, when it was only made for worldly interests! It was not the badness of the Cause altogether, but the Men, that struck the deadly blow. The Pro∣testant rage at Prague was not justifiable in the Star-Chamber of Heaven, though the Popish insolence might too much exasperate. The Counsels must be well weighed in all the Courts of Iustice, when War is put into the Scale; for he that holds it, sits above, can turn it which way he pleases, and picks out men to manage

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Benssheim.

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Grundtriss vnd Entwurff etlicher ohrt der ChurPfaltz vnd wie die Spanier nach etliche treffē endtlich gar dar auss geschalē word

it, suitable to his own ends. If the Protestant Party had been Conquerors, it should not have been by the means of a General that could fight for it, and presently after take Arms against it: Such luke-warm tempers are not of a Heavenly Constitution! Therefore in all great Actions, respect the Men, as well as the Cause: for God seldom doth any great thing for his People by wicked Instruments.

Mansfeldt only,* 6.46 that was rejected and slighted by Anhalt makes good his fidelity, by bearing up against the power of the Emperor; not that he was able to grapple with his whole Force, but being an active spritely man, and having a nimble moving Army of fourteen or fifteen thousand men, he did harasse the Countries, force Contribution from the Cities, and when any greater power came against him, he got from them into another Country, and harrowed that, to their perpetual vexation: So that he was as goads in their sides, and thorns in their eyes. And thus he continued in despight of the Emperor, and the Duke of Bavaria, for almost two years after, till they were con∣strained to purchase their peace of him at a dear rate; to which Mansfeldt was also inforced, not finding assistance nor Supplies to support him.

As soon as the Princes in the Palatinate were retired to their Quarters,* 6.47 before the great loss at Prague came to their know∣ledge, the Earl of Essex with a Convoy of Horse to Swibruken, passed into Lorain, and through France posted for England, to solicit the King to send those Regiments promised, and other Supplies (if possible) that the English there, and the whole Countrey, might not be exposed to ruine. But when he came into England, he found the Court Air of another temper, and not as he left it, for it was much more inclined to the Spanish Meridian. And though Gondemar, the King of Spain's Am∣bassador, at the departure of one of his Agents into Spain, facetiously bad him commend him to the Sun, for he had seen none here a long while, yet we had the Spanish influence hot among us, the King himself warmed with it; then what will not the Court be?

The King and his Ministers of State had several ends,* 6.48 and drive different designs. His was, for the matching of his Son with some great Princess, aiming at no other glory, though he debased himself to purchase it. For presently after he received a Denial in France, he sent to Sir Iohn Digby, his Leidger Am∣bassador in Spain, to treat of a Marriage betwixt the Prince of Wales, and the Infanta Maria, Sister to that King, which was in 1617. No blood but blood Royal can be a propitiatory Offering for his Son; yet the best Sacrifice is an humble spirit. No matter what Religion, what Piety; that is not the Question. When Kings have earthly aims, without consideration of God, God looks to

his own Glory, without respect of man. The little foundation of hope they built upon at that time, was now raised to a formal building, by the cunning practices of Gondemar, who assured the King, it was his Master's real intention the Prince should marry the Infanta. And he wished the King his Master had all the Pa∣latinate in his power, to present it as a donative to the Prince with his fair Mistris.

The King (that now heard all was lost in Bohemia, saw little possibility of injoying the Palatinate quietly, but by the Treaty of a Marriage) was lulled asleep with Gondemar's windy pro∣mises, which Sir Iohn Digby seconded, being lately made Vice-Chamberlain to the King, Baron of Sherborn, and a great ma∣nager of the affairs at Court. Sir Walter Aston being sent Leidger Ambassador into Spain, for the general correspon∣dence. And the King anchoring his hopes upon these shallow promises, made himself unable to prevent the Tempest of War that fell on the Palatinate, tying up his own hands, and suf∣fering none to quench the Fire that devoured his Childrens Patrimony.

On the other side,* 6.49 the great Courtiers that were our King's intimates, and had his ears, either through easiness, willing to please his humour, and not daring to oppose it; or else being Pa∣pists and Pensioners to Spain, striving to promote the Catholick Cause, out of love to it, or being suppled by that insinuating Mi∣nister Gondemar (who had his Master's purse at command, and purchased such as he thought to be most useful to his ends) were content to let the King go which way the stream of his affection carried him, and some of them put hand to the Oar. Those that were looked on under the name of Spanish, were A∣rundel, Worcester, Digby, Calvert, Weston, and some others Popish∣ly affected; then Buckingham, and all the Train he swept along with him (except that party which his Mother managed) advan∣ced the Spanish Match out of love to their Master. The Duke of Lenox, the Marquess Hamilton, both Scotchmen, and old servants, of great credit with him, and interest in his Counsels, were not so active; no more was William Earl of Pembroke, who after Somerset's fall (by the late Queen's mediation) was made Lord Chamberlain to the King, a man that merited the highest imployment: For these finding the King's Genius tending to the Spanish Match, and he a known Master of his own Reason, did not oppose him with a contesting spirit, but gave him some little hints, that he might know they were not of his mind. And he being able to steer his own course, looked after no other Pilot but Gondemar, and those that knew the Chanel. Making Buck∣ingham his instrument and only bosom-Counsellor in those af∣fairs, which afterwards brought the hatred of the people with the more violence upon him: For they look not upon the King in

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WILLIAM HERBERT Earl of PEMBROKE &c

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any miscarriage with an eye of Anger (such was the English mo∣desty, if Kings had been sensible of it) but upon such intimate Ministers, as he makes active in those things which are con∣trary to their affection. And though there were general mur∣murs in the breasts of the people, which found vent enough in corners, yet the Council-table, and Star-chamber are such terrifiers, that (as one said) none durst run riot, but keep at the stirrop, at excellent command, and come in at the least rebuke or check.

It was thought the Papists did much contribute to Gondemar's liberali••y;* 6.50 for they began to flourish in the Kingdom, he having procured many Immunities for them, and they used all their in∣dustry to further the Match, hoping that if the Prince did not adhere to Rome, yet his Offspring might; and at present looked for little less than a Toleration.

No stubborn piece of either Sex stood in Gondemar's way,* 6.51 but he had an Engin to remove them, or screw them up to him. None that complied with him but found the effects of his friendship; many Iesuits fared the better for his intercession, he releasing numbers, among the rest one Bauldwin, an arch-Priest, accused to have had a hand in the Gunpowder-Treason, and had been seven years in the Tower, a man of a dangerous and mischievous spirit, who was (after his release) made Rector of the Iesuits College at St. Omers. By his Artifices and Negotiations (having been time enough Ambassador in England to gain credit with the King) he got Sir Robert Mansel (the Vice-Admiral) to go into the Mediterranean sea, with a Fleet of Ships to fight against the Turks at Algier, who were grown too strong and formida∣ble for the Spaniard (most of the King of Spain's Gallions at∣tending the Indian Trade, as Convoys for his Treasures, which he wanted to supply his Armies) and he transported Ordnance, and other Warlike Provisions to furnish the Spanish Arsenals, e∣ven while the Armies of Spain were battering the English in the Palatinate; so open were the King's ears to him, so deaf to o∣thers: For Sir Robert Nanton, one of his Secretaries (a Gentle∣man of known honesty and integrity) shewed but a little dis∣like of those proceedings, and he was commanded from Court, and Conwey was put in his place. And Gondemar had as free ac∣cess to the King as any Courtier of them all (Buckingham excep∣ted) and the King took delight to talk with him; for he was full of Conceits, and would speak false Latin a purpose in his merry fits to please the King; telling the King plainly, He spoke Latin like a Pedant; but I speak it like a Gentleman: And he wrought himself so by subtilty into the King's good affections, that he did not only work his own will, but the King's into a belief that the Treaties in agitation, were (though slow) real and effe∣ctual. So easily may wise men be drawn to those things their desires with violence tend to.

And he cast out his Baits not only for men; but if he found an Atalanta, whose tongue went nimbler than her feet, he would throw out his golden Balls to catch them also. And in these times there were some Ladies, pretending to be Wits (as they called them) or had fair Neices,* 6.52 or Daughters, which drew great Resort to their houses; and where company meet, the discourse is commonly of the times (for every man will vent his passion) these Ladies he sweetned with Presents, that they might allay such as were two sower in their expression, to stop them in the course, if they ran on too fast, and bring them to a gentler pace. He lived at Ely-House in Holborn, his passage to the Court was ordinarily through Drury-lane (the Covent-Garden being then an inclosed field) and that Lane and the Strand were the pla∣ces where most of the Gentry lived, and the Ladies as he went, knowing his times, would not be wanting to appear in their Balconies, or Windows, to present him their Civilities, and he would watch for it; and as he was carried in his Litter or bot∣tomless Chair (the easiest seat for his Fistula) he would strain himself as much as an old man could to the humblest posture of Respect. One day passing by the Lady Iacob's house in Drury∣lane, she exposing her self for a Salutation, he was not wanting to her, but she moved nothing but her mouth, gaping wide open upon him. He wondred at the Ladie's incivility, but thought that it might be happily a yawning fit took her at that time; for trial whereof, the next day he finds her in the same place, and his Courtesies were again accosted with no better expres∣sions than an extended mouth. Whereupon he sent a Gentleman to her, to let her know, that the Ladies of England were more gracious to him, than to incounter his Respects with such Af∣fronts. She answered, it was true that he had purchased some of their favours at a dear rate, And she had a mouth to be stopt as well as others. Gondemar finding the cause of the emotion of her mouth, sent her a Present, as an Antidote, which cured her of that distemper.

These kind of Spirits were let loose to be suitable to the times they lived in,* 6.53 and they wrought strange effects; for this being a Widdow, and of no good Fame, with her subtilties intrapt in her nets, and married a famous Lawyer, a man of great Re∣putation, and a pregnant wit; and many other young Gentlewo∣men (whom their Parents debaucheries drive to necessities) made their Beauties their fortunes, coming to London to put them to sale, and some of them had so good Markets, that they obtain∣ed great Pensions during their lives, and afterwards were mar∣ried to men of eminent parts, and fortunes, accounted wise, gallant, and Heroical spirits. Such silly Fate often intermingles with those parts though never so excellent, when the sensitive faculties get predominance over the Reason! And such men as

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ELY HOUSE. Engrav'd from an original Drawing.

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were affected to wantonness, would vulgarly brag of it; nay, many times to the traducing of a Ladies fame, and their own (I cannot say) innocence: For some would say, and vent it as an Apothegm, I would rather be thought to enjoy such a Lady, though I never did it, than really to enjoy her, and no body know it. Such pride was taken in sin, and so brazen-faced and impudent such crimes were then! And though men thought them small, and trivial, yet they were of such weight, that they pressed those down that practiced them (though great in the Worlds Eye) to be now in little better esteem than the meanest of the People. But as Tacitus modestly covered the faults of some that followed Nero in his folly, and madness; Ne nominatim tradam majori∣bus eorum tribuendum puto, for the honour (he saith) of their Ancestors; so though I name the vices, I shall spare the Persons, out of respect to their Posterity.

The Earl of Buckingham,* 6.54 as great in Title as in Favour, was now grown a Marquess; and lying all this while in the King's bosom, every man paid tribute to his smiles. As the King bought off Worcester, to make him Master of the Horse; so he bought off Nottingham, to make him Admiral. What may not he have, that is not only Master of his Horse, and Ships, but his Heart also? His Mother is created a Countess by Patent, and her second Husband, Sir Thomas Compton, had no other Title but an unworthy one, which the People (either out of their anger, or her misdemeanour) imposed upon him. Her eldest Son, first made Sir Iohn Villiers, after Viscount Purbeck, mar∣ried to the Daughter and Heir of the Lady Elizabeth Hatton by Sir Edward Cook; a Lady of transcending beauty, but accused for wantonness. Purbeck not well able to look down from these great heights, got a giddiness in his head, which confined him to a dark room. Her other Son, first made Sir Christopher Villiers, was after created Earl of Anglesey, whose honour mixt with a weak brain, could not buoy him up from sinking into that distem∣per that drowns the best Wits. Her Daughter presently after al∣so shined in the same Sphere with her, her Husband being from a private Gentleman made Earl of Denbigh. Happy is he can get a Kinswoman, it is the next way to a thriving Office, or some new swelling Title. The King, that never much cared for Women, had his Court swarming with the Marquesses kin∣dred so, that little ones would dance up and down the privy Lodgings like Pharies; and it was no small sap would maintain all those suckers.

And now we have named Sir Thomas Compton,* 6.55 there will fol∣low a Story of his youthful Actions, which though done long since, will not be uncomly to croud in here. He had the re∣mark of a slow-spirited man when he was young, and truly his Wife made him retain it to the last. But such as found him

so in those vigorous days of Duelling, would trample on his easi∣ness; and there could not a worse Character be imprinted on any man, than to be termed a Coward. Among the rest, one Bird, a roaring Captain, was the more bold and in••olent against him because he found him slow, and backward (which is a baseness of an over-daring nature) and his provocations were so great, that some of Compton's Friends taking notice of it, told him, It were better to die nobly ••nce, than to live infamously ever; and wrought so upon his cold temper, that the next al∣front that this bold Bird put upon him, he was heartned into the Courage to send him a Challenge. Bird, a massy great Fel∣low, confident of his own strength (disdaining Compton, being le••s both in Stature and Courage) told the Second that brought the Challenge, in a vapouring manner, That he would not stir a foot to incounter Compton, unless he would meet him in a Saw∣pit, where he might be sure Compton could not run away from him: The Second, that looked upon this as a Rodomontado fancy, told him, That if he would appoint the Place, Compton should not fail to meet him. Bird making choice b••th of the Place, and Weapon (which in the vain formality of Fighters, was in the election of the Challenged) he chose a Saw-pit, and a single Sword, where, according to the time appointed, they met. Be∣ing both together in the Pit, with swords drawn, and stript ready for the encounter, Now Compton (said Bird) thou shalt not escape from me; aand hovering his sword over his head, in a disdainful manner, said, Come Compton, let's see what you can do now: Compton attending his business with a watchful eye, seeing Bird's Sword hovering over him, ran under it, in upon him, and in a moment run him through the body, so that his pride fell to the ground, and there did spraul out its last vanity. Which should teach us, that strong presumption is the greatest weakness, and it is far from wisdom in the most arrogant Strength, to slight and dis∣dain the meanest Adversary. There is yet in bleeding memory (even in these Times of just severity against this impious Duelling) one of the same Family of the Compton's, in some part guilty of Bird's Crime; for the Provoker to such horrid Encounters seldom es∣capes, the Divine Iustice permitting such violent madness to tend to its own destruction. But to return to our Story.

* 6.56Sir Henry Mountague, Lord Chief Justice (as the Reports of those Times lively voted) laid down twenty thousand pounds for the Office of Lord Treasurer; and before the year expired, it was conferred upon Sir Lionel Cranfield, who had been a Ci∣tizen of London, bred up in the Custom-house, and knowing the secret contrivances of those Officers, was thought fittest to ma∣nage the King's Revenue: For in expensive and wanting Courts, those great Officers are most acceptable, that by their finenesses and projects, can bring in that, which with riot and prodigality

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Prenobilis Henrici Comi Manchester Dnū Custodio Privati Sigil: An••••ete

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goes out. But the great step to his Office, was Cranfield's mar∣rying one of the Marquesse's kindred, which mounted him pre∣sently after to be Earl of Middlesex. The Lord chief Justice for his Money was made a Precedent, as some jested; the King find∣ing him a man intelligent in all the great Affairs of State, made him Lord President of the Council, Viscount Mandevill, and Earl of Manchester, and after the death of Worcester, was Lord Privy Seal.

But though the Marquess of Buckingham in appearance act∣ed all these Removes,* 6.57 and Advancements, yet his Mother, the Countess, wrought them in effect, for her hand was in all Transactions, both in Church and State; and she must needs know the disposition of all things, when she had a feeling of every man's pulse; for most Addresses were made to her first, and by her conveyed to her Son (for he looked after his plea∣sure more than his profit) which made Gondemar (who was well skilled in Court Holy-Water) among other his witty pranks, write merrily in his Dispatches into Spain, That there was ne∣ver more hope of England's Conversion to Rome, than now; for there are more prayers and oblations offered here to the Mother, than to the Son.

For the Marquess himself,* 6.58 as he was a man of excellent sym∣metry, and proportion of parts, so he affected beauty, where he found it; but yet he looks upon the whole race of Women, as inferior things, and uses them as if the Sex were one, best pleased with all: And if his eye cull'd out a wanton beauty, he had his Setters that could spread his Nets, and point a meeting at some Ladies House, where he should come (as by accident) and find Accesses, while all his Train attended at the dore, as if it were an honourable visit. The Earl of Rutland, of a Noble Family, had but one Daughter to be the Mistris of his great Fortune, and he tempts her, carries her to his Lodgings in White∣hall, keeps her there for some time, and then returns her back again to her Father. The stout old Earl sent him this threat∣ning Message, That he had too much of a Gentleman to suffer such an indignity, and if he did not marry his Daughter to repair her honour, no greatness should protect him from his justice. Buck∣ingham, that perhaps made it his design to get the Father's good will this way (being the greatest match in the Kingdom) had no reason to mislike the Union, therefore he quickly salved up the wound, before it grew to a quarrel: And if this Marriage stopt the Current of his sins, he had the less to answer for. This young Lady was bred a Papist by her Mother, but after her Marriage to the Marquess, she was converted by Doctor White (as was pretended) and grew a zealous Protestant, but like a morning dew, it quickly vanished: For the old Countess of Buckingham never left working by her sweet Instruments the

Iesuits, till she had placed her on the first foundation. So that the Marquess, betwixt a Mother and a Wife, began to be in∣different, no Papist, yet no Protestant; but the Arminian Tenets taking root, were nourished up by him, and those that did not hold the same opinions, were counted Puritans. These new in∣differences now grew so hot in England, that the Protestant Cause grew very cold in Germany. Which made the spirits of most men rise against the Spanish Faction at home, and Spain's incroaching Monarchy abroad.

And though the King sped ill the last Parliament of Somerset's undertaking,* 6.59 and thought to lay them by for ever (as he often expressed) looking upon them as incroachers into his Preroga∣tive, and diminishers of his Majesty, and Glory, making Kings less, and Subjects more than they are; Yet now, finding the peoples desires high-mounted for regaining the Palatinate, he thought they would look only up towards that, and liberally open their Purses, which he might make use of; and this Unanimity and good agreement, betwixt him and his peo∣ple, would induce his Brother of Spain to be more active in the Treaty in hand, and so he should have supply from the one, and dispatch from the other. But Parliaments that are like Physicians to the bodies of Common-wealths, when the humors are once stir∣red, they find cause enough many times to administer sharp Medicines, where there was little appearance of Diseases. For in this Recess and Ease, Time-servers, and Flatterers, had cried up the Prerogative; And the King wanting Money for his vast ex∣penses, had furnished himself by unusual courses. For Kings excessive in gifts, will find followers excessive in demands; and they that weaken themselves in giving, lose more in gathering, than they gain in the gift: For Prodigality in a Soveraign, ends in the Rapine and Spoil of the Subject.* 6.60 To help himself therefore and those that drained from him, he had granted several Patents to undertakers, and Monopolizers, whereby they preyed upon the people by suits and exactions, milkt the Kingdom, and kept it poor, the King taking his ease, and giving way to Informers; the Gentry grown debauched, and Fashion-mongers, and the Commons, sopt, and besotted with quiet and restiness, drunk in so much disability, that it might well be said by Gondemar, England had a great many people, but few men. And he would smile at their Musters; for through disuse they were grown careless of Military Discipline, ill provided of Arms, effeminate; Offi∣cers neglecting their charges and duties, conniving for gain at their Neighbours miscarriages. Some of the Officers in the Mi∣litia, and Iustices of the Peace not a few, being Church-Papists, floating upon the smooth stream of the times, overwhelming all others that opposed them, stigmatizing them with the name of Puritans, and that was mark enough to hinder the current

of any proceeding or preferment aimed at, or hoped for, either in Church or State.

And the Iesuits ranging up and down (like spirits let loose) did not now, as formerly, creep into corners, using close and cunning Artifices,* 6.61 but practised them openly, having admission to our Counsellors of State; for when Secretaries, and such as manage the intimate Counsels of Kings are Iesuitical, and Clients to the Pope, there can be no tendency of Affection to a contrary Religion or Policy. Those were only most active in the Court of England, that courted the King of Spain most, and could carry the face of a Protestant, and the heart of a Papist, the rest were contented to go along with the cry: For they hunted but a cold scent, and could pick out, and make nothing of it, that drew off, or crost, or hunted counter. Which raised the spirits of the people so high against them, that were the chief Hunters in these times, that they brought the King himself within the com∣pass of their Libels and Pasquils, charging him to love his hounds better than his people. And if this bad blood had been heated to an itch of Innovation, it would have broke out to a very fore and incurable Malady; every man seeing the danger, few men daring to prevent it. The Pulpits were the most bold Op∣posers, but if they toucht any thing upon the Spanish policy, or the intended Treaties (for the Restitution of the Palatinate was included in the Marriage before it was the Spaniards to give) their mouths must be stopt by Gondemar, without the Lady Ia∣cob's Receipt, and (it may be) confined, or imprisoned for it: So that there were noplain downright blows to be given, but if they cunningly, and subtily, could glance at the misdemeanors of the Times, and smooth it over metaphorically, it would pass current, though before the King himself.

For about this time one of his own Chaplains,* 6.62 preaching before him at Greenwich, took this Text, 4 Mat. 8. And the Devil took Iesus to the top of a Mountain, and shewed him all the Kingdoms of the World, saying, All these will I give, &c. He shewed what power the Devil had in the World at that time, when he spake these words, and from thence he came down to the power of the De∣vil now. And dividing the World into four parts, he could not make the least of the four to be Christian, and of those how few went God's way? So that he concluded the Devil to be a great Monarch, having so many Kingdoms under his command, and no doubt he had his Vice Roys, Council of State, Treasurers, Se∣cretaries, and many other Officers to manage, and order his af∣fairs; for there was order in hell it self; which after he had mu∣stered together, he gives a character of every particular Officer, who were fit to be the Devil's servants, running through the body of the Court, discovering the correspondencies with Iesuits, secret Pensions from Foreign Princes, betraying their Masters

Counsels to deserve their Rewards, working and combining to the prejudice of God's people. And when he came to de∣scribe the Devil's Treasurers exactions and gripings, to get mony, he fixt his eye upon Cranfield, then Lord Treasurer (whose mar∣riage into the house of Fortune, and Title of Earl, could not keep him from being odious to the people) and pointing at him with his hand, said with an Emphasis, That man (reiterating it) That man, that makes himself rich, and his Master poor, he is a fit Treasurer for the Devil. This the Author heard, and saw, whilst Cranfield sat with his hat pulled down over his eyes, ashamed to look up, lest he should find all mens eyes fixt upon him; the King, who sat just over him, smiling at the quaint Satyr so handsomly coloured over. It seems Neile, the Bishop of Lincoln was not by him then; for when any man preached that had the Renown of Piety (unwilling the King should hear him) he would in the Sermon time, entertain the King with a merry Tale (that I may give it no worse title) which the King would after laugh at, and tell those near him, he could not hear the Preacher for the old B. Bishop. We must confess, this Relation smells too rank, but it was too true, and hope the modest Reader will excuse it (We having had divers hammerings and conflicts within us to leave it out) seeing it proceeds not from any rancour of spirit against the Prelacy, but to vindicate God's Iustice to Posterity, (who never punishes without a Cause) and such like practices as these were doubtless put upon the score, which after gave a pe∣riod to that Hierarchy. This man's hand helped to close up the Countess of Essex's Virginity, when he was Coventry and Litch∣field; his heart had this kind of vanity when he was Lincoln; and when he was Arch-bishop of York his head was so filled with Arminian impiety, that in the next King's Reign he was looked upon by the Parliament to be one of the great Grievances of the Kingdom, as will follow in the Tract of this Story.

But England was not only man'd with Iesuits (all power failing to oppose them) but the women also began to practise the trade,* 6.63 calling themselves Iesuitrices. This Order was first set a foot in Flanders, by Mistris Ward, and Mistris Twittie, two English Gen∣tlewomen, who clothed themselves in Ignatian habit, and were countenanced and supported by Father Gerard, Rector of the English College at Liege, with Father Flack, and Father More. But Father Singleton, Father Benefield, and others opposed them, and would not bless them with an Ite, praedicate; for their de∣sign was to preach the Gospel to their sex in England. And in short time this Mistris Ward (by the Pope's indulgence) became the Mother-general of no less than two hundred English dam∣sels of good birth and quality, whom she sent abroad to preach, and they were to give account to her of their Apostolick labours. This Spawn out of the mouth of the Beast, and many other fine

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Lionell Craufield Earle of Middlesex, Baron Cranfield of Cranfield.

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Iesuitical exploits, are more particularly related by Wadsworth in his Spanish Pilgrim (who was son to that Wadsworth, that went over Chaplain into Spain, with our King's first Leidger Ambas∣sador, Sir Charles Cornwallis, and there perverted by the Iesuits) which young man being bred up at Saint Omers, in the Nur∣sery of Iesuitism, discovered all their machinations. Such a brood of Vipers being then nourished in the bowels of this Kingdom.

The King,* 6.64 that either thought these instruments were not so active, or that they would not be discovered, was resolved up∣on a Parliament, for the former Reasons, which began the twen∣tieth of Ianuary this year; yet not being ignorant of some mis∣carriages that passed by his allowance, he strives to palliate them, and gives the Parliament some little touches of them by the way, that when they should find them, they might (by his Anticipation) appear the less. And being loth to have the breach between him and his people made wider, he thus strives to stop the gap.

MY Lords,* 6.65 Spiritual and Temporal, and you the Commons, cui multiloquio non deest peccatum. In the last Parliament •• made long Discourses; especially to them of the Lower House, I did open the true thought of my heart. But I may say with our Saviour, I have piped to you, and you have not dan∣ced, I have mourned, and you have not lamented. Yet as no man's Actions can be free, so in me, God found some spices of Vani∣ty, and so all my sayings turned to me again, without any success. And now to tell the Reasons of your Calling, and this Meeting, apply it to your selves, and spend not the time in long Speeches. Consider, That the Parliament is a thing composed of a Head and a Body; the Monarch, and the two Estates: It was first a Monarchy, then after a Parliament; there are no Par∣liaments but in Monarchical Governments; for in Venice, the Netherlands, and other Free-Governments, there are none. The Head is to call the Body together, and for the Clergy the Bishops are chief, for Shires their Knights, and for Towns and Cities their Burgesses and Citizens. These are to treat of dif∣ficult matters, and to counsel their King with their best ad∣vice, to make Laws for the Commonweal; and the Lower-House is also to petition the King, and acquaint him with their grievances, and not to meddle with their King's Prero∣gative. They are to offer supply for his necessity, and he to di∣stribute in recompence thereof Iustice and Mercy. As in all Parliaments, it is the King's office to make good Laws (whose Fundamental Cause is the peoples ill manners) so at this time. That we may meet with the new Abuses, and the in∣croaching craft of the times, particulars shall be read hereafter.

As touching Religion. Laws enough are made already; it stands in two points, Persuasion and Compulsion. Men may per∣suade, but God must give the blessing. Iesuits, Priests, Puritans, and Sectaries, erring both on the right-hand and left-hand, are forward to persuade unto their own ends; and so ought you the Bishops, in your example and preaching; but compulsion to obey, is to bind the Conscience.

There is talk of the Match with Spain: But if it shall not prove a furtherance to Religion, I am not worthy to be your King: I will never proceed, but to the Glory of God, and content of my Subjects.

For a supply to my necessities. I have reigned eighteen years, in which time you have had Peace, and I have received far less supply than hath been given to any King since the Conquest. The last Queen of famous memory, had one year with another above a hundred thousand pounds per annum in Subsidies. And in all my time I had but four Subsidies, and six Fifteens. It is ten years since I had a Subsidy, in all which time I have been sparing to trouble you. I have turned my self as nearly to save expence as I may. I have abated much in my Houshold-expences, in my Navies, in the charge of my Munition: I made not choice of an old beaten Soldier for my Admiral, but ra∣ther chose a young man, whose honesty and integrity I knew; whose care hath been to appoint under him sufficient men to lessen my charges, which he hath done.

Touching the miserable dissentions in Christendom. I was not the cause thereof; for the appeasing whereof, I sent my Lord of Doncaster, whose journey cost me three thousand five hun∣dred pounds. My Son-in-law sent to me for advice, but within three days after accepted of the Crown; which I did never approve of for three Reasons.

First, for Religion sake, as not holding with the Iesuits dis∣posing of Kingdoms, rather learning of our Saviour to uphold, not to overthrow them.

Secondly, I was no Judg between them, neither acquainted with the Laws of Bohemia. Quis me judicem fecit?

Thirdly, I have treated a Peace, and therefore will not be a party. Yet I left not to preserve my Childrens patrimony; for I had a Contribution of my Lords and Subjects, which amoun∣ted to a great Sum. I borrowed of my Brother of Denmark seven thousand, five hundred pounds, to help him, and sent as much to him, as made it up ten thousand: And thirty thousand I sent to the Princes of the Union to hearten them. I have lost no time, had the Princes of the Union done their part, that handful of men I sent had done theirs. I intend to send by way of persuasion, which in this Age will little avail, un∣less a strong hand assist. Wherefore I purpose to provide an

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[illustration] View of Rotterdam

ROTTERDAM

Army the next Summer, and desire you to consider of my ne∣cessities, as you have done to my Predecessors, Qui citò dat, bis dat. I will engage my Crown, my Blood, and my Soul in that Recovery.

You may be informed of me in things in course of justice; but I never sent to any of my Iudges to give Sentence con∣trary to the Law. Consider the Trade, for the making there∣of better; and shew me the Reason why my Mint, for these eight or nine years, hath not gone. I confess, I have been liberal in my Grants, but if I be informed, I will amend all hurtful grievances: But who shall hasten after grievances, and desire to make himself popular, he hath the Spirit of Sa¦tan. If I may know my errors, I will reform them. I was in my first Parliament a Novice; and in my last there was a kind of Beasts, called Undertakers, a dozen of whom undertook to govern the last Parliament, and they led me. I shall thank you for your good Office, and desire that the World may say well of our Agreement.

Physicians have an Aphorism,* 6.66 Si caput infirmum, caetera mem brum dolent. This Head is not a weak one, but subtil enough for the Body. The Parliament knew well whom they had to deal with, and managed their business in the beginning, that they were the readier to grapple with him in the end. They would not stir a Stone of that foundation his Prerogative rested on, but those men that had wrought themselves in, to sup∣plant and undermine the Common Liberties, they fell sore up∣on them.

The King was modest,* 6.67 and almost ashamed to tell the Parliament, how much Money the Viscount Doncaster's J••ur∣ney cost, therefore he minces it into a small proportion. But this we know, when he landed at Roterdam, the first night and morning, before he went to the Hague, his Expences those two meals, in the Inn where he lay, came to above a Thou∣sand Gilders, which is a Hundred pounds Sterling. And the Inn-keeper at the Peacock at Dort (hoping he would make that his way into Germany) made great Provisions for him, upon, no other Order, but a bare Fancy; and the Ambassador taking his way by Utricht, the Inn-keeper of Dort followed him, com∣plaining that he was much prejudiced by his baulking that Town: For hearing of a great Ambassador's coming, and what he had expended at Ro••erdam, I made (saith he) Preparations suitable, and now they will lye on my hands: Which coming to Doncaster's ear, he commanded his Steward to give him Thirty pounds sterling, and never tasted of his Cup. And we have been assured by some of his Train, that his very Carriages could not cost so little as Threescore pounds a day, for he had with

him a great many Noblemens Sons, and other Personages of qua∣lity, that the Germans might admire the glory of the English, as well as the French did in his last Ambassage. And he was out so long following the Emperor, in his Progresses from City to Camp, and from Camp to City, a poor humble Solicitor, if not Petitioner, that his Expence could not amount to less than fifty, or threescore thousand pounds.

When he was at the Hague,* 6.68 had made his visits, and filled the Town with the admiration of his bravery and feasts. Some inti∣mates to Maurice Prince of Orange, advised him to feast the great English Ambassador. Yes, yes, (saith the Prince) bid him come. When the Prince's Steward had notice of the invitation (from other hand, for the Prince gave no order in it) he comes to the Prince and tells him, there will be great preparations expected; for the Ambassador's ordinary meals were Feasts; and he had an numerous and splendid Train of Nobles and Gentry, that did accompany him. Well (said the Prince) fit me a dinner, such as I use to have, and let me see the bill of fare. When the Steward brought the Bill, the Prince liked it well; but the Steward said, Sir, This is but your ordinary diet; now you should have some thing extraordinary, because this is an extraordinary Ambassador. The Prince thinking some reason in the Steward's Arguments, and finding but one Pig nominated in the Bill, commanded him to put down another Pig, and that was all the additions he would make. Which Dish as it is not very pleasing and acceptable to the Scots Nation for the most part, so we know not whether it were by accident, or on purpose to displease him. But this is well known, there could be nothing more contemptible to the morose and severe temper of the Princes spirit, than this comport∣ment of Doncaster's, which most men interpreted to be pride and prodigality. But truly (set those vanities of Grandure aside, for the honor,* 6.69 though not profit of his Master) He was a Gentle∣man every way compleat. His Bounty was adorned with Cour∣tesie, his Courtesie not affected, but resulting from a natural Civility in him. His Humbleness set him below the Envy of most, and his Bounty brought him into esteem with many. A true Courtier for complying, and one that had Language e∣nough to be real as well as formal; for he could personate both to the height of expression. So that he was very fit for his im∣ployment, though it were purchased at a dear rate.

* 6.70 But to leave this digression. Some small time after the Parlia∣ment began, the King, according to his intentions and expressi∣ons in his Speech to them, dispatched away the Lord Digby Am∣bassador to the Emperor, where he was to press for a punctual Answer, whether the Palatinate might be recovered by Peace, or War.

* 6.71 And now expecting his return, and the Emperor's answer, the

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[illustration]

[illustration]

Sir Robert Cotton. From an Original by P. Van Somer. His Autograph from the Original in the Possession of John Thane.

Parliament go on with their Work, * 6.72 receiving divers Petitions from several persons imprisoned and ruined, by the violent extortions of such Ministers, and Informers, as were active to promote the illegal exactions, that the King's necessities, and ill-advised Counsels drive him to. For he was grown very low, not having had the assistance of his people in ten years (as he himself notes) so that he was forced to lessen his Houshould, and bring his Expences down, not being willing to call a Parliament to supply him. Like Henry the third of England, whose Life and Reign, Sir Robert Cotton (that able understander and lover of Antiquities) wrote about this time, wherein he presents that King so fearful of calling Parliaments, that he would rather pawn his Crown Jewels, give over his House, & cum Abbatibus, & Prioribus prandere, dine and eat with the Monks, rather than be beholden to his people. And some thought this Piece of Sir Robert Cotton's a Parallel for these times. But our King was not so much necessitated, though his wants were the greater, because they confined the greatness of his mind.

The main things which the Parliament insisted on (though many others came by the by) were the three great Patents;* 6.73 for Inns, Ale-houses, and Gold and Silver thred. Upon every Inn, and Ale-house, there was a great Fine and Annual Reve∣nue set, throughout the Kingdom, and they that would not pay so much as the Patentees assest them at, their goods and persons were seised on till they gave them satisfaction according to their voraginous humours. And they found out a new Alchimi∣stical way to make Gold and Silver Lace, with Copper, and o∣ther sophisticate materials, to couzen and deceive the people; and no man must make, or vent any but such Factors as they imployed, so that they ingrossed all the whole trade of that Ages vanity (which was enough) and gave them counterfeit ware for their money: And if any man were found to make any other Lace than what was allowed by them, they were made to know (to their dear experience) the power of these Ingrossers: And so poisonous were the Drugs that made up this deceitful Composition, that they rotted the hands and arms, and brought lameness upon those that wrought it; some losing their eyes, and many their lives by the venom of the vapours that came from it.

The chief Actors in this Pestilent business,* 6.74 were Sir Giles Mom∣pesson, and Sir Francis Michel: These two moved all the under∣wheels. Mompesson had fortune enough in the Country to make him happy, if that sphere could have contained him, but the vulgar and universal error of satiety with present injoyments, made him too big for a rustical condition, and when he came at Court, he was too little for that: So that some Novelty must be taken up, to set him (if he knew his own mind) in Aequilibrio

to the place he was in; no matter what it was, let it be never so pestilent and mischievous to others, he cared not, so he found benefit by it. To him Michel is made Compartner, a poor sneaking Justice, that lived among the Brothels near Clerken-well, whose Clark and he pickt a livelyhood out of those corners, giv∣ing Warrants for what they did, besides anniversary ••••ipends (the frequent Revenue of some Justices of those times) for conni∣vency. I know how necessary and how splendent it is for men of publick minds to flourish in the execution of Iustice, for weeding out, and extirpating vitious habits, radicated in every corner; but this thing was a poisonous Plant in its own nature, and the fitter to be an Ingredient to such a Composition: Therefore he is brought to Court, Knighted, and corroborated by these Let∣ters Patents, whereby he took liberty to be more ravenous up∣on poor people, to the grating of the bones, and sucking out the very marrow of their substance.

These oppressions were throughly ripped up,* 6.75 and laid open by the House of Commons. But together with these proceed∣ings they took notice of the King's wants, and thought fit some∣thing to sweeten his temper, that they might not take from him the little profit he had by those Patents, but they would m••ke it up some other way, therefore they gave him two intire Sub∣sidles, which were very acceptable unto him: For those Con∣tributions that flow from the peoples love, come freely like a Spring-tide; But illegal Taxes racked from their bowels (com∣ing through so many Promoters and Catchpoles hands) run very low, and the King hath the least share.

The King hearing these Patents were anatomized in the House of Commons, and willing to comply with his people, whom he found so bountiful unto him, he comes to the House of Lords to close gently with them, and excuse the granting of those Patents, shewing some reasons why he did them, and the instructions he gave for the execution of them, by which he hoped to take off that sharp reflexion that might light upon him. But the modesty of Parliaments seldom impute any of these miscarriages to the Prince, but the Actors under him must bear the burthen of it. And the time drawing near that the Lords assigned for judging the Malefactors, the King comes again to the House upon the 26 of March, and thus passed his sentence upon the Patents, before the Lords should pass theirs upon the executioners of them.

My Lords,

THe last time I came hither,* 6.76 my errand was to inform you (as well as my memory could serve me of things so long passed) of the verity of my proceedings, and the caution used by me in passing those Letters Patents, which are now in que∣stion

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Thomas Earle of Arundell & Surrey Earle Marshall, & Lord high Steward of Englaud. etc.

before you, to the effect that they might not be abused in the execution: And this I did by way of Declaration. But now I am come (understanding the time of your censure at hand) to express my readiness to put in execution (which is the life of the Law) those things which ye are to sentence (for even the Law it self is a dead Letter without execution) for which office God hath appointed me in these Kingdoms. And though I as∣sure my self that my former behaviour, in all the course of my life, hath made me well known for a just King; yet in this special case, I thought fit to express my own intentions, out of my own mouth, for punishment of things complained of. The first proof whereof I have given, by the diligent search I caused to be made after the person of Sir Giles Mompesson, who though he were fled, yet my Proclamation persued him in∣stantly: And as I was earnest in that, so will I be to see your sentence against him put in execution.

Two reasons move me to be earnest in the execution of what ye are to sentence at this time.

First, That duty I owe to God, who hath made me a King, and tied me to the care of Government, by that politick Marriage betwixt me and my people: For I do assure you in the Heart of an honest man, and by the Faith of a Christian King (which both ye, and all the World know me to be) had these things been complained of to me before the Parliament, I would have done the office of a just King, and out of Parliament have pu∣nished them, as severely, and peradventure more than ye now intend to do. But now that they are discovered to me in Par∣liament, I shall be as ready in this way, as I should have been in the other. For I confess, I am ashamed (these things prov∣ing so as they are generally reported to be) that it was not my good fortune to be the only Author of the Reformation, and punishment of them, by some ordinary Courts of Justice. Nevertheless, since these things are now discovered by Parlia∣ment, which before I knew not of, nor could so well have dis∣covered otherwise, in regard of that Representative Body of the Kingdom, which comes from all parts of the Country; I will be never a-whit the slower to do my part for the execu∣tion. For (as many of you that are here, have heard me of∣ten say, and so I will still say) So precious unto me is the publick good, that no private person whatsoever (were he never so dear unto me) shall be respected by me by many degrees as the pub∣lick good, not only of the whole Common-wealth, but even of a particular Corporation, that is a Member of it. And I hope that ye my Lords will do me that right, to publish to my peo∣ple this my heart and purpose.

The second Reason is, That I intend not to derogate or in∣fringe, any of the Liberties, or Privileges of this House, but

rather to fortifie and strengthen them: For never any King hath done so much for the Nobility of England as I have done, and will ever be ready to do. And whatsoever I shall say, and deliver unto you as my thought, yet when I have said what I think, I will afterwards freely leave the Judgment wholly to your House. I know you will do nothing but what the like hath been done before, and I pray you be not jealous that I will abridge you of any thing that hath been used: For what∣soever the Precedents (in times of good Government) can war∣rant, I will allow. For I acknowledge this to be the supreme Court of Iustice, wherein I am ever present by Representation. And in this ye may be the better satisfied by my own presence, coming divers times among you: Neither can I give you any greater assurance, or better pledge of this my purpose, than that I have done you the honor to set my only Son a∣mong you, and hope that ye with him, shall have the means to make this the happiest Parliament that ever was in England.

This I profess, and take comfort in, that the House of Com∣mons at this time have shewed greater love, and used me with more respect in all their proceedings, than ever any House of Commons have heretofore done to me, or I think to any of my Predecessors. As for this House of yours, I have always found it respective to me, and accordingly do I, and ever did fa∣vour you, as you well deserved. And I hope it will be ac∣counted a happiness for you, that my Son doth now sit among you; who, when it shall please God to set him in my place, will then remember that he was once a Member of your House, and so be bound to maintain all your Lawful Privileges, and like the better of you all the days of his life. But because the World at this time talks so much of Bribes, I have just cause to fear the whole Body of this House hath bribed him to be a good Instrument for you upon all occasions: He doth so good Offices in all his Reports to me, both for the House in general, and every one of you in particular. And the like I may say of one that sits there, Buckingham; He hath been so ready upon all occasions to do good Offices, both for the House in general, and every Member in particular. One proof thereof, I hope, my Lord of Arundel hath already witnessed unto you, in his report made unto you of my answer touching the Pri∣vileges of the Nobility, how earnestly he spake unto me of that matter.

Now, my Lords, the time draws near of your Recess; whether Formality will leave you time for proceeding now to Sentence against all, or any of the persons now in que∣stion, I know not. But for my part, since both Houses have dealt so lovingly, and freely with me, in giving me, as a free

Gift, two Subsidies, in a more loving manner than hath been given to any King before, and so accepted by me. And since I cannot yet retribute by a General Pardon, which hath by Form usually been reserved to the end of a Parliament: The least I can do (which I can forbear no longer) is to do some∣thing in present, for the ease and good of my People. Three Patents at this time have been complained of, and thought great Grievances.

• "1. That of the Inns, and Hosteries.
• "2. That of Ale-houses.
• "3. That of Gold and Silver Thread.

My purpose is, to strike them all dead, and that Time may not be lost, I will have it done presently. That concerning Ale-houses, I would have to be left to the managing of Ju∣stices of the Peace, as before. That of Gold and Silver Thread was most vilely executed, both for wrong done to mens persons, as also for abuse in the Stuff, for it was a kind of false Coin. I have already freed the Persons that were in Prison, I will now also damn the Patent, and this may seem instead of a Pardon. All these three I will have recalled by Proclamation, and wish you to advise of the fittest Form to that purpose.

I hear also there is another Bill among you against Infor∣mers; I desire you, my Lords, that as you tender my Honour, and the good of my People, ye will put that Bill to an end as soon as you can, and at your next meeting to make it one of your first works: For I have already shewed my dislike of that kind of people openly in Star-Chamber, and it will be the greatest ease to me, and all those that are near about me at Court, that may be. For I remember, that since the beginning of this Parliament, Buckingham hath told me, he never found such quiet and rest, as in this time of Parliament, from Pro∣jecters and Informers, who at other times miserably vexed him at all hours.

And now I confess, that when I looked before upon the face of the Government, I thought (as every man would have done) that the People were never so happy as in my time. For even as at divers times, I have looked upon many of my Coppices, riding about them, and they appeared on the outside very thick, and well-grown unto me, but when I turned into the midst of them, I found them all bitten with in, and full of Plains, and bare Spots, like an Apple or Pear fair and smooth without, but when ye cleave it asunder, you find it rotten at the heart: Even so this Kingdom, the external Government being as good as ever it was, and I am sure, as learned Iudges as ever it had, and I hope as honest, ad∣ministring Iustice within it; and for Peace both at home, and

abroad, I may truly say more setled, and longer lasting, than ever any before, together with as great Plenty as ever; so as it was to be thought, that every Man might sit in safety under his own Vine, and Figtree: Yet I am ashamed (and it makes my hair stand upright) to consider, how in this time my People have been vexed, and polled, by the vile execution of Projects, Patents, Bills of Conformity, and such like, which besides the trouble of my People, have more exhausted their purses than Subsidies would have done.

Now my Lords, before I go hence, since God hath made me the great Iudge of this Land under him, and that I must an∣swer for the iustice of the same, I will therefore, according to my Place remember you of some things, though I would not teach you; for no man's knowledge can be so good, but their memories will be the better to be refreshed. And now, because you are coming to give Iudgment (all which moves from the the King) that you may the better proceed, take into your Care two things.

• "1. To do Bonum.
• "2. To do it Bené.

I call Bonum, when all is well proved, whereupon ye judge, for then ye build upon a sure Foundation. And by Benè I understand, that ye proceed with all formality and legality; wherein you have fit occasion to advise with the Iudges, who are to assist you with their Opinions, in Cases of that Nature, and woe be to them if they advise you not well▪ So the ground being good, and the form orderly, it will prove a Course sitting this High Court of Parliament.

In Sentence ye are to observe two parts: First, to recollect that which is worthy of Judging, and Censuring; And Se∣condly, to proceed against these, as against such like Crimes properly. We doubt there will be many Matters before you, some complained of out of passion, and some out of just Cause of grievance: Weigh both, but be not carried away with the impertinent Discourses of them, that name as well innocent men as guilty. Proceed judicially, and spare none, where ye find just Cause to punish: But let your Proceedings be ac∣cording to Law, and remember that Laws have not their eyes in their necks, but in their foreheads. For the Moral Reason for the punishment of Vices in all Kingdoms, and Common∣wealths, is, because of the breach of Laws standing in force; for none can be punished for breach of Laws by Predestination, before they be made.

There is yet one particular that I am to remember you of; I hear that Sir Henry Yelverton (who is now in the Tower upon a Sentence given in the Star-Chamber against him for deceiving my Trust) is touched concerning a Warrant Dormant, which

he made while he was my Attorney: I protest I never heard of this Warrant dormant before, and I hold it as odious a mat∣ter as any is before you. And if for respect to me ye have for∣born to meddle with him, in examination, because he is my prisoner, I do here freely remit him unto you, and put him in∣to your hands.

And this is all I have to say unto you at this time, wishing you to proceed justly and nobly, according to the Orders of your House: And I pray God to bless you, and you may assure your selves of my assistance; Wishing, that what I have said this day among you, may be entred into the Re∣cords of this House.

Thus the King strove to mitigate the asperity and sharpness of the humors contracted in the Body of the Kingdom,* 6.77 that they might not break out to disgrace the Physician: For he looked up∣on himself as an able Director, and yet he found he might be de∣ceived; And therefore he brings the Lords into a Wood, compa∣ratively to tell them, that they appeared to him well grown, and fair, but searching into them he found them otherwise. But he that pretended to the knowledge of all things, (as give him his due he was well known in most) could not be ignorant that the Patents he granted were against the Liberties of the people, but whether the execution of them to that extremity came with∣in his Cognizance cannot be determined; his damning of them shews his dislike at present, condemning that which he knew would be done to his hand, if he had not done it; and this must not be known only at Westminster, and left upon Record to Po∣sterity there, but he commanded his Speech to be printed, that all his people might know, how willing and forward he was to abolish any Act of his that tended to a grievance. And though he did not accuse the Marquess of Buckingham for giving way to Informers, yet he was much troubled with them till the Parlia∣ment began; and in that numerous crowd those that brought profit were doubtless admitted with the first:* 6.78 These considera∣tions upon the King's Speech buzzed up and down, and many of the Parliament men looked upon the Marquess as the first mover of this great Machine; but the Wisdom of the House did not rise so high as to strike at the uppermost branches, but they pruned those roundly they could reach. Buckingham, though he were well grown, had not yet sap enough to make himself swell into exuberancy, as he did afterwards, nor was the peoples malice now against him so fertile, as to make every little weed, a dan∣gerous and poysonous plant, being subtile enough (yet) to crop off any, that might appear venomous in relation to himself, that the mischievous operations might work upon others: For all the world knew Mompesson was his creature, and that notwithstand∣ing the King's Proclamation for his interception, he got out of

the Kingdom by his Key: For Buckingham ruled as a Lord Pa∣ramount, and those that complied with him found as much refuge as his power could secure unto them; those that opposed him, as much mischief as malice could pour upon them. Sir Henry Yel∣verton the King's Attorney had found the effects of his Anger, by not closing with his desires in such Patents as he required; so that all his Actions being anatomized, some miscarriages are made criminal, he is committed to the Tower, and another put in his place that should be more observant. The King now lays upon him a Warrant Dormant, which did not much startle him; for he was not long after released and made a Iudge, carrying with him this character of honesty, That he was willing to lay down his pre∣ferment at the King's feet, and be trod upon by the growing power of Buckingham, rather than prosecute his Patron Somerset, that had advanced him, as his Predecessor Bacon had spitefully done his. But whether that Dialogue betwixt Buckingham and Yelverton in the Tower, mentioned in our King's Court, have any thing of Truth, cannot be asserted here, Buckingham being not ar∣rived yet to the Meridian height of his Greatness, though the King afterwards had cause enough to be jealous of his Actions.

But now comes the old Iustice,* 6.79 Sir Francis Michell, to his Cen∣sure, and the crime he had committed arguing a base spirit, he is fitted with as suitable a punishment. First he is degraded, with all the ceremonies of debasement; but that being most proper to his nature, he was but eased of a burthen, his mind suffered not; but then his kecksie carkass was made to ride Renvers with his face to the horse tail (with a p••per on his breast and back, that pointed at the foulness of the cause) through the whole City, suffering under the scorn, and contempt of Boys, and rabble of the people, besides the squeezing of him by fine and confinement to prison, that he might never be more capable of mischief. The same sentence had Sir Giles Mompesson, but he was so provident as not to be found to pay it in his person, though he paid it in his purse. Some others also, their Instruments, though not so sharp∣ly dealt with, had great mulcts laid upon them according to their demerit, and so this Gangrene was healed up.

Not long after comes the great Lord Chancellor Bacon to a Cen∣sure,* 6.80 for the most simple, and ridiculous follies, that ever entred into the heart of a Wise man. He was the true Emblem of humane frailty, being more than a man in some things, and less than a woman in others. His crime was Bribery, and Extortion (which the King hinted at in his Speech, when he facetiously said, He thought the Lords had bribed the Prince to speak well of them) and these he had often condemned others for as a Iudge, which now he comes to suffer for as a Delinquent: And they were proved, and aggravated against him with so many circumstances, that they fell very fouly on him, both in relation to his Reception of them,

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〈…〉〈…〉 QVI POSTQVAM OMNIA NATVRALIS SAPIENTIAE ET CIVILIS ARCANA EVOLVISSET NATVRAE DECRETVM EXPLEVIT COMPOSITA SOLVANTVR AN DNI, M.D C. XXVI. AETAT: LXVI. TANTI VIRI MEM: THOMAS MEAVTYS SVPERSTITIS CVLTOR DEFVNCTI ADMIRATOR H. P.

and his expending of them: For that which he raked in, and scrued for one way, he scattered and threw abroad another; for his Servants, being young, prodigal and expensive Youths, which he kept about him, his Treasure was their common Store, which they took without stint, having free ac∣cess to his most retired Privacies; and his indulgence to them, and familiarity with them, opened a gap to infamous Reports, which left an unsavoury Tincture on him; for where such Leeches are, there must be putrid blood to fill their craving Ap∣petites. His gettings were like a Prince, with a strong hand; his expences like a Prodigal, with a weak head; and 'tis a wonder a man of his Noble, and Gallant Parts, that could fly so high above Reason, should fall so far below it; unless that Spirit that acted the first, were too proud to stoop, to see the deformi∣ties of the last. And as he affected his men, so his Wife affe∣cted hers: Seldom doth the Husband deviate one way, but the Wife goeth another. These things came into the publick mouth, and the Genius of the Times (where malice is not corrival) is the great Dictator of all Actions: For innocency it self is a crime, when calumny sets her mark upon it. How prudent therefore ought men to be, that not so much as their garments be defiled with the sour breath of the Times!

This poor Gentleman, mounted above pity, fell down below it, His Tongue, that was the glory of his time for Eloquence, (that tuned so many sweet Harrangues) was like a forsaken Harp, hung upon the Willows, whilst the waters of affliction over∣flowed the banks. And now his high-flying Orations are hum∣bled to Supplications, and thus he throws himself, and Cause, at the feet of his Iudges, before he was condemned.

To the Right Honourable the Lords of the Par∣liament, in the Upper House assembled, The humble Submission and Supplication of the Lord Chancellor.

May it please your Lordships

I Shall humbly crave at your hands a benign interpretation of that which I shall now write:* 7.1 for words that come from wasted spirits, and oppressed minds, are more safe, in being deposited to a noble construction, than being circled with any reserved caution.

This being moved (and as I hope, obtained of your Lord∣ships) as a protection to all that I shall say, I shall go on; but with a very strange Entrance, as may seem to your Lordships at first: for in the midst of a State, of as great affliction, as

I think a mortal man can endure (Honour being above Life) I shall begin with the professing of gladness in somethings.

The first is, That hereafter the greatness of a Iudge, or Ma∣gistrate, shall be no sanctuary, or protection to him against guil∣tiness, which is the beginning of a golden work.

The next. That after this Example, it is like that Iudges will fly from any thing in the likeness of Corruption (though it were at a great distance) as from a Serpent: Which tends to the purging of the Courts of Iustice, and reducing them to their true honour, and splendor. And in these two Points (God is my witness) though it be my fortune to be the Anvil upon which these two effects are broken and wrought, I take no small comfort. But to pass from the motions of my heart, (whereof of God is my Iudge) to the merits of my cause, whereof your Lordships are Iudges, under God and his Lieutenant; I do understand, there hath been heretofore expected from me some justification; and therefore I have chosen one only justification, instead of all others, out of the justification of Iob. For after the clear submission and confession which I shall now make unto your Lordships, I hope I may say and justifie with Iob, in these words, I have not hid my sin, as did Adam, nor concealed my faults in my bosom. This is the only justifi∣cation which I will use.

It resteth therefore, that without Fig-leaves, I do ingenu∣ously confess, and acknowledge, that having understood the Particulars of the Charge, not formally from the House, but enough to inform my conscience and memory, I find matter suffi∣cient, and full, both to move me to desert my defence, and to move your Lordships to condemn and censure me. Neither will I trouble your Lordships, by singling those Particulars, which I think might fall off. Quid te exempla juvant spinis de pluribus Uva? Neither will I prompt your Lordships to observe up∣on the proofs, where they come not home, or the scruple touch∣ing the credits of the Witnesses. Neither will I represent to your Lordships, how far a defence might in divers things ex∣tenuate the offence, in respect of the time, and manner of the guilt, or the like circumstances: But only leave these things to spring out of your more noble thoughts, and observations of the Evidence, and examinations themselves; and charitably to wind about the Particulars of the Charge, here and there, as God shall put into your minds, and so submit my self wholly to your piety and grace.

And now I have spoken to your Lordships as Iudges, I shall say a few words unto you as Peers and Prelates, humbly com∣mending my Cause to your noble minds, and magnanimous affections.

Your Lordships are not simply Iudges, but Parliamentary

Iudges; you have a further extent of Arbitrary Power than other Courts; and if you be not tied by ordinary course of Courts, or Precedents in Points of strictn••ss and severity, much less in Points of mercy and mitigation. And yet if any thing which I shall move, might be contrary to your honourable and worthy end (the introducing a Reformation) I should not seek it; but herein I besech your Lordships to give me leave to tell you a Story.

Titus Manlius took his Son's life, for giving Battail against the prohibition of his General. Not many years after, the l••ke severity was pursued by Papirius Cursor the Dictator, against Quintus Maximus; who being upon the point to be sentenced was by the intercession of some particular persons of the Se∣nate, spared. Whereupon Livy maketh this grave and gracious observation, Neque minùs firmata est Disciplina Militaris, peri∣culo Quinti Maximi, quàm miserabili supplicio Titi Manlii; The Discipline of War was no less established by the question∣ing of Quintus Maximus, than by the punishment of Titus Manlius. And the same reason is in the Reformation of Iustice: For the questioning of men in eminent Places, hath the same terrour, though not the same rigour with the punishment. But my Cause stays not there: for my humble desire is, that his Ma∣jesty would take the Seal into his hands, which is a great downfall, and may serve I hope in it self for an expiation of my faults. Therefore if mercy and mitigation be in your Lord∣ships power, and no way cross your Ends, why should I n••t hope of your favour and commiseration? Your Lordships will be pleased to behold your chief pattern, the King our Sove∣raign, a King of incomparable clemency, and whose heart is inscrutable for wisdom and goodness. And your Lordships will remember, there sate not these hundred years before a Prince in your House, and never such a Prince, whose pre∣sence deserveth to be made memorable by Records & Acts, mixt of mercy and justice. Your selves are either Nobles (and Com∣passion ever beateth in the veins of noble blood) or Reverend Prelates, who are the Servants of him that would not bre••k the bruised Reed, nor quench the smoking Flax. You all sit upon a high Stage, and therefore cannot but be sensible of the chan∣ges of humane conditions, and of the fall of any from high place.

Neither will your Lordships forget,* 7.2 that there are Vitia Tem∣poris, as well as Vitia Hominis; and the beginning of Reforma∣tion hath the contrary power to the pool of Bethesda; for that had strength to cure him only that was first cast in, and this hath strength to hurt him only that is first cast in: And for my part, I wish it may stay there, and go no further.

Lastly, I assure my self your Lordships have a noble feeling of me, as a Member of your own Body, and one that in this

very Session, had some taste of your loving Affections, which I hope was not a lightning before the death of them, but rather a spark of that Grace, which now in the Conclusion will more appear. And therefore my humble sute to your Lordships is, That my penitent submission may be my sentence, the loss of my Seal my punishment, and that your Lordships would re∣commend me to his Majestie's Grace and Pardon for all that is past. God's holy Spirit be among you.

Your Lordships humble servant, and suppliant, Fran. St. Albans Can.

April 22. 1621.

Thus was his great spirit brought low,* 7.3 and this humiliation might have raised him up again, if his offences had not been so weighty as to keep him down. He lost his Peerage and Seal, and the Scale was wavering whether he should carry the Title of Vis∣count St. Albans to his grave, and that was all he did; having only left a poor empty being, which lasted not long with him, his honor dying before him. And to heighten his misery the more, many others were crushed to pieces by his fall; for he had a vast debt lay upon him, which they were forced to pay; and though he had a Pension allowed him by the King, he wanted to his last, living obscurely in his Lodgings at Grays-Inn, where his loneness and desolate condition, wrought upon his ingenious, and therefore then more melancholy temper, that he pined away. And had this unhappiness after all his height of plenitude, to be denied Beer to quench his thirst: For having a sickly taste, he did not like the Beer of the house, but sent to Sir Fulk Grevil, Lord Brook, in neighborhood (now and then) for a bottle of his Beer, and after some grumbling, the Butler had order to deny him. So sordid was the one, that advanced himself to be called Sir Philip Sid∣nie's friend, and so friendless was the other, after he had dejected himself from what he was.

He was of a midling stature,* 7.4 his countenance had indented with Age before he was old; his Presence grave and comely; of a high-flying and lively Wit, striving in some things to be ra∣ther admired than understood, yet so quick and easie where he would express himself, and his Memory so strong and active, that he appeared the Master of a large and plenteous store-house of Knowledge, being (as it were) Nature's Midwife, stripping her Callow-brood, and clothing them in new Attire. His Wit was quick to the last; for Gondemar meeting him the Lent before his Censure, and hearing of his Miscarriages, thought to pay him with his Spanish Sarcasms and Scoffs, saying, My Lord, I wish you a good Easter; And you my Lord, replied the Chancellor, a good Pass∣over: For he could neither close with his English Buffoonry, nor his Spanish Treaty (which Gondemar knew) though he was so wise as publickly to oppose neither. In fine, he was a fit Iewel to have beautified, and adorned a flourishing Kingdom, if his flaws had not disgraced the lustre that should have set him off.

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William Viscount Sayand Sealem: of the Court of Wardes etc: Are to be sould by Iohn Hinde

In this very time of Parliament, when the King carried all things with a full sail, the Pilots of the Commonwealth had an eye to the dangers that lay in the way; for in both Houses the King had a strong Party, especially in the House of Lords: All the Courtiers, and most of the Bishops steer'd by his Compass, and the Princes presence (who was a constant Member) did cast an awe among many of them,* 7.5 yet there were some gallant Spirits that aimed at the publick Liberty more then their own interest. If any thing were spoken in the House that did in the least reflect upon the Government, or touch (as the Courtiers thought) that Noli me tangere, the Prerogative, those that moved in it were snapt up by them, though many times they met with stout encounters at their own Weapon; among which the Principal were, Henry Earl of Oxford, Henry Earl of Southampton, Robert Earl of Essex, Robert Earl of Warwick, the Lord Say, the Lord Spencer, and divers others, that sup∣ported the Old English Honour, and would not let it fall to the ground.

Oxford was of no reputation in his youth, being very de∣bauched and riotous, and having no means, maintained it by fordid and unworthy ways; for his Father hopeless of Heirs, in discontent with his Wife, squandred away a Princely Estate, but when she and his great Fortune were both gone, he married a young Lady of the ancient family of the Trenthams, by whom he had this young Lord, and two Daughters; she having a fortune of her own, and industry with it, after her Husband's death married her Daughters into two noble Families; the Earl of Mountgomery married the one, and the Lord Norris, after Earl of Berk-shire married the other: And finding her Son hope∣less, let him run his swing till he grew weary of it; and think∣ing he could not be worse in other Countries than he had been in his own, she sent him to travel, to try if change of Air would change his Humour. He was not abroad in France and Italy above three years, and the freedoms and extravagancies there (that are able to betray and insnare the greatest mode∣sties) put such a Bridle upon his inordinateness, that look how much before he was decried for a mean and poor spirit, so much had his noble and gallant comportment there gained, that he came over refined in every esteem; and such a Valua∣tion was set upon his parts and merit, that he married the Lady Diana Cecil, Daughter to the Earl of Exeter, one of the most eminent Beauties and Fortunes of the time.

Southampton, though he were one of the King's Privy Coun∣cel, yet was he no great Courtier; Salisbury kept him at a bay, & pinched him so by reason of his relation to old Essex, that he never flourished much in his time, nor was his spirit (after him) so smooth shod, as to go always the Court pace; but that

now and then he would make a Carrier that was not very ac∣ceptable to them: for he carried his business closely and slily, and was rather an Adviser than an Actor.

Essex had ever an honest Heart, and though Nature had not given him Eloquence, he had a strong reason that did express him better; his Countenance to those that knew him not ap∣peared somewhat stern, and solemn, to intimates affable and gentle, to the Females obligingly courteous, and though un∣fortunate in some, yet highly respected of most, happily to vindicate the Vertue of the Sex. The King never affected him, whether from the bent of his Natural inclination to effeminate faces, or whether from that instinct or secret Prediction that Divine fate often imprints in the apprehension, whereby he did fore-see in him (as it were) a hand raised up against his Posterity, may be a Notation, not a determination: But the King never liked him, nor could he close with the Court.

Warwick, though he had all those excellent indowments of Body and fortune, that gives splendor to a glorious Court, yet he used it but as his Recreation; for his Spirit aimed at more publick adventures, planting Colonies in the Western World, rather than himself in the King's favour: his Brother Sir Henry Rich (about this time made Ba••on of Kensington) and he had been in their youths two emulous Corrivals in the publick af∣fections, the one's browness being accounted a lovely sweetness transcending most men, the other's features and pleasant aspect equalled the most beautiful Women; the younger having all the Dimensions of a Courtier, laid all the Stock of his Fortune upon that Soil, which after some years Patience came up with increase; but the Elder could not so stoop to observances, and thereby became his own Supporter.

Saye and Seale was a seriously subtil Peece, and always averse to the Court ways, something out of pertinaciousness; his Temper and Constitution ballancing him altogether on that Side, which was contrary to the Wind; so that he seldom tackt about or went upright, though he kept his Course steady in his own way a long time: yet it appeared afterwards, when the harshness of the humour was a little allayed by the sweet Re∣freshments of Court favours, that those stern Comportments sup∣posed natural, might be mitigated, and that indomitable Spirits by gentle usage may be tamed and brought to obe∣dience.

Spencer (like the old Roman chosen Dictator from his Farm) made the Countrey a vertuous Court, where his Fields and Flocks brought him more calm and happy contentment, than the various and mutable dispensations of a Court can contribute: and when he was called to the Senate, was more vigilant to keep the Peoples Liberties from being a prey to

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Robert. Earle of Warwicke, and Lord Rich of Leeze. etc.

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Henry, Earle of Holland. Baron of Kensington. etc. ••••ul•• by Ru•••••••• P••ake.

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the Incroaching power of Monarchy, than his harmless and ten∣der Lambs from Foxes and ravenous Creatures.

There were many other noble Patriots concentrique with these, which like Jewels should be preserved and kept in the Cabinet of every man's memory, being Ornaments for Posterity to put on; but their Characters would make the line too long, and the Bracelet too big to adorn this Story.

About this time Spencer was speaking something in the House that their great Ancestors did,* 7.6 which displeased Arundel, and he cuts him off short, saying, My Lord, when these things you speak of were doing, your Ancestors were keeping sheep, (twitting him with his Flocks which he took delight in:) Spencer instantly replied, When my Ancestors (as you say) were keeping sheep, your Ancestors were plotting Treason.

This hit Arundel home, and it grew to some heat in the House, whereupon they were separated, and commanded both out of the House, and the Lords began to consider of the of∣fence. There was much bandying by the Court-Party, to ex∣cuse the Earl of Arundel, but the heat and rash part of it be∣ginning with him, laying such a brand upon a Peer that was nobly descended, he could not be justified, but was enjoyned by the House to give the Lord Spencer such satisfaction as they prescribed;* 7.7 which his Greatness refusing to obey, he was by the Lords sent Prisoner to the Tower, and Spencer re-admitted into the House again.

When Arundle was well cooled in the Tower, and found that no Power would give him Liberty, but that which had re∣strained him, (rather blaming his rashness, than excusing his stubborness) his great Heart humbled it self to the Lords, betwixt a Letter and a Petition in these words.

To the Right Honourable, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, in the Higher House of Parliament assembled.

May it please your Lordships,

WHere as I stand committed here by your Lordships Order,* 8.1 for having stood upon performing some part of that which was injoined me by your Lordships; which I did rather in respect the time was short for advice, than out of any intent to disobey the House, for which I have suffered in this place till now: I do therefore humbly beseech your Lordships to construe of what is past, according to this my profession, and for the time to come to believe that I both understand so well your Lordships power to command, and your nobleness and tenderness to consider what is fit, as I do, and will wholly put myself upon your Honors, and perform what is, or shall be injoyned me. So

beseeching your Lordships to construe these lines, as proceeding from a heart ready to obey you in what you command, I rest

Your Lordships most humble Servant Thomas Arundle

Tower 2 June 1621.

Upon this submission the Lords commanded him to be sent for, and presenting himself at the Bar of the House, with the accustomed Humility that Offenders do, he thus expressed him∣self, Because I have committed a fault against this House, in not obeying all the Order that your Lordships commanded me, I do here acknowledg this my fault, and ask your Lordships pardon for the same, and am ready to obey all your Lordships commands.

Thus this great Lord (though he fluttered in the Air of the Court, and mounted by that means upon the Wings of Passion) was glad to stoop when consideration lured him to it, lest by the heat that he himself made (melting the Waxen Plumes that he thought would have supported him) his suffering might have been a greater mischief to him than his submission: so sour and severe a School-master is Passion, to be both Author and Punisher of our Errors: yea, making the best Natures (often) correct themselves most.

The fourth of Iune this year the Parliament had a Recess,* 8.2 the King being to go his Progress, wherein some Lords, and others of the Parliament were to attend him: For it seems his business was not yet ripe for the Parliament, and he was loth they should have too much leisure, therefore they were not to meet again till the eighth of February following; which being a long time of Vacancy, the House of Commons before they parted took the Miseries of the Palatinate into serious debate; and though they felt the King's pulse, and knew the beat of his thought, when he spake of providing an Army this Summer for the recovery of it, and would engage his Crown, Blood, and Soul for it (finding him apt to say what he had no will to do) yet they were so wise as not to slacken or draw back in so good a work; that if there were a failing, it should not be on their side, knowing how much Religion was concer∣ned in it (for to the appearance of Reason, the triumphing Em∣peror, and Universal King, would quickly tread all under foot) therefore with one voice (none daring to oppose) they made this Declaration.

THe Commons assembled in Parliament,* 8.3 taking into most se∣rious consideration the present state of the King's Children a∣broad, and generally afflicted estate of the true Professors of the same

Christian Religion, professed by the Church of England in For∣reign Parts, and being touched with a true sence and fellow-feeling of their distresses, as Members of the same Body, do with unani∣mous consent, in the name of themselves and the whole Body of the Kingdom (whom they represent) declare unto his most excellent Majesty, and to the whole World, their hearty grief and sorrow for the same; and do not only joyn with them in their humble and Devout Prayers unto Almighty God, to protect his true Church, and to avert the Dangers now threatned, but also with one heart, and voice do solemnly protest; That if his Majestie▪s pious endeavours by Treaty, to procure their Peace and Safety, shall not take that good effect which is desired in Treaty, (wherefore they humbly beseech his Majesty not to suffer any longer delay) that then upon significa∣tion of his Majestie▪s pleasure in Parliament, they shall be ready to the utmost of their Powers, both with their lives and fortunes, to assist him so, as that by the Divine Help of Almighty God (which is never wanting unto those who in his fear, shall undertake the defence of his own Cau••e) he may be able to do that with his Sword, which by a peaceable Course shall not be effected.

The King took this Declaration of the Commons in very good Part,* 8.4 and meant when occasion served to make good use of it: For as he found them forward enough to begin a War, so he knew his own constitution backward enough (the Sword being in his Hand) and did fore-see an advantage arising from a Me∣dium betwixt the Parliament and him, if he could bring his Ends about, which he after put in practice; but it broke all to pieces and now away he goes on his Progress.

Towards Winter the Lord Digby returns from his soliciting journey in Germany; His first addresses he made to the Empe∣rour, his second to the Duke of Bavaria, and his last to the In∣fanta at Bruxels, and all to as little purpose as if he had stayed at home; that three-fold Cord, twisted by the power of Spain, was not easily to be broken. Some little twilight and scintil of Hope, was given him by the Emperour for restitution of the Palatinate, yet not so much as would discover the error of our easie belief: But the Bavarian had already swallowed the Ele∣cturate, and his Voraginous appetite gaped after the possession of the Countrey, though the English there were bones in his way.

Digby being arrived at Court,* 8.5 and bringing him with doubt∣ful answers from the Emperour, and sullen ones from the Duke of Bavaria, the King thought it good Policy to shorten the long Recess till February, and to re-assemble the Parliament the 20th of November, that meeting before their Time, it might more amaze them, and intimate some extraordinary Cause, which happily might produce some extraordinary effect if well man∣nag'd. And as incident thereunto, he gave order to Digby as

soon as the Parliament assembled, to make relation to the Houses of his proceedings there, which he did in these words.

IT pleased his Majesty to command me to give you an account of my last Foreign Negotiation with the Emperour;* 8.6 who (you know) being much exasperated with the invasion of Bohemia (to which the King never gave incouragement in the attempt, nor countenance in the Prosecution) hath upon the advantage of his fortunate success there, invaded into the inheritance of his Son the Palatine: Where∣upon I was directed by his Majestie's Commission to treat if Peace might be compassed with fair endeavours, to which the Emperour seemed very inclinable. Albeit, slow in giving Audience, by reason that the Diet in Germany was deferred, and he depended upon some answer from the Princes. But in conclusion, I received such satis∣faction, as promised Restitution of the Palatinate, which only was granted by Commission to the Duke of Bavaria, until it was setled by absolute Peace, or further War. And being addressed by the Emperour with Letters to the Duke of Bavaria, wherein he wished his tractable condescent to all good Terms of Peace; Upon which occasion I urged, that I had Authority from the Count Palatin••e, to cause the Count Mansfield to desist from War, and likewise from the King to his Body of War under the Government of Sir Horatio Vere. The Duke of Bavaria replied, That he had becalmed Mans∣field with great sums of money, and when he is quiet, my Peace is made. To which scornful and slight reply somthing I answered, and departed to the Infanta to Bruxels, who seemed to understand by the Emperour's Letters, that he did rather prepare for War then Peace, and would give no direct answer till she heard from the King of Spain, who I must ingenuously confess, hath stood clear a Neu∣tral, according to his promise: Yet is he now so strong prepared for War (having at this instant five great Armies in motion) that it will not mis-become the wisdom of the State to fear the worst: And to conclude, such hath been the care of the King for his own Honour, and Son's Right, that he presumes you will cheerfully apply your selves to the necessity of the Times, and this occasion; and not only afford him aid for his present support, but such further supply as may help to re-invest his Son into his inheritance.

Which Relation of Digbie's being seconded by some of the King's great Minister of State,* 8.7 (who had instructions suitable to their Errand) they let the Parliament know, how justly and necessary it was, and how forward the King would be to ac∣complish that by War, which he could not recover by Peace; and they set it off with all the slippery Oratory they could to draw in money; for that being the main ingredient, if that were provided, the rest of the simples would easily be purcha∣sed, to make up the Composition.

Thus the Kings suits and intreaties were slighted, and dis∣regarded abroad; and his intentions suspected, and feared at home. Princes that do grasp Possessions with iron hands, will not be smoothed out of them by fair words; the Sword, as it is the best determiner, so it is the most honourable Treater: And though the King incited the Parliament by these his Ministers to contribute towards a War,* 8.8 yet they found his inclination bent towards Peace, both in respect of Gondemar's power with him (upon whose sandy promises he built a good Foundation of Hope) and in regard of some Letters which the King had lately written to the King of Spain, wherein great indulgen∣cies were promised to the Papists, whereby they saw he was too much transported with a desire to the Match: And the King, finding Digbie's indeavours fruitless in Germany, intend∣ed to send him into Spain, extraordinary Ambassador to that King whom he looked upon as the great Wheel that moved the others which way he pleased. For he was resolved to close some way with the House of Austria, either by Marriage or intreaty, to peece and make up the Breach the War had made. But the King had to do with cunning Gamesters that smiled to see how earnest he was at it, for they had the sign given out of his hand, and saw all the Game he played, so faithless was the Councel about him!

The English in general,* 8.9 except Papists, were averse to this Match, as boding some evil event, because the Papists did prune themselves, flutter up and down, and spread their Trains so publickly: This almost universal aversation of the people had a natural influence upon the Representative, the Par∣liament; who considering that the King (by Digby and others) did inform them how formidable the King of Spain was, and did require them to apply themselves to the necessity of the Times, and further him with help to re-invest his Son in his Inheritance, thought there was no better means to be used than to try effectually the King's Spirit, and stir him up to a war; for so they should know which way their Money went, at leastwise his mind, before they tamely parted with it. And therefore (like wise Physicians that never prescribe letting blood, but when it tends to the health of the Body) first they shew the Causes of the Distempers and Evils that were to be feared. Secondly, what effects they were likely to produce. And lastly, the Remedies to prevent them, in this Petition and Re∣monstrance.

Most Gracious and dread Soveraign,

VVE your Majestie's most humble and loyal Subjects,* 9.1 the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, now assembled in Par∣liament, who represent the Commons of your Realm, full of hearty

sorrow to be deprived of the Comfort of your Royal Presence, the ra∣ther for that it proceeds from the want of your health, wherein We all unfainedly do suffer. In all humble manner calling to mind your gracious answer to our former Petition concerning Religion, which notwith∣standing your Majesties pious and princely intentions, hath not produ∣ced that good effect, which the danger of these Times doth seem to us to require. And finding how ill your Majesties goodness hath been requi∣ted by Princes of different Religion, who even in time of Treaty, have taken opportunity to advance their own Ends, tending to the Subversion of Religion, and disadvantage of your affairs, and the Estate of your Children. By reason whereof your ill-affected Sub∣jects at home, the Popish Recusants, have taken too much incourage∣ment, and are dangerously increased in their Number, and in their insolencies. We cannot but be sensible thereof; And thereof humbly represent what we conceive to be the Causes of so great and growing Mischiefs, and what be the Remedies.

1. The Vigilancy and Ambition of the Pope of Rome, and his dearest Son, the one aiming at as large a Temporal Monarchy, as the other at a Spiritual Supremacy.

2. The Devillish Positions, and Doctrines, whereon Popery is built, and taught, with authority to their Followers, for advancement of their Temporal Ends.

3. The distressed, and miserable Estate of the Professors of true Religion in Foreign parts.

4. The disastrous Accidents to your Majesties Children a∣broad, expressed with rejoycing, and even with contempt of their Persons.

5. The strange Confederacy of the Princes of the Popish Re∣ligion, aiming mainly at the advancement of theirs, and subverting Ours, and taking the advantages conducing to that End, upon all Occasions.

6. The great and many Armies raised and maintained at the charge of the King of Spain, the chief of that League.

7. The expectation of the Popish Recusants of the Match with Spain, and feeding themselves with great hopes of the consequences thereof.

8. The interposing of Foreign Princes, and their Agents in the behalf of Popish Recusants, for connivence and favour un∣to them.

9. Their open and usual Resort to the Houses, and which is worse, to the Chappels of Foreign Ambassadors.

10. Their more than usual concourse to the City, and their fre∣quent Conventicles, and Conferences there.

11. The education of their Children, in many several Semina∣ries, and Houses of their Religion, in Foreign parts, appropriated only to the English Fugitives.

12. The Grants of their just forfeitures intended by your Majesty as a reward of service to the Grantees, but beyond your Majesties inten∣tion, transferred or compounded for, at such mean rates as will amount to little less than a Toleration.

13. The licentious printing and dispersing of Popish and seditious Books, even in the time of Parliament.

14. The Swarms of Priests and Jesuits, the common Incendiaries of all Christendom, dispersed in all parts of your Kingdom.

And from these Causes as bitter Roots, we humbly offer to your Majesty, that we foresee, and fear there will necessarily follow very dangerous effects both to Church and State. For,

1. The Popish Religion is incompatible with Ours in respect of their Positions.

2. It draweth with it an unavoidable Dependency on foreign Princes.

3. It openeth too wide a Gap for Popularity, to any who shall draw too great a Party.

4. It hath a restless Spirit, and will strive by these Gradations; if it once get but a Connivence, it will press for a Toleration; if that should be obtained, they must have an equality; from thence they will aspire to Superiority: And will never rest till they get a Subversion of the true Religion.

The Remedies against these growing Evils, which in all hum∣bleness we offer to your most excellent Majesty, are these,

1. That seeing this inevitable Necessity is faln upon your Ma∣jesty, which no wisdom or providence of a peaceable and pious King, can avoid, your Majesty would not omit this just occasion, speedily and effectually to take your Sword into your hand.

2. That once undertaken upon so Honourable and just grounds, your Majesty would resolve to persue, and more publickly avow the aiding of those of our Religion in foreign parts, which doubtless would reunite the Princes and States of the Union, by these disasters disheartned and disbanded.

3. That your Majesty would propose to your self to manage this War with the best advantage, by a Diversion or otherwise, as in your deep judgment shall be found fittest, and not to rest upon a War in these parts only, which will consume your Treasure, and discourage your people.

4. That the bent of this War, and point of your Sword may be against that Prince (whatsoever Opinion of Potency he hath) whose Armies and Treasures, have first diverted, and since maintained the War in the Palatinate.

5. That for securing of our peace at home, your Majesty will be pleased to review the parts of our Petition formerly delivered unto your Majesty, and hereunto annexed, and to put it in execution; by the care of choice Commissioners, to be there unto especially appoint∣ed, the Laws already, and hereafter, to be made for preventing of

Dangers by Popish Recusants, and their wonted evasions.

6. That to frustrate their hopes for a future Age, our most No∣ble Prince may be timely and happily married to one of our own Religion.

7. That the Children of the Nobility and Gentry of this King∣dom, and of others ill affected, and suspected in their Religion, now beyond the Seas, may be forthwith called home by your means, and at the charge of their Parents or Governours.

8. That the Children of Popish Recusants, or such whose wives are Popish Recusants, be brought up during their minority with Pro∣testant Schoolmasters, and Teachers, who may sow in their tender years the seeds of true Religion.

9. That your Majesty will be pleased speedily to revoke all former Licences, for such Children and youth to travel beyond the Seas, and not grant any such licence hereafter.

10. That your Majesties learned Councel may receive com∣mandment from your Highness, carefully to look into former Grants of Recusants lands, and to avoid them if by Law they can; and that your Majesty will stay your hand from passing any such Grants hereafter.

This is the sum and effect of our Humble Declaration, which we (no ways intending to press upon your Majesties undoubted and Regal Prerogative) do with the fulness of our Duty, and Obedience, humbly submit to your most Princely consideration, the Glory of God, whose Cause it is, the Zeal of our true Religion, in which we have been born, and wherein (by God's grace) we are resolved to die, the safety of your Majesties person, who is the very life of your people, the happiness of your Children and Posterity, the Honour and good of the Church and State dearer un∣to us then our own lives, having kindled these Affections, truly devoted to your Majesty.

And seeing out of our Duty to your Majesty, we have already resolved to give at the end of this Session one entire Subsidy, for the present relief of the Palatinate only, to be paid in the end of February next, which cannot well be effected but by passing a Bill in a Parliamentary course before Christmas; We most humbly beseech your Majesty (as our assured hope is) that you will then also vouchsafe to give life by your Royal assent, to such Bills as before that time shall be prepared for your Majesties Honour, and the general good of your People. And that such Bills may be also accompanied (as hath been ac∣customed) with your Majestie's gracious Pardon, which pro∣ceeding from your own meer Grace, may by your Highness di∣rection be drawn to that latitude, and extent, as may best sort. with your Majesties Bounty and Goodness. And that not only Fel∣lons, and criminal offenders may take benefit thereof, but that your good Subjects may receive ease thereby. And if it shall so

stand with your good pleasure, that it may extend to the re∣lief of the old Debts and Duties to the Crown, before the first year of your Majesties raign, to the discharge of Alienations without licence, and misusing of Liveries and Oustre le main before the first summons of this Parliament; and of concealed Wardships, and not suing of Liveries and Oustre le mains, before the twelfth year of your Majesties Reign. Which gracious favour would much comfort your good Subjects, and ease them from Vexation, with little loss or prejudice to your own profit.

And we by our daily and devout prayers to the Almighty, the great King of Kings, shall contend for a blessing upon our endeavours, and for your Majesties long and happy Reign over Us, And for your Childrens children after you for many and many Generations.

The King hearing that the House of Commons were ham∣mering upon this Remonstrance,* 9.2 went to Newmarket, a cold and bleak Air, in as cold and bleak a season, pretending his Health, but indeed to be further from the sound of that noise (which perpetually possessed his Ears) of the discontent of the Com∣mons for the intended Match with Spain. And as the Business grew up, he had intimation of it from his creatures in the House; for it vext his Popish Secretary, Sir George Calvert, Weston, and others to find the House so bitter against their Profession, (though they were cunning Underminers, and put on a smooth face there) yet they aggravated the matter to the King with all the Acrimony they could, so far as to reflect upon particular persons, that were the most Active instruments in it.

And what is there in this Remonstrance (at such a time when the Protestant Religion was in danger of being extirpated) that put on so horrid a Vizard as to affright or exasperate the King?* 9.3 The Emperor had prevailed in Germany, the Protestant Princes either subdued, or acquiesced, and laid down their necks to the Yoak. The Protestants were persecuted in France, be∣sieged and ruined by the youthful fury of Lewis the 13. And notwithstanding Our King's solicitations by Sir Edward Herbert, since Baron of Cherbery, his Resident Ambassador there, who (after his conflict with Luynes the youthful Constable of France, and Favourite to that King) being sent for home, the Viscount Doncaster was sent again into France, upon one of his mediating imployments, who also followed that King from Camp to City, and from City to Camp, with as little success, this being no journey of Bravery, for it almost cost him his life there by a tedious sickness.

Rochel and Montaban were besieged at one time this very year, Rochel by the Count of Soissons, and the Duke of Guise,

and Montaban by the King, a great distance one from another; but Doncaster could prevail for neither, yet the French King did not do his work. When man hath vented all his malice, he can go no further than the line God hath set him. One sad story intervenes which had a various Countenance, mixt with Bravery and Baseness,* 9.4 so that it was doubtful which was most prevalent. One Hicks an English-man undertook to carry a Letter from Rochel to Montaban, through both Armies, to let them know the good State and Condition of the Rochel∣lers were in (maugre the fury and violence of their Enemies) that those of Montaban might be encouraged to hold out a∣gainst the King's assaults. Hicks makes a clear passage through the Army before Rochell, and came to Thoulouse, where the Vis∣count Doncaster was, there he consorted with the English, in∣sinuating with a young Gentlemen, one Fairfax, of that noble Family in York-shire, who was for that journey one of the Lord Ambassador's Train, and Hicks finding him willing (being a young and gallant Spirit) to see the Kings Leagure at Mon∣taban, they rode thither together, and under the notion of being of the Ambassador's retinue, they had free admittance to view all the Works, and Avenues. Hicks whose eye was fixt upon his opportunity to fly into the Town, made use of Fairfax to take his advantage with the least Suspicion, and in the instant of time, puts Spurs to his Horse, and got into the Town through a Shower of Bullets, leaving Fairfax (astonish'd at the attempt) to be wrackt and tormented to death (as he was by the French fury) to confess what he never knew; so that Hicks his Brave••y deserves a Brand of Infamy, and Fairfax his Innocency a memo∣rial of pity. A noble Spirit must not dare to do a gallant action an unworthy way.

But our King's intentions aiming at Peace,* 9.5 he took as he thought the best way to it, which was, to intreat for it: But that would not prevail, for the voice of intreaty cannot be heard for the Trumpet. In War, one noise must expel ano∣ther. The Parliament saw the danger the Protestant Religion was in (For in many Councellors there is wisdom) and thought it their duties to let the King see how inclinable they were to support the falling Condition of it with their lives and for∣tunes; But the King would be called Rex Pacificus to the last; His Heart was not advanced to glorious Atchievements, God will not (many times) make use of some men to do great things by them. The Parliament did not desire to make this a War for Religion only, though they saw it suppressed; for so all Popish Princes (which, was the King's fear) might have combined against him: But though the true end was Religion, the out∣ward aim was to hinder the Progress of the victorious Spanish Power, which was likeliest to do most mischief. Many times

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UIUA EFFIGIES GENEROS I^s siMI GULIELMI FAIRFAX PREFECTI

To Frankenthal when seige Cordoua loyde Soe ••as our Britishe King - craft ouerknau'd By Gondome•• as in it Martix - made This honorable Cadet 3 and soe stau'd Of all re••reuts, that Burroughs there comander Our glorious Burroug••s was compell'd to render.

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THOVLOVSE

the Divine Goodness puts an opportunity, as a price into Mens hands, which if they fail to make use of, redounds to their Prejudice. If the King's spirit had been raised up to a War, when the voice of God (the voice of the people) called him to it, happily it might have hindred the great Effusion of Blood amongst our Selves, that happened after in his Son's time: But he was not the Man, the Work was reserved for Gustavus, not Iacobus; and these Conflicts of our Kings formerly, and at this time with his people (alienating their affections) did not only leave sad impressions upon their Spirits, of rancour, and malice against Monarchy, but taught his Successor the Pattern of breaking Parliaments, and contesting with his Subjects, till ruin succeeded to him and his Posterity.

But when this Remonstrance was brought to perfection, the King had a Copy of it before the House had time to send their Messengers with it; in which, something so highly displeased him, that he instantly dispatched a Letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons to forbid the sending of it.

To Our Trusty and Wellbeloved, Sir Thomas Richardson Knight, Speaker of the House of Commons.

Mr. Speaker,

WE have heard by divers Reports,* 10.1 to our great grief, that Our distance from the Houses of Parliament (caused by Our indisposition of health,) hath imboldned some fiery and Popular Spirits of some of the House of Commons, to argue and debate publickly of Matters far above their reach and capacity, tending to Our high dishonour, and breach of Prerogative Royal. These are therefore to command you to make known in Our Name unto the House, that none therein shall presume henceforth to meddle with any thing concerning Our Government, or deep Matters of State, and namely not to deal with our dearest Son's Match with the Daughter of Spain, nor to touch the Honour of that King, or any other our Friends or Confederates. And also not to meddle with any mans particulars, which have their due motion in our ordinary Courts of Justice. And whereas we hear they have sent a Message to Sir Edwin Sandis, to know the Reasons of his late restraint▪ you shall in Our Name resolve them, that it was not for any misdemea∣nor of his in Parliament; But to put them out of doubt of any que∣stion of that Nature, that may arise among them hereafter, you shall resolve them in Our Name, That We think Our self very free and able to punish any man's misdemeanors in Parliament, as well during their sitting as after: which we mean not to spare hereafter upon any occasion of any man's insolent Behaviour there, that shall be mini∣stred unto Us. And if they have already touched any of these points, which We have here forbidden in any Petition of theirs, which is to

be sent unto Us, it is our pleasure that you shall tell them, that except they reform it before it come to our hands, We will not deign the hear∣ing nor answering of it.

This was the effect of the Letter.

Dated at Newmarket, Decem. 3. 1621.

When the House had duly and weightily considered the just Reasons they had to draw up this Remonstrance, in discharge of their Consciences and duties to God, and the King, and found how fruitless their labours were. Having (as it were) cast out one Anchor in a tempestuous season which would take no hold, they were forced to cast out another, that both toge∣ther might better fasten on the King's good affections: There∣fore they framed this following Petition, and sent the Remon∣strance with it, hoping yet to save the beaten Bark of the Com∣mon-wealth from ruin in so great a time of danger. And thus they address themselves to their great Pilot.

Most dread and gracious Soveraign,

* 11.1WE your most humble and loyal Subjects, the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses assembled in the Commons House of Parlia∣ment, full of grief and unspeakable sorrow, through the true sence of your Majesties displeasure expressed by your Letter lately sent to Our Speaker, and by him related and read unto Us; Yet comforted again with the assurance of your Grace and Goodness, and of the sincerity of our own intentions and proceedings, whereon with confidence we can rely, in all humbleness beseech your most excellent Majesty, that the Loyalty and Dutifulness of as faithful and loving Subjects as ever served or lived under a gracious Soveraign, may not undeser∣vedly suffer, by the mis-information of partial and uncertain Re∣ports, which are ever unfaithful Intelligencers: but that your Majesty would in the clearness of your own Judgment, first vouch∣sase to understand from Our selves, and not from others, what our humble Declaration and Petition (resolved upon by the Universal Voice of the House, and proposed with your Gracious favour to be presented unto your Sacred Majesty) doth contain. Upon what Oc∣casion we entred into Consideration of those things which are there∣in contained, with what dutiful respect to your Majesty, and your Ser∣vice, we did consider thereof, and what was our true intention there∣by. And that when your Majesty shall thereby truly discern our dutiful Affections, you will in your Royal judgment free us from those heavy Charges wherewith some of our Members are burthened, and wherein the whole House is involved.

And we humbly beseech your Majesty, that you will not hereafter give Credit to private Reports against all, or any of the Members of our House, whom the whole have not censured, until your Majesty have been truly informed thereof from our selves, and that in the mean

time, and ever, we may stand upright in your Majesties Grace and good Opinion, than which no worldly consideration is, or can be dearer unto us.

When your Majesty had reassembled us in Parliament, by your Royal Commandment, sooner than we expected, and did vouchsafe by the mouths of three honourable Lords, to impart unto us the weighty occasions moving your Majesty thereunto; And from them we did understand these particulars.

That notwithstanding your Princely and Pious indeavours to pro∣cure Peace, the time is now come that Janus Temple must be opened.

That the Voice of Bellona must be heard, and not the Voice of the Turtle.

That there was no hope of Peace, nor any Truce to be obtained, no, not for a few days.

That your Majesty must either abandon your own Children, or in∣gage your self in a war, wherein Consideration is to be had, what foot, what horse, what money would be sufficient.

That the Lower Palatinate was seized upon by the Army of the King of Spain, as Executor of the Ban there, in quality of Duke of Burgundy, as the Upper Palatinate was by the Duke of Ba∣varia.

That the King of Spain at his own Charge had now at least five several Armies on foot.

That the Princes of the Union were disbanded, but the Catho∣lick league remained firm, whereby those Princes so dissevered, were in danger one by one to be ruined.

That the Estate of those of the Religion in Foreign parts was mi∣serable. And,

That out of these Considerations we were called to a war, and forthwith to advise for a Supply, for keeping the forces in the Pa∣latinate from disbanding, and to fore-see the means for raising and maintaining the body of an Army for the war against the Spring. We therefore out of our Zeal to your Majesty and your Posterity, with more alacrity, and colerity, than ever was precedented in Par∣liament; did address our selves to the Service commended unto Us. And although we cannot conceive, that the honor and safety of your Majesty, and your posterity, the patrimony of your Children, in∣vaded and possessed by their Enemies, the welfare of Religion, and State of your Kingdom, are matters at any time unfit for our deepest consideration in time of Parliament. And though before this time we were in some of these points silent, yet being now invited thereun∣to, and led on by so just an occasion, we thought it Our Duties to pro∣vide for the present supply thereof, and not only to turn our eyes on a war abroad; but to take care for the securing of our peace at home, which the dangerous increase, and insolency of Popish Recusants, ap∣parently, visibly, and sensibly did lead us unto. The consideration

whereof did necessarily draw us truly to represent unto your Majesty what we conceive to be the Causes, what we feared would be the effects, and what we hoped might be the remedies of these growing Evils. Among which, as incident and unavoidable, we fell upon some things which seem to touch upon the King of Spain, as they have re∣lation to Popish Recusants at home, to the Wars by him maintained in the Palatinate against your Majestie's Children, and to his seve∣ral Armies now on foot; yet as we conceived without touch of dis∣honour to that King, or any other Prince your Majestie's Conse∣derate.

In the discourse whereof we did not assume to our selves any power to determin of any part thereof,* 11.2 nor intend to incroach or intrude upon the Sacred bounds of your Royal Authority, to whom, and to whom only, we acknowledg it doth belong to resolve of Peace and War, and of the Marriage of the most noble Prince your Son. But as your most Loyal and humble Subjects, and Servants, representing the whole Commons of your Kingdom (who have a large inte∣rest in the happy and prosperous estate of your Majesty, and your Royal Posterity, and of the flourishing Estate of our Church and Common-wealth) did resolve out of our Cares and Fears, truly and plainly to demonstrate these things to your Majesty, which we were not assured could otherwise come so fully and clearly to your know∣ledg, and that being done, to lay the same down at your Majesties feet, without expectation of any other answer of your Majesty touching these higher points, than what at your good pleasure, and in your own time should be held fit.

This being the effect of that we had formerly resolved upon, and these the occasions and reasons inducing the same, our humble suit to your Majesty, and confidence is, that your Majesty will be graciously pleased to receive at the hands of these our Messengers our former humble Declaration, and Petition, and to vouchsafe to read, and favourably to interpret the same. And that to so much thereof, as containeth our humble Petition concerning Jesuits, Priests and Po∣pish Recusants, the passage of Bills, and granting your Royal Par∣don, you will vouchsafe an answer unto us.

And whereas your Majesty by the general words of your Letter seemeth to restrain us from intermedling with matters of Govern∣ment, or particulars which have their motion in the Courts of Justice; the generality of which words in the largeness of the extent thereof, (as we hope beyond your Majesties intention) might involve those things, which are the proper Subjects of Parliamentary occa∣sions and discourse.

And where as your Majesty doth seem to abridge us of the ancient liberty of Parliament for freedom of Speech, Jurisdiction, and just Censure of the House, and other proceedings there (wherein we trust in God we shall never transgress the bounds of loyal and duti∣ful Subjects) a liberty which we assure our selves so wise and so

just a King will not infringe, the same being our ancient and un∣doubted right, and an inheritance received from our Ancestors, with∣out which we cannot freely debate, nor clearly discern of things in Question before us, nor truly inform your Majesty; in which we have been confirmed by your Majesties most gracious former Speeches and Messages: We are therefore now again inforced in all humble∣ness to pray your Majesty to allow the same, and thereby to take a∣way the doubts and scruples your Majesties late Letter to your Spea∣ker hath brought upon us.

So shall we your Loyal and loving Subjects ever acknowledge your Majesties justice,* 11.3 grace and goodness, and be ready to perform that service to your Majesty, which in the true affection of our hearts we prosess, and powre out our dayly and devout prayers to the Al∣mighty for your Majesties long life, happy and religious Reign, and prosperous Estate, and for your Royal posterity after you for ever.

The Parliament thought it strange that the King in a Recess should call them together before the appointed time of meet∣ing,* 11.4 pretending Emergent occasions, and (by his Ministers of State) persuade and incite to a War, and when (in obedience to this command) they shall proceed in their advice, only to prevent the dangers abroad, and establish security at home, they shall be accounted presumptuous and insolent. But by this they discover, (and which the King plainly expresses in his Answer) that he required none of their advice, he wanted only their money, if they had furnished him with that instead of Counsel, it would have been a golden Remonstrance. They are to be his Bank, his Merchants, he needs no other directions; let them find money, he knows how to dispose of it. This was the great fault, which this Petition strives to mitigate, ac∣companied with the Remonstrance it self, and the Petition a∣gainst Recusancy, for both which it was an intercessor, but it could not with all its Humility procure acceptance for its Com∣panions, though sent by twelve select Members of the House, and the leading man Sir Richard Weston (who was really the King's) chosen by the Commons to make their Petitions the more accep∣table. And the House finding it a great discouragement to them to proceed in any business, when there was so great a distance betwixt the King and them, (the King thinking their actions an intrenchment upon his Prerogative, and they think∣ing the King's expressions an infringement of their Liberties) they resolved to give over all business, till they had an An∣swer of their Petitions; for they thought they had as good do nothing, as have that they do undone again. Which the King hearing of was vexed at the heart, and entertained their Messen∣gers very roughly; and some say he called for twelve Chaire's

for them, saying, Here are twelve Kings come to me. But after he had considered their desires in their last Petition (rejecting the others) he returns them this answer to all.* 11.5

WE must here begin in the same fashion that we would have done, if your first Petition had come to our Hands▪ before we had made a stay thereof,* 11.6 which is to repeat the first words of the late Queen of famous memory, used by her in answer to an insolent Proposition, made by a Polonian Embassadon•• unto her, that is Legatum expectabamus, Heraldum accipimus. For we had great reason to expect that the first Message from your House should have been a Message of thanksgiving for Our continued gratious beha∣viour towards our People since your last Recess. Not only by our Proclamation of Grace, wherein were contained six or seven and thirty Articles, all of several points of Grace to the people; but al∣so by the labour we took for the satisfaction of both Houses in those three Articles recommended unto Us in both their names by the right Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury, and likewise for the good Government of Ireland we are now in hand with at your request. But not only have We heard no news of all this, but contrary, great complains of the Danger of Religion within this Kingdom, tacitly implying Our ill Government in this point. And we leave you to judge, whether it be your Duties, that are the Representative Body of Our People, so to distate them with Our Government, whereas by the contrary, it is your Duty with all your indeavours to kindle more and more a dutiful and thankful Love in the peoples hearts towards us for our just and gra∣cious Government.

Now whereas in the very beginning of this your Apology, you tax Us in fair terms of trusting uncertain Reports, and partial infor∣mations concerning your Proceedings; We wish you to remember that we are an old and experienced King, needing no such lessons, being in our conscience, freest of any King alive from hearing or tru∣sting idle Reports, which so many of your House as are nearest Us, can bear witness unto you, if you would give as good ear to them, as you do to some Tribunitial Orators among you. And for proof in this particular: We have made your own Messengers confer your o∣ther Petitions sent by you with the Copy thereof, which was sent Us before, between which there is no difference at all, but that since our receiving the first Copy, you added a Conclusion unto it, which could not come to our hands, till it was done by you, and your Messen∣gers sent, which was all at one time. And if we had had no Copy of it before hand, we must have received your first Petition to our great dishonour, before we had known what it contained, which would have inforced us to have returned you a far worse answer than now we do. For then your Messengers had returned with nothing, but that We have judged your Petition unlawful and unworthy of an answer:

For as to your Conclusion thereof, it is nothing but Protestatio con∣traria facto, for in the body of your Petition you usurp upon Our Prerogative Royal, and meddle with things far above your reach, and then in the Conclusion you protest the contrary; as if a Rob∣ber would take a mans purse, and then protest he meant not to rob him. For first you presume to give Us your advice concerning the Match of Our dearest Son with some Protestant, we cannot say Princess, for we know none of these fit for him, and dissuade us from his Match with Spain, urging us to a present War with that King, and yet in the conclusion, forsooth, ye protest ye intend not to press upon our most undoubted and Regal Prerogative; as if the peti∣tioning of Us in matters that your selves confess ye ought not to meddle with, were not a medling with them.

And whereas ye pretend that ye were invited to this course by the Speeches of three honourable Lords, ye thy so much as your selves re∣peat of the Speeches, nothing can be concluded, but that We were re∣solved by War to regain the Palatinate, if otherwise We could not attain unto it. And you were invited to advise forthwith upon a Sup∣ply for keeping the Forces in the Palatinate from disbanding, and to fore-see the means for the raising and maintaining of the Body of an Army for that War against the Spring. Now what inference can be made upon this? That therefore we must presently denounce War against the King of Spain, break our dearest Son's Match, and Match him to one of Our Religion, Let the world judge! The difference is no greater, than if we would tell a Merchant that We had great need to borrow money from him for raising an Army, that thereupon it should follow, that We were bound to follow his advice in the Directions of the War, and all things depending thereupon But yet not contenting your Selves with this excuse of yours, which indeed cannot hold water, ye come after to a direct contradiction to the conclusion of your former Petition, saying, that the Honor and Safety of Us and Our posterity, and the patrimony of our Children invaded, and possessed by their Enemies, the welfare of Religion, and State of Our Kingdom, are matters at any time not unfit for your deepest considerations in Parliament. To this generality, We answer with the Logicians, That where all things are contained, nothing is omitted. So as this plenipotency of yours invests you in all power upon Earth, lacking nothing but the Popes to have the Keyes also both of Heaven ahd Purgatory. And to this vast generality of yours, we can give no other Answer; for it will trouble all the best Lawyers in the House, to make a good Commentary upon it. For so did the Puritan Ministers in Scot∣land, bring all kind of Causes within the compass of their Ju∣risdiction, saying, That it was the Churches Office to judge of Slander, and there could no kind of crime or fault be committed, but there was a slander in it, either against God, the King, or their Neighbour, and by this means they hooked into themselves the

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too fair a ground, and opened them too Wide a Gate, for Curbing and oppressing of many thousands of our Religion in divers parts of Christendom.

And whereas you excuse your touching upon the King of Spain, upon occasion of the incidents by you repeated in that place, and yet affirm that it is without any touch to his Honour, We cannot wonder enough that ye are so forgetful, both of your Words and Writs: For in your former Petition ye plainly affirm, that he affects the Tem∣poral Monarchy of the whole Earth, then which there can be no more malice uttered against any great King, to make all other Princes and Potentates both envie and hate him. But if ye list, it may be easily tried, whether that Speech touched him in Honour or not: if we shall ask him the Question, whether he means to assume to himself that Title or no? For every King can best judge of his own Honour. We omit the particular ejaculations of some foul mou∣thed Orators in your House, against the Honour of his Crown and State.

And touching your excuse of not determining any thing concerning the Match of our dearest Son, but only to tell your opinions, and lay it down at Our feet: First, We desire to know how you could have presumed to determin in that point without Committing of high Treason. And next you cannot deny, but your talking of his Match after that manner, was a direct breach of Our commandment, and Declaration out of Our own mouth, at the first sitting down of this Parliament; where we plainly professed, that we were in treaty of his Match with Spain, and wished you to have that Con∣fidence in our Religion, and Wisdom, that We would so manage it as Our Religion should receive no prejudice by it. And the same We now repeat unto you, professing that We are so far enga∣ged in that March, as we cannot in Honour go back, except the King of Spain perform not such things as we expect at his hands: And therefore We are sorry that ye should shew to have so great Di∣strust in Us, or to conceive that We should be cold in our Religion: otherwise We cannot imagine how Our former public Declaration should not have stopt your mouths in this point.

And as to your Request, That We would now receive your former Petition, We wonder what could make you presume, that We would not receive it; whereas in our former Letter, We plainly declared the Contrary unto you, and therefore we have justly rejected that suit of yours. For what have you left un-attempted in the Highest points of Soveraignty in that Petition of yours, except the striking of Coin? For it contains the violation of Leagues, the particular way how to govern a War, and the Marriage of our dearest Son, both Negative with Spain, nay with any other Popish Princess. And also Affirmatively, as to the Matching with one of Our Religion; which We confess is a strain beyond any Providence or Wisdom God hath given Us, as things now stand.

These are unfit things to be handled in Parliament, except your King should require it of you, For who can have Wisdom to judge of things of that Nature? but such as are daily acquain∣ted with the particulars of Treaties, and of the Variable or fixed Connexion of Affairs of State, together with the knowledge of the secret ways, ends, and intentions of Princes, in their several Ne∣gotiations: otherwise a small mistaking in matters of this Nature may produce more effects than can be imagined. And therefore Ne∣sutor ultra crepidam. And besides the intermedling in Parlia∣ment with matters of Peace, or War, and Marriage of Our dearest Son, would be such a diminution to Us, and to Our Crown in forraign Countries, as would make any Prince neglect to treat with Us, either in matters of Peace or Marriage, except they might be assured by the assent of Parliament.* 11.7 And so it proved long ago with a King of France, who upon a trick procuring his States to dissent from some Treaty, which before he had made; was after refused treating with any other Princes, to his great reproach, unless he would first procure the Assent of his Estates to their Proposition. And will you cast your eyes upon the late Times, you shall find that the late Queen of Famous memory, was humbly petitioned by a Parliament to be pleased to marry: But her Answer was, that she liked their petition well, because it was simple, not limiting her to place or person, as not besitting her liking to their Fancies; and if they had done otherwise, she would have thought it a high presumption in them. Judge then what We may do in such a Case? having made our public Declaration already (as we said before) directly contrary to that which you have now petitioned.

Now to the points in your Petition, whereof you desire an answer as properly belonging to the Parliament. The first and the greatest point is that of Religion, concerning which at this time We can give you no other answer than in the General; which is, that you may rest secure, that We will never be weary to do all we can for the propagation of Our Religion, and repressing of Popery. But the manner and form you must remit to Our care and providence, who can best consider of Times and Seasons; not by undertaking a pub∣lic War of Religion through all the World at once; which, how hard and dangerous a task it may prove, you may judge. But this puts Us in mind how all the World complained the last year of plenty of Corn, and God hath sent Us a cooling Card this year for that heat. And so We pray God that this desire among you of Kindling Wars (shewing your weariness of Peace and Plenty) may not make God permit Us to fall into the miseries of both.* 11.8 But as we already said, Our care of Religion must be such, as on the one part We must not by the hot persecution of Our Recusants at home, irritate forrain Princes of contrary Religion, and teach them the way to plague the Protestants in their Dominions, whom with We dayly intercede, and at this time principally for ease to them of Our

profession, that live under them. Yet upon the other part, We never mean to spare from due and severe punishment any Papist that will grow insolent, for living under Our so mild Government. And you may also be assured, We will leave no Care untaken, as well for the good Education of the youth at home, especially the Children of Papists, as also for preserving at all times hereafter the youth that are or shall be abroad, from being bred in dangerous places, and so poisoned in Popish Seminaries. And as in this point, namely, con∣cerning the good Education of Popish youth at Home, We have already given some good proofs both in this Kingdom, and in Ire∣land, so will We be well pleased to pass any good Laws that shall be made, either now, or any time hereafter to this purpose.

And as to your request of making this a Session, and granting a general pardon, it shall be in your Defaults, if We make not this a Session before Christmas.

But for the Pardon, ye crave such particulars in it, as We must be well advised upon, lest otherwise we give you back the double or tre∣ble of that we are to receive by your entire Subsidy, without Fif∣teens. But the ordinary course We hold fittest to be used still in this Case, is, that We should of our free grace send you down a Pardon from the higher House, containing such points as We shall think fittest, wherein we hope ye shall receive good satisfaction.

But We cannot omit to shew you how strange we think it, that ye should make so bad and unjust a Commentary upon some words of our former Letter, as if we meant to restrain you thereby of your ancient privileges and liberties in Parliament. Truly a Scholler would be ashamed so to misplace, and mis-judge any Sentences in another Mans book. For whereas in the end of our former Letter We discharge you to meddle with matters of Government and Mysteries of State, namely, Matters of War or Peace, or our dearest Sons Match with Spain; by which particular denominations, We in∣terpret, and restrain Our former words: And then after We for∣bid you to meddle with such things as have their Ordinary course in Courts of Justice: yet couple together those two distinct Sentences, and plainly leave out these words, Of Mysteries of State; so as ye err ••àbenè divisis ad malè conjecta. For of the former part concerning Mysteries of State, We plainly restrained our meaning to the particulars that were after mentioned. And in the latter we confess we meant it by Sir Edward Cook's foolish business. And therefore it had well become him, especially being Our Servant, and One of Our Consel to have complained unto Us, which he never did, though he was ordinarily at Court since, and never had access re∣fused unto him.

And although We cannot allow of the stile, calling it, Your Ancient and undoubted right and inheritance, but could rather have wished that ye had said, That your Privileges were deri∣ved from the Grace, and permission of our Ancestors and

Us (for most of them grow from Precedents, which shews rather a toleration than inheritance) yet we are pleased to give you Our Royal assurance, that as long as you shall contain your selves within the limits of your Duty, we will be as careful to maintain, and preserve your lawful Liberties and Privileges, as ever any of Our Predecessors were; nay, as to preserve Our own Royal Prerogative. So as your House shall only have need to beware to trench upon the Prerogative of the Crown; which would enforce Us, or any just King to retrench them of their Privileges that would pare his Prerogative and Flowers of the Crown. But of this We hope there shall be never cause given. This was the effect of the King's Answer, which was dated at New-market the 11. of De∣cember 1621.

Thus the King acted his part, and though his answer might be the Result of his thoughts,* 11.9 yet it was some transcendent Cause that put it into Words, for his Nature was apt enough to fear the Sound of its own impressions. But now his Spirit was mounted, either the Breach of the Treaty with Spain, or the Breach (as he thought) upon his Prerogative gave wing, to raise his Anger higher than his fear. Princes that never knew how to obey, ride their Passions with a loose rein, and are easiest carried by that impulsion. The Prince and the People are here Competitors, both jealous of encroachments, both striving to prevent them. Liberty is a power that gives a well being, and life to the People. Power is a liberty that Princes take to be the very life of their Being. Kings are like the Sea, and the people like the land, the industry of the one striving with the Piles, and Banks of good laws, and Precedents, to bound the often-spring∣tides, and over-flowing of the other. In Scotland the Land was high, Rocky, and inaccessible for his Waves though never so boisterous; Here he finds a smooth Shore, and the people as tame in their obedience, as they were in their sufferings, which makes him the bolder with them.

But the Parliament (weighing the King's answer by the Bal∣lance of Reason, not Passion) found that there was little for them to do.* 11.10 For how is this a mixt Government, when Kings do what they please? They Call their People to a Parliament, where the three Estates are said to be the mixt Government, but what is their great Errand? to get Money. If they touch upon mis∣carriage in Government, it disparages him to his people, (for now the inside of his Copses are well grown again.) If upon Re∣ligion, he knows well enough how to order that, if the Treaty with Spain goes on. And for the affairs of State, he seems to imply as if there were some hidden and secret Art in those Mysteries of King-craft, that the Parliaments apprehension can∣not reach. For, who can have wisdom (saith he) to judge of things

[illustration]

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[illustration]

CAESAR BORGIA VALEN∣tiorum Dux.

Cum pater ad summos Romae esset vectus honores Borgaei, toto Praesulvt orbe foret. Purpuraei donat gnato huic insigne galèri, Quod tamen hoc tantum respuit ille decus, Cum ferabella sequi mallet Venerem•• nefandam, Et sratr••m è ••edi•• tolleret suum.

of that Nature, but those that are traded in them? Every man in his Profession! So the Priests by their old Oracles did strive to keep the World in ignorance, as the Romish Factors do now. Whereas the true way of Treaties is with Christian, not Machia∣velian policy. This we require, this answer we expect, you shall have this Retribution from Us. If you go about to cozen and cheat Us by delays, and spin out time for ends, such Syrens must not be listened after. Every State must stand upon the founda∣tion of its own Reason and Power, and not build Castles of paper. Hopes upon deceitful promises, unless there be such redundant Causes of dependency upon them, as it is impossible to sub∣sist without them. It was observed by Comines, that in all Treaties betwixt the English and the French, the English ever had the worst; but in all Wars and Conflicts, the English had the better: intimating that Subtil••y may deceive, but plain down-right Honesty is best, and will prevail. Falsness is fit for such spirits as Pope Alexander, or his Nephew, Caesar Borgia, Scipio, though a Heathen in his pactions with Spain and Carthage, scorned it; and the old Roman Senate were so Gallant, as to re∣buke Lucius Marcius, their Ambassador and General, because in the managing of his Wars and Treaties, with Perseus King of Macedon, he went about by subtilties to circumvent him. And now an Ambassador (as one saith) lyes abroad, Reipublicae causa, for the good of his Countrey, which tends rather to the hurt of it.

But now they find that the King would only make Mer∣chandize of the Common-wealth,* 11.11 yet Merchants look for their Money again with advantage, and therefore their Counsel in disposing it may be well spared. But the Parliament it they raise Money from the People (which is never to be repayed) there is good reason they should know not only to what pur∣pose it is levied, but how prudently and sitly laid out: other∣wise as the King tells them in the comparison of the Robber (though in relation to his Prerogative) if they should be sum∣moned to levy Money of the people without consideration of what it is for, or how it shall be disposed for the good of the Kingdom, they may very well say and protest, That they meant not to take it from them so; that is, not to rob them of it. But the King's necessities must come under the Common Emergencies, which he would not have known; and what will one Subsidy without fifteens do? The Protestants want in the Palatinate, so doth he in England: But he had lately a great assistance from his People, never King of England found greater love, (as he saith of himself) yet he wants still, and would have supply for it under the notion of a War. They must consider what Money is fit, what Foot, what Horse necessary, but they must not know for what. All that they can imagine, is, that the

King wants Money for his Favourite Buckingham, and his kin∣dred, to furnish them against Christmas, for feasting, gaming, and bravery, the three main pillars of the Times licentious∣ness, raised up to a stupendious and excessive height, or to send out his Ambassadors, or help his indigent and expensive Courtiers, and then the Wars are ended; for Want is a great War. But if the good of the Kingdom, the establish∣ment of Religion, the happiness of the King and his Posterity be not fit Themes for them to discourse of, why are they called?

The late Queen (whose memory will be for ever famous) by the King's own relation liked the Parliaments Petition well, when they humbly besought her to marry, because they did not prescribe her place and person, but left that to her Election, if they had done otherwise, She would have thought it presump∣tion in them. The King thinks it presumption in the Parlia∣ment, humbly to beseech him (for the good of Religion) to per∣mit his Son to marry with a Protestant Princess, if they had fixt upon place or person, he would have thought it High Treason. So many degrees high was the King's spirit mounted above a Woman's to humble Subjects, and so many degrees lower then Hers was his Spirit to daring Enemies.

Some of these things were publickly discoursed of among them in the House, and other-some muttered and talkt of in private (for full breasts will find vent) but the main business that the Commons insisted on, was the King's incroachment upon their Liberties, debarring them freedom of speech in Par∣liament, which was a Natural, Reasonable, and uncontroul'd immunity, as long as they kept themselves within the limits of their duty, which the House was to be the sole judge of. And who can tax any particular Member with miscarriages that way, that the house hath not Censured hitherto? for now the heat is but new broke in among them, and this liberty of speech stuck most with them; for if any man should speak any thing to displease the King (though it tended never so much to the good of the Kingdom) it might be termed insolent behavi∣our, and be liable to punishment after Parliament (if not then) as the King threatens in his Letter; which carried such a Ter∣ror and over-awing with it, that they resolved to give over all business, left they should offend. Which the King hearing of, writes again to his Secretary, Calvert, and the Speaker, to take off the edge of those sharp expressions he used in his Letters, thinking to cool the heat among them.

But before this heat was in the House of Commons,* 11.12 the Lords began to consider how cheap they were made by the multi∣tude of Irish, and Scotch Earls and Viscounts, the King had ac∣cumulated, not the Natives of those Kingdoms, but private

English Gentlemen, who had procured, and assumed those Ti∣tles, to perch above the English Baronry, to their great regret and dishonour. And after some debate, and canvassing in it, they resolved, That though they could not debar the King from making such swarms of Nobles with Outlandish Titles, yet they would let him know what prejudice it was to them, and if it produced no other good effect, the King might at least see they took offence, and were not well pleased with it, which made them present him with this Petition, thus Subsigned.

The Humble Petition of the Nobility of England.

THat whereas your Majesty at the importunity of some natural Subjects of this Realm of England,* 12.1 hath been pleased to confer upon them, Honours, Titles, and Dignities, peculiar to other your Majestie's Dominions, by which all the Nobility of this Realm, ei∣ther in themselves, their Children or both, find they are prejudiced. Our humble desire is, that with your gracious allowance, we may chal∣lenge, and preserve our Birth-rights, And that we may take no more notice of these Titulars to our Prejudice, than the Law of this Land doth, but that we may be excused, if in civil courtesie, we give them not the respect or place, as to Noblemen strangers, seeing that these being our Country Men, born and inheritanced under our Laws, their families and abode among us, have yet procured their Translation in∣to foreign names, only to our injury.

But in this address to your Sacred Majesty, it is far from Us to meddle with, much less to limit, or interpret the Power of your So∣veraignty, knowing that your Majesty (being the Root whence all Honour receives Sap, under what Title soever) may collate what you please, upon whom, when, and how you please; Wherefore in all humbleness We present this to your gracious view, confident of your Majesties equal favour herein.

• 1. Oxford.
• 2. Huntington.
• 3. Essex.
• 4. Lincoln.
• 5. Dorset.
• 6. Salisbury.
• 7. Warwick.
• 8. Abergavenie.
• 9. Dacres.
• 10. Darcie.
• 11. Stafford.
• 12. Willoughbie.
• 13. Sheffeild.
• 14. Windsor.
• 15. Gray.
• 16. Wentworth.
• 17. Mordant.
• 18. Scroop.
• 19. Cromwell.
• 20. Sturton.
• 21. Howard.
• 22. St. Iohn.
• 23. Paget.
• 24. Russell.
• 25. Gerrard.
• 26. Dudley.
• 27. Hunsdon.
• 28. Denny.
• 29. Spencer.
• 30. Haughton.
• 31. Stanhope.
• 32. Say.
• 33. Noell.

Thus we see the Errors of Princes,* 12.2 are sometimes put into the Scale, and they bring with them so much trouble and vexa∣tion

that they often weigh down their Glory and Happiness; for no man can feel the load and burthen of it, but he that wears a Crown. The King was conscious to himself that he had done these Noblemen injury, especially the Barons, to ad∣vance their inferiours above them, for a little profit either to himself or his Courtiers. And if he had not heard of this Pe∣tition before, such a Troop of attendance together might have startled him, but being prepared for it, he mustered up his Spirits, thinking it too great an abasement for Majesty to stoop at their Summons, being so publick an Action; or to lesson or recall what he had done. Yet he was troubled, not knowing what quarrels the strife for place and precedency might produce; or what ill blood the discontent of so many of the No∣bility at one time might ingender: Therefore he sent for them all, or the most eminent and leading men of them, some days after, and expostulated the business with them, one by one, in private, knowing he could deal best with them so, beginning with some of them roughly, yet still he closed with them at last, his anger being (as it were) raised to make them humble, and recon∣cile themselves to him, that he might the better recon∣cile himself to them. And to the Earl of Essex he vented this Expression, I fear thee not Essex, if thou wert as well beloved as thy father, and hadst forty thousand men at thy heels. Which words he uttered as if he had chid himself that they made an escape from him. And though this Petition did not derogate from the Dignity of those creations past, yet the King willingly restrained himself for the time to come.

But the House of Commons found the King's Letters to entangle the way rather than make a free passage to their Liberties,* 12.3 for that which was their birth-right would now come to be deri∣ved from his Ancestors. And for all the King's finenesses they thought Religion very un secure: for as long as the bent of his Affections tended to the Spanish match, there must needs be a wide Gap open as an inlet to Popery; and if it may be made Treason for his Parliament to advise him from it, they saw but a very small door left open to liberty. But whatsoever befell them, they resolved to leave to posterity some prints and footsteps of their Parliamentary Rights and Privileges, left them by their great Ancestors, that though they could not preserve them intire, those that succeed them might at least find some Reliques, and ruins of what they had; Which made them make this Protestation re∣corded in their Iournal Book, 19. Dec. 1621.

THe Commons now Assembled in Parliament,* 12.4 being justly occasioned thereunto, concerning sundry Liberties, Fran∣chises, and Privileges of Parliament, among others here mentioned, do make this Protestation following. That the Liberties, Franchises,

Privileges, and Iurisdictions of Parliament, are the ancient and un∣doubted Birth-right, and inheritance of the Subjects of England, And that the arduous and urgent affairs concerning the King, State, and defence of the Realm, and of the Church of England, and the Maintenance, and making of Laws, and redress of Mischiefs and grievances, which daily happen within this Realm, are proper Subjects, and matter of Counsel, and debate in Parliament. And that in the handling and proceeding of those businesses, every Member of Parliament hath, and of right ought to have freedom of Speech, to propound, treat, reason, and bring to Conclusion the same. And that the Commons in Parliament have likewise liberty, and free∣dom to treat of these Matters, in such order as in their judgments shall seem fittest. And that every Member of the said House hath like Freedom, from all impeachment, imprisonment, and Molestation, (other then by censure of the house it self) for, or concerning any speak∣ing, reasoning, or declaring of any matter or matters, touching the Parliament, or Parliament business. And that if any of the said Members be complained of, and questioned for any thing done, or said in Parliament, the same is to be shewed to the King, by the advice and assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament, before the King give credence to any private information.

The King was again Alarum'd by this Protestation,* 12.5 and he that naturally loved Peace, both at home and abroad, found a loud War in his own Breast, which indeed was in effect raised by himself, for no wisdom could resolve the Intricacies of his Resolutions but his own; for he would have a War with the Emperor in Contemplation, and a Treaty with the King of Spain in Action, both at one time, who were (as it were) one person; and because the Parliament, like wise Mathematicians, would use the Practical part as well as the Theory, he was en∣raged against them, and his Prerogative stept in as a stickler, and broke out like an Exhalation, in thundring, and terror, to the Astonishment, and fear of his people, which made them shrowd themselves from those storms, by creeping under the Shelter of their Native liberties. And now the King flies from his hot and intemperate Region, to soom cool Considerations. If he should yield by Silence, or Connivence to this Protestation, it would remain as an impregnable Bulwark for the people to Posterity. And what is this terrible thing? their just Liberties. If he should oppose it with Rigor, it might produce such an in∣testine Division at home, as with all industry he strove to pre∣vent abroad. Break the Treaty with Spain he would not, his Heart was too much set upon it, for he could find no Protestant Princess good enough, the high and elated Extraction of Kings, will raise the people up to a kind of Adoration (as the old Hea∣thens did the Race of their Gods and Heroes.) Whereas true Hone∣sty

and piety, finds out such matches as may as well bring Glory to God as to man, not worldly Blessings only, but heavenly also. Lose the love of the people he was loth, for he thought his peace∣able Reign gained upon them, and that no King had ever deserv∣ed better of a People than he. But Peace is a kind of Soft Rayment, or Masking-dress, not always to be worn; Standing lakes beget Corruption. The Pool of Bethesda had no Virtue till it was stirred. War is necessary as Physick for unsound Bodies. Iustum id bellum quibus necessarium.

When the King had weighed every particular scruple,* 12.6 by the Ballance of his own Reason, and Councel about him, he took a Resolution to dissolve the Parliament; which he did, by Procla∣mation the sixth of Ianuary, being fifteen days after the Protesta∣tion was made, so much time he measured out by the Scale of consideration, before he would pull down such a Structure of Love as never was built by the people for any of his Predecessors, which he implies in his Proclamation▪ laying there all the blame upon the House of Commons, and not on them in general, but on some ill-tempered Spirits (as he called them) that sowed Tares among the Corn, and frustrated the Hopes of a plentiful Harvest. Striv∣ing by these imputations to take away the Odium, that such a Dissolution might produce.

The Parliament (and consequently the Union between the King and People) being thus dissolved,* 12.7 every man's tongue is let loose to run Riot. And though the King loved Hunting above all other exercises, and had many good Hunters about him, yet all those, and the Strength of a Proclamation (put out to forbid talking of State Affairs) could not restrain them from mouth∣ing out: That Great Britain was become less than little Eng∣land; that they had lost strength by changing Sexes, and that he was no King but a Fidler's Son, otherwise he would not suffer such disorders at home, and so much dishonour abroad. So dangerous it is for Princes by a stegmatick remisseness, to slacken the ligaments of the peoples tongues, for such an overflux of bad Humor may bring their obedience to a Paralytick! And the Story of David Ricius written by the King's own Tutor, Buchanan, had died in every English Opinion, if it had not had a new Impression by these miscarriages.

And they say further,* 12.8 why should he assume to himself the Title of Defender of the Faith, that suffers the Protestants of Ger∣many and France, to be extirpated. That he might almost have purchased such a Country as the Palatinate, with the Money spent on Ambassages; And that his promising the French Pro∣testants assistance (by their Agents that interceeded for them) made them the more resolute, and confident to their Ruine: So that they might well call England, the Land of Promise. And all that he got by his lip-labour assistance from the French King,

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Edward Herbert Lord Herbert of Castle ••Land and Lord H••rbert of C••••erbery in England

was, that his Ambassador Sir Edward Herbert was snapt up by Luynes the young Constable and favorite there; With what hath your Master to do with us and our business? Whereas the English Fleets the glory of the World (if imployed) would have taught the French pride to know that a looker on sees more than the Gamester, and he that strikes with passion will many times thank them that take him off by friendly admonition; such discourses as these flew up and down from lip to lip, that it was almost Treason to hear, much more to speak.

The Earl of Oxford was betrayed,* 12.9 and accused by one White a Papist, (who was vulgarly called after in derision, by the Name of Oxford-White) to have spoken some words to the Dishonour of the King, and disparagement of his Government, and was committed to the Tower. The Earl of Southampton was also committed to the Dean of Westminster. Oxford lay by it a great while, and being an Active man, the King sent him at last to Sea, to be one of Buckingham's Vice-Admirals for the Eng∣lish Coast, while Sir Robert Mansell guarded the Coasts of Spain from being infested with the Turks of Algier,* 12.10 and Sally. Sir Ed∣ward Cook that was looked upon as one of the great incen∣diaries in the House of Commons is put from the Council Table with disgrace. The King saying, he was the fittest instrument for a Tyrant that ever was in England. And yet in the House he called the King's Prerogative, a great Over-grown Monster. And how can these agree. Unless because the King would not take his counsel, he hanged himself on the other side. But whether the King had cause to say the one I know not, but he (it seems) found cause enough to say the other.

Sir Thomas Crew,* 12.11 Sir Dudly Digges, Sir Nathaniel Rich, and Sir Iames Perrot, men of great Repute, and knowledge, active in the House, were sent into Ireland, and joyned with others in com∣mission, to inquire into Misdemeanors committed there, but (it was thought) as a punishment for what they had committed here, for they were long detained from their own occasions, under the colour of an honorable imployment; And Sir Peter Hammon of Kent and others, were sent into the Palatinate. This kind of punishment beginning now to be in fashion, and not long after this, Sir Iohn Savile, the Knight of York-shire, that carried all the Country at a Beck, and a powerful Man in the House, is taken off by the King, made Comptroler of his House∣hold, a Privy Councellor, and not long after a Baron, so the King found out two ways of silencing those that were able to do him mischief. Active Spirits that come too near him, must either come nearer to him, or be sent further from him, which he doubts not will take off the edge, and bate the sharpness of the Humor another time. And these preferments and pu∣nishments were also practised by his successor with this Experi∣ment

in both, that the most popular men, as soon as they wore the Court Livery, lost the love of the people; but those that suffered for them, were the more beloved and admired by them. The Commons of England having more than an ordinary Genius to support and strengthen the pillars of their Liberties.

And as these Troubles bred disturbance at home,* 12.12 so they be∣got discredit abroad, for now (by this Breach) they under∣valued the King's power as much as they did before his Spirit: yea, even in the King of Spain's own Towns (whilst this belo∣ved Treaty was in heat) they in their Comedies presented Mes∣sengers bringing News in haste, That the Palatinate was like to have a very formidable Army shortly on foot: For the King of Denmark would furnish him with a hundred thousand picked Herrings, the Hollanders with a hundred thousand Butter∣boxes, and England with a hundred thousand Ambassadors. And they picture the King in one place with a Scabberd without a Sword. In another place with a Sword that no body could draw out, though divers stand pulling at it. At Bruxels they painted him with his pockets hanging out, and never a penny in them, nor in his purse, turned upside down. In Antwer•• they pictured the Queen of Bohemia like a poor Irish Mantler, with her hair hanging about her ears, and her child at her back, with the King her father carrying the Cradle after her; and every one of these Pictures had several Motto's expressing their Malice. Such Scorns and Contempts were put upon the King, and in him on the Whole Nation.

And now the Treaty goes on amain. The Lord Digby is sent into Spain extraordinary Ambassador. To relate the manner of whose entertainment after his arrival there, it may not be impertinent: for by it may be discovered the Course-grain of Spanish civility, and how much our Ambassador went against the hair then, though happily the way may be smother now.

He landed at St. Andero in Biscay, a poor Maritime Town, where the people for the most part go all barefoot: and there his Lordship had the patience to stay a Fortnight expe∣cting the Court civilities, which were then upon remove from Madrid to Lerma (being part of the way to St. Andero) with∣out any intention to meet his Lordship. When his expecta∣tions were tired with attending their Formalities, he sent his Secretary, Simon Digby, to Madrid, to be a Solicitor to the Duke of Lerma (who then bore the sway) that he might have his first Audience at Lerma. And after some waiting time (though he had Our King's Agent, Mr. Cottington, for his Assistant) he was returned with a Spanish shrug, That the King would by no means admit of his desire, because he knew the Ambassador came about business, and he went to Lerma only for pleasure.

This was a Rub in his Lordship's way, and being impatient till it were removed, he sent again to Court a second Petition, which was to be presented with all the power Cottington could make, and his importunity got the upper hand of the Spanish Resolu∣tion (though much against their minds) that he might come to Lerma; for which his Lordship was so elevated in his spirits, that he pleased himself in an endeavouring way to express, That the King of Spain would not have done this favour to any Am∣bassador, but the King of England's; nor to any that our King should have sent, but himself. And it may be partly true, for none (it is hoped) would have begg'd it so shamefully as he did; for there was no business to be expected; that must be turned into feasting and jollity; and if he had not hunted after the King of Spain for the favour, they would have let Don Iuvan, (as they called him) dance attendance at Madrid till all their Sports at Lerma had been finished. For all his Train (many of them Knights, and Gentlemen, of good quality), murmured to see him so sleighted by the Spaniard; that being known to be a whole month in the Countrey, he had not the least message or civility from the Court; which extraordinary miscarriage, would have put any but an Extraordinary Ambassador out of countenance. But his Lordship made Bonne mine, and pleased himself with the great favours he should receive at Lerma, and so came forward to Burgos, which is within twenty English miles of Lerma: And though the Court had been a Fortnight at Lerma, yet there was no more news of his Reception at Bur∣gos, than if he had been still at St. Andero.

And now his Lordship fearing they would wholly neglect him, thought it his best course to send Cottington (who met him at Burgos) to Lerma, to learn what their pleasure was to do with him; who returning brought word, that the next day he should have advice what Order would be taken. And accordingly one of the Duke of Lerma's Secretaries sent a poor fellow with a Letter, that the next day (being Sunday) there should be two Coaches sent, to bring his Lordship on Tuesday following to Villa Manza (a Village a mile short of Lerma) where his Lodgings should be ready, and the King's Harbingers attending to prepare all things with Diligence. This gave new life to his Lordship's spirits; the Coaches came according to the time, and to Villa Manza they went, every man furnished in his best accoutrements, hoping to see the Count that night: But they only found a pitiful, poor, ragged Village; where enquiring for the Lord Ambassador's house, the honest Country people told them, surely they were mistaken, they knew of no house, nor Harbinger, nor what they meant; being as much amazed at the strange questions of the English, as they had cause to be at their strange Entertainment.

The English romed up and down the Town, and could dis∣cover no house fit for the Ambassador to go into, so that he was forced to sit in the Coach, and sent Walsingham Greisley in all haste to Lerma, to know how he should be disposed of: Greisley returned, and told the Ambassador, They were all so busie in seeing a Play, that he could not come to speak with any man that understood any thing relating to his Lordship. Which so distracted him, that he began to doubt whether Villa Manza were the place, and it begot a new Scrutiny, but the Scruple was quickly removed, by finding Villa Manza in the Letter, in very legible characters. And now he could no lon∣ger dissemble like an Ambassador, but supplying with impa∣tience what he wanted in Authority, commanded the Coach∣men in a very hasty manner to drive back to Burgos, which they very punctually refused; whereupon his Lordship leapt out of the Coach, and in a great Choller mounted on Horse∣back, crying to his Company, Away. The Coachmen seeing him resolute, and fearing to lose their Reward, told his Lordship, They would venture a Chiding to do him service, which dismounted him again, and he entered the Coach; but before the wheels turned about, his mind changed, and by some little whispering advice of Cottington's he now deter∣mined to tarry there all night: So that after sitting still four hours in a Coach, he made a worse choice, entring into a poor Cottage, where bare walls, and want of such sitting fur∣niture as helps Nature's weariness, might tell his Lordship that the Commons of England stand on a better foundation than wooden shoes. Yet the Owner of this house welcomed his Lordship with as much gravity as if it had been a well provi∣ded Castle; so that there was little pleasure to be taken to hear one so over-furnished with words, that had such empty rooms.

But now news was brought that a Harbinger was come, who said there was a house, and all things provided, so that his Lordship composed his countenance as well as he could upon such a sudden warning, and commanded the Harbinger to be brought to him; who excusing himself for not com∣ing time enough to attend his Lordship, said, He was glad to see his Lordship had lighted upon the right House. My Lord something dashed with the ill accommodation, asked him, How he knew it to be the right house? he answered, That himself and one of his fellows had been there the day before to be speak it. The Master of the House being questioned about it (having formerly denied it) made good his first assertion, denying there was any body at his House: Which put his Lordship into such a fit of Anger, that he threatned to throw the Harbinger out at the window for lying. The man affrigh∣ted,

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Francis Cottington Lord Cottington of Hannorth M^r of the Court of Wards Chancellour of the Exchequer

quickly got down the stairs, leaving his Lordship to his shifts, and he and his train that night were but slenderly pro∣vided for.

The next morning Cottington went to Court betimes, where he spake with the Duke of Lerma, representing to him the disorder that had been at Villa manza, whereat the Duke seemed highly offended with the Officers; and as he was in his heat, in comes the Harbinger, who being questioned for this miscarriage, told the Duke (before Cottington's face) that the Ambassador expected two or three Grandees should be sent to receive him, which failing in, he grew so cholerick, that when he came to do his service, he threatned to throw him out at the Window. The Duke perhaps glad of the occasion, gave (by way of Diversion) good ear to the fellow's words, and putting on the severest Countenance, told Cottington, He did not think that so great a Councellor as Don Iuan, would have so miscarried with passion, as to menace, and affront the King's Officer in that manner. So that Cottington's business was quite perverted: for whereas he came to complain of the wrongs his Lordship had received, he was now driven to excuse the Error he had committed. So that the Duke of Lerma left him in his old House a day or two, to consider well of it, and then the Conde de Salazar, one of the King's Major Domos, was sent to accompany him to the Court. These were the Glories of the Spanish entertainments, the Honour they gave the English, and the ground work of that Union betwixt the Nations; whereon they built up some great formalities, which (like Royal shadows) vanished in the end and came to nothing.

As the Lord Digby is sent into Spain, to smooth the way over the Pyrene, so Gage is sent to Rome to make the Alpes ac∣cessible; for the Dispensation must be had from thence for the Marriage. That Man of sin is the Primum mobile, he turns about all inferiour Orbs at his pleasure, usurping a Terrene Deity, and holds it by the chains of conscience, even now, when the light of Learning and Knowledge, with a marvelous influence shines over the Christian World. At home the Prisons are set open, Priests and Iesuits walk about at noon day to deceive. And Gondemar vaunts of four thousand Recusants that his in∣tercession had released: either to make his service the more acceptable to his Master, or to let him see how willing Our King is to do any thing to advance that Match that they never intend. Who is not so nice, but that he can stay for a Dispen∣sation from Rome, to expedite which, he writes to some of the activest Cardinals there, and receives answers from them,* 12.13 by Gage his Agent, full of alluring Hopes. And that he might give some more publick Testimony of his indulgence, He com∣mands Dr. Williams Bishop of Lincoln, then Lord Keeper of the

great Seal of England,* 12.14 to pass Writs under the great Seal, to require the Iudges of every Circuit, to enlarge all such Papists as were imprisoned for Recusancy.* 12.15 Whereupon the Lord Keeper issued out these Writs, and to let the Iudges see how well he was pleased with this command, he Corroborates their Autho∣rity with this Letter, signed with his own hand.

AFter my hearty commendations to you:* 13.1 His Majesty having re∣solved (out of deep reasons of State, and in expectations of like Correspondence from foreign Princes, to the Professors of our Religion) to grant some Grace, and Connivence, to the impri∣soned Papists of this Kingdom, hath commanded me to pass some Writs under the broad Seal to that purpose: Requiring the Judges of every Circuit to enlarge the said Prisoners according to the tenor and effect of the same. I am to give you to understand (from his Majesty) how his Majestie's Royal pleasure is, that upon Receipt of these Writs, you shall make no niceness, or difficulty to extend that his Princely favour to all such Papists as you shall find prisoners in the Goals of your Circuits, for any Church Recu∣sancy whatsoever, or refusing the Oath of Supremacy, or disper∣sing Popish Books, or hearing, saying of Mass, or any other point of Recusancy, which doth touch or concern Religion only, and not Matters of State.

And so I bid you farewel.Your loving friend, JO. LINCOLN.

Westminster Coll. 2 Aug. 1622.

This Bishop succeeded the Lord Verulam,* 13.2 not as Chancellor, but Keeper of the great Seal, he having been by Buckingham's means made Dean of Westminster, and Bishop of Lincoln, upon Neils remove to Durham, and for a long time had very gracious acceptance with the Countess of Buckingham, who was a great means to smooth his passage to all these places, and the Marquess her Son was the rather induced to it, because he was his creature, and could mould him (as he thought) to serve his own turn; though when he had sifted and tried him, he found some Pharisaical leaven in him, and afterwards in the next King's Reign threw him by. For though he were composed of many grains of good Learning, yet the Height of his Spirit (I will not say Pride) made him odious even to those that raised him; happily because they could not attain to those Ends by him, that they requi∣red of him: For great and good Officers ought to be just to their own principles, and not deviate from them for any wordly Respects.

But being of a comly and stately Presence, and that anima∣ted with a great Mind, made him appear very proud to the Vulgar Eye, but that very temper raised him to aim at great

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William Arch-B: of Canterbury Primate of all England etc.

things, which he effected, for the old ruinous Body of the Abby Church at Westminster was new clothed by him; The fair and beautiful Library of St. Iohn's in Cambridge, was a Pile of his Ere∣ction; and a very compleat Chappel built by him at Lincoln-College in Oxford, meerly for the name of Lincoln, having no interest in, nor relation to that University. These were Argu∣ments of a great Mind, how far from Ostentation in this frail Body of Flesh, cannot be determined, because the Benefit of pub∣lick Actions, smooths every stone that makes up the building.

But that which heightned him most in the Opinion of those that knew him best, was his bountiful Mind to Men in Want, being a great Patron to support, where there was Merit that wanted supply. Among the rest Monsieur de Molin, a very famous Minister of France, (in the persecution there) driven into England for Refuge. The Bishop hearing of him, spoke to Doctor Hacket his Chaplain to make him a Visit from him. And because (saith he) I think the Man may be in Want, in a strange Country, carry him some Money, not naming the Sum, because he would sound the depths of his Chaplain's mind. Doctor Hacket finding the Bishop nominate no proportion, told him he could not give him less than twenty pound. I did demur upon the Sum (said the Bishop) to try you. Is twenty pound a fit gift for me to give a man of his parts and deserts? Take a hundred pounds, and present it from me, and tell him he shall not want, and I will come shortly and visit him my self. Which he after perfor∣med, and made good his Promise in supplying him during his abode in England.

But these great Actions were not publickly visible; those were more apparent that were looked on with an Envious, ra∣ther than an Emulous Eye. For the close and intimate Corre∣spondence, that was betwixt this Bishop and the old Countess, set many scurrilous tongues, and Pens a work, though he was (as I have been assured) Eunuchus ad Utero, which shews that nothing can prevent Malice, but such an innocence as it can∣not lay hold on. For it hath ever been accounted a crime, not to endeavour to prevent the voice of Calumny.

His breach with Land, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, and the disgraces put upon him by the Court, will not fall in here, nor his closing again, and Strugling when he saw the Axe laid to the Root of Episcopacy. But by this man's Actions (as in a Mirror) may be seen that a great Estate, which (besides his bounty) his places procured him, is a liquorish Temptation, to make a man Proteus-like vary from one shape to another, and to shape no di∣rect course, but to go still as the wind blows.

Not long before this, that Reverend Prelate, George Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, a man of a holy and unblamable life (med∣ling

with edged Tools that he used not to handle in his Stu∣dy) by a sad accident killed a keeper with a forked arrow as he was shooting at a Dear. This was a great perplexity to the good man, and a heavy Knell to his Aged Spirit, which he pe∣titioned the King might ring a Requiem to his retired thoughts,* 13.3 at Guildford, his place of Birth, where he had built a very Mu∣nificent Alms-house, for poor people, and where he went to bring his Spirit under, to make it more blessed than the Glories of the World can contribute to it. There were very many willing to have him retire to his rest, that gaped after his Dig∣nity more than desert, and though Doctor Laud was but newly initiated into his Bishoprick of St. David's (by other hands, because those of the Arch-Bishop were tinctured with blood, as he saith himself) yet his enmity was not small against him, for being a means to let the King know; he was reputed a Papist in Oxford, and a dangerous turbulent Spirit. But the King granted out a Commission to enquire whether casual Homicide did make the Arch-Bishop irregular? And in the Disquisition of it, he found many friends that restored him from his Alms-house to his Palace. But this he did, and would have done in either condition. The widow of the man that fell by him was raised by him, and she and her children (as may be said) built a com∣modious being upon his grave.

* 13.4The King's mercy and indulgence extending towards the Papists, taught many men to come as near Popery as they could stretch, finding it the next way to preferment, so that Armi∣nius's Tenets flew up and down from Pulpit to Pulpit, that indeed preaching was nothing but declamation, little tending to Edifi∣cation (such Orthodox Ministers, as strove to refute these erro∣nious Opinions being looked on as Puritans, and Antimonar∣chical) which continual rubbing one against another, begot so much heat, as might have turned into a flame not easie to be quenched. And the King had daily information how the Pulpits rung against the Spanish match. So that to settle these extrava∣gancies, he directs his Letters to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in this manner for Regulating of the Ministery.

* 13.5

MOst Reverend Father in God, right trusty and intirely beloved Councellor, we greet you well.

For as much as the abuses and extravagancies of preachers in the Pulpit have been in all Times expressed in this Realm, by some Act of Councel, or State, with the advice and Resolution, of grave and learned Pre∣lates: Insomuch, that the very licensing of Preachers, had begin∣ning by an Order of Star-Chamber, the eighth day of July, in the nineteenth year of the Reign of King Henry the eighth, our Noble Predecessor; And whereas at this present, divers young Students, by reading of late Writers, and ungrounded Divines, do broach

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D^r. GEORGE ABBOT, Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, &c.

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many times unprofitable, unsound, seditious, and dangerous Doctrines to the scandal of the Church, and disquiet of the State, and present Government. We upon humble representations unto us of these in∣conveniences by your self, and sundry other grave and reverend Prelates of this Church; as also, of Our Princely care and Zeal for the extirpation of Schism, and dissention, growing from these seeds, and for the setling of a Religious, and Peaceable Government, both in Church, and Commonwealth, do by these Our special letters, straitly charge and command you, to use all possible Care, and Dili∣gence, that these Limitations, and Cautions, herewith sent unto you concerning Preachers, be duly, and strictly, from henceforth put in practice and observed, by the several Bishops within your Juris∣diction. And to this end Our Pleasure is, that you send them forth∣with Copies of these Directions, to be by them speedily sent, and Communicated, unto every Parson, Vicar, Curate, Lecturer, and Minister in every Cathedral, or Parish Church, within their seve∣ral Diocess. And that you earnestly require them to imploy their utmost endeavours, in the performance of this so important a business, letting them know that We have a special Eye unto their Pro∣ceedings, and expect a strict account thereof, both from you, and eve∣ry of them: And these Our Letters shall be your sufficient Warrant, and discharge in that behalf.

Given under our Signet at our Castle of Windsor the 4. of August, in the twentieth year of Our Reign.

Directions concerning Preachers sent with the Letter.

1. THat no Preacher, under the Degree and calling of a Bishop, or Dean of a Cathedral, or Collegiate Church (and they upon the King's days, and set Festivals) do take Occasion (by the ex∣pounding of any Text of Scripture whatsoever,) to fall into any set discourse, or Common-place, otherwise than by opening the Cohe∣rence, and Division of the Text, which shall not be comprehended, and warranted, in Essence, Substance, Effect, or natural inference, within some one of the Articles of Religion, set forth 1562. Or in some of the Homilies set forth by Authority of the Church of Eng∣land. Not only for a help for the Non-preaching, but withal for a Pattern and Boundary (as it were) for the preaching Ministers. And for their further instructions for the performance hereof, that they forthwith, read over and peruse diligently the said Book of Arti∣cles, and the two books of Homilies.

2. That no Parson, Vicar, Curate, or Lecturer, shall preach any Sermon or Collation hereafter upon Sundays, and Holy∣days in the afternoon, in any Cathedral, or parish Church, throughout the Kingdom, but upon some part of the Catechism, or some Text taken out of the Creed, ten Commandments, or the Lords Prayer (Funeral Sermons only excepted) and that those Prea∣chers be most encouraged, and approved of, who spend the after∣noons

exercise, in the examination of children in their Catechism, which is the most ancient, and Laudable custom of teaching in the Church of England.

3. That no Preacher of what Title soever under the Degree of a Bishop, or Dean, at the least, do from Henceforth presume to preach in any Popular Auditory the deep points of Predestina∣tion, Election, Reprobation, or of the universality, efficacy, resisti∣bility, or irresistibility of God's Grace, but leave those Themes ra∣ther to be handled by the learned Men, and that moderately and Mo∣destly, by way of use and application, rather than by way of Positive, Doctrines, being fitter for the Schools then for simple Auditories.

4. That no Preacher of what Title or Denomination soever, from henceforth shall presume in any Auditory within this Kingdom to declare, limit, or bound out, by way of Positive Doctrine in any Lecture, or Sermon, the Power, Prerogative, and Jurisdiction, Authority, or Duty of Soveraign Princes, or otherwise meddle with Matters of State, and the differences between Princes, and the People, then as they are instructed, and Precedented in the Homi∣lies of Obedience, and the rest of the Homilies, and Articles of Religion, set forth (as before is mentioned) by publick Authority, but rather confine themselves wholly, to those two heads of Faith, and Good life, which are all the subject of the ancient Sermons, and Homilies.

5. That no Preacher of what Title or Denomination soever, shall presume causelesly; or (without invitation from the Text) fall int bitter invectives, and undecent railing speeches against the Persons of either Papists, or Puritans, but modestly, and gravely, when they are occasioned thereunto, by the Text of Scripture, free both the Do∣ctrine, and the Discipline of the Church of England, from the asper∣sions of either adversary; especially where the Auditory is Suspected to be tainted with the One, or the other infection.

6. Lastly, that the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops of the Kingdom (whom his Majesty hath good cause to blame for this former remiss∣ness) be more wary, and choice in their licensing of Preachers, and revoke all Grants made to any Chancellor, Official, or Commissary, to pass Licences in this kind. And that all the Lecturers through∣out the Kingdom of England (a new Body severed from the ancient Clergy, as being neither Parsons, Vicars, nor Curates) be licen∣sed henceforward in the Court of Faculties, but only, from a Recom∣mendation of the Party, from the Bishop of the Diocess under his hand and seal, with a Fiat from the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canter∣bury, a Confirmation under the great Seal of England. And that such as do transgress any one of these Directions, be suspended by the Bishop of the Diocess, or in his default by the Arch-Bishop of the Province, ab officio & beneficio, for a Year and a Day, un∣til his Majesty by the advice of the next Convocation, shall prescribe some further punishment.

The Directions the Archbishop recommended to his several Diocesans, that they might be put in execution with caution. And then may be observed that the King's affections tended to the peaceable comportment of his people, that both Papist and Puritan might have a quiet being;* 14.1 which preponderation of His puts them in Aequi-librio, nay, the Papist was in the prime Scale. But this new thing called a Lecturer, he could by no means endure, unless he past through all the Briers of his se∣veral Courts to the Broad Seal, which was a kind of pungent Ordeal Tryal, to which he must put his Teste me ipso, and then it was Orthodox; so that though Lecturers were not absolutely forbidden, yet the charge and trouble to come to it, made the way inaccessible. Preachers by an Order of Star-chamber in Hea∣ven were first licensed, with an Ite, praedicate, before Henry the Eighth's time; and certainly they have a great Seal from thence for what they do: Therefore it behoves them to take heed what they say, left that Spirit they receive Directions from bind them not up.

But this Animosity of the King's against Puritans,* 14.2 was thought to be fomented by the Papists, whose Agent Bishop Laud was suspected to be, though in Religion he had a Motley form by himself, and would never (as a Priest told me plainly in Flan∣ders) bring his neck under the obedience of the Roman Yoak, though he might stickle for the grandure of the Clergy. And now he began to be Buckingham's Confessor (as he expresseth in his own Notes) and wore the Court Livery, though the King had a sufficient character of him, and was pleased with Asseve∣ration to protest his incentive Spirit should be kept under, that the flame should not break out by any Preferment from him. But that was now forgotten, and he crept so into favour, that he was thought to be the Bellows that blew these Fires. For the Papists used all the Artifices they could to make a breach between the King and his People, that they might enter at the same for their own Ends: which to accomplish, they slily close with the chief ministers of State, to put the King upon all his Projects and Monopolies, displeasing to the people, that they might the more Alienate their Affections from him: Sow∣ing their seeds of Division also betwixt Puritan and Protestant; so that (like the second Commandment) they quite exclude the Protestant; For all those were Puritans with this high-grown-Arminian-popish party, that held in judgment the Doctrine of the Reformed Churches, or in practice live according to the Doctrine publickly taught in the Church of England. And they attribute the name of Protestant,

1. To such Papists as either out of policy, or by popish in∣dulgence, hold outward Communion with the Church of Eng∣land.

2. To such Protestants, as were either tainted with, or incli∣nable to their opinions.

3. To indifferent Men, who imbrace always that Religion that shall be commanded by Authority. Or,

4. To such Neutrals as care for no Religion, but such as stands with their own liking: so that they allow the Church of England the Refuse both of their Religion, and Ours.

Then they strive to make a Division of Regians and Republi∣cans;* 14.3 The Regians are the great Dependents upon the Crown, both in Church and State, who swell up the Prerogative, preach∣ing and distilling into the King, the Almightiness of his power. That all that the People hath is the King's, and that it is by his mercy they have a bare empty Being. And this hoisting up of the King they knew would stir up the Republicans to oppose him in his Designs, by which they pinch (as the King thinks) his Prerogative; feeding a strife, betwixt Law and Prerogative, whereby they escape the Dint of both, and hope the fire they kindle will break out at last to consume their Adversaries. That these things were acted and fomented by Papists, was very probable, for they were great Sticklers about the Court and Council-Table. But it was too apparent that some of the Clergy (to make their way the smoother to their wished end) began so to adore the King, that he could not be named but more reverence was done to it than to the Name of God▪ And the Iudges in their itinerant Circuits (the more to enslave the people to Obedience) being to speak of the King, would give him such Sacred and Oraculous Titles, as if their advancement to higher places, must necessarily be laid upon the foundation of the peoples debasement.

On the other side: The well affected to Religion (that knew no other inclination than the Dictates of their own Reason, ex∣periences of former times, and the constant practices of the Romanists for propagating their own designs) did by their writings and discourses, strive to warm the King's cold tem∣per, and put fresh spirits into his chilled veins; shewing the Tyranny of the incroaching Monarchy of the House of Austria (who was Rome's great Factor) and how just and secure the op∣posing of such a growing power will be; That no Sword is so sharp, nor Arm's so strong, as those that are cemented with true Religion. The security of Conscience, grounded upon the Word of Truth, being not only a Bulwark to defend, but the best En∣gin to oppose Idolatry and Ambition. Thus stood the Kingdom divided in it self.

But as the King strove (after this Rupture betwixt him and the Parliament) to settle things at home,* 14.4 and keep his people in obedience, so he was as active abroad to keep up his own Reputation: For he made a full account to salve up all these mis∣carriages,

by the intended Match with Spain, that his people might see he could discern further into the intrinsical mat∣ters of State than they, and so make the Error theirs. There∣fore he plied it by his Ambassadors and Agents, and all indul∣gences to Recusants were admitted to sweeten their Addresses. The Lord Vaux, a Papist, had freedom to transport four thou∣sand English, to reinforce the King of Spain's Armies, both against our King's Confederates of Holland (under whose prote∣ction his banished Children had refuge) and against their Country it self the Palatinate, which the King so much endeavoured to preserve.

The Articles of Marriage had taken up much time in debate,* 14.5 between the Commissioners of the two Kings, before they could be brought to any form, and the principal Articles (that con∣cerned Religion) had many various shapes put upon them, till they were drest to their minds: And when they were fitted and fashioned by them, the Pope stript them naked, and put upon them what Garment they pleased; He hath his Index expurga∣torius in every thing. And to dead our King's hopes, the Pope urges, Quod Ecclesiastici nullis legibus subjaceant, nisi sourum superi∣orum Ecclesiasticorum, That the Ecclesiasticks should be subject to no Laws, but what they brought along with them, which gave liberty to do what they pleased, and to be punished for their ill doing how they pleased.* 14.6 That the children of the Infanta might be brought up in the Popish Religion, Usque ad Annos nubiles, till it be well rooted in them. And that she might have a pub∣lick Church in the City for all comers, besides her Chappel in the Court, which extended to little less than an open Toleration. Some other Rubs the Pope threw in the way, which the King stumbled at, not being in the Articles treated on betwixt him and the King of Spain, which He insists on to that King, disclaims any Treaty with the Pope, though his Agent Gage made daily ad∣dresses to him, by Cardinal Bandino with whom Our King held correspondence. And He requires the Lord Digby in Spain to press that King to a final Resolution, that he might provide some other Match for his Son, if this should not succeed: For (saith He) We have in a manner already done that which is desired, as all the Roman Catholicks have found; which if the Pope had known, it is to be presumed, he would not so much have insisted upon these points. And the sending, and resending, betwixt Spain and Rome, and Rome and Spain spends time, and may serve for a colour to draw the Treaty in infinitum. But yet willing he was to have some Anchor-hold for his hopes; for in the same Letter, he saith, Never∣theless if you find it a thing impossible for them to resolve without a re∣ply to Rome,* 14.7 and that they do earnestly desire it; We are contented that you shall yield them two months time, after your Audience, and longer we cannot expect.

These Resolutions were sent Post into Spain, inclosed in this following Letter, which is very necessary to be inserted here, though taken from Mr. Prin's Collection, who had this and others among the Lord Cottington's Papers (a great Agent after∣wards in the Spanish Affairs) and are the bitter Kernel, pre∣served by Cottington, when the Shell of the Treaty was broken.

RIght Trusty,

* 15.1 &c. Your dispatch of the ninth of August gave Us so much Contentment, and so great Hopes of Satisfa∣ction, in all those Business, which you have there to Treat with that King, as we could not expect any further Difficulties; Notwith∣standing by that which hath come to Our hands immediately after, as well by George Gage from Rome, as by our Ambassador, Sir Richard Weston at Bruxels, and Our Ministers in the Palati∣nate; We find that neither the Dispensation is granted for the Match, nor the Treaty of Cessation so near a conclusion, as We conceived it would have been, now that the Auxiliaries and all other Obstacles are removed. But on the contrary side, that new delays and excuses are invented, Our Garisons in the Palatinate in the mean time blocked up, Heidelburg it self Actually besieged. Which pro∣ceeding, though Our Ambassador hath expostulated with the Infan∣ta and the Commissioners, as injurious to Us, and ill beseeming their Professions hitherto, yet is there not that readiness shewed to give Us such contentment therein as We might justly expect, but Answers still protracted, and put off, for advantage; whilst Our Forces there remain in great Distress, and the Town and Castle of Heidelburg likely in a few Daies to be lost, for it cannot hold out long, as We are informed. This dealing seems the more strange unto Us, for that the late Dispatch of the King of Spain was (be∣fore the news of the Siege, and that Our Ambassador had pro∣pounded any thing concerning it) come unto the Infanta.* 15.2 But be∣cause you shall be particularly informed of the whole carriage of the business. We have given order that copies shall be sent you of all the Dispatch, and then you shall see how these proceedings agree with the Hopes and Promises which are given Us from thence.

Hereupon therefore Our pleasure is, That you shall immediately and with as much speed as you may, crave Audience of that King, and represent unto him the merit which We may justly challenge unto Our self, for Our sincere proceedings with the Emperor, and Him, in all the course of this business, notwithstanding the many invitations and temptations, which We have had, to engage Our self on Our Son-in-law's part. That We have had both from the Emperor and him hopes given Us from time to time, of extraor∣dinary Respect, howsoever Our Son-in-law had deserved▪ which We have attended, and expected even to the very last with much Patience, and in despight (as it were) of all the opposition that hath

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All flesh is grass, the best men vanity; This but a shadow, here before thine eye, Of him, whose wondrous changes clearly show, That GOD, not men, swayes all things here below.

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been made to shake our Resolution in that behalf. If now when all impediments are removed, and that the way is so prepared, as that the Emperor may give an end unto the War, and make some pre∣sent demonstration of his Respects towards us, in leaving Us the Ho∣nour of holding those poor places, which yet remain quietly, and peaceably, until the general accommodation, the same shall neverthe∣less be violently taken from Us, what can We look for when the whole shall be in his hands and possession? who amusing Us with a Treaty of Cessation, and protracting it industriously (as We have reason to believe) doth in the mean time seize himself of the whole Coun∣try; which being done, Our Ambassador shall return with Scorn, and We remain with Dishonour.

I shall not need to furnish you with Arguments for the unfolding and laying open this unfriendly Dealing more plainly unto them; your own Reason and observation will find enough out of the Dis∣patches, whereof Copies are sent unto you; as namely, the withdrawing of the Spanish forces, and leaving the business wholly in the hands of the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria; The Style of the Infanta in answering Our Ambassador with Recriminations,* 15.3 which was not her manner heretofore; The sleight and frivolous answer given by the Marquess of Bedmar unto Our Ambassador, when he acquaint∣ed him with the Siege of Heidelburg: The quarrellous occasion taken by the Emperor for calling the Diet at Ratisbone, contrary to his own promise, which in his dispatch to Us he confesseth to have broken, as you will see by the Copy. All which, and many more, which your own judgment (in the perusal of the Dispatches) will suggest unto you do minister unto Us cause sufficient of jealousie on the Em∣peror's part, as you shall plainly tell that King, although We will not do him that wrong as to mistrust, that He gives the least consent to it. In this confidence, with much earnestness, We shall still solicit him, that for the affection he bears us, and the desire which We suppose he hath, that there may continue for ever a perfect Amity betwixt Us, and the whole House of Austria, he will not cease to do all good Offi∣ces herein; letting him know directly, that in these terms We cannot stand with the Emperor, but that if Heidelburg be won, or the Siege continue, or the Cessation be long unnecessarily delayed, We must recall Our Ambassador from Bruxels, and treat no more, as We have already given order, hoping that whatsoever unkindness We shall conceive against the Emperor upon these occasions, it shall not be interpreted to reflect in any sort upon the entire affection that is at this present, and as We hope shall always continue betwixt Us and the Crown of Spain. And therefore as we have heretofore sundry times promised, in testimony of the sincerity of Our proceedings, and of Our great Desire to preserve the Amity inviolable, between Us, and the whole House of Austria; That in case Our Son-in-law would not be governed by Us, that then we would not only forsake him, but take part, and joyn Our forces with the Emperor

against him so you may fairly represent unto that King,* 15.4 that in like manner, we have Reason to expect the same Measure from him, that (upon the Emperor's averseness to a Cessation,* 15.5 and Accommoda∣tion) he will likewise Actually assist Us, for the Recovery of the Palatinate, and Electoral Dignity, unto Our Son-in-law, as it hath been often times intimated from Spain.

To conclude, We shall not need to say any more unto you, touch∣ing this Point; but to let you see, that Our meaning is to carry all things fair with that King▪ and not to give him any cause of Di∣strust, or jealousie; if you perceive that they intend to go really and roundly on with the Match. Wherein nevertheless we must tell you that we have no great Cause to be well pleased with the Diligences used on that part, when we observe that after so long an expectance of the Dispensation, upon which the whole business (as they will have it) depends, there is nothing yet returned but Queries and O••jecti∣ons, Yet because we will not give over Our Patience, a while lon∣ger, until we understand more certainly what the effect thereof is like to be; wherein we require you to be very Wary, and watchful, considering how Our Honour is therein ingaged; we have thought fit to let you know, how far we are pleased to inlarge Our self▪ con∣cerning those points demanded by the Pope, and set down by way of Postil unto the Articles agreed upon, betwixt Spain and Us as you shall see by the Power, which Gage brought Us from Rome, whereof we have sent you a Copy, and our Resolutions thereupon Signed with our own hand, for your warrant, and Instruction. And fur∣ther then that since we cannot go, without much prejudice, incon∣venience, and dishonour to our self, and our Son, we hope and expect the King of Spain will bring it instantly to an issue, without further delay, which you are to press with all Diligence, and earnestness; that you may presently know their final Resolution, and what we may expect thereupon. But if any Respit of time be earnestly de∣manded, and that you perceive it not possible for them to resolve un∣til an answer come from Rome, we then think it fit that you give them two Months time after your Audience, that we may understand that King's final Resolution, before Christmas next at the furthest.

Wansted. 9. Sept. 1622.

This Letter doth not only discover the shuffling,* 15.6 and Fox∣like contrivances of the House of Austria to Work, and Earth themselves in the Palatinate, but also the scorns, and reproa∣ches put upon Our King, and (if I may so call them) his Terriers, who (with little Bayings only) let them work, till they had got into their Fastnesses, and strong holds, and then they may Bay at leisure, and blame their lazy Belief. But notwithstanding our King threatens in his Letter, if Heidelberg be lost, and the Cessation delayed, he will Treat no more, yet the Desire of the Match was so radicated in his Heart, that neither the loss of

Heidleberg, or Manheim that succeeded it, nor the blocking up of Frankendale (the last strong hold of his Son-in-laws Inheri∣tance) could Mortifie his Hopes. But as the Emperor besieged these Towns with his Armies, so he beset the King of Spain with his Treaties. And the Lord Digby though quickned by this Letter,* 15.7 did not lay open the cunning carriage of these con∣trivers (which tended to root out the reformed Religion in Germany) nor press home these particulars as he was injoined but only let the King of Spain know, That his late Father, by the advice of his Ecclesiasticks in Spain, had consented to the Arti∣cles of Marriage, in matters of Religion, five months since, yet there were demurs upon those points, notwithstanding that the King of Great Britain complied in all things, then demanded particularly, what he would do in favour of the Catholicks; But now after two years time, the Pope of his own Accord (without any intimation to Spain) had sent directly for England, propounding to the King his Master, not only many alterations in the Capitulations (be∣fore a Dispensation could be granted) but intruded something new, which the King would by no means yield unto: where∣fore to expedite the Business (the King having neglected all other Treaties of marriage for his Son these six years past, only in respect of this Treaty) he is commanded to declare plainly to the King of Spain, how far the King his Master may condescend in matters of Religion, and if that will give con∣tent, to proceed to a conclusion of the Marriage, without more Delays, (seeing he hath yielded to much more than was capitulated in the late King of Spain's time) if this will not sa∣tisfie, that then without loss of more time, the King his Master may dispose of his Son, and the King of Spain of the Infanta as they please.

These things were ruminated on by the slow paced Spanish gravity, and fair, and plausible answers presented, that like fruits of Dissimulation gave but small Nourishment to hope, yet it kept it alive, (though in a drooping condition) and it was only sustained till they could bring their ends about. Which our King now suspecting (as he had good cause) from the con∣stant intelligences given him, of the diminution of his own Forces in the Palatinate, and the Growing strength of the Enemy, He dispatches this second Letter to the Baron Digby to let the King of Spain know how sensible he was of being abused, and how loath he was to see it.

RIght Trusty,

* 16.1 &c. There is none better knoweth than your self, how we have laboured, ever since the beginning of these un∣fortunate Troubles of the Empire (notwithstanding all opposition to the contrary) to merit well of our good Brother, the King of Spain, and the whole House of Austria, by a long and lingering Patience,

grounded still upon his friendship, and promises, that Care should be had of our Honour, and of our Childrens Patrimony, and Inhe∣ritance: We have acquainted you also from time to time, since the beginning of the Treaty at Bruxels, how crossly all things have there proceeded, notwithstanding all the fair Professions made unto us, both by the King of Spain, and the Infanta, and all his Ministers, and the letters written by him unto the Emperor, and them Effe∣ctually, at least (as they endeavoured to make us believe,) but what fruits have we of all these? Whil'st we are Treating, the Town and Castle of Heidelberg are taken by force, our Garison put to the Sword, Manheim besieged, and all the Hostility used that is in the power of an Enemy, as you may see by the Relation, which we have commanded our Secretary to send you. Our pleasure therefore is, that you immediately, as soon you can get Audience, let that King under∣stand, how sensible we are of these Proceedings of the Emperor towards us, and withall, are not a little troubled to see, that the Infan∣ta (having an absolute Commission to conclude a Cessation, and suspension of Arms) should now at last when all Objections were an∣swered, and the former (solely) pretended Obstacles removed, not only delay the conclusion of the Treaty, but refuse to lay her Com∣mand upon the Emperor's Generals to abstain from the Siege of our Garisons during the Treaty, upon a Pretext of want of Au∣thority: so as for avoiding of further Dishonour, we have been forced to recall both our Ambassadors, as well the Chancellor of our Exchequer (who is already returned to our Presence, as also the Lord Chichester, whom we intended to have sent unto the Em∣peror, to the Diet at Ratisbone.) Seeing therefore that meerly out of Our extraordinary Respect to the King of Spain, and the firm Confidence We ever put in the Hopes and promises, which He did give Us (desiring nothing more then for his Cause principally to avoid all occasions that might put Us in ill understanding with any of the House of Austria) We have hitherto proceeded with a stedfast patience, trusting to the Treaties, and neglecting all other means, which probably might have secured the Remainder of Our Childrens inheritance (these Garisons which We maintained in the Palatinate, being rather for Honour sake, to keep a footing until the general accommodation, then that we did rely so much upon their strength, as upon his friendship) and by this Confidence and Se∣curity of Ours, are now exposed to Dishonour and Reproach. You shall tell that King,* 16.2 that seeing all those endeavours and good offices, which he hath used towards the Emperor in this business, on the behalf of Our Son-in-law (upon confidence whereof that secu∣rity of Ours depended, which he continually by his Letters and Mini∣sters here laboured to beget and confirm in Us) have not sorted to any other issue, than to a plain abuse, both of his trust, and Ours, whereby We are both of Us highly injured in Our Honour, though in a different Degree; We hope, and desire, that out of a true sence of

this Wrong offered unto Us, he will as Our dear and loving Brother, faithfully promise, and undertake upon his Honour, (con∣firming the same also under his Hand and Seal) either that the Town and Castle of Heidelberg, shall within Threescore and ten dayes after your Audience, and Demand made, be rendred into Our hands, with all things therein belonging to Our Son in law, or Our Daughter (as near as may be in the State they were, when they were taken) and the like for Manheim, and Frankendale, if both or either of them shall be taken by the Enemy, while these things are in Treaty: As also that there shall be within the said Term of seventy daies a Cessa∣tion and Suspension of Arms in the Palatinate for the future, upon the several Articles and Conditions last propounded by Our Ambassadour Sir Richard Weston, and that the general Treaty shall be set afoot again, upon such Honourable Terms and Con∣ditions, as We propounded unto the Emperour in a Letter written unto him in November last, and with which the King of Spain then (as We understood) seemed satisfied. Or else in case all these Particulars be not yielded unto, and performed by the Emperour, as is here propounded, but be refused or delayed, beyond the time afore∣mentioned: That then the King of Spain do joyn his Forces with Ours for the Recovery of Our Childrens Honours and Patrimo∣ny, which upon this Trust hath been thus lost: Or if so be his For∣ces at this present be otherwise so imployed as that they cannot give Us that assistance which We here desire, and (as We think) have de∣served, yet that at the least He will permit Us a free and friendly passage through his Territories, and Dominions, for such Forces as We shall send and imploy in Germany for his Service. Of all which distinctively, if you receive not from the King of Spain (within ten daies at the furthest after your Audience) a direct Assurance under his Hand and Seal, without Delay, or putting Us off to further Trea∣ties and Conferences: That is to say, of such Restitution, Cessa∣tion of Arms, and proceeding to a General Treaty, as is before men∣tioned; or else of assistance, and joyning his Forces with Ours, against the Emperour; or at the least, permission of passage for Our Forces through his, the said King's Dominions; that then you take your leave, and return to Our Presence, without further stay; Otherwise to proceed in the Negotiation for the Marriage of Our Son, accord∣ing to the Instructions We have given you.

This Letter was dated the Third of October. And presently after it was sent away, the King recollected himself, and thought it good Policy to make some advantage of this Breach with Spain (if there were One) by letting his People see, he would no longer wait the Spanish Delayes; (which they were impatient enough of) therefore his Ambassadours (to hinder the know∣ledge of it at home) must conceal the Breach abroad, stay still in the Spanish Court, as if the Business were in full Motion,

and ripe for projection; And he must break it to pieces here himself, to make it the more acceptable; either to get the more love or money from the people, or for what other intention is unknown. But the very next day he sends this further Direction by Endimion Porter.

RIght Trusty,

* 17.1 &c. We have given you certain Instructions, signed with Our hand, to direct you how to express unto the King of Spain the feeling We have of the Dishonour put upon Us by the Emperour, through Our Trust and Confidence in that King's Promises, wherein you have Order to come away without further delay, in case you receive not Satisfaction to your Demands, in such sort as We have Commanded you to propound them. Never∣theless, We are to put you in remembrance of that which We have heretofore told you, in case a Rupture happen between the King of Spain and Us, that We would be glad to manage it at Our best advan∣tage. And therefore however you do not find the Satisfaction, which We in those Instructions crave from the King of Spain, and have Reason to expect, yet would We not have your instantly come away upon it, but advertise Us first, letting Us know privately (if you find such cause) that there is no good to be done, nor no Satisfaction as you judge intended Us, (though Publikely, and Outwardly you give out the contrary) that We may make use thereof with Our People in Parliament, as We shall hold best for Our Service. And this se•• you do, notwithstanding any thing in your other Instructions to the contrary.

Dated 4. Octob. 1622.

The King in the first of these two Letters gives Thirty dayes more to the King of Spain, * 17.2 to repent of his bad dealing with him, then was given to the great City, and yet he repented not. And this Positive Command (limiting but ten daies after Audience for a Resolution in these Points,) one would have thought should have produced an absolute Breach, or a perfect Conclusion. But the Spaniard continues in his old pace still, and would not be spurr'd up, and Digby (now made Earl of Bristol for his good Service) whistles after him his Old Note still, assu∣ring Our King, That the King of Spain (though slow) was real in his Intentions. And if Our King had not had a great good stomach to the Match, he would never have digested this dealing from a Brother and a Servant, the Pope also at the same time giving him a Bit to chew on, interpreting the Articles where the Children of Marriage were to be brought up, usque ad annos nubiles, to be fourteen years old, which Our King would not consent to, in respect of the Scandal it might produce. For he knew impressions in Youth setled by Custome, are not easie to remove, especially where they make Dints upon the Con∣science; therefore he pressed the King of Spain, that the chil∣dren

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The right Honorable John Digby Earle of Bristol Baron of Shirborne, Vice Chamberlaine to his Ma^r. and one of the Lords of his Maiesties most Honorable privy Counsell; and Embassador extraordinary to the high and Mightie Philip the fourth king of Spaine. Are to be Souto by William Peake.

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IOANNES THERCLAES Comes de Tilli.

might not suck in their Mothers instructions so long time, being less for his Honour: and they with much importunity, brought it down from fourteen to ten, and there they stuck. Our King expressed himself willing to have them brought up sub re∣gimine matris, for seven years, and that time should be limited in the publique Capitulations, but if more time were insisted on by the Pope, He would oblige himself privately by a Letter to the King of Spain,* 17.3 that they shall be under their Mother's Regiment for two years longer. And seeing there is but one year more that is betwixt them, the King in another Letter to the Earl of Bristol tells him, That if they would not be contented with nine, he would not stick to give them another year.

While they were thus Wire-drawing, time spun out,* 17.4 Man∣heim the chief Strength and Fortress in the Palatinate was taken by Tilly the Emperour's General, whereof Sir Horatio Vere was Commander, surrendred upon honourable Conditions, having neither strength of Men, or means to resist an Enemy. Heidel∣berg before it (as the King expressed) was taken by Assault, Sir Gerard Herbert the Commander of the Castle slain, after he had repulsed the Enemy from the Assault, breaking six Pikes upon them with his own hand. And now Tilly (Winter come∣ing on) greedy to finish his work, sits down before Frankendale, whereof Major Barrowes had the Command, a man of as much valour and experience, as Time the Director, and Spirit the Actor could make a man capable of. But all this, and the Strength of the Town to boot could not have protected them, (their Wants being stronger than their Enemy) if Tilly had not been drowned up in his Trenches, which forced his remove.

And though Our King said in his last Answer to the Parliament's Petition,* 17.5 That the Enemy would have swallowed up his Forces in the Palatinate in eight daies, if my Lord Digby had not suc∣coured it; yet the weakest of the three Places, which is Heidel∣berg, was not taken in a moment; for Tilly in Iune last set down before it, and was constrained to raise his Siege, being not strong enough; and coming again with a greater Power in the end of Iuly following, he was there above two moneths before he took so much as any of their Out-Works. And Manheim, and Fran∣kendale are two such strong Holds, that if they had been well furnished with Men and Provisions, they might have stood out against Tilly; nay the great Turk, as well, if not better than Vienna the Imperial City.

As soon as the King had notice of the taking of Manheim,* 17.6 he gives Bristol intimation of it, and was very well satisfied of the King of Spain's good intentions for the Relief of it, though Order sent to the Infanta arrived not there till the Town was surrendred. Which was the old Spanish plot of Philip the Second

to get Portugal into his hand, wherein he cheated the Pope himself, delaying his solicitations, by his Legate, Cardinal Riario (for Don Antonio Bastard of Portugal) with specious and pleasing entertainments, till he had gotten the Castle of St. Iulians, the greatest strength of the Kingdom (then besieged by him) into his power. And yet our King looked upon this Apparition as Re∣al, and thanked the King of Spain for the good he never intended.

* 17.7And now the Articles of Marriage that had been long hatch∣ing, flew up and down from hand to hand: The French Histori∣ans mention them: so doth Mr. Pryn in his hidden Works of dark∣ness, as they were found among the Lord Cottington's Papers. These came to me from the Nest, and I have kept them till this time, and comparing them with other Copies, there is scarce a feather amiss. Nor should they have pestered this paper, but to shew what great pains was taken to little purpose, what Huge pretences shouldred in to make way for the Spanish Designs, which at last dwindled to nothing.

The Articles are these.

• 1. THat the Marriage be made by Dispensation of the Pope, but that to be procured by the endeavour of the King of Spain.
• 2. That the Marriage be once celebrated in Spain, and Ratified in England, in form following. In the morning, after the most gra∣cious Infanta hath ended her Devotions in the Chappel, She and the most excellent Prince Charles, shall meet in the King's Chappel, or in some other Room of the Palace, where it shall seem most expe∣dient: and there shall be read all the Procurations, by Virtue where∣of the Marriage was celebrated in Spain. And as well the most excel∣lent Prince, as the most excellent Infanta shall ratifie the said Marri∣age celebrated in Spain, with all Solemnity necessary to such an Act, so as no Ceremony, or other thing intervene, which shall be contra∣ry to the Roman-Catholik-Apostolik-Religion.
• 3. That the Gracious Infanta shall take with Her such Servants, and Family, as are convenient for her service; which Family, and all Persons to her belonging, shall be chosen and nominated by the Ca∣tholik King, so as he nominate no Servant which is Vassail to the King of Great Britain, without his will and consent.
• 4. That as well the most gracious Lady Infanta, as all her Servants and Family, shall have free use and publique exercise of the Roman Catholike Religion, in manner and form, as is beneath Capitula∣ted.
• 5. That she shall have an Oratory and decent Chappel in her Palace,* 17.8 where, at the pleasure of the most Gracious Infanta, Masses may be celebrated, which Oratory or Chappel shall be adorned with such decencie, as shall seem convenient for the most gracious Infanta; with a publike Church in London, &c.
• ...

• 6. That the Men-servants and Maid-servants of the most Gra∣cious Infanta, and their Servants, Children, and Descendents, and all their Families, of what sort soever, serving her Highness, may be free∣ly Catholiks.
• 7. That the most gracious Infanta, her Servants and Family, may be freely Catholiks, in form following.
• 8. That the most gracious Infanta may have in her Palace her Oratory, and Chappel so spacious, that her said Servants and Fami∣ly may enter and stay therein. In which there shall be an ordinary and publique door for them, and another inward door, by which the Infanta may have a passage into the said Chappel, where she, and others, as above said, may be present at Divine Offices.
• 9. That the Chappel, Church, and Oratory, may be beautified with decent Ornaments, of Altar, and other things necessary for Di∣vine Service, which is to be celebrated in them, according to the custom of the Ho. Ro. Church; and that it shall be lawful for the said Ser∣vants,* 17.9 and others to go to the said Chappel and Church at all hours as to them shall seem expedient.
• 10. That the care and custody of the said Chappel and Church, shall be committed to such as the Lady Infanta shall appoint, to whom it shall be lawful to appoint Keepers, that no body may enter into them to do any undecent thing.
• 11. That to the administration of the Sacraments, and to serve in Chappel and Church aforesaid, there shall be so many Priests, and Assistants, as to the Infanta shall seem fit, and the election of them shall belong to the Lady Infanta, and the Catholike King her Brother. Provided, that they be none of the Vassals of the King of Great Britain, and if they be, his will and consent is to be first ob∣tained.
• 12. That there be one Superiour Minister or Bishop, with necessa∣ry Authority upon all occasions which shall happen, belonging to Re∣ligion; and for want of a Bishop, that his Vicar may have his Au∣thority and jurisdiction.
• 13. That this Bishop or Superiour Minister may correct, amend, or chastize all Roman Catholiks who shall offend, and shall exercise upon them all Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical; and moreover also, the Lady Infanta shall have power to put them out of her service, when soever it shall seem expedient to her.
• 13. That it may be lawful for the Lady Infanta and her Servants, to procure from Rome Dispensations, Indulgences, Jubilees, and all Graces, as shall seem fit to their Religion and Consciences, and to get and make use of any Catholike Books whatsoever.
• 15. That the Servants of the Family of the Lady Infanta, who shall come into England, shall take the Oath of Allegiance to the King of Great Britain, provided that there be no clause therein,

• which shall be contrary to their Consciences, and the Roman Catho∣like Religion; and if they happen to be Vassals to the King of Great Britain, they shall take the same Oath that the Spaniard doth.
• 16. That the Laws which are or shall be in England against Reli∣gion, shall not take hold of the said Servants. And onely the foresaid Superiour Ecclesiastical Catholike may proceed against Ecclesiasti∣cal persons, as hath been accustomed by Catholikes. And if any Se∣cular Judge shall apprehend any Ecclesiastical Person for any offence, he shall forthwith cause him to be delivered to the aforesaid Superiour Ecclesiastick, who shall proceed against him according to the Canon-Law.
• 17. That the Lawes made against Catholikes in England, or in any other Kingdom of the King of Great Britain, shall not extend to the Children of this Marriage; and though they be Catholikes, they shall not lose the Right of Succession to the Kingdom and Dominions of Great Britain.
• 18. That the Nurses which shall give suck to the Children of the Lady Infanta (whether they be of the Kingdom of Great Britain, or of any other Nation whatsoever) shall be chosen by the Lady Infanta, as she pleaseth, and shall be accounted of her Family, and enjoy the privi∣ledges thereof.
• 19. That the Bishop, Ecclesiastical Persons, and Religious, of the Family of the Lady Infanta, shall wear the Vestment and Habit of his dignity profession and Religion, after the custom of Rome.
• 20. For security that the said Matrimony be not dissolved for any cause whatsoever; The King of Great Britain and Prince Charles are equally to pass the Word and Honour of a King: and moreover that they will perform whatsoever shall be propounded by the Catholike King for further confirmation, if it may be done decently and fitly.
• 21. That the Sons and Daughters which shall be born of this Mar∣riage, shall be brought up in the company of the most Excellent Infanta, at least until the Age of Ten years, and shall freely enjoy the Right of Succession to the Kingdoms as aforesaid.
• 22. That whensoever any place of either Man-servant, or Maid-servant, which the Lady Infanta shall bring with her (nominated by the Catholike King her Brother) shall happen to be void, whether by death, or by other Cause or accident, all the said Servants of her Fa∣mily are to be supplied by the Catholike King as aforesaid.
• 23. For security that whatsoever is Capitulated may be fulfilled, The King of Great Britain and Prince Charles, are to be bound by Oath, and all the King's Council shall Confirm the said Treaty under their hands. Moreover the said King and Prince are to give their Faiths in the Word of a King, to endeavour, if possible, that whatso∣ever is Capitulated, may be established by Parliament.
• 24. That conformable to this Treaty, all these things proposed are to be allowed and approved of by the Pope, that he may give an Apo∣stolical Benediction, and a Dispensation necessary to effect the Mar∣riage.

But though our King, and Prince, subscribed these Articles (as they were sent to them by the Earl of Bristol) in this manner; Hos supra memoratos Articulos omnes ac singulos approbamus, et quic∣quid in iis ex nostra parte, seu nostro nomine conventum est, ratum at∣que gratum habemus,* 17.10 approving and expressing them to be very acceptable unto them. And after they had wrought the King to sign these large immunities to the Papists, viz. Quod Regnorum suorum Romano Catholici persecutionem nullam patientur, molestiáve officientur, Religionis suae causa, vel ob exercitium illorum ejusdem sa∣cramentorum, modò iis utantur absque scandalo (quod intelligi debet inter privatos parietes) nec juramentis, aut sub alio praetextu quali∣cunque ordinem Religionis spectante vexabuntur: That the Roman Catholikes should not be interrupted in the exercise of their Re∣ligion, doing it privately without Scandal, nor be vext with any oaths in order to the same. What rested but a closing of both Par∣ties? Yet all would not do, for the Spaniard never intended the Match at all, as is evident by a Letter of the King of Spain's writ∣ten to his Favourite, the Conde of Olivares, dated the Fifth of No∣vember, 1622. found among the Lord Cottington's Papers.

THe King my Father declared at his Death, That his intent never was to marry my Sister,* 18.1 the Infanta Donna Maria, with the Prince of Wales, which your Unkle Don Baltazer understood, and so treated this Match, ever with intention to delay it, notwithstanding it is now so far advanced, that (considering all the aversness of the Infanta to it) it is time to seek some means to divert the Treaty, which I would have you find out, and I will make it good whatsoever it be. But in all other things, procure the satisfaction of the King of Great Britain (who hath deserved much) and it shall content me, so it be not in the Match.

Thus was our King's plain heartedness deluded, his Honour blemished, his Love among his Subjects diminished, the time for a positive answer for the Dispensation from Rome long expired, and prolonged; his Childrens Patrimony destroyed, and he left so unsatisfied, that the Prince himself, and the Marquess of Buckingham, must go into Spain to unfold this Riddle, where they found it as full of Aenigma's as at first. He that went to tye a knot there, found it so intangled, that he took some time there to clear it; and when it was clear, he thought it best, Scindere nodum, to cut that at last, which he could not unloose at first.

* 18.2The Marquess Spinola having long since left the Palatinate to the Imperials Generals, with a great Army, consisting of above Thirty thousand men, the last Summer sits down before Berghen ap Zome, a Town of very great Strength and Importance, upon the Borders of Brabant, and incloses himself with two strong Lines of Circumvallation, notwithstanding all the Power the

Town could oppose from within, or Prince Maurice, General of the States Army without. And though he were well intrench∣ed for his own Security, yet the Works of the Town were so im∣pregnable, that he could find no way to gain it, but by starving them, and that could not be done but by commanding the River; and those Batteries that he planted to hinder the access of Shipping with Relief into the Town, were within reach of their Cannon, so that he found there was little good to be done, tending to the reducing of it. This struck the Marquess to the Heart, that he should bury his Honour, as he had done a great part of his Army, in those bloody Trenches, and therefore he gave scope to his Resolution, to make use of his time, for he con∣verted his intentions of Starving, to Assaulting, and his assaults were the more furious, because he found they would not last long; and Old Morgan, that gallant Colonel, with his English Brigade, gave them their hands full; the Scots did Gallant Ser∣vice in the Town, and their Colonel Hinderson was slain; but many of the Enemy fell on every side; for it is a great disadvan∣tage for living Bodies to fight against dead Walls, being so high, and unassaultable. A General that goes to besiege a City, should have his access to it (in his apprehension) as plain as a Mathe∣matician hath a Demonstration (except it be upon some emergent cause) otherwise there is an Error in his account, and there cannot be two, for the Honour dyes in the first, which touched the Marquess near, being his great trouble, and made him, and his enterprise both droop.

* 18.3But while he lay there digging graves, Count Mansfeldts ranging Army, that he brought out of Bohemia, and those forces that remained of Christian Duke of Brundswicks, after he was beaten by Tilly and Cordova, meeting in the Palatinate, and find∣ing themselves able to do little good there (the Country being ruined, and wanting provisions to supply them) resol∣ved to bring their Army into the Low-Countries being invited thereunto by the Prince of Orange, and the States, to counter∣poise the formidable Armies, that the King of Spain had then in Motion; for though Spinola's hands were tyed to the Trenches, yet Conduba with one Army, on one side; and Count Henry van de Berg with another army, on the other side, were dreadful to the Netherlands. The Mansfeldters were not above twelve thousand strong, horse and foot, the Horse were only armed with Pistols, the foot with Muskets, scarce a Pike, or Corslet a∣mong them (for Brundswicks men upon their defeat for the most part had thrown away their Armes) Money, and Provisions, they had very little (their store being now spent) but what they could get by the Sword, or purchase from the Towns, and Cities (by terror) as they passed; order there was little among them, for want makes men Brutish, and Ravenous; and there

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ERNESTUS D: G: COMES MANSFELDIAE, MARCHIO CASTELINO VI, ET BUTIGLIERAE, NOB: DNS IN HELD: SUP: DUX BELLIC, ET HEROS FORT MARTE votens decus et dubijs si••sucia rebus, ERNESTUS CAMPI VIR generosus nic est. Qui genus illustri ducens à stirpe Parentum Auget honoratum per sua facta genus. E. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 D.M.C.B.

was no way for them but to cut themselves out a passage into a plentiful Countrey. On their way divers of Mansfieldt's Horse mutined for Money, and came swarming about his house where he was quartered, threatning violence, and were ready to break open his doors. Mansfieldt having a Spirit full of Mag∣nanimity (and finding courage best able to quaile such At∣tempts) would not stay so long as to have his doors broken, but opened them himself (attended only by those of his fami∣ly) with a Case of Pistols in his hands, and presented him∣self before them, and his very presence daunted them, for he did with sweet and affable language let them know his own wants were as great as theirs; and thus when they wanted other provisions he fed them with Hopes. But many of these Brunts he had born formerly, Souldiers are like Gamesters, they get a great deal of Money at one time, and have none at all another; and when want pinches it rages; his House hath been often beset by Mutiners, that threatned to tare him in pieces; and he hath opened his doors, thrown himself (as it were) among them, and demanded stoutly, What they would have? and having a Case of Pistols always by him, those near him that called for Money were sure to have those Pi∣stols discharged in their guts: And then he would ask them again, who would have Money? and they would all slink away, and not a Man dare to open his Mouth; so high and over∣powring a Spirit he had! and that only kept him from the Rage of Mutiny, for he knew his own integrity, that when he had Money he di••ributed it freely, and the more ingenu∣ous part of them knew what Money he had, which was brought in great Sums, from such Towns and Cities, as redeemed themselves from the Plunder of his Souldiers; so that it was not his Hoarding and Covetousness, but real want made them suffer, and that imboldned his Spirit; For a General that would be safe; when his Souldiers are in want, should not take refresh∣ment so much as with the tip of his Rod, unless they may be par∣takers in it.

But with many Necessities,* 18.4 in their March through Lor∣rain, and Lutzenburgh, they came to Fleury within eight miles of Namurs, where Corduba with a Spanish Army strove to hin∣der their passage; The Conflict was great betwixt them, and many slain on both sides, and both triumphed in the Victory. For Corduba kept the Field, and Mansfieldt kept his way. But Mansfieldt's Victory was the compleatest, because he at∣tained to his End, which was, to break through Corduba; But Corduba did not attain to his End, which was, to hinder Mansfieldt. Yet the Spanish Bravery was highly exalted with Bonfires, and re∣joycings both at Madrid,* 18.5 and Bruxels. The Duke of Brunswicke lost his Bridle Arm in that service, and many Gentlemen both English

and Scots, out of Love to the Queen of Bohemia behaved them∣selves gallantly, and let the Spaniard know; it was more than an ordinary shock they encountered with. Among whom Sir Charles Rich, brother to the E. of Warwick was a Principal person, whose Voluntary Spirit, not necessity, made danger his Companion, where Honour attended it. Sir Iames Heyes, Knevet, Humes, Heiborn, and other Commanders striving for Corrivalship in Bravery.

* 18.6Spinola hearing that Mansfieldt was broken through Corduba's Army, and come into Brabant, made the Court Splendor of Corduba's Conquest appear but Ignes fatui, which also some∣thing extinguisht the glory of his own fame. For he thought it good policy (seeing he should be necessitated to leave the Siege of Berghen) to do it at that time, when there might be cause to think it occasioned by that Accident, more than his default. And therefore as soon as the Prince of Orange and Mansfieldt had joyned forces, though Corduba came to him and reinforced his Army, yet Winter drawing on, and his Army almost wasted, he trussed up his Baggage in haste, set his Camp a-fire, and departed, leaving to his Hungry Enemies good store of Wine, and other Provisions, in his burning Quarters. And thus stood the Ballance this year betwixt the King of Spain and the Netherlands.

* 18.7But our King receiving so many delays, and dissatisfactions from Spain, and Rome, they begot him so much trouble, and Vexa∣tion, that crowding into his thoughts, prest upon his Natural Temper, some fits of Melancholy, which those about him with facetious Mirth, would strive to Mitigate; And having exhaust∣ed their inventions, or not making use of such as were more pregnant, the Marquess and his Mother (instead of Mirth) fell upon Prophaneness, thinking with that to please him, and perhaps they were only mistaken in the unseasonableness of the time, being not then suitable to the Humor. For they caus'd Mistris Aspernham, a young Gentlewoman of the Kindred, to dress a Pigg like a Child, and the Old Countess like a Midwife brought it in to the King in a rich Mantle. Turpin that married one of the Kindred (whose name was renowned for a Bishop in the Romances of the Emperor Charlemain) was drest like a Bi∣shop, in his Sattin Gown, Lawn sleeves, and other Pontifical Or∣naments, who (with the Common Prayer book) began the words of Baptism, one attending with a silver Bason of Water for the Service, the King hearing the Ceremonies of Baptism read, and the squeeking noise of that Brute he most abhorred, turn∣ed himself to see what Pageant it was, and finding Turpin's face, which he well knew, drest like a Bishop; and the Mar∣quess, whose face he most of all loved, stand as a Godfather, he cryed out, away for shame, what Blasphemy is this? and turning aside with a frown, he gave them cause to think that such

ungodly Mirth would rather increase than cure his Melancholly.

Another time at Theobalds the King wanted some papers that had Relation to the Spanish Treaty, so hot in Motion, which raised him highly into the Passion of Anger, that he should not know what he had done with them,* 18.8 being things so material, and of such conoernment, And calling his Memory to a strict ac∣count, at last he discharged it upon Iohn Gib, a Scotchman, who was of his Bedchamber, and had been an old Servant to him. Gib is called for in haste, and the King asks him for the Papers he gave him; Gib collecting himself; answered the King, he received no papers from him. The King broke into extream Rage (as he would often when the Humor of Choler began to boil in him) pro∣testing he had them, and reviling him exceedingly for denying them. Gib threw himself at the King's feet protesting his inno∣cency, that he never received any, and desired his life might make satisfaction for his fault if he were guilty. This could not calm the King's Spirit tossed in this tempest of Passion; and overchar∣ged with it, as he passed by Gib (kneeling) threw some of it upon him; giving him a kick with his foot. Which kick in∣fected Gib, and turned his humility into Anger; for rising in∣stantly he said: Sir, I have served you from my youth, and you never found me unfaithful, I have not deserved this from you, nor can I live longer with you with this disgrace; Fare ye well Sir, I will never see your face more: and away he goes from the King's pre∣sence, took Horse, and rode towards London. Those about the King put on a sad countenance to see him displeased, and every man was inquisitive to know the cause, some said the King and Gib were faln out; but about what? some papers of the Spanish Treaty, the King had given him, cannot be found. Endimion Por∣ter hearing it, said, The King gave me those Papers, went pre∣sently, and brought them to the King, who being becalmed, and finding his Error, called instantly for Gib; Answer was made he was gone to London: The King hearing it, commanded with all expedition to send post after him, to bring him back, protesting never to Eat,* 18.9 Drink, or Sleep till he saw Gib's face. The Mes∣senger overtook him before he got to London, and Gib hearing the Papers were found, and that the King sent for him with much earnestness, returned to the Court. And as he came in∣to the King's Chamber, the King kneeled down upon his Knees before Gib, intreating his pardon, with a sober and grave aspect, protesting he would never rise till Gib had forgiven him, and though Gibs modestly declined it with some hum∣ble excuses, yet it would not satisfie the King, till he heard the words of absolution pronounced. So ingenious was he in this piece of Passion! Which had its suddain variation from a stern and furious anger, to a soft and melting affection, which made Gib no loser by the bargain.

Thus the King's Melancholy, Cholerick, and Sanguine constitution appeared. But of all the Humors, Flegm was now the most pre∣dominant, which made him so tamely swallow those raw fruits of Spain, that all his Exercise could not well digest.

* 18.10In Ianuary this year, the Diet which the Emperor had sum∣moned (contrary to his promise, as our King intimates) met at Ratisbone, where the Electors and divers other Princes of Ger∣many assembled, either in their own persons, or by their Depu∣ties. The Imperial design was to take off the edge of the Princes dissatisfaction, for his harsh proceedings against the Prince Pala∣tine; wherein he makes him the ground work, and cause of all the Wars, and miseries, that have hapned in the Empire. And thinking no man (as he said) would take the boldness to mediate the Restitution of the proscribed Palatine into the Electoral College, he could do no less than dispose of the Electorate, now (plenojure) devolved unto him, as Emperor, which he had bestowed on the Duke of Bavaria for spending his Treasure, and hazarding his Blood in his service, against his own Nephew, the expulsed Pala∣tine, Wherefore he requests the illustrious presence of Electors and Princes, to give their opinions, how the peace of the Empire may be established, to prevent all commotions for the future.

* 18.11The Princes took this Proposition of the Emperor into debate, and the Protestant Princes desired Caesar to consider the impor∣tance of the Business.

That though his Imperial Majesty in his own judgment may have had Cause enough to publish the Ban against the Prince Palatine, yet they are of Opinion, that in his particular Cause, which so neerly concerned the disposing of an Electorate of the Empire, and so principal a Person of the Ele∣ctoral College (the suddain doing whereof might occasion, long, and tedious Wars, dangerous to the Roman Empire) that Caesar should not of himself have proceeded so rigorously, nor without the advice, and consent, of all the rest of the Ele∣ctors, according as it was agreed upon in the Capitulation Royal, which is holden for a fundamental Law of the Empire. Which course of Caesar's, even for the manner of proceeding in it, was distasted by Divers, because the Prince Palatinate had never been legally summoned, but uncited, and unheard, without all knowledge of his Cause, and contrary to all ordinary Course, had been condemned, and against all Equi∣ty, oppressed by the Publication of that Imperial Ban. We purpose not to call the Power Imperial into question, yet we cannot but remember your Majesty of that Promise made in your Capitulation unto the Electors; and humbly We admonish Caesar, to stand unto his own word, and not to intermit the performance of it. And as for the disposing of the Electorate, we desire nothing more than that We could gratifie Caesar with Our Suffrages; But perceiving so many, and so great Diffi∣culties

in it, We cannot but admonish your Majesty of the dan∣ger of it. This being the Opinion of Our Electors, that seeing your Majesty hath graciously called the Diet for restoring Peace in the Empire, that it were altogether necessary first to remove the Obstacles of Peace. And seeing that all the stirs began in Bohemia, Caesar should do well to labour first for the quieting of that Kingdom, and command a stay to be made of the severe Reformation, and frequent Executions there; That so the Hearts of your Subjects being overcome with Grace and Mercy, might be sweetly joyned to you, and all fear, and distrust, utterly taken away; without which, we see no hope, either how your Majesty can sit sure upon your Im∣perial Throne, or how the Electors and Princes can be freed of their fears; being evident, that the Bohemians, and others, made desperate by the Extremity of their sufferings, will take any occasion to begin new troubles, and to involve the Empire with new Dangers. All the Lutheran States of the Empire, likewise, which follow the Augustan Confession, have their Eyes upon this Bohemian Reformation, which though it were given out to be for private Iustice, yet it is so linkt with the publick cause, that unless it be speedily ended, and the two Churches at Prague (granted by Rodolphus the second) not in favour of some private men alone, but of Christian Elector of Saxony, and which had continued free until of late) were a∣gain opened, and the free exercise of Religion generally per∣mitted, We see no sure Peace likely to be in the Empire, but ut∣ter ruine rather, and final desolation, may every day be feared. Seeing it was apparently known, that it was not those that pro∣fessed the Reformed Religion, who begun these troubles; but the Noblemen and great Officers, whose designs the other were compelled to obey.

And for the Prince Palatine, seeing he is already suffi∣ciently punished, it were far more commendable in your Majesty, that now at last upon his submission, you would be pleased to restore him to his Lands and Dignities, o∣therwise there is no likelihood of Restoring Peace to the Empire. And in the transferring of the Electorate, this main thing were fit to be considered; Whether the Prince Pala∣tine, excluded in his own person, doth debar his Children, who (by the providence of their Ancestors) had before this Act of their Father, jus adquisitum, an Hereditary Right unto the Electorate; or the brother of the Prince Palatine, who hath no way offended your Majesty; nor, by reason of his Minority, could not; Or others of the Kindred of the Prince Palatine, should be, or ought to be in this Case neglected? If they be, it will be hardly taken of other Electors and Princes, and occasion various Distrusts, betwixt the Head and the

Members. For the Princes allied unto the Prince Palatine, who have been quiet hitherto, (upon Considence of Caesar's Clemency) now perceiving all hope of that Dignity unto their Family taken away, must needs have Recourse unto Arms, and endeavour the Recovery of it by force. And if Caesar should die, this controversie being not compounded, it may well be feared, many inconveniences will fall out, contrary to Caesar's desire. For though upon the advantage of his Victories, he hath had the Law in his own hand, if the Wheel should turn, that side which is lowest will get up again.

Therefore We hold it more Wisdom to advise Caesar, not to proceed too suddenly, but rather to accept the intercession of other Electors and Princes, as in such Cases hath hitherto been done. Considering the Prince Palatine was then but young, a∣bused by ill Councel, and no ways the Author of those stirs in Bohemia, they being in an uproar before his coming among them. And if his Majesty would pardon the Prince Palatine, he should ever oblige the whole Electoral College, and all the Kings and Princes allied unto him; and the Prince himself, and all his posterity, would be advised (when they remember their Exile) how they embroil themselves in such Business. Whereas if he saw the door of Mercy quite shut, and nothing left him but his life, it would make both him, and his, desperate to attempt, so as there would be no end of the Troubles in the Roman Empire. Caesar therefore should do far righter, if for his own Honour, and the publick good, he would prefer mercy before severity, and not pursue these Extremities.

To these things the Catholick Princes said, That Caesar had shown Causes enough which he had to deprive the Palatine,* 18.12 and the Palatinate being devolved to him, he might dispose of it, without having regard to the Palatine line, according to his own pleasure. That his Majesty could not well hold any terms of Amity with him, though he were restored; and this impunity would give occasion unto others to offend. As for the matter of Punishment, there would be little difference between the Emperor, and the Palatine, seeing that his Majestie's Lands and Dominions, are no less wasted than the o∣thers, and yet there is great difference in the cause; for this fell out to Caesar without his Demerit, and the Palatine did the other, having no necessity to it. That he had refused mercy, in not acknowledging his fault, nor seeking for favour. And it is an unequal Request for Caesar to accept of any Reconciliation, whilst his General Mansfield is yet in the field, and prosecutes his cause by force of Arms. The safety of the Empire consisting in the filling up of the Electoral College Caesar hath done very well in a speedy resolving on it, and other Emperors in the like causes have done the same before.

* 18.13To which the other party answered: That for the security of the Imperial Dignity, and safety of the Empire, there is no question, but

that it consisted in the Concord of the Electoral College, with the Emperor. And the Prince Palatine hath (as you say) done amiss, yet if Caesar shall still use Rigor, the Princes of the lower Saxony are of Opi∣nion, there can be no Peace established in the Empire, the good of which being most worthy to be preferred, Caesar should do wisely to suffer him∣self to be intreated, and change Rigor into Clemency, making the Em∣pire by that means glad with a desired Peace, otherwise new flames were likely to break out, in those places which yet are preserved from burn∣ing. That Caesar had now by the aid of the Electors, and Princes, reco∣vered his lost Provinces, and wanting nothing but quiet possession of them which, this desired Reconciliation was the best means to effect. The hand of War may be lifted up, but who knows where the stroak will fall? and Victory is so long uncertain, as the adverse party hath power to re∣inforce his Arms. And for the renewing of the War, there is yet a fair pretence left, for that in bestowing the Electorate, the Prince Pala∣tine's sons, and brother have been neglected, and with these Principles are the minds of many of the Princes of the Empire already possessed. The King of Great Britain besides could not but take it ill, that he should now see all his endeavours take no good effect, but his only daughter and her Children, left in exile. And as for the manner of this Reconcilia∣tion, there might be a particular Treaty, and Consultation, wherein Caesar's Prerogative imperial being reserved, all parties might re∣ceive Satisfaction, and the Empire once again flourish in Peace. If these Remedies be not applied it will produce ill blood, yea Heart-burn∣ings, and distrusts, in the Electoral College it self.

* 18.14These several answers delivered to the Emperor, the twen∣tieth of Ianuary, he replyed unto, thanking them for their con∣sultations. And though some (saith he) have wisely heretofore resolved us, that our proceedings in proscribing the Palatine was both le∣gal and necessary, yet now we perceive some of you are of opinion that according to our Capitulation Royal, we ought not to have pro∣ceeded so far, without the Knowledg, and consent of the Electors. But as we have no ways gone begond this our Capitulation, but even be∣fore we set out the Ban, punctually considered all that was necessary to be taken notice of; so did we also desire nothing more then that a Diet might be convoked, for the due treating and advising upon this Busi∣ness: which meeting being impeded by the prosecution of the War by the Palatine, we could do no less, to take down his courage, than publish the Ban against him: which course of ours, seeing it was never intended to be prosecuted to the prejudice of the Electoral College, or against our own Capitulation, we hope that the Electors will not take it otherwise; being that we promise withal, so to moderate it, that no detriment, or prejudice shall result thereby unto the Dig∣nity Electoral.

As for the Translation of the Electorate, and your advice for Restoring of the Palatinate, there is (I perceive) some difference in your Opinions. One part wisely, and in favour of us, affirming the great

Reason we have to do it. But for the other party, which adviseth his Restoring, we purpose not so far to consent unto it, as to the restoring of him to the Electoral Dignity, seeing that in the disposing of it o∣ther where, we are resolved that we shall do no more than we have just reason to do: nor will we defer the filling up of the Electoral College, because the dispatching of it doth so much concern the Common good. But for the Restitution of the Person of the Pala∣tine, you shall see how much our Mind is inclined towards clemency▪ and how far we will declare Our self to gratifie the King of Great Britain, the King of Denmark, the Elector of Saxony, and other Electors, and Princes, interceding for him.

And as concerning our forbidding the Exercise of the Lutheran Religion in the City of Prague; we do not see how it any way concerns this Diet to inquire of; our Letter have signified the causes that moved us to begin it unto the Elector of Saxony, nor can we think that what we have done there, any of the Neighbour States or Territories, need be suspicious of seeing that we have sworn oftner than once in the Word of an Emperour, that we will most Religiously observe the Peace, both of Religion, and civil Government, throughout the Empire. And thus much we could not but advertise this Illustrious Presence of Ele∣ctors, and Princes, and you the Ambassadors of those that are absent.

* 18.15The Protestant Electors, and Princes, still persisted in their Re∣solution, that the Emperour could not translate the Electorate le∣gally, the words of the Capitulation, being clearly these. In all difficult businesses, no process ought to be made, without the knowledg and consent of the Electors; and that without ordinary process, no pro∣scription should go out against any one of the States of the Empire, be∣fore the cause were heard. This is the fundamental Law of the Em∣pire, which required no more, but to be constantly observed, nor is it to be drawn into further dispute, or deliberation. And it stood the Electors upon, to be open eyed, to see to the obser∣vation of it, being it concerned the three Secular Electors espe∣cially, whose Dignity, did by an Hereditary Right descend unto their Posterity, to keep it safe, and entire, which they hoped that Caesar would not contradict.

* 18.16But the Emperour would not be perswaded from his own Re∣solution, yet in conclusion, to gratifie the Princes, he was content∣ed to confer the Electorate, with a Proviso, that the investiture of the Duke of Bavaria, should not be prejudicial to the children of the Palatine; and so the Diet ended.

* 18.17The Duke of Saxony was one of the first that executed the Im∣perial Bann against the Prince Palatine, assisting the Emperour with a great Army, to level the Power of his fellow Elector, when he mounted to be a King, and came so near him as Prague, but when he was brought thus low, he would willingly have raised him up again, and then, the Hand that had done him so much mischief was not permitted to do him any good. But

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by the carriage of the Business (though the Emperour gave fair words) it did after appear, the Austrian Policy aimed at the Ex∣tirpation of Religion, as well as at the exclusion of the Palatine and his Children; for he never meant them Title, nor Territory, unless he could settle both upon a Popish Foundation;* 18.18 and to that end there was a private Treaty broached in England, and carried on by some of Our King's Ministers of State; That the Young Prince Palatine, should be bred up in the Emperour's Court, un∣der pretence of marrying his Daughter, but in effect to be train∣ed up in the Popish Religion: And our Prince Charles at the same time must fetch his Wife in Spain; where they hoped the in∣fluence of that Air, their Visible Piety, and their invisible Plots would sweetly insinuate their Popish Principles into him. So impiously cunning they are to make others as miserable as them∣selves.

The ending of the Diet in Germany,* 18.19 and our Prince's Journey into Spain, were much about a time. He went with the Mar∣quess of Buckingham privately from Court the 17. of February to New-Hall in Essex, the Marquess's House (purchased of that un∣thrift, Robert Earl of Sussex) and from thence the next day by Graves-End the straight way to Dover, attended onely by Sir Richard Graham, Master of the Marquess's Horse, where they were to meet Sir Francis Cottington, who was thought fit to be the Prince's Secretary, and Endimion Porter, who was then taken from the Marquess's Bed-Chamber to wait upon the Prince. Cotting∣ton was at first, Clerk to Sir Charles Cornwallis his Secretary, when Cornwallis was Ambassadour in Spain; and being left there an Agent, in the Intervals of Ambassadours, was by that means train∣ed up in the Spanish affairs: Porter was bred up in Spain when he was a Boy, and had the Language, but found no other Fortune there, then brought him over to be Mr. Edward Villers his man, in Fleetstreet, which was before either the Marquess or his Ma∣ster were acceptable at White-Hall. And Graham at first was an underling of low degree in the Marquess's Stable. It is not hereby intended to vilifie the persons, being men (in this World's lottery) as capable of advancement as others; but to show in how poor a Bark, the King ventured the rich freight his Son, ha∣ving onely the Marquess to steer his Course.

The Prince and Buckingham had false Beards for disguizes,* 18.20 to cover their smooth Faces, and the names of Iack Smith, and Tom Smith, which they past with, leaving behind them im∣pressions in every place (with their bounty, and presence) that they were not the Persons they presented; but they were not so rudely dealt with as to be questioned till they came to Dover, and there the Mayor in a Supercilious Officiousness (which may deserve the title of a careful Magistrate) examined them so far, (being jealous they were Gentlemen going over to fight) that

the Marquess (though Admiral) was glad to Vail his Beard to him in private, and tell him he was going to visit the Fleet, so they had liberty to take Ship, and landed at Bulloign the same day, making swist Motion by Post-Horses (which celerity leaves the least impression) till they came to Paris;* 18.21 There the Prince spent one day to view the City and Court, shadowing himself the most he could under a Bushy Peruque, which none in former times but bald people used, but now generally intruded into a fashion; and the Prince's was so big, that it was hair enough for his whole face. The Marquesses fair Face was shadowed with the same Pencil, and they both together saw the Queen Mother at Din∣ner, the King in the Gallery after Dinner, and towards the Evening they had a full view of the Queen Infanta, and the Prin∣cess Henrietta Maria, with most of the Beauties of the Court, at the practice of a Masking Dance, being admitted by the Duke of Montbason, the Queens Lord Chamberlain in Humanity to Stran∣gers, when many of the French were put by. There the Prince saw those Eyes that after inflamed his Heart, which increased so much, that it was thought to be the cause of setting Three King∣doms afire: but whether any spark of it did then appear, is un∣certain; if it did, it was closely raked up, till the Spanish fire went out; the heat whereof made him neglect ••no time till he came to Madrid.

* 18.22At Burdeaux, the Duke D'Espernon, Governour there, out of a noble freedom to Strangers, offered them the Civilities of his House, which they declined with all bashful respects, and Sr Fran∣cis Cottington who always looked like a Merchant, and had the least Miene of a Gentleman (fittest for such an imployment) let him know, they were Gentlemen that desired to improve them∣selves, and had not Breeding suitable to his Grandeur; which took off the edge of his invitation, whose subtile Eye by Con∣verse might have pryed through those fictitious out-sides, to discover more then did appear.

* 18.23They past with some difficulties also at Bayone, where the Count de Gramant was Governour, (being the utmost part of France, and the Key, that opens the Way into Spain) he being a pregnant man read more than ordinary in them; but where Peace is the School-Master, Iealousie the Pragmatical Usher hath little to do; there∣fore out of Common Civility he let them pass. And within a small time after they had taken Post (before they had well passed the Bounds of France) he had notice by a Courier, (that brought Ad∣vice thereof to the King of Spain,) from Don Carlos de Coloma, Ex∣traordinary Ambassadour in England, (Gondemar for his good Service being sent for home, and advanced) that the Prince of England was among them. This Hazard the Prince ran, upon Post-Horses, that if he had been discovered, it would not only have questioned his Iudgment, in the managing of so great an

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MARY DE MEDICIS.

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but he must have remained at the French mercy, which would have given an Eclipse to the glory he shined in, in the Court of Spain, for they looked upon this spritely journey, as a high re∣marque of a Gallant and Noble spirit; And happily some Spanish Fancy may now be framing, how many Gyant Difficulties he conquered in the way, and what Inchantments he passed among the Beauties of France: for such Romances are frequent among those barren Rosemary Mountaines, the fume whereof is pleasant and helpful to the Brain.

Upon Saturday the sixth of March,* 18.24 they arrived at Madrid. The Prince and Marquess came thither one day before Cotting∣ton, and the others, to make the less noise in appearances. They lighted at the Earl of Bristol's House, in the evening, and the Mar∣quess brought in the Portmantua, but his Master staid without with the Guide, till he had prepared a way for Privacy. The Earl of Bristol was astonished at the sight, but after he had colle∣cted himself, his Diligence attended his Duty, and the Prince wan∣ted nothing but Counsel how to order himself, which they took time (till the next day towards the Evening) to deliberate on. All that morning the Town was filled with Rumours of the ar∣rival of some great Prince, and though the King of Spain had intimation by his Letters, yet he kept all private till the Prince exprest himself, which was done that Evening. For Buckingham and Bristol went to the Court, and had private Audience of the King, who sent his Grand favourite Olivares back with them to congratulate the Princes coming, who let the Prince know how Happy the King his Master was in the Injoyment of him there, and what addition of Grandure his presence would con∣tribute to the Court of Spain, and that the obligation was so great, that he deserved to have the Infanta thrown into his Armes. All this while kneeling, kissing his Hands, and embracing his Thigh! the Huge and swelling expressions of Spanish Humility. And from him he went to the Marquess of Buckingham, telling him, That now the Prince of England was in Spain, his Master and he would divide the World betwixt them, with other Rodomontado fancies. And after he was gone, about ten of the Clock that night, the King of Spain came in a close Coach to Visit the Prince, who having intimation of his coming (such secret Hints among Prin∣ces being suitable invitements) he met him in the way, and there they spent some time in those sweet, yet formal Caresses and Imbraces, that are incidents to the Interviews of great Princes, though their Hearts and Tongues do seldom accord. Gondemar in consort was not without his Strain of Complement, for he told the Prince upon a Visit next day; that he had strange news to tell him; which was, That an Englishman was sworn a privy-Councellour to the King of Spain; meaning himself, who he said was an Englishman in Heart, and had lately received that Honour.

The next day the King and Prince had som•• Interviews in their Coaches passing to the Parada to take the Air, where also he had a glimpse of his fair Mistress, but the Formality of the Princes Entertainment was deferred till his lodgings were made ready in the Court,* 18.25 which was the Sunday following, being that day invited to Dinner to St. Hierome's Monastery, where the King commanded divers of his great Officers to attend upon the Prince, which they did bare-headed, and they say it was ac∣cording to the old Custome of Castile; but King Philip when he was in England found that Respect, and retained it ever after in Spain. The Prince would have prevented their Ceremony to him, but they are stubborn, and pertinacious in their very Humility. After dinner the King came in Person, with his Favorite Olivares and divers others of the Nobility in Coaches, with intention on horseback (for the more State) to conduct the Prince through the Town to the Court, having Horses and all accoutremens fit for such a Royal Train. And thus mounted they rode in great Glory, through the streets (being adorned with rich Ta∣pistry and rare Pictures) as their Kings do to their Coronation. The Spanish civility placed the Prince on the Right hand of the King, under a rich cloth of Estate, supported by many Persons of Quality; Olivares and Buckingham went next the Canopy, and after them the rest of their Grandees in their several Degrees, most glorious every where to behold, the choice Beauties of the Town and Court, presenting themselves to see and to be seen. At the Court gate they dismounted, and then a new friendly strife began who should enter First, and because that should breed no difference they went both together. The Queen and the Infanta from a Window in the Court, saw them come riding in triumphant Equipage, and when they alighted the Infanta retired, and the Queen went to her Chamber, expecting a Visit; and when the King and Prince entred her Chamber, she rose to meet them making an Obeysance to the Prince, suitable to her Greatness and His; and he bowing to the Ground almost in Obe∣dience to Her, were both as great Patterns of Civility, and cour∣tesie to the rest of their Train. And after some Compliments they sate down in three Royal Seats prepared for them, the Queen in the Middle, the Prince on her right hand, and the King on her left. And in this Stately posture they discoursed away some half an hours time, and then they parted. The Queen brought the Prince to the utmost extent of her Chamber, and the King to a Chamber prepared for him (with many Rooms of State, Sumptu∣ously adorned,) where he left him to his own Attendance, and some great Spanish Condes, as Principal Officers of his Household, Gondemar ever being one about him. Two dayes after, the Prince was invited to run at the Ring, where his fair Mistris was a Spectator, and to the Glory of his fortune, and the great Content∣ment

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CRUX FIDEI COTI•• CULA

both of himself, and the Lookers on, he took the Ring the very first Course. So seasonable are these little empty joyes, when they are suitable to our Minds and Wishes.

All that the Spanish Court could do was heightned into Gallan∣try and Civilities to the Prince,* 18.26 yet he saw not his fair Mistris but at an undiscerning distance, and in transitu, as she came from Church. But after all these Splendid, and glorious out-side Cere∣monies of Entertainment, were grown a little old, the Prince be∣gan to mind the Business he came about, and desired a more in∣timate access to his Beloved Infanta, which Olivares promised from day to day to accomplish, but still delayed; and at length, when unperformed promises were heightned into Shame, he plainly confessed, That it was agreed by the King and his Coun∣cil, that he might not see her as a Lover, till the Dispensation came; for it would give scandal to admit him before, yet not to starve him quite in his Desires (but to keep him short that he should not surfeit) he had now and then Access to her as a Prince, in a publike way, the King of Spain being always present, and the Earl of Bristol Interpreter, so that nothing could be spoken, but those little superficial Compliments, that served as Baits rather to nibble on, than satisfie. But these small Repasts kept up the Appetite.

* 18.27And now the Glories of the English Court left the Northern Sun declining to the West, and came to see the Sun rising in Spain. The Marquess of Buckingham's new Title of Duke came to him also, (that he might be in the highest Rank among the Spanish Grandees) to beard the proudest of them; which afterwards he did. And the Viscount Doncaster (lately made Earl of Carlile) came in all his Glories; of which two, it was observed by know∣ing Men, That Buckingham came into Spain of the Spanish Faction, and returned into England of the French Faction: Carlile came into Spain of the French Faction, and returned into England of the Spanish: thus varying the Scene by fits, and acting their parts as the present fancy moved them. The Lord Kensington Captain of the Guard to our King, came also to see the Prince, so did the Earl of Denbigh, Edward, Son and Heir to the now Earl of Manchester; The Viscount Mandevill, the Viscount Rochford, and divers others of the Nobility; And the Prince was so circled with a Splendid Retinue of his own people, that it might be said, There was an English Court in the King of Spain's Pallace.

* 18.28But together with these specious Entertainments there were underworking Hopes to have the Prince turn Papist, for (in in∣tervenient Discourses) Olivares, and others, would press him (with all the Arguments the Court had instructed them in) to a conversion; intimating how smooth a path it would make to the Infanta's affections; for when he, that was to be Lord of her Heart

and the best friend she had, would be an Enemy to her Religion, it could be but a great Obstacle to her Love. And when the Danger of it was proposed to them, as likely to bring a Rebellion in the Nation, if their Prince should be perverted; they promi∣sed to assist him with an Army against such rebellious people. But if he would not admit of a present, and suddain alteration publikely, yet that he would be so indulgent when the Infanta came into England, as to listen to her in Matters of Religion, which the Prince promised to do. Nay, his own familiar friend Bristol (as it was Articled against him afterwards by Buckingham) did strive with a gentle hand to allure him that way, as bring∣ing with it an addition to the Grandure of the King's of England, that none of them could ever do great things, that were not of that Religion.

Thus was the Prince beset, and Time ran away in Discourses: The Dispensation being purposely delayed; for some at that time in the Spanish Court, said it was come, and sent back again to Rome, (being too forward, and active) that it might have more weight put upon it, and then it would not make so much haste, for now it came too soon to dispatch their worke. For the subtily considered, that Time and continual dropping, might leave those impressions upon the Prince's spirit, that Dispatches cannot effect. Therefore they made new Queries, and clapt new Remora's upon the Articles, that being tangled in Disputati∣ons betwixt England and Spain; and in controversies of Religion betwixt the Prince, and some of their cunning Sophisters, (which they set a work) that before the way could be well cleared on both sides, their Design (which was the Prince's Perversion) might mature and ripen. For the Earl of Bristol confessed af∣terwards, That it was a general received Opinion in the Spanish Court, that the Prince came thither with intention to be a Roman Catho∣like; And Gondemar pressed Bristol not to hinder so pious a work, assuring him, they had the Duke of Buckingham's assistance there∣in.

* 18.29And it was evident enough their hopes were great, by the Pope's letter to the Bishop of Conchen, Inquisitor general in Spain: Wherein, he excites him, not to slip the Opportunity, providence had put into his hand, of extending his Piety to the outtermost Nations. The Prince of England being now in the Court of Spain, that glorious Temple (as it were) that hath been a Bulwark to the Pontifical Authority, and an Academy for propogation of Reli∣gion, he desires he may not stay there in vain, but that some of the impressions of the Piety, of so many Catholick Kings, as have lived there, may be imprinted on him; that he may be won with all sweetness, as many of his noble Ancestors have been, who have submitted their Crowned heads, and Imperiall power to the Roman Obedience. And to his glorious Victory, and Eternal

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GREGORIVS XV alexander Luaoui∣suis, Bononien. creat die 9. Februar•• an 1621. Sedit an. 2. me ••s. S. Ob••t die 8. Iu∣lij an. 1623 Vac.

Triumph of Celestial Beatitudes, the Treasures of Kings, and Legions of Souldiers cannot contribute, but the Weapons of Light that must come from Heaven, whose Splendor inlightning the Prince's Eyes, shall dazle•• his Errors, and establish his mind in meekness. And he charges the Bishop, and all his Fraternity, to use the best strength, and industry, they can to this purpose. So that the Prince was continually laid at, by the insinuating Orations of cunning Iesuits; the fained, and cousening Miracles of reclused Holiness; the Splendid and Specious Solemnities of their Formal Processions; the rare, and admirable Pictures of their reputed Saints; besides many other painted devices, and subtle Artifices, brooded among them.

And the Pope used all the Rhetorick of his Cabalistical Consistory, and Holy Chair, to charm him to his Obedience, as may be seen by this Letter which he writ to him himself.

MOst Noble Prince,* 18.30 Health and Light of Divine Grace. For asmuch as Great Britain hath always been fruitful in Vertues, and Men of Merit, having filled the one and the other World with the Glory of Her Renown: She doth also very often attract the thoughts of the Holy Apostolical Chair, to the consideration of her praises. And indeed the Church was but then in her Infancy, when the King of Kings did choose her for his Inheritance, and so affection∣ately, that it is thought the Roman Eagles prevailed not so much as the Banner of the Cross. Besides that many of her Kings instructed in the Knowledg of the true Salvation, have preferred the Cross before the Royal Scepter, and the Discipline of Religion before Covetous∣ness, leaving Examples of Piety to other Nations, and to the Ages yet to come; so, as having Merited the principal and chief Places of Blessedness in Heaven, they have obtained on Earth the Triumphant Ornaments of true Holiness. And although now the State of the English Church be altered, yet we see the Court of Great Britain adorned and furnished with Moral Vertues, which might serve to sup∣port the Charity that We bear unto Her, and be an Ornament to the name of Christianity; if withal She could have for her defence and Protection, the Orthodox and Catholike Truth. Wherefore by how much the Glory of your most Noble Father, and the apprehension of your Royal Disposition, delights Us, with so much more Zeal, We desire that the Gates of the Heavenly Kingdom, might be opened unto you, and that you might purchase to your self the Love of the Universal Church. Moreover, it being Certain that Gregory the Great of most blessed Memory, hath introduced to the English people, and taught their Kings, the law of the Gospel, and the respect to Apo∣stolical Authority; We as inferior to him in Holiness and Virtue. but equal in Name and Degree of Dignity, it is very reasonable that We following his blessed Steps, should endeavour the Salvation of those Provinces, especially at this time, when your Happy Design (most

Noble Prince) elevates Us to the Hope of an extraordinary advan∣tage. And as you have taken a Iourney into Spain to the Catholike King, with desire to allye your Self to the House of Austria, so We do commend your Design, and indeed do testifie openly in this present Bu∣siness, That you are he that takes principal Care of our Prelacy. For seeing that you desire to take in Marriage the Daughter of Spain, We may easily from thence conjecture, That the ancient seeds of Christian Piety which have so happily flourished in the Hearts of the Kings of Great Britain; May (God prospering them) revive again in your Soul. And indeed it is not to be believed, that he that loves such an alliance should hate the Catholike Religion, and de∣light to oppress the Holy Chair. To that purpose We have com∣manded to make continually most humble Prayers to the Father of Lights, That he would be pleased to put you as a fair Flower of Chri∣stendom, and the onely Hope of Great Britain, in possession of that most noble Heritage, that your Ancestors have purchased for you, to defend the Authority of the Soveraign High Priest, and to sight against the Monsters of Heresie. Remember the dayes of old, enquire of your Fathers, and they will tell you the Way that leads to Heaven, and what way Temporal Princes have taken to gain an Eternal King∣dom. Behold the Gates of Heaven opened, the most holy Kings of En∣gland (who came from England to Rome accompanied with Angels) did come to Honour, and do Homage to the Lord of Lords and to the Prince of the Apostles, in the Apostolical Chair: their Actions, and Examples, being as so many Voices of God, speaking and exhort∣ing you to follow the course of the Lives of those, to whose Empire you shall one day attain.

Is it possible that you can suffer Hereticks should hold them for impious, and condemn those whom the Faith of the Church testifies to reign in Heaven with Jesus Christ, and have command, and authority over all Principalities, and Empires of the Earth? Behold how they tender you the hand of this truly happy inhe∣ritance, to Conduct you Safe and Sound to the Court of the Catholike King; And now desire to bring you back again into the bosom of the Roman Church: beseeching with unspeakable sighs and groans the God of all Mercy for your Salvation, and do stretch out to you the Arms of the Apostolical Charity, to imbrace you with all Christian affection; even you, that are her desired Son, in shewing you the happy Hope of the Kingdom of Heaven. And indeed you cannot give a greater Consolation to all the people of the Christian World, then to put the Prince of the Apostles, in possession of your most noble Island, whose Authority hath been held so long in the Kingdom of Britain for the defence of Kingdoms, and for a Divine Oracle, the which will easily arrive, and without Difficulty, if you open your Heart to the Lord that knocks, upon which depends all the happiness of that Kingdom. It is from this our great Charity that we cherish the Praises of the Royal Name; and that which

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Great Brittaine is thy Birth: right but the Earth Li••e then, and conquer, till victorious warre stoopes to the Vertues, which exceede thy Birth Make thy Rule endles, as thy Vertues are.

makes us desire that you and your Royal Father might be styled with the name of Deliverers,* 18.31 and Restorers of the antient, and Paternal Religion of Great Britain. This is it we hope for, trusting in the Goodness of God, in whose hands are the Hearts of Kings, and who causeth the People of the Earth to receive Healing; to whom we will alwayes labour with all our Power to render you gracious and fa∣vourable. In the interim take notice by these Letters, the care of our Charity, which is none other then to procure your Happiness; and it will never grieve us to have written them, if the reading of them stir but the least spark of Catholick Faith in the heart of so great a Prince, whom we wish to be filled with long continuance of Joy, and flourishing in the Glory of all Virtues. Given at Rome in the Palace of St. Peter, the 20. of April. 1623. in the third year of our Pope∣dom.

This Letter of the Pope's expresses not only the sleek,* 18.32 and smooth waies, that Soul-merchant takes to purchase his Prose∣lytes, but the end he proposes to himself; which is, to bring them under the Roman Obedience, otherwise whatsoever they do or profess is Heresie. And to build up the Towers of this great Babel, the name of the most High God is brought down among them, and used as a Master Builder. Every Profession layes that name as a Foundation, though the Superstructure be but straw and stubble of Hypocrisie, which a whirl-wind shall scatter, and the time is coming that her Lovers shall be destroyed, and fiery∣cloven tongues shall confound their Language. The Prince was not slack in answering this Letter, which happily he might think would quicken the Pope to dispatch the Dispensation, when he should find so little cause for Delayes, by his closing so nearly with him. Which whether out of Policy or Real intention cannot be asserted, but the Letter was thus.

MOst Holy Father,

* 19.1 I received the Dispatch from your Holi∣ness with great content, and with that Respect which the Piety, and care wherewith your Holiness writes, doth require. It was an unspeakable pleasure to me to read the Generous Exploits of the King's my Predecessors, to whose Memory Posterity hath not given those praises, and Elogies of Honour that were due to them. I do believe that your Holiness hath set their Example before my Eyes, to the end that I might imitate them in all my Actions, for in truth they have often exposed their Estates, and Li••es for the Exal∣tation of the Holy Chair, And the ••ou••••ge with which they have assaulted the Enemies of the Cross of Iesus Christ hath not been less then the Care and thought which I have to the end that the Peace and Intelligence, which hath hitherto been wanting in Christen∣dom, might be bound with a bond of true concord: for like as the common Enemy of Peace, watcheth alwayes to put Hatred and Dissen∣tion between Christian Princes, so I believe that the Glory of God

requires that we should endeavour to unite them. And I do not e∣steem it a greater Honour to be descended from so great Princes. then to imitate them in the Zeal of their Piety. In which it helps me ve∣ry much to have known the Mind and Will of our Thrice Honoured Lord and Father, and the Holy Intentions of his Catholick Majesty to give a happy Concurrence to so laudable a Design: For it grieves him extreamly, to see the great Evil that grows from the Division of Christian Princes, which the Wisdom of your Holiness foresaw, when it judged the Marriage, which you pleased to design, between the Infanta of Spain and my self, to be necessary to procure so great a good; For 'tis very certain, that I shall never be so extreamly affe∣ctionate to any thing in the World, as to endeavour allyance with a Prince that hath the same apprehension of the true Religion with my self. Therefore I intreat your Holiness to believe that I have been alwayes far from encouraging Novelties, or to be a Parti∣san of any faction against the Catholick, Apostolick, Roman Re∣ligion. But on the contrary, I have sought all occassions to take away the suspicion that might rest upon me; and that I will imploy my self for the Time to come, to have but one Religion, and one Faith, seeing that we all believe in One Jesus Christ. Having resolved in my self to spare nothing that I may have in the World, and to suf∣fer all manner of Discommodities, even to the hazarding of my e∣state and life, for a thing so pleasing unto God. It rests only that I thank your Holiness for the permission which you have been pleased to afford me, and that I may pray God to give you a blessed Health here, and his Glory, after so much travel, which your Holiness takes within his Church.

Signed, CHARLES STUART.

* 19.2It may well be a Quere, Whether this profession of the Prince, in suffering all discommodities, even to the Hazarding of Estate and Life, did not rest upon him at his, Death? as may be said hereafter; But there is a long Race for him to run, before he come to that End. It seems he had either a good Will to write this Letter, or a bad Council to indite it, or both conjoyned, that were as careful to please the Pope as they were hopeful it would never come to see the light, till the flame of it would be too visible. For if the Prince intended Really (when he had power) to introduce Popery into England; this Letter in a bloody colour too apparently would have been discove∣red; and if his intentions were formal, and only to close with the Pope for his present accommodation, how black would every Character of this letter look to the Roman Ru∣brick, and what a Tincture of Scandal would it leave upon the true Religion? for Fallere fallentem, may be a fit Motto for a bad man, not a good Christian; so that whatsoever his Intentions were, the Act was evill: And I could suspect

it is a forged Letter, but that it hath been asserted by so many Authors both at home and abroad.

The Pope finding by this letter, and some other private inti∣mations, the Princes good affections to the Roman See, thought it high time to dally no longer,* 19.3 but to draw him altogether with the Cords of Love; therefore he dispatches the Dispensati∣on to his Nuntio at Madrid, six months after the Prince's arri∣val there, with a little Bob at the Tail of it, yet to amuse them: Which was, That the King of Great Britain, and the Prince, should give Caution to perform what was stipulated between them and the King of Spain, especially in those Articles which were in favour of the Roman Catholicks in England, and other his Ma∣jestie's Dominions; Requiring at least, some Soveraign Catholick Prince should engage for them by oath. This made some little demur; for being sent into England, the King answered, That he could give no other Caution but his own, and the Princes Royal Words and Oaths, Confirmed by his Council of State, and Exemplified under the great Seal of England. But this would not satisfie. Therefore the King of Spain undertook it, and it was thought a Spanish Device, That by undertaking such an en∣gagement, he might not only the more endear himself to the King of Great Britain, and to the Prince his Brother, but have a more colourable pretext to make War against England, if the Roman Catholicks there had not full satisfaction and freedom ac∣cording to the Articles; and the King of Spain knowing or assure∣ing himself that no Catholick Prince would take such an Oath, offered himself to satisfie the Pope. And a Committee of Eccle∣siasticks in Spain were appointed to debate the Case in Relation to the King's conscience, whether he might take such an Oath for them? and they (being doubtless resolved on it before) conclu∣ded Affirmatively. And that if the King of Great Britain, and Prince should fail in the performance of these Capitulations, the King of Spain might save his Oath, by vindicating the Breach thereof upon them with his Sword. And now this Monster-dif∣ficulty being overcome by the Spanish Bravery, the very same time Articles that our King and Prince had signed (as are before related) were sent into England for our King and his privy Coun∣cil to swear to, and there was not a Rub left for either party to stumble at.

But whilst these things were in motion in Spain, they were much regretted, and badly resented in England. The Spirit al∣most of the whole Nation being averse to this Union; which made many vent their Passion by their Pens, as well as their tongues. Amongst the rest the Archbishop of Canterbury, know∣ing that a Toleration was to be admitted (though he stood tot∣tering in the King's Favour, and had the Badg of a Puritan

clapt upon him) thought it better to discharge his Conscience, though he hazarded all, rather than be silent in such a Cause, where the Glory of God, and the Good of the Kingdom were so higly concerned. Therefore he writes this letter to the King:

May it please your Majesty,

* 20.1I Have been too long silent, and am afraid by my Silence I have neglected the Duty of the Place it hath pleased God to call me unto, and your Majesty to place me in. And now I humbly crave leave I may discharge my Conscience towards God and my Duty to your Majesty: And therefore I beseech your Majesty give me leave freely to deliver my self, and then let your Majesty do with me what you please. Your Majesty hath propounded a Toleration of Religion: I beseech you, Sir, take into your consideration, what the Act is, next what the consequence may be. By your Act you labour to set up that most Damnable and Heretical Doctrine of the Church of Rome, the Whore of Babylon. How Hateful will it be to God, and grievous unto your good Subjects, the true Professors of the Gospel; that your Majesty, who hath often disputed, and learnedly written against those wicked Heresies, should now shew your self a Patron of those Doctrines, which your Pen hath told the World, and your Conscience tels your Self, are Superstitious, Idolatrous, and Detestable? Add hereunto what you have done in sending the Prince into Spain, without the con∣sent of your Council, the Privity and Approbation of your People. And though, Sir, you have a large Interest in the Prince, as the Son of your Flesh, yet hath the people a greater, as the Son of the Kingdom, upon whom (next after your Majesty) their Eyes are fixed, and Welfare depends. And so tenderly is his going apprehended, as believe it, Sir, however his return may be safe, yet the drawers of him to that Action so dangerous to himself, to desperate to the Kingdom, will not pass away unquestioned, and unpunished. Besides this Toleration which you endeavour to set up by Proclamation, cannot be done without a Parliament, unless your Majesty would let your Subjects see, That you will take unto your self a liberty to throw down the Laws of the Land at your Pleasure. What dreadful Consequence these things may draw after them, I beseech your Majesty to consider. And above all, lest by this Toleration, and discontinuance of the true profession of the Gospel, whereby God hath blessed us, and under which this Kingdom hath for many years flourished, your Majesty do not draw upon the Kingdom in general, and your Self in particular, God's heavy Wrath and Indignation. Thus in discharge of my Duty towards God, to your Majesty, and the place of my Calling, I have taken humble Boldness to deliver my Conscience. And now, Sir, do with me what you please.

Thus did our Solomon in his latter time (though he had fought

with the Beasts at Ephesus, as one saith of him) incline a little too much to the Beast. Yet he made his tale so good to the Archbishop of Canterbury (what reservations soever he had) that he wrought upon the good old man (afterwards) in the Con∣clusion of the work, to set his Hand as a Witness to the Articles. And his desires were so heightned to the Heats of Spain,* 20.2 (which boyl'd him to such a Distemper) that he would listen to nothing, and almost yield to any thing, rather than not to enjoy his own Humour. Divers of his intimate Council affecting Popery, were not slack to urge him to a Toleration, and many Arguments were used inciting to it: As that Catholicks were the King's best and most peaceable Subjects, the Puritans being the only Sticklers and the greatest Disturbers of the Royal peace, trenching too boldly upon the Prerogative, and striving to lessen the Kingly power; But if the King had occa∣sion to make use of the Catholicks, he should find them more faithful to him, than those that are ever contesting with him, And why should not Catholicks with as much safety be permit∣ted in England as the Protestants are in France? That their Re∣ligion was full of Love and Charity (where they could enjoy it with freedom) and where Charity layes the Foundation, the upper Building must needs be spiritual, But these Arguments were answered, and many reasons alledged against them, proving the Nature of the Protestant Religion to be Compatible with the Nature of the Politick Laws of any State, of what Religion soever; Because it teacheth that the Government of any State, whether Monarchial or Aristocratical, is Supream within it self, and not subordinate to any power without; so that the Knot of Allegiance thereunto is so firmly tied, that no Humane power can unloose or dissolve it. Whereas on the contrary, the Roman Religion, acknowledging a Supremacy in another, above that power which swayeth the State, whereof they are Members, must consequently hold, that one stroke of that Supreme power is able to unsinew, and cut in sunder all the Bonds which ty them to the Subordinate and Dependent Authority. And therefore can ill accord with the Allegiance, which Subjects owe to a Prince of their own Religion, which makes Papists intolerable in a Protestant Common-wealth. For what Faith can a Prince or People expect from them, whose Tenet is, That no Faith is to be held with Hereticks? That the Protestants in France had merited better there, than the Papists had done in England: the one by their Loyalties to their lawful King, having ransomed that Kingdom with their Bloods, in the Pangs of her desperate Agonies, from the Yoak of an Usur∣per within, and the Tyranny of a Forain Scepter without; The other seeking to write their Disloyalties in the Heart-Blood of the Princes and best Subjects of this Kingdom. That the Num∣ber

and Quality of the Professors of these different Religions in ei∣ther Kingdom is to be observed.* 20.3 For in France the Number of the Protestants were so great, that a Toleration did not make them, but found them a Considerable Party; so strong, as they could not have been suppressed without endangering the King∣dom; But a Toleration in England would not find, but form the Papists to be a considerable party, (witness their encrease by this late Connivency) a thing which ought mainly to be avoided. For the distraction of a State into several powerfull parties, is al∣waies weakning, and often proveth the utter ruine thereof.

* 20.4These thing were laid open to the King, but all were waved by the King of Spain's Offering. His engagement to the Pope by oath, That he and the Prince his son should observe and keep the Articles stipulated betwixt them, did exceedingly affect him. And the Articles now coming to close up all, they were ingros∣sed,* 20.5 with a long preamble. Declaring to all the World the much desired Union betwixt him and the King of Spain, by the marri∣age of his son to the Infanta Maria, sister to the King. To which end he had sent his Son into Spain to treat and conclude the match; together with George Duke of Buckingham, Iohn Earl of Bristol, Sir Walter Astone, and Sir Francis Cottington, Baro∣nets, Commissioners on his part for the said Treaty. And on the behalf of the King of Spain, Iohn de Mendoza and Luna, Marquess of Monstes Claros, Didacus Sarmiento de Acuna Earl of Gondemar, and Iohn de Cirica, Secretary to the Secret Council. Which Commissioners for both parts qualified by a Dispensation from his Holiness, after long and deliberate Dispute in so serious a matter, Communi consensu atque judicio in aliqout Capitulationes & conditiones, ad rem terminandam & absolvendam accommodata, quae sic se habent, convenerunt; by one consent and judgment, had determined and concluded the same.

Then followed the before recited Articles, after which this long Postscript attesting them.

* 20.6THe Treaty aforesaid, and all and singular the Capitulations in the same contained and specified, are acceptable to Us, and from Our certain Knowledg, for as much as doth concern Us, Our Heires and Successors, We do approve, allow, confirm, and ratifie, all and every of them; and We do promise by these presents, bonafide, in the Word of a King (laying aside all Exception and Contra∣diction) inviolably, firmly, well and faithfully, to keep, observe, and fulfill the same; and to cause them with Effect to be kept, observed, and fulfilled. And laying Our hand upon the Holy Evangelists, We do confirm the same by Oath. In the presence of the Illustrious and No∣blemen, John de Mendoza, and Carrolus a Colonna, Ambassadors

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Effigies eximÿ viri Dn̄i Didaci Salmienti de Acuna, Comitis de Gondomaere EQuitis nobli ordinis Calatravae

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of his Majesty the Catholick King, Resident in Our Court: Not∣withstanding all Opinions, Sentences, and Laws to the contrary. In Faith, and Witness that these Articles, and all and singular the premises were subscribed with Our own hand, We have caused our great Seal to be put to them, in the presence of, The most Reverend father in Christ, George Archbishop of Canterbury Primate of all England, The most reverend Father in Christ; John Bishop of Lin∣coln, Keeper of the great Seal of England. And our beloved Cou∣sins, Lionel Earl of Middlesex, Lord High Treasurer of England. Henry Viscount Mandevil, President of Our Council. Edward Earle of Worcester, Keeper of Our privy Seale. Lodowick Duke of Richmond and Lenox, High Steward of Our Houshold. James Marquesse Hamilton, James Earle of Carlile, Thomas Earl of Kelley, Oliver Viscount Grandison; And the Reverend father in Christ, Lancelot Bishop of Winchester, Dean of Our Royal Chappel. And Our beloved and faithful, George Baron Carew of Clopton, Master of Our great Ordnance of England. Arthur Baron Chiche∣ster, of Belfast, high Treasurer of Our Kingdom of Ireland. Thomas Edmonds Knight, Treasurer of Our Royal Houshold. John Sucklin Knight, Comptroller of our Houshold. George Calvert Knight, one of Our principal Secretaries. Edward Conwey Knight, another of Our principal Secretaries. Richard Weston Knight, Chancellour and sub-Treasurer of Our Exchequer. And Julius Caesar Knight, Mast∣er of our Rolls. All of them of Our Privy Council. Dated at Our Palace at Westminster, the twentieth day of July, in the one and twentieth year of Our Raign.

This Train of Witnesses are set down to shew who, were then of Our King's Council, though some of them set their hands to it much against their wills; and swore with as little zeal to observe and keep (as much as in them lay) all the aforesaid Articles. Such Power have Kings over mens Reasons and Consciences.

There was some little Contest betwixt our King and the King of Spains Ambassadours about some particular Ceremonies observed in swearing of these Articles. For our King having written, and spoken against the Popes Holiness, would not ad∣mit him to be so styled in his Oath; But the Ambassadours refu∣sed to proceed further unless that Title were consented unto; so that Our King (affecting ever to be accounted a Peace-maker) though he where Defender of the Faith, was forced to lay by his Shield, (admitting him to be holy, who was most unholy) and so the strife ended. Some other little things were stood upon by the Ambassadours, but the King's Patience surmounted all their Demands. And in the Close of the Busi∣nesse, he invited the Ambassadours to a Royall Feast at Whitehal; where after dinner, retiring into the Council-Chamber, The

King took another private Oath, to observe certain Articles in favour of Roman Catholicks, for a free exercise of their Reli∣gion in all his Dominions; Wherein he protested to do what in him lay, that the Parliament should confirm the same. And thus was the great Business accomplished,* 20.7 which gave Our King so much content, that (being transported with an assurance of the Match) he was heard to say, Now all the Devils in Hell can∣not hinder it; So secure was he of it in his own Opinion! But one that heard him, said to others standing by, That there was never a Devil now left in Hell, for they were now all gone into Spain to make up the Match.

This forwardness of the Union with Spain,* 20.8 and indulgence to Papists, made Iesuits and Priests swarm in every corner, set∣ting up their subtile Traps to catch wavering Spirits. And they could not hear of a man of estate that was sick (for persons of Quality were only aimed at) but they would tamper with his weak conscience, and persuade him to the Charity of their Religi∣on, whereby his Soul (that was tainted with earthly corruptions, and must needs be purged by Fire, before it can come to God) should escape the pains of Purgatory; or if it went thither, their Prayers could redeem them thence; with such stuff as this de∣ceiving many poor Soules. But their most specious jugling Ar∣gument (which did catch many ignorant persons) was the Visibi∣lity of their Church in all Ages (as they pretended) and their great Question, Where the Protestant Church was before Luther? Among the rest, one Edward Buggs Esquire, living in London, aged seventy years, and an old professed Protestant, was seduced by them in his Sickness, and after his recovery, being troubled in mind, at his request and desire there was a publick conference and dispute appointed at Sir Humphrey Lind's House, Lind being a friend to Buggs,* 20.9 and a Gentleman of great knowledge, and inte∣grity, who was able to grapple with the Iesuits himself, yet he modestly desired Doctor White, and Doctor Featly, Protestants, to encounter with Father Fisher and Father Sweet, Jesuits. Where Featly laid their jugling tricks at their Doores, protesting to ac∣knowledg himself overcome by them, if they could prove out of any good Author (let them brag what they would of the Visi∣bility of their Church in all ages) that in City, Parish, or Hamlet, within five Hundred years next after Christ, there was any visi∣ble assembly of Christians to to be named, maintaining, or de∣fending, either the Council of Trent in general, or these Points of Popery in special.

1. That there is a Treasury of Saints Merits, and super abundant Satisfactions, at the Pope's disposing.

2. That the Laity are not commanded by Christ's Institution to receive the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper in both kinds.

3. That the Publick Service of God in the Church, * 20.10ought, or may be celebrated in an unknown tongue.

4. That Private Masses (wherein the Priest saith, Edite & bibite ex hoc omnes, and yet eateth and drinketh himself only) are according to Christ's Institution.

5. That the Pope's Pardons are requisite or useful, to release Souls out of Purgatory.

6. That the effect of the Sacrament dependeth upon the In∣tention of the Minister.

Here Mr. Sweet interrupted him, saying, These were Scholasti∣cal Points, not Fundamental.

To which Doctor White replied, Those things which are defi∣ned in your Council of Trent, are to you matters Fundamental. And whatsoever Article denied, makes a Man an Heretick, is Fundamental.

But the denyal of any of these, make a Man an Heretick.

Ergo, Every one of these Articles is Fundamental.

To which Argument, nothing being answered, Doctor Feat∣ly proceeded.

7. That extream Unction is a Sacrament properly so called.

8. That we may worship God by an Image.

9. That the Sacred Host ought to be elevated, or carried in so∣lemn Procession.

10. That Infidels, and impious persons, yea Rats and Mice, may eat the Body of Christ.

11. That all Ecclesiastical Power dependeth on the Pope.

12. That he cannot err in matters of Faith.

13. That he hath Power to Canonize Saints, to dispose of Kings and Kingdomes at his pleasure, &c.

But the Iesuits not being able to prove that any of these things were in practice in the Primitive Times of Christianity (but that they wene fobb'd in by several Popes and Councils, in latter times, to serve their own turns) waved the Argument, and in∣sisted upon other particulars, not material to the Point; striving to confound one thing with another (as their manner is) that they might complicate, and wrap up in obscurity, all that was spo∣ken: Which Mr. Buggs perceiving, rested fully satisfied and confirmed in the Truth.

But thus the Iesuits ranged up and down seeking whom they might devour;* 20.11 and their Insolency being greater, and more no∣torious at this time, than at others, the mischief that fell to them in this Height of their pride and greatness, is very remarkable: For at at a Sermon in Black-Friers, where Father Drurie, a Iesuit, vented his pestilent Doctrine to an Auditory of near three Hundred people, the Floor of the Chamber (being an upper room) fell down, and killed the Preacher, and almost (if not) a full Hundred of his Auditory outright, maiming and bruising

most of the rest, many of them lying a long time under the Rub∣bish, crying for Help, and with much difficulty recovered their broken Limbs. Thus many times we might immediately see the hand of God (who is the Lord of Life and Death) though through wilful stupidity (because we must judge modestly) we look upon these accidents by mediate and second causes, thinking an old house can destroy so many lives, without the permission of that supreme Authority that orders all things both in Heaven, and in Earth.

The Duke of Brunswick this Spring (being healed of his wounds received in the last Battle with Mansfeldt,* 20.12 and having gotten an artificial Arm to manage his Horse, which he could do with a great deal of dexterity) what by his own interest and power, and the assistance of his friends (being but a younger Brother, and having nothing but the Bishoprick of Haverstat for his portion) he raised a great Army in the lower parts of Germany, about Brunswick and Munster, consisting of about sixteen thousand foot, and five thousand horse, every way compleatly armed, and accomplished with a gallant Train of Artillery: The Horses, Wa∣gons, and Carriages, in such trim and suitable Equipage, as shewed by their suitableness in furniture, they had not been patched up, nor hastily hurried together. His Design (being in∣vited thereto) was to joyn with the Prince of Orange, to be reven∣ged of the Spaniard for the loss of his Arm the last year: But the chief motive (as he alwaies pretended) was his respects to the Queen of Bohemia, who in those dayes (whether out of pity for her suffering so much, or out of fear that Religion would yet suffer much more) carried a great stream of affection towards her.

The Commanders in chief of this Army under the Duke of Brunswick,* 20.13 were Duke William of Wimar, Marshall General of the Field; Count Stirum, General of the Horse; Count Isenburg, Ge∣neral of the Ordnance; and Kniphuisen, Sergeant Major Ge∣neral; men acquainted with War, and Danger. But whe∣ther the Divine Fate had laid a mouldring Hand upon this gal∣lant Army, or whether the Enemy with a full Hand had charmed some of these great Officers (as by the carriage of the Business may be suspected) to be of his party, was not discovered; but the ruin of it was as strange for the manner, as unknown for the means: For after Brunswick had taken a resolution at Kettington in Brunswick-land, to joyn with the Prince of Orange, he decli∣ned all occasions of encountring with Tillie the Imperial Gene∣ral; who was with an Army at a good distance, attending Bruns∣wick's motion, not knowing (as may be conjectured) whether he would bend his course into the Palatinate, or into the Low-Countries; so that upon Brunswick's march he left him in his Reer. And left Tillie should follow him too close, and interrupt

[illustration]

ILLVSTRISSIMVS PRINCEPS CHRISTIANVS DVX BRVNSVICENSIS ADMINISTRATOR HALBERSTADENSIS

Tali Brunonis claro de stemmate Princeps Vultu Barbaricos acer consurgit in hortes; Nec Patriae tristes fert mens generosa ruinas.

him in his March, he divided his Army into three Brigades: The Van-guard was commanded by Duke William, in which was three Regiments, his own, Colonel Mayers, and Colonel Frenkes. Kniphuisen the Serjeant Major General had the ordering of the Batail, the Collonels under him were Guertsken, and Spar. And the Count de la Tour brought up the Rear, with Duke Bernard of Wimar's Regiment, the Rhinegrass, and Colonel Spees: with Direction that these three Bodies should keep equal distance, and observe this Order.

That having in their March the Enemie at their Backs, if the Rear-guard made a Halt,* 20.14 the Battail should do the same▪ and con∣sequently the Van-guard (according to the best Discipline) atten∣ding with firm foot, the cause of the Halt, that they may be ready to put themselves in order for service, if occasion were presented: The Army thus coming to pass any Passage, while the Van-guard did advance: the Battail and Rear-guard should make a stand, with the front towards the Enemy. The Van-guard being past, should face the Passage, and stay for the Battail, which being past also should do the same for the Rear-guard, that they might be ready upon the approach of an Enemy to assist one another. With this Order and Direction, they began to march into Westfalia; Brunswick trusting to Stirem, Kniphuisen, and Frenck; who being Natives of the Country, gave him as∣surance of the safe Conduct of his Army, by wayes short and com∣modious. And he commanded, especially the General of the Horse, to send out parties of Horse every way, that he might have intelligence of the Enemie's Motions; who gave him assu∣rance that the Enemies Army was not within thirty English Miles, when by other hand at the same time, he had certain notice, that the Enemy was within three English Miles with his whole Power. This miscarriage made Brunswick hast away to Newburgh, the next Town, where resting a little he took a Resolution to march all night, to recover time, and ground a∣gain; that Stirum's negligence had made him lazily lose. And to that end he commanded Kniphuisen, and Count Isenburg, to make the Baggage march at eleven a clock at Night, the Cannon, at Midnight, and the Army two hours after; But Brunswick get∣ting up at three a clock in the Morning, hoping to find his Com∣mands obeyed, and the Army in a good forwardness of advance, found nothing done, and these great Officers in their Beds. This disobedience of his Officers troubled Brunswick much, but he was constrained to Diligence, as well as Patience; And hastning them away, they pretended forwardness, but made it eight of the Clock in the morning, before the Rear-guard stirred out of their Quarters.

* 20.15From Newburgh to Statloo Bridge (a place of Security) was but fourteen English Miles, and there were in that way seven

passages or Straits, where a few men might oppose an Army. The Baggage, Cannon, and Munition, (except six pieces with Mu∣nition, that marched with the Rere-guard) had past them all, and the Foot three of them without disturbance, but Count Stirum with the Horse loitered still behind at Newburgh, which caused Brunswick to make the whole Army face about and stay for the Horse; sending a strict Command to Stirum with all speed to come up and joyn with the Foot, and not to skirmish with the Enemy at any rate. But he stayed so long that the Enemy began to charge him in the Rere, before he advanced to the third Pas∣sage, So that he sent to Brunswick for five hundred Musqueteers to amuse the Enemy till he had passed the third Passage with his Horse. The Duke sent these Musqueteers according to Sirum's desire, and advancing his Army forward, he passed the fourth Passage, and there made the Rere of his foot face about, the better to favour and receive his Horse. Which having done, he speeds back towards Stirum to see how the Business went with him, and incountring Kniphuisen, he asked him what the Enemy had done? Who answered, Nothing, all is well. But Brunswick going forward, found the contrary, for the Enemy had made a great slaughter, laying almost a thousand Horse upon the Ground.

This perplexed Brunswick exceedingly, so that with some Pas∣sion, he sent a Command to Stirum to advance his Horse towards the Body of the Army, who had stayed three hours for them at the fourth Passage, whither the Duke returned to secure the same, planting two Peeces of Demi-cannon at the Mouth of the Passage, and leaving two thousand Musqueteers to guard it, for the assistance of the Horse, if the Enemy should come to charge them at the Entrance; and so he marched forward with the rest of the Army. But Stirum drew the Horse into a Body under the side of a Wood, which was in the middle of a spacious plain, betwixt the two Passages, and that brought the Enemy to a stand: for they suspected the whole Army stood in Battalia behind that Wood, and therefore did not advance, which shewed, they watched only for advantages. And Stirum seeing the Enemie at a stand, drew his Horse towards the fourth Passage, which the Enemy observing made all the haste after that could be, to pelt them in the Rere, but the Horse passed the fourth Passage before the Enemy came up.

* 20.16Then Brunswick drew off his Cannon, and marched away to the fifth Passage, leaving Kniphuisen (who undertook it volun∣tarily) with two thousand Musqueteers, to make good that Pas∣ssage, which was of that advantage, that half the men might have done it, and two Regiments of Horse were left to give as∣sistance to the Foot, to bring them off when they should retire, and joyn with the Army. But the Van-guard of Brunswick's Army

had scarce entred the fifth Passage, but he discovered some Mus∣queteers running towards a Wood, that was on this side, and not far from the fourth Passage, and riding back to see whether all stood firm, he met Kniphuisen, and askt him if the Passage was made good? Who answered, Take you no care, trust me. But presently discovering some of the Officers that had command of the Musqueteers running towards the Army, he took a more lively apprehension that the Passage was lost, and meeting Kni∣phuisen, with some heat, told him he had betrayed him; But Kniphuisen excused himself that he could not keep it against an Army, and complained that the Horse had abandoned him. But said he, the next Passage is of as great importance as the last, and I will undertake to keep that upon forfeiture of my Head, to re∣deem my Credit again, and to that end he desired an entire Re∣giment of Foot, which the Duke granted him, but assured him he should answer it if any ill succeeded by his default.

Whilest the Army was passing the fifth Passage, the Duke sent to know whether the Horse placed according to his Direction in the Rere, made good their Station, and he had intimation, that the Horse were retired close to a Wood, and by that means dis∣covered the Foot to the Enemy. And the Army was no sooner passed the fifth Passage, but Kniphuisen quitted it to the Enemy, without so much as a Musquet shot from them. And the more to weaken his force (before he quitted the Passage) he comes to the Duke, and tells him (but it was not true) that the Enemy with thirty Cornets of Horse struck towards the left hand, to cut away to the Baggage, to possess that; And Brunswick look∣ing about, perceived within a little Wood not far off a Body of Horse, which proved to be the Prince of Ouldenburgh, who was Colonel of a Regiment of a thousand Horse, whom he sent to re∣sist the Enemy, if they should attempt upon the Baggage. And advancing his Army to the sixth Passage, he passed that also be∣fore the Enemy came to it; but here was Brunswick's Error in trusting Kniphuisen the third time, which was only as he said to redeem his former faults; for he gave the keeping of this sixth Passage to him also, which he delivered to the Enemy, at their first approach as he did the others; And drawing the Rere-guard out of the way on the right hand, (con∣trary to Brunswick's commands) and the General of the Ordnance striking out on the left hand, with his Body and Cannon; and Stirum sheltring himself in the Woods with his Horse; The Enemy advanced freely, (seeing them thus scattered) and charged on all sides with his whole Power. But little resist∣ance being made (the General Officers leaving the Field) every one shifted for himself:* 20.17 Some escaped over Statloo Bridge, ma∣ny were drowned in the River, the slaughter, and ruin was

great, so was the Confusion and fear. Sir Charles Rich being with Brunswick in this disorderly business, escaped a great dan∣ger, for in their flight, his Horse fell into a Bogg, where Bruns∣wick and the rest left him sticking; But being a Spritely Horse, (that his Brother the Earl of Warwick had given him) with much labour he plunged himself out, and saved both himself, and his Rider.

The Reliques of this broken Army that scaped, the Author saw at Eltem on the Hill, in Cleveland, and this Relation was made by the Duke of Brunswick to Maurice Prince of Orange for his own Vindication. And from a French Copy that the Duke gave to the Earl of Essex, he translated it then into English that some of our Nation there might partake of the true knowledge of his Misfortunes. And the Duke cited his chief Officers to appear before Prince Maurice, where he laid this Accusation to their charge; but either the Duke had no power over them (being in a strange Country) or no proof against them for this strange Miscarriage (being accounted among them La Fortane de la Guerre, but Chance of War) for they all escaped without Pu∣nishment.

And some years after Kniphuisen was thought fit in the Duke of Buckingham's Voyage to the Isle of Ree, to be a field-Officer in the English Army, which almost (if not altogether) thriv'd as ill; So uncertain is the true State of intricate Transactions! for that which is obvious and visible may be believed an Error; but secret mischiefs are left to his Discovery, who only knows the heart.

* 20.18France about this time had her wounds bound up, and stancht the bloody Issue, by the Pacification of Montpelier; but it broke out again at Rochel, where some English ships did the King of France service, pressed thereto by the Duke of Guise, Admiral of France, and though it carried a bad savour then, that they should fight against the Protestants, being forced thereto, yet it was not so enormous, and dangerous to them, as when the Duke of Buckingham afterwards, did force the Van-guard, a prime Ship of Our King's, and six other gallant Ships, out of the English hands, and put them into French fingring, that they might do the mis∣chief with them. Which Act was laid upon the Duke's Ac∣count, among other hainous Crimes by him committed, and he had dearly payed for it, if the Prince his Fellow-Traveller (in the first year of whose Reign it was done) had not acquitted him.

But in their intimate and secret Counsels in France it was de∣bated, whether it were not better to pull such a Goad of Here∣ticks (as they called the Protestants) out of the side of the King∣dome, that stuck there, to their continual Vexation and trou∣ble, rather than have their pain perpetually renewed, being

impossible to heal the Sore, but by such an extirpation; so much rancour, and inveterate Malice sprung up in the Popish Party against them of the Religion, that the Animosity of it ex∣tended to little less than another Massacre. And though Our King (who may be said to love them) gave them no countenance (whatsoever his Promises were) otherwise than by intreating for them (being a tickle and tender point (as he thought) to partake with Subjects against their Prince) yet God 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them Deliverance (such are the Dispensations of his Providence) by one that hated their Religion, as much, if not more, than the French.

For the King of Spain (doubling his Ambition) possest himself about this time of some parts of the Valtolin, thinking to bound France towards Italie (the Alpes being not so high as his thoughts) as the Pyrenes had bounded it towards Spain; And the French Activity being loath to be cooped up, thought it bet∣ter to endure a little inconvenience at home, than so much pre∣judice abroad, and therefore to oppose Him, they closed with the Protestants. And what was it brought them in Obedience? The re-edifying of their ruined Temples, the restoring and main∣taining their banished Ministers, and Security in their Religion and Consciences. So that it was not their Rebellion that was cause of the War, but the War made against their Religion, caused it to be called a Rebellion. Thus when all other means failed, their worst enemies (though much against their wills) proved to be their best Friends.

* 20.19But to return to the Spanish Treaty all this while in Agitation. As soon as the Articles Our King had sealed, and sworn to ob∣serve, were come into Spain, and the Prince had ratified, and comfirmed them, and had sworn to another Article there, where∣in he ties up his own hands, and gave leave to Satan, and all his complices to buffet him (which was, To permit at all times, that any should freely propose to him, the Arguments of the Catholick Religion, without giving any impediment; and that he would never directly, nor indirectly permit any to speak to the Infanta against the same) the two Kingdoms of England and Spain (as it were) shook hands to the Agreement: Prepara∣tions were made in England to entertain the Infanta, a new Church built up at Saint Iames the Prince's house; the Foun∣dation stone (with much Ceremony) laid by Don Carlos a Coloma the Spanish Ambassadour, for the publick exercise of her Re∣ligion; Her very Shadows are courted in every Corner, Pain∣ters being set a work to take the Height and Dimensions of this new Star that was to rise in the North, before it appeared. Such as hoped to flourish by her influence, grew up to exuberancy; what would they do then when they found the effects of it? Why? be drowned in their own redundancy: For the Mode∣rate

Spirit did foresee what bad Omens this Apparition did threa∣ten. On the other side, in Spain the Substance is as much cour∣ted as the Shadow is here, with the Title of Princess of England, her Maiden Restraints are taken off, and she may come abroad to publick Meetings, where now their Eyes may prattle loving Stories; though the great Courtier Olivares, gave it no better Title, than, The Prince watches the Infanta as a Cat doth a Mouse; too gross 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Expression for a Master of those Ceremonies. And in fine there was such an Union betwixt the two Crowns, that it might well be said Philip and Iacob made one Holy-day.

But this closing betwixt England and Spain, made the breach the wider in the House of the Palatine;* 20.20 the Restitution of the Palatinate, and the Electorate, to the Queen of Bohemia, and her Children, being waved in the Treaty; and a great sum of Mo∣ney proposed as a Dowry, which was also lessen'd after the first Proposition, and some part of it promised to be sent with Her in Iewels (which as one said might be Counterfeit as the rest of their Actions) yet Our King accepted of all, so eager was He and greedy of the Match, that no Obstacle could stand in his way, which he did not remove. But there was some under-hand pro∣mise; that the Infanta among the Courte-Complements, should work that feat, in presenting the Restorative of that Dignity, and Country, for a break-fast, to ingratiate her Self with the Prince her Husband, and as a pawn of her good Will and Affection to the English Nation: And these Promises with the Spanish stamp, were taken in England for current Payment, so that all things tended to a Conclusion.

* 20.21But time in Spain came too swift upon them, they were wil∣ling the Infanta should winter there, but knew not well how to delay the Prince longer. And as they were in this plunge, ru∣minating upon, and striving to find out some new Remora; to help them, Pope Gregory the fifteenth (that had granted the Dispensation) dies; and then their Subtilties flew upon that ac∣cident to make-the Dispensation invalid; yet with a Reserve to keep up our Prince's Spirit that it should be no hinderance to the Match; for the new Pope would instantly do it; if not, it should be dispatched by the Dean of the Cardinals; and the King of Spain assured the Prince, That if he would stay till Christmas the Marriage should be really celebrated then. These de∣layes coming one on the neck of another, and the Duke of Buck∣ingham having taken some disgust 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Spain, presented all things to our King in the worst habit he could put upon them; For there had been some jarrs betwixt him, and Olivares. Two great Favourites though of different Kingdoms, could not well squat in one form. Olivares hunted Buckingham so close that he had almost caught him in his own Burrow, but instead of his

Game he incountered some Vermin (which darkness could not distinguish) who bit him shreudly; and whether it were by this Common Hunt I know not, but I am sure it was by the Com∣mon-Cry, that he was so displeased with the Spanish for it, that he afterwards much inclined to the French. I acknowledge the Gravity, and Dignity of History, should not appear in such Metaphorical Habiliments, but that we now live in an Age where Truth is forced to shroud her self in such Attire, lest she should have imprinted on her face a Mark of Malice against Greatness; which if it be not ballanced with Goodness and Piety, is but an empty and frothy Title.

* 20.22But it was said this Tetrical Humour made Buckingham dislike all the Spanish proceedings, and just in the nick when it was on him, the Queen of Bohemia, by a private message, gave him some intimation, that She and her Children were to be thought on, inviting him to be a Witnesse to the Christning of one of them, which came fit to his acceptation, not so much out of affection to the one Party, as in opposition to the other. And what disrelished with him, gave an ill Savour to Our King, who having cause enough to dislike the Spanish delates, and finding the Hearts of the People bent against the Match, and some neer him, as the Duke of Lenox, made Duke of Richmond when Buckingham had his Title, that the Scots might still precede the English; and the Marquess Hamilton made Earl of Cambridge to intitle him a Peer the last Parliament, a man of a gallant, and stately presence; one whom the King much listened to, and others having as little affection to it; The hopes of a Daughter of France left to give life yet to a Royal Race, did bate something of Our King's keen edge; so that he wrote to Buckingham, That he could not expect after so long a stay in Spain, and so little done, that they had any cordial intention to perfect the Treaty, and therefore conjured him to bring his Son back with all speed: but if his Sonnes youthful follies should tye him to a long expectation, he chargeth him by his allegiance to come away and leave him there. This letter the Duke shewed to the Prince, and it wrought so upon him, that he took a suddain resolution to go home.

The Grandees of Spain having notice thereof,* 20.23 were much troubled, for their Design was to detain the Prince there all Winter, not only hoping thereby to turn him to their Religion, but to marry him to the Infanta, that there might have been a Co-union between them, that she being with Child before the Spring, they might keep her there till she were delivered, that so, the Child might be bred up and naturalized a Spaniard, both in affection and Religion, which this suddain Resolution hindring, it somewhat startled them. Olivares told Buckingham, that he had promised the Prince should admit of Communion with some Iesuits of theirs in Matters of Religion.

And the Duke answered, there had been some already with him, but the Prince (he said) was so well setled in Religion, that he was not to be further altered. Olivares replied, You gave me some assurance and hope of the Prince's turning Catholick. The Duke told him, it was false. The Conde in a great rage broke from him, with so much impatience, that he was scarce able to contain himself, went to the Prince, and told him how unworthily-Buckingham had served him; And after his complaints to him he found out the Baron Kensington, whom he looked on with an eye of good respect, his Civilities and Carriage obliging every where, venting his passion to him; telling him that Buck∣ingham had given him the Ly, and that there was nothing a man of Honour could be more sensible of. That it bred a great distraction in him, betwixt his affection to his Master's Honour, and his own: For if any evil did redound to Buckingham by his hand, (being a Person so near the Prince who had honoured the Court of Spain with his presence, and run through great and dangerous hazards, out of affection to his Master's Sister, upon whose actions now all the Christian World are gazing) it would reflect upon the Honour of his Master, and when his own Honour comes in competition with his Master's, the least must give way to the greatest; therefore he desired the Lord of Kensington to tell the Duke, That he had so much of a Gentleman, as to be sensi∣ble of the injury, and so much Power and Courage as to revenge himself, but rather than his Master's Honour should suffer, he would be the sufferer. The Duke sent the Conde word again by the said Lord, That he laid a thing to his charge that would not admit of a less sharp answer; for when his Honour comes in com∣petition with the Conde's he had rather that should suffer than his own. His Passion was quick but not durable, hot but not re∣vengful; And he held so high an esteem of the Conde, that he was more willing to venture upon his Sword than his Malice.

This business being waved by the Conde's discretion, and they seeing the Prince's intention bent homeward,* 20.24 made prepa∣ration of Carriages to the Sea-side. The Duke of Buckingham's departure was suddain, giving them no time to prepare for him, pretending a great Charge to look after the Port of St. An∣dero in Biscaie, where the Royal Navy of England, under the Command of his Father-in-Law the Earl of Rutland, attended his Directions, that all things might be accommodated for his young Master: not caring a Fig for the Ceremony of a Spanish farewel, which happily he might fear, and therefore strive to avoid, and which their gravities, as they do all other things, draw out at full length. But becase they should not think he ran away, he gave them a short signal of his Departure, and left the Prince to manage his own Busines. And that the Prince's

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NOVILISS{us}. D{us}. FRANCISCUS MANNORES COMES RVTLANDIAE BARO ROSS ET cetera

The right Honorabell FRAVNCIS MANNERS Earle of Rutl and Baron Ross of Ham: lake Beluoire and Trusbutt, and Knight of the Honorable order of the Garter.

[illustration]

change of Soil, and Ayr, the great Volatile of Fancy, might produce no change in his Affection, the King of Spain and He, both took solemn Oaths to accomplish the Marriage, and to make the Espousals ten daies, after the Dispensation from the new Pope should arrive. And a Procuration was sealed by the Prince, to the King of Spain, and Don Carlos his Brother, and left in the Earl of Bristol's hand to perfect the Work.

* 20.25Among the Specious Ceremonies indented betwixt these two great Princes, the richness of the Gifts, and Presents, that past among them, were highly remarkable. The King of Spain presented the Prince, and all his Noble Train, and the Prince filled the Court of Spain, as it were, with Iewels; no Person of Quality or Merit, but his name was recorded in the Inven∣tory of the Princes Bounty, as if England had disfurnished, and made bare her own Neck, to adorn the Breasts of Spain. The Pirnce presenting his Mistris with such a Neck-lace of Pearl, that all Spain could not Parallel: Pearls that had been long pluckt from their Watry Beds, and had left few fellows there. For the Eastern and Western Divers throughout the Catholic Empire, could never yet find the like. But these upon the Breach were returned again, though it be now indifferent whether the French or the Spanish have them. The Duke of Buckingham was not close handed in distributing his Iewels to the Beauties of Spain, though his farewel was private, his Bounty was public, More suitable to his Masters Honor, than his Own; which the Lord Treasurer Middlesex found, and repined at.

The Prince took leave of the Queen of Spain and the Infanta,* 20.26 prepared for it, in their greatest Magnificence, attended with all their train of Grandees and Ladies. The Queen spoke her own Adieu in French, which the Prince returned in the same Language. But the Earl of Bristol was the Medium betwixt the Prince and his Mistris, who if he may be believed, set her Heart to make Her self Grateful, and therefore this parting could not be acceptable to her; one of her Arguments be∣ing, If the Prince loved me, he would stay for me; but now the Time of parting approaching, those Arguments were laid a∣side, and the Superficial Ornaments of public Interview, like a Cloud, interposed it self betwixt them, so that what was darkly lodged in their thoughts, could only find light by the Eyes. Their Tongues (the Common Orator) could tell what was fit to say, when there were so many by to hear, and if the Eyes had learn'd the Language of the Heart, they quickly forgot it, because they never met again to practise it.

* 20.27The King of Spain brought our Prince to the Escurial (which was part of his way to the Sea side) a House of that Superbous, and elegant Structure, that I cannot pass by it without vailing to it, and spending some time in the survey of it. The Spa∣niard

proudly boast it to be the eighth Wonder of the World; It was built by Philip the second upon a Spiritual Foundation, which heightned into Superstition, produces the most stupendi∣ous effects. Philip at the Siege of Saint Quintin; was per∣suaded by his Officers, experimented in War, that if ever he would take the Town, he must batter down a Monastery of Friers (dedicated to Saint Lawrence) that stood in his way; which he was with much difficulty wrought to, but that Act (though it effected the Work) dinted such an impression upon his Conscience that he vowed to make the Martyr a full and am∣ple Reparation. Some say it was for the Battail he gained a∣gainst th•• French neer St. Quintin; when they came to relieve it, upon that Saints day; but whether either or both (for they were both accomplished) he built this Mighty Fabrick, in form of a Gridiron (the Emblem and Instrument of his Mar∣tyrdom) the Handle whereof, is the Kings Palace, of a vast Capacity, and the Square of the Gridiron, is divided into twelve spacious Quadrangles in which are arched Cloisters, one above, the other below; all dedicated to Religious Or∣ders, endowed with a Revenue enough to make the best Piety Proud, every Frier in the Monastery having his Man, and his Mule, so that they live there more like Princes than Priests. And in the middle of the Square, stands a Magnificent Cathe∣dral Church,* 20.28 under the high Altar whereof there is a Vault. or rather Stately Chappel, of most excellent Polished Marble, built round like an Old Roman Pantheon (which because it re∣sembled Heaven, the Romans placed there the images of their Gods) and this the Founder made the Burial-place for the Kings of Spain; establishing this Order (which is precisely observed) that no Queen shall be buried there that is not Mother to a Prince; nor none of the King's Children but the first born Son. And round about this Round, in the Marble Wall, placed in Stately Order, are many excellently contrived Arches, of wrought and Burnish'd Marble, and in every Arch a beautiful and curious Coffin (either of black Marble or Iet,) of whole stone, covered with the same, which are to put the embalm∣ed Bodies in. So that lying there, they seem as if they were inthroned, the Beauty of the Place is so resplendent about them; the Richness of the Silver lamps, and Candle-sticks blasing with Tapers, adds to the shining Brightness of the Mar∣ble, and gives a glorious Lustre. To speak of the Riches of their golden Crosses, and Chalices; the Wonders of their Gi∣ant-like Statues, and the pleasure of ther Grottoes, Gardens, Walks, Fountains, and Aqueducts, would take up more time, than is fit to allow them here. In fine, it is so transcen∣dently full of admiration, that it is to be feared they that in∣joy the pleasures thereof (saving their Merits) will look for no

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PHILIPPVS II. HISPANIAE REX, XLIII. BRABANTIAE

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FRANCOIS de Moncada Marquis d Aytone General de L'armee du Roy dcspaigne B. moncornet exc••••

other Heaven: For certainly Purgatory (though it be the Pope's Kitchen Garden) hath no such Walks in it, no more had old Elizium, and therefore this cannot be the way to Heaven un∣less it be through Mahomet's Paradise.

Here the Prince being feasted sealed the Proxie, and swore to perform the Marriage as aforesaid; And the day of Depar∣ture being come, there was a Stagg lodged in the way, whose Chace gave the King,* 20.29 and Prince some Recreation. The Prince was attended by the Lord Kensington, and the Earl of Bristol, who was the Prince's Interpreter; the King of Spain, (by inten∣tion) only with Olivares, and the Marquess D'avila; Olivares was grand Master of the Horse to the King of Spain, and neer∣est Attendant to his Person, but to shew the Spanish Civility, he always waited on the Prince, and the Marquess D'avila his bro∣ther-in-Law attended on the King of Spain. After the Ceremo∣nies of the Staggs death were performed, the King and Prince with their Train declining into a little Wood adjoining found a Table spread with Variety of Meats, and excellent Wines, provided for them, which entertained them, as well with won∣der how it came there, as with Refreshment, after the Serenity of the Air, and their exercise, had quickened their appetites: concluding Merrily, as if the Stagg had been in the Plot, and had yielded himself to Death purposely there, because the Prince's necessary accommodations were so neer. After the Repast the parting Minute approaching, to perfect all, they gave leave to the exercise of Complements. The King expressing extraordi∣nary Respects to the Prince, setting a high valuation upon his Merit, telling him, Nothing in the World could more oblige him, than the confidence he had of him, to put himself into his hands, being unusual with Princes: But he that valued his Honor above all earthly things, was the more indeared to him, in that he gave him, by this access, an opportunity to express it: and pro∣tested,* 20.30 That he earnestly desired a neerer conjunction of Brotherly affection with him, for the more intire Unity betwixt them. The Prince repaying his Noble expressions with the like Civilities, lets him know, how Sensible he was of those high Favours he had found during his abode in his Court and presence; which had set such an estimation upon his worth, that he knew not how to value it, but he would leave a Mediatrix, that should make good his defects, if he would do him the honour, and make him so happy, as to preserve him in the good opinion of her, his most fair, his most dear Mistris. And so imbracing each other they parted.

This kind Farewell was upon the twelvth of September, the King leaving the Prince to be attended to the Sea-side, by a numerous train of Spanish Courtiers, whereof the Principal were Cardinal Zapata, the Marquess Aytone, the Earl of Gon∣demar, the Earl of Monterie, the Earl of Baraias, who was

Steward of the King's houshold, but now the Manager of the Prince's Domestical Affairs. These Grandees, and others, had at Saint Andero a fair opportunity to see some of the Navy Royal of England, and were feasted aboard the Prince's Ship: But at their return towards the shore,* 20.31 the Prince being with them in the Barge, a Tempest overtook them with that Fury, that they could neither fetch the Land, nor make to the Ships again, and night and darkness joining with the Storm, the Rowers fainting with labour, because they thought them∣selves at the end of their Work, their horror and fear, almost heightned to Despair; In this Calamity yeilding themselves to the Mercy of the Seas, they spied a light from a Ship, neer which the wind had driven them, that gave new life to Hope, and plucking up their Spirits to fetch that Ship, with the danger of being broken to peeces by the Ships side, at last they got aboard. This cooled the heat of their Ceremonies so much, so that when the Tempest was over, they parted. And the Prince arrived safely at Portsmouth, upon the fifth of October follow∣ing, and the next day at London, where the Peoples joy, ele∣vated above Bonfire-expressions, might teach misguided Prin∣ces, that LOVE is the firmest foundation of security, and Happiness.

* 20.32When the Prince, and Buckingham, met at Saint Andero, the Spanish entertainments did not take them off from minding their Business: The Duke had time in his Recess to mature his Conceptions; And whether his adverseness to the Spanish in af∣fection wrought upon the Prince, or whether the Prince's affe∣ction, that was wrought upon in the Spanish Court, lost the Vigor, and Virtue, by losing the Object, or whether the uni∣ted Operations of both, cannot be determined: But one Clark a Creature of the Dukes, was posted back to Madrid to the Earl of Bristol, to command him not to deliver the Procuration for the Espousals (which the Prince had sealed, and sworn to per∣form) till he had further Order from England; pretending the Infanta might after the Espousals betake her self to a Cloister, and defraud him of a Wife. Bristol was much troubled at this Restriction, That a public Act of such Eminency, betwixt two such great Princes, highly obliging, should be smothered up by a private Command from one of the Parties, that had not power to do it, having, in true Justice, tyed up his own hands, and when the Dishonour of it would so much reflect up∣on the other Party; and therefore he resolved (notwithstand∣ing the Prince's command) if the Dispensation came, to make the Espousals within ten days according to the agreement: And he would bear himself up, from the authority he had un∣der the great Seal of England to perfect this Work, if he had not within the limited time a Command from Our King to the contrary.

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CHARLES BY THE GRACE OF GOD PRIN¦ce of Wales, Duke of Cornwell, etc.

The Duke being jealous of Bristol, from some particular Dis∣contents, and ill Resentments betwixt them, and the Prince, fear∣ing he would be too forward in the Espousals, assoon as they landed in England posted towards the King (who was then at Roiston) where they gave him a fair and plausible Narration of their Proceedings,* 20.33 laying the load upon the Spanish Delaies, and Bristol's miscarriages. Which the King as a Father to his Son, and as a friend to his Favourite, indulged to, taking their Ac∣count without examination as good and just payment. And his good Brother of Spain must now be dallied with by Talion Law; not falling off in a direct line, but obliquely, that the King might thereby measure out to himself a way to his Ends. And these two great Opposites to Spain, the Prince and Duke, must prepare it, by closing with those of the Council about the King, and others of the Nobility, whose judgment, not prejudice, made them averse to the Spanish Superciliousness, cementing their Power with that strength that a Parliament must be called, and the People consulted with; That they discovering to the King the frau∣dulent proceedings of the Spaniard, the King's Integrity and Justice in breaking the Treaty might the more appear to the People, and by that means they should be mounted upon the Wings of the Peoples affections, as Enemies to that which was so contrary to them. The News of a Parliament to break the Spanish match was quickly carried about, and according to their thoughts, it took much with the People, and gain∣ed them much respect and Honour. But the first thing they did was to procure an absolute Command from the King to the Earl of Bristol, to suspend the delivery of the Proxie till Christ∣mas, though the Dispensation came, which they effected, and sent away with all speed. In which Letter, Bristol had in∣structions to demand the Restitution of the Pala••inate and Ele∣ctoral Dignity, which were both waved and neglected in the Conclusion of the Treaty; but now are set a foot again, to let the King of Spain see the Edge of their Eargerness was taken off. For (saith the Letter) It would be a great disproportion for me to re∣ceive one Daughter with joy, and contentment, and leave another in tears and sighs.

But Bristol's power of deferring the Espousals till Christmas, was to be reserved to himself,* 20.34 and not made publick, till the Dispensation should come to discover it. And there was a Clause in the Procuration left by the Prince, that the Power of that should be in force but till Christmas, and then to expire; so that the Ex∣ecution of it was to be respited till it were altogether invalid. And the Spaniard for his greater affront must make all Provisi∣on ready, for accomplishing so glorious a work, that all the Eyes of the Christian World looked upon either with dislike or

affection. The King of Spain (to be his own free Trumpet) sending into England with the Prince, Don Mendosa de Alcor∣cana, to our King to congratulate the Princes happy Voyage in∣to Spain, and his safe return into England; And from thence he had instructions to go into Flanders, Germany, and Italy, to make known to all Princes, and Potentates, Allies to the King of Spain, how neer the Treaty of Marriage (betwixt the Prince of England, and the Infanta of Spain) was to be consum∣mated. And the Polonian Ambassadour at Madrid, that so∣licited to have the Infanta for the Prince of Poland, when he saw such preparations for the Match with England, fainted in his Hopes, and returned home. For as soon as the Dispensation came from the new Pope (which was in the Beginning of De∣cember) Bonefires were made throughout all Spain, for joy, and the great Ordnance every where thundred out the noise of it. The ninth of the month was prefixt for the Mariage day, a Tarras being erected betwixt the Court, and the next Church, almost a quarter of a mile in length, covered with Tapestry, for the more magnificence, and all things appointed in the highest State for so great a Solemnity. Presents were provid∣ing in the Court of Spain for Our King and Prince; the Infantas family (to take into England) was setled, and established; She had used her best skill among the Sweets of Spain, as one of the Principal of them, to cloth her Lord and Husband with some suits of perfumed Amber leather, some imbroidered with Pearl, and some with gold; she had practiced long the English tongue to make it natural, by the help of her two Iesuit Tutors, Wads∣worth and Boniface, and began to draw the letters which she in∣tended to have written, the day of her Espousals, to the Prince her Husband, and the King her Father-in-law; Her journeyin∣to England being resolved on about the Beginning of March.

In this State and perfection were the affairs of Spain,* 20.35 when Our King's commands like a Cloud overshadowed the Bright∣ness of them. For Bristol had now Order to declare positively to the King of Spain, that without the Restitution of the Pala∣tinate and the Electoral Dignity, the Treaty should proceed no further. Four Messengers, viz. Mr. Killigrew, Gresly, Wood, and Davies, followed each other at the heels, which raised such a dust of Discontentment among the people at Madrid, that as some report, they wished they had broken their necks by the way; so highly were the Commonalty of Spain affected with the Match! And if they felt the Influence of this cloudy Mes∣sage, what did the Lady Infanta, and the King do? The one to lose her Lover, the other to lose his Honour. She whose Heart was affected. and He who found himself affronted. But his answer to Bristol, was, The Palatinate was none of his to give, and the Electorate was in the Power of another; but if the

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Emperor, and the Duke of Bavaria, would not yield to reason, he would Arm himself on our King's part against them. But this would not satisfie, fair Promises having now lost their Virtue; and the King of Spain discerning a Breach towards, by this Various Moti∣on, sent to the Earl of Bristol to demand no more Audience of him, to deliver no more Letters to the Infanta, and gave command that none should call her hereafter Princess of England. This was the end of seven years Treaty. Wherein the King of England, a King of Peace, in spight of all the Spanish Armadoes, got the Victo∣ry, and Spain for many years did not receive so great an over∣throw. Yet they were paid in their own Coin: For at the first, and in the highest Progress of the Treaty, when Our King was so eager for the Match, in all likelyhood they never intended it; But the Prince's Presence gaining much with both Sexes, his Journey into Spain being esteemed among them so glorious an action, and the hopes they had now by this Marriage to propagate the Catho∣lick Cause; finding the Prince, as they thought, something inclin∣ed that way, better digested their first intentions, and brought it to the state from whence it declined.

The Duke of Buckingham,* 20.36 by the insinuation of a long converse, having brought the Prince up to his own Humor, taught him to look back to the Beauty he had seen in France, which was neerer to him, that he might remember the Spanish no more, now esloigned from him. But the Treaty with Spain must be first dis∣solved, to give a tincture of Honor to a proceeding with the o∣ther, and nothing but a Parliament shall do that, which th••y had fore-determined. For a Parliament taking away the cause, which was a Treaty of Peace,* 20.37 were best able to make good the effect, which would be a War that must follow it. Therefore a Parlia∣ment was summoned to meet the 12th of February, but a sad acci∣dent intervened which made it to be deferred for some few daies.

That morning the Parliament was to begin,* 20.38 the King missed the Duke of Richmond's attendance, who being a constant obser∣ver of him at all times, the King, as it were, wanted one of his Limbs to support the Grandure of Majesty, at the first solemn meeting of a Parliament, and calling for him with earnestness, a Messenger was dispatched to his Lodgings in Hast, where the King's Commands, and the Messenger Importunity, made the Dutchess his wife, somewhat unwillingly, go to the Duke's Bed-side to awake him, who drawing the Curtain found him dead in his Bed. The suddenness of the affright struck her with so much Consternation, that she was scarce sensible of the Horror of it, and it was carried with that violence to the King, that he would not adorn himself that day to ride in his Glories to the Parliament, but put it off to the nineteenth of February fol∣lowing,

dedicating some part of that time to the Memory of his dead Servant, who might serve as a fore-runner to the King, and an Emblem to all his People, That in the dark caverns of Man's Body, Death often lurkes, which no Humane Prudence, or Providence, is able to discover: For the Dutchess to some of her intimates confessed afterwards, that She found the effects of his full Veines that night that he was found dead the next Morn∣ing.

* 20.39This Lady was one of the greatest both for Birth, and Beauty, in her time; but at first she went a step backwards, as it were to fetch a Carreer, to make her mount the Higher. She was Daughter to Thomas Viscount Bindon, second Son to Thomas Duke of Norfolk, and her Mother was eldest Daughter to Ed∣ward Duke of Buckingham, both which Dukes striving to be∣come Kings, lost their Heads. Her Extraction was high, fit for her great Mind, yet (he descended so low as to marry one Prannel a Vintner's Son in London, having a good estate, who dying, lest her Childless, a young and beautiful Widow; up∣on whom Sir George Rodney a Gentleman in the West (suitable to her for person and fortune) fixing his love, had good hopes from her to reap the fruits of it; But Edward Earl of Hertford being intangled with her fair Eyes, and she having a tang of her Grand-Fathers Ambition, left Rodney, and married the Earl; Rodney having drunk in too much affection, and not being able with his Reason to digest it, summoned up his scattered Spirits to a most desperate attempt; and coming to Amesbury in Wiltshire (where the Earl and his Lady were then Resident) to act it, he retired to an Inn in the Town, shut him∣self up in a Chamber, and wrote a large paper of well-compo∣sed Verses, to the Countess in his own blood (strange kind of Composedness) wherein he bewailes and laments his own un∣happiness; and when he had sent them to her, as a sad Cata∣strophe to all his Miseries, he ran himself upon his Sword, and so ended that life which he thought death to injoy; leaving the Countess to a strict remembrance of her inconstancy, and himself a desperate and sad Spectacle of Frailty. But she easily past this over, and so wrought upon the good Nature of the Earl her Husband, that he settled above five thousand pounds a year jointure upon her for life. In his time She was often courted by the Duke of Lenox, who presented many a fair of∣fring to her, as an humble Suppliant; sometimes in a blew Coat with a Basket-hilt sword, making his addresses in such odd disguises; yet she carried a fair fame during the Earl's time. After his decease, Lenox and Richmond, with the great Title of Dutchess gave period to her Honour, which could not arrive at her Mind, she having the most glorious and transcendent heights in Speculation: for finding the King a Widower, She

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The portraiture of the illustreous Princesse Frances Duchess of Richmond and Lenox daughter of Thomas L^D. Howard of Bindon sonne of Thomas Duke of Norfo^k. whose mother was Elisabeth daughter of Edward Duke of Buckingham Anno 1623.

vowed after so great a Prince as Richmond, never to be blown with the Kisses, nor eat at the Table of a Subject, and this Vow must be spread abroad, that the King may take notice of the Bra∣very of her spirit: But this Bait would not catch the Old King, so that she missed her aim, and to make good her Resolution, She speciously observed her Vow to the last.

When She was Countess of Hertford, and found admirers a∣bout her, She would often discourse of her two Grand-Fathers, the Dukes of Norfolk and Buckingham; recounting the time since one of her Grand-Fathers did this, the other did that: But if the Earl her Husband came in presence, she would quickly de∣sist; for when he found her in those Exaltations, to take her down, he would say, Frank, Frank, How long is it since thou wert Married to Prannel? which would damp the Wings of her Spirit, and make her look after her feet, as well as gawdy Plumes.

One Little Vanity of this great Dutchess (with your Patience) may yet croud in this Story; She was a Woman greedy of Fame, and loved to keep great State with little Cost: For being much visited by all the Great ones,* 20.40 she had her formality of Officers, and Gentlemen, that gave attendance, and this advantage that none ever eat with her; Yet all the Tables in the Hall were spread, as if there had been Meat, and men to furnish them; but before eating time (the house being voided) the Linnen returned into their folds again, and all her people grased on some few dishes. Yet whether her Actions came into Fames fingring, her Gifts were suitable to the greatness of her Mind. For the Queen of Bo∣hemia (to the Christning of whose Child she was a Witness) had some taste of them. And being blowing up by Admiration for this Bounty, either by her own design to magnifie her Merit, or by others in Mockery to magnifie her Vanity, huge Inventories of Massie Plate went up and down, from hand to hand, that she had given that Queen, and most believed it; yet they were but Paper presents, those Inventories had an non est inventus at the Hague, they saw the Shell, the Inventory, but never found the Kernel, the Plate. Such difference there is betwixt solid worth, and Airy-pa∣per-Greatness. And it is hoped these sleight intermixtures, will be no great transgression, because long serious things do dull the Fancy.

The King having digested his sudain loss of the Duke of Rich∣mond, and fitted himself to make his mind known to his people, in Parliament; he went to the House the nineteenth, as is said, and opened himself to them to this effect.

* 20.41To testifie to the World how far my mind hath been from esohew∣ing to assemble a Parliament, and how willing I have been upon all

Occasions to have the advice of my people. I have at this present cal∣led you, to approve unto you the earnest desire I have ever had, and still have, to deserve the love of my people, by improving your trust, and communicating unto you a Matter of as great Consequence as ever King imparted to his people, to have their advice and Counsel in.

I shall say unto you as Christ said to the Church, I am your Hus∣band, and you are my Spouse. And as it is the Part of a good Husband to procure, and maintain the love of his wife; which he usually doth by often visiting her, and upon extraordinary Occasions communica∣ting the secrets of his affairs unto her, and by all gentle and affable wayes to gain her Love: So in the administration of Government, I desire to carry my self towards my People. There are two wayes by which a King may shew his love to his People. One is, by a constant ad∣ministration of Iustice, according to the Laws established; the other is, by communicating himself to his People, in their Representative, the Parliament. For the first, I know there's no particular Man of you that hath not injoyed the Blessing and Benefit of it; which I will say nothing of, because you have been all Witness of it; for who hath not found the fruits of it? If he considers the Peace which my King∣domes injoy, in the midst of the Miseries our Neighbours are afflicted with. And though I cannot say my Government hath been without Error, yet this I can truly say, and will avouch it before God, and his Angels, That never King governed with a more pure sincerity, and uncorrupt Heart, than I have done, far from all intention, and mean∣ing of the least Error, or imperfection in my Reign.

I have assembled you at this time to perform the other part, which is duely to impart unto you, a Secret, and a Matter of as great im∣portance as can to be to my Estate, and the Estate, of my Children; I crave your best, and safest advice, and Counsel, as the Writ where∣by you are assembled imports, That the King would advise with you in matters concerning his Estate and Dignity; And as I have ever indeavoured by this, and the like waies, to procure, and cherish the love of my People towards me, So do I hope, and fully believe, that ne∣ver any King was more beloved of his People (whom you my Lords and Gentlemen do here represent) so I would have you truly repre∣sent their loves also to me, that in you as in a true glass I may perfect∣ly behold it, and not as a false glass presents it, not at all, or otherwise than it is indeed. Give me your free and faithful Counsel in this Matter, which is that of which you have often heard, the Match of my Son. Wherein as you may know I have spent much time, with great Cost, in long Treaty, desiring alwaies therein (and not without reason, hoping to have effected my desires) the advancement of my Estate, and Children, and the general Peace of all Christendom. Wherein I have alwaies constantly laboured, depending too much upon fair Hopes and Promises. But at the earnest instance of my Son, I was conten∣ted

(although it was of an extraordinary Nature) to send him to pro∣secute his Desires in Spain; and for his more safety I sent Bucking∣ham (in whom I ever reposed the most trust of my Person) with him with this command, to be continually present with him, and never leave him, till he returned safe again unto me; which he performed, though not with such effect as I expected, yet not altogether without Profit; for it taught me this Point of Wisdom, that, Qui versatur in Universa∣libus, &c. is easily deceived, and it generally brings nothing to good issue; for before any Matter can be fully finished, it must be brought to particulars. I thought before their going, the affairs had been pro∣duced to a narrow Point (relying upon their general Propositions) but when they came to the matter, it proved so Raw, as if it had been ne∣ver treated of, the Generals giving them easie way to evade, and af∣fording them means to avoid the effecting of any thing.

The Particulars that passed in the Treaty, I mean not now to dis∣cover unto you, the time being too short, I referre that to Charles and Buckingham, and the Secretaries, who shall relate unto you all the Particulars. And after that, Super totam materiam, I desire your best assistance and advice; what is best and fittest for me to do, for the good of the Common-wealth, the advancement of Religion, and the good of my Son, and my Children of the Palatine. And of Our E∣state I know you cannot but be sensible, considering your Welfare con∣sists in Ours, for you shall be sure to have your share in what misery shall befal us, therefore I need to urge no further Arguments unto you for your choicest and surest Counsel. And I assure you in the faith of a Christian King, that it is Res integra, presented unto you, and that I stand not bound, nor any wayes ingaged, but remain free to follow what shall be best advised.

To plant is not sufficient, unless like good Gardiners you pluck up the weeds that will choak your labours; and the greatest weeds among you are jealousies, root them out: for my Actions, I dare avow them be∣fore God, but jealousies are of a strange depth. I am the husband, and you the wife, and it is subject to the wife to be jealous of her husband. Let this be far from you! It hath been talked of my remisness in main∣tainance of Religion, and suspicion of a toleration, but as God shall judge me, I never thought, nor meant, or ever in word expressed any thing that savored of it. It is true, that at times best known to my self, I did not so fully put those lawes in execution, but did wink, and Con∣nive at some things which might have hindred more weighty Affaires: But I never in all my Treaties agreed to any thing, to the overthrow, or disagreeing of those Lawes; But in all I had a chief regard to the preservation of that Truth, which I have ever professed. And in that respect as I have a Charitable conceit of you, I would have you have the like of me also, in which I did not transgress. For it is a good Horseman's part not alwayes to use the Spur, nor keep streight the

Reign, but sometimes to use the Spur, and sometimes to suffer the Reign more remiss; So it is the part of a Wise King (and my Age and experience have informed me) sometimes to quicken the Laws, with strict Execution, and at other times upon just Occasion to be more remiss.

And I would also remove from your thoughts all jealousies, that I might, or ever did question or infringe any of your lawful liberties, or privileges; But I protest before God I ever intended you should in∣joy the fulness of all those, that from antient times give good Warrant and Testimony; of which, if need be, I will inlarge, and amplifie. There∣fore I would have you (as I have in this place heretofore told you, as Saint Paul did Timothy) avoid Genealogies, and curious questions, and quirks and jerks of Law, and idle innovations, and if you minister me no just Occasion, I never yet was, nor ever will be curious or capti∣ous to quarrel with you. But I desire you to avoid all doubts, and hin∣drances, and to compose your selves speedily, and quietly, to this weigh∣ty affair. Carry your selves modestly, and my Prayers shall be to God for you, and my love shall be alwayes with you, that a happy Conclusion may attend this Parliament. God is my Judge, I speak it as a Chri∣stian King, never any way faring Man, in the burning, drie, and san∣dy Desarts, more thirsted for water to quench his thirst, than I thirst and long for the happy success of this Parliament, that the good issue of this, may expiate, and a••quit the fruitless issue of the former. And I pray God your Counsels may advance Religion, the publick weal, and the good of me, and my Children.

* 20.42When the King had thus ended, the Lord Keeper Williams, Bishop of Lincoln, and Speaker to the House of Peers (who uses al∣ways to make the King's mind further known if there because) told the Parliament, That after the Eloquent speech of his Maje∣sty, he would not say anything; for as one of the Spartan Kings being asked whether he would not willingly hear a man that counterfeited the voice of the Nightingale to the life, made an∣swer, He had heard the Nightingale. So for him to repeat, or re∣hearse what the King had said, was (according to the Latine Pro∣verb) to enamel a Golden Ring with studs of iron. He doubted not but that the King's Speech had like Aeschines Orations left in their minds a sting; And as an Historian said of Nerva, that having adopted Trajan, he was immediately taken away, Ne∣post divinum et immortale factum, aliquid mortale faceret: So he would not dare after his Majesties Divinum et immortale dictum, mortale aliquid addere.

This is not inserted to shew the pregnancy, and Genius of the Man, but the temper of the Times; wherein, Men made themselves less than Men, by making Kings little less than Gods. In this the Spanish Bravery is to be admi∣red,

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HONORATISS et REUERENDISS D{us} IOHANES WILIAMES. EPISC. LINC. et MAG: SIGILL: ANG: 〈◊〉〈◊〉

The right Honourable and right-reverend father in god Iohn Lorde Bishop of Lincolne Lord keeper of the greate Seale of England and one of his Ma.^ties most hon.^ble princes Counsell.

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and the French do not much come short of them, who do not idolize their Kings with Sacred Soveraign, immortal, and Oracu∣lous expressions, but in their humblest Petitions, give him the Ti∣tle Sir, tell him their Business, and demand Iustice of him. But where these Adulations are admitted, though it doth not strike suddenly with some incurable Disease, yet the same hand can make them consume; and in the end wast away to nothing.

But the Parliament, though they knew there was an intention of a Toleration of Popery upon the close of the Spanish match, sealed up (as it were) their lips, and would not see the light that discovered it self through this cloud that the King cast before it (though some of the Commons had much ado to hold, which he takes notice of at the next Interview, and thanks them for) but they went on directly to his Business, making it their own, for∣getting all former miscarriages. And upon the 24. of this moneth, the Duke of Buckingham,* 20.43 accompanied with the Prince as his Re∣membrancer, made a long Relation of all the transactions in Spain, to both Houses, with all the advantage he could, to make good his own Actions, some of the Particulars whereof are already re∣lated. And he took the first Discovery of the intention of the King of Spain not to deal fairly with Our King (touching the Restitution of the Palatinate) from the Arch-dutchess jugling in the Treaty at Bruxels, which was managed by Sir Richard Weston, our King's Ambassadour there, who urged for a Cessation of Armes in the Palatinate (the Arch-Dutchess pretending Power to draw off the Spanish Forces, if Our King would first draw off his) it came to an Agreement; but in the close (after some Delayes) she confessed she had no Power to admit of a Cessation, till she had more particular warrant for it out of Spain.

That these shufflings made Our King send Porter into Spain for a more resolute answer, in relation to the Match, and the Pala∣tinate, and assigned him but ten dayes to stay there; In which time, Bristol fed him with Hopes, which he found very Empty ones: whereupon Porter went boldly to Olivares, who (in an open-hearted way) told him plainly that Spain meant neither the Match, nor Restitution of the Palatinate.

Bristol seeing Porter would return with this answer, persua∣ded him to speak with Olivares again, who coming to Olivares, found him much incensed, for relating the private intimation he gave him, to Bristol the Publick minister, and denyed to speak with Porter anymore.

Bristol still puffs up Our King with an assurance both of the Match, and restitution of the Palatinate, but they proceeding slowly, the Prince desired that he might go himself into Spain,

which Buckingham first broke to the King, who with Reasons laid down for it, was drawn to it.

When the Prince came there, the Match at first was abso∣lutely denied, unless he would be converted, which Bristol perswaded the Prince unto, at least in shew, to expedite his Bu∣siness.

Then the Spanish Ministers urged for a Toleration of Religion in England, which they hoped (as some of them expressed) would cause a Rebellion, and they offered the Prince an Army to Assist him for the Suppression of the same.

But the Prince finding the Spanish did but dallie with him, left a Proxie with Bristol to conclude the Match, when the Dispensation came, which the Prince forbad him to deliver; Bristol nevertheless proceeds, and if Gresley had not brought a Revocation of the Proxie from the King over night, Bristol had made the Espousalls the next day. And alwaies at the end of e∣very point, he would look upon the Prince for his approbati∣on, and allowance, who still as the Duke went on, confirm∣ed the same. And so Buckingham concluded, that if the draw∣ing of us out of Darkness into Light, did deserve thanks, we all owed it to the Prince, who by the Hazard of his Per∣son, and by his great care and industry had done this for Us.

* 20.44The Parliament that looked upon the Duke with a Sour Eye for tempting the Prince to so dangerous a journey, when they found what excellent effects it had produced, forgot the Old Murmurs buzzed against him, and with elevated Voices could scarce be contained from acknowledging him The Pre∣server of the Nation. This his discovery is Cryed up every where, and who but the Duke is become the Darling of the Multitude? So dear then was the Prince unto the People, that they tendred his safety as their own! and so easily might he have retained his Love, if by grasping after Shadows, he had not lost the Substance. For those people are the soonest deceived that love most to admire.

* 20.45The Parliament were but men, and could at present see no more than the Duke was pleased to shew them, through the flat∣tering glass of this Relation. But when Bristol came over, and (as afterwards he did) discover, that the Duke carried the Prince purposely into Spain to be the better instructed in Popery: That he gave hope to the Spanish Ministers of State of the Prince's Con∣version, which made them propound far worse Conditions for Religion than had been formerly agreed on: That he pro∣fessed himself a Papist there; going to Mass, kneeling to, and adoring their Sacraments, which the Pope being informed of, sent the Duke a Bull, to perswade, and incourage him to per∣vert

the King and Prince,* 20.46 with other pernicious Crimes laid to his Charge in the next King's reign (as may appear in due time) None can blame the People for Mutable affections:* 20.47 for when false-hood is so impudent as to hoodwink such an Assembly, with the vail that Truth her self is wont to put on, who can at an in∣stant discover it?

But it was a hard Condition for the banished Palatine to have such Mediators as Buckingham, Bristol, and Weston, to make in∣tercession for him, the Temper of whose Spirits was well known, and which way their affections tended. But now the load is all laid upon Bristol; though he were at the distance of not be∣ing sensible of it, yet it was so heavy, that most Men thought he would never come to have it taken off.

* 20.48But all things were passed over by the Parliament that refle∣cted upon particulars, having in their eye the general good of the Kingdom, which they strove to manage with advantage. And the Treaty of the Marriage with Spain being put into their hands, they crushed the brood in the nest, advising the King to break the Treaty, and proclaim open War with that King. Which they did not do suddainly, as if they had been eager upon a War, but with good advice, and deliberate consideration, as the most immediate means for the establishment of Religion, and setled Peace; protesting to assist the King, for the regaining of the Palatinate with their lives, and fortunes. Upon which Declaration and Resolution, the King determined to send instant∣ly post into Spain, to his Ambassadors, to signifie to that King that the Parliament advised him to break off the Treaties, and to reco∣ver the Palatinate by War, and the Post had his Dispatch to that purpose; when the King repented him of what he had done, and (like the Husband how jealous of his Wife) writes to Secre∣tary Conway this Letter, to impede and delay the Business.

* 21.1I doubt not but you have heard what a stinging Petition a∣gainst the Papists, the Lower House have sent to the Higher House this day, that they might joyntly present it to me; you know my firm Resolution not to make this a War of Religi∣on. And seeing I would be loth to be Conny-catcht by my People, I pray you stay the Post that is going into Spain, till I meet with my Son, who will be here to morrow morning. Do it upon pretext of some more Letters ye are to send by him, and if he should be gone, hasten after him to stay him, upon some such pretext, and let none living know of this as ye love me: and before two in the afternoon to morrow you shall without fail hear from me.

Farewell.

Apr. 3, 1624.

By this Letter it appears,* 21.2 that the King thought the Petiti∣on against Recusants of such high consequence, that if he should

not give the Parliament a good answer, it might make a Rupture with them, and therefore he will see further in the Nature of this Petition, before he will break with the King of Spain; and know more of the Prince, his Son's mind, happily whether he would yet accept of his Old Mistris, or expect a new one. Or whether the King feared that the Parliament would not make good their Promises, to stand with their lives and fortunes in the Gap, when this great Breach was made, and so cousen him, may be Mystical Conjectures from Mystical Expressions, grounded upon the Words of a King: Or whether any or all of these (like the King's Heart inscrutable) are meant in the Letter, is not here determined. But the King hastens to the House, and finding no such terrible things in the Petition (the Lords being not so quick in the Resolution of it, as the King was in the apprehension of it) he stirs not those Waters, but sounds the depth of the Parlia∣ments Intentions, by propounding his Doubts, and requiring a so∣lution to them, in order to a War, with prudence and caution.

My Lords and Gentlemen all. I have cause first to thank God with my heart,* 21.3 and all the faculties of my mind, that my speech which I delivered in Parliament hath taken so good effect among you, as that with an Unamine consent, you have freely, and speedily, given me your advice in this great Business, for which I also thank you all as heartily as I can. I also give my particular thanks to the Gentlemen of the lower House, for that I hear, when some among them would have cast jealousies, and doubts, between me and my people, you presently quelled those Motions, which might have hindred the happy agreement I hope to find in this Parliament. You give me your advice to break off both the Treaties as well concerning the Match, as the Palatinate. And now give me leave as an old King to propound my Doubts, and hereafter give me your answer.

First it is true that I who have been all the dayes of my life a peaceable King, and have had the Honour in my Titles, and impress to be stiled Rex pacificus, should without neces∣sity, imbroil my self in a War. Which is so far from my Nature and from the Honour I have had both at home and a∣broad, in endeavouring to avoid the effusion of Christian blood (of which too much hath been shed) and so much a∣gainst my Heart, that unless it be upon such a necessity, that I may call it (as some merrily say it of Women) Malum Necessarium, I shall be loth to enter into it. And I must like∣wise acquaint you that I have had no small hopes given me of Obtaining better Conditions, for Restitution of the Palatinate, and that even since the setting down of this Parliament. But be not jealous, nor think me such a King, that would under

pretext of asking your advice put a scorn upon you, by disdain∣ing or rejecting it. For you remember, that in my first Speech unto you, for proof of my Love to my People, I craved your ad∣vice in this great and weighty affair. But in a matter of this Weight. I must consider how this Course may agree with my Conscience and Honour, and next, according to the Parable uttered by our Saviour, (after I was resolved of the Ne∣cessity, and justness of the Cause) to consider how I shall be en∣abled to raise Forces for this purpose.

As concerning the Case of my Children. I am now old, and would be glad, as Moses saw the Land of Promise from a high Mountain (though he had not leave to set his foot in it) so would it be a great Comfort to me, that God would so long prolong my daies, as, if I might not see the Restitution, yet at least to be assu∣red that it would be. That then I might with old Simeon say, Nunc dimittis servum tuum Domine! Otherwise it would be a great grief unto me, and I should dy with a heavy, and discom∣forted Heart. I have often said, and particularly in the last Parliament, (and I shall be ever of the Mind) that as I am not ambitious of other Mens Goods or Lands, so I desire not to en∣joy a surrow of Land in England, Scotland, and Ireland, without Restitution of the Palatinate; and in this Mind I will live and dy.

But let me acquaint you a little with the difficulties of this Case; He is an unhappy man who shall advise a King to War, and it is an unchristian thing to seek that by blood, which may be had by Peace. Besides, I think your Intentions are not to in∣gage me in a War, but withal you will consider how many things there are requisite thereunto. I omit to speak of my Own Necessities, they are too well known; Sure I am, I have had the least help in Parliament of any King that reigned over you these many years; I have let you know that my disabili∣ties are increased, by the Charge of my Son's Journey into Spain (which I was at for his Honour, and the Honour of the Nation) by sending Ambassadours, by Maintenance of my Children, and by assisting of the Palatinate. I have incurred a great Debt to the King of Denmark, which I am not able to pay. The Low-Countries (who in regard of their nearness are fittest to help for the Recovery of the Palatinate) are at so low an ebb, that if I assist them not, they will be scarce able to subsist. The Princes of Germany that should do me any good, are all poor, and weak, and disheartned, and do expect assistance from hence. For Ire∣land, I leave it to you, if that be not a back-door fit to be secu¦red. For the Navy, I thank God it is now in a better Case than ever it was, yet more must be done, and before it can be pre∣pared as it ought to be, it will require a new Charge, as well for the own Strength, as for securing of the Coasts. My Children

(I vow to God) eat no bread but by my means,* 21.4 I must main∣tain them, and not see them want. My Customs are the best part of my Revenues,* 21.5 and in effect the Substance of all I have to live on; All which are Farmed out upon Condition, That if there be War, those Bargains are to be anulled. Subsidies ask a great time to bring in; and if you assist me that Way, I must take them up before-hand upon Credit, which will eat up a great part of them.

This being my Case, to enter into a War without sufficient means to support it, were to shew my Teeth and do no more. In the mean time, I heartily thank you for your Advice, and will seriously think upon it; As I pray you to consider of these other Points. My Treasurer, to whose Office it appertains, shall more at large inform you of those things that concern my Estate.

Thus freely do I open my Heart to you, and having your Hearts, I cannot want your Helps; for it is the Heart that opens the Purse, not the Purse the Heart. I will deal frankly with you, shew me the means how I may do what you would have me, and if I take a Resolution upon your Advice to enter into a War, then your own Deputies shall have the disposing of the Money, I will not meddle with it, but you shall appoint your own Treasurers.

I say not this with purpose to invite you to open your Pur∣ses, and then to slight you so much as not to follow your Coun∣sel, nor ingage you before I be ingaged my self. Give me what you will for my own means, for I protest none of the Money which you shall give for these Uses, shall be issued but for those ends. If upon your Offer I shall find the means to make a War honourable, and sate, (and that I resolve to im∣brace your Advice) then I promise you on the Word of a King, That although War and Peace be the peculiar Prerogative of Kings, yet as I have advised with you in the Treaties, on which War may ensue, so I will not Treat nor accept of Peace, with∣out first acquainting you with it, and hearing your Advice, and therein go the proper way of Parliament, in conferring and consulting with you: And happily, Conditions of Peace will be the better, when we are prepared for War, according to the Proverb, That Weapons breed Peace.

Your kind Carriage gives me much Contentment, and that comforts me which my Lord of Canterbury said, That there was not a contrary Voice among you all, like the Seventy In∣terpreters, who were led by the breath of God.

I am so desirous to forget all rents in former Parliaments, that it shall not be my default, if I be not in love with Parlia∣ments, and call them often, and desire to end my life in that intercourse between Me and my People, for making of good

Laws, reforming abuses, and maintaining the good Govern∣ment of the Common-Wealth. Therefore go on cheerfully, and advise of these points, and my Resolution shall be then, de∣clared.

None can blame the King for being too cautelous,* 21.6 or wary in such an Eruption as this, so contrary to his Nature (as he saith himself) a War was a new World to him, fearing to lay out by it more than he should receive. And in this, he was like the Man, that when his Master gave great Charge to go and gather up his Rents in the Country, and to take a pair of Pistols with him, to bring home his Money with the more security: After the Master had appointed him to pay so much in one place, and so much in another, that the Man saw he should not receive so much as he should disburse, Bid his Master take his Pistols again, he should not use them. So the King fearing that when the War was begun, there would not be where withal to maintain it, Thanked the Parliament for their Advice, and he would consider better of it. And they seeling the King's Pulse by his expressi∣ons, resolved now not to let him flag, but to keep up the tem∣per of his Spirit, that a little thing would make decline again. And therefore they seriously settled to their Business, and an∣swered his Expectation fully, which they presented unto him shortly after, in these words, to his great Satisfaction.

Most Gracious Soveraign,

WE your Majesties most Humble and Loyal Subjects,* 22.1 the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled, do first render to your Sacred Majesty, Our most Dutiful Thanks, for that to Our unspeakable Comfort, you have vouchsafed to express your Self so well satisfied with Our late Declaration made unto your Majesty, of Our general Resolution in pursuit of Our Humble Ad∣vice to assist your Majesty in a Parliamentary way, with Our Per∣sons and Abilities. And whereas your Majesty in your Great Wis∣dom and Iudgment, foreseeing that it will make a deeper impression, both in the Enemies of that Cause, and in your Friends and Allies, if they shall not onely hear of the Cheerful Offers, but also see the Real performance of your Subjects towards so great a Work. Your Ma∣jesty was pleased to descend to a particular Proposition for the ad∣vancing of this great Business. We therefore in all humbleness most ready and willing to give your Majesty and the whole World an ample Testimony of Our Sincere and Dutiful Intentions herein, upon Mature Advice and Deliberation, as well of the Weight and Importance, of this great Affair, as of the present Estate of this your Kingdom. (the Weal and Safety whereof, is in Our Iudgments ap∣parently threatned, if your Majesties Resolution for the Dissolving of the Treaties, now in question, be longer deferred, and that Pro∣vision

for defence of your Realm, and aid of your Friends, and Allies, be not seasonably made) have with a Cheerful Consent of all the Commons (no one dissenting) and with a Full, and Cheerful Con∣sent of the Lords, Resolved, That upon your Majesties publique De∣claration, for the Dissolution, and utter Discharge of both the said Treaties of the Marriage, and the Palatinate, in pursuit of Our Advice therein, and towards the Support of that War, which is like∣ly to ensue; And more particularly for those four Points proposed by your Majesty. Namely, for the Defence of this your Realm; the Securing of Ireland; the assistance of your Neighbours, the States of the United Provinces; and other your Majesties Friends, and Allies; and for the setting forth of your Royal Navy; We will grant for the present, the greatest Aid which ever was given in Par∣liament. That is to say, Three intire Subsidies, and three Fifteens, to be all paid within the compass of one whole Year, after your Ma∣jestie shall be pleased to make the said Declaration; The Money to be paid into the Hands, and expended by the Direction of such Com∣mittees, or Commissioners, as hereafter shall be agreed upon at this present Session of Parliament. And We most humbly beseech your Majesty, to accept of these First Fruits of Our Hearty Oblation, dedicated to that Work, which We infinitely desire may prosper, and be advanced. And for the Future to rest confidently assured, That We your Loyal and Loving Subjects, will never fail in a Parlia∣mentary way, to assist your Majestie in so Royal a Design; wherein your Own Honour, and the Honour of your most Noble Son the Prince, the Antient Renown of this Nation, the Welfare and very Subsistence of your Noble, and Onely Daughter, and her Consort, and their Posterity, the Safety of your Own Kingdom, and People, and the Prosperity of your Neighbours, and Allies, are so deeply ingaged.

* 22.2The Parliament by this Declaration came up so close to the King, that he could make no evasion, but rested contented now in his Latter time (when the Almonds (as it were) begun to Blossom upon his head) to plunge himself into a War: which brought him again to the Parliament, to thank them for their Readiness to assist him; telling them, That he is willing to follow their advice in the Anulling and Breach of these two Treaties. They having given enough to begin a War, but when the end will be (he said) God knows. Yet he will ingage for himself and his Son, his Successour, That no means shall be left unused for recovery of the Palatinate. And for all his Old Age (if it might do any good) he would go in person to further the Business. But as he is contented to have the Parliament Commit∣tees to dispose of the Moneys by their Directions, so the Design must not be acted by publique Councels; For whether he shall send Two thousand, or Ten thousand; whether by Sea or Land,

East, or West, by Diversion or Invasion, upon the Bavarian, or the Emperor, that must be left to the King. And this he did, that there might be no jealousies, but to smooth every Rub be∣twixt them.

And to put it in execution, a Council of War is chosen out of the old, and long discontinued Militia of Ireland, and some o∣thers of the Nobility; and upon result of their Counsels (after some debate) it was concluded, to send fix thousand men for the present into the Low Countreys, to joyn with the States Forces, against the King of Spain's mighty Armies, under the command of Marquess Spinola, that threatned the next Summer to over∣run the Netherlands, that weakning the Spaniard in Flanders, they might have the more free access into Germany.

The Dissolution of the Treaties with Spain,* 22.3 and the prepara∣tion for War resounding in every Ear, gave such an Allarm to the Spanish Ambassadour, the Marquess of Inoiosa, that whether out of Truth, and Knowledge (as he pretended) or Malice only, cannot be determined: But he sent to the King, to let him know, that the Duke of Buckingham had some dangerous Ma∣chination a foot, that tended to his Destruction, and the best he could expect, would be a confinement to a Countrey-house, in some Park during his life; the Prince being now in full abilities and ripe in Government. This Concussion was strong enough to shake an old Building, that was of a fearful, and tottering Temper (especially if he considered how his Mother was put by her Government, to say nothing of Prince Henry) but the vio∣lence of it did not work, because the Operation was somewhat mitigated by the Duke's Protestation of his Innocency. For the King at the next Interview saying to him, Ah Stenny, Stenny, (which was the Familiar name he alwayes used to him) Wilt thou kill me? The Duke struck into an Astonishment with the Expression, after some little Pause, collected himself, and with many asseverations strove to justify his Integrity; which the good King was willing enough to Believe; and Bucking∣ham finding by some discourse, that Padre Macestria the Spa∣nish Iesuit, had been with the King, he had then a large Theme for his Vindication, turning all upon the Spanish Iesuitical Ma∣lice, which proceeded from the ruins of their quashed Hopes. And the King knowing Inoiosa and all that Party, very bit∣ter against Buckingham; and though he did not directly ac∣cuse the Prince to be in the Conspiracy, with Buckingham, yet he reflected upon him; for such an attempt could never have been effected without his Privity; therefore out of the Bowels of good Nature he did unbelieve it; and after Examinations of some Persons the Duke's Intimates, and their constant denyal upon oath (which they had no good Cause to confess) the King

was content (being loth to think such an Enterprize could be fo∣stred so neer his own Bosom) to have the Brat strangled in the Womb. And he presently sent into Spain to desire Iustice of that King, against the Ambassadours false Accusation, which he said wounded his Son's Honour through Buckingham's side, which Sir Walter Aston represented to the King of Spain (for Bristol was coming over to justifie his Actions to the Parliament.) But the Duke of Buckinghams reputation there procured no other Satisfaction, than some little check of for∣mality; for when Inoiosa was recalled home, he was not lessen'd in esteem. Thus was this Information waved, though there might be some cause to suspect, that the great intimacy, and Dearness, betwixt the Prince and Duke (like the conjunction of two dreadful planets) could not but portend the production of some very dangerous effect to the old King.

But the Duke's Reputation, though it failed in Spain, held firm footing in England;* 22.4 for Bristol no sooner appeared, but he is clapt up in the Tower. Their jugling practices (whereof they were Both guilty enough) must not yet come to light, to dis∣turb the Proceedings in Parliament. Bristol had too much of the King's Commission for what he did (though he might overshoot himself in what he said) which was not now to be discovered. Yet the Rigor of that imprisonment would have sounded too loud, if he had not had a suddain Release; who finding the Duke high mounted yet in power, and himself in no Degree to grapple with him, was content with Submission to gain his liberty, and retire himself to a Country privacy.

The Lords being now at leisure began to consider of that sting∣ing petition (as the King called it) against Papists, how necessary it was to joyn with the Commons, to supplicate the King to take down the pride of their high-flying Hopes, that had been long upon the Wing, watching for their prey, and now they are made to stoop without it. And after some Conferences be∣twixt both Houses about it, the Petition was reduced to these two Propositions, and presented to the King as two Petitions.

* 22.5We your Majestie's most humble and loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, do in all humbleness offer un∣to your Sacred Majesty these two Petitions following.

1. That for the more safety of your Realms, and better keeping your Subjects in Obedience, and other important Reasons of State, your Majesty would be pleased (by some such course as you shall think fit) to give present Order, that all the Laws be put in due ex∣ecution, which have been made, and do stand in force against Jesuits, Seminary Priests, and others, having taken Orders by authority derived from the See of Rome, and generally against all Popish Recusants. And as for disarming, that it may be ac∣cording

to the Laws, and according to former Acts, and Directions of State, in that Case. And yet that it may appear to all the World, the Favour and Clemency your Majesty useth towards all your Sub∣jects of what Condition soever; And to the intent the Jesuits, and Priests, now in the Realm, may not pretend to be surprized, that a speedy and certain may be prefixed, by your Majesties Proclama∣tion, before which day they shall depart out of this Kingdom, and all other your Highness Dominions; and neither they nor any other to return or come hither again, upon peril of the severest Penalties of the Laws now in force against them. And that all your Majesties Subjects may thereby also be admonished, not to receive, entertain, or conceal, any of them, upon the Penalties, and Forfeitures, which by the Laws may be imposed on them.

2. Seeing We are thus happily delivered from that danger which those Treaties now dissolved, and that use which your ill-affected Sub∣jects made thereof would certainly have drawn upon us, and yet cannot but foresee, and fear lest the like may hereafter happen, which would inevitably bring much peril upon your Majesties Kingdoms; We are most humble Suters unto your Gracious Majesty, to secure the Hearts of your good Subjects, by the ingagement of your Royal Word unto them, that upon no occasion of Marriage or Treaty, (or other request in that behalf from any forein Prince or State whatsoever) you will take away or slacken the Execution of your Laws against Jesuits, Priests, and Popish Recusants.

To which Our humble Petitions (proceeding from Our most Loyal and Dutiful affections towards your Majesty, Our Care of Our Coun∣tries good, and our own confident persuasion, that these will much ad∣vance the Glory of Almighty God, the everlasting Honour of your Majesty, the Safety of your Kingdoms, and the incouragement of all your good Subjects) We do most humbly beseech your Majesty to vouchsafe a gracious Answer.

The King was prepared for the Petition,* 22.6 having given his own Resolution the Check at present; that whatsoever he might do hereafter, yet now he would comply; and therefore he sends for both Houses to Whitehall, to sweeten them with a gentle an∣swer to this Petition, that might take off those sour aspersions that this miscarriage in Government might happily cast upon him. And we will not say but his intentions might rove to∣wards the End, though he gave too much liberty (through a Natural easiness in himself) to those that He trusted with Ma∣nagement of the great affairs, by evil means to pervert that end; which made him guilty of their Actions: For where true Piety is not the Director, Carelesness as often as Wilfulness carries men out of the way. But he had this Principle, and made often use of it, (like ill Tenants when they let things run to ruin) to daub all up again, when forced to it, and find no other Remedy. This was the effect of what he said in his own excuse.

My Lords and Gentlemen of both Houses, I cannot but commend your Zeal, in offering this Petition to me; yet on the other side, I can∣not but hold my Self unfortunate, that I should be thought to need a Spur to do that which my Conscience, and Duty, binds me unto. What Religion I am of,* 22.7 my Books do declare, my Profession, and Behaviour doth shew, and I hope in God I shall never live to be thought otherwise; surely I shall never deserve it: And for my part I wish it may be written in Marble, and remain to Posterity as a mark upon me, when I shall swerve from my Religion: For he that doth dissemble with God, is not to be trusted with Men.

My Lords, for my part, I protest before God, That my Heart hath bled when I have heard of the increase of Popery. God is my judge, it hath been such a great grief to me, that it hath been as Thorns in my Eyes, and Pricks in my Sides, and so for ever I have been and shall be from turning another way. And my Lords and Gentlemen, you shall be my Confessors, that one way or other it hath been my Desire to hinder the growth of Popery, and I could not be an honest Man, if I should have done otherwise; And this I may say fur∣ther, That if I be not a Martyr, I am sure I am a Confessor, and in some sense I may be called a Martyr, as in the Scripture, Isaac was Persecuted by Ismael, by mocking Words, for never King suf∣fered more ill Tongues than I have done, and I am sure for no cause; yet I have been far from Persecution, for I have ever thought, that no way increased any Religion more than Persecution, according to that Saying, Sanguis Martyrum est Semen Ecclesiae.

Now my Lords and Gentlemen, for your Petition; I will not onely grant the Substance of what you craved, but add somewhat more of my own. For the Two Treaties being already anulled (as I have declared them to be) it necessarily follows of it self, that which you desire, and therefore it needs no more, but that I do declare by Proclamation, (which I am ready to do) That all Jesuits, and Priests, do depart by a Day; but it cannot be as you desire, by Our Proclama∣tion to be out of all my Dominions; for a Proclamation here, ex∣tends but to this Kingdom.

This I will do, and more, I will Command all my Judges, when they go their Circuits, to keep the same Courses, for putting all the Laws in Execution against Recusants, as they were wont to do, before these Treaties: for the Laws are still in force, and were never dispensed with by me. God is my judge, they were never so in∣tended by me. But as I told you in the beginning of the Parlia∣ment, you must give me leave as a good Horse-man sometimes to use the Reins, and not always to use the Spurs. So now there needs nothing but my Declaration for the disarming of them, that is alrea∣dy done by the Laws, and shall be done as you desired. And more,

I will take order for the shameful disorder of the Resorting of my Subjects to all forein Ambassadours; of this I will advise with my Council how it may be best reformed. It is true, that the Houses of Ambassadors are privileged places, and though they cannot take them out of their Houses, yet the Lord Mayor, and Mr. Recorder of London, may take some of them as they come from thence, and make them Examples. Another Point I will add, concerning the Education of their Children, of which I have had a principal care, as the Lord of Canterbury, and the Bishop of Winchester, and other Lords of my Council can bear me witness, with whom I have advised about this Business: For in good faith it is a shame their Children should be bred here, as if they were at Rome. So I do grant not onely your Desire, but more: I am sorry I was not the first mover of it to you; But had you not done it, I should have done it my self.

Now for the second part of your Petition; You have there given me the best advice in the World; For it is against the Rule of Wis∣dom, that a King should suffer any of his Subjects to transgress the Laws, by the intercession of other Princes; and therefore assure your selves, that (by the Grace of God) I will be careful that no such Conditions be foisted in upon any other Treaty what∣soever: For it is fit my Subjects should stand or fall to their own Laws.

If the King had seriously and really considered the Minute of this Petition, * 22.8the very last Clause, wherein the Glory of God, and the Safety of his Kingdoms, so much consisted, as the Par∣liament wisely express, and foresee, and which the King saith is the best Advice in the World, and which he promised so faith∣fully to observe in the next Treaty of Marriage for his Son, it might perhaps have kept the Crown upon the Head of his Poste∣rity. But when Princes break with the People, in those Pro∣mises that concern the Honour of God, God will let their people break with them to their Ruin and Dishonour. And this Maxim holds in all Powers, whether Kingdoms or Common Wealths; As they are established by Iustice, so the Iustice of Religion which tends most to the Glory of God, is principally to be observed.

The King grants them more than they desire, but not so much as they hope for: they have many good words thick sown, but they produce little good fruit. Yet the Parliament followed the Chace close, and bolted out divers of the Nobility and Gentry of Eminency, Popishly affected, that had Earth'd them∣selves in Places of high Trust and Power in the Kingdom, as if they meant to under-mine the Nation. Viz.

Francis Earl of Rutland, the Duke of Buckingham's Wives Fa∣ther. Sir Thomas Compton, that was married to the Duke's Mo∣ther; And the Countess her self, who was the Cynosure they all steered by. The Earl of Castle-Haven. The Lord Herbert, after Earl of Worcester.* 22.9 The Lord Viscount Colchester, after Earl of Rivers. The Lord Peter. The Lord Morley. The Lord Wind∣sor. The Lord Eure. The Lord Wotton. The Lord Teinham, The Lord Scroop, who was Lord President of the North (and which they omitted, the Earl of Northampton, Lord President of Wales, who married his Children to Papists, and permitted them to be bred up in Popery.) Sir William Courtney, Sir Thomas Brudnell, Sir Thomas Somerset, Sir Gilbert Ireland, Sir Francis Stonners, Sir Anthony Brown, Sir Francis Howard, Sir William Powell, Sir Francis Lacon, Sir Lewis Lewkner, Sir William Awberie, Sir Iohn Gage, Sir Iohn Shelly, Sir Henry Carvel, Sir Thomas Wiseman, Sir Thomas Gerrard, Sir Iohn Filpot, Sir Thomas Russell, Sir Henry Bedingfield, Sir William Wrey, Sir Iohn Conwey, Sir Charles Iones, Sir Ralph Connyers, Sir Thomas Lamplough, Sir Thomas Savage, Sir William Moseley, Sir Hugh Beston, Sir Thomas Riddall, Sir Marmaduke Wivel, Sir Iohn Townesend, Sir William Norris, Sir Philip Knevit, Sir Iohn Tasborough, Sir William Selbie; Sir Richard Titchborn, Sir Iohn Hall, Sir George Perkins, Sir Thomas Penrod∣duck, Sir Nicholas Sanders, Knights; Besides divers Esquires Po¦pishly addicted, either in their own Persons, or by means of their Wives, too tedious to be expressed here. And these were dispersed and seated in every County, who were not only in Office and Commission, but had Countenance from Court, by which they grew up and flourished, so that their exuberancie hindered the growth of any Goodness, or Piety, their Malice pleased to drop upon.

These men being now touched, began to shrink in their Branches,* 22.10 like the new-found Indian Plants, but they quickly put out again: for though this Disturbance, or Movement, came upon them, by the Dissolution of one Treaty, yet they pre∣sently got heart, and spread again, by the other which was in Agitation.

For our King after the Breach with Spain, loth to be refused in France,* 22.11 (where the Younger Daughter to Henry the Great, was reserved to be the Fatal Mother of a Disherited Royal Issue) durst not venture upon an Overt Treaty, but sends over the Lord Ken∣sington, newly made Earl of Holland, who was to sound the King, and Grandees of France, whether the Match were feasible, before he would begin to Treat ubliquely. He remained a Month in France, and moved not a word, though they apprehended his address was to that end. While the Prince was in Spain, they

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Carolus D. G. Rex Ang: Sco: Fran: et Hib:

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Henreta Maria D. G. Reg: Ang: Sco: Fran: et Hib:

looked upon the Count Soison, as a fit Match for the Princess Henrietta Maria, but our Prince's Gallantry (as they esteemed it there) and his Spritely carriage in so dangerous, and hazardous a Journey, both by Sea, and Land, took such impressions in the frisk of the French Humour, and raised him to such a height of Bravery among them, that they were impetuously Violent in desiring the Match; Insomuch as upon the very first Overture, the King of France told the Earl of Holland, That he had rather have the Prince of England to his Brother, than any man in the World. And when the Treaty was begun, the Spanish Factors began to play their parts with the Pope, so that he sent to the King of France to get some Immunities, in the Articles now in Treaty, for the Catholiques in England, and that there might be publique exercise of the Popish Religion for the Princess. This the Earl of Holland opposing, the King of France told him, That if he would go on with the Treaty, he would be tyed no further to the Pope's Rules than did consist with Reason; For he did ac∣knowledg the next Diocesan Bishop to him, in his Dominions, to have as much power as he. So that the Treaty went on with a petty admittance of the Catholique Religion, and Romish Ministers about the Princess, to a private, and almost obscure Condition; so eager was the King of France for the Match.

But the Iesuitical Party, both here, and there, were incessantly laborious for a greater Liberty, and the King's chief Agent in the Treaty, Monsieur de Vieuxvill, having pulled on him the O∣dium of the people (through some miscarriages) being committed Prisoner by the King, to protect him from their Rage, the Cardi∣nal Richelieu entring then into his Infancy of Favour, being pre∣ferred by the Queen-Mother to be a manager of the Treaty, whose Intimate he was, and more Stubborn for promoting the Catho∣lique Cause, yet all this could give no stop to the Career, but that the Match would be made up upon very easie Terms.

But when the King of France understood by his Ministers, and Agents in England, how eager our King was for the Match, (for he desired it above all Earthly Blessings, as one near him said of him) for besides the Reproach he thought would fall upon him by another Breach, he should lose the Glory of a Conjunction with Kings (which he highly wound up his Opinion to) to Sublime, and, as it were, Deifie his Posterity in the esteem of the people, so that he would almost submit to any thing, rather than the Match should not go forward; which the King of France find∣ing, he bated his Humour of earnestness for it, and descended by the same Steps and Degrees that he found his Brother King advan∣ced to it; and got several great Immunities for the Papists by it: notwithstanding all Our King's fair Promises to the Parliament, as

may be seen by those Articles, seal'd and sworn to by Our King, some few Months before his Death.

But a little before this, (when the Hopes of the Match with France began to bud) the Earl of Carlile was sent over to ma∣ture, and Ripen the proceedings with the Earl of Holland, to bring the Treaty to some perfection, yet with private instructi∣ons, That if they could find by their Spanish Correspondencies (as the Earl of Carlile was a little Hispanioliz'd) that the Match there had any Probability of taking effect with the new Propositions; that then they should proceed no further in the French Treaty: so earnest was the King for the one, so Violent for the other; The Sophisticate Drugs of the Spanish Restitution of the Palatinate, having not yet lost their Operation. Thus the Ambition of Prin∣ces (that devolve all their Happiness upon glorious Extractions) doth choak and smother those Considerations, that Religion (like a clear light) discovers to be but gross, and cloudy Policy, which vanishes often, and comes to nothing.

The Duke of Buckingham swoln with Grandure (having two great Props to support him) doubted not to Crush any thing that stood in his way,* 22.12 so that he fell very heavily upon his Cou∣sen the Earl of Middlesex, Lord Treasurer; for he remembred how he repined at the Moneys that were spent in Spain, and his Comportment to him since his coming over (Middlesex being naturally of a Sullen and proud Humor) was not such as (he thought) did become his Creature: Therefore he Resolved to bring him down from that Height he had placed him in, and quickly sound the means to do it. For great Officers that dig deep in Worldly Treasures, have many Underminers under them; and those that are not just to themselves or others, must make use of such as will not be so just to them, so that a flaw may easily be found, whereby a great Breach may be made. And as Middle∣sex had not Innocency to Iustifie himself, so he wanted Humility whereby others might Iustifie him, which made him fall unpi∣tied. The Prince (that was Buckingham's right hand) took part against him in the House of Lords, where he was Questioned; which the King hearing of, writes to the Prince from New-Market, (whither he often retired to be free, and at ease from comber, and noise of Business) That he should not take part with any Faction in Parliament against the Earl of Middlesex, but to reserve himself, so that both sides might seek him; for if he bandied to take away his Servants, the time would come that others would do as much for him. This wise Advice speaks Buckingham a little declining from the Meridian of the King's Favour, or the King from his; For if the King did know that Buckingham was his chief Persecu∣tor, it could not but relish ill with the Duke to have the King plead for him; if the King did not 〈◊〉〈◊〉 know, there was not

then that intimacy betwixt them that used to be. But the Trea∣surer's Actions being throughly canvased (though he had not had such great Enemies) he was found guilty of such misdemeanors, as were not fit for a Man of Honour to commit, so that the Par∣liament thought to Degrade him; but that they looked on as an ill Precedent. But though they took not away his Titles of Ho∣nour in Relation to his Posterity (who had not offended) yet they made him utterly uncapable of sitting in the House of Lords as a Peer. And for his fine, it was so great, that the Duke (by Report) got Chelsie House out of him for his part of it.

There was an odd accident hapned in Northampton-shire while this Treasurer was in his Greatness. * 22.13One Harman a rich man (that knew not well how to make use of his Riches) having some bad Tenants, and being informed that one of them which Owed him money, had furnished himself to go to a Fair, to buy some Provisions for his accommodation: Harman walks (as by acci∣dent) to meet him in the way to the Market; when he saw his Tenant, he askt him for his Rent; the man (that was willing otherwise to dispose of his money) denied he had any; Yes I know thou hast money, said Harman, (calling him by his Name) I prithee let me have my Rent; and with much importunity the man pulled out his money, and gave all, or the most part of it to his Landlord. This coming to some Pragmatical knowledg, the poor Man was advised to indict his Landlord for Robbing him, and taking his Money from him, in the High-way; which he did, and Harman for his Sordid and base carriage, being ill beloved in the Countrey, was found guilty, but reprieved by the Iudges; And Harman hearing the Lord Treasurer had a Se∣cretary of his Name, he applied himself to him, promising to give him all his Estate (having no Children) if his Lord would bring him out of the Danger he was in; which the Lord Treasurer by his power with the King did effect, and Harman his Man within a short time after (by the other's death) injoyed an ample estate.

The King being a good Master,* 22.14 did by his Bounty much indear his Servants unto him, and seldom denied any man a Reasonable Sute; This Treasurer by his Greatness also procured the King, by Patent (after the example of the Countess of Buckingham) to create Elizabeth, the Widow of Sir Moyle Fynch of Kent, Viscoun∣tess of Maidstone, A Lady of a great Fortune, and having a Mind suitable to it, she laid the Foundation of a Noble Family, intailing not onely this Title, but in the next King's Reign, the Earldom of Winchelsey, upon her now flourishing Posterity. But it is thought this Treasurer got well by laying the ground-work to this great Structure; For Copt-Hall (a Noble Seat in Essex) came to his hand

from this Lady at a small value; which is the principal House he left to his Family.

This Spring gave Birth to Four brave Regiments of Foot, (a new apparition in the English Horizon) Fifteen hundred in a Re∣giment,* 22.15 which were raised, and transported into Holland, under Four gallant Colonels; The Earl of Oxford, the Earl of Southamp∣ton, the Earl of Essex, and the Lord Willoughby, since Earl of Lindsey. These four Regiments being well armed and exercised in Holland, were ready to march into the Field with Maurice Prince of Orange, General of the States Army; who having an op∣posite, the Marquèss Spinola, as subtile, and more daring than himself, they both lay at the Catch, and their wariness prevented many a Mischief. Maurice finding Spinola with the Spanish Army hankering about Breda, either thinking himself not ready enough to incounter him, or not strong enough to Grapple with him, per∣mitted him to work himself within two strong lines of Circum∣vallation, fortified with several Forts, and Redoubts, notwith∣standing that Breda was his Darling Town, and the Honor of his Excellency;* 22.16 And while Spinola was thus working, he diverted his Army into Cleveland, to take in Cleve Castle, a poor, and in∣considerable Place, which was surrendred to him as soon as he presented his Cannon before it; and when he had done that, and Spinola had finished his Works, he brought his Army to a little Village called Mede, which was close by Spinola's Quarters, and there intrenched himself by his side; But the Enemy at∣tended their Work, and would not busie themselves to look after him, being strongly fortified, and the way open for their Convoyes to bring Provisions out of Flanders, which went al∣waies very strong; and Prince Maurice would not go so far out of his way from his Victual-Ships to interrupt them, lest he should want Provisions for his own Army. But his great De∣sign of lodging so near the Enemy was to amuse them, that they should bend their Eyes and Thoughts upon him there, and neg∣lect that the more which he aimed at; For he had the Surpri∣sing of the strong Castle at Antwerp in his Fancy, which (he was informed) at that time had but small Force in it; and he was so assured to prevail, that he would have none but the Dutch to have the Honour of it. But they attempted the Business so blunderingly, that they were discovered, and lost their labour. And so with some few little Bickerings of small Parties of Horse, betwixt the two intrenched Armies, the whole Summer was shuffled away; And Winter approaching, the Prince seeing little good to be done there, drew his Army to Rosendale, and Sprang, Villages adjacent, where they atten∣ded Opportunities of doing the Enemy mischief. But the Glory of Prince Maurice began to decay, the loss of this Town (which

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MAURITS. Prins van Oranje.

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he now gave as gone) came so near his Heart, that he went sick from the Army to the Hague, and never returned to it again,

While these things were in Motion, Truth that comes often with a leaden-foot,* 22.17 brought News out of the East-Indies, that the year 1622. gave Birth to a Mischief of so horrid a countenance (for a private one) that no Time or Age could Parallel. The Dutch (while the English, their great Supporters, were fighting for them at their own doors) grasping at all the Treasures, and Spices of the Eastern World, had not only wormed out the Spa∣niards, and Portugals, from many Islands, and Colonies there, but (unbounded with Covetousnes and Ambition) strove to hin∣der their Neighbours, and best friends the English, from that free Commerce with the Natives they ever enjoyed, so that many Bickerings hapned among them; till the Controversie was taken up by publick Treaty, and Stipulation, agreed on betwixt Our King, and the States of the Netherlands, in the year one thousand six hundred and nineteen. And according to this a∣greement, the English, being as they thought secure, planted their Factories among them, where, after they had reaped the fruit of their great danger, and hazard, for some two years with much grumbling, and repining, the Dutch began to pra∣ctise their utter Extirpation: Not by a Massacre, for that had been a merciful Mischief, but by torture (to make their Cruelty Iustice) in so horrid and savage a manner, as if they had sucked their Rage from Indian Tigers.

Amboina was the bloody Stage where they acted this black Tragedie; * 22.18and Fire, and Water, were their Engins; which are ever cruel Masters when they get Power. For pretending the chief Agent Captain Gabriel Towerson, and the rest of the English Factory, had an intention by the assistance of some few poor Iaponeses, to possess themselves of the Castle, and expel the Dutch out of the Island, they seized upon them, and set their bloody Engins a work, having no other Accusers but them. The racks extending their Sinews, drew them out at length, and the waters which they subtilly forced into their Mouths, by their own respiration, and breathing, swelled all their Bodies to a huge Proportion, making their very eyes ready to bolt out of their Heads; and such whose sturdy innocence would not be compelled to accuse themselves, they burned the soles of their feet with candles, till the moisture which dropt from them extinguished the flame, and with those burning instruments made such holes in their sides, that they might see their en∣trails, yet would not see their innocence. So exquisite were they in their Devillish Cruelty, as will be gastly to express, what was it then to suffer! Thus having tired the poor

Men with Tortures, and they being willing to the quickly, con∣fest whatsoever their cruel Tormentors would have them say. The Dutch having in this furnace wrought them to accuse them∣selves, with their pestilent formality, got their Confessions under their hands, and so concluded their Barbarism, with cutting off some of their heads.

* 22.19There were not twenty Englishmen, nor above thirty Iapone∣ses in the whole Island, with whom they were said to machinate this Conspiracy, and the Castle had in it two hundred Dutch Soul∣diers, and eight Ships riding before it well manned, whereof two of them were above twelve hundred tuns a peece; Besides, the Dutch had two other Castles in the same Island; and what Probability could there be (if the Plot were as plain as their Mali∣cious tongues could make it) that so weak a force should attempt upon so many, having Men enough in the Ships and Castles, to have devoured the Attempters? And if they had effected their work, what would the end have been, but ruin to their Estates, and everlasting Infamy to their Memories? knowing the Dutch were by the last agreements to have that Castle,* 22.20 confirmed by the King, who hated Treason in any Man, with his very Soul. Whereas the Men were of well-known, upright conversati∣on, loathing such baseness, and every man of them with Christian impressions, sealed the last Gasp of his life with a Protestation of his Innocency.

Ten of the English lost their lives, whereof Captain Towerson was one; the rest with racked, burnt, and Macerated Bodies were sent out of the Island to other English Plantations, and so the whole Factory was destroyed: The Dutch seizing into their hands greedily (which they only gaped after) the whole Trade, which they have eversince injoyed. And to put a fairer Gloss up∣on this mad mischief, nine Iaponeses, and one Portugal, that they would needs have to be Complotters with the English, were racked (poor men) to the same Confession, and then executed; there being more Horror in the examination of the fault, than in the Punishment of it.

This Cruelty had made an incurable wound betwixt the two Nations (the noise of it giving Animosity enough) but that it was new skin'd over, the bloody Garment taken off by Dutch Apolo∣gies, and presented at the Court with a face of Iustice. For no∣thing must come thither but in such attire, as the great Ones a∣bout the King will please to put upon it; who might be wrought to any temper by that Forge that could frame such flagitious Actions: for they that had Babarism enough to perpetrate the one, had Baseness enough to practice the other. But leaving their Consciences besmeared with this Gore, which they cannot wipe off, but may stick to them yet, Proceed to the Story.

All this while count Mansfeldt wanted imployment, and ha∣ving prepared his way both in France and England, for gathering an Army, he shipt himself in Zealand, in the Speedwel (a ship of Our King's, commanded by Sir Iohn Chidley) that was sent ex∣pressly for his transport, which in going out, run upon the Sands, and was with the violence of foul weather, split in pieces: Mansfeldt, and some of his followers, with difficulty escaping in her long Boat,* 22.21 got aboard a Pink that brought him into En∣gland; the Captain and the rest of the company attending the Ships fate, were swallowed up in the Sea.

While Mansfeldt remained in England, after some few nights he was lodged at Saint Iames's the Prince's house, served and at∣tended in great State, by some of the King's Officers, and feasted by divers of the Nobility with much magnificence; In which time a Press went through the Kingdom, for raising twelve thousand foot, which with some Cavalry that Mansfeldt expected in Ger∣many, and France, would make up the Body of a considerable Army. Mansfeldt's design was to go into Germany, through France, and he had fair Promises from thence, not only of ad∣mission to pass through the Country, but assistance from it. These 12000 were digested into Six Regiments. The Collonels were the Earl of Lincoln,* 22.22 The Lord Doncaster eldest Son to the Earl of Carlile, The Lord Cromwel, Sir Charles Rich, Sir Iohn Burrows late Governour of Frankendale, and Collonel Grey a Scotchman, that had been an old German Commander, one that affected Buff in the time of Peace, and wore it in the face of the Court; which the King seeing him in, and a case of Pistols at his girdle (which he never well liked of) he told him merrily, He was now so for∣tified, that if he were but well victualled, he would be impregnable. Two Troops of Horse were also raised for this service, the Earl of Lincoln had the command of the one, and one Gunter, an or∣dinary Horse-Rider, was thought the fittest man to command the other; as if none could command Horse, but such as could make them curvet in a Riding-House. And the Ignorance of these times shews, that unpractical Reason cannot put forth itself to the height, being bound up for want of Exercise; for we set a Valuation and esteem upon German and French Horse, when (like them) we knew not our own strength, for there are not in the World a more gallant Cavalry, both for the Activity of the Riders, and Ability of the Horses, than may be formed in England, as experience hath lately demonstrated.

These being already in Kent for Transport about the begin∣ning of February,* 22.23 and Shipping provided, the French began to fal∣ter in their Promises, (notwithstanding Our intimate Correspon∣dence by the Treaty of Marriage agreed on) pleading many in∣conveniencies,

in the passing of an Army through the Country, and the more, because Our Men were so unruly in Kent (where some of them were tryed by Marshal-Law) what would they be then in a strange Country? These being but demurs, not deni∣als, the whole Army is Shipped, and put over to Callais, to wait the French leisure; but the charge of Shipping (being above a hundred Sail that attended that service) required more speed, than their faint and sickly Promises did expedite: for the French dallying with them, and delaying them, happily upon Design (the Queen of France being then more affected to the Spanish, and a less enemy to her blood and kindred, than they have found her since) after a long stay, Mansfeldt was forced to leave the hopes of his French Horse, and sail with his Army into Zealand. There the Soldiers lay at the Ramkins a long time in their Ships, not suf∣fered to land: for the States not dreaming of such a Body of men, could not determine suddenly what to do with them; besides, the Inland waters being frozen, Provisions would grow short for their own Army, much more for them. After some stay in Zealand, they sailed up to Guertenberg in Brabant, which Town being not well provided with Victuals, they were not suffered to land, but continuing on Shipboard, the Ships stuffed and pestred with men, wanting Meat, and all manner of Necessaries, such a Stench and Pestilence grew among them, that they were thrown into the Sea by multitudes, so that many hundreds (if I may not say thousands) beaten upon Shores, had their bowels eaten out with Dogs and Swine, to the Horror of the Beholders. Those bodies that drive up near those Towns where the English were, had great pits made for them, wherein (being thrown by heaps) they were cover'd with earth, but upon those shores where they were neglected, (as they were in many parts of Holland) a great Contagion followed. And of Mansfeldt's twelve thousand men, scarce the moity landed.

This Winter Quarter at Rosendale, was also fatal to the Earl of Southampton,* 22.24 and the Lord Wriothsley his Son. Being both sick there together, of burning Feavers, the violence of which distemper wrought most vigorously upon the heat of youth, overcoming the Son first, and the drooping Father having over∣come the feaver, departed from Rosendale with an intention to bring his Son's body into England, but at Berghen ap Zome he dy∣ed of a Lethargy in the view and presence of the Relator, and were both in one small bark brought to Southampton.

And now Our King found by dear experience, that the favours he had done the King of Spain (in protecting his Subjects and Seas from being infested and ruined by Turkish Pirates, fur∣nishing his Arsenals, and giving way to the Lord Vaux, and Sir

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PRAENOBIL: D{us}. HENRIC VRIOTHESLEY, COMI SOUTHAMPTON: BAR TITCHFEILDIAE, ETC.

Right Honourable and most noble HENRY Wriothsley Earle of Southampton Baron of Titchfeild, Knight of the most nob: Ord: of y^e Garter.

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Edward Parham, to transport so many English into Flanders) ten∣ded much to his prejudice. For his Subjects in a strange Country by this means fought one against another, which was a kind of an Un-civil War; nor was it their voluntary Intention, for the English that were shipped for Flanders, were tempted over by Popish Allurements, not knowing but that they were to go into Holland, which made them run away as they got opportunity. But Our King did not live to see how his Forces in the Low-Coun∣treys dwindled to nothing. And the Result of all is, that though he were a wise Prince, yet Blessings did neither attend his Coun∣sels nor Actions: So that it is not humane Wisdom, but Divine Directions, that orders and disposes all things to a good end.

The Marquess Hamilton died before Our King;* 22.25 suspected to be poisoned; the Symptoms being very presumptuous, his head and body swelling to an excessive greatness, the body being all over full of great blisters, with variety of Colours; the hair of his Head, Eye-brows, and Beard, came off being touched, and brought the Skin with them; and there was a great Clamor of it about the Court, so that Doctors were sent to view the Body, but the matter was hudled up, and little spoken of it, only Do∣ctor Eglisham a Scotch-man, was something bitter against the Duke, as if he had been the Author of it. The Marquesses Son had a little before married the Earl of Denbigh's Daughter, who was the Duke of Buckingham's Neece, and yet this Tie could not oblige a friendship betwixt them, because thee Marquess was a∣verse to the Marriage. This Distance, and other Discontents, oc∣casioned some tumorous Discourses, which reflected much upon the Duke, but they never broke out in this King's time, being bound up close (as it was thought) more by the Duke's Power than his Innocency.

And not long after him, whether our King's care for his Grand-children, or the hazard and danger of his own Person at home (being ever full of fears) or his ingagement in a War a∣broad,* 22.26 (being contrary to his very Nature) or whether his full feeding and continual use of sweet Wines, (which he abun∣dantly affected) set the gross Humors a work, or what other Accident caused his Distemper is uncertain; but he fell sick of a Tertian Ague, which is not dangerous in the Spring (if we be∣lieve the Proverb) and had some few fits of it. After which he fell into a Feaver, which was too violent for him. A little be∣fore his Death, he called for the Prince his Son, who rising out of his bed, something before day, and presenting himself before him, the King rowsed up his Spirits, and raised himself up as if he meant to speak to him, but Nature being exhausted he had not Strength to express his Intentions, but soon after expired, Be∣ing upon Sunday morning, the 27. of March 1625. at Theobalds,

in the nine and fiftieth year of his Age, and the two and twen∣tieth year compleat of his Reign. And was buried at Westmin∣ster,* 22.27 with great Solemnity the 7. of May following.

Not long after our King's Death (as if the Time, and Season, as well as the Disease,* 22.28 were Epidemical to Princes) old Maurice the Prince of Orange died; And his Brother Prince Henry (being made General of the States Army) put his Fortune into an unhap∣py Ballance, which lost much of the Weight. For either valu∣ing his Soldiers lives less than his Brother, or the loss of so brave a Town as Breda more, or thinking to spring up with more Glory (Phoenix-like) from the ashes of his Brothers funerals (being re∣cruited with the Relicks of Mansfeldt's Army) he set upon one of Spinola's strong Works, at Terheiden, either to relieve the Town, or beat the Enemy out of his Trenches; but he failed in both, and lost many gallant Men (especially English) in the Enterprise. The Earl of Oxford having the leading of the Van (being a man Corpulent, and heavy) got such a sweltring heat in the service, that though he came off without hurt from the enemy,* 22.29 yet he brought Death along with him; for he fell sick presently after, went to the Hague and there dyed. The other two gallant Col∣lonels, Essex, and Willoughby, survived to command two English Armies in a Civil-War; Essex being General for the Paliament, and Willoughby for the King, in Kinton-field in Warwick-shire; where Essex remained Victor, the King being there in Person, and leaving him the Honour of the Field, his General Willough∣by, then Earl of Lindsey, being slain in the Battel. But there will be a long Tract of Time, and Discourse, before these Armies incounter, being the first Cloud of that fiery exhalation, which broke out in the next King's Reign, and could not be quenched without the blood of many thousands of the Nation.

* 22.30But the different Carriage of these two Sons of Mars, the two Brothers, Maurice, and Henry, is very observable; Which shall be left to the judgment of the great Masters in the Art of War, whether Error were the greater (so apt is the under World to spie out great Mens Errors Maurice, that had a Powerful Army of the States, and was reinforced with six thousand English, gallant, and resolute men, that would have hugg'd a daring Enterprise, yet durst not incounter Spi∣nola, when he lay open to his assault, but let him work him∣self into his Fastness, and rather bear the burthen in his own breast than disturb him. Or Henry, when Spinola's Works were in full strength, confirmed by time and settled Order, the opposite to the confused end he aimed at, to throw so brave part of his Army upon eminent destruction? Or is there not a time and Period prefixt to earthly things, and the all-disposing Power to that End, doth either infatuate or establish Counsels? This Town

[illustration]

[illustration] depiction of sickbed

[illustration]

and old Prince Maurice, as may be said, were lost together.

But Our King that was very much impatient in his Health, was patient in his Sickness, and Death. Whether he had recei∣bed any thing that extorted his Aguish Fits into a Feaver, which might the sooner stupifie the Spirits,* 22.31 and hasten his end, cannot be asserted; but the Countess of Buckingham (who trafficked much with Mountebanks, and whose Fame had no great savour) had been tampering with him, in the absence of the Docto••s, and had given him a Medicine to drink, and laid a Plaster to his side, which the King much complained of, and they did rather exas∣perate his Distemper than allay it: and these things were admit∣ted by the insinuating persuasions of the Duke her Son, who told the King they were appoved Medicines, and would do him much good. And though the Duke after strove to purge himself for this Application, as having received both Medicine and Plaster, from Doctor Remington, at Dunmow in Essex, who had often cured Agues, and such Distempers with the same; yet they were Ar∣guments of a complicated kind, not easie to unfold; considering that whatsoever he received from the Doctor in the Countrey he might apply to the King what he pleased in the Court; besides the Act it self (though it had been the best Medicine in the World) was a Daring not justisiable; and some of the King's Phy∣sicians mutter'd against it, others made a great noise, and were forced to fly for it; and though the still voice was quickly si∣lenced by the Duke's power, yet the Clamorous made so deep im∣pressions that his Innocence could never wear them out. And one of Buckingham's great provocations was thought to be his fear, that the King being how weary of his too much greatness, and power, would set up Bristol his deadly enemy against him, to pull him down. And this Medicine was one of those 13 Articles that after were laid to his Charge in Parliament, who may be misinformed, but seldom accuse any upon false Rumor, or bare Suggestion; and therefore it will be a hard task for any man to excuse the King his Successor, for dissolving that Parliament, to preserve one thar was accused by them for poisoning his Father.

For Doctor Lamb,* 22.32 a man of an infamous conversation (having been arraigned for a Witch, and found guilty of it at Worcester; and arraigned for a Rape, and found guilty of it at the Kings-Bench-Bar at Westminster, yet escaped the stroak of Iustice for both, by his favour in Court) was much imployed by the Mother; and the Son, which generally the people took notice of, and were so incensed against Lamb, that finding him in the Streets in London in the year 1628. they ro••e against him, and with stones and slaves knockt out his Brains, as may be more particularly ••e∣lated in its due time.

And besides Lamb,* 22.33 there was one Butler an Irishman (which

vaunted himself to be of the house of Ormond) who was a kind of Montebank, which the Duke and his Mother much consided in. This Butler was first an Apprentice to a Cutler in London, and before his time expired quitted his Master, having a run∣ning head, and went to the Barmudoes, where he lived some time, as a Servant in the Island, and walking by the Sea-side with another of his Companions, they found a great Mass of Ambergreece, that the Seas bounty had cast up to them, which they willingly concealed, meaning to make their best Markets of it. Butler being a subtle Snap, wrought so with his Com∣panion, with promises of a share, that he got the possession of it, and in the next Dutch ship that arrived at the Barmudoes, he shipt himself and his Commodities for Amsterdam, where having sold his Bargain at a good Rate, and made his credit with his fellow Venturer cheap enough, ingrossing all to himself, he came into England, lived in a gallant, and noble Equipage, kept a great and free Table, at his lodgings in the Strand, which were furnished suitable to his Mind, and had his Coach with six Horses, and many footmen attending on him, with as much State, and Grandure, as if his Greatness had been real: But though his means lasted not to support this long, yet it brought him into great acquaintance, and being Pragmatical in tongue, and having an active pate, he fell to some Distillations, and other odd extracting practices, which kept him a float, and some men thought he had gotten the (long-dreamed-after) Philosopher's Stone; but the best Recipe which he had, to main∣tain his Greatness after his Amber money fumed and vapoured away, was suspected to come from his friends at White-Hall; And the Story of his Death (if it be true) is one great Evidence of some secret Machination, betwixt the Duke and him, that the Duke was willing to be rid of him, For Mischief, being an ingrosser, is Unsecure, and Unsatisfyed, When their Wares are to be vented in many Shops. Therefore he was recommended upon some plausible occasion by the Duke's means (as same deli∣vered it) to some Iesuits beyond the Seas; where he was en∣tertained with a great deal of specious Ceremony, and Respect, in one of their Colledges, or Cloisters; and at Night they attending him to his Chamber with much Civility, the Chamber being hang∣ed with Tapestry, and Tapers burning in stretcht-out Arms up∣on the Walls, and when they gave him the Goodnight, they told him they would send one should direct him to his lodging, and they were no sooner out of this Room of Death, But the floar that hung upon great hinges on one side, was let fall by Arti∣ficial Engins, and the poor Vermin Butler, dropt into a Preci∣pice, where he was never more heard of. That there are such secret Inquisition-Conveyances, of a horrid Nature, is obvious, and such close contrivances may fly up and down upon the

Wings of Rumor, but it is impossible to find out the bottom of such black Pitfals, but with as much danger as those that find the bitter effects of them. And this was reported to be the end of Butler.

But to conclude with Our King,* 22.34 whom this do concern. He was born a King, and from that heighth, the less fitted to look into inferiour things; yet few escaped his Knowledge, being, as it were a Magazine to retain them. His Stature was of the Middle Size; rather tall than low, well set and somewhat plump, of a ruddy Complexion, his hair of a light brown, in his full perfection, had at last a Tincture of white. If he had any predominant Humour to ballance his Choler, it was sanguine, which made his Mirth Witty. His Beard was scattering on his Chin, and very thin; and though his Clothes were seldom fa∣shioned to the Vulgar garb, yet in the whole man he was not uncomely. He was a King in understanding, and was content to have his Subjects ignorant in many things. As in curing the Kings-Evil, which he knew a Device, to aggrandize the Virtue of Kings, when Miracles were in fashion; but he let the World believe it, though he smiled at it, in his own Reason, finding the strength of the Imagination a more powerful Agent in the Cure, than the Plasters his Chirurgions prescribed for the Sore. It was a hard Question, whether his Wisdom, and knowledge, exceed∣ed his Choler, and Fear; certainly the last couple drew him with most violence, because they were not acquisititious, but Natu∣ral; If he had not had that Allay, his high touring, and master∣ing Reason, had been of a Rare, and sublimed Excellency; but these earthy Dregs kept it down, making his Passions extend him as far as Prophaness, that I may not say Blasphemy, and Policy superintendent of all his Actions; which will not last long (like the violence of that Humour) for it often makes those that know well, to do ill, and not be able to prevent it.

He had pure Notions in Conception, but could bring few of them into Action, though they tended to his own Preservation: For this was one of his Apothegms, which he made no timely use of. Let that Prince, that would beware of Conspiracies, be ra∣ther jealous of such, whom his extraordinary favours have advanced, than of those whom his displeasure hath discontented. These want means to execute their Pleasures, but they have means at pleasure to execute their desires, Ambition to rule is more vehement than Malice to revenge. Though the last part of this Aphorism, he was thought to practice too soon, where there was no cause for prevention, and neglect too late, when time was full ripe to pro∣duce the effect.

Some Parallel'd him to Tiberius for Dissimulation, yet Peace was maintained by him as in the Time of Augustus; And Peace be∣got

got Plenty, and Plenty begot Ease and Wantonness, and Ease and Wantonness begot Poetry, and Poetry swelled to that bulk in his time, that it begot strange Monstrous Satyrs, against the King's own person, that haunted both Court, and Country, which ex∣prest, would be too bitter to leave a sweet perfume behind him. And though bitter ingredients are good to imbalm and preserve dead Bodies, yet these were such as might indanger to kill a li∣ving name, If Malice be not brought in with an Antidote. And the tongues of those times more fluent than my Pen, made eve∣ry little miscarriage (being not able to discover their true Opera∣tions, like small seeds hid in earthy Darkness) grow up, and spread into such exuberant branches, that evil Report did often pearch upon them. So dangerous it is for Princes, by a Remiss Com∣portment, to give growth to the least Error; for it often proves as fruitful as Malice can make it.

But alas good King! here was an end of his earthly Empire, and little did he imagine that the last Period to great Britain's Monarchy should not much exceed the time of his own Reign, and in the true extent come short of it.

Soli Deo Gloria.

Notes

• * 1.1

  An. Reg. 1.
• * 1.2

  An. Christi 1603
• * 1.3

  Secretary Ce∣cil Proclaimed King Iames.
• * 2.1

  The King comes to Theo∣balds.
• * 2.2

  Changes beget hopes.
• * 2.3

  A Conspiracy against the King.
• * 2.4

  A censure up∣on it.
• * 3.1

  The King and Queen Crow∣ned.
• * 3.2

  Prince Henry made Knight of the Garter.
• * 3.3

  Tirone comes over.
• * 3.4

  Noblemen created.
• * 3.5

  Reformation in the Church sought for.
• * 3.6

  Conference at Hampton Court.
• * 3.7

  Arch-Bishop Whitgift dies.
• * 3.8

  A Proclama∣tion against Jesuits.
• * 3.9

  A Proclama∣tion for Uni∣formity.
• * 3.10

  A Sermon a∣gainst Cere∣monies.
• * 3.11

  The fifth of August made Holyday.
• * 3.12

  The King and Queen ride through the City.
• * 3.13

  The Kings Speech to the Parliament.
• * 3.14

  Tobie Matthew.
• * 3.15

  The King pro∣claimed King of great Bri∣tain.
• * 3.16

  The King and Parliament in good accord.
• * 3.17

  An. Reg. 2. An. Christi 1604.
• * 3.18

  Commiss. for an Union.
• * 3.19

  Roaring Boys.
• * 3.20

  The Gun-pow∣der Treason.
• * 3.21

  Principal Actors.
• * 3.22

  1604.
• * 3.23

  An. Reg. 3. An. Christi 1605.
• * 4.1

  A Letter to my Lord Mon∣teagle.
• * 4.2

  Traitors exe∣cuted.
• * 4.3

  The Parlia∣ment meet the 9. of Novemb.
• * 4.4

  Rumors of the Kings death.
• * 4.5

  An. Reg. 4. An. Christi 1606.
• * 4.6

  The King of Denmarks first coming.
• * 4.7

  The fifth of Novemb. made Holy-day.
• * 4.8

  Arguments a∣bout a Union.
• * 4.9

  An. Reg. 5. An. Christi 1607.
• * 4.10

  The Kings Speech to the Parliament a∣bout the Uni∣on.
• * 4.11

  The Parlia∣ment declined the Union.
• * 4.12

  An. Reg. 6. An. Christi 1608.
• * 4.13

  An. Reg. 7. An. Christi 1609.
• * 4.14

  The death of the Earl of Dorset sud∣denly.
• * 4.15

  The Earl of Salisbury made Treasurer.
• * 4.16

  Salisbury and Northampton Sticklers for the King.
• * 4.17

  The High-Commission a grievance.
• * 4.18

  The Kings Speech to both Houses.
• * 4.19

  A Proclama∣tion against new buildings.
• * 4.20

  The Siege of Iuliers.
• * 4.21

  An. Reg. 8. An. Christi 1610.
• * 4.22

  A Duel be∣twixt Sir Hat∣ton Cheek, and Sir Thomas Dutton.
• * 4.23

  Henry the 4. of France stab'd by Raviliac.
• * 4.24

  A Proclamati∣on against Je∣suits.
• * 4.25

  Prince Henry created Prince of Wales.
• * 4.26

  Bancroft Arch-Bishop of Canterbury dies.
• * 4.27

  7 Regis.
• * 4.28

  Masks in great esteem.
• * 4.29

  An. Reg. 9. An. Christi 1611.
• * 4.30

  Pembroke a favourite. Mountgomery a favourite.
• * 4.31

  Car a favourite.
• * 4.32

  1612. Made Vis∣count.
• * 4.33

  The Earl of Essex marries the Lady Fran∣ces Howard.
• * 4.34

  The Countess of Essex in love with Ro∣chester.
• * 4.35

  She consults with Mistriss Turner.
• * 4.36

  And Forman about it.
• * 4.37

  The Earl of Essex gets his Wife to Chart∣ley.
• * 4.38

  She writes to Forman.
• * 4.39

  She comes a∣gain to Court.
• * 4.40

  The Lord San∣quir murther∣ed a Fencer.
• * 4.41

  Is hanged.
• * 4.42

  Causes of the Kings severity.
• * 4.43

  Salisbury not pleased with the Viscounts greatness.
• * 4.44

  The Queen of Scots transla∣ted to Westmin∣ster.
• * 4.45

  The Palatints arrival 16. Octob.
• * 4.46

  Prince Henry's death 6. Nov.
• * 4.47

  His gallant spirit.
• * 4.48

  His Funeral.
• * 4.49

  Mourning laid aside.
• * 4.50

  Knights of the Garter made.
• * 4.51

  The Prince Palatine mar∣ried to the La∣dy Elizabeth.
• * 4.52

  A. Reg. 11. An. Christi 1613.
• * 4.53

  The Prince Palatine re∣turns home with the Prin∣cess.
• * 4.54

  Rochester rules all.
• * 4.55

  Assisted by Overbury.
• * 4.56

  Rochester and Northampton plot Overburies death.
• * 4.57

  Rochester be∣trays Overbury.
• * 4.58

  The Countes∣ses designs.
• * 4.59

  Northampton joyns with her.
• * 4.60

  Rob. Iohnstons Hist. of Scot∣land.
• * 4.61

  〈…〉〈…〉
• * 4.62

  The Countess divorsed from her Husband.
• * 4.63

  Mrs. Turner imployed to poyson Over∣bury.
• * 4.64

  The Lieute∣nant of the Tower inga∣ged in it.
• * 4.65

  Their poysons set a work.
• * 4.66

  Rochester made Earl of Somerset, 4. Nov. married 5 Dec. following.
• * 4.67

  Feasted in London.
• * 4.68

  Overbury hears of the Marri∣age.
• * 4.69

  Writes to Somerset.
• * 4.70

  Somerset sends poysons in his Answers.
• * 4.71

  The Lieute∣nant betrays Overbury.
• * 4.72

  Overbury dies.
• * 4.73

  Northampton reviles him.
• * 4.74

  A. Reg. 12. An. Christi 1614.
• * 4.75

  Northampton dies.
• * 4.76

  People go to New England 1614.
• * 4.77

  New-England described.
• * 4.78

  Planted first 1606.
• * 4.79

  Somersets de∣vices to get Money.
• * 4.80

  The Kings Bounty.
• * 4.81

  Gold raised.
• * 4.82

  A Parliament undertaken.
• * 4.83

  A Benevolence required.
• * 4.84

  The King of Denmarks se∣cond coming.
• * 4.85

  The Queen opposes Somer∣set.
• * 4.86

  George Villers a favourite.
• * 4.87

  A. Reg. 13. An. Christi 1615.
• * 4.88

  Somersets de∣cline 1615.
• * 4.89

  The King de∣serts him.
• * 4.90

  Weston and the rest tried.
• * 4.91

  Weston execu∣ted.
• * 4.92

  Mrs. Turner.
• * 4.93

  Sir Ierv. El∣lowis.
• * 4.94

  And Franklin.
• * 4.95

  The Coun∣tesses descrip∣tion in her death.
• * 4.96

  Somersets in his life.
• * 4.97

  A. Reg. 14. An. Christi 1616.
• * 4.98

  Sir Francis Bacons Speech in Star-chamber.
• * 4.99

  Sir Thomas Monson ar∣raigned.
• * 4.100

  The Lord Chief Justice blamed.
• * 4.101

  The Lady A∣rabella dies.
• * 4.102

  Peace every where.
• * 4.103

  The King think of a match for his Son Prince Charles.
• * 4.104

  The Lord Hays sent in∣to France.
• * 4.105

  6 lib. H. Hunt.
• * 4.106

  The Lord Hayes rides in state to the Court.
• * 4.107

  A Breach be∣twixt the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Chief Justice.
• * 4.108

  The Chief Ju∣stice is hum∣bled.
• * 4.109

  His Faults.
• * 4.110

  And short Character.
• * 4.111

  The Lord Chancellor retires.
• * 4.112

  Sir Ralph Win∣wood dies.
• * 4.113

  The Lord Treasurer questioned in Star-Cham∣ber.
• * 4.114

  Cov. & Lichf.
• * 4.115

  The King comes to the Star-Cham∣ber.
• * 4.116

  A. Reg. 15. An. Christi 1617.
• * 4.117

  Unstable spi∣rits mutable.
• * 4.118

  The Arch-Bishop of Spa∣lato comes in∣to England.
• * 4.119

  Dies at Rome.
• * 4.120

  France in com∣bustion.
• * 4.121

  The King goes into Scotland.
• * 4.122

  His new Fa∣vourite
• * 4.123

  Made Earl of Buckingham.
• * 4.124

  The Book of Sports obtru∣ded.
• * 4.125

  His House in Edenburg so called. Piety of the Lord Mayor of London.
• * 4.126

  Juggling of the Jesuits.
• * 4.127

  The Boy of Bilson.
• * 4.128

  Accuses a Wo∣man to be a Witch.
• * 4.129

  She is con∣demned.
• * 4.130

  Bishop Morton gets her Re∣prieve.
• * 4.131

  The Bishop troubled for the Boy.
• * 4.132

  The Impostor discovered.
• * 4.133

  His Confession.
• * 4.134

  The King dis∣covers many Impostors.
• * 4.135

  Sir Walter Rawleighs West-Indian Voyage.
• * 4.136

  The Design discovered to Gondemar.
• * 4.137

  Raleigh trou∣bled.
• * 4.138

  Kemish kills himself.
• * 4.139

  Gondemar in∣censes the King against Raleigh. 1618.
• * 4.140

  He is commit∣ted to the Tower.
• * 4.141

  And Beheaded.
• * 4.142

  His character, and descrip∣tion.
• * 4.143

  Disunion in the United Provinces.
• * 4.144

  Our King fore∣warns them of it An. 1611.
• * 4.145

  The States an∣swer
• * 4.146

  Vorstius's Books burned by the King.
• * 5.1

  Sir Ralph Win∣wood's Remon∣strance to the States.
• * 5.2

  The States an∣swer.
• * 6.1

  Sir Ralph Win∣wood's Prote∣station.
• * 6.2

  Our King writes to the States in 1613.
• * 6.3

  And now in 1618.
• * 6.4

  Barnevelt op∣poses the Pr. of Orange.
• * 6.5

  The Prince of Orange goes to Utrecht.
• * 6.6

  25 Iuly.
• * 6.7

  Barnevelt's Sentence and death.
• * 6.8

  His Imploy∣ments.
• * 6.9

  A Synod at Dort.
• * 6.10

  A blazing Star.
• * 6.11

  The death of Queen Anne.
• * 6.12

  A short Cha∣racter of the Queen.
• * 6.13

  An. Reg. 17.
• * 6.14

  An. Christi. 1619.
• * 6.15

  Northumberland set at Liberty.
• * 6.16

  The various∣ness of times.
• * 6.17

  Stirs in Ger∣many.
• * 6.18

  Anno 1617.
• * 6.19

  18 Aug.
• * 6.20

  Doncaster Am∣bassador.
• * 6.21

  1619.
• * 6.22

  Weston and Con∣wey sent Amb. into Bohemia.
• * 6.23

  1620.
• * 6.24

  The Palatine proscribed.
• * 6.25

  An. Reg. 17.
• * 6.26

  An. Christi. 1619.
• * 6.27

  An. Reg. 18. An. Christi. 1620.
• * 6.28

  Saxony exe∣cutes the Im∣perial Ban.
• * 6.29

  Preparations for War.
• * 6.30

  An. Christi. 1620.
• * 6.31

  The march of the English into the Pala∣tinate.
• * 6.32

  Spinola at∣tempts to in∣tercept the English.
• * 6.33

  The English joyn with the Princes.
• * 6.34

  And prepare for a Charge.
• * 6.35

  Spinola and the Princes hunt one ano∣ther.
• * 6.36

  A sad Fate up∣on Germany.
• * 6.37

  A sad story of Mr. Duncomb.
• * 6.38

  Good success in Bohemia.
• * 6.39

  Bad success in Bohemia.
• * 6.40

  The King cen∣su••ed.
• * 6.41

  The loss of his Son.
• * 6.42

  The King's Character.
• * 6.43

  Weston and Conwey return home.
• * 6.44

  The Princes of the Union sub∣mit to Ferdi∣nand.
• * 6.45

  So doth An∣halt.
• * 6.46

  Mansfeldt vex∣eth the Empe∣ror still.
• * 6.47

  Essex solicits our King for more Forces.
• * 6.48

  Obstructed by Gondemar.
• * 6.49

  Spanish Pensio∣ners.
• * 6.50

  Papists flou∣rish.
• * 6.51

  Gondemar's power.
• * 6.52

  Prevails with both Sexes.
• * 6.53

  Vanity of this Age.
• * 6.54

  Buckingham rules all.
• * 6.55

  A Duel be∣twixt Compton, and Bird.
• * 6.56

  Two Lord Treasurers in one year.
• * 6.57

  The Countess of Buck. rules her Son.
• * 6.58

  Buckingham a lover of Ladies.
• * 6.59

  The King calls a Parliament.
• * 6.60

  Sir Rob. Cotton Hen. 3.
• * 6.61

  Jesuits swarm.
• * 6.62

  A Satyrical Sermon.
• * 6.63

  Jesuitrices.
• * 6.64

  The Parlia∣ment meet the 20 Ian.
• * 6.65

  The King's Speech to the Parliament.
• * 6.66

  The Parlia∣ment comply with the King.
• * 6.67

  Doncaster's Ambassy ex∣pensive.
• * 6.68

  He is feasted by the Pr. of Orange.
• * 6.69

  His short character.
• * 6.70

  Digby goes in∣to Germ.
• * 6.71

  The King's wants.
• * 6.72

  An. Reg. 19. An. Christi. 1621.
• * 6.73

  The peoples grievances.
• * 6.74

  Mompesson and Michel actors in them.
• * 6.75

  The Parlia∣ments good∣ness.
• * 6.76

  The Kings Speech to the Lords.
• * 6.77

  The King's Speech dis∣canted on.
• * 6.78

  Buckingham Master of the Work.
• * 6.79

  Michel censu∣red.
• * 6.80

  The Lord Chancellor Bacon que∣stioned.
• * 7.1

  His Suppli∣cation.
• * 7.2

  Extortion and Bribery the Vices of the Times.
• * 7.3

  His censure.
• * 7.4

  His descrip∣tion and cha∣racter.
• * 7.5

  Parties in Par∣liament.
• * 7.6

  Spencer and Arundel quar∣rel.
• * 7.7

  Arundel com∣mitted.
• * 8.1

  His Submission.
• * 8.2

  The Parlia∣ment adjourn∣ed.
• * 8.3

  The Commons Declaration.
• * 8.4

  The King pleased with it.
• * 8.5

  Dighie's re∣turn.
• * 8.6

  His Relation to the Parliament
• * 8.7

  Seconded.
• * 8.8

  The King pre∣vails not a∣broad nor at home.
• * 8.9

  The People and Parliament against the Match.
• * 9.1

  A Remon∣strance of the House of Commons.
• * 9.2

  The King vext at it.
• * 9.3

  The Protestant Religion in danger.
• * 9.4

  Hicks and Fairfax.
• * 9.5

  Our King a King of Peace.
• * 10.1

  The King's Letter to the Speaker.
• * 11.1

  The Parlia∣ments Peti∣tion.
• * 11.2

  An humble Parliament.
• * 11.3

  And a Pious.
• * 11.4

  The King wan∣ted money, not advice.
• * 11.5

  An. Christi. 1621.
• * 11.6

  The King's Answer.
• * 11.7

  False play just∣ly rewarded.
• * 11.8

  Wars good to prevent wars.
• * 11.9

  The King and People Com∣petitors.
• * 11.10

  Discourses upon the Kings Answer.
• * 11.11

  The Parlia∣ment the Kings Merchants.
• * 11.12

  The higher House offend∣ed.
• * 12.1

  They Peti∣tion.
• * 12.2

  The King angry.
• * 12.3

  The Commons discontent.
• * 12.4

  Their Prote∣station.
• * 12.5

  The King's trouble in∣creases.
• * 12.6

  The Parlia∣ment is dis∣solved.
• * 12.7

  A Proclama∣tion against talking.
• * 12.8

  Set peoples tongues a∣work.
• * 12.9

  Oxford and Southampton committed.
• * 12.10

  Sir Ed. Cook in disgrace.
• * 12.11

  Some punish∣ed, some pre∣ferred.
• * 12.12

  The King dishonoured abroad.
• * 12.13

  Car. Bandino. Car. Lod••visio.
• * 12.14

  An. Reg. 20.
• * 12.15

  An. Christi. 1622.
• * 13.1

  Lord Keeper's Letter to the Judges.
• * 13.2

  His Prefer∣ment, Chara∣cter, and part of his Story.
• * 13.3

  Archbishop Abbat kills a Keeper.
• * 13.4

  Arminianisin flourished.
• * 13.5

  The King's Letter for re∣gulating the Ministery.
• * 14.1

  Observations upon the Directions.
• * 14.2

  Papists the fomenters.
• * 14.3

  Regians and Republicans.
• * 14.4

  The King active in the Treaty.
• * 14.5

  The Articles of marriage long a setling.
• * 14.6

  Quo semel est imbuta Recens servabit odorem Testa diu:—
• * 14.7

  Our King's Resolution.
• * 15.1

  Sent to Digby in Spain.
• * 15.2

  Spanish jug∣ling.
• * 15.3

  Austrian jug∣ling.
• * 15.4

  An. Reg. 20.
• * 15.5

  An. Christi. 1622.
• * 15.6

  The King abused.
• * 15.7

  Digby faulty.
• * 16.1

  2. Letter to Digby.
• * 16.2

  Gondemar's Master-piece.
• * 17.1

  3. Letter to Digby.
• * 17.2

  Our King's pa∣tience.
• * 17.3

  Dated New-Market 24. Novem. 1622.
• * 17.4

  The Palat. lost.
• * 17.5

  The Palatinate a strong Coun∣trey.
• * 17.6

  Our King satis∣fied of Spaines•• good intenti∣ons.
• * 17.7

  Articles of Marriage
• * 17.8

  The Pope ex∣tended this Article, Habeat exiam Ecclesiam publicam Lon∣dini, &c.
• * 17.9

  Holy Roman Ch.
• * 17.10

  Spanish delusi∣on.
• * 18.1

  The King of Spain's letter to Olivares.
• * 18.2

  Bergen besieged by Spinola.
• * 18.3

  Mansfeldt comes into Brabant.
• * 18.4

  The Battail of Fleury.
• * 18.5

  Brunswick's Arm shot off.
• * 18.6

  Spinola raises his Siege.
• * 18.7

  Buckingham's Medicine to cure the King's melancholy.
• * 18.8

  The King's Choler.
• * 18.9

  His sanguine.
• * 18.10

  His Flegma∣tick Humor. A Diet at Ra∣tisbone. 7 Ian.
• * 18.11

  The opinion of the Prote∣stant Princes.
• * 18.12

  The opinion of the Popish Princes.
• * 18.13

  The Reply of the Protestant Princes.
• * 18.14

  The Empe∣rour's Reply. The Elector of Saxony.
• * 18.15

  The Prote∣stants answer.
• * 18.16

  Result of all.
• * 18.17

  23. Feb.
• * 18.18

  Austrian poli∣cy.
• * 18.19

  The Prince's journey into Spain.
• * 18.20

  By Dover.
• * 18.21

  Paris.
• * 18.22

  Burdeaux.
• * 18.23

  Bayone.
• * 18.24

  At Madrid.
• * 18.25

  Rides in State to the Court.
• * 18.26

  His Royal en∣tertainment.
• * 18.27

  The English Nobility flock into Spain.
• * 18.28

  The Spanish strive to per∣vert the Prince.
• * 18.29

  So doth the Pope.
• * 18.30

  By his Letters.
• * 18.31

  An. Reg. 21. An. Christi. 1623.
• * 18.32

  The Pope's cunning.
• * 19.1

  The Prince's answer.
• * 19.2

  A fatal Letter.
• * 19.3

  The Dispensa∣tion comes to Madrid.
• * 20.1

  The Archbi∣shops letter to the King a∣gainst a Tole∣ration.
• * 20.2

  Arguments for and against a Toleration.
• * 20.3

  An. Reg. 21. An. Christ. 1623.
• * 20.4

  The Match concluded in England.
• * 20.5

  The Preamble to the Articles.
• * 20.6

  The Postscript to the Articles.
• * 20.7

  Private Articles sworn to.
• * 20.8

  Jesuits swarm.
• * 20.9

  Dispute pub∣lickly.
• * 20.10

  An. Reg. 20. An. chisti. 1623.
• * 20.11

  A great judg∣ment, or an unfortunate mishap.
• * 20.12

  Brunswick rai∣ses an Army.
• * 20.13

  His Cheif Of∣ficers.
• * 20.14

  Thier Order in Marching.
• * 20.15

  The General of the Horse falters.
• * 20.16

  So doth the Sergeant Ma∣jor General.
• * 20.17

  Brunswick's Army defeat∣ed.
• * 20.18

  The condition of France.
• * 20.19

  The Match concluded in Spain.
• * 20.20

  The Palatine affairs waved.
• * 20.21

  New Resolu∣tions on both sides.
• * 20.22

  Buckingham angry.
• * 20.23

  The Duke and Olivares quar∣tel.
• * 20.24

  Buckingham goes to the Ships.
• * 20.25

  Gifts and pre∣sents on both sides.
• * 20.26

  The Prince leaves Madrid.
• * 20.27

  Comes to the Escurial.
• * 20.28

  The Descrip∣tion of it.
• * 20.29

  The Prince feasted there.
• * 20.30

  The King's & Prince's com∣pliments parting.
• * 20.31

  The Prince in danger by a Tempest.
• * 20.32

  A demur upon the espousals.
• * 20.33

  The Prince comes to Court cold in his Spanish affections.
• * 20.34

  Preparation in Spain for the Marriage.
• * 20.35

  Spanish delaies retaliated.
• * 20.36

  Thoughts of a Match with France.
• * 20.37

  A Parliament Summoned.
• * 20.38

  The Duke of Richmond dies suddenly.
• * 20.39

  The Dutchess of Richmonds Legend.
• * 20.40

  Of her Visi∣tants.
• * 20.41

  The King's Speech to the Parliament.
• * 20.42

  The Bishop of Lincolns short Ha∣rangue.
• * 20.43

  Feb. 24. Buckinghams Relation to the Parlia∣ment.
• * 20.44

  The Duke highly estee∣med.
• * 20.45

  Little deserv∣ed.
• * 20.46

  An. Reg. 21.
• * 20.47

  An. Christi. 1624.
• * 20.48

  The Parlia∣ment advise the King to break the Treaties with Spain.
• * 21.1

  The King's Letter to Se∣cretary Con∣way.
• * 21.2

  Conjectures on the King's Letter.
• * 21.3

  The King's 2. speech to both Houses.
• * 21.4

  An. Reg. 22.
• * 21.5

  An. Christi. 1624.
• * 21.6

  The Parliament close with the King.
• * 22.1

  Their Decla∣ration.
• * 22.2

  The Treaties with Spain dis∣solved.
• * 22.3

  The Spanish Ambassadour accuses Buck∣ingham of Treason.
• * 22.4

  Bristol sent to•• the Tower.
• * 22.5

  The Parlia∣ments Petition against Recu∣sants.
• * 22.6

  The King prepared for it.
• * 22.7

  The Kings answers to the Parlia∣ments Petiti∣ons, 23. Apt.
• * 22.8

  The King pro∣mises much, performs lit∣tle.
• * 22.9

  a swarm of Popery.
• * 22.10

  Herba mimosa.
• * 22.11

  A Treatie of Marriage with France.
• * 22.12

  The Lord Treasurer questioned in Parliament.
• * 22.13

  Harman's story
• * 22.14

  The Lady Finch Vis∣countess of Maidstone.
• * 22.15

  Four Regi∣ments sent into Holland.
• * 22.16

  Spinola be∣seiges Breda.
• * 22.17

  Cruelty at Amboina.
• * 22.18

  The English accused of Treason.
• * 22.19

  The improba∣bility of the Attempt by the English.
• * 22.20

  1619
• * 22.21

  Mansfeldt goes into En∣gland.
• * 22.22

  Forces raised for him.
• * 22.23

  The design ruined.
• * 22.24

  The death of the Earl of Southampton and his son.
• * 22.25

  The death of the Marquess Hamilton.
• * 22.26

  The death of the King.
• * 22.27

  An. Christi. 1625.
• * 22.28

  The Death of Maurice Prince of O∣range 23. Apr. 1625.
• * 22.29

  The death of the Earl of Oxford.
• * 22.30

  The different Carriage of two Princes of Orange.
• * 22.31

  The King pa∣tient in sick∣ness.
• * 22.32

  Lamb a Witch.
• * 22.33

  Butler a Moun∣tebank.
• * 22.34

  The Descrip∣tion of King Iames.