A new theory of the earth, from its original to the consummation of all things wherein the creation of the world in six days, the universal deluge, and the general conflagration, as laid down in the Holy Scriptures, are shewn to be perfectly agreeable to reason and philosophy : with a large introductory discourse concerning the genuine nature, stile, and extent of the Mosaick history of the creation / by William Whiston ...

A NEW THEORY OF THE EARTH.

BOOK I. LEMMATA.

I. ALL Bodies will persevere for ever in that state, whether of Rest or Mo∣tion, in which they once are, if no other force or impediment act upon them, or suffer by them.

II. All Motion is of it self rectilinear, and with the same constant uniform Celerity, if no other external Cause disturb it.

Corollary 1. 'Tis evident from these two Proposi∣tions, that Matter is intirely a passive Substance.

Coroll. 2. No Spontaneous Motion or Action can be the effect of meer Matter.

Coroll. 3. The Soul of Man, whose least Power seems to be that of Spontaneous Motion, is incorporeal: which is also a necessary consequence of the first Co∣rollary;

for if Matter be perfectly a passive Thing, the Soul, which is so active a Being, cannot be material.

Coroll. 4. The Bruit Creatures giving all possible Demonstrations of Spontaneous Motion, and of a prin∣ciple of Action, cannot reasonably be suppos'd meerly Corporeal Machines.

III. All those single Corpuscles of which Bo∣dies are compos'd, do attract all other single Corpuscles of which other Bodies are compos'd, and are alike mutually attracted by them. If this Affection of the Parts of Bodies be consi∣der'd with respect to those towards which the Motion is, 'tis call'd Attraction, and they are said to draw all others. But if it be consider'd with respect to those which are mov'd, 'tis call'd Gravitation, or a Tendency in them towards others. Thus in Magnetism we imagine a Power of Attraction belonging to the Loadstone; and in the Iron a Tendency, or (as I may call it, tho' somewhat improperly) Gravitation towards it. Tho'indeed, by the way, the Force or Affection being found to be mutual and equal on both sides, the Terms might justly be so too; and a Loadstone might as properly be said to tend or gravitate towards the Iron, or Iron to attract the Load∣stone, as the contrary; just as 'tis in the Point before us. This however will serve for an Illu∣stration, and explain our meaning in the present case, where all the Parts of Bodies are endew'd with such a mutual Gravitation and Attraction with respect to all others.

SCHOLIUM.

That no prejudice nor misunderstanding may arise, 'tis to be observ'd, That when we use the

terms of Attraction or Gravitation, we do not thereby determine the Physical Cause or Seat of any effects, as if some innate Power or occult Quality were to be suppos'd in Bodies (as will appear presently); but only use such familiar Terms whereby our meaning may be easily un∣derstood, and the Effects of Nature explain'd, even where the last and proper efficient Cause is not mechanically assignable. Thus we do and may say, as before, That the Loadstone attracts the Iron, or the Iron tends or gravitates to the Loadstone, not ascribing thereby any proper and positive Quality or Power to these Bodies, but for ease of Expression, and for supplying what we cannot otherwise readily explain relating to them. Thus also we commonly say, That Stones are heavy, or tend towards the Center of the Earth; and the Expressions, rightly understood, are true and natural: Tho' perhaps in both cases the real cause of those Effects which we ascribe to such an Attraction, Tendency, or Gravita∣tion, is External, and some continual Impulse from without, not any inherent Power really Existent within, is the Original of all. But in such cases, where the true Agent is invisible or unknown, we must have leave to use those terms which the Matter will bear, or Custom has ren∣dred familiar; without which, uneasy and trou∣blesome Circumlocutions will be unavoidable; especially, seeing that no Error can hereby creep into our Reasonings, because 'tis evident, that all the Effects of Nature are exactly the very same in the World, and not otherwise, which they certainly would and must be if Bodies did really and properly, by their own inherent Vir∣tue or Quality, attract, and were attracted by all others.

IV. This Affection of mutual Attraction or Gravitation is universal in extent; all Bodies in the whole World, as far as we have any means of knowing wherefoever they are plac'd, be∣ing in common subject thereto, and concern'd therein.

V. This Affection is also universal as to the kinds of its Objects; it belonging equally to all the Parts of Matter, of what Sort or Form, in what Figure or Condition soever they are: the difference of Bodies as to Texture and Compo∣sition, Fluidity and Firmness, Motion and Rest, Bigness and Subtily, or any other such mutable Qualities, not in the least diminishing the Influ∣ence thereof.

VI. This Affection is also universal and equa∣ble as to Time, without all manner of intermis∣sion; without any increase or diminution in dif∣ferent Ages.

VII. The Quantity of the force of Attraction at equal distances is exactly proportionable to the Quantity of Matter in the attracting Body, being in reality nothing but the Result or Summe of the united Forces of all those single Particles of which 'tis compos'd. Thus if A be double to, i. e. has twice as much matter as B; A will have a double force of Attraction also, at equal di∣stances from their Centers respectively. If A represent the Earth, B the Moon; if B contain but the twenty sixth part of the matter in A, (as * 1.1 it really does contain no more) and a Globe or Ball were plac'd at the same distance from the Center of B, at which another equal to it were from that of A, it would be but the twenty sixth part so heavy towards B, as the other were to∣wards A.

VIII. This mutual tendency of Bodies is great∣er or less, according as the Bodies themselves are nearer to, or farther from each other. The same Body more forcibly attracting those which are near, than those which are farther off. So that Stone or Pillar which is with us very heavy, would be comparatively very light, if it were as far distant from us as the Moon.

IX. The proportion of the Increase and De∣crease of this Gravity of Bodies in their approach to, or recess from each other, is neither that of Similar Lines nor Solids, but of Superficies or Plains: The Force of Attraction in several di∣stances being reciprocally in a Duplicate Propor∣tion thereof. Thus when the same Body, with∣out the Surface of the Earth, is twice as near its Center, as it was before, 'tis four times as heavy; when thrice as near, 'tis nine times as heavy; when four times as near, 'tis sixteen times as heavy as before. In like manner, the same strength which were able to sustain a Body of one hundred weight here, would at twice our distance from the Earth's Center, be equally able to sustain four hundred weight; at three times our distance, nine hundred weight; at four times our distance, sixteen hundred weight, and so, in infinitum, at all other distances. For as the Squares of the distances increase, so does the Power of Attraction decrease; and as the Squares of the distances decrease, so does the Power of Attraction at the same time increase proportiona∣bly; as will be prov'd presently from the known Phaenomena of Astronomy.

Corollary 1. From the Comparison of the two first * 1.2 Propositions with the seven last, 'tis evident, That this universal force of mutual Attraction or Gravita∣tion of Bodies is not a result from the Nature of Mat∣ter;

which being circumscrib'd within its own bounds, being incapable of acting at a distance, and besides being intirely passive in its very Essence, can∣not possibly draw others, or tend towards them of it self.

Coroll. 2. This universal force of Gravitation be∣ing so plainly above, besides, and contrary to the Na∣ture of Matter; on the formention'd Accounts must be the Effect of a Divine Power and Efficacy which go∣verns the whole World, and which is absolutely neces∣sary to its Preservation.

Coroll. 3. When the Divine Power is inseparable from the Essence of God, 'tis evident, the latter is Omnipresent as well as the former, and every where equally diffus'd through the Universe; and that there∣fore in God we properly live, move, and have our being.

Coroll. 4. The Divine Nature is Incorporeal and Spiritual, as being equally present, and equally power∣ful in the midst of the material World, as in those im∣mense Spaces which every where distinguish the Parts, and surround the Limits of it.

Coroll. 5. The Providence of God in the Natural World is not meerly a Conservation of its being, or a Non-annihilation thereof; but a constant, uniform, active Influence or Energy in all the Operations done in it; the very same which was exerted in the Origi∣nal Impression of those Laws of Motion on which it de∣pends. The two first Propositions, 'tis true, seem to require only a Continuation of Existence, without any new or continual Action; but the seven last plainly require more; and no less than I am here pleading for. So that if we should suppose God Almighty to withdraw or suspend this his actual Efficacy and In∣fluence on all the Bodies in the World, tho' he pre∣serv'd their being; the whole would immediately be dissolv'd, and each of the Heavenly Bodies be crum∣bled

into Dust; the single Atoms commencing their se∣veral Motions in such several straight Lines, according to which the Projectile Motion chanc'd to be at the in∣stant when the Divine Influence (the cause of Gravi∣tation, and all such other Affections of Matter) was suspended or withdrawn.

Coroll. 6. Mechanical Philosophy, which relies chiefly on the Power of Gravity, is, if rightly under∣stood, so far from leading to Atheism, that it solely depends on, supposes, and demonstrates the Being and Providence of God; and its Study by consequence is the most serviceable to Religion of all other.

Coroll. 7. The Epicureans, who endeavour'd to cast the belief of a Providence at least, if not of a Deity out of the World by their Atomical or Mechani∣cal Philosophy, very foolishly misunderstood and abus'd their own Principles; which in reality, when right∣ly comprehended, do with the greatest Evidence and Conviction establish them both, beyond all other what∣soever.

Coroll. 8. There is no such Ethereal Substance, or Subtile Matter, pervading the Pores of Bodies, which being it self free from the Law of Gravity, or endu'd with a less Proportion thereof, might be imagin'd to be the cause of it in other Bodies, or the means of any other Effects in the World.

Coroll. 9. A Vacuum, or Space distinct from Matter, is necessary to be admitted. For were the World equally full every where, when all Matter is equally heavy in proportion to its Quantity, there could not possibly be any difference in the Specifick Gravity of Bodies; it being on the Hypothesis of a Plenum im∣possible that a Cube of Gold should be heavier than an equal Cube of Air, and its contained subtile Matter together; and by consequence equally impossible that the former should over-ballance or descend in the latter, which yet all experience shews it really does. So that

a Plenum is so far from accounting for the Phae∣nomenon of Gravity, as some would have it, that it utterly subverts the possibility of it; and while the last is evident, the first must needs be indefen∣fible.

X. From the Uniform Projectile Motion of Bodies in straight lines, and the Universal Power of Attraction or Gravitation, the curvilinear motion of all the Heavenly Bodies does arise. If a Body, as B, be moving uniformly along * 1.3 the line DC, from D to C; and another Body A be present, this latter Body A must draw the former B from its straight line DC, and by do∣ing so continually, while at the same time the Body B retains its Projectile force along a straight line in every point of its Course, must make the line of its real motion a bent one, and change its rectilinear into a curvilinear trajectory.

Coroll. Hence we may learn what is that cona∣tus recedendi à centro motûs in revolving Bodies, and in what sense 'tis to be understood. For when, as we have already seen, all Bodies have a vis cen∣tripeta, or propension towards one another; 'tis im∣possible they should of themselves, in as proper a man∣ner, have a contrary propension, or vis centrifuga; an endeavour of avoiding one another, (if these im∣proper terms will be allow'd me.) The true meaning therefore of this attempt or endeavour to get farther off the Center of Motion is only this, That all Bodies being purely passive, and so incapable of altering their uniform motion along those straight lines, or tan∣gents to their curves, in which they are every moment, still tend onwards in the same lines, and retain their propension or effort towards that rectilinear motion all the time they are obliged to move in curves; and con∣sequently at every point of their course, endeavour to

fly off by their Tangents. Now the parts of the Tan∣gent to which this endeavour is, being farther from the Center than those of the Curves to which the bodies are actually forc'd, an attempt to go on in the Tangent may be, and is stil'd an attempt to go farther off or recede from that Center; tho' from no other affection than that of inactivity, or of persevering in a recti∣linear motion. So that tho' the vis centripeta, or power of gravitation be an active and positive force, continually renew'd and impress'd on Bodies; the vis centrifuga, or conatus recedendi à centro motûs is not so, but the mere consequent and result from their inactivity. This is evident in Bodies revolving in Ellipses about one of the Foci, in their descent to∣wards it; where the Tangent being oblique to the Radius, or Line, from the Point of Contact to the Focus, this very conatus recedendi à centro mo∣tûs, by urging it along the Tangent, will for some time make it approach nearer to the Focus; (tho' not so much nearer as by its revolving in the Ellipsis it self) as may be seen in the Scheme, if a Body at B. were moving towards L. about the Focus H. * 1.4 And this explication is confirm'd by all experience. For * 1.5 let a Stone be let loose from the Sling, or any revol∣ving body be disengag'd from the force which retain'd it in its Curve, and it will not go from the Center, but only pass along the Tangent in which it was moving as if there were no such Center near it at all.

XI. A Rectilinear or Projectile motion of the Planets along the Tangents to their Orbits, (which when once begun, always uniformly continues) join'd or compounded with their gravitation to the Sun, in the common Center or rather Focus of our System, is the Original of all the Planetary Revolutions about him.

Thus if Jupiter, for instance, represented by B, were moving uniformly along the Line DC, * 1.6 from D towards C; if the Sun A were absent, the Planet would pass on straight from B to C, with the same velocity with which it had come from D to B. But if upon its arrival at the point B, the Sun in the Center or Focus A begin to affect it, the Planet, by the Sun's Attraction, must be drawn from a rectilinear to a curvilinear course; and be oblig'd, if the Sun's Power be great enough compar'd with the Planets velocity, to revolve about him, and that, the attractive force always continuing, for ever after. The case is just the same as if B were a Stone in a Sling, A the Hand of the Slinger, (by the help of the strings united together, and represented by the line A B) whirling it round continually. For as the Stone at its coming to the point B, were it let loose and left to it self, would fly off in the straight Line or Tangent B C, yet by force is still retain'd at an equal distance from the hand of the slinger, and compell'd to revolve in a kind of circle; so 'tis here. The Attraction of the Sun in the common Center or Focus compels all the Planets, which of themselves would pass along their several Tangents, to revolve about it self, and describe their several curvilinear Or∣bits. And the case is the same in the secondary Planets with respect to their primary ones, about which they revolve in the same manner as they all both Primary and Secondary revolve about the Sun, in the common Center or Focus of the intire System.

Coroll. 1. Hence 'tis manifest, that the Law of universal Attraction once established, unless the Di∣vine Power had put the Planets into a suitable motion in right lines, they must soon have been drawn down∣wards,

and fall'n into the Sun: And still, if their motions should be intirely stop'd and cease, the same must happen, and they must not only be uncapable of those noble uses to which they are now subservient, but utterly perish in the violence of the Sun's scorching heat. The preventing of which therefore ought justly to be attributed to the Wisdom and Power of God in the constitution of the World.

Coroll. 2. If the World be limited and finite in its extent, 'tis so in its time also; and so vice versâ if eternal in its time, 'tis infinite also in its extent. For when all Matter (as far as we have any means of knowing, and so in reason all Matter whatsoever) is endu'd alike with a power of attraction; and must all thereby, without proper motions along straight lines, at last meet in the common Center of Gravity of the whole; and when withal the other Systems of fixt Stars, suppos'd here finite, retain their site and distance from each other, and thence appear not to have any projectile motion along straight lines to pre∣vent the same; had the frame of the World been eternal, the effect abovemention'd must have innu∣merable ages ago, really come to pass; and all the matter of the intire Universe compos'd one single dull and unmoveable heap or mass in the common Center of Gravity of the whole: Which not having hap∣pen'd, demonstrates the impossibility of the Eternity of the World, and the necessity of admitting its pro∣duction in time by the Power of God. When there∣fore 'tis unreasonable to suppose the material World truly unlimited in extent, 'tis necessary to suppose it no more unlimited in duration also. And this reason∣ing is unavoidable, unless we allow the most inva∣riable and constant property of Matter in our System to be peculiar to it, and so to be a voluntary Constitu∣tion of God Almighty; or at least that a miraculous Providence does hinder the foremention'd Effect con∣tinually.

So that upon the whole, as the very Learn∣ed Mr. Bentley has observ'd, either the Divine * 1.7 Power in Creating, or peculiar Providence in Govern∣ing the frame of Nature, is on these undoubted Prin∣ciples for ever establish'd.

XII. When the Projectile Motion of the Pla∣nets is in its Direction, Perpendicular to a Line from the Sun, and in its degree of velocity, so nicely adapted and contemper'd to the quantity of the Sun's Attraction there, that neither can overcome the other, (the force of gravitation to∣wards the Sun, and the celerity of the Planets proper motions being perfectly in aequilibrio) the Orbits of such revolving Planets will be compleat Circles, themselves neither approaching to, nor receding from the Sun the Center of their mo∣tions. And the Case is the same in the Secon∣dary Planets about their Primary ones. Thus 'tis supposable, that the Velocity of all the Pla∣nets about the Sun, was exactly accommodate Originally to his Power of Attraction, and that their Primitive Orbits were perfect Circles; from which at this day they do not mightily differ. Thus however Jupiter's four Satellits or little Moons have their Motions so exactly propor∣tion'd to their gravitation to him, that their Or∣bits, as far as the most nice Observations can judge, are perfect Circles, they keeping at an equal distance from his Center in all the points of their courses about him.

XIII. When the Projectile Motion is not adap∣ted to, but is either too swift or too slow for the Attraction towards the Central Body, the Orbits describ'd will be Ellipses; and in the for∣mer case, when the Projectile Motion is too swift, the Orbit will be bigger than the Circle

before-mentioned; and the nearer Focus of the El∣lipsis will be coincident with the Central Body; And in the latter case the Orbit will be less than the Circle, and the farther Focus of the Ellipsis will be coincident with that Central Body. Thus if the ce∣lerity * 1.8 of B, be exactly correspondent to the at∣tractive force of the Central Body A, neither will prevail, and the Body, preserving an equal distance from the Center, will describe the Circle Be Eb. If the Celerity be greater, it will overcome the At∣traction, and cast it self farther off the Center for some time, and so revolve about it in the larger Ellipsis BHFG; the Central Body, possessing that Focus A, which is nearest the point B, where the Attraction began. But if the Celerity be smaller, the Attraction of the Central Body A, will be too hard for it, will force it for sometime to come nearer, and to describe the lesser Ellipsis BKLI; the Central Body possessing that Focus A which is farthest from the point B, where the Attracti∣on began: As will be very plain from the con∣sideration of the Figure relating hereto.

SCHOLIUM.

'Tis indeed possible that the Celerity of Bodies may be so great, compar'd with the force of Attraction to the Central Body, as to cast them off with such violence, that the Attraction will never be able to bring them round, or make them revolve about it: In which case the Orbits describ'd will be one of the other Conick Sections, either Parabola's or Hyperbola's; according to the less or greater violence with which the Bodies are thrown; and the Central Body will possess the Focus of such a Figure. But no Phaenomena of Nature persuading us that de facto any of the

Heavenly Bodies do describe either of those Lines, (tho' Comets Ellipses come near to Para∣bola's; of which hereafter) I shall not farther insist upon them here. For if what has been said of Ellipses has been well understood, the rest can have no great difficulty in it.

XIV. Several Bodies moving about the same Central one, tho' their Primitive Velocity were equal, and direction alike, yet if they be at diffe∣rent distances from it, they will describe figures of different Species about it. For when that determinate degree of Velocity, which at one di∣stance were just commensurate to the Central Bo∣dies Attraction, and so would produce a circular Orbit, must at a farther distance be too hard for it, by reason of the diminution of the Attraction there; an Elliptical Orbit must be describ'd; whose nearer Focus would be coincident with the Central Body. In like manner, when the same determinate degree of Velocity were at a nearer distance, where the Central Attraction is aug∣mented, it would be too little for the same; and an Elliptical Orbit must be describ'd, whose far∣ther Focus would be coincident with the Central Body. This cannot be difficult if what has been hitherto said have been rightly apprehended. For when the species of the Planetary Orbits depend solely on the proportion between the Attraction towards the Central Body, and the Velocity of the Projectile Motion; as that pro∣portion remaining at any distance whatsoever, the bigness of the Orbits will be various, but the Species the same; so when that proportion is chang'd, the Species of the Figures must be chang'd also: Which being done, the Velocity given, by the various force of Attraction in se∣veral

distances from the Center, as well as by the various Velocity, at a given distance, of which before; 'tis evident the Species of the Orbits will be different in this, as well as in the former Case.

Coroll. The greater disproportion there is between the quantity of Attraction, and the Velocity of the re∣volving Bodies, in the circumstances mention'd in the two last Propositions, the farther from a Circular, and the more Oblong and Eccentrical will the Orbits describ'd be. And the greater approach to correspon∣dence there is, the nearer to circular, and the less Ob∣long and Eccentrical will the same Orbits be.

XV. The circular Orbits of Planets depend not only on the exact adjustment of the Projectile Velocity to the attractive Power of the Sun, but upon the direction of the same Projectile Motion, at the original Commencing of the Attraction. Thus where the Planet is in its own Tangent neither Ascending nor Descending, and the Angle preceding CBA is a right one, which we * 1.9 have hitherto suppos'd; from the correspondence of the Velocity to the Attraction, the Orbits will be perfect Circles. Otherwise, when the direction of the motion is oblique, in any mea∣sure ascending from, or descending to the Cen∣tral Body, and the preceding Angle CBA ob∣tuse or acute, the Planet, tho' its Velocity were exactly adapted to the Attraction of the Central Body, would revolve in an Ellipsis; and the point B, where the Attraction began, would be the end of the lesser Axis thereof. All which will become easier by what we shall presently come to explain of that figure.

Coroll. From these four last Propositions, compar'd with the present System of the Planetary World, 'tis

obvious to take notice of the Wise and Careful Provi∣dence of God, and his most accurate contrivance in * 1.10 the disposal and regulation of the whole: Whereby the primary Velocity of the Planets, their several distan∣ces from the Central Bodies, and the original direction of their motions, have been each so nicely adjusted and adapted to the force of Attraction every where, that all the Orbits of the Planets became thereby either truly circular, or not very much different from the same. Which remark will appear the more just, and considerable, if we reflect on the infinitely different de∣grees of Velocity, and oblique direction; with the im∣mensly various distances from the Central Bodies, equally possible with those which were so fitly pitch'd upon; and observe, to what noble and valuable uses these Bodies are now subservient, which, without the foremention'd exactness of contrivance in each parti∣cular, could not have been provided for. All which demonstrate the great necessity of interesting the Di∣vine Providence; and the worthiness of its so careful interposition in such cases.

SCHOLIUM.

In order to the easier apprehension of the Mo∣tions of the Celestial Bodies, and of those things already said, or to be said hereafter, relating to them, 'twill not be improper in this place to give some account of the Generation, Nature, and Easie Properties of Ellipses; in which, (including the Circle, as is commonly done) all the Hea∣venly Bodies (as far as we have hitherto reason to believe) revolve perpetually; so far at least as will be directly subservient to our present pur∣pose, and give any Light to the following Theory. Take therefore, from the great Des Cartes, this * 1.11 natural and obvious description or delineation of

an Oval or Ellipsis; which tho' familiar to the Gardener and Joyner, is a very good one, and gives as just and compleat an Idea of it as any other whatsoever.

Take a small Cord or Packthread, which is * 1.12 very pliable, and yet not easily stretch'd beyond its natural length; Tye the two ends together, by which means it will be a sort of round or circu∣lar circumference mutable into all Figures. Let two Pins or Nails, H and I, be driven into a plain Board or Table; put the Cord or Pack∣thread round the two Pins or Nails H and I, and with a Pencil or any such thing, (which, as it is drawn along, will make a small stroke) in your hand, turn it round about the two Pins or Nails, as about a double Center, till you return to the Point from whence you began. Thus if B be the Point where you begin the delineation, con∣tinue it either way, by OFMKNEPD, or * 1.13 DPENKMFO, till you return to B again. * 1.14 By which means the Point of your Pencil will describe such a Curve as is here represented, and is call'd an Ellipsis. The nature and properties whereof, as far as at present we shall consider the same, are as follow.

(1.) The Species of the Ellipsis depends on the proportion there is between the length of the Cord, and the distance of the two Centers H and I: And consequently, wherever that determinate proportion is given, the Species is given also, tho' the bigness and capacity be chang'd: But where that proportion is not given; as, the length of the Cord remaining, where the distance of the Centers is chang'd; or, that distance remaining, the length of the Cord is chang'd; or both are chang'd, but not in the same proportion; in all these cases the Species of the Ellipsis is different.

Thus in particular where the distance of the Cen∣ters, or the Line H I, is greater in proportion to the length of the Cord, there the Ellipsis is farther from, and where 'tis less the Ellipsis is nearer to a Circle. All which is so obvious on a very little consideration of the Delineation, and Figure, as 'tis represented in the two different Schemes, that no more words need be us'd about it.

(2.) If in a considerably large Figure the two Points H and I be very near together, it will be scarce distinguishable from a Circle; and in any Figure if they be suppos'd to unite, and be coinci∣dent, the Eccentrical Curve will become Con∣centrical; and the Ellipsis degenerate into a Circle; as perfect a one, as any drawn with a pair of Compasses. Whence we see why a Circle is reckon'd among the Ellipses; and how it may be generated by a way very like that made use of in their delineation.

(3.) As when the Points H and I are coinci∣dent, the Ellipsis loses its Eccentricity, and deno∣mination, and commences a Circle; so, on the other hand, if the distance H I be indefinitely lengthened, while the difference between that distance and the length of the Cord, (equal to D H and I K or double to one D H; as the Pen∣cil at D is easily perceiv'd) remains the same, the Ellipsis will go through all Species, and at last become indefinitely Oblong and Eccentrical, and one half of it, as F D E, will degenerate in∣to the very same Figure we call a Parabola. For as all degrees of Eccentricity make Ellipses of all Spe∣cies; so no degree of Eccentricity makes a Circle; and an indefinite or infinite degree of it makes a Parabola: Which, tho' we have no necessity to consider it so distinctly in this place (none of the Heavenly Bodies, as far as we yet know, describ∣ing

truly such a Line, as has been already observ'd;) yet on account of the Comets Orbits, which * 1.15 are nearly Parabolical, at least deserv'd our notice; and the first Figure will shew an example of it.

(4.) An Ellipsis being describ'd about two Points, as a Circle about one, or those two united; hence may appear in some measure the nature of these Points. They are indeed called the Foci or Umbilici of the Figure, but might not unfitly be nam'd the Centers thereof. And how naturally each of them bears much the same respect to the Elliptick Pe∣riphery, that the Center does to the circular one, is partly obvious from the foregoing delineation; and of which those who are acquainted with the Conick Sections cannot be ignorant. To whom the matter will be still plainer, if they consider the generation of an Ellipsis from the Section of a Conick superficies, by a plain intersecting the opposite sides of the Cone, and yet not parallel to the Basis; as the Geometricians usually do. For there the Axis of the Cone, or Line which passes from its Vertex through the Center of the Circle its Basis, does not pass through the middle or Center of the Ellipsis; but one of those Points we are speaking of. And accordingly, if the name Center had not by custom in the Ellipsis been bor∣rowed from the Circle on account of its position, rather than some other properties of it, and thence appli'd to the middle point in the Ellipsis; it might very fitly, as has been before said, have been given to the two Points H and I, now stil'd the Foci or Umbilici thereof. And by the same reason the corresponding single Points, going un∣der the same names in the Parabola and Hyper∣bola, would deserve and challenge the same de∣nomination. And this is so agreeable to the true System of the Planetary World, that in the new

Astronomy (and thence in these Papers) the stile is sometimes continued; and 'tis not unusual, I may add, nor very improper, to say, That the Sun, the common Focus or Umbilicus of all the Ce∣lestial Elliptick Orbits, is in the Center of our System, or possesses the Center of the Planetary World.

(5.) Tho' all the Lines passing through the Center in a Circle, being equal, are equally con∣siderable; yet 'tis otherwise in the Conick Sections; where that Line through the Focus alone which cuts the principal Axis at right Angles, is remark∣able above all the rest; and in very many cases peculiarly considerable. This Line is stil'd the Latus Rectum, and in the Ellipsis is, after the lon∣ger and shorter Axis, the third proportional. Thus in the Figure before us, as DK is to EF, so is the same EF to OP or MN, the Latus Rectum thereof, so famous with the Writers on the Conick Sections.

(6). The subtense of the Angle of Contact bd, parallel to the distance from the Focus BH, at an equal distance from the Point of contact B, if that distance be suppos'd infinitely small, is in all parts of the same Ellipsis, or other Conick Secti∣on equal to it self. The Truth and Use of which property is not yet sufficiently known.

(7.) If from any Point in the circumference of an Ellipsis as B, Lines be drawn to each Focus, BH, BI; these two Lines taken together are al∣ways equal to themselves, and to the longer Axis KD: As the delineation of the Figure does plainly manifest.

(8.) If the Angle made by the Lines to the Foci from any certain Point, HBI be divided in the midst by the Line BA; the said Line BA will be perpendicular to the Tangent, or Curve

at the Point of contact; and so the Angles ABL ABG will be right ones, and equal to each other, as consequently will equal parts of them LBH: IBG.

(9.) A Line drawn from either Focus to the end of the lesser Axis, HE or IE, is equal to half the longer Axis CD or CK: as is evident by the last particular but one. And the same Line is Arithmetically the middle proportional between the greatest and least distance from the said Focus. Thus HE, for instance, is just so much longer than HD, as 'tis shorter than HK; the difference in both cases being the Ec∣centricity HC or CI.

(10.) The Tangent of an Ellipsis LG is never perpendicular to a Line drawn from the Focus, * 1.16 excepting the two points which terminate the * 1.17 longer Axis D and K. And if you imagine the point of contact B, with the Radius BH, and the Tangent LG, to move round the Ellipsis to∣gether, from B towards D; the preceding Angle, HBL, will, in the descent from K by F to D, be an acute one; (its acuteness increasing from K to F, and as much decreasing from F to D) and in the ascent from D by E to K an obtuse one; (its obtuseness increasing from D to E; and as much decreasing from E to K:) in both semi∣revolutions arriving at rightness at the Points D and K, the ends of the longer Axis alone; as was here to be observ'd.

(11.) The Area of an Ellipsis is to that of a circumscrib'd Circle, (whose Diameter is equal to the others longer Axis) as the shorter Axis of the Ellipsis is to the same longer Axis or Diameter.

(12.) If the Circumferences of a Circle, and of an Ellipsis, be equal; the Area of the Circle is the greater. It being known, that of all Fi∣gures,

whose Perimeters are equal, the Circle is the most capacious.

(13.) If an Ellipsis, by becoming infinitely Eccentrical, degenerate into a Parabola; the Latus Rectum will be four times as long as the nearest distance to the Focus thereof. Thus r s * 1.18 is four times as long as H t.

XVI. All Bodies which, together with a Pro∣jectile or Uniform Motion along right Lines, are continually attracted or impell'd towards one certain Point or Center, let the attraction or impulse be of what nature or quantity soever, will always (no other Force interposing) by a Line drawn from that Center to themselves, de∣scribe equal Area's in equal times, and so propor∣tionable Area's in proportionable times, through all parts of their courses. Thus if the Area de∣scrib'd the first minute were equal to a thousand square Feet; whether the Bodies came nearer or went farther off, it would always in a minute be equal to the same thousand square feet; in two minutes double, or two thousand; in three minutes treble, or three thousand; in four minutes Quadruple, or four thousand; and so for ever proportionably. The demonstration of this noble and exceeding useful Theorem is both easie and pleasant: But that not being my pre∣sent business, I shall, as in the rest, refer the Reader to the Great Author himself for satis∣faction.

XVII. All Bodies, vice versâ, which revolve in Curves; and by a Line drawn from them∣selves to a certain Point or Center, describe Area's proportionable to the times of description; are attracted or impell'd continually towards that Point or Center.

Corollary. When therefore Lines drawn: from eve∣ry one of the Planets to the Sun, describe perpetually Area's proportionable to the times of description; as is own'd by all Astronomers; 'tis certain that, besides their several Projectile Motions, they are every one continually attracted or impell'd towards the Sun; and from such compounded forces revolve about him. And the case being the same in the Moon about the Earth; the Circumjovials about Jupiter; and the Circumsaturnals about Saturn; this Corollary equally belongs to them also.

XVIII. If Bodies from a Projectile Motion, and an attraction or impulse to a Point or Center move about the same in a Spiral Line, which intersects every Radius in the same Angle; the force of the attraction or impulse, at diffe∣rent distances from that Center is reciprocally as the Cubes of such distances: And vice versâ, if the force of attraction or impulse to any Center be as the Cubes of the distances reciprocally; Bodies revolving about the same must describe Spiral Lines, intersecting the Radij in the same Angle.

XIX. If Bodies from a Projectile Motion and an attraction or impulse to a Point, move about it, being the Center of an Ellipsis, in the Periphe∣ry of the same Ellipsis; the force of attraction is directly as the distance from such a Center: And vice versâ, if the force of attraction or im∣pulse to any Point be as the distance from the same directly, Bodies revolving about it must de∣scribe an Elliptick Figure; with whose Center the fore-mention'd Point will be coincident.

XX. If Bodies from a Projectile Motion, and an attraction or impulse to a Point, describe an Ellipsis about that Point, coincident with one of

its Foci; the force of Attraction towards that Focus is reciprocally as the squares of the distances from the same. And vice versâ, if the force or attraction to any Point be in a duplicate propor∣tion of the distances from the same reciprocally; Bodies revolving about the same must describe Ellipses about it, coincident with one of the Foci thereof.

Corollary 1. Where Bodies revolve about any Point or Central Body, from the Figure describ'd, and the Situation of the Point or Central Body, the Law of attraction or impulse tending towards the same is discovered. And Vice versâ, where the Law of at∣traction or impulse is known, the Figure to be describ'd by revolving Bodies, and the Situation of the Point or Central Body, towards which the attraction or impulse is, with respect to such Figures, is à priori discover'd also.

Coroll. 2. None of the Heavenly Bodies descri∣bing either Spiral Lines, or Ellipses about their Cen∣ters, 'tis certain no Law of Gravitation in a tripli∣cate reciprocal, or direct simple proportion of the distance from the Central Body, obtains in the Plane∣tary World.

Coroll. 3. * 1.19 All the Planets revolutions arising from the composition of their Projectile Motion and Gravitation towards the Sun; and they all describing Ellipses about him, in the Common Focus of all their Orbits, as is evident from Astronomy; 'tis hence certain that the force of their attraction or im∣pulse towards the Sun is in a duplicate proportion of their distances reciprocally.

Coroll. 4. The case being the same as to the Moon about the Earth, and the Circumsaturnals about Sa∣turn; this last Corollary belongs equally to them also. But Jupiters Satellits revolving in compleat Circles are incapable of affording evidence in his case.

XXI. If several Bodies revolve about the same central attractive Body at several distances; and the periodical Times in which they revolve be to each other, as the Squares of their distances from the same; the force of Attraction or Im∣pulse to that central Body is in a triplicate Pro∣portion of such distances reciprocally; and vice versâ, if the force of Attraction or Impulse be as the Cubes of their distances reciprocally, the periodical Times of Revolution will be to each other, as the Squares of their distances from the same central Body.

XXII. If several Bodies revolve about the same central attractive Body, at several distances in Circular or Elliptick Orbits, and the periodical Times of revolving be all equal; the force of At∣traction or Impulse towards the central Body is directly, as the distances from the same.

XXIII. If several Bodies revolve about the same central Body, in Circular or Elliptick Or∣bits, at several distances; and the Squares of the periodical Times of revolving are to each other as the Cubes of the middle distances from the same central Body; the force of Attraction or Impulse towards the same is in a duplicate Pro∣portion of the distances from the same reciprocally.

Corollary 1. Where several Bodies, from a proje∣ctile Motion, compounded with a Gravitation towards a central Body, revolve about the same at several di∣stances; from the Proportion there is between the perio∣dical Times of revolving, compar'd with the distances from the central Body, the Law of Gravitation tend∣ing towards the same is discovered; and vice versâ, where the Law of Gravitation is known, the Propor∣tion between the periodical Times compar'd with the distances from the central Body is, à priori, disco∣ver'd also.

Coroll. 2. None of the Heavenly Bodies periodical Times of revolving being to each other as the Squares of their distances from the central Body, nor equal to one another; 'tis certain, as before, that no Law of Gravitation in a triplicate reciprocal, or direct sim∣ple Proportion of the distances from the central Body, obtains in the Planetary World.

Coroll. 3. * 1.20 All the Planets Revolutions arising from the Composition of their projectile Motion and Gravitation towards the Sun, and the Squares of their periodical Times of revolving being to each other as the Cubes of their middle distances from him; 'tis hence certain, That, as before, the force of their Attraction or Impulse towards the Sun, is in a duplicate Propor∣tion of their distances reciprocally.

Coroll. 4. The Case being the same as to the Cir∣cumjovials about Jupiter, and the Circumsaturnals about Saturn; this last Corollary belongs equally to them also. But the Moon being a single Planet revol∣ving about the Earth, is incapable of giving evidence in her Case.

Coroll. 5. As before, the Law of Gravitation be∣ing demonstrated from the Planets revolving in Ellip∣ses about the central Bodies in one of the Foci; the Proportion between the periodical Times, compar'd with the distances from the central Bodies, was deducible à priori; so vice versâ, the periodical Times compar'd with the distances demonstrating the Law of Gravita∣tion, thence the necessily of the Planets Revolution in Ellipses, about the central Bodies in one of the Foci, is à priori demonstrated also.

Coroll. 6. 'Tis certain, That the Annual Motion belongs to the Earth about the Sun, not to the Sun about the Earth. For when from the Moon's Orbit, and the Planet's Orbits and periodical Times, 'tis certain, That the Law of Gravitation towards the Earth, and towards the Sun is the same; and by consequence,

all the periodical Times of Bodies revolving about each of them in the same Proportion to one another, com∣par'd with their several Distances from each of them: On Which Hypothesis, this Proportion suits the Phae∣nomena of Nature, the same must be the true one, and to be fully acquiesc'd in. Now 'tis known, That on the Hypothesis of the Earth's Annual Motion, her periodical Time exactly suits, and is so between that of Venus and Mars, as the Proportion observ'd through the whole System, and demonstrable à priori, withal, exactly requires; but on the other Hypothesis 'tis enormously different. For when the Moon undoubtedly, and on this Hypothesis the Sun also, revolves about our Earth; and when the distance of the Sun is to that of the Moon as about 10000 to 46; and the Moon's periodical Time less than 28 days; the perio∣dical Time of the Sun is by the Rule of Three dis∣coverable thus: As the Cube of the Moon's distance, 46 equal to 97336; to the Cube of the Sun's 10000 equal to 1000000000000. (or almost as 1 to 10000000) so must the Square of the Moon's periodical Time 28 Days equal to 784. be to the Square of the Sun's pe∣riodical Time, 7840000000; whose square Root, 88204, are Days also, equal to 242 Years. So that on the Hypothesis of the Sun's Revolution about the Earth, its periodical Time must undoubtedly be 242 Years, which all Experience attests to be but a single one. So that at length the Controversy between the Ptole∣maick and Pythagorean Systems of the World is to a Demonstration determin'd, and the Earth's Annual Motion for ever unquestionably establish'd.

Coroll. 7. 'Tis certain those Opake Masses which sometimes appear at the Sun, are not Planets revol∣ving at any the least distance from him, but Spots or Maculae adhering to him: for whereas they revolve but once in about twenty six Days; on Calculation it will appear, that a Planet near the Sun's Surface as these

must be, cannot have three hours allow'd for its periodical Revolution, which being so different from the foremention'd space of twenty six days, quite decides that Controversy, and demonstrates those Masses to be real Maculae adhering to the Body of the Sun, as is here asserted.

XXIV. If a Planet describe an Ellipsis about its central Body in the Focus thereof, it will move fastest when 'tis nearest to, and slowest when 'tis farthest from the said central Body or Focus; and agreeably in the intermediate places. For seeing wheresoever the revolving Body is, the Area is still proportionable to the time, as was before shew'd; and so in equal times always equal; 'tis evident by how much the Distance is less, and the Line from the Focus is shorter; by so much must the Bodies motion be the swifter to compensate the same: and vice versâ, by how much the former is longer, by so much must the latter be slower to allow for it.

XXV. If the Planet B describe an Ellipsis about * 1.21 the central Body in the Focus H; as the Area de∣scrib'd by the Line B H, will be exactly uniform and proportional to the time of Description; so the Angular Motion, or Velocity of the Line from the other Focus B I, will be proportional to the time, and uniform also; tho' not so Exactly and Geometrically.

XXVI. The Law of Gravitation already ex∣plain'd being suppos'd; if one Planet describe an Ellipsis about the central Body in the Focus H, * 1.22 and another describe a Circle about the same in its Center: If the Semidiameter of the Circle be equal to H E, the middle distance in the El∣lipsis from the same Center or Focus, their pe∣riodical Times of revolving will be the same;

and when the Distances are equal, their Velocity will be so too.

Corollary, Tho' therefore the Planets revolve in Ellipses of several Species, yet their periodical Times may be as well compar'd with one another, and with their distances from the central Bodies, as if they all revolv'd in compleat Circles; as was above done.

XXVII. If a Body revolve about a central Body, as about A in a Circle, as B e E b; and another revolve about the same in the Focus of its * 1.23 Ellipsis B H F G, so that the Semediameter of the Circle were equal to the nearest distance in the Ellipsis, AB; the Velocity of the Body at the nearest Point of the Ellipsis will be greater than the Velocity of the Body in the Circle; and will be to it in half the Proportion of the Latus rectum of the Ellipsis pq, to the Diameter of the Circle eb; or as that Line p q, to a middle proportional between it self and e b.

XXVIII. If one Body revolve round a central Body in a Circle, and another about the same in its Focus describe so very Eccentrical an Ellipsis that it may pass for a Parabola; the Velocity of the Body moving along the Ellipsis, will be to that of the Body moving in the Circle (the Point in the Ellipsis being as far from the central Body as the Circumference of the Circle) very nearly as ten to seven.

XXIX. If a central Body have many Bodies revolving about it; 'tis perfectly indifferent in it self, and with regard to the central Body, in what Plains soever, or which way in those Plains soever, they all or any of them move.

Corollary Hence arises a convincing Argument of the Interposition of Council and Providence in the Con∣stitution of our System; in which all the Planets revolve

the same way, from West to East; and that in Plains almost coincident with one another, and with * 1.24 that of the Ecliptick, as Mr. Bentley hath also ob∣serv'd.

XXX. The Order of the Heavenly Bodies in the Solar System is as follows: First of all, The vast and glorious Body of the Sun is plac'd in the middle, very near the Center of Gravity of the in∣tire System, in the common Focus of every one of the Planetary Orbits. Next to him Mercury de∣scribes his Ellipsis, and that so near, that we on Earth rarely obtain a distinct view of him. Next to Mercury is the Elliptick Orbit of Venus, our glori∣ous Morning and Evening Star. Next to Venus our Earth, with its attendant the Moon, perform a joint Course, and Measure out the Annual Period. Next to the Earth the fiery Star Mars alone, without any visible Guard accompanying him, revolves about the same Center. Next to Mars, tho' at a mighty distance from him, the largest of the Planets, Jupiter, with his four re∣markable Satellits; and lastly Saturn with his five little Moons about him, describe the farthest and most remote Orbits, and compleat the in∣tire Planetary Chorus, as the Frontispiece of the Book represents them to the Contemplation of the Reader.

SCHOLIUM.

Besides the Planets, whose Orbits are not ve∣ry different from Circles, there are another Spe∣cies of Bodies revolving about the Sun in such Ellipses, as may pass for Parabola's, they are so exceeding Eccentrical; but as regularly retaining their several Periods and Orbits, as the Planets

now mention'd. But because these Bodies will be more distinctly consider'd hereafter, I shall wave their farther Consideration at present, and proceed.

XXXI. The periodical Times of each Planet's Revolution about the Sun, are as follow.

		Y. D. H.
Mercury	revolves a∣bout the Sun in the space of	00 — 088 — 00
Venus	00 — 224 — 18
The Earth	00 — 365 — 06
Mars	01 — 315 — 00
Jupiter	12 — 000 — 00
Saturn	30 — 000 — 00

XXXII. The middle distances of the Planets from the Sun, are as follow.

Mercury	is distant from the Sun	020952000	Statute Miles, each 5000 Paris Feet.
Venus	039096000
The Earth	054000000
Mars	082242000
Jupiter	280582000
Saturn	513540000

SCHOLIUM.

The Proportions of these Numbers are un∣questionable: But the Numbers themselves only within about a fourth part under or over. The Reason of such uncertainty is, That the Sun's Parallax or Angle which the Diameter of the Earth would subtend to an eye at the Sun, on which the whole depends, is not yet accurately determined by Astronomers; so that between 24 and 40 Seconds, no number can be certainly

pitch'd upon, till farther Observations put an end to our Doubts. On which Account I have endeavour'd to come as near to Probability as possible, and have suppos'd the Sun's Parallax 32" in a middle between the two foremen∣tion'd Extreams; and from this Hypothesis made these and the following Calculations; which therefore cannot well be above a fourth part un∣der or over the truth, but very probably are much nearer it.

XXXIII. The quantity of Matter in such of the Heavenly Bodies as afford us means of deter∣mining the same, is in the Proportions follow∣ing.

The Sun's

66690.

Jupiter's

000601/2.

Saturn's

000281/4.

The Earth's

00001.

The Moon's

000001/26.

SCHOLIUM.

Because the Solidity or Quantity of Matter in Bodies is in a triplicate Proportion of their Dia∣meters; that small uncertainty in the Sun's Pa∣rallax beforemention'd, imports a great deal in the present Calculation. I shall therefore give the Reader the Proportions of the Quantity of Matter in the Heavenly Bodies on the two ex∣tream Hypotheses, as well as I have done on the middle one; only informing him, that the Hypo∣thesis of 24" seems nearer the truth than the op∣posite extream of 40", as being nearest the ac∣curate Observations of our great Astronomer Mr. Flamsteed. The quantities of Matter there∣fore, are as follow,

The Sun's —	28700	If the Sun's Paral∣lax be 40".	The Sun's —	136560	If the Sun's Paral∣lax be 24".
Jupiter's —	000261/11	Jupiter's —	0001241/7
Saturn's —	000121/6	Saturn's —	0000579/10
The Earth's —	00001	The Earth's —	000001
The Moon's —	000001/26	The Moon's —	0000001/26

Corollary. The weight of Bodies at equal distances from the Sun and Planets, being in the same Propor∣tion with the Quantity of their Matter, as has been Lem. 7, already said; the same Numbers assign'd in the last priùs. Lemma, which explain the latter, serve equally to explain the former also.

XXXIV. The Diameters of the Sun and Pla∣nets, are as follows.

The Sun's —	494100	Statute Miles, each 5000 Paris Feet.
Saturn's —	043925
Jupiter's —	052522
Mar's —	002816
The Earth's —	008202
The Moon's —	002223
Venus's —	004941
Mercury's —	002717

XXXV. The weight of Bodies on the Surface of the Sun, and those Planets mention'd in the 33^d Lemma before, is as follows. On the Sur∣face of

The Sun

10000.

The Earth

012581/2

Jupiter

008041/2.

The Moon

00630.

Saturn

00536.

XXXVI. The Densities of the same, (what∣ever be the Sun's Parallax) is as follows.

The Moon's

700.

The Earth's

387.

The Sun's

100.

Jupiter's

076.

Saturn's

060.

XXXVII. As the weight of Bodies without the Superficies of the Heavenly Bodies increases in a duplicate Proportion of their nearness to their Centers; so within the same Superficies, does it decrease in a simple Proportion thereof; and is consequently greatest upon the Superficies them∣selves. Thus a Body at 10000 Miles distance from the Earth's Center, is four times so hea∣vy as it would be at 20000. But within the Earth, if a Body were twice as near its Center as 'tis on the Surface, it would be but half so heavy as 'tis here; if thrice as near, it would be but a third part so heavy; if four times as near, it would be but a quarter so heavy; and so for ever proportionably. Gravity therefore is most considerable on the Surface, decreasing both ways, upward in a duplicate Proportion of the reciprocal Distance; and downward in a simple direct Pro∣portion thereof.

XXXVIII. If the central Regions of a Globe contain a sphaerical Cavity within the same; Bo∣dies plac'd therein, from the equality of Attra∣ction on every side, will not tend any way, or gravitate at all, but be as perfectly at liberty, as if they were not affected by any such Law of At∣traction or Gravitation.

XXXIX. The Moon revolves about the Earth from West to East in 27 Days, 7 Hours, 43 Mi∣nutes;

and in the very same space of Time, by a strange Correspondence and Harmony of the two Motions, revolves the same way about its own Axis; whereby (one Motion as much con∣verting it to, as the other turns it from the Earth) the same side is always expos'd to our sight.

XL. The Librations of the Moon's Body, which cause not exactly the same Hemisphere thereof to be perpetually expos'd to our sight, arise from the Eccentricity of the Moon's Orbit, from the Perturbations by the Sun's Attraction, and from the Obliquity of the Axis of the Diurnal Rotation to the Moon's own Orbit, without the knowledge of which Circumstances her Phoenomena were in∣explicable, but by the consideration of them are very demonstrable.

XLI. In the 2365^th year of the Julian Period, the Autumnal Equinox was on the 11^th day of October. 'Tis evident from the Astronomical Tables of the Anticipation of the Equinox, that in 4044 years (the time since the beforemen∣tion'd Year) the Equinoxes have anticipated 30 Days 9 Hours. 'Tis also evident, That this Year 1696. the Vernal Equinox is on the 9^th of March, and the Autumnal on the 12^th of September; 'tis farther evident, That whereas now the Space from the Vernal to the Autumnal Equinox is eight or nine Days longer than from the Autumnal to the Vernal, by reason of the Position of the Perihelion of the Earth's Orbit near the Winter Solstice; at the time beforemen∣tion'd it was not above five or six Days so. By the Anticipation therefore of the Equinoxes a∣lone, if the Position of the Perihelion had been always the same, the Equinoxes at the time as∣signed had been on the 9^th of April in the Morn∣ing,

and on the 12^th of October in the Evening; and the equaller Division of the Year allow'd for, the Vernal Equinox was on the 10^th of April, and the Autumnal on the 11^th of October, as was to be prov'd.

XLII. Comets are a Species of Planets, or Bodies revolving about the Sun in Elliptical Or∣bits, whose periodical Times and Motions are as constant, certain, and regular as those of the Planets, tho' till very lately wholly unknown to the World.

XLIII. These Elliptical Orbits of Comets are so very Oblong and Eccentrical, that while they come within our Observation, they are but little different from Parabola's, and may accordingly be consider'd as such.

XLIV. The Plains in which various Comets move, are themselves exceeding various, and at all imaginable Angles of Inclination with one another, and with that of the Ecliptick.

XLV. The course of Comets in their Orbits is not determin'd one way, (as is that of the Pla∣nets from West to East) but indifferently some of them move one way, and some another.

Corollary 1. From these two last Lemmata, 'tis evident, that Comets move sometimes from East to West, other times from West to East; sometimes from North to South, other times from South to North; or obliquely between any of these ways, according as the Situation of the Plains of their Orbits, and the Dire∣ctions of their Courses together determine them.

Coroll. 2. Hence 'tis certain, That the heavenly Motions are not perform'd in corporeal Vortices; when the Comets exactly observe the same Laws and Velocity of Motion, whether they revolve with or against, or cross to the Planets, and the suppos'd stuid Matter of the Vortices.

XLVI. Comets in their descent to, and ascent from the Sun, pass quite through the Planetary System; as may be seen in the Frontispiece.

Corollary. Hence we may observe a new possible Cause of vast Changes in the Planetary World, by the access and approach of these vast and hitherto little known Bodies to any of the Planets.

XLVII. If a Comet in its descent to, or ascent from the Sun, approach near to a Planet as it passes by, and its Plain be different from that in which the Planets move; by its attractive Power it will, agreeably to the universal Law of Gra∣vitation of Bodies, draw it from the Plain in which it before mov'd, and so cause it afterward to move in a new one, inclin'd to the former, but passing through the Sun, as the former did.

Corollary. Hence 'tis supposable, That tho' the Planets originally revolv'd in the same common Plain, yet by the subsequent Attraction of Comets, their Plains may now be inclin'd to one another, and different; as 'tis certain de facto they now are.

SCHOLIUM.

When the Law of Gravitation is universal and mutual, 'tis evident, The Planet would draw the Comet from its Plain, as well as the Comet would draw the Planet; and so generally, what effects soever the Comets could have on the Pla∣nets, the latter would have correspondent ones on the former. But as this Indication once gi∣ven for all, there is no necessity of taking notice of the changes in the Comets; so accordingly, in what follows, I shall wholly omit the same; and confine my self to such things as will be im∣mediately useful in the following Theory.

XLVIII. If a Comet revolving in the same Plain with a Planet, whose Orbit is a perfect Circle, as it passes by, approach near it, by ac∣celerating or retarding the Velocity of the Planet, it would render its Orbit Elliptical. Thus if B * 1.25 were a Planet revolving about the Sun at the Center A, in the circular Orbit Be Eb; and a Comet either in its descent towards, or ascent from the Sun should pass near it, it would agree∣ably to the universal Law of Gravitation of Bo∣dies, accelerate it, if concurring with, or retard ing it, if contradicting the Planet's own annual Motion along the Periphery of its Circle. Where∣upon the concentrical Orbit would become ex∣centrical, and the Planet would afterward re∣volve in an Ellipsis, which on an Acceleration would be bigger, and on a Retardation less than the Circle which it had till then describ'd; the former represented by BHFG, the latter by BKLI. For when the original Velocity of B was exactly adjusted to the Sun's Power of Attraction, and its Orbit thereupon a perfect Circle, this new Acceleration or Retardation must render it afterward incommensurate, and too great, or too little for the same; and accord∣ingly the Orbit to be afterward agreeably to what has been formerly explain'd, describ'd by * 1.26 the Planet, must be an Ellipsis; and bigger or less than the former Circle, as the force was directed for, or against, the Planet's own Mo∣tion.

Corollary 1. In this Case the Sun would no longer be in the Center of the Figure, but in one of the Foci, viz. in the nearer Focus of the larger, and the farther of the smaller Ellipsis.

Coroll. 2. If B were the Earth moving circularly about the Sun from West to East, i. e. from B by e,

Eb to B again; and a Comet h in its descent towards the Sun should pass by before it, or on the Eastside; the annual Motion of the Earth would be accelerated, and its circular Orbit degenerate into the larger El∣lipsis BHFG, about the Sun in its nearer Fo∣cus A.

XLIX. If a Comet in passing by as before, ac∣celerate the Planets Motion, and so enlarge the Orbit, the Planets periodical Time of revolving will be enlarg'd, and become longer thereby. In like manner, if the Comet retard the Planets Motion, and so diminish the Orbit, the perio∣dical Time of revolving will be lessen'd, and become shorter. And still the more considerable the Acceleration or Retardation is, compar'd with the original Velocity of the Planet, the greater will be the eccentricity, and the greater difference between the former and latter Orbits, and the former and latter periodical Times of re∣volving also.

Corollary 1. If in the foregoing Case the Semidia∣ter of the ancient Circle, with the middle Distance in the Ellipsis afterward describ'd be given, as also the periodical Time of revolving in the latter, the periodical Time of revolving in the former is at the same time determin'd. For as the Cube of the mid∣dle Distance in the Ellipsis, to the Cube of the Semi∣diameter of the Circle, so is the Square of the perio∣dical Time in the Ellipsis, to the Square of the perio∣dical Time in the Circle. So that three of those terms being known, which is here suppos'd; the fourth, by the Golden Rule, is known also, whose square Root answers the demand of this Corollary.

Coroll. 2. When therefore the three Postulata's now mention'd are given in the case of the Earth, (suppo∣sing that it anciently revolv'd in a circular Orbit) as

will hereafter appear; the time of its annual Revolu∣tion in that original and circular Orbit may easily be at this day discover'd.

L. If a Planet moving in a circular Orbit were accelerated by an Attraction directly along its Tangent or Periphery; the preceding Angle made by the Tangent and Radius CBA would * 1.27 still remain a right one, and the point B, where the Acceleration happen'd, would afterward be the nearest to the Focus, or the Perihelion in the Ellipsis afterward to be describ'd. So if it were alike directly retarded along its Tangent or Peri∣phery, the Angle would still be a right one; and the Point B where the Retardation hap∣pen'd, would be the farthest from the Focus, or the Aphelion in the Ellipsis to be afterward de∣scrib'd.

LI. If therefore such Acceleration or Retar∣dation were caus'd by a Body moving uniformly along its Trajectory on each side of the Planets circular Periphery, the oblique Acceleration above, would take off the nearly equal oblique Retardation below, or the contrary; and there∣by the effect afterward remaining would be all one, as if the prevailing force, whether of Acce∣leration or Retardation were only along the Tangent or Periphery; all one, as if the whole Attraction were caus'd while the attracting Body was at or near that Tangent or Periphery it self; and by consequence the Point B would be, as above, the Perihelion or Aphelion of the Ellipsis af∣terward describ'd.

LII. But by reason that Bodies revolving about the Sun, move still swifter when nearer, and slower when farther off; the Motion of a Comet is swifter within than without the Periphery of

the fore-mention'd Circle. If therefore (to omit here and hereafter cases not to our purpose) a Co∣met in its descent towards its Perihelion pass just be∣fore the Body of a Planet, and Accelerate it; be∣cause the time of Acceleration without the Peri∣phery of the Circle is longer than the time of the retardation within it, the effects of the outward oblique Attraction must be somewhat more than of the inward; and the preceding Angle become somewhat obtuse. Thus if a Comet in its descent from X by h to W Accelerate the Planet B; * 1.28 by reason of the prevalence of the outward oblique Attraction, the Planet will be not only Accelerated, but drawn outward in some mea∣sure also, and the preceding Angle, which before was constantly a right one, and represented by CBA will be a little obtuse, and be represented by TBA; and by consequence the Point B will be a few degrees past the succeeding Peri∣helion, just so many as in the said Ellipsis are ne∣cessary to render the Angle made by the Radius, or Line from the Focus, and the Tangent, obtuse in the same proportion with that above-men∣tion'd. So that on such an Acceleration the Pe∣rihelion will be some degrees more backward than the Point B, at which the Acceleration hap∣pen'd.

Coroll. If therefore in a given year, a Comet, in its descent towards the Sun, Accelerated the Earth's Annual Motion, and chang'd its Orbit from a Circle to an Ellipsis; the degree of the Ecliptick, and day of the year, when the same Attraction happen'd, may be pretty nearly determined by the place of the Pe∣rihelion at the same time, from the Astronomical Tables of its Place and Motion.

LIII. If the nearest distance of a Comet to a Planet be given, the time of Attraction to be consider'd is from thence determinable. Thus if a Comet in its Descent towards the Sun, as from E to H, pass'd by a Planet moving in the * 1.29 Circumference of its circular Orbitfrom A to D, and so accelerated the same: Let CG be the Line describ'd by the Comet while the Planet passes along from B to C, at which last Point C the Comet is suppos'd to have been at its nearest distance, when the Planet is at B; and let CF be equal to CG. In this case the Acceleration by the Comet between E and F, being nearly taken off by the retardation between G and H; (and the like is to be suppos'd of the Acceleration beyond E, and the retardation beyond H, not to be contain'd in the Figure) 'tis evident that all the Attraction which is to be consider'd, is that Accelerating the Planet while the Comet passes from F to G, and the Planet from Q to C: As the sole view and consideration of the Figure it self will give sufficient evidence. Which from the Velocity of the motion of Comets and Planets easily calculated, might be soon deter∣mined; if the nearest distance CB were once ascertain'd.

Coroll. 1. If therefore the nearest distance CB were known, and the bigness or quantity of Matter in the Comet it self; seeing the time of Acceleration is withal known; the quantity of Acceleration, the increas'd Velocity of the Planet; and by consequence the Magnitude of the Elliptick Orbit to be afterwards discrib'd; and the periodical time of revolving answe∣rably thereto, might all be à priori determined.

Coroll. 2. Vice versâ, If the nearest distance BC, with the Eccentricity of the subsequent Ellip∣tick Orbit, or its periodical time be given; the big∣ness

of the Comet may, on the same grounds, be de∣termin'd also.

LIV. If a Comet descending towards the Sun pass'd near a Planet which had a secondary one revolving about it; unless their situation were so accurately and nicely adjusted that it approach'd equally near to them both, these two Planets would no longer revolve together, but being for ever separated must describe different Orbits about the Sun. This is easily demonstrable; since any diversity of Attraction must change each of their annual Orbits and Periodical times in propor∣tionably different degrees: The least of which were more than sufficient to such a purpose as we here are speaking of.

Coroll. If therefore the Planetary Orbits were all or any of them Originally Circles; and by the Attracti∣on of Comets passing by, were chang'd into Ellipses; The Position of their several Satellits, which they still re∣tain, must have been most wisely and wonderfully adjust∣ed, by the Divine Providence, with their fellows; with their Primary Planets; and with the Orbits and Pe∣riods of the Comets; without which correspondence the present system of the World must have been vastly alter'd; and the Primary Planets have lost their At∣tendants for ever.

LV. When therefore the Earth still retains its Secondary Planet the Moon, which at its Original Formation belong'd to it; if its present Elliptick Orbit be the effect of the Passing by of a Comet, the time of such passing by must have been about three days after the New or Full * 1.30 Moon. Let og represent a Section of the Ec∣cliptick Periphery; in which the Earth a is per∣forming its annual course, from West to East,

or from o towards g: Let c be the Moon, per∣forming in like manner, (besides her menstrual revolution the same way, from t by c towards s, about the Earth,) her annual course, with the same Velocity as the Earth, from u towards w, along her Periphery u w, equidistant from the Eccliptick o g: Let n m represent the trajectory of the Comet, intersecting the Line passing through the Sun I i, in the Angle m b i of 12, 14, or 16 degrees more or less: Let b be the Co∣met descending from n towards m in its approach towards it Perihelion: From the Earth's Center, from d and x, (the Line a x being drawn pa∣rallel to the Comets Trajectory n m,) let fall perpendiculars to the Trajectory a f, d e, x y. Now if while the Comet were passing from f to y, the Moon stood still, and did not proceed in her annual course along her Periphery u w, she must have been at that Point x, or not above one day past the new at t; and so the nearest di∣stances a f x y being equal, the Attractions of the Earth by the Comet at f, and of the Moon by the Comet at y, would have been equal also; and by consequence this position would have se∣cur'd the future agreement and company of these two Planets, and the time of the passing by of the Comet fix'd to a single day after the New Moon. But by reason of the Moons progressive annual motion along her Periphery u w, while the Comet descends from t towards y; she must have been in that Point of her Menstrual Orbit c, where c d is to cq or d a, as her Velocity to the Comets, or as 7 to 10; that so the Comet descending from its nearest distance to the Earth at f, to its nearest distance to the Moon at e; and the Moon arriving at the same time, by her annual motion, at the Point d, the nearest di∣stances

a f; d e may still be equal; and the acce∣leration of the Earth and the Moon may still be the same. Now this being the case; the place of the Moon c must be about 41, 43, or 45 degrees more or less past the Point t, in its Menstrual Orbit, or the Conjunction with the Sun or three days past the New Moon. And the like will be demonstrated of three days past the Full Moon, by the same figure and reasoning; if we do but shift the Scene, and let c represent the Earth, and u w the Ecliptick Periphery; a the Moon, and o g its Periphery. For all the rest remaining as above; the Angle δ c a which the Moon a must have pass'd after the full at ζ, being equal to the alternate c a t, would require equal time to be describ'd; and so the time proper for the situa∣tion of the Earth and Moon, (which is equally necessary in this as in the former case) as the Figure represents it, will be three days after the Full; as this Corollary asserts.

Coroll. If therefore in a given year a Comet in its descent towards the Sun Accelerated the Earth and Moon's annual motions, and thereby chang'd their Or∣bit from a Circle to an Ellipsis; when the day of the year, from the place of the Perihelion, were pretty nearly determined; by this last Lemma, the very day is determined also from the Astronomical Tables of the Conjunctions of the Sun and Moon.

LVI. If our Earth once revolv'd about the Sun in a circular Orbit, whose Semidiameter were equal to the Earth's original distance from the Sun six degrees past its Perihelion, the an∣nual period was exactly equal to 12 Synodical or 13 Periodical Months. 'Tis evident that 12 Sy∣nodical or 13 Periodical Months. (equal to each other in the present case,) are 355 days 4 hours

19 minutes. 'Tis also evident that the Eccen∣tricity of the Earth's or the distance be∣tween the Focus and Center of its Ellipsis, was, according to the ancient Astronomers, Hippar∣chus and Ptolomy, 21/1000 of the intire middle distance. By the Moderns 'tis found somewhat less, (and those who know Mr. Newton's Philosophy will easily allow of some diversity in different ages;) by Tycho 'twas determin'd to be near 18/1000; by Cassini since 17/1000; and last of all by our most accu∣rate Observer Mr. Flamsteed, (as he was pleas'd by Letter with great freedom to assure me,) 1692/100000 or near 17/1000 as Cassini had before determin'd. All which consider'd, we may very justly take the middle between the Ancient and the Modern Eccentricity 19/1000 for the true original one; and about 185/10000 or more nicely 1816/100000 for the difference between the ancient Semidiameter of the circular Orbit, and the middle distance in the present Ellip∣tick one; (the point of acceleration being about 6 degrees past the Perihelion, not just at it, as is be∣fore prov'd.) Then by the Golden Rule, as the Cube of 100000, (the middle distance in the Ellipsis,) to the Cube of 98154, (the Semidia∣meter of the Ancient Circle) so is the square of 525949, (the number of minutes in our present Solar year,) to the square of the number of Mi∣nutes in the ancient Solar year, whose Root being 511459 minutes, or 355 days 4 hours 19 minutes, appears to be exactly and surprizingly equal to the Lunar year before mention'd.

Coroll. Upon this Hypothesis the Ancient Solar and Lunar year were exactly commensurate and equal; and 10 days, 1 hour, 30 minutes, shorter than the pre∣sent Solar year. Which last number tho' it be not equal to the Lunar Epact at present; is yet rightly assign'd; each Synodical moth being (by the quicker

angular revolution of the Earth then) so much longer, as upon the whole adjusted, the periods as is above sta∣ted: which on calculation will easily appear.

LVII. As Comets agree with Planets in a re∣gular Motion about the Sun, the common Cen∣ter or Focus of our System, so do they as to their bulk and magnitude; being, generally speaking, about the bigness of Planets, as the observations of Astronomers demonstrate.

LVIII. Besides the Bodies of the Comets them∣selves, which are solid, compact, and durable; there is round about the same a vastly large, thin, pellucid Fluid; containing withal great quanti∣ties of Opake or Earthy Particles; constituting together a confused, irregular, unequally dis∣pos'd, and uncertainly agitated Mass of Bodies; whose Diameter is 10 if not 15 times as long as that of the Body it self, and this Mass is call'd the Atmosphere thereof.

LIX. By reason of the mutual access, and re∣cess of the Comets to, and from the Sun, their Atmospheres are uncapable of attaining, or at least least of long retaining any regular and orderly situation and disposition of parts accord∣ing to the Law of Specifick Gravity. In short, while they are mov'd in so exceeding Eccentri∣cal Orbits, they can neither acquire, or at least not long preserve, such a permanent constitution as the Planets have, and as the conservation of Plants and Animals do necessarily require, and are therefore to be look'd upon in their present state as uninhabitable.

LX. But in case the Orbit of a Comet were chang'd into that of a Planet, i. e. if its Eccen∣trical Ellipsis were turn'd into a Concentrical Circle, or an Ellipsis not much deffering there∣from;

at a suitable and convenient distance from the Sun; there is no reason to doubt but the parts of that confused Atmosphere which now encompass it to such a prodigious distance, would subside and settle downwards according to their several Specifick Gravities; and both obtain and preserve as setled, fixt, and orderly a consti∣tution as a Planet has: Which Constitution, if the Atmosphere of a Comet were as well pre∣dispos'd for the same as the original Chaos of a Planet, would produce a Planet as fit for the growth of Vegetables and the habitation of A∣nimals as that on which we live, or any other in the Solar System.

LXI. Besides the Central Solid, or Body of the Comet, and its vast Atmosphere encompas∣sing it, there is also a long lucid Train, which in the approach to the Sun is by it acquir'd; and appears to be nothing else but the Lightest and Rarest parts of its Atmosphere rarified by the Sun's heat; which becoming thereby lighter than the Sun's own Atmosphere, rise in a mist or steam of vapours towards the parts opposite to the Sun; and are call'd the Tail of it.

LXII. This immense Cylindrical Column of rarifi'd Vapour, tho' its Crassitude or Diameter be usually more than 400000 miles, is so very much expanded, and in so exceeding rare a con∣dition, that the fix'd Stars may be discern'd quite through the same.

LXIII. This so rare, fine, expanded Vapour moves regularly with, and accompanies the Co∣met it self in its intire course, any way what∣soever; even through the System of the Planets, and that without any disturbance.

Coroll. The vast spaces between, and beyond the Planets are not full of subtile or ethereal matter;

but either perfectly, or at least sensibly a real vacuum or void.

LXIV. The Phaenomena of Comets Motions suppose and depend on the annual motion of the Earth, without which they are insoluble. Thus they sometimes seem to move with greater, sometimes with lesser Velocity, than the rules of their own, or indeed any other regular mo∣tion require or permit: Nay sometimes they ap∣pear to us Stationary and Retrograde: All which, as in the Planets, will naturally arise from the motion of the Earth, and of the Spectators Eye therewith, and is thence exactly deducible; but without that Hypothesis, cannot be accounted for. Thus also towards the end of their appearances they seem to deflect from that great Circle in which they before were seen to move; the motion of the Earth then being more considerable com∣par'd with that of the Comets; and so causing a more sensible Parallax or diversity of appearance than before, while their own motion was so much swifter: And the same is observable in their other Phaenomena.

Corollary. Hence arises a convincing argument for the annual motion of the Earth: Which, as 'twas known to be necessary to account for the Phaenomena of Pla∣nets before; so now appears no less so in relation to those of the Comets. All the Heavenly Motions at last attest∣ing the truth, and establishing the certainty of the same.

LXV. Some Comets approach in their Peri∣helia so very near to the Sun, that they must be prodigiously heated and scorch'd thereby; and this to such a degree that they may not be in∣tirely cool'd in very many thousands of years. Thus the last famous Comet 1680, 1681. at its

Perihelion on the 8^th of December 1680, sustain'd a degree of heat 28000 times as great as that we feel with us in Summer; or about 2000 times as in∣tense as is that of a red hot Iron. So that, by Mr. Newton's Calculation, if that Comet were as big as our Earth; as Dense and Solid as Iron; and were throughout equally heated to the fore-men∣tion'd degree, 'twould scarce in our Air be fully cool'd in 50000 years. And by consequence in the vastly rarer Atmosphere of the Sun, in which the Heavenly Bodies revolve, not under a vastly longer time.

Corollary 1. Comets do not wholly consist of va∣pours, exhalations, or such other dissipable matter, as was formerly suppos'd: Otherwise they must have been utterly uncapable of sustaining any part of so vio∣lent a heat, (which yet we see they sometimes do) without an intire Dissipation and Dissolution.

Coroll. 2. When the Atmosphere of a Comet is chiefly a Fluid, and yet but a small part thereof by the utmost heat capable of rarefaction (which appears from the but small diminution of the Atmosphere when the Tail is largest, and the Heat most intense) 'tis evident that its Fluid is a very different one from those we are here acquainted withal. For when the main bulk thereof retains its constitution and situation quite through the action of the most violent heat imaginable; which would dissipate and rarifie all the Watery, and perhaps Earthy parts visible with us; it must, by its mighty density, gravity, compactness, or some other property not belonging to Fluids here on Earth, be un∣capable of greater expansion than it has of it self; and be a Compact, Dense, or Heavy Fluid, or Mass of Fluids, of which we have no obvious example; and for which we have no proper Epithet or Name amongst us.

Coroll. 3. Tho' Vapour, or the small parts of Wa∣ter, be the soonest subject to rarefaction; and the

Tail of à Comet, before its approach to the Sun, be therefore perhaps nothing but a mist or steam of such Vapours; yet may the same Tail after the Perihelion be in part composed of more gross heavy and opake cor∣puscles. For when the intenseness of the heat in the Perihelion is sufficient to dissolve and rarifie not va∣pour alone, but Sulphur, Niter, Coal or other Gross and Earthy Steams and Exhalations; whatsoever of such a Nature the Atmosphere of the Comet contains, will sure be in some sort affected, and elevated with the Vapour into the Tail, upon such an approach of the Comet to the Sun as we are speaking of. Tho' there∣fore the Tail should be suppos'd in its descent towards the Sun to be pure unmixed Vapour, or Watery Particles, (as withal the outmost regions of the Atmosphere it self in probability are) yet the same Tail after the Perihelion, ought to be esteem'd a more Heterogeneous and impure mixture; especially in the lowest spaces of it, and those parts which are nearest to that Atmosphere it self, from whence the whole does proceed.

LXVI. The Diurnal Motion of Planets is in it self perfectly distinct from, and wholly indepen∣dent on the Annual. This I hope will be uni∣versally granted without any necessity of a de∣monstration.

LXVII. If a Chaos, i. e. a confused fluid mass or congeries of heterogeneous Bodies, (suppose it were a Comets Atmosphere, or any other such like irregular compositum of mingled corpuscles) in its formation were subject only to an Annual motion about the Sun, without any Diurnal Rotation about an Axis of its own; the Figure thereof would be that of a perfect Sphere; as from the uniform force of Gravity, and conse∣quent equilibration of parts on all sides, is easily demonstrable. But if during its Formation it

had a Diurnal Rotation about an Axis of its own, the Figure thereof, (by reason of the great velo∣city and consequent conatus recedendi à centro motus, diminishing the force of Gravity at the Equatorial parts) would be that of an oblate Sphae∣roid, such as an Ellipsis revolving about its lesser Axis would generate.

LXVIII. If a Planet consisted in great mea∣sure of an Abyss or Dense Internal Fluid, and a Crust or Shell of Earth plac'd on its Surface; tho' the Diurnal Rotation were not begun at the For∣mation thereof from a Chaos, and so its original figure were Sphaerical; yet upon the commen∣cing of the said Diurnal Rotation, it would de∣generate immediately into that of an oblate Sphae∣roid, and retain it afterward, as well as if it had put on the same at its primary formation.

Corollary. When therefore the greater quickness of the vibrations of the same Pendulum, and the greater gravitation of Bodies near the Poles than the Equator, consequent thereupon, demonstrate the former Regions of the Earth to be nearer its Center than the latter; and that consequently the Figure is that of an Oblate Sphaeroid; 'tis evident, that either the Diur∣nal Motion commenc'd before the Orginal of its pre∣sent constitution; or that its internal parts are in some degree Fluid, and so were pliable and alterable on the after commencing of such Diurnal Rotation. And this Corollary extends equally, if not more to Jupiter; whose Diurnal Rotation is quicker than our Earth's, and by consequence its Figure farther from Sphaerical. Thus by Mr. Newton's Calculation the Diameter of the Equator of the Earth is to the Axis thereof on∣ly as 692 to 689. But in Jupiter, according to the same Mr. Newton's Calculation Corrected, as about 8 to 7. Which is very considerable and sensible; and accordingly attested to by the concurrent observs∣tions of Cassini, and Mr. Flamsteed.

LXIX. If such an Upper Crust or Shell of Earth on the face of the Abyss, were Fix'd and Consolidated before the Diurnal Rotation there∣of commenc'd, it would remain intire, continued, and united all the time of its Sphaerical Figure, or all the time it had no other than an Annual re∣volution. But by the beginning of the Diurnal Rotation; which would make the surface of the Abyss and its sustained Orb of Earth put on the Figure of the Oblate Sphaeroid before-mention'd; that Upper Orb must be stretch'd, chap'd, and crack'd; and its parts divided by perpendicular Fissures. For the Periphery of an Ellipsis being larger than that of a Circle where the Area is equal; and the Superficies of a Sphaeroid genera∣ted by its circumvolution, consequently, larger than that of a Sphere generated by the like cir∣cumvolution of the Circle, which is the present case; that Orb of Earth, 'tis plain, which ex∣actly fitted, and every way enclos'd the Abyss while it was a Sphere, would be too little and straight for it, when it after became a Sphaeroid; and must therefore suffer such Breaches and Fis∣sures as are here express'd.

LXX. The state of Nature in a Planet, con∣stituted as above, while it had only an Annual revolution, would be as follows.

(1.) By reason of the same face of the Planet's respecting continually the same Plaga of the Hea∣vens, or the same fixt Stars; and its continual parallellism to it self; all the apparent revolu∣tion of the Sun must depend on the Annual Mo∣tion; and a Day and a Year be all one. This is evident, because, as a Year is truly that space in which the Sun seemingly, and the Earth really performs a single revolution round the Ecliptick; so a Day is truly that space in which

the Sun passes or appears to pass from any cer∣tain Semi-Meridian to the same again once: Which spaces of time are here the very same, and so the appellations themselves Year and Day, may indifferently and promiscuously be appli'd thereto.

(2.) The course of the Sun and Planets, (for the fixt Stars were then Fixt indeed; having neither a Real nor Seeming motion) must be contrary to what it has appear'd since: Their Rising being then in the West, and their Setting in the East: Which, from the way of the pre∣sent Diurnal Rotation, has since, as all know, been quite different.

(3.) There must be a perpetual Equinox, or equality of Day and Night, through the whole Planet; by reason of the Sun's describing each revolution a great Circle about the same, on which alone such an equality depends.

(4.) The Ecliptick must supply the place of an Equator also; and the Torrid, Temperate, and Frigid Zones be almost alike dispos'd with regard to that Circle, as with us they are with regard to the real Equator.

(5.) To such as liv'd under or near the said Ecliptick, the Poles of the World or Ecliptick, the only ones then in Being, would be at the Ho∣rizon; and so not elevated or depress'd to the Inhabitants there. But upon the commencing of a quicker Diurnal Rotation the same way with the Annual. The case would be in all these particulars quite different. For,

(1.) By reason of the quickness of the new Diurnal, in comparison of the Ancient and Con∣tinued Annual Revolution, Days and Years would be intirely distinct spaces of time: The Sun returning to the same Semi-Meridian very

often, while (from one Tropick to another, and so to the same again) he appear'd to have com∣pleated his longer Annual period.

(2.) By the Diurnal Rotation of the Planet from West to East, the revolution of the Sun, of the other Planets, and of all the Heavenly Bodies, would be from East to West; and they would all Rise at the former, and Set at the latter part of the Horizon.

(3.) The perpetual Equinox would be confin'd to the Equatorial parts of the Planet; and all other Countries would have longer Days in Sum∣mer, and shorter in Winter, as now obtains in the World: When only March 10 and September 12 have Day and Night equal to each other through the whole Earth.

(4.) The Ecliptick and Equator would be in∣tirely different; the latter a Real Circle, or Line, on the Planet; equally distant from its own proper Poles: The former, confin'd to the Heavens, and not with respect to the Planet, easily to be taken notice of. The Torrid, Tem∣perate, and Frigid Zones would regard the new Equator, and be from it distinguish'd and dis∣pos'd almost in the same manner as before they were from the Ecliptick, and that with greater niceness, and more exact boundaries.

(5.) The Poles of the World which before were to the Inhabitants at or near the ancient Ecliptick, neither elevated nor depress'd, but si∣tuate at the Horizon, would seem intirely chang'd, and particularly at the Intersection of such ancient Ecliptick, and the succeeding Northern Tropick, the Northern Pole would ap∣pear to be elevated above, the Southern depress'd below the Horizon; and the Sun and Planets, whose Motions were before over the Vertex, and

at right Angles with the Horizon, would appear inclin'd or bent towards the Southern parts; and that way become oblique, and at unequal Angles with the Horizon for ever after.

Corollary 1. To the Inhabitants of that place last mention'd, the beginning of the Night, and of the Au∣tumn; or Sun-set, and the Autumnal Equinox, would in such a Primitive State of a Planet, be exactly Co∣incident: And vice versa, the place to which they were so coincident, was that Intersection just now assign'd, or at least under the same Meridian therewith.

Coroll. 2. Such a Planet would be more equally habitable in the Second than in the First State. For from the Sphaerical Figure of the Planet at first, the Central Hot Body, (of which hereafter) would * 1.31 equally reach all the Regions; and the Sun chiefly affect the Torrid Zone; and still less the Temperate, but least of all the Frigid ones; as he does at present. So that if any one of these Climates, by reason of the due proportion of heat afforded it from the Sun, were habitable, neither of the other could with any sort of equality be so too. But when the Figure of the Pla∣net became an oblate Sphaeroid, (as on the com∣mencing of the Diurnal Rotation we have shew'd it would) the proportion of heat would be upon the whole more equable through the several Climates of the Pla∣net; the greater vicinity of the Central Hot Body to the Frigid Zones, in some measure compensating the greater directness of the Sun's Position to the Torrid one; and rendring the compleat surface of the Planet pretty universally habitable on account thereof.

Coroll. 3. Where the States of External Nature are so very different (as on the same Planet before and after its Diurnal Rotation begin, they appear to be) 'tis reasonable to suppose, that the Natures, Constitu∣tions, and Circumstances of Creatures, which were the Inhabitants in such different States, must be

suitably and proportionably different from one ano∣ther.

Coroll. 4. 'Tis therefore, without due allowance for every thing, very unsafe arguing from one State or its Circumstances to another; and very unjust to con∣clude things unaccountable or absurd in one, only because they are strange and unknown to the other State. The like is to be said of Phrases, Descriptions, or Relations concerning one, which may easily be misunderstood in the other, without an exact Consideration and Allow∣ance for the Diversity of things belonging thereto.

LXXI. If the Atmosphere of a Comet, or any other such a fluid confused Chaos, were by a regular and orderly Digestion and Subsidence brought into a consistent and durable state, the universal Law of specifick Gravity must prevail, and each Mass take its place, generally speak∣ing, according to it (whether 'twere fluid or solid) from the Center to the Circumference of the whole.

LXXII. Fluids are capable of all degrees of Density and specifick Gravity, as well as Solids. Thus the Proportion of the heaviest and lightest Fluids, Quicksilver, and Oyl, are nearly as fif∣teen and one; when yet the Proportion of the heaviest solid, Gold, and the lightest Earth or Mold which we find here, is not quite as ten to one. On which account 'tis highly reasonable to allow that possibly there may be as much Va∣riety and Diversity in the Fluids belonging to a Planet, as we see there is in the Solids thereof.

Corollary. From these two last Lemmata, it ap∣pears as reasonable to suppose a great part of the inter∣nal Constitution of a Planet to be a Fluid, or System of Fluids, as to be a Solid or System of firm and earthly Strata, which yet is usually suppos'd; and which

of these Hypotheses best suits the Constitution of the Original Chaos, and the Phaenomena of Nature af∣terward, is in reason to be embrac'd.

LXXIII. In the Formation of a Planet from a Chaos, it must be much more rare and unusual to lodge very heavy Fluids near the superficiary Regions, among Bodies of a lighter and rarer Texture, than Solids equally so. For the Cor∣puscles of very dense and heavy Solids, when they are once entangled among, and mixed with others, tho' of very different density and specifick Gravity, must afterward, let the place proper for Bodies of their weight be never so much nearer the Center, lye according to their first casual Si∣tuation. Thus if you take dust of Gold, Silver, or Brass, with Sand, Gravel or Saw-dust, and mix them, or let them subside indifferently together, as they place themselves at first, so, notwith∣standing their different weight, will they be si∣tuate ever after. But in Fluids the case is quite otherwise, for they will obtain their due place, not only when mixed with Fluids, but with any solid Corpuscles whatsoever. Nay, besides that, they will penetrate the Interstices of heavier Bo∣dies than themselves; and unless where they are firmly consolidated or conjoin'd together, will settle into, and fill up the same, without any regard to the Situation according to specisick Gra∣vity. Fluids are compos'd of moveable, separa∣ble parts, diffusing, subsiding, and flowing eve∣ry where, and thereby will be so far from rest∣ing at Regions too high and remote from the Center, considering their specifick Gravity, that how light soever they are, unless the earthy Parts under them be either fixt and consolidated, or their Interstices already intirely fill'd and sa∣tur'd,

they will insinuate themselves, and by de∣grees approach as near as possible to the Center of that Planet to which they belong.

Corollary 1. Tho' our Earth should contain vast quantities of dense and heavy Fluids within, as well as like dense and heavy Solids; yet 'tis more strange that we have near the Surface one Specimen of the former, (viz. Quicksilver) than that we have so many sorts, and so much larger Quantities of the latter (the Mineral and Metallick Bodies) much denser and heavier than that common Earth among which they are found.

Coroll. 2. No Argument can be drawn from the variety of dense and heavy Solids, and the single in∣stance of a dense and heavy Fluid, to prove the impro∣bability of a vast subterraneous dense and heavy Fluid, or System of Fluids, on whose Surface our Orb of Earth may be suppos'd to rely; if the other Phoeno∣mena of Nature require such an Hypothesis.

LXXIV. If a Chaos were chiefly compos'd of a dense Fluid, of greater specifick Gravity than its solid dry or earthy Parts, the place of such a dense Fluid upon a regular Formation, would be nearest the Center, and the solid or earthy Mass would encompass it round, enclose it with∣in it self, and rest upon its Surface; and vice versâ, if an Orb of Earth be situate on the Sur∣face of a Fluid, that Fluid is denser and heavier than the intire Columns of such an Orb of Earth consider'd together.

LXXV. If a Solid be either contain'd in, or fall upon a Fluid of greater specifick Gravity than it self, it will neither sink to the bottom, subside intirely within, nor emerge quite out of the same; but part of it remaining immers'd, the other part will be extant above the Surface of the Fluid;

and that in a different degree proportionably to the different specifick Gravity of the Solid, com∣par'd with that of the Fluid.

LXXVI. Such a Solid will continue to that certain depth immers'd in the Fluid before-men∣tion'd, that if the space taken up thereby were fill'd with the Fluid, that Portion of the Fluid were exactly equal in weight to the whole Solid. Thus, if a Cube of Wood or Brass were im∣mers'd in a Fluid of twice its specifick Gravity, it would one half subside within, and the other half be extant above the Surface of the Fluid. If it were immers'd in a Fluid of thrice its speci∣fick Gravity, two thirds of it would be extant, and but a third part inclos'd within the said Sur∣face, and suitably hereto in all other Proportions whatsoever. These two Propositions are demon∣strated by Archimedes, and are the known Foun∣dations of Hydrostaticks.

LXXVII. If therefore solid Bodies, equal in visible Bulk, or taking up equal Spaces, but of unequal density and specifick Gravity, rest upon the Surface of a Fluid denser and heavier than themselves, they must remain immers'd in the same in different degrees; the heaviest sinking deepest, and the lightest being the most extant above the Fluid. Thus, if six several Cubes of equal apparent Magnitude, made of Gold, Lead, Silver, Brass, Iron, and Stone, were laid upon the same Fluid, denser and heavier than any of them, every one severally would sink so much deeper as it was heavier, and thereby the upper Surface arising from them all, become very unequal.

LXXVIII. If upon the first general Digestion and Separation of Parts in a Chaos, the upper Regions are for the most part compos'd of liquid or fluid Bodies, with only a few dry, solid, or earthy

Parts intermixt; the outward Surface, after the Formation is intirely over, will be smooth and even, as the Surface of Liqours constantly of it self is. But if, on the contrary, the quantity of dry, solid, or earthy Parts be vastly greater than of the liquid or fluid ones, the Surface will be rugged and uneven, by the different degree of the Immersion of the different Columns there∣of, in that dense Fluid or Abyss upon which the Orb is plac'd.

Corollary 1. In the former case all the Corpuscles will obtain their proper place, (the Fluidity freely per∣mitting their passage) according to their respective spe∣cifick Gravity. But in the latter they must take their places rather according as they chanc'd to be before si∣tuate, than according as their specifick Gravity would of it self determine them. The case of that part of the Lemma, and of this Corollary, being almost the same with that before mention'd; where the Dust of Gold, Silver, or Brass, with Sand, Gravel, or Saw-dust, are suppos'd to be let fall uncertainly upon a Fluid heavier than the whole mixed Mass taken toge∣ther; For those Columns where the Gold, and other Metallick Dust were predominant sinking farthest, and those where Sand or the other lighter Particles were so, not so far into the Fluid; the upper Surface must be uneven, and withal the several Species of Corpus∣cles retain that place where they chanc'd to be at first dispos'd, without any possibility of recovering any other which by the Law of specifick Gravity were due to them.

Coroll. 2. If therefore the upper Regions of a Chaos, whose quantity of Liquid is very small in comparison of its solid Corpuscles, do subside into a Fluid of greater specifick Gravity than its own Columns ta∣ken together are; an Orb of earth will be compos'd on the Surface of the Fluid, and its different Columns

being made up of Bodies of very different Natures and specifick Gravities, (as must happen in such a con∣fused heterogeneous Mass, as we call a Chaos, parti∣cularly the Atmosphere of a Comet) that Orb will sink into the Fluid in different degrees, and thereby render its Surface unequal, or distinguished into Moun∣tains, Plains, and Vallies. So that by how much any Column was compos'd of rarer, more porous, and lighter Bodies, by so much would it produce a higher Mountain; and in like manner, by how much a Column was compos'd of more close, fix'd, dense and solid Bodies, by so much would it produce a lower Valley; and so vice versâ, the higher any Mountain, the more rare, porous, and light its Column; and the lower any Valley, the more fix'd, close, dense, and solid its Column must needs be suppos'd.

Coroll. 3. If therefore any Planet be immediately on its first Formation of an unequal Surface, compos'd of Mountains, Plains, and Valleys; and the order of its internal Strata be disagreeable to the Law of specifick Gravity; it has exactly proper Indications to prove, that the quantity of Fluids in the upper Regions was originally small in comparison of its earthy Parts, and that such an uneven Orb is situate on a Fluid denser and heavier than it self. [Which case how ex∣actly it corresponds to the known Circumstan∣ces of our Earth, is left to the consideration of the Reader.]

LXXIX. If any of the Heavenly Bodies be plac'd near a Planet, by the inequality of its Attraction of the Parts at unequal distances from it, a double Tide, or Elevation of the Fluids thereto belonging, whether they be inclos'd within an Orb of Earth, or whether they be on its Surface above, must certainly arise, and the Diurnal Rotation of such a Planet being sup∣pos'd,

must cause such a successive Flux and Re∣flux of the said Fluids, as our Ocean is now agitated by. Thus, if adbc be the Earth, and * 1.32 biDh be a Comet, or any one of the Heaven∣ly Bodies plac'd near the same, and the upper Orb of Earth be situate above a vastly large fluid Abyss, the Comet or Heavenly Body will con∣siderably more attract the nearer parts about b, than it does those about the Line dc, or the middle parts of the Earth; by which Attraction whereever the Particles attracted are not solid, fixed, and unmoveable, they will be elevated or raised into a Protuberance dbc. In like manner, the Comet or Heavenly Body will considerably more attract the middle parts near the Line dc, than those more remote about a, and thereby occasion their slower Motion towards it self, than that of the foresaid middle parts; and conse∣quently permit them to remain farther off the Center; or which is all one, to elevate them∣selves into the opposite Protuberance dac. And this Effect not depending on the Situation of the Fluid under the Orb of Earth, is equally evident with respect to the Atmosphere and Ocean up∣on, as any Abyss beneath the same, and so must cause a double Tide or Elevation of the Fluids of the Globe. And this double Tide, by the Diurnal Rotation of the Earth from West to East, will shift continually from East to West, and cause that Elevation and Depression of the Ocean twice each Revolution, which we so wonder at, and take so much notice of amongst us.

Corollary 1. When therefore the Vicinity of the Moon, and the Vastness of the Sun's Body, make their force considerable with regard to the Fluids of our Earth, their several Attractions must produce two se∣veral

double Protuberances, Tides, or Elevations of the Ocean and Atmosphere thereof; whence must arise very remarkable Phaenomena relating thereto; of which in the following Corollaries.

Coroll. 2. The sensible Elevation or Tide would be only double, as if it arose from one of the Luminaries, but such as from the Composition of their attractive Power were to be expected.

Coroll. 3. When therefore the Sun and Moon's Forces unite, or when they are situate in or near the same Line through the Center of the Earth, which hap∣pens only at the New and Full Moon, the Tides must be the greatest; and when their Forces contradict each other, or when they are situate in the middle between the New and Full, at the Quadratures, the Tides must be the least. In the former case, the visible Flux and Reflux arises from the Summe; and in the latter, from the Difference of their Attractions; and so the Spring-Tides, after the New and Full, are the result of the Elevation and Depression of both the Sun and Moon conjoyntly; but the Nepe-Tides, after the Quadra∣tures, the result only of the prevailing Elevation and Depression of the Moon above those of the Sun; and by consequence, exactly agreeable to experience, much less than the other.

Coroll. 4. As if the Luminaries were situate in the Axis of the Earth, the Diurnal Revolution would not more expose any places to their force one time than another, and no Reciprocation of Flux and Reflux would arise; so the nearer they are to such a Position, the less must such a Reciprocation be, and the farther from such a Position, the greater. On which account, The Elevation or Tide must be greater after the Equi∣noxial New and Full Moon, than after the Sol∣stitial; and the highest Spring-Tides be those about March 10. and September 12. as all Experience atlests them to be; and the Situation of the Luminaries

near the Equator of the Earth, and farthest from the Poles, does require.

Coroll. 5. When by the Vicinity of the Moon, the visible Tides follow her Influence; and when withal our Earth in about 243/4 Hours, recovers the same Si∣tuation with regard to her; 'tis evident, That in the said space, each Part of the Ocean must have twice been elevated, and twice depress'd, or had a double Flux, and double Reflux of its Waters, as all Observa∣tion assures us it really has.

LXXX. The Elevations or Tides caused by two different Bodies at the same distance, are al∣ways proportionable to the Quantity of Matter in the same attractive Bodies; as from the force * 1.33 of Gravitation in general, proportionable to the attracting Body, will easily be understood. Thus if a Comet or Planet, whose Quantity of Mat∣ter were ten or twelve times as much as the Moon's, were at an equal distance with her from the Center of the Earth, the Tides, whether of the internal Abyss, if such there be, or external Air and Water, would be ten or twelve times as high as those she is the cause of with us.

LXXXI. The Elevations or Tides caused by the same, or an equal Body at various distances, are reciprocally in a triplicate Proportion of such distances. Thus if the Moon should approach as near again to the Earth's Center, as now she is, the Tides would be eight times as high; if thrice as near, twenty seven times as high; if four times as near, sixty four times as high as those she at her present distance produces.

Corollary 1. Hence appears (which Mr. Bentley * 1.34 has in part also observ'd) a signal Instance of the Di∣vine Providence respecting the Constitution of the World, in placing the Heavenly Bodies at so vast a

distance from each other, and the greatest at the greatest distance, that when we consider it, we cannot but be amazed at it. For had they been situate any whit near to one another, they would have caus'd prodigious Disorders; and in particular, such destructive Tides, whenever there was vast quantities of Fluids, or a great Ocean, that neither Plant nor Animal could have avoided its force, or sustain'd its fury, which by the wise placing the Heavenly Bodies at so vast a distance is intirely prevented.

Coroll. 2. The same careful Providence is alike, and on the like accounts, conspicuous in the smallness of the secondary Planets; whose nearness otherwise being so great, must have been attended by the foremention'd Inconveniences, but is now perfectly secure from them. Thus for instance, our secondary Planet, the Moon, which is so near to us, is withal so small, (but the 26^th part so big as the Earth, not the 700^th part so * 1.35 big as Saturn, nor the 1400^th as Jupiter, nor near the millioneth as the Sun) that the Tides so caused are but of some few Feet in height, very moderate, not at all incommodicus, nay in truth very advantagious to us, which in the other secondary Planets is also no less true, and no less remarkable.

LXXXII. Of the two Protuberances produc'd * 1.36 by the presence of a Comet, or other Coelestial Body, that which is directly towards that Body, as dbc, is larger and higher than the opposite one, dac. This is à priori demonstrable, and found agreeable to experience also.

LXXXIII. If such a double Tide were very great, and should on a sudden be produc'd in a subterraneous Abyss, on whose Surface an Orb of Earth, fix'd and consolidated together, were situate, it would raise or depress the Regions of that Orb, as it self was rais'd or depress'd; and

by putting on the Figure of an Oblong Sphaeroid, (such as an Ellipsis revolving about its longer Axis would generate) and thereby increasing its Sur∣face so much, that the Orb of Earth could not fit and enclose it Uniformly as before, would strain and stretch the said Orb of Earth, would crack and chap it, and cause Fissures and Breaches quite through the same. All which is easily understood from what has been already said of a Case very agreeable to this we are now upon, and so can stand in need of no farther Explication here.

BOOK II. HYPOTHESES.

I. THE Ancient Chaos, the Ori∣gin of our Earth, was the Atmosphere of a Comet.

This Proposition, however new and surprizing, * 1.37 will, I hope, appear not improbable, when I shall have shewn, That the Atmosphere of a Comet has those several Properties which are recorded of the Ancient Chaos: That it has such peculiar Properties besides, as lay a rational Foundation for some of those Phaenomena of our Earth, which can scarce otherwise be Philosophically ex∣plain'd; and that no other Body, or Mass of Bodies now known, or ever heard of in the World, can stand in Competition, or so much as pretend to the same Character, which it so agreeably corresponds to: Which will be the de∣sign of, and shall be compriz'd under the follow∣ing Arguments.

(1.) The Names of these two Bodies, or Sy∣stems of Bodies, are exactly the same, and equal∣ly agreeable to the Nature of each of them. The Original Chaos, by the Ancient Tradition of the Phaenicians, was stil'd, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in English, A dark and stormy Atmosphere. Which Appella∣tion,

(the constant Character of that Mass en∣compassing the Body of a Comet, and at the same time of the old Chaos) if we suppose it to have been as fitly by Antiquity appli'd to the latter, as certainly, Observation being judge, it is to the former; is as proper a one for our pre∣sent purpose, as could possibly be desir'd.

(2.) The main bulk of the ancient Chaos, and of the Atmosphere of a Comet, is a Fluid, or Sy∣stem of Fluids. As to the former, 'tis both ne∣cessary to be presuppos'd in order to the succeed∣ing Separation, and regular Disposition of the Parts; and is confirm'd by all the Accounts of it. But Moses himself being express, I shall content my self with his single Testimony; who not on∣ly calls it an Abyss, but gives it the stile of Wa∣ters. Darkness was upon the face of the deep, and the Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters. * 1.38 Now, that the main part of a Comet's Atmo∣sphere is also a Fluid, appears both by its Pellu∣cidness, (a thing unusual in Bodies, but such as are, or once were in a fluid Condition) and by those perpetual Changes and Agitation of Parts within the Regions of it, which in any other than a Fluid are plainly impossible; and which indeed, withal, have hitherto seem'd so visible and remarkable, that thence men were ready to imagine the whole Mass to be nothing else but a Congeries of Vapours or Clouds, uncertainly jumbled together, and as uncertainly dissipated again.

(3.) The Chaos is describ'd to have been very stormy and tempestuous; of which some of the Ancient Writers take particular notice. To which those frequent and violent Agitations and Changes, those strange, uncertain Hurries of Opake Masses hither and thither, which the

Phaenomena of Comets Atmospheres present us with, most exactly agree.

(4.) The Chaos was a mixed Compound of all sorts of Corpuscles, in a most uncertain confus'd and disorderly State; heavy and light, dense and rare, fluid and solid Particles were in a great measure, as it were at a venture, mingled and jumbled together. The Atoms, or small consti∣tuent Parts of Air, Water, and Earth, (to which, together with Fire, the name of Element has been peculiarly appli'd) every one were in eve∣ry place, and all in a wild and disturbed Confa∣sion. This is the very Essence, and enters the Definition of a Chaos; in which therefore all both do, and must agree. And if any one care∣fully consider the perpetually various Visage of a Comet's Atmosphere, its vast Extent, the no manner of Order or Method of its several Ap∣pearances, and remember that in some Comets it has in its near approach to the Sun, been scorch'd and burn'd by a degree of heat many hundred times as Intense as the Sun's is with us in the midst of Summer, he will not wonder that I assert the Parts of this Atmosphere to be in a perfectly confus'd and Chaotick Condition. One might indeed as well, and as reasonably, expect Order and Method in the ruinous Re∣liques of a City burnt to Ashes, or in the Smoke proceeding from the same, as in seve∣ral, at least, of those Atmospheres we are speak∣ing of.

(5.) The ancient Chaos, just before the be∣ginning of the six days Creation, was very dark and caliginous. Darkness was upon the face of the deep, says the Sacred, and the very same say * 1.39 the prophane Writers. Now, when we every Year see how far that small Company of col∣lected

Vapours, of which a Cloud consists, can go towards causing darkness on the Face of the Earth; we may easily guess how thick the Dark∣ness of the Comet's Atmosphere must needs be, when all those earthy and watery Corpuscles, which flying up and down in the vast Regions thereof do now so often, and so much obscure the Comet's central Body, and are here so very sensible; when all these, I say, shall rise up, and make a confus'd cloudy Orb on the more confin'd Surface of the Atmosphere of some scores, if not hundreds of Miles thick, as must happen in the beginning of its Formation. If this be not sufficient to account for this thick Darkness on the Face of the Abyss, 'twill, I imagine, be difficult to solve it better.

(6.) Our upper Earth, the Product of the an∣cient Chaos, being in all probability founded on a dense Fluid or Abyss, as will appear in the Sequel, the main part of the Fluid of that anci∣ent Chaos, by consequence must have been such a dense and heavy one as is here mention'd. And indeed, 'tis in it self but very reasonable, if not necessary, to allow the inferior Parts of a fluid Chaos, to have been compos'd of much denser and heavier Masses than the superior, or than Water, the main visible Fluid of our Globe. For, if we consider the matter in any sort ac∣cording to the Law of specifick Gravity; all heavy Fluids must, at least, as certainly be near the Center, as like heavy Solids; and 'tis but mechanical to allow that in a confused Fluid in some measure, as well as exactly in a digested one, the Fluids contain'd in the inner Regions must be much heavier than those at or near the outer Surface thereof. But besides, 'twill be hard to account for the confus'd moving state

of the earthy Parts, or, which is much the same, the fluidity of the intire Chaos, without allowing a much greater quantity of Fluids in it, than what we now see with us, the Waters of our present Earth; and those of a Density and Gra∣vity fit to retain their Posts, as well nearer the Central, as the superficiary Parts. And that on this account, (of the Comet's Atmosphere's fixed and dense Fluid) 'tis peculiarly adapted to the foresaid Description of the Chaos, is evident by what has been already observ'd of the same; to which I refer the Reader for satisfaction. * 1.40

(7.) Whereas very many, and very consider∣able * 1.41 Phaenomena of Nature, (which Dr. Woodward * 1.42 has excellenty observ'd) as well as ancient Tradi∣tion, require and suppose a Central Fire, or in∣ternal Heat diffusing warm and vigorous Steams every way from the Center to the Circumfe∣rence of the Earth; and whereas 'tis very diffi∣cult on the common Hypotheses, or indeed on any hitherto taken notice of, to give a Mecha∣nical and Philosophical Soultion of the same: If we will but allow the Proposition we are now upon, and that the Earth, in its Chaotick State, was a Comet, a most easy and Mechanical Account thereof is hereby given, and the Phaenomena of Nature rendred plain and intelligible. For a Comet, besides its thinner fluid Atmosphere, consisting of a large, dense, solid, central Bo∣dy; and sometimes approaching so near the Sun * 1.43 that the immense Heat acquir'd then, tho' sooner failing in the thinner and expos'd Atmosphere, will not do so in the central Solid, under very many thousands of Years; nothing can better suit the case of our present Earth, than to allow a Comet's Atmosphere to have been her Chaos; and the Central Body of the Comet, the Source

and Origin of that Central heat, which our Earth appears still to inclose within it.

(8.) The bigness of Comets and their At∣mospheres agrees exactly with the supposition we are now upon. For tho' the Atmospheres are 10 or perhaps 15 times in Diameter as big as the Central Bodies, (which yet have been formerly observ'd to be near the Magnitude of the Planets) * 1.44 and thereby of a much larger capacity than this Argument supposes; yet if, from that thin, rare, expanded state in which they now are, they were suppos'd to subside or settle close together, and immediately rest upon the Central Body; as on a Formation they must do; the intire mass would make much such Bodies in Magnitude, as the Planets are: As Astronomers, from the obser∣vations made about them, must freely confess. So that when to all the other inducements to be∣lieve these Atmospheres to be the same Masses of Bodies we call Chao's, (from one of which all Antiquity Sacred and Prophane derive the Ori∣gin of our Earth) it appears that the Magnitude is also exactly correspondent; I know not what can be alledg'd to take off or weaken the force of them. Which general conclusion might be confirm'd by some other similitudes between them and the Planets, observable in the suc∣ceeding Theory, or probably deduc'd from * 1.45 their Phaenomena; which I shall not at pre∣sent insist particularly upon. So that on the whole matter, upon the credit of the foregoing Arguments united together and conspiring to the same Conclusion; I may, I think, venture to affirm, That as far as hitherto present Nature and Ancient Traditions are known, 'tis very rea∣sonable to believe, that a Planet is a Comet form'd into a regular and lasting constitution,

and plac'd at a proper distance from the Sun in a Circular Orbit, or one very little Eccentrical; and a Comet is a Chaos, i. e. a Planet unform'd, or in its primaeval state, plac'd in a very Eccentri∣cal one: And I think I may fairly appeal to all that the most Ancient History, or Solid Philo∣sophy can produce hereto relating, in attestation to such an Assertion. Especially considering withal,

(9.) Lastly, That there is no other pretender, no other Mass of Bodies now known, or ever related to have been known in the whole System of Nature, which can stand in competition, or so much as seem to agree to the description of the Ancient Chaos, but that which is here assign'd and pleaded for. Now this I am secure of, and all will and must grant: They cannot but be forc'd to confess, that, (the Atmosphere of a Comet set aside) they have no other Idea of the Nature and Properties of that Mass of Bodies call'd a Chaos, but what profane Tradition, with the concurrence of the Holy Books, afford them; without any visible instance or pattern in Nature. Which acknowledgement, join'd to the remark∣able correspondence of the particulars before∣mention'd; and the no objection of any mo∣ment, as far as I see, to be produc'd to the con∣trary; is, I think, a mighty advantage in the pre∣sent case. All that can reasonably be requir'd farther is, that the Phaenomena of the Earth, to be superstructed on this foundation, and deriv'd suc∣cessively through the several Periods, to the con∣summation of all things, prove coincidents to this Hypothesis, and confirm the same: Which being the attempt of the following Theory, must be by no means here pretended to before-hand; but left to the Impartial Judgment of the Reader,

when he is arriv'd at the end of his Journey, and digested the whole Scheme. From the intire and conjoint View whereof, and not from any particulars by the way occasionally reflected on, a prudent and well-grounded Sentence is to be pass'd upon it, and upon several of the prior Con∣clusions themselves also. However, when here is a known and visible foundation to depend on; and the Reader is refer'd to no other Chaos than what himself has seen, or, 'tis probable, may in a few years have opportunity of seeing; it must be at the least allow'd a fair and natural proce∣dure, and of the consequences whereof every thinking and inquisitive Person will be a proper Judge. The reasonings proceeding, without beg∣ging any precarious Hypothesis at first, of the na∣ture of that old fund and promptuary whence all was to be deriv'd, or sending the Reader to the utmost Antiquity for his Notion thereof; to which yet, in the most Authentick accounts of the Primitive Chaos now extant, I fear not to ap∣peal, and submit my self.

II. The Mountainous Columns of the Earth are not so dense or heavy as the other Columns.

This Proposition will also I imagine, be new and unexpected to very many; but I hope the following Arguments, which I shall very briefly propose, will demonstrate it to be no unreason∣able or precarious one.

(1.) Mountains are usually Stony and Rocky, and by consequence lighter than the main Body of the Earth. For tho' Stone be somewhat heavier than

the uppermost Stratum or Garden Mold, as some stile it; yet 'tis considerably lighter than that be∣neath the same. For if we compare its weight with that in the bottom of our Mines, which is alone considerable to our purpose, (our upper stra∣ta, as will hereafter appear, being generally factiti∣ous, or acquir'd at the Universal Deluge) we shall be forc'd to own the necessity of the consequence of the present Argument. The Specifick Gravity of Stone, is to that of Water, as 14 to 51/3. but the Specifick Gravity of the Earth at the bottom of our Mines, is to that of Water, as 3 to 1, sometimes as 4 to 1, nay sometimes almost as 5 to 1, and therefore to be sure considerably Denser and Heavier than Stone. So that were * 1.46 the Mountainous Columns of the Earth intirely made up of Stone, they would, (without the con∣sideration of those empty Caverns they inclose) be plainly the lightest parts of the whole Earth.

(2.) Those very Dense and Heavy Corpuscles of Gold, Lead, Silver, and other such like Me∣tals and Minerals, are mostly, if not only, found in the Bowels of Mountains. Now, when the Gravity of these Bodies is so great, that in a regu∣lar formation they ought to have seated them∣selves, one would think, much nearer the Cen∣ter, than they now are; to account for such their position, it must be suppos'd, that the Co∣lumns under them, and the Earth among them, were lighter and rarer than the Neighbouring Columns did afford; that upon the whole, the intire Compositum or Mass taken together, may be allow'd to be, if not lighter, yet, at least, not heavier than others at the same distance from the Center. So that by a just, tho' a little surprizing way of reasoning, from the greater weight of some parts of the Mountainous Columns, the less weight of the whole is infer'd.

(3.) Mountains are the principal Source and Origin of Springs and Fountains. Now Dr. Woodward, from his own observations, asserts, * 1.47 That these are neither deriv'd from Vapours con∣dens'd in the Air at the Tops of Mountains, nor from meer Rains, or fall of Moisture, as several have differently asserted; but from the Waters in the Bowels of the Earth; and that 'tis a Steam or Vapour rais'd by the Subterraneous Heat which affords the main part of their Waters to them. On which Hypothesis, which I take to be the truest, and most rational of all others, the Vapours appear to have a more free and open vent or current up the Mountainous Columns, than the neighbouring ones; and consequently, They are more rare, laxe and porous, or less dense and weighty than the others.

(4.) All Volcano's, or subterraneous Fires, are in the Bowels of some Mountain, to which a Plain or a Valley was never known to be liable. Which observation affords a double Argument for such a levity and rareness as we are now con∣tending for: The One, from the temper of an inflammable Earth, Sulphureous and Bituminous; which being in part made up of Oily Particles, the lightest Fluid we have, must in likelihood be the lightest of all Strata whatsoever. The other, from the free admission of Air into the Bowels of these Mountains; without which no Fire or Flame can be preserv'd: Which also infers such a porosity and laxeness as we are now con∣cern'd to prove.

(5.) Mountainous Countries are chiefly sub∣ject to Earthquakes, and consequently are as well Sulphreous and Inflammable, as Hollow and Cavernous, Loose and Spungy in their inward parts; without which properties the Phaenomena

of Earthquakes were difficultly accountable: Especially according to Dr. Woodward's Hypothesis * 1.48 of them; who deriving them from steams of Subterraneous heat ascending from the Central parts, and collected in great quantities together, must by consequence own that the Bowels of Mountains, so commonly subject to Earthquakes, are most Pervious, Porous, and Cavernous of all other. All which Arguments, especially taken together with some other coincidences hereafter observable, will, I hope, be esteem'd no incon∣siderable evidence of the Truth of the Proposition we are now upon.

III. Tho' the Annual Motion of the Earth commenc'd at the beginning of the Mosaick Creation; yet its Diurnal Rotation did not till after the Fall of Man.

Tho' I cannot but expect that this will appear the greatest Paradox, and most extravagant As∣sertion of all other, to not a few Readers; yet I hope to give so great evidence for the same from Sacred as well as Prophane Authority, that com∣petent and impartial Judges shall see reason to say, that if it be not sufficient to force their assent, yet 'tis such as they did not expect in so surprizing, re∣mote, and difficult a case; the Records relating to which (the Sacred Ones excepted) are so few, so dubious, and so ancient; and the constant opinion of the World, within the Memory of History, so fixt and setled on the contrary side. Let it only be, by way of Preparation, remark'd, That the Annual and Diurnal Motions are in themselves * 1.49

wholly independent on each other, as was before taken notice; and consequently, that 'tis as ratio∣nal to suppose the former without the latter, if there be evidence for the same, in the Original State of Nature, as 'tis to believe them capable of being conjoin'd, from the known Phaenomena of the World, in the present state. Let it also be observ'd, that there is yet no evidence that either the Central Bodies of any of the Comets, or that even several of the Planets, who undoubtedly have an Annual Motion about the Sun, have yet any Diurnal Rotation about Axes of their own: And let it, lastly, be consider'd, that when the Diurnal Rotation must have an Original, a time when it began; that time may as rationally and naturally be suppos'd after the Fall, as before the Creation, or Six days Work; and which was the true and real one, must be determin'd by the Testimonies of Antiquity, or other Collateral Arguments to be from thence, or from the Phaenomena of Nature Ancient or Modern, deriv'd and infer'd. Which things be∣ings suppos'd, I thus attempt to prove the present Assertion; If the Primitive State of Nature be∣fore the Fall, had those peculiar Phaenomena or Characters which certainly belong to a Planet be∣fore its Diurnal Rotation began; and are as cer∣tainly impossible in the present state of the Earth revolving about its own Axis; 'tis plain the As∣sertion before us is true and real: But that those peculiar Phaenomena or Characters did be∣long to that Primitive State, the Testimonies of Sacred and Profane Antiquity, to be presently produc'd, do make appear; and by consequence the Assertion before us is true and real. The Phaenomena or Peculiar distinguishing Characters here intended have been already mention'd, and

are these five. (1.) A Day and a Year are all one. * 1.50 (2.) The Sun and Planets Rose in the West and Set in the East. (3.) There was through the whole Earth a perpetual Equinox. (4.) The Eclip∣tick and Equator were all one; or rather the lat∣ter was not in Being, but all the Heavenly Moti∣ons were perform'd about the same invariable Axis, that of the former. (5.) To such as liv'd un∣der the Ecliptick, the Poles of the same (or of the World, they being then not different,) were neither elevated nor deprest, but at the Horizon. These are the certain and undeniable Characters of such a state: And that they belong'd to the Primitive State of our Earth, before the Fall, I am now to prove.

(1.) In the Primitive state of the World Days and Years were all one. Which Assertion I en∣deavour to Evince by the following Arguments. (1.) On this Hypothesis the Letter of Moses is as ex∣actly followed as in the contrary one. 'Tis agreed that Moses calls the several Revolutions of the Sun, in which the Creation was Perfected, Days, every where in that History. Now as a Year is pro∣perly the succession of the four several Seasons, Spring, Summer, Autumn and Winter, arising from one single Revolution of the Earth about the Sun; so a Day is the succession of Light and Darkness once; or the space of one single apparent Revolution of the Sun from any certain Semi∣meridian, above or below the Horizon, till its return thither again. Now in the case be∣fore us, both these Periods are exactly coinci∣dent; and both are perform'd in the same space of time: Which space therefore in equal pro∣priety of speech belongs to either or both those names indifferently; and by consequence, may with the exactest Truth and Propriety be stil'd a

Day or a Year. Which thing duly consider'd, if I had no positive evidence for the Proposition before us, yet, setting aside prepossession, I had an equal right and pretence to Truth with the Common Expositors; I keeping equally close to the Letter of the Sacred History. (2.) This Hypothesis gives a rational account of the Scripture stile, wherein a Day, even in after Ages, very frequently denotes a Year; as is commonly taken notice of by Ex∣positors. Thus by Moses himself the Word Day is not only, in the very recapitulation of the Creation, us'd for the intire Six; (These are the * 1.51 Generations of the Heavens and of the Earth when they were Created, in the Day that the Lord God made the Earth and the Heavens, and every Plant of the Field before it was in the Earth, and every Herb of the Field before it grew.) But, in other places, as it seems, for the just space of a Year. And at the * 1.52 end of Days, or after some Years, it came to pass, that Cain brought of the fruit of the ground an offer∣ing unto the Lord. The days of Adam after he had * 1.53 begotten Seth were eight hundred years. And all the days that Adam lived were nine hundred and thirty years, and he died. And so of the rest of the Genealo∣gies in that Chapter. Thus in others of the Holy Writers, I will give thee ten shekels of Silver by the * 1.54 days, i. e. per ann••s, by the years, or every year. Thus what in one place is, Joshuah waxed Old, * 1.55 and came into Days; is in another, Joshuah was * 1.56 old, and stricken in years. The like phrases we have of David; the number of Days that David * 1.57 was King in Hebron, over the house of Judah, was * 1.58 seven Years and six months. The Days that David reigned over Israel were forty years. So, what was * 1.59 in the Law, Bring your Tyths after three Years; is in the Prophet, Bring your Tyths after three Days. * 1.60 Which ways of speaking, with others that follow,

may seem alluded to, and explain'd by these two, tho' themselves somewhat of a different nature. Your children, says God to the Israelites, shall wan∣der * 1.61 in the Wilderness forty Years; after the number of the Days in which ye searched the land, even forty Days, each Day for a Year, shall you bear your ini∣quities, even forty Years. Lye thou, says God to * 1.62 the Prophet Ezekiel, on thy left side, and lay the ini∣quity of the house of Israel upon it; according to the number of the Days that thou shalt lye upon it, thou shalt bear their iniquity: For I have laid upon thee the Years of their iniquity, according to the Number of the Days, three hundred and ninety Days; so shalt thou bear the iniquity of the house of Israel. And when thou hast accomplish'd 'em, lye again on thy right side; and thou shalt bear the iniquity of the house of Judah forty Days; I have appointed thee a Day for a Year. But what I mainly and princi∣pally intend here is, that known, frequent and solemn way in the Prophetick Writings of deter∣mining Years by Days; the instances of which are very obvious, some whereof I shall here barely quote for the Reader's satisfaction; (and more in a case so notorious and remarkable need not be done.) How long shall be the vision concerning the * 1.63 daily sacrifice, and the transgression of desolation, to give both the Sanctuary and the Host to be trodden un∣der foot? And he said unto me, Unto two thousand three hundred Days; then shall the Sanctuary be clean∣sed. From the time that the daily sacrifice shall be * 1.64 taken away, and the abomination that maketh deso∣late be set up, there shall be one thousand two hundred and ninety Days. Blessed is he that waiteth, and cometh to the one thousand three hundred five and thirty days. But go thou thy way till the end be; for thou shalt rest, and stand in thy Lot at the end of the days. I will give power unto my two witnesses, and * 1.65

they shall prophecy one thousand two hundred and sixty days, cloathed in sack-cloth. The Woman fled into * 1.66 the Wilderness, where she hath a place prepared her of God, that they should feed her there, one thousand two hundred and sixty days. Agreeably whereto a Week consisting of seven days, denotes seven years; and a Month, consisting of thirty days, denotes thirty years, in the same Prophetick Writings. Thus in that most famous of all Prophecies, con∣cerning the death of the Messias. Seventy Weeks * 1.67 are determin'd upon the people, and upon thy holy city; to finish the transgression, and to make an end of sins, and to make reconciliation for iniquity, and to bring in everlasting rightcousness, and to seal up the vision and prophecy, and to anoint the most Holy. Know there∣fore and understand, that from the going forth of the commandment to restore and to build Jerusalem, unto the Messiah the Prince, shall be seven weeks, and sixty and two weeks; the street shall be built again, and the wall, even in a straight of times. And after the sixty and two weeks shall Messiah be cut off: but not for himself. The Holy City shall they tread undersoot * 1.68 forty and two months. Power was given to the Beast to continue forty and two months. All which expressions, * 1.69 with others of the same nature, are not account∣able; I mean there is no satisfactory reason can be given why a Day should so frequently denote a Year in the Sacred Writings, on any other Hy∣pothesis. We usually indeed content our selves in these cases with the bare knowing the meaning of Scripture expressions, as if they were chosen at a venture; and so, for instance, finding a Day to represent a Year in the same Books, we rest satisfi'd, without enquiring why a Day rather than an Hour, a Week, or Month, (the two latter of which terms are yet us'd by these Authors) were pitch'd upon to signifie the before-mention d space to us;

or why if the word Day must be made use of, it must mean a determinate just Year, rather than a Week, a Month or a Thousand Years, (for which last it yet seems sometimes to be taken) so fre∣quently in the Sacred, especially the Prophetick * 1.70 Writings. But 'tis very supposable, that 'tis our * 1.71 Ignorance or Unskilfulness in the Stile of Scrip∣ture, * 1.72 and those things therein deliver'd (not the Inaccuracy of the Writers themselves) which occasions our so laxe and general Interpretations. It will sure at least be allow'd me, that wherever not only the Meaning of Phrases, but the Origi∣nal and Foundation of such their Meaning is naturally and easily assignable, an account there∣of is readily to be embrac'd. And certainly the Primitive Years of the World being once suppos'd to have been Days also; and call'd by that name in the History of the Creation; this matter will be very easie; the succeeding Stile of Scrip∣ture will appear only a continuation of the Pri∣mitive, and fitted to hint to us a time wherein a Day and a Year were really the same: And this without any diminution of the true designs of the Prophetick numbers; I mean the involving their Predictions in so much, and no more ob∣scurity, as might conceal their meaning till their completion, or till such time at least as the Di∣vine Wisdom thought most proper for their ma∣nifestation in succeeding Ages. So that this Ar∣gument demonstrates the present Exposition to afford a natural foundation of accounting for such ways of speaking in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Holy Scriptures, which otherwise are, as t〈…〉〈…〉casion and Original, unaccountable; and consequently, proves it to be as truly agreeable to the Stile, as the former did to the Letter thereof. (3.) The six Days of Creation, and the seventh of Rest,

were, by Divine Command, to be in after Ages commemorated by Years as well as by Days; and so in reason answered alike to both those denominations. 'Tis evident, that the Works of the Creation were compleated in six Evenings * 1.73 and Mornings, or six Revolutions of the Sun, call'd Days; and that the seventh was imme∣diately set apart and sanctified as a Day of Rest, and Memorial of the Creation just before com∣pleated; and 'tis evident that this Sanctification of the seventh, as well as the operations of the six foregoing, belong'd to the Primitive state of the World, before the Fall. Now that we may know what sort of Days these were, 'twill be pro∣per to enquire into the ensuing times; and ob∣serve, after the distinction of Days and Years un∣doubtedly obtain'd, what constant Revolutions of six for Work, and a seventh for Rest there ap∣pear; or in what manner, and by what spaces these Original ones were commemorated; which will go a great way to clear the Point we are upon. And here, 'tis evident, that when God gave Laws to the Israelites, he allow'd them six ordinary Days of Work, and ordain'd the seventh for a Day of Rest or Sabbath, in Imitation and Memory of His Working the first six, and Rest∣ing or keeping a Sabbath on the Seventh Day, at the Creation of the World. This the Fourth Commandment so expresly asserts, that 'tis past possibility of question. 'Tis moreover, evident that God, upon the Children of Israels coming into the Land of Canaan, ordained (with refe∣rence, as 'tis reasonable to suppose, to the same Primitive State of the World, the six Days of Crea∣tion * 1.74 and the Sabbath) That six Years they should Sow their Fields, and six Years they should Prune their Vineyard, and gather in the Fruits thereof;

But in the seventh Year should be a Sabbath of Rest unto the Land, a Sabbath for the Lord: They were neither to Sow their Field, nor Prune their Vineyard: Then was the Land to keep a * 1.75 Sabbath unto the Lord. So that if we can justly * 1.76 presume that the primary spaces of the World, here refer'd to, were proper Evenings and Morn∣ings, or Natural Days, because they were repre∣sented and commemorated by six Proper and Na∣tural Days of Work, and the seventh of Rest: I think 'tis not unreasonable to conclude they were Proper and Natural Years also; considering they appear to have been among the same People, by the same Divine Appointment, re∣presented and commemorated by these six Proper and Natural Years of Work, and the seventh of Rest also. Nay, if there be any advantage on the side of Natural Days, from the expressness of the reference they had to the Primitive ones (which the Fourth Commandment forces us to acknow∣ledge) there will appear in what follows some∣what that may justly be esteem'd favourable on the side of Years. Besides the six Days for Work, and the seventh for Rest, the Jews were com∣manded * 1.77 (on the same account, as we may justly suppose) to number from the Passover seven times seven Days, or seven Weeks of Days, and at the conclusion of them to observe a solemn Feast, call'd the Feast of Weeks or of Sabbaths, once every year. In like manner besides the Yearly Sabbath as I may call it, or the seventh Year of Rest and Release after the six Years of Work, the Jews were commanded (on the same account, as we may justly suppose) to number * 1.78 seven Sabbaths of Years, seven times seven Years; and at the conclusion thereof to celebrate the great Sabbatical Year, the Year of Jubilee: They

were neither to Sow, nor Reap, nor Gather in the Grapes, but esteem it Holy, and suffer every one to return to his Possession again. Where that which is remarkable is this, that when the Sabbatical Days, and Sabbatical Years equally return'd by perpetual revolutions immediately succeeding one another; yet the case was not the same as to the Feast of Weeks at the end of seven times seven Days; that following the Passover, and not returning till the next Passover again, and so was but once a Year: Whereas its corresponding Solem∣nities, the Jubilees, or great Sabbatical Years, at the end of seven times seven Years, did, as the former, return by perpetual revolutions imme∣diately succeeding one another for all future Ge∣nerations. All which duely consider'd, I think upon the whole, 'tis but reasonable to conclude, That seeing the Primitive spaces, or periods of Work and Rest, appear, by Divine Appoint∣ment, to have been commemorated among the Jews by Years as well as by Days; the same Pri∣mitive spaces or periods were equally Days and Years also. (4.) The Works of the Creation, by the Sacred History, concurring with Ancient Tradition, appear to have been leisurely, regu∣lar, and gradual, without any precipitancy or acceleration by a Miraculous hand on every oc∣casion: Which is impossible to be suppos'd in those Days of twenty four short hours only; but if they were as long as the present Hypothesis sup∣poses, they were truly agreeable and propor∣tionable to the same productions. Which con∣sequence will be so easily allow'd me, that I may venture to say, That as certain as is the re∣gular and gentle, the natural and leisurely pro∣cedure of the Works of the Creation (of which I

know no good Reason from any Warrant sacred or prophane to make any question) so certain is the Proposition we are now upon, or so certain∣ly the Primitive Days and Years were all one. (5.) Two such Works are by Moses ascrib'd to the third Day, which (if that were not longer than one of ours now) are inconceiveable and incompatible. On the former part of this Day * 1.79 the Waters of the Globe were to be drain'd off all the dry Lands into the Seas; and on the same Day afterward, all the Plants and Vegetables were to spring out of the Earth. Now the Velocity of running Waters is not so great, as in a part of one of our short Days, to descend from the middle Regions of the dry Land into the Seas adjoyn∣ing to them; nor if it were, could the Land be dry enough in an instant for the Production of all those Plants and Vegetables, which yet we are assur'd appear'd the same Day upon the face of it; which Difficulties vanish, if we allow the primitive Days to have been Years also, as will more fully be made appear in due place. (6.) Whatever might possibly be said of the other Days works, by recurring to the Divine miracu∣lous Power; (which yet is here not only unneces∣sarily, and without warrant from the Sacred Hi∣story it self, but sometimes very indecently done) yet the numerous Works ascrib'd to the sixth Day plainly shew, That a space much longer than we now call a Day, must have been referr'd to in the Sacred History. The business of the sixth Day includes evidently these following particulars. (1.) The Production of all the bruit dry-land Animals. (2.) The Consultation about, and the * 1.80 actual Creation of the Body, and Infusion of the Soul of Adam. (3.) The Charter or Donation of Dominion over all Creatures bestow'd on Adam.

(4.) The Exercise of Part of that Dominion, or the giving Names to all the dry-land Ani∣mals; which sure suppos'd some acquir'd know∣ledge in Adam, some Consideration of the Na∣ture of each Species, some skill in Language, and the use of Words; andwithal, some propor∣tionable Time for the gathering so great a num∣ber of Creatures together, and for the distinct naming of every one. (5.) When on this re∣view it appear'd, that among all these Creatures there was not a Meet-help, or suitable Compa∣nion for him; God then cast him into a deep Sleep, (which 'tis probable lasted more than a few minutes to deserve that Appellation) took out one of his Ribs, closed up the Flesh instead thereof, and out of that Rib made the Woman. (6.) After this God brings this Woman to Adam, he owns her Original, gives her an agreeable Name, takes her to Wife, and they together re∣ceive that Benediction, Increase and Multiply. (7.) God appoints them and their Fellow-Ani∣mals, the Vegetables for Food and Sustenance. All which (to omit the Jews Tradition of the * 1.81 Fall of Man this sixth Day, and such things pre∣suppos'd thereto which must belong to it, even by the Mosaick History it self) put together, is * 1.82 vastly more than is conceivable in the short space of one single Day in the vulgar Sense of it. 'Tis true, God Almighty can do all things in what portions of Time he pleases. But 'tis also true, (as Bishop Patrick well observes in a like case) * 1.83 that Man cannot. He must have time allotted him, in proportion to the business to be done, or else 'tis not to be expected of him. And 'tis plain, That Adam and Eve were mainly con∣cern'd in the latter Actions of this Day: so that by a just and necessary consequence, That Day

in which they went through so many and diffe∣rent Scenes, and perform'd so many Actions, re∣quiring at least no small part of a Year; and that after themselves and all the dry-land Animals had been on the same Day produc'd, was certainly such a Day as might be proportionate to such Operati∣ons, and not shorter than a Year, which the pre∣sent Hypothesis allows in the case. (7.) If the History of the Fall of Man be either included in the sixth Day, according to the Ancient Tra∣dition of the Jews, which I confess to be very improbable; or belong to the seventh, as might, by coming as near as possible to such old Tra∣dition, more probably be allow'd: On either of these Suppositions, there is the greatest necessity imaginable of supposing such a Day much lon∣ger than is commonly done. Which I think is of it self so plain, that I need not aggravate the matter, but leave it to the free Considera∣tion of the Reader. All which Arguments to me appear very satisfactory, and evince, that the first distinguishing and peculiar Character of such a primitive State of Nature as was be∣fore-mention'd did really belong to our Earth before the Fall, and that then a Day and a Year were exactly one and the same space of Time.

(2.) In the primitive State of the World the Sun and Planets rose in the West, and set in the East, contrary to what they have done ever since. This may seem to have been the founda∣tion of that Story in Herodotus, who tells us, * 1.84 That the Sun, in the space of 10340 Years, four times inverted his Course, and rose in the West. But what I mainly depend on, is that Discourse in Plato, who relating some very ancient Tradi∣tions * 1.85 about the primitive State of things, and,

what a mighty and remarkable Change was ef∣fected by a certain mighty and remarkable Al∣teration in the Heavenly Motions, (which Al∣teration in general deserves also to be taken no∣tice of, as agreeing so well with the present Hypothesis) the most surprizing, and of the great∣est consequence of all others, and the cause of suitably surprizing and considerable Effects in the present State of Nature, makes it to be this change of the Way or Course of the Heavenly Bodies, which is the consequence of the present Assertion. For this grand thing of which he had spoken so highly, is this, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The Motion of the Universe sometimes revolves the same way that it does now, and sometimes the contrary way. Which Te∣stimony is very plain, and full to our present purpose.

(3.) In the primitive State of Nature there was a perpetual Equinox, or Equality of Day and Night through the World. This Phaenomenon, or such Effects as in part suppose it, is usually by the Christian Fathers applied to the Paradisiacal State; and by the Ancient Heathens to the Golden Age, or the Reign of Saturn: (coinci∣dent, 'tis probable, at least in part, thereto) For they all with one consent deny that the Sun's Course was oblique from one Tropick to ano∣ther, or that the difference and inequality of Sea∣sons, which must have followed therefrom, did belong to that first and most happy State of the World, as may at large be seen the places * 1.86 quoted in the Margin, too long here to Tran∣scribe; to which therefore I refer the Reader, and proceed.

(4.) In the primitive State of the World, there was no Equator distinct from the Ecliptick; all Motions were perform'd about one invariable Axis, that of the latter; (for the Plains of the Planet's Orbits, I consider as nearly coincident with that of the Ecliptick) without the Obliqui∣ty of one Circle or Motion to another. Tho' this be somewhat related to the former particu∣lar, yet I shall distinctly quote a Testimony or two directly belonging hereto, and not so pro∣perly reducible to the other. The first is that of Anaxagoras, who says, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.87 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That the Stars in their primitive State revolv'd in a Tholiform manner, insomuch, that the Pole appear'd perpetually at the Vertex of the Earth. Whose meaning, tho' somewhat obscure, seems to be, That the Motion of the Heavens was originally about one Center or Axis, that of the Ecliptick, whose Pole was continually over against the same Point of the Earth; which on the Hypothesis before us is true, but in the pre∣sent Frame of Nature impossible. The next Au∣thor, * 1.88 whom I shall produce, is Plato, who in the foremention'd Discourse about the Ancient and Modern States of the World, says, That in the former of them the Motion of the Heavens was uniform, which thing was the cause and ori∣ginal of the Golden Age, and of all that happi∣ness which therein Mankind enjoy'd, or external Nature partook of; which, how well it suits the present Hpothesis, I need not say. All that ex∣ceeding happy State of Nature, which innocent Man enjoy'd, beyond what he does since the Fall, being therein owing to such a Constitution of the World as this Author intimates, and I am now proving. Which in the last place, shall

be confirm'd from Baptista Mantuanus, who says, * 1.89 (relating the Opinion of the old Astonomers) All the Coelestial Spheres were in the beginning of the World concentrical and uniform in their Motion; and the Zodiack of the Primum Mobile, and that of the Planets (the Equator and Eclip∣tick) were united and coincident, by which means all sublunary Bodies were more vivid and vigorous at that time than in the present Ages of the World; as the Theorist sums up the force of his Testimony, very agreeably to the Hypothesis before us, of the Astronomy in the primitive State of the Heavens.

(5.) To the first Inhabitants of the Earth, (dwelling at the Intersection of the ancient Ecliptick with the present Northern Tropick; of which hereafter) the Poles of the World were neither elevated nor depress'd, but at the Hori∣zon. * 1.90 But sometime after the Formation of things, they suddenly chang'd their Situation; the Nor∣thern Pole appear'd to be elevated above, and the Southern depress'd below the Horizon; and the Course of the Heavens seem'd bent or in∣clin'd to the Southern Parts of the World; or in plain words, there was a new Diurnal Rotation began about the present Axis of the Earth; which I take to be the true and easy Exposi∣tion of the same Phaenomena. This Matter is much insisted on by the Ancients, and being so, will fully confirm our Assertion, and give light and strength to some of the former Testimonies. Plutarch has a Chapter entituled, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, * 1.91 Of the Inclination of the Earth; in which he thus recites the Opinion of Leucippus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉

That the Earth fell, or was enclin'd towards the Southern Regions, by reason of the rareness of those Parts; The Northern Regions being grown rigid and compact, while the Southern were scorch'd or on fire. Whose Opinion is also recited by La∣ertius in almost the same words, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 By reason of the failure in the Sun and Moon, the Earth was bent or inclin'd towards the South. But the Northern Regions grew rigid and inflexible by the snowy and cold Weather which ensued thereon. To the same purpose is the Opinion of Democri∣tus, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 That by reason of the Southern Ambient Air's imbecillity, or smaller Pressure, the Earth in those Parts increas'd in bulk, and so sunk and bent that way. For the Nor∣thern Regions were ill temper'd, but the Southern very well; whereby the latter becoming fruitful, wax∣ed greater, and by an over-weight preponderated and inclin'd the whole that way. As express to the full is the Testimony of Empedocles, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 The North, by reason of the Air's yield∣ing to the Sun's force, was bent from its former Posi∣tion; whereupon the Northern Regions were elevated, and the Southern depress'd, as together with them, was the whole World. To which agrees Anaxago∣ras in these words, which immediately follow those just before quoted, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 But afterward the Pole receiv'd a turn or inclination. These so many, and so preg∣nant Testimonies of Antiquity, as to the matters

of fact foregoing, (for as to the several Reasons assign'd by them, they being, I suppose, but the single Conjectures of the Authors, must be uncertain, and need not be farther consider'd or insisted on in the present case) seem to me so weighty, that I cannot but build and rely very much upon them. How should such strange and surprizing Paradoxes run so univer∣sally through the eldest Antiquity, if there were not some ground or foundation in earnest for them? 'Twould be hard wholly to reject what were so unanimously vouched by the old Sages of Learning and Philosophy, even tho' there were no other evidence or reason for our belief. But when all these Authors, the only competent Wit∣nesses in the Case, do but confirm what on other Accounts, as we have seen, and shall farther see, there is so good reason to believe; and when so great light is thereby afforded to the primitive Constitution of Nature, and the Sacred History of the State of Innocency; their Atte∣stations are the more credible, and the more valuable, and in the highest degree worthy of our serious Consideration. What I can foresee of Objection, deserving our notice, against what has been advanc'd from the Testimonies of the old Philosophers, is this, That they seem to favour the perpetual Equinox before the Flood, by the right Position of the present Axis of the Earth, parallel to that of the Ecliptick, (as the Theorist imagines) and its Inclination or oblique Position acquir'd at the Deluge, (as the same Author supposes) rather than the original Ab∣sence, and subsequent commencing of the Diur∣nal Rotation after the Fall of Man, as I here apply them. I answer, (I.) The Parallelism of the Axis of a Diurnal, to that of an Annual Re∣volution,

is as far as I find, a perfect stranger to the System of the World; there being, I think, not one of the Heavenly Bodies, Sun or Planet, but has its own Axis oblique to the Orbit in which it moves. (2.) It will be farther evinc'd * 1.92 hereafter, That, de facto, before the Flood, the Axis of the Earth was Oblique to its Annual Orbit, the Plain of the Ecliptick; and the Year distinguish'd into the present Seasons, Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter. (3.) That equa∣ble and healthful Temper of the Air, which the Theorist chiefly relied upon, as necessary to the Longevity of the Antediluvians, and fully prov'd by Antiquity, shall be accounted for without such an Hypothesis. (4.) The Testimonies before alledg'd do not, if rightly consider'd, suit this Hypothesis; nay, in truth, they fully confute it. Of the five Characters before-mention'd, under which we have reduc'd the main Testimonies, there are two which are common to this, and to the Theorist's Hypothesis, viz. (1.) The perpe∣tual and universal Equinox. (2.) The coinci∣dence of the Equator and Ecliptick (tho' in some∣what a different manner). So that the Testimo∣nies for these two can neither establish the one, nor the other, as equally suiting them both. The other three are peculiar to that Hypothesis we have been proving, and by consequence at the same time establish that, and confute the Theorist's Hy∣pothesis. And these three are, (1.) The Equality of a Day and a Year. (2.) The Sun and Planet's rising in the West, and setting in the East. (3.) The Position of the Poles at the Horizon, with the after Elevation of the Northern, the Depres∣sion of the Southern Pole, and the inclination or bending of the Heavenly Bodies Courses towards the South. 'Tis evident at first view, That the

two former of these three last mention'd Phaeno∣mena, are inconsistent with the Theorist's Hypo∣thesis, and on a little Consideration 'twill be so of the last also. For while the Poles of the Earth or World remain in being the same, as depending on the same proper Axis of the Earth's own Diurnal Revolution; 'tis plain, the Latitude of Places on the Earth, or the Eleva∣tion of the Pole equal thereto, remains invaria∣ble; and so that Pole which to the Inhabitants of Paradise was elevated at the least 231/2 degrees, could not be at the Horizon, whatever right Po∣sition the Axis of the Earth might have with re∣spect to the Ecliptick. On the same account there could, even in the Theorist's own Hypothesis, be no new Elevation of the one, or Depression of the other Pole at the Deluge, nor inclination of the Courses of the Sun and Planets towards the South. All that could on the Theorist's Prin∣ciples be effected, (besides the Earth's Equator and Poles pointing to different fix'd Stars, and its Consequences) was only this; that whereas before the Sun was always in the Equator, or middle distance from any Climate, it afterwards by turns came nearer to them (as we commonly, tho' carelessly express it) in Summer, and went farther from them in Winter, than before; which upon the whole, was no more a bent or inclina∣tion to one part of the Heavens than to the other; and so of the Planets also. And the case is the same as to the Poles of the Ecliptick; the Nor∣thern one being as much elevated above that of the World at one hour of the Day, as depress'd beneath it at another. All which is, I think, sufficient to shew, That the Testimonies of An∣tiquity alledg'd by the Theorist for the peopetual Equinox, or the right Position of the Earth's Axis

till the Deluge, and the oblique Position, and different Seasons then acquir'd, are sufficient of themselves alone to confute his, and establish the present Hypothesis. (5.) All things consider'd, such a Position as the Theorist contends for, was more likely to incommode, than be useful to Mankind. Taking the Matter wholly as the Theorist puts it, it would prevent the Peopling of the Southern Hemisphere, by the scorching heat just under the Equator, without the least Inter∣mission at any time of the Year. It would ren∣der the Earth utterly unserviceable, both under the Equator and Poles, and in the Climates ad∣joyning, and so streighten the Capacity of the Earth in maintaining its numerous Inhabitants; * 1.93 which, were the whole inhabitable, will appear but just sufficient to contain them. It would by the Perpetuation of one and the same Season con∣tinually, hinder the variety of Fruits and Vege∣tables * 1.94 of every Country; and many other ways spoil the setled Course of Nature, and be perni∣cious to Mankind. (6.) No mechanical and ra∣tional Cause of the Mutation of the Earth's Axis either has been, or, I believe, can be af∣sign'd on the Theorist's Hypothesis, or any others which should embrace the same Conclusion. (7.) Lastly, to name no more Arguments, The Testimonies of Diogenes and Anaxagoras, are as express almost to the Time, as to this Change it self. The words being exceeding remarkable, are these, as Plutarch himself relates them, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 * 1.95 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 'Twas the Doctrine both of Diogenes and Anaxagoras,

That after the Creation or primary Constitution of the World, and the Production of Animals out of the Earth, the World, as it were of its own accord, was bent or inclin'd towards the South. And truly 'tis probable this Inclination was the Effect of Providence, on purpose that some Parts of the World might become habitable, and others uninhabitable, by reason of the difference of the frigid, torrid, and temperate Climates thereof. Which observable and most valuable Fragment of Antiquity ought to have been be∣fore mention'd, but was on purpose reserv'd for this place; where it not only fully attests the matter of fact, the Inclination of the Heavens towards the South; not only assigns the final Cause truly enough, (considering the uninhabi∣tableness of the Torrid, as well as of the Frigid Zones, in the Opinion of those Ages) the Di∣stribution of the Earth into certain and fix'd Zones, Torrid, Temperate, and Frigid; but so accurately and nicely specifies the time also, That succeeding the Creation, agreeably to the pre∣sent Hypothesis; that were I to wish or chuse for a Testimony fully to my mind, I could scarcely have desir'd or pitch'd upon a better. To these five foregoing Arguments, for the proof of my main Conclusion, I shall, by way of supernume∣rary ones, or Appendages, add one or two more, and so leave the whole to the Consideration of the Impartial Reader.

(6.) The State of Mankind without question, and perhaps that of other Animals, was before the Fall vastly different from the present; and consequently requir'd a proportionably different State of external Nature; of which, without the Hypothesis before us, no Account can be given, or at least has not yet by any been attempted. The World, as to other things, seems to have

been at first, in great measure, put into the same Condition which we still enjoy; and yet Rea∣son, as well as Scripture, assures us, That so different a condition of things in the Animal, Rational and Moral, must be suited with an agreeably different one in the Natural and Cor∣poreal World. Which being consider'd, and that at the same time no remarkable difference has been, or perhaps can be assign'd, but what the Hypothesis before us, and its consequences afford us; and that withal a satisfactory account of the several Particulars is deducible from the same, as I hope to make appear hereafter; upon the whole, I think this a very considerable Attesta∣tion to what has been before insisted on. 'Tis indeed possible, that what I look on as an ad∣vantage to, others may imagine to be a preju∣dice against the present Hypothesis; as inferring, among other things, a half year of Night, as well as a half year of Day, which may be sup∣pos'd too disproportionate to the State and Con∣dition of Mankind; and especially, too incon∣venient for so happy and easy a Life, as that of Mankind in Paradise undoubtedly was, without any consideration of the other Creatures. But it ought to be consider'd, as has been already re∣mark'd, * 1.96 that our judging of one Scheme or Sy∣stem of Nature by another, is very fallacious, and very unreasonable. Almighty God adapts each particular State to such rational and animal Beings as are on purpose design'd for the same; but by no means thereby confines his Power and Providence, which can with the same ease adapt other Beings, or the same in other Circumstan∣ces, to a very different and clean contrary Condition. The Days in Jupiter are not ten hours long; those in the Moon near Seventy two

times as long as they, or a Month; yet any one who should thence conclude, that either Jupiter or the Moon, if not both, were uncapable of In∣habitants, he would, I think, be very rash, not to say presumptuous, in so doing. 'Tis true, he might justly conclude, That such Creatures as dwell on this Earth in their present Circumstances could not, or at least could not with conveni∣ency, inhabit either of them. But the necessary consequence of that is only this, That as the State of external Nature appears to be in Jupiter and the Moon, very different from ours on Earth now; so most probably are the State and Cir∣cumstances, the Capacitities and Operations of their several Inhabitants equally different from those of Mankind at present upon it; which is what I fully allow, and plead for, in the Case before us; and which, when rightly consider'd, may save me the labour of returning any other Answer to the particular difficulty here menti∣on'd, and of enlarging upon several other things which might be said to great satisfaction on the present occasion; which in prospect thereof, shall therefore be no further prosecuted in this place.

(7.) Lastly, The present Hypothesis gives an ea∣sy Account of the vast change in the Natural, on the change in the Moral World; and of the sad Effects of the Divine Malediction upon the Earth after the Fall of Man; which till now has not, that I know of, been so much as attempted by any. Several have been endeavouring to account for that change which the Deluge made in the World: But they are silent as to the natural causes or occasions of a Change, which (Antiquity, Sa∣cred or Prophane, being judge) was in all re∣spects vastly more remarkable: The State of In∣nocency,

and that of Sin, being sure on all ac∣counts more different from, and contradictory to each other, than the Antediluvian and Postdilu∣vian, either in reason can be suppos'd, or in fact be prov'd to be. Now as to the particulars of this Change, and the causes of them; and how well, on the Hypothesis we are upon, they correspond to one another, I must leave that to the Judgment of the Reader, when I come to treat of 'em in their own place hereafter. In the mean time this may fairly be said, that This being the first attempt at an Intire Theory, or such an one as takes in All the great Mutations of the Earth; As it will on that account claim the Candor of the Reader, and his unbiass'd Resolution of embracing the Truth (however new or unusual the Assertions may seem) when sufficiently evidenc'd to him; So the co∣incidence of things from first to last, through so many stages and periods of Nature, and the so∣lution of all the main Phaenomena of every such different stage and period from the Creation to the consummation of all things; if they be found just, mechanical, and natural, will it self deserve to be esteemed one of the most convincing and satisfactory Arguments for any single particular of this Theory that were to be desir'd; and shew, that not any great Labour or Study of the Author, but the happy Advantage of falling into true and real Causes and Principles is, under the Divine Pro∣vidence, to be own'd the occasion of the Disco∣veries therein contain'd. In all which, may these my poor Endeavours prove as satisfactory to the minds of others, as they have been to my own, and give them the same assurance of the Verity and Divine Authority of those Holy Books, where the several Periods are recorded, and the Phaenomena chiefly preserv'd, which the

discovery of these things has afforded my self, and I am sure that my Labours will not be in vain.

IV. The ancient Paradise or Garden of Eden, the Seat of our first Pa∣rents in the State of Innocence, was at the joynt Course of the Ri∣vers Tigris and Euphrates; either be∣fore they fall into the Persian Gulf, where they now unite together, and separate again; or rather where they anciently divided themselves below the Island Ormus, where the Persian Gulf, under the Tropick of Cancer, falls into the Persian Sea.

That somewhere hereabouts, on the Southern Regions of Mesopotamia, between Arabia and Per∣sia, was the place of the ancient Paradise, 'tis past reasonable doubt from two of its Rivers, Tigris and Euphrates, occuring in the Description of its Situation by Moses. And when the follow∣ing * 1.97 Theory is understood, perhaps there will ap∣pear reason 〈◊◊〉〈◊◊〉 the place, where more nicely it may be suppos••d to have been, to that other here conjectur'd. I say, When the following Theory is understood; for tho' the particular place assign'd be now under Water, and a Branch or Bay of the great Ocean; yet in probability it might not be so then, as will hereafter appear. My reasons for this Situation of Paradise, are these,

(1.) The Ancient Tradition of the Jews and * 1.98 Arabians was, that Paradise was seated under the Primitive Equinoctial; which is impossible, un∣less it were as far South as the Tropick of Cancer: Under which therefore it ought to be, and ac∣cordingly is by this Hypothesis plac'd and deter∣min'd.

(2.) 'Twill be easie on this Hypothesis for every one to suppose that the other two Rivers, or Branches of these, Pison and Gihon, which have been in vain hitherto sought for, must be now lost in the Persian Sea; and therefore not to be discover'd, nor their discovery to be expected, since the Deluge.

(3.) The Countries encompass'd by, and bor∣dering on, these four Streams or Rivers, being alike, in part, under Water; the difficulties ari∣sing from the common mistaken Suppositions re∣lating thereto will cease, and Light be afforded to the Mosaick Description on the particular con∣sideration thereof.

(4.) The most literal and obvious sense of the Words of the Sacred Historian concerning the situation of Eden, and its Garden or Paradise, will be accountable, and exactly suitable to the state of these Countries, according to the present Geo∣graphy. The words of Moses are, And the Lord * 1.99 God planted a Garden eastward in Eden; and there he put the man whom he had formed. And a River went out of Eden to water the garden; and from thence it was parted and became into four heads. To which the present Hypothesis is correspondent to the greatest niceness, if we suppose that Tigris and Euphrates being united, as they are now, in Babylonia, ran in one Stream quite through that Valley, which is now cover'd with Water, and

call'd the Gulf of Persia (I suppose the Country of Eden then) upon the Exit of which, beyond Ormus, the said United Streams divided them∣selves (as Nile into seven) into four separate branches; and by them, as by four Mouths, discharged it self into the Persian Sea: Two of which Streams retain'd the Names of the Origi∣nal ones, Tigris and Euphrates; and the other two acquir'd new ones, and were call'd Pison and Gihon; just before or about which Division, that Country stil'd Paradise, or the Garden of Eden was, I imagine, accordingly situate. This I take to be the most probable account of this Point; and such an one as takes away the perplexities of this matter; agrees to the Letter of Moses, and the Geography of the Country; and is suitable withal both to what the Jewish and Arabian Tra∣dition before-mention'd assert, and what the next Hypothesis requires.

V. The Primitive Ecliptick, or its correspondent Circle on the Earth, intersected the Present Tropick of Cancer at Paradise; or at least at its Meridian.

When from the last Hypothesis but one, it ap∣pears that the Primitive Ecliptick was a fixed Circle on the Earth, as well as in the Heavens; and must both equally divide the present Equa∣tor, and touch the present Tropicks; 'tis pro∣per to fix, if possible, the Point of Intersection with the Northern Tropick; whereby the intire Circle may be still describ'd, and its Original Si∣tuation determin'd. Which is the attempt of

this Hypothesis we are now upon; and which I thus prove.

(1.) Without this Hypothesis the before-men∣tion'd Jewish and Arabian Tradition, of the situa∣tion of Paradise under the Primitive Equinoctial, is unaccountable and impossible to be true. For Paradise being, at the most southern Position supposable, but just under the Tropick of Cancer, it could no where be under the ancient Equi∣noctial or Ecliptick, but at their mutual Inter∣section; which must therefore have been as this Proposition asserts.

(2.) The Production of Animals out of the Earth and Waters, at or near Paradise, seems to have requir'd all the heat possible in any part of the Earth; which being to be found only under the Equinoctial, confirms the last mention'd Ar∣gument, and pleads for that situation of Paradise which is here assigned to it.

(3.) And Principally, This situation is deter∣min'd by the coincidence of the Autumnal Equi∣nox, and the beginning of the Night or Sun-set, at the Meridian of Paradise. 'Tis known that at Paradise, or the place of the Creation of Man, the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Natural Day, commenc'd * 1.100 with the Sun-setting, Six a Clock, or coming on of the Night. 'Tis granted also, that the begin∣ning of the most Ancient Year, (which shall pre∣sently be prov'd to have been at the Autumnal Equinox) was coincident with the beginning of the World, or of the Mosaick Creation. Which things compar'd together, do determine the que∣stion we are upon. It being impossible, on the grounds here suppos'd, that Sun-set and the Au∣tumnal Equinox should be coincident to any but those in the Northern Hemisphere, at the Point

of Intersection of the Ancient Ecliptick, and the present Tropick of Cancer; or such as were under the same Meridian with them; as any ordinary Astronomer will soon confess: Which Argument is Decretory, and fixes the place of Paradise to the greatest exactness and satisfaction.

Corollary 1. Hence a plain reason is given, of the Days of Creation commencing at Evening; which otherwise is a little strange: It being but a necessary result of the time of the Year, and Re∣gion of the Earth, when, and where the Creation began.

Coroll. 2. As also why the Jewish Days, espe∣cially their Sabbath-Days, began at the same time * 1.101 ever since: The Memory of the Days of Creation being thereby exactly preserv'd.

Coroll. 3. As also why their Civil Years, but espe∣cially their Sabbatical Years, and Years of Jubilee, (even after their Months were reckon'd from the Ver∣nal,) began at the Autumnal Equinox: The memory of the Years of the Creation being thereby alike exactly preserv'd.

VI. The Patriarchal, or most an∣cient Year mention'd in the Scrip∣ture, * 1.102 began at the Autumnal Equi∣nox.

The Reasons of this Assertion are these en∣suing.

(1.) The principal Head or Beginning of the Jewish Year in all Ages was the first Day of their Autumnal Month Ti••ri; and was accordingly ho∣nour'd * 1.103 with an extraordinary Festival, the Feast of Trumpets: When the Head or Beginning of * 1.104

their Sacred Year, the first of Nisan, had no such solemnity annex'd to it: As is known and con∣fess'd by all.

(2.) When God commanded the Jews on their coming out of Egypt, to esteem the Month Ni∣san, the First in their Year; it seems plainly to imply, that till then it had not been so esteemed * 1.105 by them. The words are these. The Lord spake unto Moses and Aaron in the Land of Egypt, saying, This Month (shall be) unto you the beginning of Months; it (shall be) the first Month of the Year to you. And this is strengthened by considering, that tho' we here find an Original of the Sacred Year in the Spring; yet we no where do of the Civil in Autumn: Which therefore, 'tis very probable, was the immemorial beginning of the Ancient Year long before the times of Moses.

(3.) Whatever beginning of the Jewish Year there might be on other accounts; 'Tis confess'd by all, That the beginning of the Sabbatical Years, and Years of Jubilee, (by which in all probability the Primary Years of the World were commemorated and preserv'd) was at the Au∣tumnal Equinox: Which is a very good Argu∣ment that those Ancient Years, so commemo∣rated and preserv'd, began at the same time also.

(4.) The Feast of Ingathering, or of Taber∣nacles, which was soon after the Autumnal Equi∣nox, * 1.106 is said to be in the End, or after the Revolu∣tion of the Year: Which is a peculiar confirmation of the Assertion we are now upon.

(5.) Unless that Year at the Deluge com∣menc'd at the Autumnal Equinox, we must (says the Learned Lightfoot in his Scheme thereof) sup∣pose one Miracle more than either Scripture or Reason give us ground to think of; and that is,

that the Waters should increase, and lie at their height all the Heat of Summer, and abate and decrease all the cold of Winter. Which, with∣out Reason, he supposes is not to be allow'd.

(6.) What was alledg'd under the last Propo∣sition is here to be consider'd, That on this Hypo∣thesis a clear Reason is given of the Nights pre∣ceding the Day in the History of the Creation, and ever since among the Jews; which other∣wise is not so easily to be accounted for.

(7.) The testimony of the Chaldee Paraphrast, (to which Josephus does fully agree) is as express as possible, upon 1 Kings 8. 2. where the words are, In the Month Ethanim, which is the seventh Month; (viz. as all confess, from the Vernal Equinox) upon which the Paraphrase is, They call'd it of Old the First Month; but now it is the Seventh Month: Which may well counterpoise all that from some later Authors can be pro∣duc'd to the contrary. So that upon the whole I may fairly conclude, notwithstanding some small Objections, (which either lose their force on such Principles as are here laid down, or will on other occasions be taken off) That the most An∣cient or Patriarchal Year began at the Autumnal Equinox.

VII. The Original Orbits of the Pla∣nets, and particularly of the Earth, before the Deluge, were perfect Circles.

This is in it self so easie and natural an Hypo∣thesis, that I might very justly take it for granted, and make it a Postulatum: And in case I could

prove every thing to agree to, and receive Light from the same, and withal account for the pre∣sent Eccentricity, no man could fairly charge it with being a precarious or unreasonable one. But although the main reasons for such a Propo∣sition are, I confess, to be taken from the con∣sequences thence to be deriv'd; and the admi∣rable correspondence of them all to Ancient Tra∣dition, to the Phaenomena of the Deluge, and to the Scripture Accounts thereto relating, as will be visible hereafter; yet there being some Argu∣ments of a different nature which may render it probable, and prepare the Reader for admitting the same, before the consequences thereof come to be fully understood, I chuse to place this Assertion here, among my Hypotheses; tho' I do not pretend that the Arguments here to be made use of, ought to put the same so near to cer∣tainty, as its fellows have, I think, reason to expect with unprejudic'd Readers. But to come to the matter it self: The Reasons I would offer are these following.

(1.) The Designs and Uses of Planets seem most properly to require circular Orbits. Now in order to give a rational guess at the same Designs and Uses of Planets, I know no other way than that from comparison with the Earth. And here, when we find one of the Planets, and that plac'd in the middle among the rest, to agree with the others in every thing of which we have any means of enquiry; 'tis but reasonable to suppose, that it does so also in those, which 'tis impossible for us, by any other certain way, to be assured of. If we observe a certain Engin in one Coun∣try, and see to what use 'tis put, and to what end it serves; and if afterward we see another,

tho' in a different Country, agreeing to the for∣mer in all things, as far as we are able to disco∣ver: Tho' we are not informed of its design and use, we yet very naturally, and very probably, believe that it serves to the same purpose, and was intended for the same end with the former. Thus it ought sure to be in the case before us; and by the same way of reasoning we may fairly conclude to what uses all the Planets serve, and on what general designs Providence makes use of them, viz. To be the seat or habitation of Animals, and the Seminary of such Plants and Vegetables as are necessary or convenient for their support and sustenance. Which being therefore probably suppos'd of the rest, and cer∣tainly known of the Earth, I argue, That a circu∣lar Orbit being the most fit and proper for such purposes, may justly be presum'd the original si∣tuation of the Planets, and the primary work of Providence in ordering their courses. Such Crea∣tures, Rational, Sensitive, or Vegetative, as are fit and dispos'd for a certain degree of the Sun's heat, are very much incommoded by one much greater, or much less; and by consequence are peculiarly accommodate to a Circular, but by no means to an Eccentrical Orbit. And tho' the inequality of the Earth's distance from the Sun, in the different Points of its Orbit, be so incon∣siderable, that we observe little effect of it; yet in some of the other Orbits, which are much more Eccentrical, it must be very sensible, and * 1.107 have a mighty influence on the productions of * 1.108 Nature, and the constitution of Animals in Pla∣nets revolving therein. And what reason can we imagine why the Southern Hemisphere, for instance, of a Planet, by the situation of the Perihelion near its Summers Solstice, should be so

different from the Northern, in the primary contrivance of the Divine Providence? This seems not so agreeable to the original regularity and uniformity of Nature; nor does it look like the immediate effect of the Divine Power and Wis∣dom in the first frame of the World, when all things just coming out of the Creator's hands, must be allow'd to have been perfect in their kind, and exceeding good; when the rational Creatures being Pure and Innocent, the natural state of things was to be suited to them; and dis∣pos'd agreeably to reason, proportion, and the convenience of the same unspotted and sinless Creatures.

(2.) The opposite position and use of the oppo∣site Species of Bodies the Comets, seem, by the rule of contraries, to suppose what we have been contending for. If indeed we had found a mix∣ture of Planets and Comets in the same Regions of the Solar System, and a confusion of the Orbits and Order of both: If we had discover'd all spe∣cies of Ellipses, with all degrees of Eccentricity from the Circle to the Parabola; the Proposition I am upon would be more than precarious, and but too disagreeable to the frame of Nature. But when we find no such thing, but the clean contrary; namely, That all the Comets revolve in Orbits so extremely Eccentrical, that such seg∣ments of them as come within our observation are almost Parabolical, or of an infinite degree of Eccentricity; 'Tis not unreasonable to conclude, That likely enough the contradistinct Species of Bodies the Planets originally revolv'd in Orbits of no degree of Eccentricity, that is, in perfect Circles: The Eccentrical or Elliptick Orbits of the one, among other things, probably distin∣guishing

them from the other; which originally moved in Concentrical or Circular ones.

(3.) This Hypothesis is favour'd by the Ancient Astronomy; which so pertinaciously adher'd to the Circular Hypothesis, notwithstanding all its Eccentricks, Epicycles, and strange Wheel∣work; that it may seem the effect of Ancient Tradition, that once the Heavenly Motions were really Circular. And This is the more re∣markable, because, not only the true System of the World, but the Conick Sections, and among them the Elliptick Figure was very anciently known and consider'd. By the introduction of which, all the fanciful and uncouth figments they were forc'd upon, might have been wholly spar'd, and an easie and natural Idea of the Planetary Motions obtain'd. Which if ever it had been started, by its exact agreement to the Phaenomena, could scarce ever have been lost; and which yet, as far as I know, never came into the Minds of Astronomers till the Great Kepler's time; who first prov'd the Orbits to be Elliptick too plainly to be denied, or almost doubted any longer.

(4.) The Quantity of the several Orbits Eccen∣tricity, and the Position of their Aphelia, are so vari∣ous, different, and without any visible design, order or method, as far as is hitherto discover'd, that the Whole looks more like the result of Second Causes, in succeeding times, than the Primary Contrivance and Workmanship of the Creator himself. 'Tis indeed possible that there may be Design and Contrivance in these things, tho' we cannot discern them; yet seeing we have, on the common grounds, no Reason to affirm such a thing; seeing the equidistant situation from the Sun would more clearly shew such Design and Contrivance; seeing also, the original circular

Motion of the Earth granted, the Position of the Earth's Aphelion, and the quantity of its Or∣bit's Eccentricity, do so remarkably infer the Di∣vine Wisdom and Artifice therein, and are won∣derfully subservient to the highest purposes; (By the one, the Day of the Year when the Flood began; by the other, the length of the Antedi∣luvian Year, being nearly determinable; of which hereafter) 'tis I think, but fair reasoning to conclude, That that Hypothesis which does so certainly argue Art and Contrivance, Order and Providence, is to be prefer'd to another, which seems to infer the clean contrary, or at best only leaves room for a possibility thereof; as 'tis in the present case. I do by no means question but these uncertain Eccentricities and various Position of the Aphelia of the Planets, with all other such seemingly Anomalous Phaenomena of Nature, hap∣pen'd by a particular Providence, and were all one way or other fitted to the state of each Species of Creatures Inhabiting the several Planets, accord∣ing as their respective Behaviours or Circum∣stances, in their several Generations requir'd: (of which the succeeding Theory will be a preg∣nant instance) But my meaning is this; That before any good or bad actions of Creatures, when every thing was just as the Wisdom of God was pleas'd to appoint; when each Crea∣ture was compleat and perfect in its kind, and so suited to the most compleat and perfect state of external Nature; 'tis highly probable that the out∣ward World, or every such state of external Na∣ture was even, uniform, and regular, as was the temper and disposition of each Creature that was to be plac'd therein: And as properly suited to all their necessities, and conveniences, as was possible and reasonable to be expected Such a

state, 'tis natural to believe, obtain'd through the Universe till succeeding changes in the Living and Rational, requir'd proportionable ones in the Inanimate and Corporeal World. 'Tis most Phi∣losophical, as well as most Pious, to ascribe on∣ly what appears wise, regular, uniform, and har∣monious, to the First Cause; (as the main Phae∣nomena of the Heavenly Bodies, their Places, and Motions, do, to the degree of wonder and sur∣prize) but as to such things as may seem of another nature, to attribute them intirely to sub∣sequent changes, which the mutual actions of Bodies one upon another, fore-ordain'd and ad∣justed by the Divine Providence, in various Pe∣riods, agreeably to the various exigencies of Creatures, might bring to pass.

(5.) It being evident, that multitudes of Co∣mets have pass'd through the Planetary System; that in such their passage they were sometimes capable of causing, nay, in very long periods must certainly, without a Miracle, have caused great alterations in the same; and that the na∣ture and quantities of the present Eccentricities or Anomalies are no other than what must be ex∣pected from such Causes; 'tis very reasonable to al∣low these effects to have really happen'd, and that consequently all might be, as I here contend it was originally, orderly, uniform, and regular; and particularly the Planetary Orbits uniform, concentrical, and circular, as I am here con∣cern'd to prove. If any one of us should ob∣serve that a curious Clock, made and kept in order by an excellent Artist, was very notably different from the true time of the day, and took notice withal of a certain rub or stoppage, which was very capable of causing that Error in its Motion; he would easily and undoubtedly

conclude that such an Error was truly occasion'd by that visible Impediment; and never design'd at first, or procur'd by the Artist. The applica∣tion of which resemblance, is too obvious to need a Comment, and naturally enforces what I am now contending for.

(6.) 'Tis evident that all the little Planets about Jupiter move in Orbits truly Circular, without the least sensible degree of Eccentri∣city: On which account the present Hypothesis appears to be far from contrary to the frame of Nature; nay to be no other with regard to the Primary, than is de facto, true in this Secondary System: And from that so remark∣able a parallel, may the more easily be believ'd to have once been the case of this also.

(7.) 'Tis evident, that in case the Comets Attractions were the cause of the Eccentricity of the Planets, they would usually draw them also from the Plains of their former Orbits, and make them inclin'd or oblique to one another: So that where the Orbits are Eccentrical, 'tis probable, according to the present Hypothesis, the Plains must be different, and oblique to each other; and where the Orbits are Circular, the Plains of the several Orbits must be as they were at first, or, in probability, coincident. Now this is really observable in the two Systems last mention'd: The Plains of the Circular Orbits about Jupiter being nearly, if not exactly coinci∣dent, and those of the Eccentrical ones about the Sun being oblique to each other. Which Observation is no inconsiderable Argument, that originally the Planetary Orbits were ex∣actly Circular; as well as that at the same time they were every one in the same common Plain, or in Plains coincident to one another. Which

last mention'd Hypothesis, (to Speak a word or two of that by the way) tho' I look upon it as not unlikely, and such an one as several of the foregoing Arguments might be apply'd to, and do plead for; yet I shall not insist farther upon it here: Both because the following Theory does not directly depend upon it in any part; and because the moving in different Plains does not cause any ill effects, or notable inconve∣niences, in the System of Nature, as we have shewn the Eccentricity does; and so cannot with the same clearness and force be urg'd against its being the Original Workmanship of God, as I have above discours'd in the other case. Only this I may say, That seeing the Planetary Orbits are still almost in the same Plain; seeing the Comets Passages are capable of causing such little obliquity; nay were they originally in the same Plain, in length of time, by the fore-men∣tion'd Attraction, they must without a Miracle, have been drawn from their common Plains, and been obliged to revolve in those different from each other, as they now do; and seeing withal that Eccentricity and Obliquity, as uniformi∣ty of distance from the Center, and coincidence of the Plains, go together in the World, as has been just before noted; this Hypothesis of the Original coincidence of the Planetary Plains, is an opi∣nion neither improbable, nor unphilosophical; and only a little less evident than what this Pro∣position was to prove, viz. That the Primary Orbits of the Planets were perfect Circles; but otherwise very much a-kin, and exceeding cor∣respondent thereto; they at once receiving light from, and affording light to one another mutually.

VIII. The Ark did not rest, as is com∣monly suppos'd, in Armenia; but on the Mountain Caucasus, or Paro∣pamisus, on the Confines of Tartary, Persia, and India.

This Proposition is proved by these following Arguments.

(1.) This Mountain agrees to the place where the First Fathers after the Deluge Inhabited; which any part of Armenia does not. 'Tis evi∣dent from Scripture, that the first removal of the Fathers after the Flood there mention'd, was from the parts on the East of Babylon: It came * 1.109 to pass as they journeyed from the East, that they found a plain in the land of Shinar, and they dwelt there; and accordingly there they built the Tow∣er of Babel, as you find in the following History. Now Armenia, on one of whose Mountains the Ark is commonly suppos'd to have rested, is so far from the Eastern Point from Babylon, that 'tis somewhat towards the West, as any Map of those Countries will easily shew. But the Moun∣tain here pitch'd upon, Caucasus, or Paropamisus, being situate near to the East Point from Babylon, is on that account peculiarly agreeable to the History of Moses, of the Habitation of the first Fathers after the Flood, and so to the Seat of the Ark thence to be determin'd.

(2.) Notwithstanding we meet with few or no Colonies sent Eastward, after the confusion of Tongues, as we do into other quarters; yet the Eastern Nations appear, in the most Ancient

Prophane Histories of the World, to have been then the most numerous of all others. On which account those Countries must have been first Peopled before the Descent of the Sons of Men to Babylon, which the remoteness of Armenia is uncapable of; but the Neighbourhood of Cau∣casus permits, and naturally supposes. It being probable that if the Sons of Noah, for the first Century after the Flood, dwelt upon or near that Mountain, they would first send Colonies, or leave a Company thereabouts, which should stock those Eastern Countries adjoining, before they spred themselves into the remoter parts of Asia, Europe, and Africa; and vice versâ, seeing they appear to have first Peopled those Regions, 'tis equally probable that they originally were situate at or near the same Regions, i. e. at or near the Mountain here determin'd.

(3.) The Testimony of Porcius Cato is express in the Point, who affirms, That two hundred and fifty years before Ninus, the Earth was over∣flown with Waters; and that In Scythiâ Sagâ re∣natum mortale Genus: Mankind was renew'd or re∣stor'd in that part of Scythia which is call'd Saga, which Country, says Sir Walter Raleigh, is undoubtedly under the Mountain Paropa∣misus.

(4.) The same Assertion is confirm'd by the Tradition of the Inhabitants, who, says Dr. Hey∣lin, aver, That a large Vineyard in Margiana, near the Foot of Mount Caucasus, was of Noah's Plantation, which may justly be set against any pretended Reliques or Tradition for Armenia; and agreeing with the place determin'd by the other Arguments, deserves justly to be preferr'd before them. These are the Arguments, which

from Goropius Becanus, Sir Walter Raleigh, and * 1.110 Dr. Heylin make use of in the Case, and which I think are very satisfactory. But I shall add one more, which they take no notice of, but which I esteem so clear, that it might almost alter * 1.111 the Denomination of the Proposition, and give it a claim to a place among the foregoing Lem∣mata, which I propose as certain; not these Propositions, which whatever degree of evidence they or any of them may have, I yet chuse to propose under a softer Name, and call them Hy∣potheses. And the Argument is this;

(5.) The Ark rested upon the highest Hill in all Asia, nay, at that time the highest Hill in the World; but Paropamisus (the true and most fa∣mous Caucasus, in the old Authors) is the high∣est Hill in all Asia, nay, was then of the whole World; and is by consequence, the very same on which the Ark rested. Now, in this Argu∣ment, I suppose it will be allow'd me, That Cau∣casus is the highest Mountain in Asia (Sir Walter * 1.112 Raleigh says 'tis undoubtedly so); that it was the highest in the World also at that time, will * 1.113 from the same Assertion be hereafter prov'd, whatever pretence the Pike of Teneriff, or any other may at present make: All that therefore I am here to make out, is, That the Ark must have rested on the highest Mountain in the World, which is easily done: For the Waters covering the Tops of all the highest Hills on the Face of the Earth, fifteen Cubits; and yet the Ark resting the very first day of the abatement of the Wa∣ters, above two Months before the Tops of other * 1.114 Mountains were seen (as will be proved hereafter:) 'Tis evident, That not only the lower Hills of Armenia, but all other in the World, besides Caucasus, were uncapable of receiving the Ark

at the time assigned for its resting in the Sacred History; and by consequence, That and That only was the Mountain on which it rested. If it be here objected, That Ararat, where the Ark * 1.115 rested, is in Scripture taken for Armenia; and by consequence it must be an Armenian Mountain which we are enquiring for. In Answer, I grant that Ararat is in Scripture taken for Armenia; * 1.116 but I deny, that all the Mountains of Ararat are * 1.117 included in that Country. 'Tis possible the Alps or Pyrenees, might give or receive their Names to, or from some small Country at which they rose, or through which they passed; but it would not from thence follow, that all the Alps or Pyrenees belong'd to, and were contain'd in such a Country. 'Tis usual for vast and long Ridges of Mountains to be call'd by one Name, tho' they pass through, and thereby be∣long to many and distant Regions, which I take to be the present Case; and that the intire Ridge of Mountains running West and East from Ar∣menia to the Fountains of the Rivers Oxus and Indus, call'd since by the general Name of Mount Taurus, were anciently stil'd Ararat, or the Mountains of Ararat. To which the Mo∣saick History does well agree, by using the plu∣ral number, The Ark rested on the Mountains of Ararat, i. e. on one of those Mountains, or of that ridge or aggregate of Mountains going by the general Name it has at its Western rise, and stil'd Ararat. This is, I think, a fair and satis∣factory Interpretation of the Mountains of Ara∣rat; and such an one as Bishop Patrick embraces, * 1.118 tho' he be by no means partial to that Opinion I here defend thereby. But if any be not yet satisfied of the truth of the Proposition we are upon, they may consult the Authors abovemen∣tion'd,

who have more at large insisted on it, and alledg'd other Arguments on the same ac∣count, to which I shall therefore refer the Reader.

IX. The Deluge began on the 17^th Day of the second Month from the Autumnal Equinox, (or on the 27^th Day of November in the Julian Stile extended backward) in the 2365^th year of the Julian Period, and in the 2349^th year before the Christian AEra.

In this account of the number of Years from the Deluge, I follow the most Reverend and Learned Archbishop Usher's Chronology, deriv'd from the Hebrew Verity, without taking notice of what Years the Samaritan and Septuagint have added thereto; they being, as will hereafter ap∣pear, * 1.119 added without reason, and not at all to * 1.120 be consider'd. Now, that the number of Years assign'd by Archbishop Usher is rightly deduc'd from the Hebrew, is, I think, notwithstanding the wide and manifold Mistakes of the former, pretty well agreed upon among the latest Chro∣nologers; and capable of a much more satisfa∣ctory Proof, than from so great Differences be∣fore thereto relating one would be ready to imagine, as upon a little enquiry I easily found. Indeed, the Archbishop has made the matter so plain, that one cannot but wonder how former Chronologers came so strangely to be mistaken; and 'tis perhaps one of the most difficult things to

give a good account of, that is readily to be pitch'd upon. I once intended to have here not only given the Canon of the several Periods, but confirm'd the same from the Scripture, and an∣swer'd the principal Objections made against any parts thereof; as well from the said Archbishop's incomparable, tho' imperfect Chronologia Sacra, as from such other Observations as having been since made, (especially by the very Learned Sir John Marsham, who has intirely and evidently clear'd what the Archbishop principally labour'd at without success, the Chronology in the Book of Judges) give farther light and strength to the same Accounts. But this would perhaps be too much like a Digression, and somewhat foreign to my main Design, so I forbear, and only set down the Chronological Canon, according to which I reckon from the Creation to the present time, as follows.

I. From the beginning of the Mosaick Creation, till the Crea∣tion of Adam, 291/2 (Days to a Month, till the Deluge.) —

Y. M. D. 0005 — 06 — 11

II. From the Creation of Adam, till the day when the Earth be∣gan to be clear of the Waters, or the Autumnal Equinox, in the Year of the Deluge. —

1656 — 05 — 14

III. From the Autumnal Equinox in the Year of the Deluge, till the departure of Abraham out of Haran, (301/2 Days to a Month since the Deluge.) —

0426 — 06 — 15

IV. From Abraham's departure out of Haran, till the Exodus of the Children of Israel out of Egypt. —

0430 — 00 — 00

V. From the Exodus of the Chil∣dren of Israel out of Egypt, till the Foundation of Solomon's Temple. —

0479 — 00 — 17

VI. From the Foundation of So∣lomon's Temple, till its Con∣flagration. —

0424 — 03 — 08

VII. From the Conflagration of Solomon's Temple, till the Ka∣lends of January, which began the Christian AEra. —

0587 — 04 — 25

VIII. From the beginning of the Christian AEra, till this Au∣tumnal Equinox, Anno Do∣mini, 1696. —

1695 — 08 — 26

Sum of all. —

5705 — 00 — 00

From the first day of the Deluge, till the 28^th of October in this same Year, 1696. —

4044 — 00 — 00

This Canon agrees with the Archbishop's in every thing, but that, for exactness, I make use of Tropical, or natural Solar Years, instead of Ju∣lian ones; to which accordingly I proportion the Months and Days; I add those five Months four∣teen Days which his Hypothesis forc'd him, with∣out ground, to omit between the Creation and the Deluge; and I give the primitive Years of the Creation their place, which having been ta∣ken for short Days of twenty four Hours long, were not hitherto suppos'd to deserve the same. All which being observ'd, I refer the Reader, who desires farther satisfaction, to the Archbishop himself, where he may find the particulars of the several Periods clear'd to him.

X. A Comet, descending, in the Plain of the Ecliptick, towards its Perihelion; on the first Day of the Deluge past just before the Body of our Earth.

That such a Position of a Comet's Orbit, and such a passing by as is here suppos'd, are in themselves possible, and agreeable to the Phaeno∣mena of Nature, All competent Judges, who are acquainted with the new and wonderful Disco∣veries in Astronomy, according to the Lemmata * 1.121 hereto relating, must freely grant. But that it really did so at the time here specified, is what I am now to prove. 'Tis true, when upon a meer Supposition of such a passing by of a Comet, I had in my own mind observ'd the Phaenomena re∣lating to the Deluge to answer to admiration, I was not a little surpriz'd, and pleas'd at such a

Discovery. It gave me no small Satisfaction to see, that upon a possible and easy Hypothesis, I could give so clear an Account of those things, which had hitherto prov'd so hard, not to say inexplicable, and could shew the exact coinci∣dence of the particulars with the Sacred History, and the Phaenomena of Nature. I thought to be able to proceed so far, was not only more than had been yet done, more than was generally ex∣pected ever would be done; but abundantly suf∣ficient to the best of purposes, to clear the Holy Scriptures from the Imputations of ill-disposed Men, and demonstrate the Account of the De∣luge to be in every part neither impossible nor unphilosophical. But proceeding in some farther Thoughts and Calculations on the said Hypothesis, I, to my exceeding great Content and Admiration, found all things to correspond so strangely, and the time of the Year by several concurring ways so exactly fix'd, agreeably to the Sacred History thereby; that, as I saw abundant Reason my self to rest satisfi'd of the reality, as well as pro∣bability of what I before barely suppos'd; so I thought the producing the Particulars I had dis∣cover'd might afford evidence to the minds of others, and go a great way to the intire esta∣blishing the certainty of that, of whose great probability the Correspondence of the several Phaenomena of the Deluge had before afforded sufficient satisfaction. But before I come to the Arguments to be here made use of themselves, give me leave by way of Preparation, to shew what sort of evidence such Assertions as this be∣fore us, when good and valid, are capable of; and how great or satisfactory it may be in any other, and so may be expected to be in the pre∣sent Case. 'Tis evident, That all Truths are

not capable of the same degree of evidence, or manner of Probation. First Notions are known by Intuition, or so quick and clear a Perception, that we scarce observe any Deduction or Ratio∣cination at all in our Assent to them. Some principal Metaphysical Truths have so near a Connexion with these, that the manner of rea∣soning or inferring is scarce to be trac'd or de∣scrib'd; a few obvious and quick Reflections en∣forcing our hearty acquiescence: Among which, the best of Metaphysicians Mr. Lock, in his Essay of Humane Understanding, very rightly placesthe * 1.122 Being of God. Purely Mathematical Proposi∣tions are demonstrated by a chain of deductions, each of which is certain and unquestionable. So that on a clear view of the truth and con∣nexion of each Link, or Member of the intire Argumentation, the Evidence may still be look'd on as infallible. Propositions in mixt Mathe∣maticks, as in Opticks, Geography, and Astro∣nomy, depending partly on abstract Mathema∣tick Demonstrations, and partly on the Obser∣vations of the Phaenomena of Nature; tho' not arriving to the strict infallibility of the evidence with the former sort, are yet justly in most cases allow'd to be truly certain and indubitable. History is all that we commonly can have for matters of fact past and gone; and where 'tis agreed upon by all, and uncontroulable, 'tis esteemed fully satisfactory, tho' not absolutely certain in common Cases. And Lastly, To come closer to the Point, the knowledge of Causes is deduc'd from their Effects. Thus all Natural Philosophy, i. e. the knowledge of the Causes of the several visible Phaenomena of the World, is solely deriv'd from those Effects, or Phae∣nomena themselves, their accurate Correspondence

to, and necessary dependance on certain suppo∣sed Causes, and their insolubility on any other Hypotheses, with the coincidence of the particular Calculations of the Quantities of Motion, Velo∣city, Periods, and Species of Figures to be every where accounted for. On the Universal Con∣spiration and Correspondence of which, with the impossibility of producing an instance to the contrary, depends what may be truly stil'd a Physical Demonstration. I mean, Then, and only Then is a Physical Cause to be esteem'd Demon∣strated, when all the Phaenomena of the World may be certainly shewn to be just so, and no otherwise, as they necessarily would, and must be on supposition thereof. This last method is that which our best of Philosophers has taken in his Demonstration of the Universal Affection or Property of Bodies, which he calls Mutual Attra∣ction or Gravitation, and which accordingly he has establish'd beyond possibility of Contradiction; and this is the sole way of bringing natural Knowledge to perfection, and extricating it from the little Hypotheses, which in defect of true Sci∣ence, the World has till lately been forc'd to be contented with. In the Point before us, there are only three possible ways of proving the truth of the Assertion here laid down. The first, that of Propositions in mixt Mathematicks, by Cal∣culation of the Motion of some Comet, as we do of Planets from the Astronomical Tables, and thence demonstrating the certainty thereof. But besides the improbability of this Comet's ha∣ving ever return'd since the Deluge; 'tis plain, the defect of old Observations, and the so late discovery of the Laws and Orbits of their Mo∣tions, do render such a way of Probation, at least at present, impossible. The second way

of Probation, is that of Historical Relation, that at the Deluge a Comet did so pass by; of which there is directly none in the present Case. Nor seeing the possibility of the same was not known, nor the thing visible to the Inhabitants that out-liv'd the Flood, as will hereafter ap∣pear; * 1.123 is this kind of Evidence to be at all ex∣pected? But the third and last way, possible, is the Being of such plain and sensible Effects, as must be undoubted consequents of such an As∣sertion, and without the supposal thereof were perfectly unaccountable; which is the very me∣thod of Probation I shall here use, and do whol∣ly depend upon. There are several degrees of evidence, and kinds of proofs, very different from those made use of in the Mathematicks, which yet are little less satisfactory to the minds of wise Men, and leave little more room for doubting than they. Several sorts of Propositi∣ons must be evinc'd by several sorts of Argu∣ments; and whatever possible and easy Assertion has all the proofs which its nature requires, or could justly be expected upon supposal of its real Existence, ought to be admitted for true and evident. Thus in that sort of things we are now upon; if a certain Cause be assign'd, which being suppos'd would necessarily infer several plain and visible Effects, and occasion several sensible Phaenomena; 'tis plain, if those Effects and Phaenomena be upon Examination found to be correspondent, and as they must and would be on the real being of such a Cause, the existence of that Cause is prov'd. And as where the Effects are few, ordinary, otherwise accountable and incapable of Reduction to Calculation, or accu∣racy of correspondence in the just Quantity and Proportion necessary; the proof is weak and on∣ly

probable; and as where several of the conse∣quents of that Cause agree well enough, yet some others disagree, the disagreement of one or two, is a stronger Objection against, than the coincidence of the rest an evidence for the same, and the proof none at all: So on the other side, where a Cause is assigned, whose certain consequent Effects must be very many, very sur∣prizing, otherwise unaccountable, correspondent on the greatest niceness of Calculation in the particular Quantity and Proportion of every Ef∣fect, and where withal no disagreeing Phaeno∣menon can be urg'd to the contrary; the evidence hence deriv'd of the reality of the assigned Cause, tho' of a different nature, and, if you will, de∣gree too, from Demonstration, is yet little less satisfactory to the minds of wise and considering Men, than what is esteem'd more strictly so. Thus, for instance, Astronomers at this day find little more Inclination or Reason to doubt of the Annual and Diurnal Motions of the Earth, than of any strictly demonstrated Proposition; and as much, in a manner, take it for granted in all their Reasonings, as they do the Propositions in Euclid, tho' the evidence for the same be in its kind different from, and inferior to the other. And thus, as I have before observ'd, Mr. New∣ton has given sufficient evidence of the Universal Law of Mutual Attraction and Gravitation of Bodies, which accordingly there is no more occasion to doubt of, than of those common matters of Fact or History, of which no wise Man ever made any question. And thus it is, that I hope to evince the truth and reality of that Cause assign∣ed in this Proposition, viz. by proving that those visible Effects or Phaenomena relating to the Uni∣versal Deluge, which are very many, very sur∣prizing

hitherto unaccountable, several of which are capable of Calculation as to the particular Time, Quantity, and Proportion of the respe∣ctive particulars, are every one so, and no other∣wise, as on supposal of the assigned Cause they either certainly must, or at least probably would have been. And as upon a Demonstration of the disagreement of any one Phaenomenon, which were a necessary consequence of the same, I must own the falseness of the Proposition before us; so I hope, if the universality of Correspon∣dence, even to the exactness of Calculation in proper cases be establish'd, and no contradictory instance can be produc'd; it will be allow'd, that I have sufficiently evinc'd the reality, and, in a proper Sense, certainty of the same Asser∣tion. This then being premis'd, 'tis plain, that every one of the particular Phaenomena of the De∣luge afterward accounted for, is a proper Ar∣gument of this Proposition, and might justly claim a place here on that account. But be∣cause such an Enumeration of them before-hand would prevent their own more peculiar place hereafter, and disturb the propos'd method of the ensuing Theory, I shall leave them to their proper places, tho' with this Premonition, That several of them do singly so exactly sit the otherwise unaccountable Phaenomena of Nature, and of the Deluge, and determine the time and circumstances of the latter so nicely, that their separate evidence is considerable; but when taken conjointly with the rest, as satisfactory as I think the Nature of the thing is capable of. But besides these particular correspondent Phaeno∣mena of the Deluge, and after the discovery of the most of them, I found proofs of somewhat another nature; which not only confirmed all

that I had before observ'd, but enabled me to determine the time when the Flood began, to the greatest exactness possible; which therefore I shall alone produce here, reserving those other for their own places hereafter. Now on the Hypothesis, that a Comet pass'd by the Earth, till * 1.124 then revolving circularly about the Sun at the time, and in the manner assign'd by the Propo∣sition, the necessary Effects or Consequents of it are these Five. (1.) The circular Orbit of the * 1.125 Earth would be chang'd into that of an Ellipsis; and the Sun, which was before in the Center of the Circle, would be afterward in that Focus of the Ellipsis, which were nearest the place at which the Attraction of the Comet happen'd. (2.) The Year, after such a passing by of the * 1.126 Comet, would be increased ten Days, one Hour, thirty Minutes. (3.) The time of the passing * 1.127 by of the Comet, or the beginning of the De∣luge to be determin'd by the place of the Perihelion, must be coincident with that assigned in the Mosaick History. (4.) The very day of the Co∣met's * 1.128 passing by, or of the beginning of the De∣luge, to be determin'd from the Astronomical Tables of the Conjunctions of the Sun and Moon, must be conincident with the time determin'd by the said place of the Perihelion, and with the very day assign'd in the Mosaick History. (5.) The * 1.129 quantity of Acceleration, to be determin'd à Priori, from the force of the Comet's Attracti∣on, must correspond with that which the pre∣sent Elliptick Orbit does require. All which that they are, de facto, true and real, I shall now prove.

(1.) The Orbit of the Earth is now Elliptical, and the Sun is in that Focus thereof, which was

nearest the place of the Earth, when the Deluge began. This Proposition is sufficiently known to Astronomers, as to the former part of it: And if it be consider'd, That the Earth when the Deluge began, was but just past that degree of the Ecliptick, where the Perihelion was after∣ward, * 1.130 as will presently appear; the latter * 1.131 part will be equally evident with the for∣mer.

(2.) The Year before the Flood was ten days; or more nicely, ten days one hour and thirty minutes, shorter than the present. In order to the proof of which I shall shew first in general, that the Antediluvian Year was different from, nay shorter than the present Year; and afterwards determine the particu∣lar length thereof more exactly; and shall com∣prise what reasons I have for these Assertions in the following Arguments.

(1.) The true length of the Solar Year was so long unknown after the Deluge, that there must have happen'd some mighty change and lengthening thereof at the Deluge, or else no rational account can be assign'd of such gross and so lasting an ignorance. 'Tis not to be * 1.132 question'd but the Antediluvian Patriarchs were perfectly acquainted with the Antediluvian Year; every one of those mention'd in Scripture having seen so many Summers and Winters, or natural Solar Years, that himself were able to ascertain their length, and correct any mistake about them. 'Tis also not to be doubted but the Postdiluvians would have retain'd the same Year, and determin'd it by the same num∣ber of Days, as their Fore-fathers, had they found it to agree with the Course of the Sun

then, as it did formerly. But 'tis evident from the Ancientest Authors, that 'twas many hun∣dreds of Years after the Deluge e're the most Learned Nations rectifi'd their Year to the Sun's Course, or arriv'd at more than three hundred and sixty Days in their Accounts. Which number accordingly was the Standard of a Year for ma∣ny Ages, (The full proof of which, and the clea∣ring thereby of several Prophetick Periods, that famous one of Daniel's Seventy Weeks especially, is what we impatiently expect from a most Learned Prelate of our Church) till Astronomi∣cal Observations forc'd Men to correct the same. Now all this on the present Hypothesis is easie and natural; That when the Antediluvian Year was but a few hours above three hundred and fifty five Days; and at the Deluge was insensibly be∣come some odd hours above three hundred and sixty five Days, without the least knowledge or suspicion of any change therein; 'Tis, I say, ve∣ry easie and natural in this case to suppose, that upon their observing the seasons to be protracted, and return still later every Year than other; (as on the retaining the Antediluvian Year must needs happen,) and consequently their Ancient Standard of three hundred and fifty five days, to be too short for the Sun's Revolution; that they should lengthen their accounts to thirty Days in every Month, and the even number three hundred and sixty Days in the whole Year. Which convenient and remarkable number three hundred and sixty, being probably fixt at the time when Astronomy began to be improv'd, or at least reviv'd after the Deluge, and so become the di∣vision of the Ecliptick, and of every Circle of the Sphere; was not quickly chang'd, but mea∣sur'd the Ancient Year among not a few Nations,

and that not a few Ages together: As being also less observably different from the Sun's course, and correspondent both to the degrees of a Circle, and twelve even Months of thirty Days a-piece. And indeed this adjustment of the Year and Months, with the degrees of a Circle, and of each Sign in the Ecliptick, was found so easie, ready, and useful on all accounts, that even when the odd five days were added afterward, they were not inserted into the Months, nor perhaps esteem'd part of the Year, but look'd upon as 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 adventitious or odd days, of a quite different denomination and character from all the rest. However 'tis still agreeable to the present Hypothesis, that on the farther observation of the protraction of the Seasons, and on the im∣provement of Astronomy still higher, as the Year had been increas'd before from three hun∣dred and fifty five to three hundred and sixty, so afterward it should be increas'd from three hun∣dred and sixty to three hundred and sixty five days; and at last, (the Observations of the more Learned Astronomers enforcing it,) from three hundred sixty five to 3651/4 or the Julian Year, which with us is retain'd to this very day. All this is I think easie and natural in the present case, upon that Hypothesis which is here defend∣ed; but without it 'tis very strange and unac∣countable. 'Tis, I say, very strange and unaccount∣able either how the Antediluvian Patriarchs should not know the length of their own Year; or that none of their Posterity, who were desti∣tute of Divine Revelation, should retain the same afterwards, but be forc'd to make use of one that was so far from corresponding to those Seasons, and that Revolution of the Sun which a Year was on purpose design'd to be commen∣surate

to. Which conclusion is farther con∣firm'd,

(2.) By the Essential difference of the Ancient Years among several Nations since the Deluge: Some of which made use of Solar, and others of Lunar ones, or endeavour'd to adjust their pe∣riods to those of each of these Luminaries. This difference of Years, is known in Antiquity, has been the occasion of great disputes; and is not yet a stranger to the World. Nay, as far as I find, some of those Nations who agreed with the most general Standard of three hundred and sixty days, suppos'd that number agreeable in some measure to the Lunar, as well as to the Solar course, as consisting nearly of twelve Synodical or Monthly Revolutions of the former, as well as of a single Annual one of the latter; and em∣brac'd it as much, if not more on the account of its imagin'd correspondence with the Moon, as of a like imagin'd correspondence with the Sun. Now this Essential difference of Solar and Lunar Years in the eldest Antiquity after the Flood, is on no other grounds so accountable as that the Antediluvian Year having been delivered down from their Fore-fathers to have agreed with the courses both of the Sun and Moon, (as on the present Hypothesis it really did) some Nations followed one Branch, and others another of the same Tradition: And when they no lon∣ger were commensurate, accommodated their ac∣counts to the one or the other, according as the one or the other was most prevalent, and uni∣versal among them. This is an easie and ratio∣nal account of this Essential difference of Solar and Lunar Years, so variously followed by so ma∣ny Nations since the Deluge: Which otherwise, if the Year was of the same length with the pre∣sent,

and fixt before the Flood, 'tis hard to assign the Original of. But That it were, as in this Hy∣pothesis, both a Solar and Lunar Year, all is very easie, and what must naturally happen upon an imperceptible change at the Deluge. Which will be still farther confirm'd if we consider,

(3.) That the Moon's other Motions, Diurnal and Menstrual, are still so accurately adjusted and commensurate to each other, that 'tis very pro∣bable the Annual was alike adjusted and com∣mensurate to those in the primitive Constitu∣tion of Nature. 'Tis certain the Moon accom∣panies our Earth, and has her Annual Revolu∣tion exactly equal to the others. 'Tis also cer∣tain, as has been before observ'd, that her Men∣strual * 1.133 Periodical Revolution about the Earth, is exactly equal to her Diurnal about her own Axis: Which wonderful and remarkable coincidence or correspondence of two such intirely distinct mo∣tions, renders it highly probable that the third or Annual Revolution was not by Providence Originally design'd to be so incommensurate to those others, as since the Deluge it most evident∣ly has been; and that to the greatest trouble and perplexity of many Ages, and the intire distur∣bance of the Ancient Chronology. Where we cannot but in one case acknowledge, the most ex∣act interposition of Providence in the Equality of the Menstrual and Diurnal Revolutions; and the notable effect thereof, the exposition of the same Hemisphere of the Moon to the Earth con∣tinually: We cannot sure be unwilling to own a like Interposition in the other, in the commen∣surability and correspondency of the same Men∣strual and Diurnal Revolutions to the Annual one of it self, and of its Companion the Earth: Es∣pecially where the reason and advantage of such

an adjustment, (the easie and regular accounts of Time through the World thence arising) is much more plain and evident than in that other case, of which yet there can be no possibility of doubt or hesitation: Which therefore conside∣rably enforces the fore-mention'd Hypothesis, ac∣cording to which the Wise and Careful Interpo∣sition of Providence in the Original Constitution of the World, appears to have been as accurately sollicitous, and engag'd in the adjustment of the Annual Motion to the Menstrual, as 'tis unque∣stionably true in the like correspondence of the Menstrual to the Diurnal, so worthy the present consideration and admiration of Astronomers: Which will be most of all confirm'd by the exact agreement of the several Periods, to be taken notice of in the next place.

(4.) The Eccentricity of the Sun is so exactly coincident with the Epact of the Moon; or the Annual Motion in the Circular Orbit before the Deluge, so nicely equal to thirteen Periodical, and twelve Synodical Revolutions of the Moon; that 'tis very improbable it should be wholly by chance, or without any relation of one to another. The Eccentricities of Planets are various, uncer∣tain, and boundless; and 'twill be next to im∣possible in such cases to observe accurate coinci∣dences where nothing but Chance is concern'd, and there is no Analogy or Connexion in Na∣ture for 'em. If there were a certain Watch∣word out of 500 pitch'd upon among certain Conspirators, and a Person was taken on suspici∣on, and prov'd to have nam'd that very word to his supposed Partner; it were in reason, and the opinion of the World 499. to one he before knew of it, and did not by chance only hit up∣on it. If any Ancient Historian should assert,

that a certain remarkable accident happen'd on such a Day, and such an Hour, of a given Year, and a way was afterward discover'd of deter∣mining the time on which, if it really did hap∣pen, it must have done so; tho' the Authority of the Author were not considerable otherwise, no boubt would be any more made of his vera∣city in that point, if the coincidence was so exact as to determine the same hour mention'd by the Historian. Thus if on other intimations it be conjectur'd, that the Earth mov'd circularly before the Deluge, and the Year was both a So∣lar and Lunar one; and if afterward the Eccen∣tricity of the Earth's Orbit, and the Lunar Epact, or difference between the Solar and Lunar Year, be reduc'd to Calculation, and found accurately coincident, when the Eccentricity of no other of the Planetary Orbits, is at all Correspondent; There is, I think, very great probability to be∣lieve that coincidence founded in Nature, and that the alteration of the Year just so much as those agreeing-quantities require, was the true occasion thereof. The Eccentricity requisite to correspond * 1.134 to the Lunar Epact, must be 19/1000 of the intire middle distance: That of Saturn is 57/1000 that of Jupiter 48/1000 that of Mars 93/1000 that of Venus 10/1000 that of Mercury 210/1000 that of the Moon 42/1000 which all widely differ from the quantity here necessary. But when we consider the Eccentricity of the Magnus Orbis, or Orbit of the Earth's and Moon's Annual Course, it exactly accords, and is 19/1000 of the intire middle distance; as we have before parti∣cularly observ'd, and as the Moon's Epact most nice∣ly requires. 'Tis, I confess, not impossible that Calcu∣lations and Numbers, in which there is all imagina∣ble room for diversity under or over, may be coin∣cident, without any natural Dependance or Ana∣logy

one to another. 'Tis possible, that I may several times by guess, or at a venture, hit upon any number which another Person has in his mind. 'Tis possible, a Gamester may, without any foul dealing, throw all Sizes or Aces, be the Dice never so many, a hundred times together. These things it must be own'd are possible, and so no Compact or Collusion can be demonstrated by such Coincidences; neither, consequently, do I pretend that this, or any of the like Coin∣cidences in the present Theory do absolutely de∣monstrate that Assertion they are brought to prove. But as in the former cases, the Observation of the mention'd Coincidences would afford evi∣dence fully satisfactory of some Mystery, Cun∣ning, or Artifice us'd therein; so I think it ought to be in the present case; I mean where all things else are rightly correspondent, and no contradictory instances to be alledg'd, the nice and accurate Coincidences of Calculations in this, and the other proper cases through this Theory, ought to satisfy the minds of consider∣ing Men of the real truth and evidence of the Proposition on which they all depend, and from which they are deriv'd; and particularly, that the Lunar Epact and Sun's Eccentricity which are so nicely equal to each other, must have a natural Relation, and a common Occasion; the altera∣tion of the Year at the Deluge: Which being so far establish'd by these Chronological and Astro∣nomical Arguments, shall be now confirm'd from the Holy Scripture.

(5.) This Hypothesis of the ten days addition to the year, is very agreeable to the History of the Deluge in the Hebrew it self; and absolutely neces∣sary to reconcile the Text as we have it from the same Hebrew verity, with that Translation which

the Septuagint, and from them Josephus, give us thereof. 'Tis commonly, and probably suppos'd, That the space in which Noah was in the Ark was a just Solar year: 'Tis expresly so in the Septua∣gint and Josephus; the entrance and exit being on the same day of the same month; when yet * 1.135 'tis in the Hebrew, and our Bibles, a year and ten days; the entrance on the 17^th, and the exit on the 27^th of the second month, as is evident in the Texts quoted in the Margin. Which seeming repugnances have not hitherro met with any satisfactory conciliation, and are generally allow'd to be inconsistent with one another. Some great Men are willing to suppose the year referr'd * 1.136 to at the Deluge, to have been a Lunar one, such as was in after-ages made use of; which in the common years having eleven days less than the Solar, will nearly account for this mat∣ter, and pretty well accommodate the whole. But this, I think, will not satisfy, because the Jewish Lunar year began at the Vernal, but this at the Autumnal Equinox: because five, at least, * 1.137 of these months had thirty days a-piece, whereas the Lunar had generally thirty, and twenty nine, by turns throughout the year: Because withal this brings the matter only nearer, but does not reconcile it, there still wanting a day to that purpose: For when the Moon's Epact is eleven days, the Hebrew affords only ten; so that Noah must both prevent the Solar year one day, and the Septuagint be still irreconcilable with the He∣brew, though this conjecture were admitted. All which rightly consider'd, 'tis, I think, evident that this Hypothesis of the Lunar year is not only wholly precarious, but indeed indefensible; and were it otherwise, would not be at all advanta∣gious in the case before us; to which therefore

somewhat else must be answer'd, and somewhat farther advanced, or the Knot must remain still unsolved at least, if not insoluble. I affirm then, That the allowance of those days, which we have before endeavoured to shew were want∣ing in the year before the Flood, will take off the difficulty, and reconcile the Hebrew with the Septuagint to the greatest exactness: And 'tis not a little observable, That the number of days requisite to this reconciliation, are the very same that we have already, from the Eccentricity of the Sun, and the Lunar Epact conspiring toge∣ther, determined to have been the difference be∣tween the Antediluvian and the Post-diluvian year. Let us but therefore suppose the Hebrew to make use of that year which was in use at that time to which the History belongs, and which Noah in a journal of the Deluge must be allowed to reckon by; and the Translators, after observation had forc'd men to increase the year ten days, to allow for the same, and express the duration of the Deluge, or the space of Noah's remaining in the Ark, according to that just year then only current among them, and there is no difficulty left. Now this procedure of receding from the very words or numbers of an Author, in order the more easily and justly to express his meaning, and give a truer Idea to the present age, of what was represented at first in a way suitable to that of any History or oc∣currence, but afterwards forgotten, is a very ra∣tional one; and if applied to other Authors and Cases, is neither unusual nor inconvenient. Thus if in an History of the ancient state of Egypt, the Egyptian years were made use of; a Translator who should, upon the introduction and sole use the Julian year afterwards, re∣duce

them all to that, and reckon all the months and days according to that only, he would do at once the greatest justice to the Author, and deserve the thanks of the Reader, for so much easier and more familiar an Idea of each period, than a rigid and scrupulous keeping to the Au∣thor's own words and numbers could ever have given him. The case is the same as to Weights and Measures us'd by former Ages, or Foreign Nations; which when reduc'd to others equiva∣lent to them in Terms familiar and known, are much more useful than when word answers to word, and number to number in every thing. And if we allow but this to have been the case between Moses himself who wrote the Hebrew Text, and the Septuagint who many Ages after Translated it, we shall find, according to our foregoing calculations, that the year us'd by Noah was but Three hundred fifty five days; and that by the Septuagint, Three hundred sixty five; and so that space, which with the first Author is certainly a year and ten days, from the 17^th to the 27^th of the second Month; and is alike evi∣dently a just year from the 27^th to the 27^th of the same second month with the Translators, are coincident, or the same entire Solar year. Whereby our Hypothesis is at once confirmed, and the diffi∣culty arising from the Hebrew Text it self, but chiefly as compared with the Septuagint's Transla∣tion, does entirely vanish and disappear: Which Argument join'd to the foregoing, will, I hope, be thought not inconsiderable.

(3.) The time of the passing by of the Comet, or of the beginning of the Flood, determin'd by the place of the Perihelion, is exactly agreeable to that mention'd in the Mosaick History. 'Tis certain, That the place of the Perihelion of the

Earth's Orbit is now in the beginning of the eighth degree of Cancer: And by Mr. Flamsteed's Astronomical Table of its Motion, it goes for∣ward in 4044 Years full 56 Degrees: So that by going back to the time following the De∣luge, the Perihelion must then have been at the beginning of the 12^th Degree of Taurus. It has also been before proved, that the place of the Comets passing by must have been a few Degrees, as five, six or seven, past the Perihelion, that is, on or near the 18^th Degree of Taurus: Which in the Ancient Year, beginning at the Autumnal Equi∣nox, will fall upon or near the 17^th Day of the Second Month: On which very Day, by the express Testimony of the Sacred Historian (a∣greeing * 1.138 within a Day or two with the Correct∣ed * 1.139 Testimonies of Abidenus and Berosus) the De∣luge began. Which exactness of coincidence I look upon as so remarkable and surprizing, that nothing can be more so; and I need not fear to appeal to the Considering Reader, if this be not the most peculiar and convincing Attestation to our Hypothesis, which could easily be desir'd, or in the least wish'd for: That from it not only the several Phaenomena of the Deluge, but the time of its commencing is so precisely de∣termin'd also; and that in the greatest Correspon∣dence and Harmony with the Sacred History of the same thing imaginable.

(4.) The very day of the Comets passing by, or of the beginning of the Deluge determin'd from the Astronomical Tables of the Conjuncti∣ons of the Sun and Moon, is exactly coincident with that before nearly determin'd by the place of the Perihelion, and exactly by the Mosaick Hi∣story. It has been before prov'd, that seeing * 1.140 the Moon still accompanies the Earth, it must

needs have been three Days past the New or Full, at the passing by of the Comet. It has also been before prov'd, that the Flood began in the Year of the Julian Period 2365, or the 2349^th before the Christian AEra. Now it ap∣pears by the Astronomical Tables of the Con∣junctions of the Sun and Moon, that the mean New Moon happen'd at the Meridian of Babylon just before Eleven a Clock in the Forenoon, on the 24^th day of November, (in the Julian Year) and so at Eleven a Clock on the 27^th of Novem∣ber, 'twas three days after the New. Which be∣ing the 17^th day of the Second Month, from the Autumnal Equinox, is the very same pitched upon from the place of the Perihelion, and ex∣presly * 1.141 mention'd in the Sacred History: And by so wonderfully corresponding therewith, gives the highest Attestation to our Hypothesis that could, for the completion and consummation of the foregoing Evidence, be reasonably desir'd.

(5.) The Quantity of Acceleration determin'd à priori from the force of the Comets Attraction, does very well correspond with that which the present Elliptick Orbit does require. Upon Cal∣culation according to the Lemma quoted in the * 1.142 Margin, the Velocity acquir'd by the Earth on its first change, from a Circular to an Elliptick Orbit appears to have been about 1248/131250 of the in∣tire Velocity; or such as would carry it in three hours and a half's time 1248 Miles. 'Tis also upon calculation evident, from what has been * 1.143 already observ'd, that in case the Comets nearest distance were a quarter of the Moons, or sixty thousand Miles, and it self of much the same bigness with the Earth; (two very probable and easie Hypotheses;) the time of the Comets At∣traction to be solely consider'd is three hours and

a half, and the quantity of Velocity therein pro∣duc'd is the requisite quantity 1248/131250 of the intire Velocity, or so much as carries a body 1248 Miles in the fore-mention'd space of three hours and a half. And in case the Comets nearest di∣stance were less, if the Comet withal be suppo∣sed in the same proportion less also; the effect will be the same, and the fore-mention'd Velo∣city equal to what the former Calculation as∣sign'd, and the Elliptick Orbit of the Earth does exactly require. Which accuracy of correspon∣dence, in the due quantity of Velocity, added to the former Arguments, cannot but be esteem'd a mighty Evidence for the reality of our Hypotheses: All whose consequents are so surprizingly true, and so fully bear Witness to one another.

Corollary 1. From what has been said under this Proposition, we may pretty nearly determine the Con∣stitution of the Antediluvian Year. For when it consisted of three hundred and fifty five Days, four Hours, and nineteen Minutes, and had for at least five Months together, from the second to the sixth, thirty Days to a Month, or one hundred and fifty to five Months, as we have seen, it must in all probability have consisted of twelve Months; The first seven whereof had thirty, and the last five only twenty nine days apiece. Or rather the first eleven Months had thirty, and the twelfth only twenty five Days. That as in the fa∣mous Egyptian Year, or that of Nabonassar after the Deluge, every Month had thirty Days a piece, and the supernumerary five were added by themselves, and stil'd 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 so before the Deluge all the Months, as near as possible, had thirty days apiece also; and the five deficient ones were taken from the last, and might be denominated 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And possibly might give occasion to that

method of the before-mention'd Year in the following Ages. How often the odd Hours and Minutes were intercalated, and came to just even Days before the Deluge, 'tis not, for a certain reason not here to be mention'd, easie, very exactly to determine; nor per∣haps of consequence that it should be so determined. Only in general every sixth year at least, one with another, must be Leap-Year, and have three hundred and fifty six days; as every fourth is Leap-Year, and has three hundred and sixty six days now among us.

Coroll. 2 Every Antediluvian Year and Sea∣son, Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter, began at Sunset following the Solar ingress into a Cardinal Point, and the Full Moon. It appears, as has been * 1.144 before prov'd, that the Autumnal Equinox preceding the Deluge, happen'd on the 11^th day of October. It also appears, by the Astronomical Tables of the Con∣junctions of the Sun and Moon, that 'twas Full Moon the same Day: The Night succeeding which Day, began the First Day of Autumn, and the First Day of the Year also. Which being suppos'd, and that, as we have prov'd, the Solar Year was exactly coincident with twelve Synodical Months, or the Lu∣nar Year, it must necessarily have been ever so. And not only the other particular seasons, but the Year it self began at the most remarkable time possible. The Astronomers had a double coincidence to observe, at the conclusion of one, and the commencing another year, viz. The Autumnal Equinox, and the Full Moon: Which must for ever fix and establish the con∣stancy of their Annual space. And even the Coun∣tryman had somewhat easily observable to fix his Ac∣count, and Characterize his Year, the Full Moon Ri∣sing when the Sun set, as the same common period of the Old, and introducer of the New Year. So that in so regular and truly natural Solar and Lunar Years

as then obtain'd, no Observations of Astronomers were necessary to adjust or calculate their measures of Time; Nature, or rather Divine Providence, having so fit∣ted the Heavenly Revolutions, that nothing more than the easie observation of a Full Moon was ne∣cessary to determine their Seasons, and their Years, and to retain them at a constant setting out, with the Equinoctial and Solstitial Points in the Heavens. Than which Disposition, nothing of such a nature could more clearly demonstate the Wise Provision of the great Creator; or more usefully be subservient to Mankind.

Coroll. 3. Hence we easily understand the prima∣ry occasion of the confusions in Astronomy and Chronc∣logy after the Flood, notwithstanding they might have been well understood before it. While the Solar and Lunar Years were equal, and every one of them be∣gan both at the Equinox, and at the Full Moon; (this latter, observable by all, fixing the former, ob∣servable but by a few,) 'Twere next to impossible to suppose any difference in Years, or in the Accounts of Time depending thereon. But upon an imperceptible change of the Year at the Deluge, and the consequent incommensurate duration of the Solar and Lunar Pe∣riods, 'Tis natural to suppose great diversity of Years, and perplexity of Accounts. Some might long re∣tain their Ancient Year, and suffer its Head to wan∣der through all Seasons: Others might retain their Ancient Year, as far as it agreed with the twelve Lunations or Months afterward, and make use of a Lunar-year: Whose Head they might either, as the former, suffer to wander through all Seasons, or fix as well as they could by the intercalation of a Month, as oft as they found so much deficiency from the Solar Year. And as the former sort, having a regular Cycle, or constant method for the finding the Head of their Months and Years, needed no other Observations, so

the latter must always remark the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of the Moon, and begin their Months, or Years, or both at some observable Point of an entire Lunation, as at the Full or New Moon, or so soon as any de∣crease or increase of its Light became sensible. Some might strive to find cut the number of Days ne∣cessary to be added to their old Year, and so to re∣duce the same to the true Solar Revolution; and accordingly might first make every Month thirty Days, and the Year three hundred and sixty, till that ap∣pearing too little, five more Days, and at last the odd six Hours were by degrees added, and the Civil be∣come almost equal to the Natural Year. While others were intent upon the Adjustment of the Solar and Lunar Periods, and inventing Cycles for the corre∣spondence of those several Accounts, which were re∣spectively followed by several Nations. All which variety of reckoning, with its natural consequences, must cause strange Confusion in the accounts of Time, and create mightly Difficulties in the Ancient Chrono∣logy; very agreeably to what every one knows to have been really the case, who searches into such Matters, to what our Hypothesis lays a rational Occasion and Foundation for, and to what, without such a sup∣posed change at the Deluge, is by no means account∣able.

Coroll. 4. When the number Three hundred and sixty is not only a middle proportional between the Days in an Antediluvian and Post diluvian Year, and nearly between the present Solar and Lunar Year, is not only the number of Degrees in the Ecliptick, and in every Circle or Orbit; but was the just number of Days in a Year among so many Nations, for so many Ages. The reason of that Prophetick Stile, in which a Day, or Year thereby meant, does plainly signify Three hundred and sixty Days, and no more, is clear and evident. What Diffi∣culties the want of this Observation, that Daniel's Pro∣phetick

Year consisted of Three hundred and sixty Days, has left unsolv'd, and what light may be afforded to some places of the highest importance thereby, I had rather the Reader should be left to his own Obser∣vations, and that Work so impatiently expected, of which I made mention before, than prepossess him with any more particular instances thereof in this place.

Coroll. 5. When the very day of the beginning of the Deluge, nearly determin'd by the place of the Perihelion, and exactly by the Astronomical Tables of the Conjunctions of the Sun and Moon, is the ve∣ry same individual Day with that mention'd by the Sacred Writer; hence arises a very surprizing and un∣expected Confirmation of the Verity of the Scripture History. Here is a great and signal instance of the wonderful Providence of God indeed, and of his care for the Credit and Establishment of the Holy Books; that he has left us means sufficient, after above Four thousand Years, of examining and ascertaining the Ve∣racity of the most Ancient of its Writers, and in one of the most scrupled and exceptionable Points of his Narration, that of the Universal Deluge; and that from unexceptionable Principles, the Astronomical Ta∣bles of the Coelestial Motions. To how great a degree this thing will deserve the most serious Consideration of every one, especially in this our Sceptical Age, I need not determine. The importance of the concern, and the greatness of the Evidence hence afforded, sufficiently enforcing this Point, without any farther Applica∣tion.

Coroll. 6. The years added in the Samaritan Pen∣tateuch and Septuagint to the accounts of Time, from the Hebrew Verity, since the Deluge, are added without reason, and are contrary to the Truth, and to the Sacred Writings together. For whereas, by the Hebrew Verity, and the Astronomical Tables

of the place of the Perihelion, and of the Conjunctions of the Sun and Moon; (not to mention the Testimo∣nies of Abidenus and Berosus here) the Deluge's biginning is fix'd to the Seventeenth day of the Second Month from the Autumnal Equinox, or to the 27^th of November in the Year of the Julian Period 2365, and the 2349^th before the Christian AEra; (by reason of the just number of 4044 Years since past and elapsed;) In case those Eight hundred or Nine hundred Years which the Samaritan and Septuagint have added, are to be allowed for, all is put thereby into confusion. The Situation of the Moon necessary to this matter is lost, and no reasonable Account to be given of her still ac∣companying the Earth. The place of the Perihelion, and Day of the beginning of the Deluge thence nearly determin'd, must have been about twelve Degrees, and as many Days socner; and the Day which Noah en∣tred into the Ark must have been not the Twenty seventh of the Second Month, as even the Septuagint by their way of reckoning were oblig'd to express it; nor the Seventeenth day of the same Month, as the Hebrew Verity and Samaritan Pentateuch do rightly deter∣mine it; but rather the Fifth of the same Month, contrary to the Faith and Agreement of all Copies and Translations in the World. So that upon the whole, the intire force of this Reasoning, and the conjoint Influence of the several ways by which this Hypo∣thesis fixes the day of the Deluge so nicely, conspires to confirm and give undoubted Attestation to the Hebrew Verity; and consequently to destroy the Au∣thority of the Samaritan and Septuagint, so far as they contradict the same, in the matters herein con∣cern'd.

Coroll. 7. Hence the Chronology of the Bible is establish'd, and all the pretended immense numbers of Years, which the Annals of some Nations recount, are confuted. For as the Year of the Deluge, from the

Hebrew Chronology given, the Day of the beginning of the Deluge therein assign'd is fully attested to, and determin'd on our Hypothesis, from Astronomy; so, vice versâ, the Day of the beginning of the Deluge from the same Sacred History given, (and within a Day or two confirm'd from Abydenus and Berosus corrected) the number of Years thereby assign'd, is at the same time establish'd also. The Methods before∣mention'd of fixing that Day, not permitting the Addition or Subtraction of a few hundreds, much less many thousands of Years, to or from those Four thousand and forty four, which the Holy Scrip∣tures require us to account since that time: Which therefore ought to be fully acquiesced in; and all other wild and extravagant Numbers be utterly re∣jected.

Coroll. 8. Hence, upon supposition that the Comet was of any given Magnitude, the height of the Tide, or elevation of the Abyss, with its incumbent Orb, may be reduc'd to Calculation, and its Quantity con∣sider'd and compar'd with the Phaenomena depend∣ing on it. Thus for instance, if the Comet were half as big as the Earth, which will hereafter appear not * 1.145 far from truth, and consequently approach'd eight times as near as the Moon, or Thirty thousand Miles off us; at its nearest distance, the elevation of the Abyss, or the height of the Tide above its former Posi∣tion must have been near eight Miles. For the Moon elevates the Ocean about six Feet above its moderate State; a Comet at the same distance, (half as big as the Earth, which is) Thirteen times as big as the Moon, would elevate the same Thirteen times as high, or Se∣venty eight Feet; and at an eighth part of its distance * 1.146 Five hundred and twelve times as high as the last, or Thirty nine thousand nine hundred and thirty six Feet, which is very near the before-mentioned height of eight Miles. Which Elevation of the Abyss seems very agree∣able

to the Phaenomena afterwards to be observ'd, and so within a due Latitude establishes the foregoing Hypotheses of the nearness of the Comets approach, and the consequent bigness of the Comet it self before∣mention'd.

SCHOLIUM.

Having thus establish'd this main Proposition, 'twill here be proper to describe as near as the Phaenomena of Comets, and of the Deluge, afford us any guidance, the particular Trajectory of the Comet, or that part of it which could be con∣cern'd with us, and our lower Planetary Regi∣ons, which accordingly, in a mean between such as approach exceeding near to, and such as remain at somewhat remoter distances from the Sun in their Perihelia, and agreeably to that Hi∣storical Trajectory of the last famous Comet deli∣neated by Mr. Newton, I shall here attempt. For tho' 'twere folly to think of delineating the very same in which the Comet revolv'd, yet we may easily come pretty near it; we may give the Reader a clear and distinct Idea of the whole matter, and enable him to judge of any particular con∣sequences occasionally to be drawn therefrom. Now verbal Descriptions in such cases being of small advantage, compar'd to Schemes and Graphical Delineations, I shall wave more words about it, and exhibit an intire Figure * 1.147 of the whole to the view and consideration of the Reader. From the careful Observation whereof the following inferences may be easily drawn.

Corollary 1. The Earth would twice pass quite through the Tail of the Comet; the first time at the beginning of the Deluge, and the second about Fifty

three or fifty four Days after: Their several Motions, then bringing them to the Situation describ'd in the Figure.

Coroll. 2. At the second passing by of the Comet, before its cutting the Ecliptick in its Ascent from the Sun, about Sixty two Days after the former passage, the Moon, which at the first was three Days past the New, at this last time must have been within a day or two of its Quadrature, past the like Conjun∣ction.

Coroll. 3. If at the first passing by of the Comet, the Moon was a small matter nearer the Comet than the Earth had been just before; she would be accelerated somewhat more than the Earth, and by her Position at the second passage she would be a little more retard∣ed than the Earth; and upon the whole might after∣ward retain an equal Velocity with it, as 'tis certain she still does.

Coroll. 4. That former superabundant Velocity would in the intermediate space cast the Moon far∣ther off the Sun, and thereby make it approach nearer the Earth at the Conjunction or New; and recede farther from it at the Opposition or Full than it did before. Which things being so, it may deserve consi∣deration, whether the present Eccentricity of the Moon's Orbit about the Earth, might not, without any change in its periodical Revolution, be hence de∣riv'd? And so, Whether the Menstrual Course were not as truly circular before the Deluge, as we have already shew'd the Annual to have been? Especially, when the Situation of the Moon's Apogaeon was, from the present Astronomical Tables, somewhat near that place which according to such an Hypothesis, and such a Trajectory of the Comet, it ought to have been, I mean the latter degrees of Cancer, or the for∣mer of Leo.

Coroll. 5. 'Twas almost the New Moon when the Comet's Tail involv'd the Earth and the Moon the second time; as the Position of the Earth in the Fi∣gure, with the consideration of the place of the Moon then, will easily shew.

BOOK III. PHAENOMENA.

CHAP. 1. Phaenomena relating to the Mosaick Creation, and the Original Constitution of the Earth.

I. ALL those particular small Bodies of which our habitable Earth is now compos'd, were originally in a mixed, confused, fluid, and uncertain Condition; without any order or regularity. It was an Earth without form, * 1.148 and void; had darkness spread over the face of its Abyss; and in reality was, what it has been ever stil'd, a perfect Chaos.

The Testimonies for this are so numerous, and the Consent of all Authors, Sacred and Pro∣phane, so unanimous, that I need only refer the Reader to them for the undoubted Attestation of it.

II. The Formation of this Earth, or the Change of that Chaos into an habitable World, was not a meer result from any

necessary Laws of Mechanism independent∣ly on the Divine Power; but was the pro∣per effect of the Influence and Interposition, and all along under the peculiar Care and Providence of God.

The Testimonies for this are so numerous, and so express, both in the Mosaick History it self, in the other parts of Scripture relating thereto, and in all Antiquity, that I may refer the Rea∣der to almost every place where this matter is spoken of, without quoting here any particulars. He who is at all acquainted with the Primitive Histories of this rising World, whether Sacred or Prophane, can have no reason to make any doubt of it.

III. The Days of the Creation, and that of Rest, had their beginning in the Even∣ing.

The Evening and the Morning were the first Day. * 1.149 And so of the rest afterward.

IV. At the time immediately preceding the six days Creation, the face of the Abyss, or superior Regions of the Chaos, were in∣volv'd in a thick Darkness.

Darkness was upon the face of the Deep. To which * 1.150 Testimony the Prophane Traditions do fully agree; as may be seen in the Authors before re∣fer'd to.

V. The visible part of the first days Work, was the Production of Light, or its succes∣sive appearance to all the Parts of the Earth; with the consequent distinction of Darkness and Light, Night and Day upon the face of it.

God said, Let there be Light; and there was * 1.151 Light: And God saw the Light that it was good, and God divided the light from the darkness: And God called the light, Day, and the darkness he called Night: And the Evening and the Morning was the first day.

VI. The visible part of the Second Days Work was the elevation of the Air, with all its contained Vapours; the spreading it for an Expansum above the Earth; and the distinction thence arising of Superior and Inferior Waters: The former consist∣ing of those Vapours, rais'd and sustain'd by the Air; the latter of such as either were enclosed in the Pores, Interstices and Bowels of the Earth, or lay upon the Sur∣face thereof.

God said, Let there be a firmament, or Expan∣sum, * 1.152 in the midst of the waters, and let it divide the waters from the waters. And God made the fir∣mament, and divided the waters which were under the firmament, from the waters which were above the firmament: And it was so; and God called the firmament Heaven. And the Evening and the Morn∣ing were the second day.

VII. The visible parts of the Third Day's Works were two, the former the Collection of the inferior Waters, or such as were now under the Heaven into the Seas, with the consequent appearance of the dry Land; the latter the production of Vegetables out of that Ground so lately become dry.

God said, Let the waters under the heavens be ga∣thered * 1.153 together unto one place, and let the dry land ap∣pear; and it was so. And God called the dry land Earth; and the gathering together of the waters called he Seas: And God saw that it was good. And God said, Let the Earth bring forth grass, the herb yield∣ing seed, and the fruit-tree yielding fruit after his kind, whose seed is in it self upon the earth; and it was so. And the earth brought forth grass, and herb yielding seed after his kind, and the tree yielding fruit, whose seed was in it self after his kind; and God saw that it was good. And the Evening and the Morning were the third day.

VIII. The Fourth Day's Work was the Placing the Heavenly Bodies, Sun, Moon and Stars, in the Expansum or Firmament, i. e. The rendring them Visible and Con∣spicuous on the Face of the Earth: Toge∣ther with their several Assignations to their respective Offices there.

God said, Let there be lights in the Expansum, * 1.154 or, firmament of heaven, to divide the day from the night; and let them be for signs and for seasons, and for days and years; and let them be for lights in the firmament of heaven, to give light upon the earth; and it was so. And God made two great lights; the greater light to rule the day, and the lesser light to rule the night; he made the stars also. And God set them in the firmament of the heaven, to give light upon the earth; and to rule over the day, and over the night, and to divide the light from the darkness; and God saw that it was good. And the Evening and the Morning were the fourth day.

IX. The Fifth Day's Work was the Pro∣duction of the Fish and Fowl out of the

Waters; with the Benediction bestow'd on them in order to their Propagation.

God said, Let the Waters bring forth abundantly * 1.155 the moving creature that hath life, and fowl that may fly above the earth in the open firmament of heaven. And God created great Whales, and every living crea∣ture that moveth, which the waters brought forth abundantly after their kind; and every winged fowl after his kind; and God saw that it was good. And God blessed them, saying, Be fruitful and mul∣tiply, and fill the waters in the Seas; and let fowl multiply in the earth. And the Evening and the Morning were the fifth day.

X. The Sixth Day's Work was the Pro∣duction of all the Terrestrial or Dry-land Animals; and that in a different manner. For the Bruit Beasts were produc'd out of the Earth, as the Fish and Fowl had been before out of the Waters: But after that the Body of Adam was form'd of the Dust of the Ground; who by the Breath of Life breath'd into him in a peculiar manner, became a Living Soul. Some time after which, on the same day, he was cast into a deep Sleep, and Eve was form'd of a Rib taken from his side. Together with several other things, of which a more particular account * 1.156 has been already given on another occa∣sion.

God said, Let the Earth bring forth the living * 1.157 creature after his kind, cattel and creeping thing, and beast of the Earth after his kind; and it was so. And God made the beast of the earth after his kind, and cattel after their kind, and every thing that

creepeth upon the earth after his kind; and God saw that it was good. And God said, Let us make man in Our Image, after Our likeness, and let them have dominion over the Fish of the sea, and over the fowl of the air, and over the cattel, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth. So God created Man in his own image, in the image of God created he him; Male and Female created he them, &c. Vid. ver. 28, 29, 30, 31. and Cap. 2. 7, 15, &c.

XI. God having thus finish'd the Works of Creation, Rested on the Seventh day from the same; and Sanctified or set that day apart for a Sabbath, or day of Rest, to be then and afterward observ'd as a Me∣morial of his Creation of the World in the six foregoing, and his Resting or keeping a Sabbath on this seventh day. Which Sab∣bath was reviv'd, or at least its Observation anew enforc'd on the Jews, by the Fourth Commandment.

Thus the Heavens and the Earth were finished, and * 1.158 all the host of them, and on the seventh day God had ended his work which he had made; and he rest∣ed on the seventh day from all his work which he had made. And God blessed the seventh day, and sanctify∣ed it, because that in it he had rested from all his work which God created and made.

Remember that thou keep holy the Sabbath day. * 1.159 Six days shalt thou labour, and do all thy work: But the seventh day is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God; in it thou shalt do no manner of work, thou, nor thy son, nor thy daughter, nor thy man-servant, nor thy maid-servant, nor thy cattel, nor the stranger which is within thy gates: For in six days the Lord made Heaven and Earth, the Sea, and all that in them is,

and rested the seventh day; wherefore the Lord bles∣sed the seventh day, and hallowed it.

XII. There is a constant and vigorous heat diffused from the Central towards the Superficiary parts of our Earth.

Tho' I might bring several Arguments from Ancient Tradition, the Opinion of great Phi∣losophers, and the present Observations of Na∣ture for this Assertion; yet I shall chuse here, for brevities sake, to depend wholly on the last evidence, and refer the inquisitive Reader to what the Learned Dr. Woodward says in the * 1.160 present case; which I take to be very satis∣factory.

XIII. The Habitable Earth is founded or situate on the Surface of the Waters; or of a deep and vast Subterraneous fluid.

This Constitution of the Earth is a natural re∣sult from such a Chaos, as we have already as∣sign'd; affords foundation for an easie account of the Origin of Mountains; renders the Histo∣ries of the several states of the Earth, and of the Universal Deluge very intelligible; is as Philo∣sophical, and as agreeable to the common Phae∣nomena of Nature as any other; without this supposition 'twill be, I believe, impossible to ex∣plain what Antiquity, Sacred and Prophane, * 1.161 assures us of relating to the Earth, and its great Catastrophes; but this being allow'd, 'twill not be difficult to account for the same to the greatest degree of satisfaction, as will appear in the pro∣gress of the present Theory: And Lastly, The same assertion is most exactly consonant to, and confirm'd by the Holy Scriptures; as the fol∣lowing Texts will fairly evince.

When the Lord prepared the heavens I was there: * 1.162 When he set a compass (Circle or Orb) on the face of the deep: When he established the clouds above, when he strengthened the fountains of the deep: When he gave to the sea his decree, that the waters should not pass his commandment; when be appointed the foundations of the earth.

He hath founded the earth upon the seas, and * 1.163 establish'd it upon the floods.

To him that stretched out the earth above the wa∣ters; * 1.164 for his mercy endureth for ever.

This they willingly are ignorant of, that by the * 1.165 word of God the heavens were of old, and the Earth, standing out of the water, and in the water; where∣by the world that then was, being overflowed with waters, perished.

The fountains of the great deep were broken * 1.166 up.

The fountains of the deep were stopped.

XIV. The interior or intire Constitution of the Earth is correspondent to that of an Egg.

'Tis very well known that an Egg was the so∣lemn * 1.167 and remarkable Symbol or Representation of the World among the most venerable Anti∣quity; and that nothing was more celebrated than the Original, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the most early Anthors; which if extended beyond the Earth to the System of the Heavens, is groundless and * 1.168 idle; if referr'd to the Figure of the Earth, is directly false, and so is most reasonably to be understood of the intire and internal Constitution thereof.

XV. The Primi ive Earth had Seas and Dry-land distinguish'd from each other in great measure as the present; and those si∣tuate

in the same places generally as they still are.

This is put past doubt by part of the third, the intire fifth, and part of the sixth Day's Works. * 1.169 One half of the third being spent in distinguishing the Seas from the Dry-land; the intire fifth in * 1.170 the Production of Fish and Fowl out of the Wa∣ters, and in the assigning the Air to the latter sort, and the Seas to the former for their respective Elements; and on the sixth, God be∣stows * 1.171 on Mankind the Dominion of the Inha∣bitants, as well of the Seas as of the Dry-land. All which can leave no doubt of the truth of the former part of this Assertion. And that their Disposition was originally much what as it is at present, appears both by the Rivers, Tigris and Euphrates, running then into the same Persian Sea that now they do: And by the Observations of Dr. Woodward fully confirming the same. * 1.172

XVI. The Primitive Earth had Springs, Fountains, Streams, and Rivers, in the same manner as the present, and usually in or near the same places also.

This is but a proper consequence of the Di∣stinction of the Earth into Seas and Dry-land; the latter being uninhabitable without them; and such Vapours as are any way condensed in∣to Water on the higher parts of the Dry-land, naturally descending and hollowing themselves Channels, till they fall into the Seas. However, the other direct proofs for both parts of the Asser∣tion are sufficiently evident.

I was set up from everlasting, from the beginning, * 1.173 or ever the earth was. When there were no depths, I was brought forth; when there were no fountains a∣bounding with water.

A river went out of Eden to water the garden; * 1.174 and from thence it was parted, and became into four heads, Pison, Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates: The two latter of which are well-known Rivers to this very day. And the same thing is confirm'd by Dr. Woodward's Observations. * 1.175

XVII. The Primitive Earth was distin∣guish'd into Mountains, Plains, and Vallies, in the same manner, generally speaking, and in the same places as the present.

This is a natural consequent of the two for∣mer: The Caverns of the Seas, with the extant Parts of the Dry-land, being in effect great Val∣lies and Mountains; and the Origin and Course of Rivers necessarily supposing the same. (For tho' the Earth, in the Theorist's way, were Oval, which it is not, 'tis demonstrable there could be no such descent as the course of Rivers requires.) However the direct proofs are evident.

The Lord possessed me in the beginning of his way, * 1.176 before his works of old. I was set up from everlast∣ing, from the beginning, or ever the Earth was. Be∣fore the mountains were setled: before the Hills was I brought forth: While as yet he had not made the earth, nor the fields, nor the highest part of the dust of the world.

Art thou the first man that was born? or wast thou * 1.177 made before the hills?

Lord, thou hast been our dwelling place from one ge∣neration * 1.178 to another. Before the mountains were brought forth, or ever thou hadst formed the earth and the world, even from everlasting to everlasting, thou art God. And indeed these three last Phaenomena are in their own Natures so linked together, they so depend on, and infer one another mutually, that the proofs of each of them singly may justly

be esteemed under the same Character to both the other; and all of them are thereby establish'd past all rational Contradiction. Of which whole matter, Dr. Woodward's Observations are a suffi∣cient * 1.179 Attestation also.

XVIII. The Waters of the Seas in the Primitive Earth were Salt, and those of the Rivers Fresh, as they are at present, and each, as now, were then stor'd with great plenty of Fish.

This appears from the difference of the Species and Natures of Fishes, some being produc'd and nourish'd by Salt Water, others by Fresh; and yet all created on the fifth Day. And this in all its parts is confirm'd by Dr. Woodward's Observa∣tions. * 1.180

XIX. The Seas were agitated with a like Tide, or Flux and Reflux, as they are at present.

There is in it self no reason to doubt of this; and 'tis moreover attested by Dr. Woodward's Ob∣servations. * 1.181

XX. The Productions of the Primitive Earth, as far as we can guess by the remain∣ders of them at the Deluge, differ'd little or nothing from those of the present, either in Figure, Magnitude, Texture of Parts, or any other correspondent respect.

This is prov'd by Dr. Woodward's Observa∣tions. * 1.182

XXI. The Primitive Earth had such Metals and Minerals in it, as the Present has.

In the land of Havilah there was gold; and the gold * 1.183 of that land was good, there was bdellium and the onyx-stone.

Tubal-cain, was an instructer of every artificer in * 1.184 brass and iron. Which is withal attested by Dr. Woodward's Observation. * 1.185

XXII. Arts and Sciences were invented and improv'd in the first Ages of the World, as well as they since have been.

Abel was a keeper of sheep, but Cain was a tiller * 1.186 of the ground.

Cain builded a city, and called it after the name * 1.187 of his son Enoch.

Jabal was the father of such as dwell in tents, and * 1.188 of such as have cattel.

Jubal was the father of all such as handle the harp * 1.189 and organ.

Tubal-cain was an instructer of every artificer in * 1.190 brass and iron. See also the Right Reverend Bi∣shop Patrick, on Gen. iv. 20, 21, 22, 25. and v. 18.

CHAP. II. Phaenomena relating to the Primitive State of the Earth.

XXIII. THE Primitive State of the Earth admitted of the prima∣ry Production of Animals out of the Waters and dry Ground, which the subsequent States, otherwise than in the ordinary me∣thod * 1.191 of Generation have been incapable of.

This appears from the History of the Creati∣on, compar'd with that of Nature ever since. By the former of which, (agreeing with the old∣est

Traditions) 'tis evident, That the Fishes and Fowls were the immediate Productions or Off∣spring of the Waters, and the Terrestrial Animals of the Dry-land in the Primitive State of the Earth: And by the latter 'tis equally so, that nei∣ther of those Elements have assorded the like ever since.

XXIV. The Constitution of Man in his Primitive State was very different from that ever since the Fall, not only as to the Temper and Perfections of his Soul, but as to the Nature and Disposition of his Body also.

This the whole Drift and Series of the Sacred History of this Primitive State supposes; in which these two Particulars may here be taken notice of: (1.) Nakedness was no shame, and * 1.192 so no sense of any need to cover it does appear. Those Inclinations which provide for the Propa∣gation of Mankind were, it seems, so regular, and so intirely under the command of Reason, that not so much as an Apron was esteem'd ne∣cessary to hide those Parts, which all the World have since thought proper to do. (2.) The Temper of the Humane Body was more soft, pliable, and alterable than now it is: Some sorts * 1.193 of Fruits and Food were capable of causing a mighty change therein, either to fix and adapt it to its present Condition, or discompose and disorder it; i. e. in other words, either to render it Permanent and Immortal on the one hand; or to devolve upon it Diseases, Corruption, and Mortality on the other. What concerns the Soul, or its moral Perfections, is without the compass of this Theory, and not here to be consider'd.

XXV. The Female was then very diffe∣rent from what she is now; particularly she was in a state of greater equality with the Male, and little more subject to Sor∣row in the Propagation of Posterity than he.

(1.) Her Names were as much as possible the very same with his. The Husband was call'd Adam, the Wife Adamah; the Husband Issch, the Wife Isschah. God called their Name Adam in * 1.194 the day that they were created. She shall be cal∣led Isschah, because she was taken out of Issch. (2.) We find little to infer any Inequality or Subjection till after the Fall. Adam said, This is now bone of my bone, and flesh of my flesh: There∣fore shall a man leave his father, and his mother, and shall cleave unto his wife, and they shall be one flesh. Unto the woman God said, (after the Fall) thy de∣sire * 1.195 shall be (subject to) thine husband, and he shall rule over thee. (3.) Her pains in Conception and Childbirth were inconsiderable in comparison of what they since have been. Unto the woman God * 1.196 said, (after the Fall) I will greatly multiply thy sor∣row, and thy conception; in sorrow thou shalt bring forth children.

XXVI. The other Terrestrial Animals were in a state of greater Capacities and Operations; nearer approaching to reason and discourse, and partakers of higher de∣grees of Perfection and Happiness, than they have been ever since.

This appears, (1.) From the necessity or oc∣casion of a particular view and distinct conside∣ration of each Species of Animals before Adam was satisfied that none of them were a Help * 1.197

meet for him, or suitable to his Faculties and Condition. (2.) From the Serpent's discourse with the Woman: In which, tho' the Old Serpent, the Devil, was also concern'd, yet the particular Subtilty of the Serpent is taken notice of as a means of her Deception, and a Curse denounced and inflicted on the same Beast upon account thereof. Now the Serpent was more subtil than any beast of the * 1.198 field, which the Lord God had made, &c. I fear * 1.199 lest by any means, as the Serpent beguiled Eve through his subtilty. The Lord God said unto the ser∣pent, * 1.200 Because thou hast done this, thou art cursed above all cattel, and above every beast of the field; upon thy belly shalt thou go, and dust shalt thou eat all the days of thy life. (3.) From St. Paul's Dis∣course in the Eighth Chapter to the Romans, * 1.201 For the earnest expectation of the creature waiteth for the manifestation of the Sons of God. For the crea∣ture was made subject to vanity, not willingly, but by reason of him who hath subjected the same in hope: Because the creature it self also shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption, into the glorious liberty of the children of God. For we know that the whole creation groaneth and travelleth in pain together, until now.

XXVII. The temper of the Air, where our first Parents liv'd, was warmer, and the heat greater before the Fall than since.

This appears, (1.) From the heat requisite to the Production of Animals, which must have been greater than we are since sensible of. Of which the hot Wombs in which the Foetus in viviparous Animals do lye, and the warm brooding of the Oviparous, with the hatching of Eggs in Ovens, are good evidence. (2.) From the nakedness of our * 1.202 first Parents. (3.) From that peculiarly warm

cloathing they immediately stood in need of af∣terwards, the Skins of Animals. Unto Adam also, (after the Fall) and to his wife, did the Lord God * 1.203 make coats of skins, and cloathed them.

XXVIII. Those Regions of the Earth where our first Parents were plac'd, were productive of better and more useful Vege∣tables, with less Labour and Tillage than since they have been.

The Lord God took the man, and put him into the * 1.204 garden of Eden to dress it, and to keep it; (before the Fall).

The Lord God said unto Adam, (after the Fall) * 1.205 Cursed is the ground for thy sake; in sorrow shalt thou eat of it all the days of thy life. Thorns also and thistles shall it bring forth to thee, and thou shalt eat the herb of the field. In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread, till thou return unto the ground, for out of it wast thou made.

XXIX. The Primitive Earth was not equally Paradisiacal all over. The Garden of Eden or Paradise being a peculiarly fruitful and happy soil, and particularly furnish'd with the necessaries and delights of an inno∣cent and blessed life, above the other Regions of the Earth.

The Lord God planted a Garden Eastward in Eden, * 1.206 and there he put the man whom he had formed: And out of the ground made the Lord God to grow every tree that is pleasant to the sight, and good for food; the tree of life also in the midst of the garden, and the tree of knowledge of good and evil.

The Lord God sent the Man forth from the garden * 1.207 of Eden to till the ground from whence he was taken: So he drove out the man.

XXX. The place of Paradise was where the united Rivers Tigris and Euphrates divi∣ded themselves into four streams, Pison, Gibon, Tigris and Euphrates.

Of this see the fourth Hypothesis before laid down.

XXXI. The Earth in its Primitive State had only an Annual Motion about the Sun: But since it has a Diurnal Rotation upon its own Axis also: Whereby a vast diffe∣rence arises in the several States of the World.

Of this with all its consequents see the third Hypothesis before laid down.

XXXII. Upon the first commencing of this Diurnal Rotation after the Fall, its Axis was oblique to the plain of the Eclip∣tick as it still is: Or in other words, the present vicissitudes of Seasons, Spring, Sum∣mer, Autumn and Winter, arising from the Sun's access to, and recess from the Tro∣picks, have been ever since the Fall of Man.

God said, on the fourth Day, Let there be lights * 1.208 in the firmament of the heaven, to divide the day from the night; which was their proper office till the Fall. And let them be, ever after, for signs, and for seasons, and for days, and years. After the * 1.209 Flood, While the Earth remaineth, Seed-time and Harvest, and Cold and Heat, and Summer and Win∣ter, and Day and Night shall not cease. Implying, that tho' the Seasons, as well as Night and Day, had been, during the Deluge, scarcely distingui∣shable from one another; yet the former as well as the latter distinction had been in nature before:

And surely the Spring, Summer, Autumn and Winter, with their varieties of Cold and Heat, Seed-time and Harvest, were no more originally begun after the Deluge, than the succession of Day and Night mention'd here together with them is by any suppos'd to have been. But of this we have at large discours'd under the third Hypothesis foregoing already; to which the Rea∣der is farther referr'd for satisfaction.

CHAP. III. Phaenomena relating to the Antedilu∣vian State of the Earth.

XXXIII. THE Inhabitants of the Earth were before the Flood vastly more numerous than the pre∣sent Earth either actually does, or per∣haps is capable to contain and supply.

In order to the proof of this Assertion, I ob∣serve, (1.) That the Posterity of every one of the Antediluvians, is to be suppos'd so much more numerous than of any since, as their lives were longer: This is but agreeable to the Sacred History, in which we find two at sixty five, and * 1.210 one at seventy years of Age to have begotten Children: While the three Sons of Noah were * 1.211 not begotten till after their Father's five hundredth * 1.212 year: When yet at the same time the several Children of the same Father appear to have suc∣ceeded as quickly one after another as they usual∣ly do at this day. For as to Cain and Abel, they

appear to have been pretty near of an Age, the World being at the death of the latter, not with∣out considerable numbers of People, tho' their Father Adam was not then an hundred and * 1.213 thirty years old; and so in probability contain'd many of the Posterity of both of them. (Which by the way fully establishes the early begetting * 1.214 of Children just now observ'd in the Antedilu∣vian Patriarchs, and if rightly consider'd, over∣turns a main Argument for the Septuagint's Ad∣dition of so many Centenaries in the Genera∣tions Before and After the Deluge.) And as to the three Sons of Noah, born after the five hun∣dredth * 1.215 year of their Father's Life, 'tis evident that two of them at the least, Japhet and Sem, were born within two years one after another. All which makes it highly reasonable to suppose, that in the same proportion that the Lives of the Antediluvians were longer, was their Posterity more numerous than that of the Postdiluvians. (2.) The Lives of the Antediluvians being pretty evenly prolong'd, without that mighty inequa∣lity in the periods of humane Life, which we now experience, the proportion between the Lives of the Antediluvians and those of the Postdi∣luvians, is to be taken as about nine hundred the middle period of their Lives; to twenty two, the middle period of ours: Which is full forty to * 1.216 one. And accordingly in any long space, the An∣tediluvians must have forty times as numerous a Posterity, as we usually allow with us for the same space, on account thereof. (3.) On account of the Coexistence of so many of such Generations as are but successive with us, we must allow the Antediluvian number of present Inhabitants to have been in half an Arithmetical proportion of such their longer lives after the duration of the

first Fathers is expir'd, and a gradual decrease of the Ancient stock going off, as well as a gradual increase of the New stock coming on, to be al∣low'd for: Till which time the proportion is not to be diminish'd. So that on this account for the first nine hundred years of the World the number of Inhabitants on the Face of the Earth, must be esteem'd forty times as great as in so long time are now derivable from a single Couple; and afterwards twenty times so; which Postulata suppos'd, I shall propose a Calculati∣on (built upon certain matter of fact) first how many they might have been by the Deluge; and afterward another or two, relying alike on Mat∣ter of fact, how many 'tis probable they really were, and must have been at the same time. (1.) 'Tis evident from the Sacred History, and * 1.217 not to be denied by those who forsake the He∣brew * 1.218 Chronology themselves, or who would lessen the numbers of the Antediluvians; That in the space of about two hundred sixty six years, the Posterity of Jacob alone, by his Sons, (with∣out the consideration of Dinah his Daughter) amounted to six hundred thousand Males, above the Age of Twenty, all able to go forth to War. Now by Mr. Graunts Observations on the Bills * 1.219 of Mortality it appears that about 34/100 are between the Ages of sixteen and fifty six: Which may be near the proportion of the Males numbred, to the intire number of them all. So that as thirty four to an hundred, by the Golden Rule, must six hundred thousand be to the intire number of the Males of Israel at that time: Which was there∣fore one Million seven hundred sixty four thou∣sand and seven hundred. To which add Fe∣males, near 1/15 fewer, as suppose, to make the * 1.220 sum even, one Million six hundred thirty five

thousand, three hundred, the Total is, three * 1.221 millions, and three hundred thousand; add forty * 1.222 three thousand for the Levites, (not included in the former accounts,) the intire Sum will at last amount to three millions, and three hundred forty three thousand Souls. Now if we suppose the increase of the Children of Israel to have been gradual, and equal through the whole two hundred sixty six years, it will appear that they doubled themselves every fourteen years at least; which proportion, if we should continue it through the entire hundred and fourteen Pe∣riods, (which the space from the Creation to the Deluge admits) the product or number of People on the face of the Earth at the Deluge would be the hundredth and fourteenth place in a Geome∣trick double proportion, or series of numbers, two, four, eight, sixteen, &c. where every succeeding one were double to that before it: Which to how immense a Sum it would arise, those who know any thing of the nature of Geometrick Progressions will easily pronounce, and may be soon tried by any ordinary Arithme∣tician. So that without allowing for the Longae∣vity, and that Coexistence, and more numerous Off-spring thereon depending, without taking as advantagious an Hypothesis as one might pre∣cariously, tho' possibly, do in such a case; If the Antediluvians had only multiplied as fast be∣fore, as 'tis certain the Israelites did since the Flood for the assigned term; the numbers of Man∣kind actually Alive and Coexisting at the Deluge, must have been, not only more than the Earth now does or possibly could maintain, but pro∣digiously more than the whole number of Man∣kind can be justly suppos'd ever since the Deluge, nay indeed, with any degree of likelihood, ever

since the Creation of the World. On which account this Calculation must not be at all esteem'd a real one, or to exhibit in any mea∣sure the just number of the Posterity of Adam alive at the Universal Deluge. But it serves to shew how vastly numerous, according to the regular method of humane Propagation, the Off∣spring of a single person may certainly be; and this on a Calculation from undoubted matter of fact, not from a meer possible Hypothesis, (ac∣cording to which numbers prodigiously greater would still arise.) It demonstrates the probabi∣lity, if not certainty, of Mankind's Original from a common head as well before as since the Deluge, and that within a few Millenaries of years. It, lastly, is more than sufficient to demon∣strate the Proposition we are upon, that the whole Earth must have been peopled long before the Flood, and at its approach have contain'd vastly more in number than the present does or can do. So that altho' I do not pretend to give a particular guess at the number of the Antedi∣luvians thereby, yet I thought it not improper to be here inserted. Which first Computation being thus dispatch'd I come to the (2.) which I take to be very probable, and very rational; and perhaps, within certain limits, to be ad∣mitted in the present case: Namely, That the Primary increase of Mankind after the Creation, (that the World might not be destitute of In∣habitants for many Ages) was not, at least considering their greater Longaevity, less than that of the Israelites in Egypt before-men∣tion'd: But that afterwards, (which was the case of the Israelites also) a much less proportion obtain'd. Upon which fair and modest Postu∣lata I shall demonstrate the truth of that pro∣position

we are now upon. In order to which I observe, from Mr. Graunt, that at this day the * 1.223 number of People does so increase, that in two hundred and eighty years, the Country doubles its People, and the City of London much sooner. Let us therefore suppose that after the first two hundred and sixty six years of the World, the former of those proportions were observed (and that must by all be own'd sufficiently fair:) and compute how many the number of People must on such a Calculation arise to before the Deluge. When therefore after the first two hundred and sixty six years, there was near five periods, each of two hundred and eighty years, (if the Lon∣gaevity of the Antediluvians, and the consequent Coexistence and more numerous posterity were ex∣cluded) the number of the Inhabitants by the Deluge would amount to about thirty times the former sum of three millions three hundred forty three thousand, or one hundred millions two hun∣dred and ninety thousand of Souls. But if we withal allow, as we ought, that this number is on account of Coexistence to be twenty times as great; and on account of more numerous posterity forty times so (which is on both accounts eight hundred times as great as the last mention'd); the num∣ber of People at the Deluge will amount to eighty thousand two hundred and thirty two millions; which number, since the present In∣habitants of the Earth, as some conjecture, scarcely exceed three hundred and fifty millions, is above two hundred and twenty nine times as great as the Earth now actually contains upon it, and by consequence many more than at present it could contain and supply. And this Hypothesis and Calculation are confirm'd by what I shall propose in the (3.) Place, and which must by

all be allow'd very fair and reasonable, namely, That tho' Mankind, Caeteris Paribus, increas'd but in the same proportion before, as they have done since the Deluge; we shall find, upon a due allowance for the two things before-men∣tion'd, Coexistence and more numerous Posterity, that the number last assign'd is rather too small than too great, and the numbers of the Inha∣bitants of the Earth were more than the present Earth does or can maintain, many years before the approach of the Deluge. For if the number of years before had been the same as that since the Flood, the Inhabitants, tho' they had been no longer livers than we now are, would have been as numerous as the present. But because the number of years before the Deluge wanted about two thousand four hundred of that since; we must allow or abate the increase, which has arisen in the last two thousand and four hundred years: Which, since in these latter ages it has been double in two hundred and eighty years, and so in two thousand and four hundred years about three hundred times as great as before; the Antediluvians, if their lives had been no longer than ours since, must have been but the three hundredth part so many as the Earth now contains upon it. But when on the two fore∣mention'd accounts, the number is to be eight hundred times as great, and on this only three hundred times as small; the excess is on the side of the Antediluvians, and their number five hun∣dred times as great as that of the present Inha∣bitants of the Earth. So that on this last Hypo∣thesis, which I suppose none can justly except against, tho' the present Earth be allow'd ca∣pable of maintaining five times as many People as are now by computation upon it; yet will

it appear that the Antediluvian Earth maintain'd an hundred times as many. Which I imagin not to be wide from probability; and, being so near the calculation before, may be allow'd as reasonable in the present case.

XXXIV. The Bruit Animals whether belonging to the Water or Land, were proportionably at least, more in number before the Flood than they are since.

This is I think generally look'd upon as no other than a reasonable deduction from the last Proposi∣tion; and is very fully attested by Dr. Woodward's * 1.224 Observations, as far as the remains of those Ages afford any means of knowing the same: And so ought in reason to be universally allow'd.

XXXV. The Antediluvian Earth was much more fruitful than the present; and the multitude of its vegetable productions much greater.

This is both necessary to be allow'd by reason of the multitude of its Inhabitants, rational and irrational, maintained by them; of which be∣fore: And abundantly confirm'd also by Dr. * 1.225 Woodward's Observations.

XXXVI. The Temperature of the An∣tediluvian Air was more equable as to its different Climates, and its different Sea∣sons; without such excessive, and sudden heat and cold; without the scorching of a Torrid Zone, and of burning Summers; or the freezing of the Frigid Zones, and of pier∣cing Winters; and without such sudden and violent changes in the Climates or Sea∣sons from one extreme to another, as the present Air, to our sorrow, is subject to.

These Characters are extremely agreeable to, * 1.226 and attested by, the ancient Accounts of the Golden Age. The gentleness of the Torrid and Frigid Zones is necessary to be suppos'd in order to the easie Peopling of the World, with the dispertion and maintenance of those numerous Inhabitants we before prov'd it to have con∣tain'd: Which if they were as now they are, would be very difficultly accountable. The gentleness of Summer and Winter, with the easie and gradual coming on, and going off of the same Seasons, are but necessary in order to the very long lives of the Antediluvians; which else 'twere not so easie to account for. And in∣deed the most of those Testimonies which have been suppos'd favourable to a perpetual Equinox before the Deluge, are resolv'd into this Propo∣sition; and if it can be separately establish'd, need not be extended any farther.

XXXVII. The Constitution of the An∣tediluvian Air was Thin, Pure, Subtile and Homogeneous, without such gross Steams, Exhalations, Nitrosulphureous, or other Heterogeneous mixtures, as occasion Coruscations, Meteors, Thunder, Lighten∣ing, Contagions, and Pestilential Infecti∣ons, in our present Air; and have so very pernicious and fatal (tho' almost insensible) effects in the World since the Deluge.

This is the natural consequent, or rather ori∣ginal, of the before-mention'd equability and uniformity of the Antediluvian Air: This must be suppos'd on the account of the Longaevity of the Inhabitants: And this is very agreeable to the last cited descriptions of the Golden Age.

The contrary Heterogeneous and Gross Atmo∣sphere, which now encompasses the Earth, is disagreeable to a regular state, (which an ori∣ginal formation from the Chaos supposes) as con∣taining such Dense and Bulky Exhalations, and Masses, which at first must have obtain'd a lower situation, and were not to be sustain'd by the Primitive Thin and Subtile Air or AEther. Such mixtures as this Proposition takes notice of, or those effects of them therein mention'd, have no Footsteps in Sacred or Prophane Antiquity, relating to the first Ages of the World; there is no appearance of them in the Serene and Pel∣lucid Air of the Moon, or of the generality of the Heavenly Bodies, and so there can be no manner of reason to ascribe them to the Ante∣diluvian state.

XXXVIII. The Antediluvian Air had no large, gross Masses of Vapours, or Clouds, hanging for long seasons in the same. It had no great round drops of Rain, descend∣ing in multitudes together, which we call Showers: But the Ground was watered by gentle Mists or Vapours ascending in the Day, and descending, in great measure, again in the succeeding Night.

This Assertion is but a proper consequent of such a Pure, Thin, Rare AEther as originally en∣compass'd the Earth. 'Tis very agreeable to the descriptions of the Golden Age, and to the * 1.227 present Phaenomena of most of the Planets (espe∣cially of the Moon, whose face, tho' so near us, is never obscur'd or clouded from us.) 'Tis ne∣cessary to be suppos'd in an Air without a Rain∣bow, as the Antediluvian was; (of which pre∣sently)

and is indeed no other than the words of the Sacred History inform us of.

The Lord God had not caused it to Rain upon the * 1.228 Earth, — But there went up a Mist from the Earth, and watered the whole face of the ground.

XXXIX. The Antediluvian Air was free from violent Winds, Storms, and Agitations, with all their effects on the Earth or Seas, which we cannot now but be sufficiently sensible of.

This the foregoing Phaenomena enforce: So Homogeneous, Pure, and Unmix'd a Fluid, as that Air has been describ'd to have been, by no means seeming capable of exciting in it self, or undergoing any such disorderly commotions or fermentations. Where no Vapours were collect∣ed into Clouds, there must have been no Winds to collect them; where the Climates preserv'd their own proper temperature, no Storms must have hurried the Air from colder to hotter, or from hotter to colder Regions; where was no Rainbow, there must have been no driving to∣gether the separate Vapours into larger Globules, or round drops of Rain, the immediate requi∣site thereto. This is also highly probable by * 1.229 reason of the perpetual tranquility of the Air for the first five intire Months of the Deluge, (as will be prov'd anon) which is scarce supposable if Storms and Tempests were usual before.

XL. The Antediluvian Air had no Rain∣bow; as the present so frequently has.

God said, (after the Deluge) This is the token * 1.230 of the covenant which I make between me and you, and every living creature that is with you, for per∣petual * 1.231 generations. I do set my bow in the cloud; and it shall be for a token of a covenant between me

and the earth. And it shall come to pass when I bring a cloud over the earth, that the bow shall be seen in the cloud. And I will remember my covenant, which is between me and you, and every living crea∣ture of all flesh; and the waters shall no more become a flood to destroy all flesh. And the bow shall be in the cloud, and I will look upon it, that I may remem∣ber the everlasting covenant between God and every living creature of all flesh that is upon the earth. And God said unto Noah, this is the token of the covenant which I have establish'd between me and all flesh that is upon the earth.

XLI. The Antediluvians might only Eat Vegetables; but the Use of Flesh after the Flood was freely allow'd also.

God said, (to our first Parents in Paradise) Be∣hold * 1.232 I have given you every herb, bearing seed, which is upon the face of all the earth; and every tree, in the which is the fruit of a tree yielding seed, to you it shall be for meat; and to every beast of the earth, and to every fowl of the air, and to every thing that creepeth upon the earth wherein there is life; I have given every green herb for meat: And it was so.

God blessed Noah and his sons, (after the flood) * 1.233 and said unto them, Be fruitful and multiply, and replenish the earth. And the fear of you, and the dread of you shall be upon every beast of the earth, and upon every fowl of the air, upon all that moveth upon the earth, and upon all the fishes of the sea; into your hand are they delivered. Every moving thing that liveth shall be meat for you; even as the green herb have I given you all things. To which when the Prince of Latin Poets so exactly agrees, let us for once hear him in the present case.

Ante etiam sceptrum Dictaei Regis, & antè * 1.234 Impia quàm caesis gens est epulata juvencis, Aureus in terris hanc vitam Saturnus agebat.

XLII. The Lives of the Antediluvians were more universally equal, and vastly longer than ours now are: Men before the Flood frequently approaching near to a thousand, which almost none now do to a hundred years of Age.

This is both fully attested by the most anci∣ent * 1.235 Remainders of prophane Antiquity, and will be put past doubt hereafter by a Table of the * 1.236 Ages of the Antediluvians, out of the fifth Chap∣ter * 1.237 of Genesis. Semotique priùs tarda necessitas Leti corripuit gradum.

XLIII. Tho' the Antediluvian Earth was not destitute of lesser Seas and Lakes, eve∣ry where disper'd on the Surface thereof; yet had it no Ocean, or large receptacle of Waters, separating one Continent from ano∣ther, and covering so large a portion of it, as the present Earth has.

This is evident, Because (1.) the number of * 1.238 the Antediluvians before assign'd, must have been * 1.239 too numerous for the Continents alone to main∣tain. * 1.240 (2.) The Ark appears to have been the first Pattern and Instance for Navigation (which had there been an Ocean, must have been very perfect long before); and this seems probable from the constant silence concerning Navigation in the Golden Age, from the common Opinion of all Authors; and from the necessity of the * 1.241 most minute and particular Directions from God

himself to the Fabrick of it in the Mosaick Hi∣story. (3.) That famous Tradition among the * 1.242 Ancients of the drowning a certain vast Conti∣nent, call'd Atlantis, bigger than Africa and Asia, * 1.243 seems to be a plain Relique of the Generation of the Ocean at the Deluge, and consequently of that Antediluvian State, where the greatest part of what the Ocean now possesses was Dry-land, and inhabited as well as the rest of the Globe. (4.) The Generation of the Ocean, with the Si∣tuation of the present great Continents of the Earth, will be so naturally and exactly account∣ed for at the Deluge, that when that is under∣stood there will remain to those who are satissied with the other Conclusions, small reason to doubt of the truth of this before us. (5.) The Testimony of Josephus (if the Theorist hit upon * 1.244 his true Sense) is agreeable, who says, At the Deluge God 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 chang'd the Continent into Sea.

CHAP. IV. Phaenomena relating to the Universal De∣luge, and its Effects upon the Earth.

XLIV. IN the Seventeenth Century from the Creation, there happen'd a most extraordinary and prodigious Deluge of Waters upon the Earth.

This general Assertion is not only attested by a large and special Account of it in the Sacred Writings, but by the universal Consent of the most ancient Records of all Nations besides, as

may be seen in the Authors quoted in the Mar∣gin; * 1.245 and is put moreover past doubt by Dr. Wood∣ward's * 1.246 Natural Observations * 1.247

XLV. This prodigious Deluge of Wa∣ters was mainly occasion'd by a most extra∣ordinary and violent Rain, for the space of forty Days, and as many Nights, without intermission.

Yet seven days, and I will cause it to rain upon the * 1.248 earth forty days and forty nights.

The windows of heaven were opened, and the rain * 1.249 was upon the Earth forty days and forty nights.

And the flood was forty days upon the earth. * 1.250

XLVI. This vast quantity of Waters was not deriv'd from the Earth or Seas, as Rains constantly now are; but from some other Superior and Coelestial Original.

This is evident, Because (1.) the Antediluvian Air (as was before prov'd) never retain'd great quantities of Vapours, or sustained any Clouds capable of producing such considerable, and so lasting Rains, as this most certainly was. (2.) The quantity of Waters on the Antediluvian Earth, where there was no Ocean, (as we saw just now) was very small in comparison of that at present, and so could contribute very little towards the Deluge. (3.) If the quantity of Waters on the Face of the Earth had then been as great as now, and had all been elevated into Vapours, and descended on the Dry-land alone, it were much too small to * 1.251 cause such a Deluge as this was. (4.) But because, if the Waters were all rais'd into Vapours, and descended in Rain, they must either fall upon, or run down into the Ocean, the Seas, and those

Declivities they were in before, they could only take up and possess their old places; and so could not contribute a jot to that standing and permanent Mass of Waters which cover'd the Earth at the Deluge. (5.) The Expression us'd by the Sacred Historian, that the Windows, Flood-gates, or Cataracts of Heaven were open'd * 1.252 at the fall, and shut at the ceasing of these Waters, very naturally agrees to this Superior and Coele∣stial * 1.253 Original.

XLVII. This vast fall of Waters, or for∣ty Days rain, began on the fifth day of the Week, or Thursday the twenty seventh day of November, being the seventeenth day of the second Month from the Autumnal Equi∣nox; (corresponding this Year 1696. to the twenty eighth day of October.)

In the six hundredth year of Noah's life, in the se∣cond * 1.254 month, the seventeenth day of the month, the windows of heaven were opened, and the rain was upon the earth forty days and forty nights.

Thus Abydenus and Berosus say it began on the fifteenth day of Daesius, the second Month from the Vernal Equinox; which, if the mistake, arising * 1.255 'tis probable from the ignorance of the change in the beginning of the Year at the Exodus out of Egypt, be but corrected, is within a day or two agreeable to the Narration of Moses, and so exceedingly confirms the same.

XLVIII. The other main cause of the Deluge, was the breaking up the Fountains of the great Abyss, or the causing such Chaps and Fissures in the upper Earth, as might permit the Waters contain'd in the Bowels of it when violently press'd and

squeez'd upwards to ascend, and so add to the quantity of those which the Rains pro∣duced.

All the fountains of the great deep were broken up. * 1.256

The sea brake forth, as if it had issued out of the * 1.257 womb.

XLIX. All these Fountains of the great Deep were broken up on the very first day of the Deluge, or the very first day when the Rains began.

In the six hundredth year of Noah's life, in the se∣cond * 1.258 month, the seventeenth day of the month, the same day were all the fountains of the great deep broken up, and the windows of heaven were opened.

L. Yet the very same day, Noah, his Family, and all the Animals entred into the Ark.

In the self-same day, last mention'd, entred * 1.259 Noah, and Shem, and Ham, and Japheth, the sons of Noah, and Noah's wife, and the three wives of his sons with them into the ark: They, and every beast after his kind, and all the cattel after their kind, and every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth after his kind, and every fowl after his kind, every bird of every sort.

LI. Tho' the first and most violent Rains continued without intermission but forty days, yet after some time the Rains began again, and ceased not till the seventeenth day of the seventh Month, or a hundred and fifty days after the Deluge began.

This is very probably gather'd from the migh∣ty increase of the Waters, even after the first forty days Rain were over; and from the express fixing of the stoppage of the Rains to the last day here assigned.

The Waters prevailed, and were increased greatly. * 1.260

And the waters prevailed exceedingly upon the * 1.261 Earth.

The waters prevailed (or were increased) upon * 1.262 the Earth an hundred and fifty days. And God re∣membred Noah, and every living thing, and all the Cattel that was him in the Ark: And God * 1.263 made a wind to pass over the Earth, and the waters asswaged. The fountains also of the deep, and the windows of heaven were stopped; and the rain from heaven was restrained.

LII. This second, and less remarkable Rain was deriv'd from such a cause as the former was.

This Proposition is (1.) Very fair and pro∣bable in it self. (2.) Gives an account of the augmentation of the Waters by their fall, when had they been only exhaled and let fall again, as our Rains now are, they would have added nothing thereto. (3.) Is exactly agreeable to the expressions in Moses; who says the Windows of Heaven which were open'd at the beginning of the first, were not shut or stopped till the end of this second Rain; thereby plainly deriving this latter, as well as the former, from a Superiour and Celestial original. The fountains of the deep * 1.264 and the windows of heaven were stopped, and the rain from heaven was restrained.

LIII. Tho' the fountains of the great deep were broken up, and the forty days Rain began at the same time, yet is there a very observable mention of a threefold growth, or distinct augmentation of the Waters; as if it were on three several ac∣counts, and at three several times.

The flood was forty days upon the earth, and the * 1.265 waters increased, and bare up the ark, and it was lift up above the earth.

And the waters prevailed, and were increased * 1.266 greatly, and the ark went upon the face of the waters. * 1.267

And the waters prevailed exceedingly upon the earth, and all the high hills that were under the whole heaven were cover'd.

LIV. The Waters of the Deluge increas'd by degrees till their utmost height; and then decreas'd by degrees till they were clearly gone off the face of the earth.

This is evident from the intire series and course of the Mosaick History, in the seventh and eighth chapters of Genesis.

LV. The Waters of the Deluge were Still, Calm, free from Commotions, Storms, Winds, and Tempests of all sorts, during the whole time in which the Ark was afloat upon them.

This is evident from the impossibility of the Ark's abiding a Stormy Sea, considering the vast * 1.268 bulk, and particular figure of it. For since it was three hundred Cubits long, fifty Cubits broad, and thirty Cubits high: Which is, ac∣cording to the most accurate determination of * 1.269 the Cubits length, by the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Peterborough, above five hundred and forty seven English feet long, above ninety one feet broad, and near fifty five feet high: And since withal it appears to have been of the figure of a Chest, without such a peculiar bot∣tom, and proportion of parts, as our great Ships are contrived with: 'tis evident, and will be al∣low'd by Persons skill'd in Navigation, that

'twas not capable of enduring a Stormy Sea. It must, whenever either the Ridges or Hollows of vast Waves were so situate, that it lay over-cross the one or the other, have had its back broken, and it self must have been shatter'd to pieces; which having not happen'd, 'tis a certain evi∣dence of a calm Sea during the whole time it was afloat.

LVI. Yet during the Deluge there were both Winds and Storms of all sorts in a very violent manner.

God made a wind to pass over the earth, and the * 1.270 waters asswaged.

Thou coveredst the earth with the deep, as with a * 1.271 garment; the waters stood above the mountains. At thy rebuke they fled; at the voice of thy thunder they hasted away. They go up by the mountains; they go * 1.272 down by the vallies unto the place which thou hast ap∣pointed for them.

LVII. This Deluge of Waters was uni∣versal in its extent and effect; reaching to all the parts of the Earth, and destroying all the Land-animals on the intire Surface thereof; those only excepted which were with Noah in the Ark.

The following Texts, especially if compar'd with the thirty third foregoing Phaenomenon, and * 1.273 added to Dr. Woodward's Observations attesting the same thing, will put this Assertion beyond rational Exception.

God looked upon the earth, and behold it was cor∣rupt; for all flesh had corrupted his way upon the earth And God said unto Noah, The end of all flesh is come before me.

Behold, I, even I do bring a flood of waters upon * 1.274 the earth, to destory all flesh, wherein is the breath of

life from under heaven: and every thing that is in the earth shall dye.

Every living substance that I have made, will I * 1.275 destroy from off the face of the earth.

All the high hills that were under the whole heaven * 1.276 were covered. — And all flesh died that moved upon the earth, both of fowl, and of cattel, and of beast, and of every creeping thing that creepeth upon the earth, and every man. All in whose nostrils was the breath of life; all that was in the dry land died. And every living substance was destroyed which was upon the face of the ground, both man, and cattel, and the creeping thing, and the fowl of the heaven, and they were destroyed from the earth; and Noah only remain'd alive, and they that were with him in the Ark.

LVIII. The Waters at their utmost height were fifteen Cubits above the highest Mountains, or three Miles at the least per∣pendicular above the common Surface of the * 1.277 Plains and Seas.

All the high hills under the whole heaven were co∣ver'd. * 1.278 Fifteen cubits upwards did the waters prevail, and the mountains were cover'd.

LIX. Whatever be the height of the Mountain Caucasus, whereon the Ark rested Now; it was at that time the highest in the whole World.

This is evident from what has been already * 1.279 observ'd, That tho' the utmost height of the Waters were fifteen Cubits above the highest Mountains, and so many hundreds, nay, thou∣sands above the most of them; yet, did the Ark rest on the very first day on which the Waters began to diminish, more than two Months be∣fore the emerging of the tops of the other

Mountains; As is evident from the Texts fol∣lowing.

The waters prevailed upon the earth (from the se∣venteenth * 1.280 day of the second, to the seventeenth day of the seventh month) an hundred and fifty days. * 1.281 And God remembred Noah, and all the cattel that was with him in the Ark; and God made a wind to pass over the earth, and the waters asswaged. The fountains also of the deep, and the windows of heaven were stopped, and the rain from heaven was restrain∣ed. And the waters returned from off the earth conti∣nually, and after the end of the hundred and fifty days the waters were abated. And the Ark rested in the seventh month, on the seventeenth day of the month, upon the mountains of Ararat. And the waters decreased continually until the tenth month: in the tenth month, on the first day of the month, were the tops of the mountains seen.

LX. As the Fountains of the great Deep were broken up at the very same time that the first Rains began, so were they stopp'd the very same time that the last Rains end∣ed; on the seventeenth day of the seventh Month.

The fountains also of the deep, and the windows of * 1.282 heaven were stopped, and the rain from heaven was restrained.

LXI. The abatement and decrease of the Waters of the Deluge was first by a Wind which dried up some. And secondly, by their descent through those Fissures, Chaps, and Breaches, (at which part of them had before ascended) into the Bowels of the Earth, which received the rest. To which latter also the Wind, by hurrying the Wa∣ters

up and down, and so promoting their lighting into the beforemention'd Fissures, was very much subservient.

God made a wind to pass over the earth, and the * 1.283 waters asswaged.

The waters returned from off the earth continually, * 1.284 or going and returning.

Who shut up the sea with doors, when it brake forth * 1.285 as if it had issued out of the womb? — When I brake up for it my decreed place, and set bars and doors, and said, Hitherto shalt thou come, but no fur∣ther; and here shall thy proud waves be stayed.

Thou coveredst the earth with the deep, as with a * 1.286 garment: the waters stood above the mountains. At thy rebuke they fled: at the voice of thy thunder they hasted away. They went up by the mountains: they went down by the vallies unto the place which thow hadst appointed for them. Thou hast set a bound that they may not pass, that they turn not again to cover the earth.

LXII. The dry Land, or habitable Part of the Globe, is since the Deluge divided into two vast Continents, almost opposite to one another, and separated by a great Ocean interpos'd between them.

This every Map of the Earth is a sufficient proof of.

LXIII. One of these Continents is consi∣derably larger than the other.

This is evident the same way with the for∣mer.

LXIV. The larger Continent lies most part on the North-side of the Equator, and the smaller most part on the South.

This (if we take South-America, the most con∣siderable and intire Branch of the whole, for the Continent here referr'd to, as 'tis reasonable to do) is also evident the same way with the for∣mer.

LXV. The Middle or Center of the North-Continent is about sixteen or eighteen degrees of Northern Latitude; and that of the South about sixteen or eighteen degrees of Southern Latitude.

This may soon be found by measuring the Boundaries of the several Continents on a Globe or Map, and observing the Position of their Centers.

LXVI. The distance between the Conti∣nents, measuring from the larger or Nor∣thern South-Eastward, is greater than that the contrary way, or South-Westward.

This is evident by the like means with the former: It being farther from China, or the East-Indies to America going forward South-East, than from Europe or Africa going thither South-West.

LXVII. Neither of the Continents is ter∣minated by a round or even circular Cir∣cumference, but mighty Creeks, Bays, and Seas running into them; and as mighty Peninsula's, Promontories, and Rocks jet∣ting out from them, render the whole very unequal and irregular.

This none who ever saw a Globe or Map of the World can be ignorant of.

LXVIII. The depth of that Ocean which separates these two Continents is usually

greatest farthest from, and least nearest to either of the same Continents; there being a gradual descent from the Continents to the middle of the Ocean, which is the deepest of all.

This is a Proposition very well-known in Na∣vigation; and in several Sea-Charts relating there∣to, may easily be observ'd.

LXIX. The greatest part of the Islands of the Globe are situate at small distances from the Edges of the great Continents; very few appearing near the middle of the main Ocean.

This the bare Inspection into a Map or Globe of the World will soon give satisfaction in.

LXX. The Ages of Men decreas'd a∣bout one half presently after the Deluge; and in the succeeding eight hundred or nine hundred Years were gradually reduced to that standard at which they have stood ever since.

This the following Tables will easily evince.

Ages of the Antediluvi∣ans in their Years.	Ages of the Postdiluvians in the present Years.
Adam —	930	Noah —	950 * 1.287
Seth —	912	Sem —	600
Enos —	905	Arphaxad —	438
Cainan —	910	Salah —	433
Mahalaleel —	895	Heber —	464
Jared —	962	Phaleg —	239
Enoch (translated) —	365	Reu —	239
Methuselah —	969	Serug —	230
Lamech —	777	Nahor —	148
Noah —	950	Terah —	205
Sem —	600	Abraham —	175
		Isaac —	180
		Jacob —	147
		Joseph —	110

The days of our years are threescore years and ten; * 1.288 and if by reason of strength they be fourscore years, yet is their strength labour and sorrow: for it is soon cut off, and we fly away. In the Days of Moses.

LXXI. Our upper Earth, for a conside∣rable depth, even as far as we commonly penetrate into it, is Factitious, or newly ac∣quir'd at the Deluge: The ancient one ha∣ving been covered by fresh Strata or Layers of Earth at that time, and thereby spoil'd or destroy'd as to the use and advantage of Mankind.

I will destroy them with the Earth. * 1.289

Neither shall there any more be a flood, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 to destroy, corrupt, or spoil the Earth.

This is moreover evident by the vast numbers of the Shells of Fish, Bones of Animals, Intire or Partial Vegetables, buried at the Deluge, and Inclosed in the Bowels of the present Earth, and of its most solid and compacted Bodies, to be commonly seen at this day. Whose truth is attested not only by very many occasional re∣marks of others, but more especially by the careful and numerous Observations of an Eye∣witness, the Learned Dr. Woodward. 'Tis true, * 1.290 this excellent Author was forc'd to imagine, * 1.291 and accordingly to assert, That the Ancient Earth was dissolv'd at the Deluge, and all its parts separated from one another; and so the whole, thus dissolv'd and separate, taken up in∣to the Waters which then cover'd the Earth; till at last they together setled downward, and with the fore-mentioned Shells, Bones, and Ve∣getables, inclosed among the rest of the Mass, compos'd again that Earth on which we now live. But this Hypothesis is so strange, and so mi∣raculous in all its parts; 'tis so wholly different from the natural Series of the Mosaick History of the Deluge; takes so little notice of the forty days rain, the principal cause thereof; is so con∣trary to the Universal Law of mutual Attracti∣on, and the specifick gravities of Bodies; ac∣counts for so few of the before-mention'd Phae∣nomena of the Deluge; fixes the time of the year for its commencing so different from the truth; implies such a sort of new Formation or Crea∣tion of the Earth at the Deluge, without war∣rant for the same; is in some things so little consistent with the Mosaick Relation, and the Phaenomena of nature; and upon the whole is so much more than his Observations require, that I cannot but dissent from this particular Hy∣pothesis,

tho' I so justly honour the Author, and so highly esteem, and frequently refer to the Work it self. All that I shall say farther is this, That the Phaenomena of the interior Earth, by this Author so exactly observ'd, are on the common grounds or notions of the Deluge, (which suppose the Waters to. have been pure, without any other mixtures) so unaccountable, and yet so remarkable and evident, that if no other rational solution could be offer'd, 'twere but just and necessary to admit whatever is as∣serted by this Author, rather than deny the reality of those Phaenomena, or ascribe the plainest re∣mains of the Animal and Vegetable Kingdom to the sportings of Nature, or any such odd and Chimaerical occasions, as some persons are incli∣nable to do. But withal, I must be allow'd to say, and the Author himself will not disagree, That his Hypothesis includes things so strange, wonderful, and surprizing, that nothing but the * 1.292 utmost necessity, and the perfect unaccountable∣ness of the Phaenomena without it, ought to be esteem'd sufficient to justifie the belief and in∣troduction of it. Which straits that account of the Deluge we are now upon, not forcing me into, as will appear hereafter; I have, I think, but just reasons for my disbelief thereof, and as just, or rather the same reason to embrace that Assertion we are now upon, That this upper Earth, as far as any Shells, Bones, or Vegetables are found therein, was adventitious, and newly acquir'd at the Deluge, and not only the old one dissolv'd, and resetled in its ancient place again.

LXXII. This Factitious Crust is univer∣sal, upon the Tops of the generality of

Mountains, as well as in the Plains and Valleys; and that in all the known Climates and Regions of the World.

This is fully attested by the Observations of * 1.293 the same Author, and those which he procur'd from all parts of the World conspiring together.

LXXIII. The Parts of the present up∣per Strata were, at the time of the Wa∣ters covering the Earth, loose, separate, di∣vided, and floated in the Waters among one another uncertainly.

This is proved by the same Author's Observa∣tions. * 1.294

LXXIV. All this Heterogeneous Mass, thus floating in the Waters, by degrees de∣scended downwards, and subsided to the bottom, pretty nearly, according to the Law of Specifick Gravity; and there com∣pos'd those several Strata or Layers, of which our present upper Earth does consist.

This is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.295

LXXV. Vast multitudes of Fishes, be∣longing both to the Seas and Rivers, pe∣rish'd at the Deluge; and their Shells were buried among the other Bodies or Masses which subsided down, and compos'd the Layers of our upper Earth.

This is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.296

LXXVI. The same Law of Specifick Gravity which was observ'd in the rest of the Mass, was also observ'd in the subsi∣dence of the Shells of Fishes; they then sinking together with, and accordingly be∣ing

now found enclos'd among those Strata or Bodies which are nearly of their own several Specifick Gravities: The heavier Shells being consequently still enclos'd a∣mong the heavier Strata, and the lighter Shells among the lighter Strata, in the Bowels of our present Earth.

This is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.297

LXXVII. The Strata of Marble, of Stone, and of all other solid Bodies, attained their solidity as soon as the Sand, or other matter whereof they consist, was arriv'd at the bottom, and well setled there. And all those Strata which are solid at this day, have been so ever since that time.

This is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.298

LXXVIII. These Strata of Stone, of Chalk, of Cole, of Earth, or whatever mat∣ter they consisted of, lying thus each upon other, appear now as if they had at first been parallel, continued, and not interrup∣ted: But as if, after some time they had been dislocated and broken on all sides of the Globe, had been elevated in some, and de∣press'd in other places; from whence the fissures and breaches, the Caverns and Grot∣to's, with many other irregularities within and upon our present Earth, seem to be deriv'd.

This is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.299

LXXIX. Great numbers of Trees, and of other Vegetables were also, at this subsi∣dence of the Mass aforesaid, buried in the

Bowels of the Earth: And such very often as will not grow in the places where they are lodg'd: Many of which are pretty in∣tire and perfect, and to be distinctly seen and consider'd to this very day.

This is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.300

LXXX. It appears from all the tokens and circumstances which are still observable about them, That all these Vegetables were torn away from their ancient Seats in the Spring time, in or about the Month of May.

This is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.301

LXXXI. All the Metals and Minerals among the Strata of our upper Earth owe their present frame and order to the Deluge; being reposed therein during the time of the Waters covering the Earth, or during the subsidence of the before-mention'd Mass.

This is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.302

LXXXII. These Metals and Minerals appear differently in the Earth, according to the different manner of their first lodg∣ment: For sometimes they are in loose and small Particles, uncertainly inclos'd among such Masses as they chanc'd to fall down withal: At other times some of their Cor∣puscles happening to occur and meet toge∣ther, affix'd to each other; and several conve∣ning, uniting, and combining into one Mass, form'd those Metallick and Mineral Balls or Nodules which are now found in the Earth: And according as the Corpuscles chanc'd

to be all of a kind or otherwise, so the Masses were more or less simple, pure, and homogeneous. And according as other Bo∣dies, Bones, Teeth, Shells of Fish, or the like happen'd to come in their way, these Metallick and Mineral Corpuscles affix'd to and became conjoin'd with them; either within, where it was possible, in their hol∣lows and interstices; or without, on their surface and outsides, filling the one, or co∣vering the other: And all this in different degrees and proportions, according to the different circumstances of each individual case.

All this is prov'd by the same Observations. * 1.303

LXXXIII. The inward parts of the pre∣sent Earth are very irregular and confused. One Region is chiefly Stony, another Sandy, a third Gravelly. One Country contains some certain kinds of Metals or Minerals, another quite different ones. Nay the same lump or mass of Earth not seldom contains the Corpuscles of several Metals or Minerals, confusedly intermix'd with one another, and with its own Earthy parts. All which irregularities, with se∣veral others that might be observ'd, even contrary to the Law of Specifick Gravity in the placing of the different Strata of the Earth, demonstrate the Original Fund or Promptuary of all this upper Factitious Earth to have been in a very Wild, Confus'd and Chaotick condition.

All this the fore-mention'd, and all other Ob∣servations * 1.304 of the like nature fully prove.

LXXXIV. The Uppermost and Lightest * 1.305 Stratum of Soil or Garden Mold, as 'tis call'd; which is the proper Seminary of the Vege∣table Kingdom; is since the Deluge very thick spread usually in the Valleys and Plains, but very thin on the Ridges or Tops of Mountains: Which last for want there∣of are frequently Stony, Rocky, Bare and Barren.

This, easie Observations of the surface of the Earth in different places will quickly satisfie us of.

LXXXV. Of the four Ancient Rivers of Paradise two still remain, in some mea∣sure: but the other two do not; or at least are so chang'd, that the Mosaick Descrip∣tion does not agree to them at present.

This the multitude of unsatisfactory attempts * 1.306 to discover all these Rivers, and their courses; with an impartial comparison of the Sacred Hi∣story with the best Geographical descriptions of the Regions about Babylon, will easily convince an unbyass'd Person of.

LXXXVI. Those Metals and Minerals which the Mosaick description of Paradise, and its bordering Regions takes such par∣ticular * 1.307 notice of, and the Prophets so em∣phatically refer to, are not now met with so plentifully therein. * 1.308

This must be allow'd on the same grounds with the former.

LXXXVII. This Deluge of Waters was

a signal Instance of the Divine Vengeance on a Wicked World; and was the effect of the Peculiar and Extraordinary Provi∣dence of God.

God saw that the wickedness of man was great * 1.309 in the earth, and that every imagination of the thoughts of his heart was only evil continually. And it repent∣ed the Lord that he had made man on the Earth, and it grieved him at his heart. And the Lord said, I will destroy man whom I have created from the face of the earth; both man, and beast, and the creeping thing, and the fowls of the air; for it repenteth me that I have made them.

The earth was corrupt before God, and the earth * 1.310 was filled with violence, and God looked upon the earth, and behold it was corrupt; for all flesh had corrupted his way upon the Earth. And God said unto Noah, the end of all flesh is come before me, for the earth is filled with violence through them; and be∣hold I will destroy them, with the earth.

Behold I, even I; do bring a flood of waters upon * 1.311 the earth, to destroy all flesh wherein is the breath of life from under heaven; and every thing that is in the earth shall dye.

God spared not the old world, but saved Noah, * 1.312 the eighth person, a preacher of righteousness; bring∣ing in the flood upon the world of the ungodly.

LXXXVIII. Tho' the Moon might per∣haps undergo some such changes at the De∣luge as the Earth did, yet that Face or He∣misphere which is towards the Earth, and which is alone expos'd to our view, has not acquir'd any such gross Atmosphere, or Clouds, as our Earth has now about it, and which are here suppos'd to have been ac∣quir'd at the Deluge.

This the present figure, and large divisions of Sea and Land visible in the Moon, with her con∣tinued and uninterrupted brightness, and the ap∣pearance of the same Spots, (without the inter∣position of Clouds or Exhalations) perpetually, do sufficiently evince.

LXXXIX. Since the Deluge there nei∣ther has been, nor will be, any great and general Changes in the state of the World, till that time when a Period is to be put to the present Course of Nature.

The Lord smelled a sweet savour, and the Lord * 1.313 said in his heart, I will not again curse the ground any more for man's sake; for (or altho') the ima∣gination of man's heart is evil from his youth: Nei∣ther will I again smite any more every thing living as I have done. While the Earth remaineth, seed-time and harvest, and cold and heat, and Summer and winter, and day and night shall not cease.

And this as to the time past is abundantly con∣firm'd by all the Ancient History and Geogra∣phy compar'd with the Modern; as is in seve∣ral particulars well observ'd by Dr. Woodward, * 1.314 against the groundless opinions of some others to the contrary.

CHAP. V. Phaenomena relating to the General Con∣flagration. With Conjectures pertain∣ing to the same, and to the succeeding period till the Consummation of all things.

XC. AS the World once perished by Water, so it must by Fire at the Conclusion of its present State.

The heavens and the earth which are now, by the * 1.315 word of God, are kept in store, reserved unto fire, against the day of judgment, and perdition of ungodly men.

The heavens shall pass away with a great noise, * 1.316 and the elements shall melt with fervent heat; The earth also, and the works that are therein, shall be burnt up.

In the day of God the heavens, being on fire, shall * 1.317 be dissolved, and the elements shall melt with fervent heat.

But this is so fully attested by the unanimous consent of Sacred and Prophane Authority, that I shall omit other particular Quotations; and * 1.318 only refer the Reader where he may have more ample satisfaction.

SCHOLIUM.

Having proceeded thus far upon more certain grounds, and generally allow'd Testimonies, as * 1.319 to the most of the foregoing Phaenomena; I

might here break off, and leave the following Conjectures to the same state of Uncertainty they have hitherto been in. But being willing to comply with the Title, and take in all the great and general Changes from first to last; from the primigenial Chaos, to the Consumma∣tion of all things: Being also loth to desert my Postulatum, and omit the account of those things which were most exactly agreeable to the Obvious and Literal sense of Scripture, and fully conso∣nant to Reason and Philosophy: Being, lastly, willing however to demonstrate, that tho' these most remote and difficult Texts be taken accord∣ing to the greatest strictness of the Letter, yet do they contain nothing but what is possible, credible, and rationally accountable from the most undoubted Principles of Philosophy: On all these accounts I shall venture to enumerate, and afterward to account for the following Con∣jectures. In which I do not pretend to be Dog∣matical and Positive; nay, nor to declare any firm belief of the same, but shall only propose them as Conjectures, and leave them to the free and impartial consideration of the Reader.

XCI. The same Causes which will set the World on Fire, will also cause great and dreadful Tides in the Seas, and in the Ocean; with no less Agitations, Concussions, and Earthquakes in the Air and Earth.

The Powers of Heaven shall be shaken. * 1.320

The Lord shall roar out of Sion, and utter his voice * 1.321 from Jerusalem, and the heavens and the earth shall shake.

The sea and the waves roaring: Mens hearts fail∣ing * 1.322 them for fear, and for looking after those things * 1.323 which are coming on the Earth; for the powers of heaven shall be shaken.

XCII. The mtmosphere of the Earth, be∣fore the Conflagration begin, will be op∣press'd with Meteors, Exhalations, and Steams; and these in so dreadful a manner, in such prodigious quantities, and with such wild confused Motions and Agitations, That the Sun and Moon will have the most frightful and hideous countenances, and their antient splendour will be intirely obscur'd; The Stars will seem to fall from Heaven; and all manner of Horrid Representations will terrifie the Inhabitants of the Earth.

I will shew wonders in the heavens and in the * 1.324 earth; blood, and fire, and pillars of smoke. The sun shall be turned into darkness, and the moon into blood, before the great and terrible day of the Lord come.

The sun shall be darkened, and the Moon shall not * 1.325 give her light, and the stars shall fall from heaven, and the powers of heaven shall be shaken.

There shall be signs in the sun, and in the moon, * 1.326 and in the stars, and upon the Earth distress of Na∣tions, with perplexity: — Mens hearts failing them for fear, and for looking after those things which are coming on the earth.

XCIII. The Deluge and Constagration are referr'd, by ancient Tradition, to great Con∣junctions of the Heavenly Bodies; as both depending on, and happening at the same.

Thus Seneca expresly: Berosus (says he) who * 1.327 was an Expositor of Belus, affirms, That these Revolu∣tions depend on the Course of the Stars; insomuch that he doubts not to assign the very times of a Conflagra∣tion, and a Deluge: That first mention'd when all

the Stars, which have now so different Courses, shall be in Conjunction in Cancer: All of them being so directly situate with respect to one another, that the same right line will pass through them all together: That last mention'd when the same company of Stars shall be in conjunction in the opposite sign Capri∣corn.

XCIV. The space between the Deluge and the Conflagration, or between the an∣cient state of the Earth, and its Purgation by Fire, Renovation, and Restitution again, is, from ancient Tradition, defin'd and ter∣minated by a certain great and remarkable year, or Annual Revolution of some of the Heavenly Bodies: And is in probability what the Ancients so often refer'd to, pretended * 1.328 particularly to determine, and stil'd The Great. or Platonick Year.

This year is exceeding famous in old Authors; and not unreasonably apply'd to this matter by the Theorist: Which it will better suit in this than it did in that Hypothesis.

XCV. This general Conflagration is not to extend to the intire dissolution or de∣struction of the Earth, but only to the Al∣teration, Melioration, and peculiar dispo∣sition thereof into a new state, proper to re∣ceive those Saints and Martyrs for its Inha∣bitants, who are at the first Resurrection to enter, and to live and reign a thousand years upon it, till the second Resurrection, the general Judgment, and the final con∣summation of all things.

The Heavens being on fire shall be dissolved, and * 1.329 the elements shall melt with fervent heat. Ne∣vertheless we, according to his promise, look for new heavens, and a new earth, wherein dwelleth Righ∣teousness.

Behold, I create new heavens, and a new earth, * 1.330 and the former shall not be remembered nor come into mind.

Verily I say unto you, That ye which followed me, * 1.331 in the regeneration, when the Son of Man shall sit upon * 1.332 the throne of his glory, ye also shall sit on twelve thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel. And every one that hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands for my names sake, shall receive an hundred fold, now in this time, houses, and brethren, and sisters, and mothers, and children, and lands, with (his present) persecutions, and in the world to come eternal life.

Of old thou hast laid the foundations of the earth; * 1.333 and the heavens are the work of thy hand: They shall perish, but thou shalt endure; yea all of them shall wax old like a garment; as a vesture shalt thou change them, and they shall be changed.

I saw thrones, and they sat upon them; and judg∣ment * 1.334 was given unto them: And I saw the Souls of them that were beheaded for the witness of Jesus, and for the word of God, and which had not wor∣shipped the beast, neither his image, neither had re∣ceived his mark upon their foreheads, or in their hands, and they lived and reigned with Christ a thousand years. But the rest of the dead lived not again until the thousand years were finished: This is the first re∣surrection. Blessed and holy is he that hath part in the first resurrection; on such the second death hath no power: But they shall be priests of God, and of Christ; and shall reign with him a thousand years, &c.

But so much has been said on this head, to omit others, by the Theorist, that I shall refer the Reader thither, for the other Testimonies of * 1.335 the Holy Scriptures, and the unanimous consent of the most Primitive Fathers: Both which he at large, and to excellent purpose, (some parti∣culars excepted) has insisted on.

XCVI. The state of Nature during the Millennium will be very different from that at present, and more agreeable to the An∣tediluvian, Primitive and Paradisiacal ones.

Whom the heavens must receive until the time of * 1.336 the restitution of all things, which God hath spoken by the mouth of all his holy Prophets since the world began. See more in the Theory. Book 4. Chap. 9. and in the proofs of the former Proposition.

XCVII. The Earth in the Millennium will be without a Sea, or any large recep∣tacle fill'd with mighty collections and quan∣tities of Waters.

I saw a new heaven, and a new earth; for the * 1.337 first heaven, and the first earth were passed away, and there was no more sea.

XCVIII. The Earth in the Millennium will have no succession of Light and Dark∣ness, Day and Night; but a perpetual Day.

The gates of the new Jerusalem shall not be shut * 1.338 at all by day; for there shall be no night there.

And there shall be no night there. * 1.339

XCIX. The state of the Millennium will not stand in need of, and so probably will be without, the light and presence of the Sun and Moon.

And the City had no need of the Sun, neither of the * 1.340 Moon to shine in it.

And they need no candle, neither light of the sun. * 1.341

C. At the conclusion of the Millennium, the Final Judgment and Consummation of all things, The Earth will desert its present Seat and Station in the World, and be no longer found among the Planetary Chrous.

I saw a great white throne, and him that sat on it; * 1.342 from whose face the earth and the heavens fled away, and there was found no place for them. * 1.343

BOOK IV. SOLUTIONS: OR, An Account of the foregoing Phaeno∣mena from the Principles of Philo∣sophy already laid down.

CHAP. 1. A Solution of the Phaenomena relating to the Mosaick Creation, and the origi∣nal Constitution of the Earth.

I. All those particular small Bodies of which our habi∣table Earth is now compos'd, were originally in a mixed, confused, fluid, and uncertain Condition; without any order or regularilty. It was an Earth with∣out form, and void; had darkness spread over the face of its Abyss; and in reality was, what it has been ever stil'd, A perfect Chaos.

I. THIS has been already sufficiently ac∣counted * 1.344 for, and need not be here a∣gain insisted on.

II. The Formation of this Earth, or the Change of that Chaos into an habitable World, was not a meer result

from any necessary Laws of Mechanism independently on the Divine Power; but was the proper effect of the Influence and Interposition, and all along under the peculiar Care and Providence of God.

II. 'Tis not very easy, I confess, in such mighty Turns and Changes of the World, exactly to determine how far, and in what particulars, a supernatural or miraculous Interposition of the Divine Power is concern'd; and how far the Laws of Nature, or Mechanical Powers ought to be extended. Nay, indeed, 'tis diffi∣cult enough, in several instances, to determine what is the effect of a natural and ordinary, and what of a supernatural and extraordinary Providence. 'Tis now evident, That Gravity, * 1.345 the most mechanical Affection of Bodies, and which seems most natural, depends entirely on the constant and efficacious, and, if you will, the supernatural and miraculous Influence of Al∣mighty God. And I do not know whether the falling of a Stone to the Earth ought not more truly to be esteem'd a supernatural Effect, or a Miracle, than what we with the greatest surprize should so stile, its remaining pendulous in the open Air; since the former requires an active In∣fluence in the first Cause, while the latter supposes Non-annihilation only. But besides this, Tho' we were able exactly to distinguish in general the ordinary Concurrence of God from his extraor∣dinary, yet would the task before us be still suf∣ciently difficult. For those Events or Actions are in Holy Scripture attributed immediately to the Power and Providence of God, which yet were to all outward appearance according to the constant course of things, and would, abstract∣edly from such Affirmations of the Holy Books, have been esteem'd no more miraculous than

the other common Effects of Nature, or usual Accidents of Humane Affairs; as those who have carefully consider'd these matters, especial∣ly the Historical and Prophetical Parts of the Old Testament must be oblig'd to confess. Nei∣ther is it unreasonable that all things should in that manner be ascribed to the Supream Being on several accounts. 'Tis from him every thing is ultimately deriv'd: He conserves the Natures, and continues the Powers of every Creature: He not only at first produc'd, but perpetually disposes and makes use of the whole Creation, and every part thereof, as the Instruments of his Providence: He foresaw and foreadapted the in∣tire Frame: He determin'd his Co-operation or Permission to every Action: He so order'd and appointed the whole System with every indivi∣dual Branch of it, as to Time, Place, Proportion, and all other Circumstances, that nothing should happen unseasonably, unfitly, disproportionate∣ly, or otherwise than the Junctures of Affairs, the demerits of his reasonable Creatures, and the wise Intentions of his Providence did require. In fine, he so previously adjusted and contem∣per'd the Moral and Natural World to one ano∣ther, that the Marks and Tokens of his Provi∣dence should be in all Ages legible and conspi∣cuous, whatsoever the visible secondary Causes or Occasions might be. Seeing then this is the true state of the Case; and that consequently, Almighty God has so constituted the World that no Body can tell wherein it differs from one, where all were solely brought to pass by a mira∣culous Power; 'tis by no means untrue or im∣proper in the Holy Books to refer all those things which bare Humane Authors would derive from second Causes, the constant Course of Nature,

and the Circumstances of Humane Affairs to the first Cause, the ultimate Spring and Original of all; and to call Mens Thoughts (which are too apt to terminate there) from the apparent occasions, to the invisible God the Creator, Go∣vernor, and Disposer of the whole, and the sole Object of their Regard and Adoration. This is, I say, a very proper and reasonable procedure; this is usually observ'd by the Sacred Penmen, (who are thereby peculiarly distinguish'd from Prophane Authors) and this is of the highest advantage in Morality. But then it must be withal acknowledg'd, That this creates great dif∣ficulties in the present Case, and makes it very hard in a Philosophick Attempt of this nature, to distinguish between those parts of the Mosaick Creation, which are Mechanically to be account∣ed for, and those in which the miraculous Energy of God Almighty interpos'd it self; which yet, if ever, is certainly to be allow'd in this case, where a new World was to be form'd, and a wild Chaos reduc'd into a regular, beautiful, and permanent System. This being said in general, to bespeak the Reader's Candor in the present Case, and to forewarn him not to fear the most Mechanical and Philosophick Account of this Creation, as if thereby the Holy Scriptures were superseded, or the Divine Power and Pro∣vidence excluded; I come directly to the Point before us, and shall endeavour to determine what are the Instances of the extraordinary Power and Interposition of God in this whole Affair. That as we shall presently see how Or∣derly, Methodical, and Regular this Formation was, so we may before-hand be duly sensible how Supernatural, Providential, and Divine it was also; and so as well, like Christians, contem∣plate

and adore the Omnipotent Creator in his Miraculous, as we, like Philosophers, shall at∣tempt to consider and remark his Vicegerent Na∣ture in her Mechanical Operations therein. For, notwithstanding what has been above insisted on touching the frequency and propriety of as∣cribing the Effects of Nature to the Divine Power (the former being indeed nothing, but the latter acting according to fixt and certain Laws); yet, because more has been commonly, and may justly be suppos'd the importance of the Texts of Scripture hereto relating; because the Finger of God, or his supernatural Effici∣ency, is if ever to be reasonably expected in the Origin of Things, and that in a peculiar and remarkable manner; because some things done in this Creation are beyond the power of Philo∣sophy and Mechanism, and no otherwise ac∣countable but by the Infinite Power of God him∣self; because the days of Creation are signally distinguish'd from those following, in which God is said to have rested (when yet his ordi∣nary Concurrence, and the Course of Nature was continued without Interruption), and must therefore be reckon'd such, on which he truly exerted a Power different from the other. On all these accounts, I freely, and in earnest al∣low and believe, That there was a peculiar Power, and extraordinary Providence exercis'd by the great Creator of all, in this Primitive Ori∣gin of the Sublunary World, or Formation of the Earth which we are going to account for. The particular instances I shall give of the same, without presuming to exclude all others, are these following,

1. The Creation of the matter of the Universe, and particularly of that of the Earth, out of no∣thing, was without doubt originally the alone and immediate Work of God Almighty. Nature (let what will be meant by that Name) could have no hand in this, from whence at the ut∣most she can but date her own Birth. The pro∣duction of a real Being out of nothing, or to speak more properly, the primary bringing any real thing into Being, is in the Opinion of all Men, the Effect of no less than an Infinite and Om∣nipotent Deity. I have already owned this to be * 1.346 the import of the first words of this Creation we are now upon, In the beginning God created * 1.347 the Heaven and the Earth. And I think 'tis here no improper place to declare my Opinion, That considering the Idea and Nature of God in∣cludes Active Power, Infinite Perfection, with Ne∣cessity and so Eternity of Existence; when the Idea and Nature of matter supposes intire Inactivity, no positive Perfection, and a bare Possibility or Capa∣city of Existence; 'tis as absurd and unreasonable to attribute Eternity and Necessity of Existence to the latter, as 'tis rational and natural to as∣cribe those Perfections, with a Power of Crea∣tion, to the former. The very Being and Nature, as well as the Properties and Powers of Matter be∣ing most justly and most philosophically to be re∣ferr'd to the Author of all, the Almighty Creator. And altho' our imagination (a poor, finite, li∣mited, and imperfect Faculty) be unable to have a positive Idea of the manner of the Production of a real Being at first (as indeed 'twere suffici∣ently strange, if so confin'd a Power of so im∣perfect a Creature should adequately reach the highest point of Omnipotence it self); yet see∣ing * 1.348 the Absurdities following the Eternity, and

Self-subsistence of Matter on the other side are so enormous; and the certainty of the proper Creation of Spiritual Beings nobler than Matter, such as the Souls of Men are, as great, as 'tis utterly incredible they should have been ab aeter∣no too (for I take it to be demonstrable that Souls are immaterial:) I think 'tis far more rea∣sonable to rest satisfied with our former Asser∣tion, That God did truly bring Matter into be∣ing at first, than its Eternity suppos'd, to make only the Modification and Management thereof the Province of the Almighty: And consequent∣ly the first instance of a Divine Efficiency with relation to the Subject we are now upon, and the highest of all other, was the original Pro∣duction of the Matter of which the Earth was to consist, or the proper Creation of those infe∣rior Heavens, and of that Earth which were to be the sole Object of the Divine Operations in the six days Work. This particular, I confess, does not so properly belong to our present business, the Formation of the Chaos into a habitable World; but could not well be omitted, either consider'd in it self, as it bears so peculiar a Re∣lation to our present purpose; or with respect to that misconstruction I might with some Rea∣ders have otherwise been liable to. But I pro∣ceed;

2. The changing of the Course and Orbit of the Chaos into that of a Planet (to omit the for∣mer Annual, and subsequent Diurnal Revolutions, which tho' equally from God, yet do not so fully belong to this place), or the placing of the Earth in its primitive Circular Orbit at its proper distance, therein to revolve about the Sun, was either an instance of the immediate Power, or at least of the peculiar Providence of

God. For if we should suppose, as 'tis possible to do, that God did not by a miraculous Ope∣ration remove the Chaos or Comet from its very Eccentrick Ellipsis to that Circle in which it now began to revolve; but that he made use of the Attraction or Impulse of some other Body; yet in this case, (without considering that one of those Powers at least is nothing but a Divine Energy,) the Lines of each Bodies motion, the quantity of force, the proper distance from the Sun where, and the exact time when it hap∣pen'd (to name no other particulars here) must have been so precisely and nicely adjusted be∣fore-hand by the Prescience and Providence of the Almighty, that here will be not a much less remarkable Demonstration of the Wisdom, Contri∣vance, Care, and Goodness, than the other immedi∣ate Operation would have been of the Power of God in the World.

(3.) The Formation of the Seeds of all Ani∣mals and Vegetables was originally, I suppose the immediate Workmanship of God. As far as our Micrometers can help us to discern the Make and Constitution of Seeds; those of Plants evi∣dently, * 1.349 and by what hitherto appears of Ani∣mals too, are no other than the intire Bodies themselves in parvo, and contain every one of the same Parts and Members with the compleat Bodies themselves when grown to maturity. When therefore, consequently, all Generation is with us nothing, as far as we can find, but Nu∣trition or Augmentation of Parts; and that agree∣ably thereto no Seed has been by any Creature produc'd since the beginning of things: 'Tis very Just, and very Philosophical to conclude them to have been originally every one created by God, either out of nothing in the primary

Existence of things; or out of praeexisting Mat∣ter, at the Mosaick Creation. And indeed since the Origin of Seeds appears to be hitherto unaccoun∣table by the mechanical Laws of Matter and Mo∣tion, 'tis but reasonable to suppose them the im∣mediate work of the Author of Nature: which therefore I think the wariest Philosopher may well do in the present case.

(4.) The Natures, Conditions, Rules and Quan∣tities, of those several Motions and Powers according to which all Bo∣dies * 1.350 (of the same general nature in themselves) are specifi'd, distin∣guish'd, and fitted for their several uses, were no otherwise determin'd than by the immediate Fiat, Com∣mand, Power, and Efficiency of Almighty God. 'Tis to be here consider'd, That tho' the Power of mutual Attraction or Gravitation of Bodies appears to be constant, and universal; nay almost essential to Matter in the present constitution of the world; (the intire Frame of that System in which we are, if not of all the other Systems, so strictly de∣pending thereon) yet the other Laws of Nature, on which the particular qualities of Bodies depend, seems not to be so; but mutable in themselves, and actually chang'd according to the changes in the figure, bigness, texture, or other conditions of the Bodies or Corpuscles with which they are concern'd. Thus the Cohaesion of the parts of Matter, and that in some with less, but in others with the greatest and most surpri∣zing firmness; the Fermentation of several hetero∣geneous Particles, when mixt together; the

Magnetism of the Loadstone, with the various and very strange Phaenomena of that wonderful Fossil; the Elasticity of certain Fluids and So∣lids; the contrary obstinate inflexibility and re∣sistance of others; the different Density of seve∣ral collections or masses of Fluids, (while yet the greatest part of their contained space is Vacuity) not to be considerably increas'd or diminish'd, without the destruction of the speoies: All these, and many other Phaenomena shew, That there are various Rules and Laws of Matter and Motion not belonging to all, as that of Gravitation does, but peculiar to some particular conditions there∣of; which therefore may be chang'd, without any damage to the Law of Gravity. In the impressing and ordering of which there is room for, if not a necessity of, introducing the parti∣cular and immediate efficacy of the Spirit of God at first, as well as of his continual concur∣rence and conservation ever since; When there∣fore, in a full agreement with the ancient Tra∣ditions, 'tis said by Moses, That the Spirit of God * 1.351 moved on the face of the waters. We may justly understand thereby his impressing, exciting, or producing such Motions, Agitations, and Fermen∣tations of the several Parts; such particular Powers of Attraction or Avoidance (besides the general one of Gravity) of Concord or Enmity, of Union or Separation; and all these in such certain Quantities, on such certain Conditions of Bodies, and in such certain distinct Parts and Regions of the Chaos, as were proper and neces∣sary for that particular Course and Disposition of Nature which it seem'd good to the Divine Spi∣rit to introduce, and on which this future frame of things here below was ever after to depend.

(5.) The Ordering of all things so that in the space of six successive Solar Revolutions the whole Creation should be finish'd, and each di∣stinct Day's work should be confin'd to, and compleated in its own distinct and proper period, is also to be ascrib'd to the particular Providence and Interposition of God. That every thing fol∣lowed in its own order and place: As that the Seeds of Vegetables on the Third, those of Fish and Fowl on the Fifth, and those of the Terre∣strial Animals on the Sixth Day, should be every one plac'd in their proper Soil, and fitly dispos'd at their proper time to accompany and correspond with the suitable disposition of external Nature, and just then to germinate and fructify, when the order and process of the other parts of the Crea∣tion were ready for, and required the same. Every thing here does so suit together, that the plain footsteps of particular Art and Contrivance are visible in the whole conduct and management of this matter: Which therefore is not to be de∣riv'd from meer Mechanical Laws of Brute Mat∣ter, but from a Supernatural and Divine Provi∣dence.

(6.) But principally, The Creation of our First Parents is to be esteem'd the peculiar Operation of the Almighty; and that whether we regard the Formation of their Bodies, or the Forepast Creation and After-Infusion of their Souls. 'Tis Evident from the Mosaick History of the Creati∣on, that Our First Parents were on the very same Day in which they were made, in a State of Ma∣turity and Perfection, and capable of all Hu∣mane Actions, both of Mind and Body. Now if they, like the other Animals, had been pro∣duc'd in the usual Time and Process of Gene∣ration, and come to ripeness of Age and Facul∣ties

by degrees afterwards; That were plainly impossible. This Creation therefore must have been peculiar, and the immediate Effect of a Divine Power. And this is noless agreeable to Philosophy, than suitable to the Dignity of the Subject, and for the Honour of Mankind. It has been already observ'd that the Seeds of Plants and Animals must be all ow'd to have been all the immediate Workmanship of God; and that they contain every individual Part or Member of the intire Bodies, in parvo; and that by consequence Generation is nothing else but Nutrition or Augmentation. Since therefore God by his immediate Power, Created the intire Bo∣dies of all Plants and Animals, 'tis by no means hard to conceive that he might Create them in what degree of Maturity and Perfection he pleas'd, without any manner of infringement of the Order of Nature then to be establish'd: And if we have reason to believe, that the Bodies of bruit Creatures were created in parvo, in a small State, such as we now call Seeds, and so requir'd a proper Generation, i. e. Nutrition and Augmen∣tation of parts (as the Mosaick History plainly describes them; and had it not done so, we could not with any certainty have asserted it); We have sure equal reason to believe, from the description of the same Author in this other case, that the Bodies of our First Parents were Origi∣nally created in their Mature Bulk, and State of Manhood, so as immediately to be capable of the same Operations which at any time afterward they might be thought to be. This Miraculous Origination of the Bodies of our First Parents is therefore very rationally ascribed to the Finger of God by Moses: And we may justly believe that the Blessed Trinity, as 'tis represented in the Sa∣cred

History, was peculiarly concern'd in the Production of that Being which was to bear the Image of God, and be made capable of some de∣gree of his Immortality. And then as to the Soul of Man, 'tis certainly a very distinct Being from, and one very much advanced above the Body; and therefore if we were forc'd to introduce a Di∣vine Power in the Formation of the latter, we can do no less than that in the Creation and In∣fusion of the former. And indeed the Dignity and Faculties of the Human Soul are so vastly ex∣alted above all the Material, or merely Animal Creation, that its Original must be deriv'd from the immediate Finger of God in a manner still more peculiar and Divine than all the rest. That nearer resemblance of the Spiritual Nature, Im∣mortal Condition, Active Powers, and Free, Rational, and Moral Operations of the Divine Being it self, which the Souls of men were to bear about them, did but require some peculiar and extraordinary Conduct in their first Existence, after-Union with Matter, and Introduction into the Corporeal World. Agreeably whereto we may easily observe a signal distinction in the Sacred History, between the formation of all other Animals, and the Creation of Man. In the former case 'tis only said, Let the waters bring forth the moving creature that hath life. Let the earth * 1.352 bring forth the living creature after his kind. But of the latter the entire Trinity consult: And God * 1.353* 1.354 said, Let Us make man in our image, after our like∣ness. * 1.355 And the Lord God formed man of the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath of life, and man became a living soul. As therefore the several parts of the Mosaick Creation before∣mention'd are not to be mechanically attempted, but look'd upon as the effects of the Extraordi∣nary

and Miraculous Power and Providence of God, so more especially the Formation of the Body of Man in its mature state, and most of all the primary Creation and after-Infusion of the Rational Human Soul, is to be wholly ascrib'd to the same wonderful Interposition and Efficiency of the Supreme Being, the Creator of all things, God blessed for evermore. All which taken toge∣ther and duly considered, is, I think, a sufficient and satisfactory Account of the Proposition be∣fore us, and attributes as much to the Miracu∣lous and Immediate Hand of God, as either Tradition, Reason, or Scripture, require in the present Case.

III. The Days of Creation, and that of Rest, had their beginning in the Evening.

III. This has been already accounted for, and * 1.356 need not here be repeated.

* 1.357

Corollary 1. This Phaenomenon in some measure confirms our Hypothesis, that the Primitive Days of the World were Years also. For otherwise the space of one single short Night seems too inconsiderable to have been taken such notice of in this History; and then, and ever after, made the first half of the Natural Day. But if it were equal to half a Year, it was too consi∣derable to be omitted, and its memory was very justly preserv'd in succeeding Ages.

Corollary 2. We may here begin to take notice of the Regularity and Methodicalness of this History of the Creation: Which, tho' it principally intends the giving an account of the Visible Parts of the World, and how the state of Nature in each Period appeared in the Day time; yet Omits not the foregoing Night: which is very Mechanical and Natural. For in the preceding

Night all things were so prepar'd and dispos'd, that the Work of each Day might, upon its appearance, display it self; might be exhibited, not in its unseen beginnings, or secret Workings, not in its praevious Causes, and gradual Procedure, (which was not the Design of this History) but in that more distinct and perfect condi∣tion in which things would in the Day time appear to the view of a Spectator, and under which chiefly they were to be discribed and recorded in this History.

IV. At the time immediately preceding the Six Days Creation, the Face of the Abyss, or superior Re∣gions of the Chaos, were involv'd in a Thick Dark∣ness.

IV. If we consider what has been already said of * 1.358 the Nature of a Comet, or peculiarly of that At∣mosphere which has been before shewn to have been the ancient Chaos, we ought to represent it to our selves as containing a Central, Solid, Hot Body, of about 7000 or 8000 Miles in Diameter; and besides that, a vastly large, fluid, heterogeneous Mass, or congeries of Bodies, in a very rare, se∣perate, and expanded condition, whose Diame∣ter were twelve, or perhaps fifteen times as long as that of the central Solid, or about 100000 Miles; which is the Atmosphere or Chaos now to be consider'd: In which we must remember was contain'd both a smaller quantity of dry, solid, or earthy Parts, (with a still much smaller of Aery and Watery) and a much larger quantity of dense and heavy Fluids, of which the main bulk of the Atmosphere was compos'd, all confusedly mix'd, blended, and jumbled together. In which state the Theorist's First Figure, excepting the omission * 1.359 of the Central Solid, will well enough represent it; and in which state we accordingly delineate it in the following Figure:

[illustration]

But upon the change of the Comet's Orbit from Elliptical to Circular, the Commencing of the Mosaick Creation, and the Influence of the Divine Spirit, all things would begin to take their own places, and each species of Bodies rank themselves into that order, which, according to the law of specifick gravity, were due to them. By which method the Mass of dense Fluids, which compos'd the main bulk of the intire Chaos, being heavier than the Masses of Earth, Water, and Air, would sink downwards with the greatest force and velocity, and elevate those

Masses inclosed among them upwards. Which procedure must therefore distinguish the Chaos or Atmosphere into two very different and distinct Regions: The lower and larger whereof would be a collection or system of dense and heavy Fluids, or a vast Abyss immediately encompassing the central solid Body: The higher and lesser would be a collection, or system of earthy, watery, and aery Parts, confusedly mix'd toge∣ther, and encompassing the said Abyss, in the same manner as that did the central Solid. And this I take to be the state of Darkness, which the Proposition we are upon mentions: And that the Chaos, particularly, the Face or upper Regions of it, were at this time in such a dark and caliginous Condition, will easily appear. For all those Opake or Earthy Corpuscles which before rov'd about the immense Regions of the Atmo∣sphere, and frequently even then obscur'd the Central Solid to any external Spectator, were now crouded nearer together; and instead of flying up and down in, or possessing an Orb of 40000 or 50000 Miles in thickness, were reduced to a narrower Sphere, and confin'd within a space not perhaps in Diameter above the thousandth part of the former; and must by consequence exclude the Rays of the Sun in anotherguess manner than before. We cannot but observe in our pre∣sent Air, That the very same Vapours which, when dissipated and scatter'd through the Atmosphere, (whose extent yet is not great) freely admit the Rays of the Sun, and afford us clear and light∣some days; when they are collected into Clouds, become opake Masses, and are capable of obscu∣ring the Sky, and rendring it considerably dark to us. In the same manner 'tis easy to suppose, that those Opake and Earthy Masses, which in

those vaster Regions would but in a less degree, and in some places, exclude the Beams of the Sun, must, when collected and crowded closer together on the surface of the Abyss, exclude them in a degree vastly surpassing the former; must occasion an entire darkness in all its Regi∣ons, and particularly in those upper ones, over which they were immediately collected. And if from the former comparison we estimate how few Vapours collected into a Cloud with us will cause no inconsiderable degree of darkness; and allow, as is but reasonable, a proportionably greater de∣gree of darkness to a proportionably greater num∣ber of Earthy and Opake Corpuscles crowded to gether; we shall not doubt but all manner of communication with the Heavenly Bodies, and the External World, must be intirely interrupted; and the least imaginable Ray or Beam of Light from the Sun excluded, not only from the lowest, but even all, excepting the very highest Regions of this superior Chaos. Which state of Nature, be∣longing to this time, immediately preceding the Hexameron, is not amiss represented by the Theo∣rist's * 1.360 Second Figure, which is accordingly here delineated.

[illustration]

V. The Visible part of the First Day's Work was the Production of Light, or its successive Appearance to all the parts of the Earth; with the consequent di∣stinction of Darkness and Light, Night and Day upon the face of it.

V. If we remember in what state we left the Chaos in the last Proposition, and suffer our thoughts to run naturally along with its succeed∣ing mutations, we shall find that the next thing to be here consider'd, (for the Subterraneous System of dense Fluids, or the great Abyss, not coming directly within the Design of Moses, is

not here to be particularly prosecuted any far∣ther) is the Separation of this Upper and Ele∣mentary Chaos, or Congeries of Earthy, Watery and Aery Corpusoles, into two somewhat diffe∣rent Regions; the one a Solid Orb of Earth, with great quantities of Water in its Pores; the other an Atmosphere in a peculiar sense, or Mass of the lightest Earthy, with the rest of the Wa∣tery and the Aery Particles, still somewhat confu∣sedly mixt together. For since this Upper Chaos, (tho' in general much lighter than the Abyss be∣neath) consisted of parts very Heterogeneous, and of different specifick gravities (the Earthy being heavier than the Watery, and those yet heavier than the Aery Particles;) 'tis evident, that in the same manner as this whole mixed Mass was separated from the heavier Abyss be∣neath, must it again separate and divide it self in∣to two such general Orbs as were just now men∣tion'd. The former consisting of the denser and solider parts, such as the Earthy, Claiy, Sandy, Gravelly, Stony Strata of the present Earth, with so many of the Watery Particles as either being already in those Regions must be inclosed therein, or could descend from above, and have admittance into the Pores thereof: The latter of the less Solid, Lighter, and Earthy, with the rest of the Watery, and the Aery Particles, not yet sufficiently distinguish'd from each other. This process will I suppose easily be allow'd, except∣ing what relates to the enclosing of the Watery parts within the Earth; with relation to which, 'tis commonly suppos'd that because Water is specifically lighter than Earth, it must in the re∣gular digestions of a Chaos, take the Upper si∣tuation, and cover that highest Orb, as that would others of greater gravity than it self. 'Tis

also commonly imagin'd that the Mosaick Cosmo∣gony favours such an Hypothesis, and supposes the Waters to have encompass'd the Globe, and co∣ver'd its surface, till on the third day they were deriv'd into the Seas. Now, as I by no means apprehend any necessity of understanding the Mosaick Creation in this sense; so I am very sure 'tis contrary to a Philosophick account of the Formation of the Chaos; unless one of these two things were certain, Either that the quanti∣ty of Water were so much greater than that of Earth, that all the Pores and Interstices of the latter could not contain it; or else that it was generally elevated into the Air in the form of Vapour, and sustained there while the Earth set∣led and consolidated together, and did not till then descend and take its own proper place. The former of which is neither reconcilable to the Mosaick Creation, nor will be asserted by any who knows, even since the Deluge, how small the quantity of Fluids in comparison to that of the Solids is in the Earth on which we live. And the latter is too much to be granted in the present case by any considering person, who knows that a Comet's Vapours constitute the main part of that Tail or Mist, which is sometimes equal to a Cylinder, whose Basis is 1000000 Miles in Dia∣meter, and its Altitude as far as from the Sun to the Earth, or 54000000 Miles; (as it was in the last famous Comet in 1681. represented in Mr. Newton's own Scheme) Let the rarity of the same be suppos'd as great as any Phaenomena shall require. For to clear this matter by a fa∣miliar Instance or Experiment; Take Sand or Dust, and let them fall gently into a Vessel, till it be near full: Take afterwards some Water, and pour it alike gently into the same Vessel:

And it will soon appear, that, notwithstanding the greater specifick gravity of the Dry and Earthy, than of the Moist and Watery parts, (whence one might imagine that the Sand or Dust would be the lowest, and the Water swim uppermost on the surface of the other, without mingling therewith) yet will the latter imme∣diately sink downwards, and so throughly drench and satiate the said Mass before any will remain on the top, that its proportion to that of the Solid parts will be very considerable. Which being apply'd to the point before us, will take a∣way all imaginable difficulty in the case: It be∣ing evident, without this comparison, that such Watery Particles as were already intermix'd with the others would remain where they were; and with this, equally so, that the rest, which were above the same, upon the first subsidence of the Earthy Strata would penetrate, pervade and saturate the same. So that on this first Day or Year of the Creation, the Earthy and Denser parts would take their places lowest, on the surface of the great Abyss; would settle in part into the same, and compose an Orb of Earth; and in its Inter∣stices and little Cavities all such Watery Particles as were already in this Region, or descended up∣on it before its consolidation, would be en∣clos'd; and that as far above the surface of the Abyss, to which they would be contiguous, as their quantity could enable them to reach. On this first Day or Year also the upper Regions of the Chaos, being now in some measure freed from those Earthy and Opake Masses which before excluded the same, and caused the before-men∣tion'd thick Darkness; would in some degree admit the Rays of the Sun. Now therefore that glorious Emanation, Light, the visible part

of this days Work, would begin to appear on the face of the Earth: Now would It, by the Annual Motion, successively illuminate the se∣veral parts of it: And now would it consequent∣ly cause that natural Distinction between Dark∣ness and Light, Night and Day round the whole Globe, which was to be accounted for in this Proposition. Which progress of the Chaos, and state of Nature is well enough exhibited by the Theorist's third Figure; which therefore is here * 1.361 delineated.

[illustration]

Corollary, Hence we may observe the Justness of the Mosaick Creation, and how fitly it begins at the Production of Light; without taking notice of such prior conditions, and such preparations of the Chaos which have been before explain'd, and were in order of Nature previous to this days Work. For this ac∣count reaching only to the Visible World, and the Visible Effects in it; and keeping still within the bounds of sense, and of common observation, could not better be accommodated to the truth of things, and the ca∣pacities of all, than by such a Procedure. The Ancient condition of the Chaos in former Ages was no way here concern'd, and so was intirely to be omitted. The State of Darkness which immediately preceded the Six Days Work, and which, with relation thereto, was necessary to be mention'd, made a very proper introduction, and so very fitly was to be hinted at by way of Preface thereto. Both which cases are ac∣cordingly by Moses taken care of. And so the first Period was the Production of Light, the Admission of the Rays of the Sun, and the Origin of Day and Night depending thereon; as the Method and De∣corum of things, with the apprehensions of the People, did both very naturally require. For since in this Sacred History of the Origin of things, not only the Visible World, and the Visible parts of it were sing∣ly concern'd; But principally the Effects to be enu∣merated were such as requir'd the Light and Heat of the Sun, the one to be View'd, the other to be Pro∣duced by; and without the latter could no more have Been at all, than been Conspicuous without the former; 'Twas very suitable, and very natural in the first place to introduce the Cause or Instrument, and afterwards in the succeeding Periods, to recount the Effects thereof in the World: First to acquaint us that the Light and Heat of the Sun were in some measure admitted into the upper Regions of the Chaos,

and then to relate those remarkable consequences there∣of which the succeeding Periods of the Creation exhi∣bited on the face of the Earth. Which Order of Na∣ture, and Succession of Things, is accordingly very prudently and fitly observ'd, and kept pace with, in this Sacred History.

VI. The visible part of the Second Day's Work was the Elevation of the Air, with all its contained Vapours; the spreading it for an Expansum above the Earth, and the distinction thence arising of Superior and Inferior Waters: The formet consisting of those Vapours, rais'd and sustain'd by the Air; The latter of such as either were inclos'd in the Pores, Interstices and Bowels of the Earth, or lay upon the Surface thereof.

VI. When at the Conclusion of the former Day the Heat of the Sun began considerably to penetrate the Superior Regions of the Chaos, and the two different Orbs, the Solider Earthy, and the Fluider Aery Masses, began to be pretty well distinguished, the same things would pro∣ceed still on this succeeding Day. The Lower Earthy Strata would be settling somewhat closer together; the Watery parts would subside, and saturate their inward Pores and Vacuities, and the Atmosphere would free it self more and more from the heaviest and most Opake Corpuscles, and thereby become in a greater degree tenuious, pure, and clear than before. Whereupon by that time the Night or first half of this Second Day or Year was over, and the Sun arose, The Light and Heat of that Luminary, would more freely and deeply penetrate the Atmosphere, and become very sensible in these Upper or Aery Regions. Which being suppos'd, the proper Effect which were to be next expected must be, that vast quantities of Vapours would be eleva∣ted into, and there sustained by the now better

purified Air; while in the mean time all the Earthy Corpuscles which were uncapable of rarefaction, and with them all such Watery Par∣ticles as were so near the Earth that the Sun's Power could not sufficiently reach them, were still sinking downwards and increasing the cras∣situde and bulk of the Solid Earth, and of its included Waters. From all which 'tis easie to account for the Particulars of this Day's Work. The Expansum or Firmament which was this day spread out above the Earth was plainly the Air, now truly so called, as be∣ing freed from most of its Earthy mixtures. The Superior Waters, All those which in the form of Vapour a half years heat of the Sun, with the continual assistance of the Central Heat, could elevate, and the Air sustain. The Inferior Waters, those which were not elevated, but remain'd below, all that fell down with, were enclosed in, sunk into, and, if you will, lay upon the Orb of Earth beneath. And when it is parti∣cularly said by Moses that 'twas this Expansum or Firmament which was to divide the Superior from the Inferior Waters, that is exactly agree∣able to the nature of things, and suitable to this account: It being the Air which truly and pro∣perly sustain'd all those Vapours, as now it does the Clouds, above the Earth; and was thereby the means of separating them from their Fellows in the Bowels, or on the surface thereof. Which state of the Chaos, or Progress of the Creation, is well represented in the Theorist's fourth Figure; * 1.362 which here follows.

[illustration]

Corollary I. Hence appears a sufficient Reason why in this Six Days Creation one intire Day is al∣low'd to the Formation of the Air, and the distinguish∣ing the Vapours in the same, from those beneath; which has hitherto seem'd somewhat strange and dispro∣portionate. 'Tis certain this Work requir'd as long a time, and was of as great importance as any other whatsoever: All that Water which the Earth was to have in its Air, or upon its Surface, till the De∣luge, being, 'tis probable, intirely owing to this day's elevation of them. For had they not been thus buoy'd up and sustain'd on high, they must have sunk down∣ward,

and so been inclosed in the Bowels of the Earth, without possibility of redemption; and have rendred the Antediluvian World more like to a dry and barren Wilderness, than, what it was to exceed, a juicy fruitful and habitable Canaan.

Coroll. 2. Hence arises a new confirmation that the Days of the Creation were Years also. For see∣ing the quantity of Water which was preserv'd above ground, and fill'd all the Seas before the Deluge, was no greater than was this Second Day elevated into Vapour; had this Day been no longer than one of ours at present, the foremention'd quantity would have been so far from saturing the Earth, supplying the Ri∣vers, and filling all the Seas, that every day it would be wholly exhal'd afterwards, and suffer the intire Vegetable and Animal Kingdoms to perish for want of moisture. All which, in the Hypothesis we here take, is wholly avoided, and a very fit and suitable proportion of Waters preserv'd above for all the ne∣cessities of the Earth, with its Productions and Inhabi∣tants. And this consideration affords one very good reason why the commencing of the Diurnal Rotation was defer'd till after the Formation of the Earth was over; there being an evident necessity thereof in order to the providing Water sufficient for the needs of those Creatures for whose sake the whole Creation was or∣dain'd and perform'd. In which procedure plain to∣kens of the Divine Wisdom cannot but be very conspi∣cuous and observable to us.

VII. The visible parts of the Third Day's Works were two; the former, the Collection of the inferior Wa∣ters, or such as were now under the Heaven, into the Seas, with the consequent appearance of the dry Land; the latter, the production of Vegetables out of that Ground so lately become dry.

VII. In order to the Apprehending of the double operation of this Day, we must call to mind what state the Orb of Earth was in by this time. We have seen already that it had been setling together, and fixing it self on the surface of the Abyss from the very beginning of the Crea∣tion; and we ought to suppose that in the space of two years it was not only become wholly di∣stinct from the Abyss below, and the Atmosphere above it, but that it was settled and consolidated together, and its Strata grown firm and com∣pacted. We must farther observe, that by rea∣son of its Columns, different Density, and Spe∣cifick Gravity, (attested to, à priori from the Chaos's, and à posteriori from the internal Earth's Phaenomena,) it was setled into the Abyss in dif∣ferent * 1.363 degrees, and thereby became of an un∣equal surface distinguish'd into Mountains, Plains and Valleys. Which things being suppos'd and consider'd, the two Works of this Day or Year of the Creation, which are of themselves very dif∣ferent, will be easily understood and reconcil'd. For when at Sun-set, or the conclusion of the last Day, we left the Air by half a Years Power of the Sun crowded with Vapours to a prodigious degree; upon the coming on of this Third Day, and in its Night or former half, the said vast quantities of Vapours must needs descend, and so by degrees must leave the Air pretty free, and take their places on the Surface of the Earth; altering thereby their own denomination, and becoming of Upper or Coelestial, Lower or Ter∣restrial Waters. Indeed if we do but allow the effect to be in any measure answerable to the time, we shall grant that in the half year of Night, which is the former part of this Third Period of the Creation, the main Body of the

Vapours must have not only descended down upon the Earth, but, by reason of the inequality of its Surface, and the Solidity withal, have run down from the higher and more extant parts, by the Declivities and Hollows, into the lowest Valleys, and most depressed Regions of all; must in these places have compos'd Seas and Lakes every where throughout the Surface of the Earth; and so by that time the light appear'd and the Sun's rising began the latter part of this Day, the intire face of the Globe, which was just before cover'd as it were with the descend∣ing Waters, must be distinguish'd into over∣flow'd Valleys, and extant Continents, into Seas and Dry-land, that very Work of this Day we were in the first place to enquire about. The waters under the heavens were now gathered together into their respective and distinct places, and the dry land appear'd and became fit for the Producti∣on of the Vegetable Kingdom. Which there∣fore most naturally leads us to the second branch of this Day's Work. For when this part hither∣to was compleated on the Night or former half of this Day (which the Absence of the Sun so long together rendred peculiarly and solely fit to permit and procure the descent of the Vapours); and when at the same time the Dry Land was now distinguish'd from the Seas, and just become (in the utmost degree) moist and juicy; upon the Sun Rising, or coming on of the Day-time, 'twas of all other the most fit and convenient Season for the Germination of the Seeds of Ve∣getables, and the growth of Trees, Shrubs, Plants and Herbs out of the Earth. The Soil, Satur'd and Fatned by the foregoing half Year's descent of Vapours, was now like the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that fruitful Seminary of the Vegetable and Animal

productions of Primitive Nature, so much cele∣brated by all Antiquity. An intire half year of * 1.364 the Sun's presence together, was a time as proper and as natural for such a purpose as could possi∣bly be desir'd. And when there was this half Year of Day to spare in this Period of the Crea∣tion, after one Work was compleated; and the same was so very fitly prepar'd and dispos'd for the production of Vegetables; 'tis no wonder that this above all the other Divisions has a double Task, and that the Seas and Dry Land were di∣stinguish'd, and the Vegetables produc'd on the same Day or Year of the Creation; according as from the Mosaick History the present Propo∣sition asserts. And if we allow for the defect of the inequalities of the outward Surface, too small to be therein consider'd; and suppose the Atmosphere somewhat clearer than before; the former figure will still serve well enough, and * 1.365 represent the progress and state of the Earth at the conclusion of this Third Day.

Corollary 1. When according to our present ac∣counts of these matters, this is the only day of the Creation to which a double work, and that the one quite different from the other, ought to be ascrib'd, and is ascrib'd by Moses; The Night being peculiar∣ly fit for the former, and the Day for the latter ope∣ration; which could happen on none of the other Pe∣riods; This exactness of correspondence ought to be esteem'd an Evidence of the literal sense of the Wri∣ter, and of his accommodation to the nature of things; and a very considerable confirmation of those Hypo∣theses on which it so naturally depends.

Coroll. 2. Hence arises a Confirmation of what * 1.366 was before asserted that the Antediluvian Earth had only lesser Lakes and Seas, not a vast Ocean. For when the quantity of Waters belonging to the Earth

and Air at first, was no more than was elevated in one half year, and at once sust ain'd by the Air; no one will imagine it sufficient to fill the intire Ocean alone, if there had been neither lesser Seas, nor Rivers to be supply'd therewith. And so, vice versa, It having been prov'd by other Arguments, that there was no Ocean, but only lesser Seas, before the Flood, This Account which affords sufficient quantity of Water for the latter, but not for the former, is thereby not a little confirm'd.

Coroll. 3. Tho' the Heat and Influence of the Sun was on this Third Day very great, yet was his Body not yet Visible. For since at his Rising the Earth and lowest Regions of the Air were very full of moisture, while the higher Regions were very clear and bright; the force of his heat would be so great as to elevate considerable quantities of Vapours on a sudden, and thereby (e're the lowest Air had deposited its Vapours, and rendred it self transparent) the Sun would anew hide himself in a thick Mist, and so prevent his own becoming conspicuous, which otherwise 'tis not impro∣bable he might this Day have been.

VIII. The Fourth Day's Work was the Placing the Hea∣venly Bodies, Sun, Moon, and Stars, in the Expansam or Firmament, i. e. The rendring them Visible and Con∣spicuous on the Face of the Earth: Together with their several Assignations to their respective Offices there.

VIII. Altho' the Light of the Sun penetrated the Atmosphere in some sort the first Day, and in the succeeding ones had very considerable in∣fluence upon it; yet is it by no means to be suppos'd that his Body was Visible all that while. Tho' we every day enjoy much more Light and Heat from the Sun than the Primitive Earth could, for a considerable space, be suppos'd to have done, yet 'tis but sometimes that the Air

is so clear as to render his Body discernible by us. A very few Clouds or Vapours gather'd to∣gether in our Air are able, we see, to hinder such a prospect for Weeks, if not Months together; while yet at the same time we are sufficiently sensible of his Force and Influence in the con∣stant productions of Nature. Which things be∣ing duly consider'd, and the vastness and den∣sity of the Upper Chaos allow'd for, 'twill be but reasonable to afford a great space, even after the first penetration of Light, for the intire clearing of the Atmosphere, and the distinct view of the Sun's Body by a Spectator on the Surface of the Earth. I suppose no one will think the two first Days or Years of the' Creation too long for such a work; or if any one does, the par∣ticular work and state of the Atmosphere on the second Day will prevent the most probable part of such a surmise, and shew the impos∣sibility of the Sun's Appearance at that time. And the same reason will in a sufficient, tho a less degree, prevent any just Expectations on the third Day, as was observ'd in the last Corollary. But now upon the coming on of this fourth Day, and the Sun's descent and abode below the Hori∣zon for an intire half year, those Vapours which were rais'd the day before must fall downwards, and so before the approach of the Morning leave the Air in the greatest clearness and purity ima∣ginable, and permit the Moon first, then the Stars, and afterward, upon the coming on of the Day, the Sun himself most plainly to appear and be conspicuous on the Face of the Earth. This fourth Day is therefore the very time when, acording to this Account, and the Sacred History both, these Heavenly Bodies, which were in being before, but so as to be wholly Strangers to a Spectator on

Earth, were rendred visible, and expos'd to the view of all who should be suppos'd to be there at the same time. They now were in the Sacred Stile, placed in the Firmament of Heaven, gave Light upon the Earth; began to rule plainly and visibly over the Day, and over the Night, and to divide the Light from the Darkness; as ever since they have continued to do. And now the inanimate World, * 1.367 or the Earth, Air, Seas, and all their Vegetable Productions are compleat; and the Tradition of * 1.368 those Chineses who inhabit Formosa, and other Islands, appears well-grounded, and exactly true, who hold, That the World, when first created, was without Form or Shape; but by one of their Deities was brought to its full Perfection in four Years. Which Progress of the Creation, and State of Nature is exactly represented by the Theorist's * 1.369 fifth and last Figure; which therefore here fol∣lows,

[illustration]

IX. The fifth Day's Work was the Production of the Fish and Fowl out of the Waters; with the Benediction bestow'd on them in order to their Propagation.

IX. The Terraqueous Globe being now become habitable both to the swimming and volatil Ani∣mals; and the Air clear, and so penetrable by that compleat Heat of the Sun, which was requisite to the Generation of such Creatures; 'tis a very proper time for their Introduction. Which was accordingly done upon this fifth Day or Year of the Creation. Those Seeds, or little Bodies of Fish and Fowl which were contain'd in the Water,

(or moist fruitful 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 of kin to it) were now ex∣pos'd to the kindly warmth of the Sun, and the constant supply of a most gentle and equal Heat from beneath; they were neither disturbed by the sudden alteration of the Temperature of the Air from the violence of Winds, or by the Agita∣tions of the Tide (which was both very small, in these small Seas; and by reason of the ab∣sence of the Diurnal Rotation, imperceptibly easy, gentle, and gradual;) these Seeds, I say, when invigorated with the Divine Benediction, be∣came now prolifick; and in this fifth Day's time a numerous Off-spring of the swimming and vo∣latil Kinds arose, whereby the two fluid Ele∣ments, Water and Air became replenish'd with those first Pairs, which by the Benediction they straightway receiv'd, were enabled to become the original of all of the same Kinds, which ever were to be the Inhabitants of those Regions afterwards. Which time and procedure is no less agreeable to the State of the World in our Hypo∣thesis, than 'tis to the express Affirmations of Moses, who makes Fish and Fowl the sole Pro∣duct of the fifth Day or Year of the Creation.

X. The Sixth Day's Work was the Production of all the Terrestrial or Dry-land Animals; and that in a different manner. For the Brute Beasts were produc'd out of the Earth, as the Fish and Fowl had been before out of the Waters; but after that the Body of Adam was form'd of the Dust of the Ground; who by the Breath of Life breath'd into him in a peculiar manner, became a Living Soul. Some time after which, on the same day, he was cast into a deep Sleep, and Eve was form'd out of a Rib taken from his side. Together with seve∣ral other things, of which a more particular account has been already given on another occasion.

X. The Earth being now grown more Solid, Compact, and Dry, its Surface distinguish'd in∣to Sea and Dry-land, each of which were stor'd in some sort with Inhabitants and Vegetables, the Air being fully clear, and fit for Respiration, and the other Dispositions of External Nature being equally subservient to this, as well as it had been before to the last day's Productions; 'twas a proper Season for the Generation of the Dry∣land Animals, and the Introduction of the noblest of them, Man; which accordingly were the first Works, on this sixth Day or Year of the Crea∣tion. Any more particular account of which, or of the following Works is not so directly the design of this Theory, and so shall not be here farther insisted on. We may only take notice of two things; the one is the peculiar Man∣ner; the other the peculiar Time for the Crea∣tion of Man. As to the former, Tho' 'tis grant∣ed that all the other Day's Works mention'd by Moses were brought to pass in a natural way by proper and suitable Instruments, and a mecha∣nical Process, as we have seen through the whole Series of the foregoing Creation; yet 'tis evi∣dent, as has been already observ'd, That an im∣mediate and miraculous Power was exercis'd in * 1.370 the formation of the Body, and Infusion of the * 1.371 Soul of Man, as well as in some other particu∣lar Cases belonging to this Origin of Things. In plain terms, I take it to be evident, That * 1.372 that same 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 our Blessed Media∣tor, who was afterward very frequently conver∣sant on Earth, appear'd in a humane Form to * 1.373 the Patriarchs, gave the Law in a visible Glory, * 1.374 and with an audible Voice on Mount Sinai, * 1.375 guided the Israelites personally in a Pillar of Fire, and of a Cloud through the Wilderness, inhabi∣ted

between the Cherubins in the Holy of Holies, and took the peculiar Stile, Titles, Attributes, Adoration, and incommunicable Name of the God of Israel, and at last was Incarnate, liv'd a true Man amongst us, died for us, and ascended * 1.376 into Heaven, makes still Intercession for us with the Father, and will come to Judge the World * 1.377 in Righteousness at the last Day: That this very same Divine Person was actually and visibly, in a humane Shape, conversant on Earth, and was truly and really employ'd in this Creation of the World (and particularly in this peculiar Forma∣tion * 1.378 of Man) so frequently ascribed to him in the Holy Scriptures. It being both unfit and * 1.379 impossible for the Divine Nature it self, or at least that of the Father, to be so much, and in such a manner concern'd with the Corporeal World, and the sinful Race of Mankind, as we find here and every where this Divine Person, * 1.380 our Blessed Mediator, to have been; as the Texts quoted a little above compar'd together do I think fully prove. Seeing therefore our Saviour Christ, God-man, was personally pre∣sent, and actually employ'd in this Primitive Creation of the World: Seeing Man was to be a Creature intirely different from all the rest, a Being compounded of a Spiritual and Immortal Soul, and of a Material and Corruptible Body: Seeing in both these he was to be made in the likeness of that Divine Person, who created him, and be constituted his Deputy and Vice∣gerent among the Creatures here below; 'twas but reasonable there should be as great a distin∣ction in his Original, as was to be in his Na∣ture and Faculties, his Office and Dignity, his Capacities and Happiness from the other parts of the visible Creation; and by consequence,

that peculiar Interposition of God himself in the Formation of the Body, and Infusion of the Soul of our first Parents, so particularly observa∣ble in the Mosaick History, is both very agree∣able to the Nature of things, very suitable to the Wisdom of God, and very reconcilable to the most Philosophick Accounts of this Origin of the World; and withal a remarkable token of the Dignity of Human Nature, of the distin∣ction between his Soul and Body, and of the great Condescension and Love of God towards us, and so the most highly worthy of our con∣sideration. Neither is the other circumstance the peculiar Time of the Creation of Man to be pass'd over without a proper Reflection on it. 'Twere easy to shew, That none of the prece∣ding Days were in any degree so fit for; nay, most of them not capable of this Creation and Introduction of Man. But upon this sixth Pe∣riod, when every thing which could be subser∣vient to him, and advance his felicity, was com∣pleated; he who was to be the Lord of All, and for whose sake the whole was fram'd, was brought into the World. When the Light had been pene∣trating into, and clarifying this dark and thick Atmosphere for more than five compleat Years toge∣ther; when the Air was freed from its number∣less Vapours, and become pure, clear, and fit for his Respiration; when the Waters, as well supe∣rior as interior, were so dispos'd as to minister to his necessities by Mists and Dews from the Heavens, and by Springs and Rivers from the Earth; when the Surface of the Earth was become dry and solid for his support, and was cover'd over with Trees, Shrubs, Plants, Herbs, Grass, and Flowers for his Sustenance and Delight; when the glorious Firmament of Heaven, and the

beautiful System of the Sun, Moon, and Stars were visible and conspicuous to him, the Objects of his Contemplation, the Distinguishers of his Sea∣sons; by whose powerful Influences the Earth was invigorated, and the World rendred a fruit∣ful and useful, a lightsome and pleasant Habita∣tion to him; when, lastly, all sorts of Animals in the Seas, in the Air, or on the Earth, were so dispos'd as to attend, benefit, and please him one way or other; when, I say, all these things were by the Care, Beneficence, and Providence of God prepar'd for the entertainment of this principal Guest, then, and not till then, was Man crea∣ted and introduc'd into the World: Then, and not before was He constituted the Lord and Go∣vernor of the whole, and all things put in subje∣ction * 1.381 under his feet. In which intire procedure the Wisdom and Goodness of the Creator, and the Dignity and Honour of his principal Crea∣ture here below, are equally consulted; and the greatest occasion imaginable given to our first Pa∣rents, and all their Posterity of adoring and ce∣lebrating the Divine Bounty to them in the pre∣sent and succeeding Ages. Which naturally leads us to the next Proposition.

XI. God having thus finish'd the Works of Creation, Rested on the Seventh day from the same; and Sancti∣fied or set that Day apart for a Sabbath, or Day of Rest, to be then and afterward obsrev'd as a Memo∣rial of his Creation of the World in the six foregoing, and his resting or keeping a Sabbath on this Seventh day. Which Sabbath was reviv'd, or at least its Ob∣servation anew enforc'd on the Jews, by the Fourth Commandment.

XI. Nothing sure could be more sit and pro∣per at this time than the praising and worship∣ping

of that Powerful and Munificent Creator, who in the foregoing six Days Productions had so operously and so liberally provided for the well-being and happiness of Mankind. And see∣ing this intire Fabrick was design'd for the use and advantage of all succeeding Generations as well as the present, it could not but be reason∣able to perpetuate the Memory of this Creation, and devote one Period in seven to the peculiar Worship and Service of that God who was both the Author of the Works themselves, and of this Institution of the Sabbath, to perpetuate the me∣mory of such his six Days of Work, and of this seventh of Rest, to all future Generations. What relates to the Fall of Adam, and the intire Mo∣ral State of the World, comes not within the compass of this Physical Theory, and so (not∣withstanding it naturally enough belongs to this Day, and might, I imagine, be shewn not to be so difficult, as for want of a right understand∣ing thereof, 'tis usually imagin'd to be, and that without receding from the literal, obvious, and usual Sense of Scripture) must be wholly omitted in this place.

XII. There is a constant and vigorous Heat diffused from the Central towards the superficiary Parts of our Earth.

XII. This has been already accounted for, and * 1.382 need not here be resum'd.

Corollary. From the consideration of the very long * 1.383 time that the Heat of a Comet's central Solid may en∣dure, 'tis easy to account for that otherwise strange * 1.384 Phaenomenon of some of those Bodies, viz. That tho' the Tails of the Comets appear to be no other than Steams of Vapours rarified by the prodigious Heat ac∣quir'd in their approaches to the Sun; yet some at

least of these Comets have no inconsiderable ones as they are descending towards the Sun, long before they approach near enough to acquire new ones by a fresh Rarefaction of their Vapours in his Vicinity. For since the prodigious Heat acquir'd at the last Perihelion must remain for so many thousands of Years, tho' the Tail which the Sun's own Heat rais'd at that time must have been either dispersed through the Ether, or by its Gravitation return'd to its old place in the At∣mosphere; yet will there still remain a Tail, and its Position will be no other than if the Sun's own Heat had elevated the same. For by what Heat so∣ever the Vapours in a Comet's Atmosphere become rarer than the Parts of the Solar Atmosphere in which they are, or subject to the Power and Velocity of the Sun's Rays elevating the same, a Tail must be as certainly produc'd as if the Sun's own Heat were the occasion of it. Which Observation rightly consider'd, will afford light to the foremention'd Phaenomenon, and will deserve the consideration of Astronomers, to whom it is submitted.

XIII. The habitable Earth is founded or situate on the Surface of the Waters; or of a deep and vast Subter∣raneous Fluid.

XIII. This has been sufficiently explain'd al∣ready, * 1.385 and is observable in the foregoing Figures of the four latter periods of the Mosaick Creation.

XIV. The interior or intire Constitution of the Earth is correspoudent to that of an Egg.

XIV. This is also very easily observable in the same Figures: Where (1.) the Central Solid is answerable to the Yolk; which by its fiery Co∣lour, great Quantity, and innermost Situation, exactly represents the same: Where (2.) the

great Abyss is analogous to the White; whose Density, Viscosity, moderate Fluidity, and mid∣dle Positition, excellently express the like Qua∣lities of the other: Where (3.) the upper Orb or habitable Earth corresponds to the Shell, whose Lightness, Tenuity, Solidity, little inequalities of Surface, and uppermost Situation admirably agree to the same. 'Tis indeed possible to suppose that the Quantities, specifick Gravities, and Cras∣situdes of each Orb (to instance in nothing else here) may be in the Earth proportionable to their Analogous ones in an Egg; but because the Similitude is so very obvious and full in the fore∣going more certain respects, and more than suf∣ficient on those accounts to solve the present Phaenomenon; and because a bare possibility, or fancied probability cannot deserve any more nice consideration; I forbear; and look upon the Co∣incidences already observ'd, not a little surpri∣zing and remarkable.

XV. The Primitive Earth had Seas and Dry land distin∣guish'd from each other in great measure as the present; and those situate in the same places generally as they still are.

XV. The former part of this has been already * 1.386 sufficiently explain'd; and of the latter part there can then be no reason to make any question; since the same Earth that was made at first, does still, as to its main parts, remain as it was to this Day.

XVI. The Primitive Earth had Springs, Fountains, Streams, and Rivers, in the same manner as the pre∣sent, and usually in or near the same places also.

XVI. The Origin of Fountains and Rivers is undoubtedly either from Vapours descending

from without the Surface of the Earth, or from Steams elevated by the heat within. And which way soever we chuse to solve the present, 'twill also serve to solve the Primitive Phaenomena here mention'd. 'Tis only to be observ'd, That be∣fore the upper Earth was chap'd and broken at the commencing of the Diurnal Rotation; and indeed before the Strata became so firmly con∣solidated as they afterward were, the subterra∣neous Steams would arise, and pass through the same more uniformly, and more easily, and so more equally dispense their Waters over every Part and Region of the Earth, than after∣ward.

Corollary. If therefore Dr. Woodward be right * 1.387 in asserting, That the Cracks and Fissures, which he calls perpendicular ones, since the intire Consolida∣tion of the Strata of the Earth, are necessary to the Origin of Springs, (and I believe he may have good grounds for his Opinion) from the Being of such Springs and Fountains after the Consolidation of the Strata, and before the Flood, 'tis evident, that the Diurnal Motion did not commence till after the An∣nual; nay, till after the Formation and Consolida∣tion of the Earth: And so what on other grounds was before rendred highly probable, will appear nearer to certainty on This: For 'tis plain, If the present Diurnal Motion commenc'd either with the Annual, or indeed any time before the Formation of the Earth, the Figure of the Chaos, and so of the Abyss and * 1.388 Upper Earth, would originally be that of an Oblate Sphaeroid, as it is now; the Strata would be all cohe∣rent, united, and continued, without any Cracks or Perpendicular Fissures at all; and the Origin of Springs, on the Doctor's Grounds, must in a natu∣ral way be plainly impossible. Since therefore the Diurnal Rotations commencing after the Consolida∣tion

of the Strata gives a Mechanical and Natural Account of the Chaps and perpendicular Fissures; since without the same in the present Case no natural Cause of them is by any assigned; since withal 'tis un∣questionable that there were Springs and Rivers be∣fore the Flood; and since, lastly, it appears that such Fissures were necessary to the being of those Springs and Rivers, 'tis very reasonable, nay, necessary to suppose, that the Diurnal Rotation did not commence till after the Formation and Consolidation of the Earth was over; or, which is almost all one, till the Fall of Man, as * 1.389 we formerly asserted.

XVII. The Primitive Earth was distinguish'd into Moun∣tains, Plains, and Vallies, in the same manner, generally speaking, and in the same places as the present.

XVII. This has been sufficiently explain'd al∣ready, * 1.390 and need not here be reassum'd. And that each of these Seas, Springs with their Rivers, and Mountains, were generally the same, and in the same places as the present, there is no reason to doubt; they being usually the very same indivi∣duals then and now, and so unquestionably can∣not have chang'd their primary Situations.

XVIII. The Waters of the Seas in the Primitive Earth were Salt, and those of the Rivers Fresh, as they are at present, and each, as now, were then stor'd with great plenty of Fish.

XVIII. This has no difficulty in it, seeing our present Seas and Rivers are the very same, or of the same nature; and their several Inhabitants the Spawn or Off-spring of those primitive ones.

XIX. The Seas were agitated with a like Tide, or Flux and Reflux, as they are at present.

XIX. The presence of the Moon and Sun be∣ing * 1.391 the cause of the Tides, and those Bodies by consequence being equally dispos'd before, as since the Deluge, to produce them; this Proposi∣tion can have no manner of difficulty. Only we may take notice of these two things, (1.) That in the State of Innocence, before the Diurnal Revolution began, the frequency of the Tide must depend on the Lunar Period, and happen but twice in each Month, as now it does in somewhat above a days time with us: On which account the increase and decrease of the Waters would be extreamly gentle, leisurely, and gra∣dual, without any imaginable Violence or Preci∣pitation. (2.) That in the whole Antediluvian State the Tides were lesser than since, by reason of the smallness of the Seas then in comparison of the great Ocean, from whence now the most considerable ones are deriv'd. All which yet hinders not, but they might be sensible enough in some Creeks, Bays, and Mouths of Rivers: The peculiar circumstances of those places in that as well as in the present State, rendring the Tides, the Elevations and Depressions of the Waters there, most considerable and violent of all others.

XX. The Productions of the Primitive Earth, as far as we can guess by the remainders of them at the De∣luge, differ'd little or nothing from those of the pre∣sent, either in Figure, Magnitude, Texture of Parts, or any other correspondent respect.

XX. These things seem to depend on two Particulars; viz. partly on the primary Bigness, Figure, and Constitution of the constituent, in∣sensible Parts or Elements of Bodies; and partly on the quantity of Heat made use of in their

Production or Coalition. Which being suppos'd, the Proposition will easily be establish'd. For, as to the first, I suppose they remain invariably the same in all Ages, and are by any natural Power unalterable. And as to the last, what∣ever be to be said of the State of Innocence, or the first Ages succeeding, on some peculiar ac∣counts, * 1.392 which I believe might be warmer than at present; yet as to the times here referr'd to, there is no need to suppose any great diffe∣rence of Heat, either from the Sun, or the Cen∣tral Body: And indeed, all the difference on any accounts to be suppos'd between the Heat before and since the Deluge, must be too inconsiderable to be taken notice of in any such sensible Effects as this Proposition does refer to. For the Sun's heat was not above a twenty fifth part greater than 'tis now, and the space of four or five thousand Years makes but a small difference in that of the Central Solid, if at first it were heated any whit near the degree mention'd in the Calculation re∣ferr'd to in the Margin. And tho' its real Heat * 1.393 were decreas'd, yet in case its facility of Pene∣tration were increas'd in the same Proportion, the heat on the Face of the Earth would still be equal and invariable. And so by these accounts, the Productions of Nature in all Ages must be pretty equal and agreeable, as this Proposition requires.

Corollary. Tho' the Lives of the Antediluvians were so much longer than ours at present, yet were they not generally of a more Gygantick Stature than the past or present Generations since have been. In all which Ages, notwithstanding, there have been some of an extraordinary Bigness and Stature, and will be still no doubt in the future Ages to the end of the World.

XXI. The Primitive Earth had such Metals and Minerals in it, as the present has.

XXI. This is easily accounted for. For since the Antidiluvian, and the present Earth, are ei∣ther the very same, as the lower Regions; or at least of the same nature, the Off-spring of a Co∣mets Atmosphere (as even that acquir'd Crust at the Deluge was) 'tis no wonder if each of them contain the same Species of Bodies with∣in it.

XXII. Arts and Sciences were invented and improved in the first Ages of the World, as well as they since have been.

XXII. There is little need of giving particu∣lar Reasons for this. All I shall observe, is, That seeing the Ignorance and Barbarity of the Ages after the Deluge, is the greatest Objection against this Proposition; 'tis avoided in our Hypothesis. The insensible, tho' prodigious Change of the State of Nature, and the perishing of all the Mo∣numents of the old Learning or Arts at the Flood, with the want of correspondence in the latter Years to the former Tradition, reducing the few remainders of the former State wholly to seek for their Learning, notwithstanding it might have been cultivated and improv'd to great de∣gree before the Deluge; as therefore in all pro∣bability it was.

CHAP. II. A Solution of the Phaenomena relating to the Primitive State of the Earth.

XXIII. The Primitive state of the Earth admitted of the primary production of Animals out of the Waters and Dry Ground, which the subsequent states, otherwise than in the ordinary method of Generation, have been uncapable of.

XXIII. 'TIS not to be expected that I should here be able to give a full and me∣thodical account of the growth of the Primitive Pairs of Animals, and of the several dispositions of the Primigenial state of Nature subservient or con∣tributary thereto. The method of the Generation of Animals is it self in gèneral so little known, and the History of this first stage of the World, as well so short in the Sacred Writings, as so diffi∣cult to be, in all its circumstances, now other∣wise understood, that such an Attempt might justly be look'd upon as too rash a presumption. All that ought to be expected, and all that I shall endeavour is this; To shew, that as far as is known of that Original Earth, its properties were as peculiarly fit for, as those opposite ones of the succeeding are incapable of, such a pro∣duction of Animals at first, as this Proposition takes notice of. Which the five following par∣ticulars shall include. (1.) The long and con∣tinued * 1.394 spaces of Day and Night in the Primitive state did capacitate it for such productions; which the quick returns of the same afterward

prohibited. 'Twill be easily granted, that in the Generation of Animals there must be a pretty constant and continual warmth, without the fre∣quent interposition of Cold during the most part of the process. Now this the long days of half a year afforded these Primary Embrio's; which the short ones of only twelve small hours, and the sudden and frequent returns of equal Nights, has utterly deni'd to any such ever since. (2.) The Primitive Earth was moist and juicy enough to supply nourishment all the time of the Generation of the Foetus; which after it was once become perfectly Dry and Solid was not again to be expected. It was before observ'd, * 1.395 that upon the descent of the vast quantities of Vapours on the Third Day, the ground was so tender, soft, and full of juices, as very naturally answered to what all Antiquity made the fund and promptuary of the rising Plants and Ani∣mals, the famous 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 And as that was but a necessary qualification of a Soil which was to produce Animals, so the want of it ever since takes away all hopes of a like Propagation. (3.) The Primitive state of the Earth and Air, where the Animals were produc'd, had heat sufficient for that purpose; which the subse∣quent has not. 'Tis evident that a greater heat than the present Earth or Ambient Air can af∣ford, is requisite to, and made use of in the pre∣sent Generation of Animals (which the Incu∣bation in the Oviparous, and the still warmer Position of the Faetus in the Viviparous Animals assure us of:) On which account the present Earth must needs be incapable of their pro∣duction. But that the Heat in the Primitive Earth, and particularly where the Animals were produc'd, was much greater, will thus appear.

As to the Heat from the Central Body; while the Earth was somewhat loose, and pretty freely admitted the ascending steams, that, would be considerably greater than after its more intire consolidation, when these steams were thereby so much confin'd within, or diverted to some particular conceptacles. Besides, The Producti∣on of Animals was near Paradise, and I suppose no where else. Now those middle Regions, (of which Eden, the Country of Paradise, was one) * 1.396 being situate under the ancient Ecliptick, and present Tropick, (of which before) enjoy'd also a greater Heat from the same Central Body by reason of their greater nearness thereto, than since they or the corresponding parts of the Tor∣rid Zone do or can partake of. For when the Earth was then perfectly Sphaerical, the middle, and their neighbouring parts were about 10 * 1.397 miles nearer the Central Solid than the same Regions now are: (They being in that pro∣portion Elevated, and the circumpolar de∣press'd at the commencing of the Diurnal Rota∣tion:) Which greater Vieinity of the Central Heat must certainly have a suitable effect, and cause somewhat warmer Regions thereabouts than they have been ever since. Moreover, If the real proper heat of the Central Solid be in any considerable proportion diminish'd in near 6000 years time, (as in some proportion it must be) That degree of Heat which it had at first, was still the most powerful of all other ever since. But then as to the Solar Heat, (to take no notice of the greater nearness of the Sun's Body before the Deluge than since, as not di∣rectly reaching the present case:) 'Tis evident that Paradise, situate under or near the very Ecliptick it self, must receive the utmost power

of the same heat which any part of the Globe were capable of, which by lying under the Tro∣pick afterward it would not do. On all which accounts joyn'd together, 'tis evident that the heat in the Primitive State was much more conside∣rable, and so much more adapted to the Gene∣ration of Animals than that in the subsequent ever was or can possibly be. (4.) The Primi∣tive * 1.398 state was perfectly still and calm; free from all such winds, storms, violent tides, or any the like hurries and disorders as at present wholly render the production of Animals impossible: Which quiet condition, if in some respects it en∣dur'd till the Deluge, yet, as even in those the Paradisiacal state might have the preheminence; so in others, particularly the gentleness of the Tides, it had still the most peculiar advantage; * 1.399 as was before observed. (5.) The Equability of Seasons, and the greater uniformity of the Air's temperature, which in part remain'd till * 1.400 the Deluge, but might be more signal in the Pa∣radisiacal state, rendred that Earth as proper, as the contrary sudden, uncertain, and violent ex∣treams of heat and cold, drought and moisture, sultry and frosty Weather now, wholly indispose it, for such a production of Animals. Which Prerogatives of the Primitive Earth and Air will certainly demonstrate, if not its intire fitness, yet sure its less unfitness for such an original Generation as was here to be accounted for, and is all, as was before observ'd, that can justly be requir'd and expected in the present case.

Corollary. When it has been before allow'd, that * 1.401 all Generation is but Nutrition; and that all Seeds, as well of Animals, as of Plants, are the immediate workmanship of God; 'Tis evident that this Suppo∣sition

of the Original Production of Animals out of the Waters and Earth; according to the plainest letter of the Mosaick History, does by no means derogate from the Divine Efficiency, and the wonderful Art and Skill in the Structure of their Bodies; nor in the least favour that ungrounded and pernicious opinion of the Equivocal or Spontaneous Generation of any of * 1.402 them.

XXIV. The Constitution of Man in his Primitive State was very different from that ever since the Fall; not only as to the Temper and Perfections of his Soul, but as to the Nature and Disposition of his Body also.

XXIV. The Book of Genesis affords us so short a History of this Primitive Stage of the World, and of the Constitution of Man therein; and all other accounts are so inconsiderable in this respect, that a particular account of all things re∣lating to this Proposition is by no means to be expected. 'Tis in general sufficient, that we have, from Sacred and Prophane Authority, * 1.403 evinc'd the state of External Nature to have been mighty different from the present; and that consequently the State of Man, even on Philosophical Considerations, ought to be sup∣pos'd equally different from the present also. And 'tis so highly unreasonable from meer ob∣servations made now, to pass a Censure on what was done then; and from the Frail, Imperfect, Sinful, and Miserable Condition of Humane Nature in our Days, to judge of the same in its State of Innocence, Perfection and Felicity; or from the Circumstances it is in at present, to determine those it must at that time have been in; that nothing can be more so. We might almost as well Argue that Angels Eat and

Drink, Sleep and Wake, Work and Rest, be∣cause We do so; or that the Infant in the Womb Sees and Hears, Talks and Discourses, Reads and Writes, because afterward He commonly does the same things, as that because We have need of Cloathing to cover our Shame, and have Inflexible, Robust, and in a certain time Corruptible Temperaments of Body, therefore so had our Primitive Parents in the State of Inno∣cency. But to speak somewhat more distinctly to those two particulars included under this Pro∣position, (1.) That in the actions relating to the propagation of the Species, there should be no sense of Shame, and consequently no occasion for covering such parts as were therein concern'd, is by no means strange, in a state of Innocence; where there was no inclination to any sinful kind or degree of Application, and where all such inferior Appetites were in compleat sub∣jection to the Superior, the Reason and Con∣science of Man. 'Tis rather an evident Token of our Guilt, a demonstration of the disorder and pollution of our Nature and Faculties now, that what in permitted circumstances is inno∣cent and natural in it self, nay necessary for the propagation of the Species, and the preserva∣tion of Mankind, should make us blush: 'Tis a plain note of the vileness of our present state, a mark of the baseness of our condition now, that what God and Nature have ordain'd for the continuation of the World, should yet inevita∣bly seem to have something of Indecency and Turpitude adhering to it: So far, that meer bash∣fulness and modesty oblige us to conceal and pass over in silence all that belongs thereto. It indeed might more reasonably be made a query, why the Covering our Nakedness has been so

general, and is so necessary now, (as it has justly by all Ages and Nations been esteem'd) than why it was otherwise in this Primitive state of the World. (2.) That the use of one sort of Food (that of the Tree of Life) might be ca∣pable of fixing and setling the temper of a hu∣mane Body, of rendring it so lasting, that, while its Earthly condition was to continue, it might never be dissolv'd; and that the use of a contrary sort of Food, (That of the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil) might be capable of so far corrupting and disordering the same, that it would become subject to Sickness, Misery, and Dissolution in a shorter space, is, I think, even by what we at present see, by no means incredible. We cannot but observe how great a change a course of Diet, moderate, whole∣some, and agreeable, will make in our present temperament for the better; and on the con∣trary, how far an intemperate, and immoderate indulgence of our Appetites, either as to the kinds or quantities of our Meats and Drinks, tho' but for a few Weeks or Months, will do the same for the worse; even to the spoiling and destroying of a very good habit of Body, to the depriving men of their healths; nay fre∣quently of their Lives too by a violent Disease. If we therefore, to take the narrowest Supposi∣tion, imagine the eating of that pernicious and forbidden Fruit to have been confin'd to one Day or Year of this Primitive State (which yet there is no necessity of doing); 'twill be no harsh or incredible supposal; especially, if we consider what has been said of the present State of Things, and how much more the temper of our first Parents Bodies, and the particular Food on which they fed, might be peculiarly fitted for

the same purposes; that the intemperate Indul∣gence of a very pestilent course of Diet for so many Months together might break and pervert the well temper'd Constitutions of our first Pa∣rents, might render their Bodies liable to such Distempers as in length of time would dissolve and entirely overthrow them; or, in other words, would render Mankind sickly, miserable, and mortal Creatures for ever after. Which is, I think, enough to clear the Proposition before us, so far as a bare Physical Theory is concern'd therein.

XXV. The Female was then very different from what she is now; particularly she was in a state of greater Equality with the Male, and little more subject to Sorrow in the Propagation of Posterity than he.

XXV. That the original State and Circum∣stances of the Female, should be as they are here represented, is so far from being strange, that the contrary ones of that Sex at present, were not the occasion thereof known, might much more justly appear so. For granting the Equa∣lity of Humane Souls in themselves, 'tis not very easy to give a good reason, why that part which one half of Mankind was to bear in the Propa∣gation of it, should subject it to such a low Con∣dition, great weakness of Nature, and those se∣vere Pains and Agonies which did not at all af∣fect the other; as God and Nature have at pre∣sent made unavoidable. And as to the change of her Name after the Fall, from Adamah and * 1.404 Isschah to Eve (which latter seems to denote her Capacity then attain'd of becoming the Mother of all those Generations of Mankind which were afterward to live on the Face of the Earth) it may probably intimate (to omit any other Ob∣servations that might be made on it) some

change in the Method or Circumstances con∣cerning Humane Generation. And if we con∣sider, that Adam and his Wife were no inconsi∣derable time in Paradise together, even after the Blessing of Increase and Multiply, before their Fall; and carefully consider the Texts quoted in * 1.405 the Margin, we shall perhaps believe 'tis no im∣probable conjecture.

XXVI. The other Terrestrial Animals were in a state of greater Capacities and Operations; nearer approaching to reason and discourse; and partakers of higher de∣grees of Perfection and Happiness, than they have been ever since.

XXVI. Since the Primitive state of External Nature was so exceeding different from the pre∣sent, as has been already prov'd; the other Ter∣restrial Animals, as well as Man, ought to be suppos'd of a somewhat proportionably diffe∣rent Temper, Abilities and Actions. Besides, The Divine Providence is concern'd to suit one Being to Another; and to accommodate still the subordinate, to the Superior rank of Crea∣tures in the World: On which account 'tis not strange, that the Bruit Animals were in their Primitive Constitution very much distinguish'd from, and advanc'd above such as are now upon the Earth; the Diversity with Relation to Man∣kind, to whom in each Period they were to be subservient, being so very remarkable. For since Mankind upon the Fall degenerated into a Sensual and Bruitish way of Living, the Bruit Creatures themselves would very unwillingly have paid their due homage and submission, had not they in some degree degenerated from their Primitive Dignity at the same time. Which de∣generacy suppos'd, a former greater degree of

Abilities, Operations, and Happiness is at the same time suppos'd also. And to strengthen this conjecture, I may venture to Appeal to Anatomy, whether the present Bodies of Bruits do not ap∣pear capable, as far as can be discover'd, of no∣bler operations than we ever now observe from them. The advantage of even Mankind in this respect seeming not very considerable over the Bruits that perish.

XXVII. The temper of the Air, where our first Parents liv'd, was warmer, and the Heat greater before the Fall than since.

XXVII. This has been already accounted for in the twenty third Proposition before.

XXVIII. Those Regions of the Earth where our first Pa∣rents were plac'd, were productive of better and more useful Vegetables with less Labour and Tillage than since they have been.

XXVIII. That we may account for this Pro∣position, and that Curse which was inflicted on the ground at the Fall, in good measure inclu∣ded therein; we must observe, that the growth of Plants and Vegetables depends on a degree of Heat proportionate to the peculiar temper and exigence of each Species; and by conse∣quence that, let the number of Seeds in any Soil be never so many, or their kinds never so diverse, yet the Surface of the Earth must re∣main bare and barren, until the peculiar Heat of the Season and Climate be adapted to them: Now seeing different kinds of Seeds require dif∣ferent degrees of Heat, 'tis only such certain kinds of the same that will at once shew them∣selves, or spring out of the Earth; the rest, to which the Heat is not adjusted, lying all the

while as Dormant and Dead as if they did not really Exist in Nature. Thus we have several distinct Crops of Vegetables in the several Sea∣sons of the Year. Those Seeds which the small Heat of February and March is not able to raise, lye still in the Earth till the greater force of the Sun in April and May excite them. In like man∣ner several others, which are too crass and un∣pliable for the moderate warmth of the Spring, are by the yet greater intenseness of the Heat in June, July, and August, rais'd from their Seats, and oblig'd to shoot forth and display themselves. Nay, when in the Months of September and Octo∣ber the Sun's Power is diminish'd, and its Heat but about equivalent to that of March and April, it again suits the Plants which were then in Sea∣son; so that they many of them spring up afresh in these Months, and flourish over anew, as before they did in those; as Dr. Woodward * 1.406 very well discourses upon this occasion. In like manner we may also consider this matter with re∣lation to the different Climates and Zones of the Earth, and their quite different Crops of Plants, according to those different degrees of Heat made use of in their Vegetation. When therefore we observe in the same Country a various Crop and Order of Vegetables every Year, according to the various Power of Heat in each Season; (a different Face of the Earth being gradually vi∣sible from February till July, in proportion to the gradual increase of Heat all that space;) we cannot tell, in case the Heat increas'd still to a greater intenseness afterward, but a new and unseen Face of things might appear; and many unheard-of kinds of Vegetables might put forth, and expose themselves to our Observation, even in the present State and Age of the World.

But as to the Primitive World, wherein all the Seeds of those Vegetables which God O∣riginally Created were fresh and vegetous, and wherein there was a much greater Heat than since has been to invigorate and produce them; 'tis very reasonable, and very agreeable to Nature to suppose, that many sorts of Trees, Plants, Herbs, and Flowers, which the colder temper of the subsequent Earth were unable to excite and produce, were then every Year rais'd, and became the principal Recreation and Suste∣nance of our first Parents in the state of Inno∣cency. 'Tis very probable they might never see such a Poor, Jejune, and Degenerate State of the Vegetable Kingdom as we since have done, till their unhappy Fall occasion'd the Introducti∣on of that miserable condition of all things which has ever since continued among us. Thus as one Country or Climate, because of its greater Coldness, is now the Seminary of seve∣ral Vegetables which the warmer Regions are either perfect Strangers to, or advance to a greater degree of perfection; So upon the de∣generacy of the Primeval State into the present, and the mighty Abatement of the Ancient Heat (taken together with the worse Juices and other effects of that Abatement contributary perhaps to the same thing) 'tis natural to allow that se∣veral such Vegetables (suppose Thorns and Thistles) which were before either perfect strangers to, or had been advanc'd to a greater degree of Perfection by the Juices and Warmth of Para∣dise, became the constant and troublesome Heir∣looms there; to the no little regret of our first Parents; who till then had only seen and en∣joy'd the better Set of the Primigenial Vegetables. And if we consider withal, that a main inten∣tion

of the Toil, Tillage and Manure of the Husbandman, seems to be design'd to Enspirit and Envigorate the too Cold and Unactive Soil with Warm and Active Particles, we shall not be unwilling to grant, that those Labours of the Husbandman, on this, as well as on several other accounts which might be mention'd, must have been in the Primitive state very facile and easie, in comparison of those which are necessary in the present state.

SCHOLIUM.

'Twill be here, I imagin, not improper to re∣mind the Reader once for all of the Nature and Effects of that extraordinary Change, which the Fall of Man, and the Consequent Curse of God brought upon the Earth: That he may with the greater ease, of his own accord, view and compare the States of External Nature be∣fore and after the Fall one with another, and with those things which the Propositions we are now upon do assert concerning them. 'Tis evi∣dent then, from what has been before laid down hereto relating, that the Primitive state of things before the Fall was thus. The Earth, being * 1.407 newly form'd, was scarcely as yet intirely con∣solidated, and so pretty uniformly pervious to the warm Steams ascending from beneath. Its Figure was perfectly Sphaerical, and its Strata or Layers by consequence were even, continued, and join'd; and so the Central Heat, being equal∣ly distant from all the parts of the Earth's Sur∣face, did very equally diffuse it self, and equally affect all the Climates of the Globe. The Soil

or Uppermost Stratum of the Earth was newly moisten'd by the descent of the Waters, before they compos'd the Seas on the Third Day of the Creation, and by the plenty of Moisture which it still receiv'd every Night. The Air was perfectly Clear, Homogeneous, Transparent, and Susceptive of the utmost Power of the Solar Heat. The Seasons were equable, or gently and gradually distinguish'd from one another, by the Rising, Setting, Descending and Ascend∣ing Sun, without any quick Interpositions of Day and Night to disturb them. The Torrid Zone of the Earth, as I may call those Regions near the Solar Course, was very much Expos'd to the Sun, and very much warm'd withal by its Vicinage to the Central Solid. The Moon in twelve Revolutions equally measur'd out the Year, and caus'd the most gentle, easie, and gra∣dual Tides imaginable. This, with all its natu∣ral Consequents, was the State of the Primitive World. But as soon as Man had sinn'd and render'd that happy State too good for him, or indeed rendred himself wholly uncapable there∣of: And as soon as God Almighty had pro∣nounced a Curse on the Ground, and its Pro∣ductions, presently the Earth began a new and strange Motion, and revolv'd from West to East on its own Axis: A single 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 or Revolution of Night and Day, either imme∣diately or by degrees, (according as the present Velocity of the Diurnal Rotation was suddenly or gradually acquir'd) returned frequently, and became no longer than 24 short Hours; while the Annual Motion, perform'd on a different Axis, distinguish'd the Seasons, and in Con∣junction with the Diurnal, describ'd the Equator, and the Tropicks; and by the access and recess

of the Sun from the last named Circles, caus'd it to visit the several Regions enclos'd thereby. The Face of the Earth was really distinguish'd into Zones, by the Tropicks and Polar Circles, truly divided from one another; with respect whereto the particular Regions of the Earth chang'd their Situation; the Equator being that Circle with regard whereto they were now to be determin'd, as they had been before with regard to the Ecliptick; and so that Paradise which was before at the middle, became the Northern boundary of the Torrid Zone. The Figure of the Earth, which was before truly Sphaerical, dege∣nerated into an Oblate Sphaeroid; the Torrid Zone rising about 10 Miles upward, and the Frigid one subsiding as much downwards. The Com∣pages of the Upper Earth, and of its Strata, be∣came thereby chap'd, broken and divided, and so carried up the warm Steams from beneath, to particular Conceptacles and Volcano's, which be∣fore serv'd in a more equal and uniform manner to heat and invigorate the intire Earth, and its productons. The Tides, lastly, became fre∣quenter, and so more sudden and violent than before. Which short Summary or Scheme of the States of Nature in our Hypothesis before and after the Fall, ought to be all along born in mind, and reflected on, in order to the passing a right judgment on the accounts of those Phae∣nomena, in the Solution whereof we are now en∣gag'd: And which otherwise might seem very odd and unaccountable to the Reader. Which being thus dispatch'd, I proceed:

XXIX. The Primitive Earth was not equally Paradisia∣cal all over. The Garden of Eden or Paradise being a peculiarly fruitful and happy soil, and particular∣ly furnish'd with all the necessaries and delights of an

innocent and blessed life, above the other Regions of the Earth.

XXIX. That all the Primitive Earth could not be equally Paradisiacal, and enjoy the same Pri∣viledges and Conveniences beyond the Present, is easily prov'd. For seeing one of its principal causes of Fertility, and other Prerogatives, was the greater degree of Heat at the Paradisiacal Regions; The Climates near the Solar Course being alone capable of such greater Heat, must be alone capable of its Effects also; and conse∣quently, we are to confine our enquiries for the Garden of Eden to the Countries not very remote from the Ancient Ecliptick. Now that some peculiar Spot or Region thereabouts might, beyond all the rest, be Fertile, Pleasant and Pa∣radisiacal, 'tis not difficult to suppose. At the present there is a mighty variety in Countries in the very same Hemisphere, Climate, and Pa∣rallel. The particular Prerogatives of one Re∣gion beyond another do not intirely depend on the Sun, or the Vicinage of the Central Heat: But partly on the Nature and Temper of the Soil; the kinds of Vegetables and Fossils there∣to belonging; the number, qualities, and conflux of Rivers; he firmness or looseness of the infe∣rior Strata, hindring, or freelier permitting the ascent of the Subterraneous Steams, Juices, and Effluvia: From the coincidence of which, and of other such things, in a peculiar and advantagious manner, order'd and dispos'd on purpose by the Divine Providence at the Mosaick Creation, the extraordinary pleasantness and felicity of this Earthly Paradise, or Garden of Pleasure, is I sup∣pose to be deduc'd; and which being consider'd, will, I believe, be sufficient to give satisfaction in the Proposition before us.

XXX. The place of Paradise was where the united Rivers Tigris and Euphrates divided themselves into four Streams, Pison, Gihon, Tigris, and Euphrates.

XXX. This Situation of Paradise has been * 1.408 already consider'd, and need not here be reas∣sum'd. Only we may observe, That no Scru∣ples would ever have been rais'd about this Mat∣ter, in case the foremention'd Rivers had still been visible, their Course still agreeable to the Mosaick Description, and the Metals and Minerals mention'd of the adjoyning Countries had been as evidently there to be found in ours, as they appear to have been in those Primitive Times. Seeing therefore the following Theory will so clear∣ly assign the Cause of such Diversity, that every Reader will be oblig'd to grant it much harder to have accounted for the Phaenomena of Paradise, consistently with the other Phaenomena of Nature, if all things were now as they were at first, than almost any other of the Antediluvian World: I may justly hope that this so disputed a Question of the Situation of the Garden of Eden, or Pri∣mitive Paradise, to those who embrace the other parts of the Theory, will remain no longer so, but be as fix'd and undoubted, within at least the limits of that Hypothesis here referr'd to, as any other Country or Region with the same ex∣actness determin'd by Geography.

XXXI. The Earth in its Primitive State had only an An∣nual Motion about the Sun: But since it has a Diurnal Rotation upon its own Axis also: Whereby a vast diffe∣rence arises in the several States of the World.

XXXI. This has been at large explain'd and * 1.409 prov'dalr eady.

XXXII. Upon the first commencing of this Diurnal Ro∣tation after the Fall, its Axis was oblique to the Plain of the Ecliptick as it still is: or in other words, the present Vicissitudes of Seasons, Spring, Summer, Au∣tumm, and Winter, arising from the Sun's access to, and recess from the Tropicks, have been ever since the Fall of Man.

XXXII. This has in some measure been in∣sisted on already in the Hypothesis last mention'd, and needs no other direct and positive proof than the present Obliquity of the Earth's Axis: It be∣ing evident, that without a miraculous Power, the same Situation or Inclination which it had ori∣ginally, would and must invariably remain for * 1.410 all succeeding Ages.

CHAP. III. A Solution of the Phaenomena relating to the Antediluvian State of the Earth.

XXXIII. The Inhabitants of the Earth were before the Flood vastly more numerous than the present Earth either actually does, or perhaps is capable to maintain and supply.

XXXIII. THIS Proposition will not appear strange, if we consider, (1.) The much greater fertility of the Antediluvian Earth, to be presently accounted for; whereby it was ca∣pable of maintaining a much greater number of In∣habitants than the present, even on the same space of Ground. (2.) The Earth was more equally habitable all over before, than since the Deluge.

For before the acquisition of those heterogene∣ous mixtures, which the Deluge occasion'd, and which I take to be the Causes of all our violent and pernicious Heat and Cold in the Torrid and Frigid Zones of our Earth; 'tis probable the Earth was pretty equally habitable all over, by reason of the Vicinage of the Central Heat to the Polar Regions, and the more direct Exposition of the middle Regions to that of the Sun. I do not mean that the Frigid Zones were equally hot with the Torrid; but that the Heat in the one, and the Cold in the other, were more kindly; and the excesses of each much less considerable than at present, since the Introduction of the before∣mention'd Mixtures, and particularly of such Sulphureous and Nitrous Effluvia, as are now, I believe, become Calorifick and Frigorifick Par∣ticles in our Air, the main occasions of the vio∣lence and pernicious Qualities of the Heat and Cold thereof, and the most affecting to our Senses of all other. So that 'tis probable, before the Acquisition of these Advensitious Masses, the Antediluvian Air was every where sufficiently temperate to permit the comfortable Habitation of Mankind on all parts of the Globe; and the Antediluvian Earth was by consequence capable of many more Inhabitants than the present is, or can be; as every one will readily grant, who considers how few Inhabitants, in comparison, three of the five Zones of our present Earth do maintain. (3.) The dry Land or habitable Earth it self was, by reason of the absence of the intire Ocean, full as large and capacious again as the present: For the Ocean, I think, takes up now at the least one half of the intire Globe; but then afforded as large, spacious, and habitable Countries, as the other parts of the Earth.

(4.) The Mountains which are now generally bare and barren, were before the Deluge, so far as they were suppli'd with Water, as fruit∣ful as the Plains or Vallies; and by reason of a larger Surface, were capable of maintaining rather more Animals than the Plains, on which they stand, would otherwise have been: The present defect of a fruitful Soil being owing to the Deluge; and there being no good reason, that I know of, to be assign'd why, on a pri∣mary Formation, and in a calm and still State of the Air, the higher Parts of the Earth should not be cover'd with a fruitful Soil or Mold, as well as the level or lower adjoyning to them. All which Accounts taken together, will, I think, give reasonable Foundation for such vast num∣bers of Inhabitants, as according to the Com∣putation of this Proposition, the Antediluvian World was replenish'd withal.

Corollary 1. Since by very reasonable Computa∣tions of the numbers of the Inhabitants of the Earth at the Deluge, according to the Hebrew Chronology, they appear to have been sufficient abundantly to replenish the intire Globe, and as many as in reason the same could sustain; The Septuagints addition of near six hundred Years in this Period of the World to the He∣brew Accounts, is so far from clearing Difficulties thereto relating, that it rather increases the same, and enforces the allowance of more Inhabitants at the De∣luge, than we can well tell where they could live and be maintain'd.

Coroll. 2. Since according to the Hebrew Chrono∣logy from the Deluge till the time of Abraham's go∣ing into Canaan, was the intire space of 427 Years, and the Lives of Men during that interval were in a mean three hundred Years long; 'tis easy on the Grounds proceeded upon in this Phaenomenon's Calcu∣lations,

to prove, That there is no need to recede from that Account, or introduce the additional Years of the Septuagint in this Period, to produce the greatest Numbers of Men which in that, or the immediately succeeding Ages, any Authentick Histories of those An∣cient Times do require us to suppose.

Coroll. 3. The Deluge which destroy'd the whole Race of Mankind (those only in the Ark excepted) could not possibly be confin'd to one or more certain Regions of the Earth, but was, without question, truly Universal.

Coroll. 4. Seeing it appears, That Mankind has a gradual increase, and that in somewhat more than four thousand Years, our Continent of Europe, Asia, and Africa, has been so entirely Peopled from the Sons of Noah; and seeing withal America is much less in extent, and, I suppose, generally speaking, was never so full of People: In case we suppose that Famines, Wars, Pestilences, and all such sad destroyers of Man∣kind have equally afflicted the several Continents of the Earth, Some light might be afforded to the Peo∣pling of America, and about what Age since the De∣luge, the American's past first from this Continent thither; which a more nice enquiry into the Parti∣culars here to be consider'd might assist us in.

XXXIV. The Bruit Animals, whether belonging to the Water or Land, were proportionably at least, more in number before the Flood than they are since.

XXXIV. That part of this Proposition which concerns the Dry-land Animals, is sufficiently ac∣counted for, by what has been discours'd under the last Head, which equally belongs to them as to Mankind: And if we extend the other part concerning the Fishes, to the Seas then in Being, and their comparative Plenitude, there will need no additional Solution. It being not to be sup∣pos'd

that the absolute numbers of Fish before the Deluge, should be greater than at present, as the case was of the Dry-land Animals; be∣cause the latter being universally destroy'd, (those in the Ark alone excepted) were to begin their Propagation anew; but the former not be∣ing so, did but increase their still numerous In∣dividuals, and must thereby soon recover and surpass their former Multitude, as will easily be allow'd on a little consideration of this Matter.

Corollary. Hence arises a strong Confirmation of what is on other grounds already asserted, That there were only smaller Lakes and Seas, but no great Ocean before the Deluge. For since it appears by this Phae∣nomenon, that the Waters of the Antediluvian Earth were much more replenish'd, nay, crouded with Fish than now they are; and since there was no gene∣ral Destruction of them, as there was of Dry-land Animals at the Deluge; had there been as great a Compass, or as vast an Ocean for their Reception then, as at present there is, the numbers now in every part of the Ocean or Seas, ought to be vastly greater than they then were, an being all the Off-spring of those which every where surviv'd the Deluge, and which have propagated themselves for more than four thou∣sand Years since the same; which being disagreeable to the Observations referr'd to in this Phaenomenon, is little less than a Demonstration of the falshood of that Hypothesis on which 'tis built, or a full Atte∣station to our Assertion, that there were only smaller Lakes and Seas, but no great Ocean before the De∣luge.

XXXV. The Antediluvian Earth was much more fruitful than the present; and the multitude of its vegetable Productions much greater.

XXXV. Before I come directly to solve this and the following Propositions, I must premise, that 'tis usually unreasonable to ask, why such Phaenomena belong'd to the Antediluvian World: They being commonly but the natural and re∣gular Properties of an Original Earth, newly form'd out of a Chaos; such as one should ratio∣nally expect in a World newly come out of the Hands of its Creator, and fitted for the Conve∣nience and Fruition of noble Creatures; such as the generality of our fellow Planets, (especially our next Neighbour, the Moon) as far as we can observe, appear to have had at first, and hi∣therto retain'd. All that can in reason be desir'd, is this, To give a plain and intelligible Account of those opposite Phaenomena of the Earth, which we now are sensible of, and by what means the Deluge could occasion the same. Which there∣fore shall be frequently the business of the suc∣ceeding Solutions. And as to the present case, the decrease of the Fertility of the Earth at the Deluge, these Causes are assignable, (1.) The decrease of the Sun's Heat by the greater di∣stance of the Earth from him since, than before the Deluge. It has been before prov'd, that till the Deluge, the Earth's Orbit was Circular, and the Radius of that Circle very little longer than the nearest distance at the Perihelion now: So, that when the Heat of the Sun is as the density of his Rays, or reciprocally as the Squares of the Earth's distance from him: If instead of the present Ellipsis we take, for Calculations sake, as we ought, a Circle in the middle between the nearest and farthest distance, we shall find that the Sun's Heat on the Earth in general before the Deluge, was to its present Heat, as almost a hundred to ninety six, or a twenty fifth

part of his intire Heat greater before than since the same, which is by no means inconsiderable in the Case before us. (2.) The Heat of the Central Body was considerably damp'd and ob∣structed, both by the Waters of the Deluge themselves, acquir'd from abroad, and now con∣tain'd in the Pores and Caverns of the Earth under us; and by that Sediment of them which now composes that upper Crust of Earth we dwell upon, and which being setled and consolidated on the Superficies of the Ancient Earth would prove a great hindrance to the ascending Steams, not to be overcome but by degrees, and in length of time afterwards. From both which Causes very a notable Damp would be put to the Influence of the Central Heat, on which as well as on the Sun's, the Fertility of every Soil does in part depend. (3.) The upper Earth, or fruit∣ful Soil it self, the main Fund and Promptuary of the vegetable Kingdom, is now very inconsi∣derable in quantity, if compar'd with that of the Primitive or Antediluvian Earth. For when this last mention'd was the intire product of the An∣cient Chaos at the original Formation of the Earth, and the first, what only was afforded from a small part of such a Chaos, the Comet's Atmo∣sphere, and by the Storms born off the Tops of Mountains at the Deluge, while the old Soil lies buried under the Sediment or Crust on which we live; 'tis no wonder that our fertile Stratum is now thinner spread, and so the Productions less copious in the present, than they were in the Antediluvian State of Things. And this, tho' we suppose the Soil from the Comet, or from the Tops of the Mountains, to be as good in it self, and to have remain'd as pure and unmix'd with any heterogeneous Matter in this confusion of

things at the Deluge, as it would at the regular Formation of the Earth at first; which yet is by no means supposable; and the contrary to which being allow'd for, will still farther afford us a reason of the present Assertion. So that since the present Soil is both much worse in Qua∣lity, and much less in Quantity than the old one; and since the Heat, whether of the Sun or Central Solid is so much lessen'd at the Deluge, which things include the main Causes of Ferti∣lity; 'tis no wonder that the present Earth is no∣thing near so fruitful and luxuriant in her Pro∣ductions, as the Autediluvian was.

XXXVI. The Temperature of the Antediluvian Air was more equable as to its different Climates, and its diffe∣rent Seasons; without such excessive and sudden Heat and Cold; without the scorching of a Torrid Zone, and of burning Summers; or the freezing of the Frigid Zones, and of piercing Winters; and without such sudden and violent Changes in the Climates or Seasons from one ex∣treme to another, as the present Air, to our Sorrow, is subject to.

XXXVI. Seeing the primary State here men∣tion'd, is but a proper result from the first For∣mation of the Earth; all that need be accounted for, is the Alteration at the Deluge. (1.) The mighty difference of Climates, especially of the Torrid and Frigid Zones, is, I suppose, owing not wholly to the Sun's Heat, or the Nature of the Air it self, but partly to those Calorifick and Frigorifick Mixtures, which are uncertainly con∣tain'd therein. Meer Heat and Cold are very different things from that Pothery and Sultry, that Frosty and Congealing Weather, which al∣ternately in Summer and Winter, at the Line and the Poles we usually now feel. These Effects seem plainly deriv'd from Nitrous or sulphu∣reous,

or other the like Steams exhaled into, mixed with, and sustained by that thick and gross Atmosphere which now encompasses the Earth. All which, I mean as well the gross Atmosphere it self, as those its Heterogeneous Mix∣tures, are a very natural Off-spring of the De∣luge, according to the present Account thereof. For seeing we at that time pass'd clear through the Chaotick Atmosphere of a Comet, and through the Tail deriv'd from it, we must needs bear off, and acquire vast quantities of such heterogeneous and indigested Masses, as our Air now contains in it; whence those Effects here mention'd would naturally proceed. 'Tis probable the ori∣ginal Air was too pure, rare, and thin, to sustain any gross and earthy Particles, tho' they had been left in it at the first; and so its Heat both for kind and degree, was no other than the pro∣per Place and Influence of the Sun could re∣quire: And 'twas then sure more uniform through the several Climates of the Earth than now it is; when our Air in the Torrid Zone, being full of Sulphureous and Sultry, and in the Frigid ones of Nitrous and Freezing Effluvia or Exhalations, the violence of an unkindly in Heat the one, and of the like unkindly Cold in the other, are so sensible, and so pernicious, as all experience attests them now to be. (2.) The uncertainty of our Seasons, with the sudden and unexpected changes in the Temper of our Air, are on the same accounts equally visible with the former. For the Temper of the Air since the Deluge, especially with regard to our Sensations, not re∣sulting from the external Heat only, but from the Kinds and Quantities of its heterogeneous and adventitious Mixtures, will not now depend on the Season of the Year alone, but on the

veering of the Wind, and its uncertain removal of the Air and its Steams from one Region to another. Thus if in Summer the North Wind chance to blow any long time together, 'twill bring along with the Air so great quantities of the Cold, Freezing, Nitrous Steams, as may quite overcome the Sun's Heat, and cause a very cold Season of a sudden; if the South Wind do the like in the Winter, the contrary Effect will follow, and we shall have a warm Season when Frost and Snow were more naturally to be ex∣pected. Thus, accordingly, frequent experi∣ence shews the Sun to be so little master of the Seasons of the Year, that sometimes January and July for several Days are hardly distinguishable. It sometimes happens, that we have this Day a Frost, the next proves so warm, that the former Cold is forgotten, till perhaps the succeeding Night puts us more affectingly in mind of it again. Nay, in a very few Hours space a sultry and a freezing Air not seldom do succeed each other, to the great harm and misery of Mankind, and of all their fellow Animals in our present State; from which therefore we have good rea∣son to believe our happier Progenitors before the Deluge were intirely free. (3.) That our Sea∣sons are so extream in their several Kinds, is easy to be hence accounted for also. For were there no sulphureous or calorifick Steams in the Air, all pothery and sultry Weather, and such sort of Heat as chiefly affects our Bodies, would be quite avoided, and the great increase thereof after the Summer Solstice, which arises, 'tis probable, in part from the Airs retention of one days Heat, till the next augments it again, would in good measure cease among us. And the like is to be said of the Cold in Winter, in all the respects

before-mention'd. The original of all which Effects being so easily deducible from the present Account of the Deluge, 'tis no question but the Antediluvians might, to their comfort, be wholly Strangers to them. Their Climates were not of so very different Temper; their Seasons leisurely and gradual, intirely following the Solar Course; And their Summers and Winters not so mighty different; at the most in the single Proportion of the Sun's Presence or Absence, Direct or Ob∣lique Situation. In this equable State the Polar Inhabitants might with little danger cut the Line, and the Ethiopians visit the Frigid Zones. In this condition of the World, the peculiar Air of eve∣ry Country went not far from home, to disturb that of others: A few Days never made any sensible Alteration in the temperature of the Air; and all that an intire Spring or Autumn could do, would still leave the same pretty equable, to be sure very tolerable. On all which, and seve∣ral other consequential Accounts, we have but too much reason to envy the Ancient Happiness of our Forefathers, and to be sensible of that fatal and destructive Catastrophe, which the wicked∣ness of Mankind brought upon themselves, and all their Posterity to this very Day, at the De∣luge we are now speaking of.

XXXVII. The Constitution of the Antediluvian Air was Thin, Pure, Subtile and Homogeneous, without such gross Steams, Exhalations, Nitrosulphureous, or other Heterogeneous Mixtures, as occasion Coruscations, Meteors, Thunder, Lightning, with Contagious and Pe∣stilential Infections in our present Air; and have so ve∣ry pernicious and fatal (tho' almost insensible) Effects in the World since the Deluge.

XXXVII. The consideration of the foregoing Solution is sufficient to clear the present Phaenome∣non also; to which therefore the Reader is re∣ferr'd.

XXXVIII. The Antediluvian Air had no large, gross Masses of Vapours or Clouds, hanging for long seasons in the same. It had no great round drops of Rain, descending in multitudes together, which we call Showers: But the Ground was watered by gentle Mists or Vapours ascending in the Day, and descending, in great measure, again in the succeeding Night.

XXXVIII. This is also easily understood from what has been already said. So rare, thin, pure, and subtile an Air as the Antediluvian was, would scarce sustain such gross and heavy Masses, as the Clouds are: It would not precipitate the su∣perior Vapours upon the inferior in such quanti∣ties, and with such violence, as is necessary to the Production of great round sensible Drops of Rain: It had no gross Steams to retain Heat after the cause of it was gone, and the Sun set; and so the Vapours which were rais'd in the Day, would descend again in the Night, with the greatest re∣gularity and gentleness. In all which respects the different Nature, Crassitude, and irregular Composition of our present gross Atmosphere, ac∣quir'd at the Deluge from the Comet's, in which such Opake Masses, as the Clouds, are frequent∣ly to be observ'd, must naturally admit and re∣quire those contrary Effects, which the present Proposition takes notice of, and were to be here accounted for.

XXXIX. The Antediluvian Air was free from violent Winds, Storms, and Agitations, with all their Effects on the Earth and Seas, which we cannot but now be sufficiently sensible of.

XXXIX. These Phaenomena are such proper consequents of a Primitive Formation, and the original of those opposite ones ever since the De∣luge so naturally thence to be deriv'd, that there is no reason to imagine them to have been be∣fore. A Comet's Atmosphere is a very stormy Fluid, wherein Masses of Opake Matter are continual∣ly hurried about, all manner of ways, in a very uncertain and violent manner. Seeing therefore we acquir'd at the Deluge so great a quantity of the same Atmosphere, of which ours is now in part compos'd, 'tis impossible to expect any other State of things than such as this Phaenome∣non mentions, and was to be here accounted for.

Corollary. Hence it appears, That the Wind of the Day, of which Moses makes mention at the Fall of * 1.411 Man, was not a constant Phaenomenon of the Earth, but peculiar to that time. And this is very agreeable to the Hypothesis before laid down of the commence∣ment of the Diurnal Rotation at the very Day here mention'd; according to which, a Wind must necessarily arise at that point of Time, tho' there were none be∣fore or after, till the Deluge. On that beginning of the Diurnal Rotation. (1.) The Equatorial Regi∣ons would be elevated, the Polar depress'd, the Orb of Earth would be chap'd and broken, and warm Steams burst out at the Fissures thereby produc'd; all which could scarce happen without some Agitation of the Air. But, (2.) What is more certain and more considerable, when the Terraqueous Globe began on a sudden to revolve from West to East, the Air could not presently accompany it, and so must cause a Wind from East to West; till receiving by degrees the Impression, it kept at last equal pace therewith, and resting respectively, caused a constant Calm after∣wards. Which Wind being therefore (from the Earth's Velocity there) greatest towards the Equator and Tro∣picks,

near the latter of which was the place of Pa∣radise, would be considerable enough, especially in a state otherwise still and calm, to be taken notice of by the Sacred History; and be a kind of Relick or Foot∣step of the then Commencement of that Diurnal Ro∣tation, which is so necessary to account for it, and has been from other Arguments already prov'd in its proper place.

XL. The Autediluvian Air had no Rain-bow; as the pre∣sent so frequently has.

XL. This is easily accountable from what has been already said. For, (1.) The descent of the Vapours necessary to it was usually, if not on∣ly in the Night when the absence of the Sun rendred its appearance impossible. (2.) The de∣scending Vapours compos'd only a gentle Mist, not sensible round Drops of Rain, as we have before seen, on which yet the Rain-bow entirely depends; as those who understand the Nature and Generation thereof will easily confess. So that tho' the Sun were above the Horizon at the fall of the Vapours, the appearance of the Rain∣bow was not to be expected. (3.) Were the Va∣pours that fell compos'd of sensible round Drops, and fell in the day-time, and this in sufficient Quantities, yet for want of a Wind which might drive them together on one side, and thereby clear the Air on the other, for the free admission of the Rays of Light, a Rain-bow were seldom or never to be suppos'd before the Deluge; all which circumstances being now quite otherwise, give us clear reasons for the present frequent ap∣pearance of that beautiful and remarkable Phaeno∣menon, tho' till the Deluge, it was a perfect Stranger to the World.

XLI. The Antediluvians might only eat Vegetables; but the Use of Flesh after the Flood was freely allow'd also.

XLI. That a State of Nature as to the Air, Earth, Fruits, and other circumstances so very different from ours at present, should require a suitable difference in the Food and Sustenance of Mankind, is very reasonable to believe. But be∣sides, (1.) When the Lives of Animals were na∣turally so long, (as in correspondence to Man∣kind is fairly to be suppos'd) before the Deluge; 'tis not improbable that God Almighty would not permit them to be taken away on any other occasion than that of Sacrifice or Oblation to himself. (2.) Perhaps in the tender and even Condition of the Antediluvians, the eating of Flesh would have spoil'd their Tempers, and shortened their Lives; such Food being, I sup∣pose, fitter for our gross and short-liv'd State since the Flood, than that refin'd and lasting one before it. (3.) Perhaps the Antediluvian Ve∣getables were more juicy, nourishing, and whol∣some, not only than Flesh, but than themselves have since been; which the better and more fertile Soil out of which they grew then, gives some reason to conjecture. And whether they had not then some Vegetables which we have not now, may deserve the consideration of such as search after their remains in the Bowels of the Earth: The same care of the Vegetable, as of the Animal-Kingdom not appearing in the Sa∣cred History relating to the Deluge. However, (4.) If we observe that even at this day, the warm Seasons and Countries are less dispos'd to the eating of Flesh than the cold ones; and re∣member that the Antediluvian Air was in some

degree warmer than the present, we shall not be * 1.412 wholly to seek for a particular reason of this Phoe∣nomenon.

XLII. The Lives of the Antediluvians were more univer∣sally equal, and vastly longer than ours now are: Men before the Flood frequently approaching near to a thou∣sand, which almost none now do to a hundred years of Age.

XLII. Tho' several other things might here deserve to be consider'd, yet I shall only insist upon the difference between the Antediluvian Air, and that since the Flood, to give an ac∣count of this Proposition. The consideration of the Pure, Unmixed, Equable, and Gentle Con∣stitution of the former; compar'd with the Gross, Thick, Hetorogeneous, Mutable, and Vio∣lent Condition of the latter, of it self affording a sufficient Solution of this difficulty. That Air which is drawn in every breath; whose inclu∣ded Particles, 'tis probable, insinuate themselves continually into our Blood, and the other Fluids of our Bodies; and on which all experience shews humane Life and Health exceedingly to depend; being at the Deluge chang'd from a Rare and Thin, to a Thick and Gross Consist∣ence; from an equability or gradual and gentle warmth and coolness of Temperature, to ex∣tremity of Heat and Cold; and that with the most sudden and irregular steps from one to another; from True and Pure Air, or an Ho∣mogeneous Elastical Fluid, to a mix'd and con∣fused Compositum or Atmosphere, wherein all sorts of Effluvia, Sulphureous, Nitrous, Mineral and Metallick, &c. are contain'd. Which circum∣stances, if there were no other, will, I imagine, give a satisfactory account of the mighty diffe∣rence

as to the point of Longaevity between the Antediluvians and those which ever since have dwelt on the Face of the Earth. We may ob∣tain some small and partial resemblance of it in a person who had liv'd many years upon the top of a high Mountain, above the Clouds and Steams of our Earth, and whose temperament of Body was peculiarly dispos'd for so Pure, Thin, and Undisturb'd an AEther as there he en∣joy'd; and afterward were confin'd to the most Foggy, Marshy, and Stinking part of the Hun∣dreds in Essex, or of the Boggs in Ireland. What Effect in Point of Life and Health such a Change must have on the Person before-mention'd, 'tis not difficult to imagine: And as easie, on a like comparison of the Antediluvian AEther, and the present Atmosphere to account for the Pro∣position before us; and shew as well why men dye at all uncertain Periods of Years, and have while they live a Precarious State of Health, with frequent sicknesses; as why none reach any whit near the long Ages of those that before the Deluge continued in Health and Security for near a thousand Years.

XLIII. Tho' the Antediluvian Earth was not destitute of lesser Seas and Lakes, every where dispers'd on the Surface thereof; yet had it no Ocean, or large recep∣tacle of Waters, separating one Continent from ano∣ther, and covering so large a portion of it, as the pre∣sent Earth has.

XLIII. From the Original Formation of the Earth above describ'd, and its unequal subsidence into the Abyss beneath, while in the mean time vast quantities of Vapours were sustain'd above, and afterwards let fall upon the Earth, its Surface would be unequal; its lowest Valleys fill'd with

Water; and a truly Terraqueous Globe would arise. But these two plain Reasons may be as∣signed why any great Ocean were not to be ex∣pected at the same time. (1.) So Vast and Deep a Valley as the Ocean implies, is not in reason to be deriv'd from such a regular forma∣tion of the Earth from a Chaos, as we have above describ'd. No good reason being assign∣able, why in such a confused mixture as we call a Chaos, the parts should be so strangely dispos'd, that on one side, all the Upper Orb for some scores of Degrees, and some thousands of Miles together, should be Denser and Heavier than the rest, and by its sinking deepest into the Abyss, produce the vast Channel of the Ocean; while on another side the same Orb, for as ma∣ny Degrees and Miles, should be universally Rare and Light enough to be very much extant, and compose a mighty Continent, as the case is in our present Earth. Tho' the Atmosphere of a Comet, be so truly Heterogeneous, and its Opake or Earthy Masses so unequally scatter'd abroad on the different sides thereof, as even, setting aside the inequality of the Density and Specifick Gravity of the several Columns, might compose an Orb of different Thickness or Cras∣situde, and so cause an unequal Orb on the Face of the Abyss, like that we before suppos'd it originally to have been; Yet so mighty an inequality, as the present Division of the Earth into an Ocean and Continents must suppose, is by no means to be allow'd in the Primitive Chaos; nor would I suppose by any be asserted, if the Generation of those grand Divisions of our Globe were otherwise accountable: which on our Principles being so easily done, as will soon appear, no reason can plead here for their Primi∣tive

Introduction. And sure those Agitation and Motions of Parts visible in some sort now in Comets Atmospheres, and to be however granted in the digestion of its parts at first, must sure mix and jumble the parts together to a degree sufficient to prevent so strange an inequality, as the Original Existence of the Ocean and Conti∣nents must needs imply. However (2.) The quantity of Water preserv'd above ground was little or nothing more, as we have shew'd, than the Heat of the Sun and Central Solid was able to elevate, and the Air at once to sustain, during half a years space; the day time of the second Period of the Creation: Which how insufficient it must have been to the filling of the great Ocean, is easily understood. Which things consider'd, the Absence of the Ocean, as well as the Exist∣ence of Seas, is very easily accountable in the Antediluvian World.

CHAP. IV. A Solution of the Phaenomena relating to the Universal Deluge, and its Effects upon the Earth.

XLIV. In the Seventeenth Century from the Creation, there happen'd a most extraordinary and prodigious Deluge of Waters upon the Earth.

XLIV. WHatever difficulties may hitherto have rendred this most Noted Catastrophe of the Old World, that it was de∣stroy'd by Waters, very hard, if not wholly in∣explicable

without an Omnipotent Power, and Miraculous Interposition; since the Theory of * 1.413 Comets, with their Atmospheres and Tails is dis∣cover'd, they must vanish of their own accord. For if we consider that a Comet is no other than a Chaos; including the very same Bodies, and Parts, of which our own Earth is compos'd; that the outward Regions of its Atmosphere are plain Vapours, or such a sort of Mist as we fre∣quently see with us; and the Tail a column of the same Vapours, rarified and expanded to a greater degree, as the Vapours which in the clearest Days or Nights our Air contains at pre∣sent, are; and that withal such a Comet is ca∣pable of passing so close by the Body of the Earth as to involve it in its Atmosphere and Tail a considerable time, and leave prodigious quan∣tities of the same Condensed and Expanded Va∣pours upon its Surface; we shall easily see that a Deluge of Waters is by no means an impossible thing; and in particular that such an individual Deluge as to the Time, Quantity, and Circum∣stances which Moses describes, is no more so, but fully accountable, that it might be, nay al∣most demonstrable that it really was. All which the Solutions following will I think give an easie and mechanical account of.

XLV. This prodigious Deluge of Waters was mainly oc∣casion'd by a most extraordinary and violent Rain, for the space of forty Days, and as many Nights, without intermission.

XLV. When the Earth passed clear through the Atmosphere and Tail of the Comet, in which it would remain for about 10 or 12 hours (as from the Velocity of the Earth, and the Crassi∣tude of the said Tail on Calculation does appear)

it must acquire, from the violence of the Co∣lumn of Vapours descend towards the Sun, im∣peded by the Earth's Interposition and Reception of the same; and from the Attractive Power of the Earth it self withal, enforcing more to de∣scend; it must, I say, acquire upon its Surface immense quantities of the Vapours before men∣tion'd. A great part of which being in a very Rare and Expanded condition, after their Pri∣mary Fall, would be immediately mounted up∣ward into the Air, and afterward descend in violent and outragious Rains upon the Face of the Earth. All those Vapours which were rarer and lighter than that Air which is immediately contiguous to the Earth, must certainly ascend to such a height therein, where its Density and Specifick Gravity were correspondent (as far as that Croud of their fellow Vapours, with which the Air was oppress'd would give leave;) And so afterwards, as they cool'd, thicken'd, and col∣lected together, like our present Vapours must de∣scend in most prodigious Showers of Rain for a long time afterwards, and very naturally occasion that forty Days and forty Nights Rain mention'd in the Proposition before us.

XLVI. This vast quantity of Waters was not deriv'd from the Earth or Seas, as Rains constantly now are; but from some other Superior and Coelestial Original.

XLVI. This is already evident from what has been just now said: The source of all these Rains being one of those Superior or Coelestial Bodies which we call Comets; or more pecu∣liarly the Atmosphere and Tail thereof.

XLVII. This vast Fall of Waters, or forty Days Rain, began on the fifth day of the Week, or Thursday the

twenty seventh day of November, being the seventeenth day of the second Month from the Autumnal Equinox; (corresponding this Year 1696. to the twenty eighth day of October)

XLVII. This has been already explain'd in * 1.414 effect, in the Hypothesis hereto relating; where it was prov'd that a Comet on that very day here nam'd pass'd by the Earth; and by conse∣quence began those Rains which for the succeed∣ing forty days space continued without any In∣terruption.

XLVIII. The other main cause of the Deluge, was the breaking up the Fountains of the great Abyss, or causing such Chaps and Fissures in the upper Earth, as might permit the Waters contain'd in the Bowels of it when violently press'd and squeez'd upwards, to ascend, and so add to the quantity of those which the Rains produced.

XLVIII. This has in part been explain'd in * 1.415 the Lemmata hereto relating; and will be more fully understood from the Figure there also re∣fer'd to. For Let adbc represent the Earth, moving along the Ecliptick GH, from G to∣wards H. 'Tis evident that the Figure of the Earth before the approach of the Comet, as far as 'tis here concern'd, was Sphaerical. But now, let us suppose the Comet bi Dh (as it was de∣scending towards its Perihelion, along its Traje∣ctory EF, from E towards F) to approach very near, and arrive at the nearest Position, repre∣sented in the Figure. 'Tis evident that this presence of the Comet would cause a double Tide, as well in the Seas above, as in the Abyss below; the former of which being less consider∣able in it self, and not to our present purpose, need not be taken any farther notice of: But

the latter would be vastly great, (suppose seven or eight Miles high above its former Position) * 1.416 would produce mighty Effects on the Orb above it, and so deserves a nicer consideration in this place. As soon therefore as the Comet came pretty near, (as suppose within the Moon's distance) this double Tide would begin to rise, and increase all the time of its approach, till the Comet was nearest of all, as in the Figure. And then these Tides, or double Protuberances of the Abyss, would be at their utmost height. So that the Surface of the Abyss, and of its incumbent Orb of Earth, would put on that Elliptick, or rather truly and exactly Oval Figure, under which 'tis * 1.417 here represented. Now, 'tis certain, that this Sphoeroid Surface of the Abyss is larger than its for∣mer Sphoerical one; 'tis also certain, that the Orb of Earth which rested on this Abyss, must be oblig'd to follow its Figure, and accommodate it self to this large Oval; which being impossible for it to do while it remain'd Solid, continued, and conjoyn'd, it must of necessity enlarge it self, and by the violent force of the encreasing Surface of the Abyss be stretch'd, crack'd, broken, and have innumerable Fissures made quite through it, from the upper to the under Surface thereof, nearly perpendicular to the same Surfaces. So that this Orb of Earth which originally, in its primary formation, was Sphaerical; its inward Compages or Strata even, conjoin'd, and con∣tinual; which had afterward, at the commencing of the Diurnal Rotation, been chang'd into an Oblate Sphoeroid, and at the same time been there∣by broken, chap'd, and disjointed; by that time its wounds had been well healed, and it was in some measure setled, and fix'd in such a condi∣tion, receiv'd this new Disruption at the De∣luge.

Its old Fissures were open'd, and the Fountains of the Abyss (most Naturally and Emphatically so stil'd, according to Dr. Wood∣ward's, * 1.418 Account of the Origin of Fountains) broken up; and sufficient Gaps made for a Communication between the Abyss below, and the Surface of the Earth above the same, if any occasion should be given for the Ascent of the former, or Descent of any thing from the latter. And here 'tis to be noted, that these Chaps and Fissures, tho' they were never so many or so open, could not of themselves raise any Sub∣terraneous Waters, nor contribute one jot to the drowning of the Earth. The Upper Orb was long ago setled, and sunk as far into the Abyss as the Law of Hydrostaticks requir'd; and whether 'twere intire or broken, would cause no new pressure; and no more than maintain its prior situation on the Face of the Deep. These Fissures had been at least as open and extended in their Original Generation, when the Diurnal Rotation began, as at this time, and yet was there no danger of a Deluge. So that tho' this breaking up of the Fountains of the Deep was a prerequisite condition, and absolutely necessa∣ry to the Ascent of the Subterraneous Waters, yet was it not the proper and direct cause or efficient thereof: That is to be deriv'd from another original, and is as follows. As soon as the presence of the Comet had produc'd those vast Tides, or double elevation and depression of the Abyss, and thereby disjointed the Earth, and caus'd the before-mentiond patent holes or breaches quite through the Body of it, the Fall of Waters began, and quickly cover'd the Earth, and crouded the Air with vast quantities there of: Which Waters being adventitious or addi∣tional

ones, and of a prodigious weight withal, must press downward with a mighty force, and endeavour to sink the Orb of Earth deeper into the Abyss, according as the intire weight of each column of Earth, and its incumbent Waters to∣gether, agreeably to the Law of Hydrostaticks, did now require. And had the Earth, as it was * 1.419 in its first subsiding into the Abyss, been loose, separate, and unfix'd, so as to admit the Abyss between its parts, and suffer a gentle subsidence of the Columns of Earth in the requisite proportion, we could scarce have expected any Elevation of the Subterraneous Waters. But the Strata of the Earth were long ago setled, fastened, and consolidated together, and so could not admit of such a farther immersion in∣to the fluid. On which account the new and vast pressure of the Orb of Earth upon the Abyss would certainly force it upward, or any way, wheresoever there were a passage for it: To which therefore the Breaches, Holes, and Fissures so newly generated, or rather open'd afresh by the violence of the Tides in the Abyss beneath, would be very ready and natural Outlets; through which it would Ascend with a mighty force, and carry up before it whatever was in its way, whether Fluid or Solid, whether 'twere Earth or Water. And seeing, as we before saw, the Lower Regions of the Earth were full of Water, pervading and replenishing the Pores * 1.420 and Interstices thereof; which Waters on the opening of the Fissures would from all sides ouze into, and fill up the Inferiour parts of the same, and rest upon the Face of the Abyss; the Dense Fluid of the Abyss, in its violent Ascent through the Fissures, would carry before it, and throw out at the tops of the said Fissures great quanti∣ties

of the same; and if its force were any where sufficient, would cast it self also out at the same passages; and by both or either ways would mightily add to the quantity of the Waters al∣ready on the Face of the Earth, and become a fresh and a prodigious augmentation of that De∣luge, which began already to overwhelm and destroy the Inhabitants thereof. For the better apprehension of this matter, let us imagine the following Experiment were made. Suppose a Cylinder of Stone or Marble fitted so exactly to a hollow Cylindrical Vessel, that it may just Ascend or Descend freely within it: Let the Cylinder of Stone or Marble have small holes bored quite through it, parallel to the Axis thereof: Let the Vessel be fill'd half full of Wa∣ter; and the Cylinder, as gently as you please, be put into the Vessel, till it touch the Water: Let then each of the holes through the Cylinder be fill'd in part with Oyl, or any other Fluid lighter than the Water, to Swim upon the Sur∣face thereof: Things being thus provided, you have the very case of the Deluge before you; and what effects you here, in a lesser degree, will observe, are but the representations of those great and remarkable ones of which we are now speaking. For as the weight of the Cylinder pressing upon the Surface of the Water would squeeze the Oyl upon its Surface through the holes, and cast it out thereat with some violence, and cast it self too out at the same passages if the holes were not too high, in comparison to the quantity of the intire pressure upon the Sur∣face of the Water; just so the Weight of the Columns of Earth, augmented by the additional Waters of the Comet, would squeeze and press upon the Surface of the Abyss; which being a

Fluid Mass, and incapable of sustaining a pres∣sure in one part, without equally communica∣ting * 1.421 it to all the rest, any way whatsoever; must burst out wherever such pressure was want∣ing, and throw it self up the Fissures; carrying up before it, and throwing out upon the Earth those Waters which (like Oyl on the Water in the Experiment) lay upon its Surface, and for the altitude perhaps of some Miles cover'd the same; and thereby mightily increasing the great∣ness of the Deluge, and having a main stroke in that destruction which it brought upon the Earth. All which, I think, gives us a clear, easie, and mechanical account of this (hitherto inex∣plicable) Secondary Cause of the Deluge, the breaking up the Fountains of the Great Deep, and thereat the elevating the Subterraneous Wa∣ters, and bringing them out upon the Face of the Earth.

Corollary 1. These Chaps or Fissures at the De∣luge would commonly be the same with those at the commencing of the Diurnal Rotation. It being easier to break the Compages of the Earth where it had once been broken already, and was never united well again, than in other places where it was intire and continued: And those parts which sustain'd the rather greater force at the former Convulsion, would at least as well sustain this, of which we are now speaking, and preserve their former continuity still, as they did before the Flood.

Coroll. 2. Hence if these Fissures are the occasion and source of Fountains, as Dr. Woodward very probably asserts, The Antediluvian and Postdilu∣vian Springs must be generally the very same; as arising from the same Originals; so far as the muta∣tions at the Earth's Surface to be afterward explain'd would permit and allow in the case.

Coroll. 3. Since we have before shew'd, that the Mountainous Columns of the Earth are the loosest, the least compacted, and least solid of all others, The Earth would be the most subject to the Fissures and Breaches in those parts, and the generality of Springs and Rivers would now proceed from thence: Unless the peculiar Stony, or other firm Compages of the same prevented the Effects here mention'd, as some∣times perhaps might happen in the present case.

Coroll. 4. Hence 'tis evident, that there was no great Ocean, but only smaller Lakes and Seas, before the Flood. For otherwise the Tule or Flux of the Ocean would have been so great and violent, as to have superseded almost all the designs of the ensuing Deluge, and have withal extremely endanger'd, if not certainly destroy'd, the Ark, and all those Crea∣tures which were entring into it: Which the small Tides in the small Lakes and Seas would not at all affect, or disturb.

XLIX. All these Fountains of the great Deep were broken up on the very first day of the Deluge, or the very first day when the Rains began.

XLIX. This is very easily understood from the space of time that the Comet was near the Earth. For the duration of this Disruption, or breaking of the Orb of Earth, occasion'd by the nearness of the Comet, must be commensurate thereto; which, tho' we should take in all the space it was nearer than the Moon, could not possibly, as is easie to Calculate, amount to Nine Hours; which is indeed much more than need be allow'd; and is yet sufficiently within that Days space which this Phaenomenon, if occasion were, could allow us to suppose; and so fully satisfies the same.

L. Yet the very same day, Noah, his Family, and all the Animals entred into the Ark.

L. Tho' 'tis otherwise not a little strange that the entry into the Ark should be defer'd till this Day; yet 'tis clear and easie on the present Hy∣pothesis. For as to the Fountains of the great Deep, which were broken up this Day, thereby the Earth and its Contents were only gradually and insensibly elevated; but no other distur∣bance given to Noah in his Entry into the Ark at the same time. The Fissures indeed were now made, but till the weight of the Waters from the Comet could operate, no Water would from thence arise to disturb him. And tho' they had, yet unless there were some of the great Fissures or Spouts just where he was, no interruption could this day be given him therefrom. As to the Rains themselves, tho' they all fell first upon the Earth nearly within the compass of this Day, and so must cause a most prodigious destruction and confusion upon the Earth where they so fell; yet the peculiar situation of Mount Caucasus, on or near which the Ark was, did secure it; this day, tho' so outragious and destructive a one to the Inhabitants of the other parts of the Globe, was yet here fair and calm, as at other times: Which is thus demonstrated. 'Tis evident that Mount Caucasus is ficuate pretty near the Center of our Northern Continent; or indeed some 20 or 25 degrees Northeast from the same; that is, as will hereafter appear, pretty near the Point b, * 1.422 or somewhat below it towards c: Which Moun∣tain Caucasus was directly expos'd therefore to the Comet at its nearest distance, represented in the Figure. When the Comet therefore was

moving from E to F, so soon as the Earth came within its Atmosphere and Tail, a Cylindrical Co∣lumn of Vapours would be intercepted, and bore off by the Earth in its passage, whose Basis were somewhat larger than a great Circle on the Earth, and whose Direction or Axis, from the compound Motion of the Comet and of the Earth, were at about 45 degrees of Inclination with the Ecliptick or parallel to cd, the lesser Axis of the Earth. That is, the first fall of the Va∣pours would affect one Hemisphere of the Earth at a time, that, namely, which were properly expos'd to their descent; and the other would be not at all affected therewith, till the Earth's Diurnal Rotation by degrees expos'd the other parts in like manner, and brought every one at last with∣in the verge of that Hemisphere on which was the first and most violent descent of the Vapours. Now this Hemisphere would be represented in the Figure by a d b; and the opposite one, which intirely escap'd at the same time by a c b. So that seeing the Ark, or Mount Caucasus, was below the Point b; and by the Diurnal Rota∣tion quickly got farther within the fair Hemis∣phere; it would remain in the same during all the time of this first violent Fall of the Waters, and have a calm and quiet day for the entry in∣to the Ark; while the other Regions of the Globe were subject to so violent a Storm, and such fury of descending Vapours as no Age past or future had been, or were to be exposed to. This place could only be capable of some falling Vapours three or four hours after Sun-set, in case the Earth were not at that time got clear of the Tail of the Comet, in which it had been all the preceding day: And consequently, Noah had as fair and calm a time of entring into the

Ark, with all his Family, and the other Animals, as could be desir'd; when no other parts of the Globe, but those agreeing in such a peculiar situation with him, could have permitted the same. Which is, I think, not a meer Satisfactory, but a very Surprizing account of the present Proposition.

Corollary 1. Hence the time of the breaking open of the Fountains of the Deep, and of the beginning of the Rains, very nearly coincident therewith, is deter∣min'd; and that, agreeably to the Mosaick History, much nearer than to a Day; (with which exactness we have hitherto contented our selves in the case) And indeed almost to an Hour. For seeing all the Fountains of the great Deep were broken up on this day; seeing the forty days Rain began on the same day; seeing Noah, with all his Family, and all the other Creatures entred on this self-same day into the Ark; all which certainly require very near an intire day; and yet seem very incompatible; there is no other way but to assert, that tho' the breaking up of the Fountains of the Great Deep, and the Fall of the Wa∣ters, were coincident, and upon the same day with the Entry into the Ark, as the Text most expresly asserts; yet the place where the Ark was, escap'd the effects of the same till the Evening; and while the rest of the Earth was abiding the fury of the same, en∣joy'd so calm, fair, and undisturb'd a day, as per∣mitted their regular and orderly going into the Ark before the Waters overtook them. So that the Deluge must, according to the Sacred History, have commenc'd in the Morning, and yet not reach'd the particular place where Noah was till the Evening, or the com∣ing on of the ensuing Night: Which how exactly the present Hypothesis is correspondent to, I shall leave the Reader to judge from what has been said under this last Proposition; according to which 'tis plain,

that the Comet pass'd by the Earth, broke up the Foun∣tains of the Deep, and began the forty days Rains after Sun∣rising, about Eight or Nine a Clock in the Morning; from which time till Eight or Nine a Clock at Night, and long after Sun-set, tho' the Waters fell with the greatest violence on the Earth, yet they affected a single Hemisphere at a time only, into which the Diurnal Rotation did not all that while convert the Regions near the Ark; and this most nicely and wonderfully corresponds to the greatest accuracy of the present case, and of the Mosaick History. So that now we may, agreeably both to the Sacred Hi∣story, and the Calculations from the present Hypothe∣sis, assert, that the Deluge began at the Meridian of Mount Caucasus on Thursday the twenty seventh day of November, in the year of the Julian Period, 2365, between Eight and Nine a Clock in the Morn∣ing. Which exactness of Solution, wherein not only the Day, but almost Hour assign'd from the Mosaick History is correspondent to the present Hypothesis, how remarkable an Attestation it is to the same, and how full a confirmation of the most accurate Verity of the Mosaick History, I need not remark: Such re∣flections when Just, being very Natural with every careful Reader.

Corollary 2. Here is an instance of the peculiar Providence of God in the Preservation of the Ark, by ordering the Situation so as to escape the Violence of the thick Vapours in their first precipitate fall, which otherwise must probably have dash'd it to pieces. For considering their Velocity of Motion, which indeed was incredible, no less than eight hundred Miles in the space of a Minute; 'tis not easy to suppose, that any Building could sustain and preserve it self under the violence thereof; which we see the Ark, by the pecu∣liar place of its Situation, twenty or twenty five degrees North-East from the Center of our Northern Conti∣nent,

was wonderfully secured from, while the other Regions of the Earth were exposed thereto, and in great measure, 'tis probable, destroy'd thereby.

Coroll. 3. Hence 'tis evident, That the place of the Ark before assign'd, at Mount Caucasus, was its true one, and not any Mountain in or near Armenia. For had it been there seated, it had been expos'd to the violence of the falling Vapours, and instead of a quiet entry into the Ark on this first day of the Deluge, the Ark it self, with all the Creatures that were to be preserv'd in it, would have utterly perish'd in the very beginning thereof.

Coroll. 4. Hence the reason may easily be given, why the History of the Deluge takes no notice of this passing by of the Comet; viz. because none of those who surviv'd the Deluge, could see or perceive the same. For at the time of the approach of the Comet at first, both the latter end of the Night-season, when all were asleep; and the Mists, which according to the Nature of the Antediluvian Air, were probably then upon the Earth, and obscur'd the Face of the Heavens, hindred any prospect of this dreadful Body. And soon after the Morning came, they were actually in∣volv'd in the Atmosphere of the Comet, and so in its Tail presently after, which would only appear a strange and unusual Mist or Cloud at a distance, whol∣ly depriving them of the distinct view of the Comet it self, and leaving them utterly ignorant of the true oc∣casion of the following Catastrophe, unless any inti∣mation should have been given them thereof by a Di∣vine Revelation.

LI. Tho' the first and most violent Rains continued with∣out intermission but forty Days, yet after some time the Rains began again, and ceased not till the seven∣teenth Day of the seventh Month, or a hundred and fifty Days after the Deluge began.

LI. It has been already abserv'd, That the * 1.423 Comet would involve the Earth in its Tail a se∣cond time, about fifty four or fifty five Days af∣ter its first passing by, as well as it did before; as 'tis also represented in the Figure. Which being suppos'd, the Earth must receive a new stock of Vapours as before; and the Rains which had intermitted for fourteen or fifteen Days, must begin again. The differences between the former and latter Rains would be, (1.) These latter Vapours proceeding from the Tail, whereas the former did principally from the much denser Atmosphere of the Comet, would be less copious, and less violent than the other, and cause a gent∣ler Rain. (2.) These Vapours being newly ra∣rified by the prodigious Heat at the Perihelion, and rais'd thereby to a mighty height in the Tail, from their greater rarity and lightness, higher ascent in our Air consequent thereupon, and longer time thence necessary to their cooling and descent in Rains upon the Earth, would be much longer in falling, and produce a conti∣nual Rain of many more days than the former did. Both which are exactly agreeable to the Mosaick History; whence it appears, that the first Rains had the principal stroke in the Deluge; and that if this secondary Rain commenc'd at the time here assign'd, it must have continued 95 or 96 days; which is considerably more than dou∣ble the number of those 40, within which the former Rains were confin'd.

LII. This second, and less remarkable Rain was deriv'd from such a cause as the former was.

LII. This is sufficiently evident already, since the same Comet afforded the matter for both Rains equally.

LIII. Tho' the Fountains of the great Deep were broken up, and the forty days Rain began at the same time; yet is there a very observable mention of a threefold growth, or distinct augmentation of the Waters, as if it were on three several accounts, and at three several times.

LIII. This is particularly correspondent to the present Hypothesis; wherein (1.) The principal Rain of 40 days; (2.) The Eruption and Ascent of the Subterraneous Waters, occasion'd by their weight and pressure; (3.) The lesser Rain of 95 or 96 days, were both different in themselves, and in their time of commencing, and caus'd a distinct augmentation of the Waters, agreeably to the greatest nicety of this Proposition.

LIV. The Waters of the Deluge increas'd by degrees till their utmost height; and then decreas'd by degrees till they were clearly gone off the Face of the Earth.

LIV. This is evident as to the increase of the Deluge, by what has been already said; and will equally be so of its decrease, when we come to it hereafter.

LV. The Waters of the Deluge were Still, Calm, free from Commotions, Storms, Winds, and Tempests, of all sorts, during the whole time in which the Ark was afloat upon them.

LV. It has already appear'd, that there were no * 1.424 Storms, Tempests, or other violent Commotions * 1.425 in the Antediluvian Air till the Deluge; and that during the space here referr'd to, none would arise, 'tis but reasonable to allow. For as to the first and principal Rain, it was so constant, so downright, and so uninterrupted, that no little commotion in the Air could have place; or if it

had, could disturb it; which is commonly the case of long and setled Rains with us at this day. As to the Subterraneous Waters, ascending with some violence, they were confin'd to several par∣ticular places, and not universal; and though they might cause some commotions at the bottom of the Waters, yet might the surface of the same, and the Air, be sufficiently calm and undisturb'd. But as to the third Cause of the Deluge, It must be granted, agreeably to what has been before * 1.426 observ'd, That the descending Vapours would * 1.427 not be merely such, but mix'd with many hete∣rogenerous Particles of all sorts, Sulphur, Brim∣stone, Niter, Coal, Mineral Effluvia, Metallick Steams, and the like, which the prodigious heat at the Perihelion had dissolv'd and elevated into the Tail of the Comet: From the confused mixture, irregular fermentations, and disagreeing motions of all which, 'tis probable the preternatural and violent commotions in the Atmosphere then, and since, are mainly to be deduc'd. So that assoon as the latter 94 or 95 days Rains were almost over; assoon as these rarified Corpuscles were descended into the lower and narrower Regions of the Air; and being crouded closer, were, by the greater heat there predominant, put into such irregular fermentations as they were already dis∣posed for; 'Tis natural to suppose that Winds, and Storms of all sorts, and those in a very ex∣traordinary manner, would arise, and cause the most sensible and extream perturbations of the Waters (now covering to a vast depth the face of the whole Earth) that could easily be conceiv'd: Of which the following Proposition will give farther occasion to discourse.

LVI. Yet during the Deluge there were both Winds and Storms of all sorts in a very violent manner.

LVI. Seeing, as we just now saw, that at the end of the latter Rains the greatest Storms possi∣ble were to be expected; and seeing yet the Ark, which had been afloat so long, and was so still (the Waters being now at the very highest) was incapable of abiding a stormy Sea, as we prov'd under the former Phaenomenon; there at first view appears the greatest danger imaginable, of its perishing in the future immoderate and extraor∣dinary Commotions. And this danger is increa∣sed by this Reflection; That as probably it had been afloat during the most part of the 150 days, while the Waters were gradually and gently aug∣menting; so one would imagine ought it to be, for at least as many days, during the at least as gentle and gradual decrease of the same after∣wards: i. e. The Ark ought to have been as long afloat in the stormy, as it had been in the calm part of the Deluge. But this difficulty, which is to appearance so entirely insoluble, will soon va∣nish, if we consider that the Ark rested upon Cau∣casus, * 1.428 the then highest Mountain in the world. For seeing the Waters prevailed above the same Moun∣tain 15 Cubits only, a great part of which depth * 1.429 of Water would be drawn by the Ark it self; upon the very first ceasing of the Rains from above, and of the Waters from the Abyss be∣neath, which permitted the least subsiding and diminution of the Deluge, the Ark must imme∣diately rest upon the ground, and thereby se∣cure it self from the impending Storms. And that accordingly it did so, at the time assign'd, on the conclusion of the 150 days, or the very same individual day when the Wind began, is parti∣cularly and expresly observ'd and affirm'd by Moses: Which being a very remarkable coinci∣dence, exactly agreeable to the present Hypothesis,

as well as to the Sacred History, and of very considerable Importance, I shall set down the words at large, as follows:

The waters prevailed upon the Earth an hundred * 1.430 and fifty days (viz. from the seventeenth of these∣cond, to the seventeenth of the seventh Month). And God remembred Noah, and every living thing, and all the Cattel that was with him in the Ark: And God made a wind to pass over the earth, and the waters asswaged. The fountains also of the deep, and the windows of heaven were stopped, and the rain from heaven was restrained. And the waters re∣turned from off the earth continually: and after the end of the hundred and fifty days, the waters were abated. And the ark rested in the seventh month, on the seventeenth day of the month, upon the mountains of Ararat.

Corollary. Hence 'tis obvious to remark the won∣derful Providence of God for the Preservation of the Ark, and the sole Remains of the old World therein contain'd, in ordering all circumstances, so, that it was afloat just all the calm Season of the Deluge, but as soon as ever any tempestuous Weather arose, was safe landed on the top of Caucasus.

LVII. This Deluge of Waters was universal in its extent and effect; reaching to all the parts of the Earth, and destroying all the Land-Animals on the intire Surface thereof; those only excepted which were with Noah in the Ark.

LVII. This might justly have been made a Corollary of the next Proposition, (for if the Wa∣ters in any one Region, much more a compleat Hemisphere, exceeded the tops of the highest Mountains, it would certainly diffuse it self and overflow the other also): But being capable in the present Hypothesis of a separate Proof, de∣serves

a distinct Consideration. Now of the se∣veral Causes of the Deluge, those Vapours which were deriv'd from the Comet's Tail, both at the first and second passage of the Earth through the entire Column thereof, by reason of the Earth's Mora, or abiding therein about 12 hours, or a se∣mi-revolution, and the fall of the Vapours on an entire Hemisphere at the same time, would af∣fect the whole Earth, and though not exactly equally, yet pretty universally make a Deluge in all the Regions of the Globe. The subterra∣neous Waters, being the proper effect of the weight of the other, would also be as universal as they, and that every where, generally speak∣ing, in the same proportion. 'Tis true, the Waters which were derived from the Atmosphere of the Comet (the principal Source of the 40 days Rain) were not wholly so universal as the former at first, by reason of the shorter Mora or abiding of the Earth therein (though even much above half of the Earth's entire surface would hence be immediately affected): But if we consider the Velocity of the Earth's Diurnal Rotation, and that the Mass of newly acquir'd Vapours was not at first partaker of the same, but by degrees to receive the impression thereof, we shall with ease apprehend, that a few of the first Rotations would wind or wrap these, as well as the other Vapours, quite round the Earth, and thereby cause a very equal distribution of them all in the Atmosphere, and at last render the Rains very evenly Universal. To which uniform distribution the Nature of the Air it self, as at present it I suppose does, might con∣tribute: Such an Elastical Fluid as the Air scarce suffering a lasting Density or Croud of Vapours in one Region, without communicating some

part to the others adjoining; that so a kind of Equilibrium in the weight, crassitude, and density of its several Columns may be preserv'd through the whole. So that at last, the Deluge must have been Universal, because every one of the Causes thereof appear to have been truly so.

LVIII. The Waters at their utmost height were fifteen Cubits above the highest Mountains, or three Miles at the least perpendicular above the common Surface of the Plains and Seas.

LVIII. In order to make some estimate of the quantity of Water which this Hypothesis affords us, let us suppose that the one half came from the Comet, or the Rains; and the other half from the Subterraneous Water: (Tho' 'tis not impossible that much the greater part might arise from the latter:) Let us also suppose, that the tenth part of the rest arose from the Tail of the Comet, at both the times of its enclosing the Earth; and the other nine from its Atmos∣phere; (tho' 'tis possible that a much less propor∣tion ought to be deriv'd from the former) 'Tis evident from the Velocity of Comets, at the di∣stance from the Sun here to be consider'd, and the usual Crassitude or Diameter of the Tails thereof, that the Earth would be near half a day, or 12 hours each time within the limits thereof; and by consequence that it would intercept and receive upon it self a Cylindrical Column of Va∣pour, whose Basis were equal to that of a great Circle on the Earth, and whose Altitude were about 750000 Miles. If we therefore did but know the proper density of the Vapour compe∣sing the Tail of the Comet, or what proportion it bears to that of Water, 'twere easie to reduce this matter to Calculation, and very nearly to

determine the quantity enquired after. That the Tail of a Comet, especially at any conside∣rable distance from the Comet it self, is exceed∣ing rare, is evident, by the vastness of its extent, and the distinct appearance of the sixt Stars quite through the immense Crassitude of its entire Co∣lumn. Let us, for computation's sake, suppose that the Density of Water to that of this Ex∣panded Column of Vapour is as 3400000 to one; or, which is all one, (since Water is to our Air in Density as 850 to one) that the Density of our Air, is to the Density of this Coulmn of Vapour, as 4000 to one, (which degree of rare∣ness if it be not enough at a great distance from the Comet, as at the second passage; yet I sup∣pose may be more than sufficient at the very Re∣gion adjoining thereto, as at the first passage; and so upon the whole no unreasonable Hypo∣thesis:) So that if we divide the Altitude of this Cylindrical Column of (750000 Miles, or) 3750000000 Feet by 3400000 (37500 by 34) we shall have a Column of Water equal there∣to. By which Calculation the quantity of Wa∣ter acquir'd at each time of the passage through the Tail, would equal a Cylinder, whose Basis were a great Circle on the Earth, as above; and whose Altitude were 1103 Feet: Which quanti∣ty being twice acquir'd, must be doubled; and then will amount to a Cylinder whose Basis were the same as above, and whose Altitude were double the others, or 2206 Feet. Now Archimedes has demonstrated, that the intire Superficies of a Sphere or Globe is four times as large as the Area of one of its great Circles. And by consequence the Column of Vapour before-mention'd, when converted into Rain Water, and spread upon the Face of the Earth, would cover the Globe intire∣ly

round (had there been no Dryland or Moun∣tains extant above the Surface of the Plains and Seas) a quarter of the height last assign'd, or 5411/2 Feet every way: Which being suppos'd, and what was at the first Postulated of the At∣mosphere's quota, the whole Water afforded by the Comet-will cover the Earth intirely to the per∣pendicular height of the 541c1/2 Feet. To which add, by the Original Postulatum, the equal quan∣tity ascending from the Bowels of the Earth, the Total amounts to 10821 Feet; or above two Miles perpendicular Altitude: Which, when allowance is made for those large spaces taken up by the extant Dry Land and Mountains, will approach very near that three Miles perpendicular height requir'd by the present Phaenomenon.

Corollary. If the several particulars requisite to the nice adjustment of these Computations were more exactly enquir'd into, some light on the present Hypo∣thesis, might be afforded to the Density of the Atmos∣pheres and Tails of Comets, which is hitherto undeter∣min'd; the consideration of which matter must be re∣fer'd to Astronomers.

LIX. Whatever be the height of the Mountain Caucasus, whereon the Ark rested, now; it was at that time the highest in the whole World.

LIX. If we consult the Figure here refer'd to, * 1.431 we shall easily apprehend the Reason of this, otherwise, strange Phicnomenon. For seeing this Mountain was the highest in Asia, or the middle Regions of our Continent; and seeing withal that intire Continent, and chiefly the middle Regions thereof, were elevated by the greatest protuberance of the Abyss dbc above any other correspondent parts of the whole Globe, the ab∣solute or intire height of this Mountain arises

not only from its proper Altitude above the neighbouring Plains, but also from the Elevation of the whole Continent, or peculiarly of its middle Regions above the Ancient Surface of the Seas; so that by this advantage of situation, it was at the time here concern'd higher not on∣ly than its Neighbours, which its own Elevation was sufficient for, but than any other on the Face of the whole Earth: Some of which otherwise it could, I believe, by no means have pretended to match, much less to out-do in Altitude. Now altho' the presence of the Comet which produc'd these Tides in the Abyss, and elevated the intire Continents above their ancient level, did not re∣main after the Disruption of the Fountains of the Deep on the first day of the Deluge; yet the Effect thereof, the Elevation of the Continents above their ancient Level, would not so soon, nay would scarce ever intirely cease. We know by common observation, that if a Solid or Setled Mass of Bodies be torn or pull'd in pieces, 'tis not easie to put every thing into its place, and re∣duce the whole to the same fixed Position, and within the same fixed limits, it had before. If a solid compacted mound of Earth were once shatter'd and divided, were levell'd and remov'd, tho' afterward every individual Dust of the for∣mer Earth were laid together again upon the ve∣ry same Plot and Compass, yet would individual Dust of the for∣mer Earth were laid together again upon the ve∣ry same Plot and Compass, yet would it not be immediately confin'd within its ancient dimen∣sions; its height would be at first considerably greater than before; and tho' that in length of time would be by degrees diminish'd, by the gra∣dual setling and crouding together of the parts, and so some approaches would be made thereby towards its ancient density, and lesser elevation; yet neither would be intirely attain'd; in any

moderate space of time at least. And this is the very case before us. That Oval Figure which the Orb of Earth was stretch'd to at the Deluge, would remain for a considerable time, and be many years in setling so close together, that it might afterward remain fixt and firm for the following generations; before which time 'tis evident, that the Regions near the Center of our Northern or Larger Continent, were the highest, and those at 90 degrees distance every where the lowest; and by consequence at the time of the Arks resting, the Mountain Caucasus, near the Center of the Northern Continent, was elevated above the rest, and particularly above the Pike of Teneriff, which seems to be at present the highest of all others. And thus that terrible Phaenomenon is solv'd, which the Reverend Mr. Warren was so puzzled with, that even on the allowance of so much Miracle as the creation of the Waters of the Deluge, and Annihilation of the same afterward, yet could he not account for the Letter of Moses without a forc'd and un∣grounded Supposition, to the same purpose with the Proposition before us: As you will find him, and not without reason, very emphatically expres∣sing * 1.432 himself on this occasion.

Corollary 1. Here is a visible instance of the Di∣vine Providence for the preservation of the Remains of the Old World, by ordering the building of the Ark near that which would be the highest Mountain in the World; that so upon the very first ceasing of the Rains, and the beginning of the Winds and Storms, it might immediately be safe on the top thereof.

Coroll. 2. The same careful and wise providence is conspicuous in the so accurately adjusting all the cir∣cumstances of the Deluge; that tho' it should be high enough to destroy the whole stock of the Dry-land

Animals; and yet but just so much above the Moun∣tain Caucasus, as permitted the Ark to rest at the very first decrease of the Waters, and the commencing per∣turbations of the Air, and the Waves necessarily ensu∣ing; which otherwise must still have destroy'd it, not∣withstanding the advantage of its situation before ob∣serv'd.

Coroll. 3. Supposing the Truth of our first Postu∣latum, of the Verity of the Letter of the Mosaick Hi∣story; as certain as is the greater height of the Pike of Teneriff, or of any other Mountain in the World, above that of Caucasus Now; (of which I suppose no body makes any question) so certain is it (bating unknown causes, and a miraculous Power, as is always in such cases to be suppos'd) that a Comet was the cause of the Mosaick Deluge. For 'tis certain, by the plainest de∣duction from the express words of Scripture, that the Mountain on which the Ark rested was at that time the highest in the World. 'Tis therefore certain, that the Continent or Basis on which Mount Caucasus stand, was elevated higher at the Deluge than 'tis at present: and 'tis also certain, that no Body or Mass of Bodies in the whole World can elevate or depress a Continent of the Earth, but such as are capable of approaching the same; or in other words, but Comets; and consequent∣ly a Comet did approach near the Earth at the time assigned, and was the cause of the Deluge. Which Chain or Connexion. I take to be so strong, that I believe 'twill not be possible to evade its force; and so what on other arguments has been already establish'd, is fully confirm'd by this.

Coroll. 4. 'Tis equally dcmonstrable, that the Up∣per Orb or Habitable Earth is founded on a Subterrane∣ous Fluid, denser and heavier than it self: This circum∣stance being absolutely necessary to account for the Phae∣nomenon we are now upon. For if the internal Re∣gions of the Globe were firm and solid (as is commonly

suppos'd; tho' wholly gratis, and without ground:) Tho' the Comet had pass'd by, yet there could have been no elevation of any Continent, and the Proposition before us must still have remain'd Insoluble.

LX. As the Fountains of the great Deep were broken up at the very same time that the first Rains began, so were they stopp'd the very same time that the last Rains ended; on the seventeenth day of the seventh Month.

LX. Tho' I cannot say that the Account of the Deluge, now given, can determine to a Day the time of the Subterraneous Waters ceasing to spout forth (this stoppage of the Fountains of the Deep in Moses) yet 'tis evident, that the time de∣fin'd by the History is very agreeable to that which from the consideration of the thing it self one should naturally pitch upon. For since the Ascent of the Subterraneous Waters depended on the Waters produc'd by the Rains, as on the be∣ginning of those Rains it began to ascend, on the continuance thereof continued to do the like, so at the ceasing, probably enough might it cease also; as this Proposition assures us it really did.

LXI. The abatement and decrease of the Waters of the Deluge was first by a Wind which dried up some. And secondly, by their descent through those Fissures, Chaps, and Breaches, at which part of them had before ascend∣ed into the Bowels of the Earth, which received the rest. To which latter also the Wind, by hurrying the Waters up and down, and so promoting their lighting into the before-mention'd Fissures, was very much sub∣servient.

LXI. In order to the giving a satisfactory ac∣count of this Proposition, and of the draining the Waters of the Deluge off the Surface of the Earth (which to some has seem'd almost as difficult to solve as their first Introduction); It must first be

granted that the Air could receive and sustain but very inconsiderable quantities, in comparison of the intire Mass which lay upon the Earth; yet some it might, and would naturally do; which accordingly both the Wind here mentioned, and the Sun also took away, and turn'd into Vapour immediately after the ceasing of the latter Rains. But as to all the rest, there is no imaginable place for their Reception, or whither their natural Gravity oblig'd them to retreat to, excepting the Bowels of the Earth; which must therefore be di∣stinctly consider'd in this place. Now we may re∣member, from what has been formerly said, that the quantity of Solids, or earthy Parts in the upper Orbs primary Formation, was very much greater * 1.433 than that of Fluids, or watery Parts; and conse∣quently, that the inward Regions of the Earth be∣ing generally dry and porous, were capable of receiving mighty quantities of Waters without any swelling, without any alteration of the exter∣nal Figure, or visible Bulk. And indeed, if we allow, as we ought, any considerable Crassitude to this upper Orb, its interior Regions might easily contain a much greater quantity of Waters than what was upon the Earth at the Deluge; especi∣ally when so great a part of them was before there, and would only fill up their old places again. So that all the difficulty is now reduc'd to this, By what Pipes, Canals, or Passages, these Waters could be convey'd into the Bowels of the Earth? Which in truth can admit of no dispute, nothing sure being to be conceiv'd more natu∣ral Inlets to these Waters, than those very perpen∣dicular Fissures which were the Outlets to so great a part of them before. As soon therefore as the Waters ceas'd to ascend upwards through those Breaches, they must to be sure descend down∣ward's

by the same; and this descent is more na∣tural than the prior ascent could be esteem'd to be; which was a force upon them, compelling them against their Natures to arise upwards, when this retreat into the same Interstices is no other than their own proper Gravity requir'd, and inclin'd them to. The case here is in part like that of a Sive, first by force press'd down in∣to a Vessel of Water, till it were fill'd therewith, and then suffer'd to emerge again; where through the very same Holes at which the Waters ascend∣ed into, they afterward descended out of the Sive again, and retreated into their own Ele∣ment as before. All that in particular deserves here to be farther noted, is, the Interest of the Wind, or of the Agitations of the Waters (goings and returnings in the Hebrew Phrase) made men∣tion of in this Proposition. And these Commo∣tions are in truth very useful, and very necessary assistants to the draining of the Waters from off the Earth. For when the most part of the Fis∣sures were in the Mountains, 'twould have been a difficult thing to clear the Vallies and lower Grounds, had there been a perfect Calm, and every Collection of Waters remain'd quietly in its own place. But when the Waters were so vio∣lently agitated and hurried from one place to another, they would thereby very frequently light into the Fissures, and Breaches, and so descend as well as the rest into the heart of the Earth; very agreeable to the Assertion of this Proposi∣tion.

Corollary 1. Seeing the most of the Fissures were in the Mountains, the decrease and going off of the Wa∣ters would be greatest at first, while the generality of the Mountains were under water, and less and gentler afterwards.

Coroll. 2. Several low Countries now bordering on the Seas, might for many Years after the Deluge be under Water, which by the descent of more of the Wa∣ters into the Bowels of the Earth, might become Dry∣land afterward; and by their smoothness and equabi∣lity shew their once having lain under, and been made so plain by the Waters. Instances of which are now very observable in the World: In particular, those parts of Cambridgeshire and Lincolnshire which border on the German Ocean, appear very evidently to have ori∣ginally been in the same case, as any careful Observer will easily pronounce.

LXII. The dry Land, or habitable Part of the Globe, is since the Deluge divided into two vast Continents, al∣most opposite to one another, and separated by a great Ocean interpos'd between them.

LXII. The Figure in which the Comet left the Earth, and which it would in some measure re∣tain ever after, was, as may be seen in the Fi∣gure, an Oval or Oblong Sphaeroid, whose longer Axis ab would determine the highest extant * 1.434 Parts of the Earth; and whose shorter Axis, cd, by a Revolution about the Center perpendicu∣larly to the longer Axis, would alike determine the lowest or most depress'd Parts thereof. When therefore as many Waters were run down into the Earth as the Apertures could receive; all that remain'd (excepting the ancient lesser Seas some∣what augmented every where) must be found in the lowest Vallies, or near the shorter Axis's Revolution, all round the Globe, composing a mighty Ocean; while the two elevated Regions, near the two ends of the longer Axis, were extant above the Waters, and compos'd those two oppo∣site Continents of the Earth, made mention of in this Proposition.

Corollary 1. 'Tis probable that America is intire∣ly separated from our Continent by the interpos'd Ocean, without any Neck of Land, by which it has been by many imagin'd to communicate with Tartary.

Coroll. 2. America was peopled from this Conti∣nent some Ages after the Deluge by Navigation. For seeing there is no Communication between us and them by Land; seeing also the Ancient Inhabitants of it pe∣rish'd intirely at the Deluge (as the Testimony of the Sacred Scriptures, the consideration of their lesser Num∣bers, and the impossibility of any Preservation of Men by an Ark any where but at the Mountain Caucasus, the highest Hill near the Center of the highest Conti∣nent in the World, appearing from what has been said, do conspire to demonstrate). 'Tis evident they must have been repeopled by Sea, from this Continent.

Coroll. 3. Navigation, tho' it was not before the Flood, or till then very inconsiderable; yet is not so wholly new and late in the World, as some imagine. Which Observation is very agreeable with the Sacred Records, which intimate no less than three Years Voy∣ages * 1.435 in the days of Solomon; and with Herodotus, who mentions a Voyage through the Red-Sea round * 1.436 Africa, and so through the Straights of Gibraltar into the Mediterranean in the days of Neco. * 1.437

LXIII. One of these Continents is considerably larger than the other.

LXIII. Since in all Tides, and so in those Pro∣tuberances which occasion'd the present Conti∣nents, that which respects the Body producing the same, is larger than its opposite one; 'tis evi∣dent, so it ought to be here, and the Continent situate about the Point b, considerably larger than the opposite one about a, agreeably to this Pro∣position.

Corollary. In this posture of the Abyss, and its incumbent Orb, the Earth is correspondent to the Egg, its ancient Symbol and Representative, not only in its inward and intire Constitution, but in some measure in its external Figure also; the resemblance between them becoming by this means in a manner Universal.

LXIV. The larger Continent lies most part on the North-side of the Equator; and the smaller, most part on the South.

LXIV. The Position of the Continents depend∣ed mainly on the time of the year when the Comet passed by. For since the Comet descended in the Plain of the Ecliptick from the Regions almost op∣posite to the Sun, and came to its nearest distance about 130 degrees onward from the Point in the Ecliptick opposite to the Sun, before which, and yet scarce till after the Comet were past 90 degrees, or the Periphery of the Ecliptick, would the Tides be great enough to burst the Orb of Earth, and fix the Centers of the Continents; By considering the place of the Earth in the Ecliptick, and counting about 100 degrees onward, one may determine the Latitude of the Point on the Earth directly expos'd to the Comet's Body, and by consequence of its opposite Point also; about which Points the two Continents lay. Now the Earth being about the middle of Taurus to an eye at the Sun (which I always in such cases suppose), at the time of the passing by of the Comet, about the middle of the second Month from the Autumnal Equinox, the lat∣ter part of Leo (being 100 degrees onward from the Point opposite to the Sun) will nearly deter∣mine the Latitude of the larger Continent d b c, as by consequence will the latter part of Aquarius that of the smaller d a c: On which accounts 'tis evident, that the larger must be mostly on the North, and the smaller mostly on the South-side of the Equator.

LXV. The Middle or Center of the North Continent is about sixteen or eighteen degrees of Northern Latitude; and that of the South about sixteen or eighteen degrees of Southern Latitude.

LXV. This Proposition (which more nicely determines that Position of the Continents which the last more generally asserted) is thus demon∣strated. Each Continent must retain that Posi∣tion which it had when its Compages was burst by the Elevation of the Abyss. Now the bursting of the Orb is to be suppos'd before the Comets nearest distance; and by consequence the Centers of the two Continents a and b ought to have the Latitude of the Points about 90, or rather nearer an 100 degrees onward beyond that opposite to the Sun, or beyond the Sun it self. So that the Cen∣ter of the Northern Continent, near the South-East point of Arabia, and of the Southern, near the Source of the vast River De la Plata, ought to be about the same Latitude with the 20^th degree of Leo, and of Aquarius, or near 16 degrees, the former of Northern, the latter of Southern Latitude, as this Proposition asserts them really to be.

Corollary 1. If therefore we were to determine the time of the Year of the Comet's passing by the Earth, or the commencing of the Deluge, from the Position of the Centers of our two opposite Continents, which depend thereon, we ought to assign it near the middle of the se∣cond Month, from the Autumnal Equinox, agreeably to the time already fixt both from the Sacred History, and the Calculations of Astronomy at the tenth Hypo∣thesis foregoing.

Coroll. 2. Hence all those Corollaries to the third and fourth Argument of the said tenth Hypothesis are mightily confirm'd: To which I refer the Reader for their second perusal; the importance of their Subject well-deserving the same at his hands.

Coroll. 3. Hence perhaps we may derive the occa∣sion of that ancient, current, and much insisted-on Tra∣dition concerning the high or elevated situation of Para∣dise; which is so very much attested to by Antiquity, * 1.438 and yet so very strange and obscure in it self. For since Paradise, as has been already prov'd, was very near that point where the Center of our Continent is, the East or Southeast Border of Arabia: And since withal, as we have shewn, the same Regions were by the Comet at the Deluge elevated more than any others on the intire Globe; and since, lastly, it would for a long time retain in good measure such its most rais'd situa∣tion, and continue higher than any other correspondent parts of the Earth; this appears a rational Occasion or Foundation of that celebrated Tradition here refer'd to: Which otherwise how to give any tolerable account of, upon any solid Principles, I confess I am, and have al∣ways been wholly to seek.

LXVI. The distance between the Continents, measuring from the larger or Northern South-Eastward, is greater than that the contrary way, or South-Westward.

LXVI. Seeing the Motion of the Comet about its nearest Position was much more considerable than the Diurnal one of the Earth; and seeing withal the greater and higher protuberance would arrive at a sufficient force to burst its incumbent Orb or Continent somewhat sooner than the lesser and lower; it will follow that the Point b would not be just opposite to the Point a, but near∣er the place q in the Figure. By which means the distance from q by c to a would be greater than from the same q by d to a; or from the Center of the greater Continent to that of the lesser South-eastward, than South-westward: Exactly as this Proposition requires.

LXVII. Neither of the Continents is terminated by a round or even circular Circumference: but mighty Creeks, Bays, and Seas running into them; and as mighty Peninsula's, Promontories, and Rocks jetting out from them, render the whole very unequal and irregular.

LXVII. If the Surface of the Earth before the Deluge had been even and smooth, without Moun∣tains and Valleys, and their Consequents, Seas and Dry Land, the passing by of the Comet must indeed, as before, have certainly caus'd a distincti∣on of the two Continents, and must have inter∣pos'd an Ocean between them; but then these two circumstances would have obtain'd also, first, that all the Waters of the intire Globe would have left the Continents, and solely compos'd an Ocean; and secondly, That the Termination or Boun∣daries of the Ocean and the Continents would have been circular, round, and even on every side. But since the Surface of the Earth was un∣even, irregular, and distinguish'd every where in∣to Mountains, Plains and Valleys, into Seas and Dry Land, the present Terraqueous Globe, with those inequalities of the Termination of each Continent mention'd in this Proposition, is a most easie and natural, nay plainly necessary result of this great Mutation at the Deluge.

Coroll. 1. Hence 'tis farther evident, that the Sur∣face of the Antediluvian Earth was not plain and even, but had those distinctions of Mountains and Val∣leys, Seas and Dry Land, which from other Arguments has been before establish'd.

Coroll. 2. Hence therefore it appears (what should have been before observ'd) that all the Earth might be Planted and Peopled before the Deluge, tho' Navigation were then either not at all, or not considerably known: There being no Ocean or separate Continents; and scarce any such thing as an Island, or Country but what with ease might be gone to by Land.

LXVIII. The depth of that Ocean which separates these two Continents, is usually greatest farthest from, and least nearest to either of the same Continents; there being a gradual descent from the Continents to the middle of the Ocean, which is the deepest of all.

LXVIII. The reason of this gradual declivity towards the middle of the Ocean, is very plain from the Figure hereto belonging. For since the Earth's Surface became in some degree an Oval, or oblong Sphaeroid, 'tis necessary that there should be (as far as the other irregularities of the Globe would permit) a descent from the ends of the longer Axis b and a, to those of the shorter c and d in their intire circumvolution, which gives a most obvious account of the present Phae∣nomenon.

LXIX. The greatest part of the Islands of the Globe are situate at small distances from the Edges of the great Continents; very few appearing near the middle of the Main Ocean.

LXIX. Since Islands are only such high Re∣gions as would be extant above the Surface of the Waters, tho' they cover'd the Neighbouring parts; and since the Ocean, as we have now shewn, was deepest in the middle between the two Continents; 'tis plain that, Caeteris paribus, the higher Regions would more frequently be extant near the Continents, than about the middle of the said Ocean; as this Proposition asserts.

LXX. The Ages of Men decreas'd about one half presently after the Deluge; and in the succeeding eight hundred or nine hundred Years, were gradually reduced to that standard at which they have stood ever since.

LXX. The first part of this is already sufficiently accounted for in that Proposition, where the causes

of the change in the duration of Mens lives at the Flood were in general enquir'd into. But the reasons of the gradual Decay in the succeeding Ages are here to be assign d. Now here 'tis not impossible that the considerably long lives of the first Postdiluvian Patriarchs might in part depend on the vigorous Constitution of their Fathers, not to be immediately impair'd to the utmost, or de∣stroy'd in their Posterity, till by degrees, and in length of time it was effected. But besides, 'tis to be consider'd, which I take to be the principal thing, that seeing the corrupted Atmosphere, with the per∣nicious Steams arising from the newly acquir'd Chaotick Crust, or Sediment of the Waters, and their unhappy Effects on the Fruits, as well as li∣ving Creatures upon the Earth, must be allow'd the occasion and cause of the shortning of Hu∣mane Life; such Regions as were freest from, or most elevated above the said Sediment, or Chaotick Atmosphere, must have chiefly continued as they were before, and so the ancient Longevity would chiefly be preserv'd therein. Which being sup∣pos'd, and what has been already advanc'd withal consider'd, this Proposition will be easy, plain, and natural; and a peculiar Attestation of the present Hypothesis. For seeing Noah and the Ark were landed on Caucasus, the most elevated Region of the Earth, and freest from the Sedi∣ment of the Waters, as well as the grossness of the Chaotick Atmosphere below, that place would scarce differ for a good while from the Antedilu∣vian State of things, and the lives of Animals would retain very near their ancient Duration; which accordingly we find was really done. Noah survived the Deluge no less than 350 Years, and compleated 950 in the whole (somewhat beyond the moderate proportion of the Antediluvians

themselves, as the Table will easily shew). But then by reason both of the descent of his Poste∣rity * 1.439 into the Plains, and lower Grounds, and principally by the gradual subsidence of those Regions themselves into the gross Atmosphere be∣low, they became gradually liable to those Dis∣eases, and that shortness of Life, which we be∣fore shew'd to have been the sad Effects thereof, and to which all Mankind has since been sub∣ject.

Corollary 1. Mankind increased vastly more soon after the Deluge than in these latter Ages of the World. * 1.440 For whereas a Country is 280 Years now in doubling its Inhabitants, had the same rate held ever since the Deluge, Mankind at this day would not have reach'd the number of two hundred thousand Souls; which yet is esteem'd to be between three and four hundred Millions, or near two thousand times as many as the said number, deducible from the present rate of the In∣crease of Mankind. So that 'tis evident, That the Antediluvian Fruitfulness, and numerous Stock of Inhabitants (which are also themselves hereby fully establish'd) must have prevail'd, servata propor∣tione, among the Primitive Postdiluvians for some Centuries, or else no Account were to be given of the present numbers of Men upon the Face of the Earth; whereby the Verity of this Proposition, the Veracity of Moses therein, the great importance thereof, and the necessity of the present Solution, and of that Theory on which it is built, are mightily con∣firm'd.

Coroll. 2. Hence we may nearly determine the Ages of Men for the first eight or nine hundred Years after the Deluge, from the length of their Lives given. Thus Job, who appears to have liv'd at the * 1.441 least between two and three hundred Years, must have been contemporary with some of the Patriarchs

between Heber and Abraham, to whom that Dura∣tion of Humane Life belong'd; and thus we may exa∣mine and determine the Ages of the most Ancient King's mention'd in Prophane Histories, from the like Duration of their Lives or Reigns, as the following Corollary will more particularly observe.

Coroll. 3. Neither the Egyptian Dynasties, nor the Assyrian Monarchy, could be coeval with the first seven or eight hundred Years after the De∣luge, none of their Kings Reigns set down by Chronolo∣gers reaching that number of Years which the length of Humane Life at that time requir'd; nay, nor any other than Kings now may, and do arrive at in these latter Ages of the World.

Coroll. 4. The Antediluvian and Postdiluvian Years mention'd in Scripture were true Years of twelve, not fictitious ones of one Month apiece, as some, that they might reduce the Age of the first Patriarchs to the short term of Life since usually attain'd to, have been willing to surmise. This fancy is strangely absurd, and contrary to the Sacred History, and in particular irreconcilable with this Proposition. For had the anci∣ent Years been Lunar, of one Month, and the latter Solar of a twelve, by which the same Duration of Humane Life had been differently measur'd; the num∣bers of Years which Men liv'd, must have alter'd in the Proportion of twelve to one of a sudden, at such a change in the Year referr'd to, and not gradually and gently, as 'tis here evident they did.

LXXI. Our upper Earth for a considerable depth, even as far as we commonly penetrate into it, is Factitious, or newly acquir'd at the Deluge: The ancient one be∣ing covered by fresh Strata or Layers of Earth at that time, and thereby spoil'd or destroy'd as tothe use and advantage of Mankind.

LXXI. 'Tis not to be suppos'd, that the Wa∣ters of the Deluge were merely the pure Ele∣ment of Water, sincere and unmix'd. What came from the Comet's Atmosphere, must partake of its earthly heterogeneous Mixtures; and what was squeez'd up from beneath, must carry up much Dirt and earthy Matter along with it. Besides which, as soon as the stormy Weather began, the soak'd and loosen'd Tops of Moun∣tains would easily, by the Winds and Waves to∣gether, be wash'd off, or carried away into the Mass of Waters, and increase the impurity and earthy mixtures thereof. On all which accounts the Waters of the Deluge would be a very im∣pure, thick, and muddy Fluid, and afford such a quantity of earthy Matter as would bear some considerable Proportion to that of the Water it self. Now this earthy Matter being heavier than the Water, would by degrees settle downwards, and compose first a mighty thick, dirty, muddy Fluid in the lower Regions of the Waters, and at last a plain earthy Sediment at the bottom of them; which would at once spoil and bury the old Surface of the Ground, and become a new Cruft or Cover on the face thereof. Now, that we may see whether this Sediment or Crust could be so thick and considerable as this Phoeno∣menon requires, lot us suppose, as before, the perpendicular height of the Waters of the De∣luge to have been three Miles above the com∣mon Surface of the Plains and Seas, and the thirtieth part only of the intire Fluid on the Face of the Earth to have been earthy Parts sit to compose the Sediment or Crust beforemen∣tion'd. Let us also remember what has been al∣ready-observ'd from Mr. Newton, That Earth is * 1.442 at least three times as dense and heavy as Wa∣ter;

so that the thirtieth part in quantity of Matter, would only take up the ninetieth part of the whole space, either in the Waters, or when 'twas setled down by it self, and became a new Crust or Orb upon the Earth. If we then di∣vide 15000, the number of Feet in the whole height of the Waters, (not here to allow for the spaces posses'd by the extant Parts of the Earth) by 90, (1500 by 9) the quotient will shew the the Crassitude or Thickness of this Sediment or Crust covering the Face of the Earth, viz. 166 2/3 Feet, one place taken with another indifferently. Which quantity fully accounts for the Proposition we are upon, and agrees with the Observations made in the Bowels of our present Earth to as great accuracy as one could desire or ex∣pect.

Corollary 1. Hence it appears, That the Earth was generally uninhabitable for several years after the Flood: This new factitious Sediment of the Waters requiring no little space of time ere it would be fully setled, its Strata consolidated, its Surface become hard and dry, and its Vegetables sprung out of it; before which time 'twere uninhabitable by Man, and the other Dry-land Animals.

Coroll. 2. Hence we may see the Care and Wis∣dom of Divine Providence for the Preservation and Maintenance of Noah, and of all the Creatures in the Ark, after their coming out of the same again; by ordering all things so, that the Ark should rest on the highest Mountain in the World, and that the Waters should so little surpass the same, that the Sediment thereof could neither spoil the Fruits of the Ground, nor render the Surface uninhabitable, as it did on the other Regions of the Earth. For since the quantity of the Sediment would generally be proportionable every where to the perpendicular height of the Waters over

the Surface of the Ground below; tho' it would co∣ver all the other Regions of the whole Earth, yet on this highest of all Mountains, (cover'd but a few Days, or perhaps Hours, with any Waters, and they never above fifteen Cubits perpendicular height) the quantity of the Sediment would here be perfectly in∣considerable, and the Earth would not be at all al∣ter'd from what it was before, nor its Vegetables hurt by this Universal Deluge. So that this, and this only was the spot of Ground capable of receiving the Ark, and of sustaining the Creatures therein, till afterwards the rest of the Earth became fit for their Descent and Habitation. To this spot therefore, by such a wonderful adjustment of all the requisite Cir∣cumstances of the Deluge, preserv'd and distinguish'd from all the rest of the World, the Divine Providence did conduct the Ark; and on this was laid the Foun∣dation of the present Race of Mankind, and of all those Terrestrial Animals, which are now on the Face of the whole Earth; which otherwise had perish'd at their Exit out of the Ark, notwithstanding their wonderful Preservation therein during the Rage of the Deluge.

Coroll. 3. Hence we may easily understand whence the Olive-branch was brought by the Dove to * 1.443 Noah. For when the Trees adjoyning to the Ark, or on the neighbouring Tops of the Hills had suffer'd small damage by the Flood, and had since the clear∣ing of the Waters enjoy'd almost the whole Spring, and half the Summer; they must be as flourishing, and full of as many new and tender Sprouts as ever; one of which might therefore be easily broken off by the Dove, and brought to Noah in her Mouth; which new, dry, and frim Sprout or Branch, being a clear evidence, that the Waters were not only gone, and the Ground dry a great while before, but that the Earth was still, as formerly, fit for the Production

of its wonted Trees and Fruits, must exceedingly tend to the Satisfaction of Noah, and the Confirmation of his Faith and Hope in an entire Deliverance, and in the future Renovation of the World.

LXXII. This Factitious Crust is universal, upon the Tops of the generality of the Mountains, as well as in the Plains and Vallies; and that in all the known Climates and Regions of the World.

LXXII. This is a necessary consequent from the Universality of the Deluge already account∣ed for. And tho' the generality of the Moun∣tains would usully have a thinner Sediment or Crust than the Plains or Vallies, in proportion to the lesser height of the Waters over each of them respectively; yet they being at the De∣luge much inferior to the height of Caucasus, must be generally cover'd with the same Crust (unless the Storms and Waves wash'd it down again after its first setling upon any of them) as the Observations shew they really now are.

Corollary 1. 'Tis hence evident, even abstracted∣ly from the Sacred History, that there has formerly been an Universal Deluge, much higher than the ge∣nerality of the Mountains. So that hereafter, since the so useful Observations of Naturalists, and princi∣pally of Dr. Woodward hereto relating, we need not endeavour to secure the Credit and Veracity of the Mosaick History of the Deluge by Ancient Records, and the universal Attestation of Antiquity; (which Testimonies yet are too evident and numerous to be de∣nied) but may from our own Eyes, at the neighbour∣ing Mines and Coal-Pits, satisfy our selves of the exact truth of this part of the Sacred Volume, which has been so much excepted against by ill-disposed Per∣sons. So wonderful is the Method of the Divine Wis∣dom

in its seasonable Attestations afforded to the Sa∣cred Scriptures! That not only the Very Day, as we have seen, when the Flood began, assign'd by Moses may still, after more than four thousand years, be prov'd from Astronomy to have been the true one; which the Learned are chiefly capable of judging of, and being primarily influenc'd by: But the Reality and Universality of the Deluge it self is demonstrable from such common and easie Observations, in all parts of the World, at the Neighbouring Mines or Coal-pits, that the Vulgar and Most Illiterate may be Eye-wit∣nesses * 1.444 of the certain Effects of it, and so fully con∣vinc'd of the fidelity of the Sacred Historian therein.

Coroll. 2. 'Tis no wonder that none of the An∣tediluvian Cities, Towns, Buildings, or other Remains are any where to be met with since the Deluge: They being all generally buried perhaps above two hundred foot deep in the Earth, by the Sediment of the Waters.

LXXIII. The Parts of the present upper Strata were, at the time of the Waters covering the Earth, loose, se∣parate, divided, and floated in the Waters among one another uncertainly.

LXXIII. This Proposition needs no farther Explication; being already plain in what has been already said.

LXXIV. All this Heterogenous Mass, thus floating in the Waters, by degrees descended downwards, and subsided to the Bottom; pretty nearly according to the Law of Specifick Gravity; and there compos'd those several Strata or Layers, of which our present upper Earth does consist.

LXXIV. This Proposition is as easie as the for∣mer; and included in what has been already said.

LXXV. Vast multitudes of Fishes, belonging both to the Seas and Rivers, perish'd at the Deluge; and their

Shells were buried among the other Bodies or Masses which subsided down, and compos'd the Layers of our upper Earth.

LXXV. Where so Heterogeneous a Mass of Corpuscles were dispers'd every where through the Waters, and towards the bottom, especially at the latter end of their subsidence, render'd the same very thick and muddy, 'tis natural to sup∣pose, that multitudes of Fishes, partly stisled with the Spissitude and grossness of the Fluid, (scarce there deserving that name;) and partly poison'd with the kinds of some of those Corpuscles which they took in together with their Nourish∣ment therein, would be destroy'd and perish in the Waters: Which being granted, the rest so easily follows as not to need any farther Explica∣tion.

LXXVI. The same Law of Specifick Gravity which was observ'd in the rest of the Mass, was also observ'd in the subsidence of the Shells of Fishes; they then sinking to∣gether with, and accordingly being now found enclos'd among those Strata or Bodies which are nearly of their own Specifick Gravities: The heavier Shells being con∣sequently still enclos'd among the heavier Strata, and the lighter Shells among the lighter Strata, in the Bowels of our present Earth.

LXXVI. This Phaeuomenon is so natural and necessary, considering the gradual increase of the thickness of the gross Sediment downward, and the equal subjection of Shells to the Law of Specifick Gravity with all other Bodies, that I shall not insist any farther upon it.

Corollary. This single Phaenomenon of the Shells of Fish inclos'd in the most Solid Bodies, as Stone and Marble, and that all over the World, according to their several Specifick Gravities, at great depths with∣in the Bowels of the Earth; which is so strange in it

self, so surprizing to the Spectators, and so unac∣countable without the most unusual and precarious Mi∣racles be introduc'd, on any other principles; and yet so easily and naturally solv'd in the Hypothesis before us; is a strong, I had almost said an Invincible Ar∣gument for the verity thereof; and as undeniable as a Physical assertion is capable of: That is, 'Tis (as far as we can in reason pronounce) without a Miracle, certainly true.

LXXVII. The Strata of Marble, of Stone, and of all other solid Bodies, attained their solidity as soon as the Sand, or other matter whereof they consist, was arriv'd at the bottom, and well setled there. And all those Strata which are solid at this day, have been so ever since that time.

LXXVII. Seeing this upper Crust or Sediment was compos'd in great part of the Earthy Cor∣puscles or Masses of a Chaos, as well as the Pri∣mitive Earth was at the Mosaick Creation: The very same reasons assignable for the coalescence and consolidation of the former, are equally to be suppos'd in the present case, and render it equally reasonable with the other. And if the Dense Fluid, or any parts or steams from that were instrumental to the Original Union of parts at the Primary Formation of the Earth, 'tis probable there was no want of it at the Deluge; The Atmosphere of the Comet, and the Fountains of the Deep, being both capable of supplying sufficient quantities, among the larger plenty of their Watery and Earthy Masses; as is plain from what has been already said. Neither in case some of it were acquir'd by the means afore∣mention'd, is it to be expected that we ought to see it still on the Face of the Earth, as we do the Ocean. For seeing this Dense Fluid is much

heavier than Water or Earth, it would be at the very bottom of all, and so either be inclosed in the Pores and Caverns at the bottom of the Sedi∣ment, or transform'd into a different Body by its composition with the Earthy parts it was en∣clos'd withal, and did consolidate.

LXXVIII. These Strata of Stone, of Chalk, of Cole, of Earth, or whatever matter they consisted of, lying thus each upon other, appear now as if they had at first been parallel, continued, and not interrupted: But as if, after some time they had been dislocated and broken on all sides of the Globe, had been elevated in some, and depress'd in other places; from whence the Fissures and Breaches, the Caverns and Grotto's, with many other irregularities within and upon our present Earth, seem to be deriv'd.

LXXVIII. When the Sediment setled down gradually upon the Surface of the Ancient Earth, it would compose Strata or Layers as even, con∣tinued, and parallel as one could desire, and as the said Surface did permit. And had the said Surface been fix'd and unalterable, this evenness and parallellism, this uniformity and continuity of the Strata would have remain'd unalterable also to this day. But since, as we have former∣ly shewn, the intire Orb of Earth was at the be∣ginning of the Deluge crack'd, chap'd, and bro∣ken; and for many years afterwards would by degrees settle and compose it self towards its for∣mer figure and rotundity again; tho' the Series and Connexion of the Strata might before they were consolidated, be as regular as you can ima∣gine, yet when the Basis or Foundation on which they rested, and the Surface on which they were spread fail'd by degrees, in several places, and proportions, by the rising of some Columns upwards, and the setling of others downwards,

this Upper Orb or Crust, where the Strata were not become intirely Solid, like Stone and Marble, must follow in great part the fate of the other, and be dislocated, elevated, or depress'd in cor∣respondence to that whereon it rested: And have thereby a Set of Chaps and Fissures directly over∣against those which were before in the Ancient Earth. But as for such places where the new Strata were become Stony or Solid, and inca∣pable of a compliance with the under Earth, by the settling downward or elevation of its imme∣diate Basis the Primitive Earth, those Caverns and Grotto's, those Caves and Hollows which appear within the Earth, or its Mountains, would na∣turally arise; while the Solid Strata, like Beams or Arches, sustain'd the impending Columns, notwithstanding the sinking and failure of their immediate Foundations; by which Causes the Surface and Upper Regions of the Earth would become very uneven, and full of small irregula∣rities, such as the present Phaenomenon assures us of.

Corollary 1. Hence we see a plain Reason why Mountainous and Stony Countries are only or princi∣pally Hollow and Cavernous: Some lesser Mountains being perhaps occasion'd by the subsidence of the neigh∣bouring Columns, and the Caverns they enclose thereby produc'd; and the Solidity of the Strata being the pro∣per Cause of such Caverns in other Cases: Of which the softer, more loose, and pliable Earth was accord∣ingly incapable.

Corollary 2. Tho' the Ancient Earth were setled, and become uneven in the same degree, and in the same places as the present is; and that before the con∣solidation of the new Sediment; yet the Series of the several Strata one under another on each side of any Fissure, would in some measure correspond to one ano∣ther,

as if the consimilar Strata had once been united, and had afterwards been broken and sunk down un∣equally; as is manifest from the consimilar situation and subsidence of the consimular Corpuscles; whereby the like order and crassitude of each Stratum might be still preserv'd, tho' not so exactly, as if the sustaining Sur∣face had been even and smooth when the Sediment compos'd those Strata, and the Fissures had afterward been made through both Orbs at once, and caus'd such inequality.

Coroll. 3. Hence would arise mighty and nume∣rous Receptacles of Water within the Earth, especially in the Mountainous parts thereof. For usually where a solid Stratum sustain'd the Earth above, while the parts beneath sunk lower, and thereby produc'd a Ca∣vern, the Waters would ouze and flow into it from all quarters, and cause a conflux or inclosed Sea of Waters in the Bowels of the Earth: Which Cavities might sometimes communicate with one another, or with the Ocean; and sometimes contain Restagnant Waters, without any outlet: All which are very agree∣able to the present Phaenomena of the Earth.

Coroll. 4. Hence appears the Reason of the raging of Earthquakes in Mountainous Countreys, and of the bursting forth and continuation of Volcano's there. For these Caverns, which we have observ'd the Moun∣tainous Countreys to be mainly liable to, are fit to re∣ceive and contain together Nitrous and Explosive, Sulphureous and Inflammable steams, in great quanti∣ties; and withal to admit the Air to fan, and assist that Explosion or Inflammation, which seems to be the occasion of those dreadful Phaenomena in our present Earth.

Coroll. 5. If therefore there be no other Caverns than these accounted for just now, and taking date from the Deluge; 'tis very probable there were few or no Volcano's or Earthquakes, so much depending on them, before the Flood.

Coroll. 6. In case what has been, or might far∣ther be said, be not found sufficient to account for some observations made, concerning the inward parts of our Earth; but Dr. Woodward's Hypothesis of the Disruption of the before united Strata, by a ge∣neral Earthquake, or the explosive force of the Steams of Heat ascending from the Central parts, be found necessary; such a supposition will by no means disagree with the present Theory. For when the Subterraneous ascending Steams were every way stop'd, and their ordinary course from the Central to the Superficiary Parts obstructed, by the new Sediment or Crust growing fast and setled, and in some places Stony and Impenetrable; they would be every where preternaturally assembled, espe∣cially in the cracks, breaches and fissures of the Ancient Earth, in greater quantities than usual, and so might by a violent Rarefaction, or Explosion, burst through the Upper Crust, and cause all those Fissures, little Hills, Caverns, Grotto's, and Inequalities which Dr. Woodwards Observations require, and this Propo∣sition takes notice of. In this case therefore the par∣ticular and distinct consideration of the Phaenome∣na, must determine and arbitrate between the former more natural and gentle, and this latter more violent and extraordinary method of accounting for the present face of Nature upon and within the Earth.

LXXIX. Great numbers of Trees, and other Vege∣tables, were also, at this subsidence of the Mass afore∣said, buried in the Bowels of the Earth: And such very often as will not grow in the places where they are lodg'd: Many of which are pretty intire and perfect. and to be distinctly seen and consider'd to this very day.

LXXIX. Seeing the latter part of the Deluge, * 1.445 after the seventeenth day of the seventh Month, or the twenty seventh day of March with us at

present, was very Windy, Stormy, and Tem∣pestuous; the most Extant and Mountainous parts of the Earth would be mightily expos'd to the fury both of the Winds and Waves: Which consequently would tear up, or wash away the loose and unsolid Upper Earth, with all its Fur∣niture of Trees and Plants; and not seldom car∣ry them great distances from their former Seats. Now these Vegetables, if no Earthy Metallick or Mineral Masses adher'd to them, being, bulk for bulk, lighter than the Earthy Sediment, would settle down last of all, and would lye upon the Surface of the Earth, and there rot away and disappear. But if considerable quantities of the heaviest Strata, or of Metallick or Mineral Matter, as would sometimes happen, adher'd to them, they would sink lower, and be inclosed in the Bowels of the Earth, either near to, or far from the place of their own growth, according as the Billows and Storms happen'd to dispose of them. All which Changes and Dislocations of the Soil and Surface, with their Fruits and Plants, might leave once Fertile Countries Bare and Barren; and lodge such Vegetables in others, which of themselves, before the new Sediment, much more since the same, were wholly incapable of such productions; according to the exigency of the Proposition before us.

LXXX. It appears from all the tokens and circumstances which are still observable about them, That all these Vegetables were torn away from their ancient Seats in the Spring time, in or about the Month of May.

LXXX. When we have already prov'd, that * 1.446 the Windy and Stormy Weather which tore up these Vegetables, did not begin till the seven∣teenth

day of the seventh Month from the Au∣tumnal Equinox; answering to our March the twenty seventh now; and when it appears that the higher any Mountain or Continent was, the less while, and in a less degree would the Waters prevail upon it; and so little sometimes as not wholly to destroy the growing Vegetables, at this due time of the Year; 'tis evident that whether the Sediment were newly setled, and had en∣clos'd them or not, so many as were torn up from these highest parts of the Earth must be in that forwardness as the Months succeeding the beginning of the Storms (April, May and June) usually bring them to, very agreeably to the Proposition before us. And that we have rightly suppos'd these Fossil Plants to have been such as grew on the elevated parts of the Earth only, (how far distant soever the fury of the Waves and Storms may have lodg'd them) and so to have been torn up by the Storms in the assigned man∣ner, appears both by the heaps in which they are frequently found crouded together, and by the kinds of Plants thus buried in the Earth: Of which latter, (tho' his opinion, according to his own Hy∣pothesis be, that all sorts were originally lodg'd in the Earth, tho' some be since perish'd) Dr. Wood∣ward's words are (in his kind and free Letter, in answer to my Queries about them) The Fossil Plants are very numerous and various, and some of them intire, and well preserv'd. I have met with many of the same Species with those, now growing on our Hills, Woods, Meadows, Heaths, &c. But none of the Water-Plants; I mean such as are peculiar to Lakes, Rivers, and the Sea. Which Testimony is a peculiar Confirmation of the present Hypothesis.

Corollary. Hence the Ancient Years beginning at the Autumnal Equinox, and the consequent com∣mencing of the Deluge, the seventeenth Day of the second Month from thence, and from the Spring, is evidenc'd by this very Observation which Dr. Wood∣ward, the Author thereof, supposes wou'd prove the contrary. So that the time of the Deluge's commen∣cing assign'd by our Hypothesis, appears at last to be confirm'd both by the Scriptures, by the Ancients, by Astronomy, by Geography, and by Natural Observation; and is consequently by so very remarkable a Concurrence and Correspondence of 'em all, put be∣yond any reasonable Doubt or Scruple.

LXXXI. All the Metals and Minerals among the Strata of our upper Earth, owe their present Frame and Or∣der to the Deluge; being repos'd therein during the time of the Waters covering the Earth, or during the Subsidence of the before-mention'd Mass.

LXXXI. This can have no difficulty in it, seeing our upper Earth is factitious, and com∣pos'd of the foresaid Sediment of the Waters of the Deluge; which including the Corpuscles of Metals and Minerals, as well as others, wou'd alike afford every one those places which they have ever since possess'd.

LXXXII. These Metals and Minerals appear differently in the Earth, according to the different manners of their first Lodgment: For sometimes they are in loose and small Particles, uncertainly inclos'd among such Masses as they chanc'd to fall down withall: At other times, some of their Corpuscles happening to occur and meet together, affix'd to each other; and several convening, aniting, and combining into one Mass, form'd those Metallick and Mineral Balls or Nodules which are now found in the Earth. And ac∣cording as the Corpuscles chanc'd to be all of a kind, or otherwise, so the Masses were more or less sim∣ple, pure, and homogeneous: And according as o∣ther

Bodies, Bones, Teeth, Shells of Fish, or the like, happen'd to come in their way, these Metal∣lick and Mineral Corpuscles assix'd to, and became conjoyn'd with 'em; either within, where it was possible, in their Hollows and Interstices; or with∣out, on their Surface and Outsides; filling the one, or covering the other. And all this in different De∣grees and Proportions, according to the different Circumstances of each individual Case.

LXXXII. All these things are but proper Effects of such a common Subsidence of all these Masses and Corpuscles together in the Chaotick Sediment as is above-mention'd: And no longer or more particular Account is necessary, or can be satisfactory, till Dr. Woodwards larger Work (which we in time hope for) affords us the Observations more nicely and particularly than we yet have them. To which, therefore, the Inquisitive Reader must be refer'd in this and the like Cases.

LXXXIII. The inward parts of the present Earth are very irregular and confus'd: One Region is chiefly Stony, another Sandy, a third Gravelly: One Coun∣try contains some certain kinds of Metals and Mine∣rals; another contains quite different Ones: Nay the same Lump or Mass of Earth not seldom contains the Corpuscles of several Metals or Minerals con∣fusedly intermixt one with another, and with its own Earthy Parts. All which Irregularities, with several others that might be observ'd, even contrary to the Law of specifick Gravity, in the placing of the different Strata of the Earth, demonstrates the original Fund or Promptuary of all this upper facti∣tious Earth, to have been in a very wild, confus'd, and Chaotick Condition.

LXXXIII. Seeing the Sediment of the Wa∣ters was compos'd of what Earthy Matter was uncertainly brought up out of the inner Earth, and of what a true and proper Chaos afforded,

these Phaenomena are as natural and accountable therefrom, as on any other mechanical Hypo∣thesis, they must appear strange, perplexing, and inexplicable to Philosophick Minds.

LXXXIV. The uppermost and lightest Stratum of Soil or Garden-Mold, as 'tis call'd, which is the proper Seminary of the Vegetable Kingdom, is since the De∣luge very thick spread usually in the Valleys and Plains, but very thin on the Ridges and Tops of Mountains: Which last for want thereof are fre∣quently stony, rocky, bare, and barren.

LXXXIV. Two plain reasons are to be gi∣ven for this Phaenomenon; (1.) The quantity of Water, and its Sediment; and by consequence of Soil or fertile Earth was less over the Moun∣tains than over the Plains and Valleys. (2.) Af∣ter the Subsidence of the Sediment, and before its entire Consolidation, the Tops of Moun∣tains were most expos'd to the fury of the Winds and Storms; which wou'd therefore more easily bear away that lightest and least united Stratum which lay uppermost in those bleak places, than in the more retir'd and skreen'd Plains and Valleys; and by diminish∣ing the Soil in the former, and thereby aug∣menting it in the latter places, most easily make all things correspond in this Proposi∣tion.

LXXXV. Of the four ancient Rivers of Paradise, two still remain in some measure; but the other two do not; or at the least are so chang'd that the Ma∣saick Description does not agree to them at pre∣sent.

LXXXV. That the great Rivers wou'd still retain in great measure their old Courses, has been observ'd already; and seeing the Foun∣tains,

and the general inequalities of the Earth, on which their Origin and Channels depend, were the same generally before as since the Deluge, there can be no doubt thereof. As to the change, with reference to the other two Rivers, If the Gulph of Persia were anciently free from Waters, and were no other than the very Country of Eden; and if the very En∣trance of that Gulph into the Persian Sea were the Garden of Eden, or Paradise, as has been be∣fore * 1.447 asserted, there can be no difficulty in the case: The Channels of these Rivers, and in∣deed of their Fellow-Branches too after their last Partition, being now under Water, and not to be enquir'd after. But tho' we shou'd al∣low that Paradise was where 'tis generally pla∣ced, near Babylon, and upon the Continent, yet will there be no wonder at the disappear∣ance of these two Rivers, which, with their Fellows, are bury'd to a sufficient depth under the Sediment we have been speaking so much of before; and so no more to be enquir'd after in this than in the former Case.

LXXXVI. Those Metals and Minerals which the Mo∣saick Description of Paradise, and of its bordering Regions, takes such particular notice of, and the Prophets so emphatically refer to, are not now met with so plentifully therein.

LXXXVI. The present upper Earth being, as we have seen, factitious, and a new Crust since the Flood covering over the ancient Surface thereof, those Primitive Treasures must lie too deep in the Bowels of the present Earth, to be easily approach'd by us, and so are entirely lost as to the use or enjoyment of Mankind.

LXXXVII. This Deluge of Waters was a sign alin∣stance of the Divine Vengoance on a wicked World, and was the effect of the peculiar and extraordinary Providence of God.

LXXXVII. Tho' the passing by of a Co∣met, and all those Effects of it in the drown∣ing of the World, of which we have so large∣ly discours'd hitherto, be not to be stil'd in the common use of the Word Miraculous; (tho' in no very improper Sense, all such Events may have that Appellation, of which before) yet is * 1.448 there the greatest reason in the World to at∣tribute this mighty Turn and Catastrophe of Na∣ture, to the Divine Providence, and the imme∣diate, voluntary, actual, interposition of God; and that in these ensuing Particulars, and on these following Accounts; which I shall be the shorter upon, as having in the place fore-men∣tion'd explain'd my Mind somewhat largely about things of this Nature. (1.) The Bodies made use of in this and the like Changes of Nature, are originally the Creatures of God, and continually preserv'd by Him; and so what they are instrumental in, ought most justly to be ascrib'd to the principal Cause, the great Creator and Conservator of 'em all. (2.) All those powers of Attraction or Gravitation, &c. and those Laws of Motion by which these Bodies are capable of producing such Effects, are alike owing to the Divine Operation, Ap∣pointment, and Efficacy, both in their primi∣tive Impression, and continual Energy; and so still the Effects themselves are to be a∣scrib'd to a Divine Original. (3.) That parti∣cular Constitution of the Earth on the Face of the fluid Abyss, and other such Dispositions,

whereby it became subject to a universal De∣luge, were also the Consequents of the Divine Power and Providence in the formation of the Earth. (4.) That peculiar Situation or Constitution of the Orbits and Motions of Comets, whereby they, by reason of their passing thro' the Planetary System each Revo∣lution are fit to cause such great Mutations in it, was the Effect of the particualr Order and Disposition of God, in the primary frame of the Universe. (5.) The Coincidence of the Plain of a Comet's Orbit with that of the Ecliptick, can have no other Foundation in Nature, than a like design'd and contriv'd Ap∣pointment of God. (6.) The way of the Co∣met's Motion from East to West, contrary to that of the Planets, by which the Particulars of the Deluge were in good Measure provi∣ded for, cou'd also be nothing but the Effect of the same Design and Providence of God. (7.) The so nice and exact adjustment of the Motions of both the Comet and the Earth; that the former shou'd pass just so near, and impart such a certain quantity of Waters, and not more or less than wou'd drown the World, and just cover the highest Mountain, and yet reach no farther; in short, as wou'd secure the Ark for future Generations, and yet not leave one dry-land Animal besides alive; this exactness is a most peculiar and strange Effect of the most wise and sagacious Providence of God in this mighty Revolution. But (8.) Lastly, (to omit repeating some things before observ'd as we pass'd along) The precise time of the passing by of the Comet, and thereby of destroying the World, is, in the most pecu∣liar manner, and highest degree, the result of

the Divine Providence. That exactly at a time which was fit and proper, and in an Age that justly deserv'd so great a Judgment, the Comet shou'd come by, and over-whelm the World, is very remarkably and extraordi∣narily the Finger of God himself. That Om∣nilscient Being, who foresaw when the dege∣neracy of Human Nature wou'd be arriv'd at an unsufferable degree of Wickedness, the Ini∣quities of the World wou'd be compleatly full; and when consequently his Vengeance ought to fall upon them, praedisposed and praeadapt∣ed the Orbits and Motions of both the Comet and the Earth, so that at that very time, and only at that time, the former shou'd pass close by the latter, and bring that dreadful Punish∣ment upon them. Had not God Almighty on purpose thus adjusted the Moments and Cour∣ses of each, 'twere infinite odds that such a Conjunction or Coincidence of a Comet and a Planet, wou'd never have happen'd during the whole space, between the Creation and Conflagration of this World; much more at such a critical Point of time when Mankind, by their unparallell'd Wickedness were deserving of, and only dispos'd for this unparallell'd Ven∣geance, no less than almost an utter Excision.

And this I take to be the Secret of the Di∣vine Providence in the Government of the World, and that whereby the Rewards and Punishments of God's Mercy and Justice are distributed to his Rational Creatures, without any disturbance of the setled Course of Na∣ture, or a miraculous interposition on every Occasion. Our Imperfection is such, that we can only act pro re natâ, can never know be∣fore-hand the Behavious or Actions of Men;

neither can we foresee what Circumstances and Conjunctures will happen at any certain time hereafter; and so we cannot provide for future Events, nor praedispose things in such a manner that every one shall be dealt with, or every thing done no otherwise than if we were then alive and present, we shou'd think proper and reasonable, and shou'd actually do. But in the Divine Operation 'tis quite other∣wise: God's Praescience enables him to act af∣ter a more sublime manner; and by a constant Course of Nature, and Chain of Mechanical Causes, to do every thing so as it shall not be distinguishable from a particular Interposition of his Power, nor be otherwise than on such a particular Interposition wou'd have been brought to pass. He who has created all things, and given them their several Powers and Faculties, foresees the Effects of 'em all: At once looks through the intire Train of future Causes, Actions, and Events, and sees at what Periods, and in what manner twill be necessa∣ry and expedient to bring about any changes, bestow any Mercies, or inflict any Punishments on the World: Which being unquestionably true, 'tis evident he can as well provide and praedispose natural Causes for those Mutations, Mercies, or Judgments before-hand; he can as easily put the Machin into such Motions as shall, without a necessity of his mending or correcting it, correspond to all these foreseen Events or Action, as make way for such Al∣terations afterward by giving a random force to the whole: And when these two ways are equally possible, I need not say which is most agreeable to the Divine Perfections, and most worthy of God. So that when the Uni∣versal

Course of Nature, with all the Powers and Effects thereof, were at first deriv'd from, and are continually upheld by God; and when nothing falls out any otherwise, or at any other time, than was determin'd by Di∣vine Appointment in the Primitive Formation of the Universe: To assign Physical and Me∣chanical causes for the Deluge, or such mighty Judgments of God upon the Wicked, is so far from taking away the Divine Providence there∣in, that it supposes and demonstrates its In∣terest in a more Noble, Wise, and Divine manner than the bringing in a miraculous Power wou'd do. Let us suppose a Fulmen or Thunderbolt originally, and on purpose, put into such a Motion, as without any farther Interposition of Providence, wou'd direct it to the Head of a Blasphemer; and whilst he was cursing his Maker, strike him dead upon the Spot; which the Praescience and Power of God shew to be equally possible with a pre∣sent Miracle: I think such a violent Death wou'd be as properly extraordinary, and a Di∣vine Judgment, as any other whatsoever: Which I take to have been the very case of the Deluge, which I am here peculiarly concern'd about. Nature is God's Constitu∣tion, and ever subservient to him; and the state of the Natural is always accommodated to that of the Moral World. What is done by Nature, and second Causes, is most pro∣perly done by God at last, who is ultimate∣ly and really almost all we can mean by those Names.

Corollary. What has been here said upon this Occasion, if rightly understood and apply'd to all other Cases, would clear our Minds from many

of those Perplexities about the Divine Providence which are ready to disturb 'em. For Instance: We pray to God for fruitful Seasons, for Health, for Peace, for the Success of our Endeavours, for a Blessing on our Food and Physick, and deprecate the contrary Miseries from us. Yet at the same time we see the Seasons depend on the settled Course of the Sun, or other natural and necessary Causes; we find our Health or Sickness to be the proper Effects of our Diet and Regiment; we observe Peace and War subject to the Intrigues of Princes, and the plain Results of visible Conjunctures in Humane Affairs; we know that Worldly Prudence and Cun∣ning has a main Stroke in the Success of Mens Labours; we feel the advantagious Effects of some Food and Physick, and have Reason to believe the same does very much result from the Goodness of the Druggs, the Fitness of the Proportion, the Dis∣position of the Body, and the Skill of the Physici∣an, and can frequently give a plain and mechanical Rea∣son of the different Operations of all those things; neither do we hope for the Exercise of a miraculous Power in these or the like Cases. The Considera∣tion and Comparison of all these things together frequently puzzles the Minds of good Men, especi∣ally those that are more Contemplative and Philoso∣phical, and makes 'em wonder what Interest our Devotions, or what Advantage our Prayers can have. Second Causes will work according to their Natures, let Mens Supplications be never so impor∣tunate: And to expect a Miracle in answer to e∣very Petition, is more than the most Religious dare pretend to. This Dilemma has had a contra∣ry Effect upon the Minds of Men, while the Phi∣losopher was in Danger of doubting of the Suc∣cess, and so ready to grow cold in his Devotions and the more unthinking, yet not less religious Man

rejected the Consideration of the Manner, or the Operation of second Causes, and more wisely look'd up only to God, and imagin'd him immediately con∣cern'd in every Occurrence, and on that Principle doubted not the Effect of his Prayers. But 'tis, me∣thinks, evident that neither of these were exactly in the Right; and equally so, that the due Considerati∣on of what has been above-said, would prevent the Dilemma, and take away all reasonable Scru∣ple. 'Tis true that Natural Causes will operate as usual: 'Tis also true that Miracles are not ordinari∣ly to be expected: But withal 'tis as true that the same all-wise Creator, who appointed that constant Course of Nature, foresaw at the same time all those Dispositions of Men, and in particular those Devo∣tions of his Worshippers, to which suitable Rewards were to be provided, and suitable Answers return∣ed; and therefore so order'd the Series of Na∣tural Causes, as to make that very Provision for the same which otherwise he would have done by the mi∣raculous Interposition of his Providence; and which therefore is equally to be asscrib'd to him with the greatest Wonders. 'Tis true, the Frame of Na∣ture is now constant and settled: But 'tis true al∣so that it was so settled on the Prospect of the mo∣ral Behaviour, and in Correspondence to the good or bad Actions of Mankind, foreseen and praesuppo∣sed in the Primitive Constitution of all; and by Consequence whataever Benefits or Afflictions the con∣stant Course of Nature and second Causes bring to us, are equally capable to be the Matter of our Prayers or Deprecations of our Humiliation or Grati∣tude before God, as the immediate Effects of a miraculous Power; and the Divine Providence no less to be acknowledg'd and address'd to in the former than in the latter Case: But because our Imperfe∣ction is so great that the Consideration of the

Priority of the future Actions, Men to the Prae∣science of God in the Order of Nature; and the De∣pendence of the latter on the former, is too high for our Comprehension, and tho' demonstrable by, yet in∣scrutable to the Reason of Mankind; and because we are therefore still ready to conceive what is fore∣known by God to be necessary and inevitable; let the moral Behaviour of Men be as it will: Because I say this Praescience of God is too Divine a thing to be easily penetrated and aply'd by us to all Oc∣casions. I confess 'tis the most obvious and the most prudent, as well as the most Scriptural Way to keep within our Faculties, and alway to suppose an im∣mediate Exerting of a new Power in every new Turn in the World, and without the troublesome Inquisition into the Nature and Design of the Pri∣mitive Constitution of the Material World, to refer all things to an immediate Providence: Into which every one must ultimately and originally be re∣solv'd, and which has as well and as congruously taken care of all Events, as if such a mi∣raculous Efficiency were really concern'd on every individual Occasion. Which whole Matter thus explain'd may be of Use to those who through the not understanding the Method of the Divine Providence, and its Consistency with an uninterrupt∣ed Course of Nature, have perplex'd their own Minds, and endanger'd their Religion: Which per∣nicious scruples true Philosophy, when rightly un∣derstood, is the only Means of dispelling and pre∣venting. Nothing being more true or momentous than this, that 'Tis as ever our Ignorance or Mi∣stakes only, that fully the Providence of God, or diminish our Religious Affections to him.

LXXXVIII. Tho' the Moon might perhaps undergo some such Changes at the Deluge as the Earth; yet that Face or Hemisphere which is towards the Earth, and which is alone expos'd to our View, has not ac∣quir'd any such gross Atmosphere or Clouds, as our Earth has now about it, and which are here suppos'd to have been acquir'd at the Deluge.

LXXXVIII. Seing the Moon appears to be of a Constitution so like that of the Earth, and seeing she is so near a Neighbour and constant Companion thereof, she seems at first Sight liable to the same Catastrophe with the Earth at the Deluge. But that we may consider how far the Comet could affect her, we must remem∣ber that at the first Passage of the Comet, Her Situation seems almost dipos'd to convey her just after the Earth along that large void Cylindrical Space, whose Vapours the Earth had intercepted, and born away before it, as by comparing the 2d and 4th Figures is easie to understand. Be∣sides, tho' she caught her Share of the Vapours from the Atmosphere and Tail of the Comet, yet her Mountains are so much higher, compar'd with those on Earth, that at the most only an inconsiderable Inundation of Waters on one He∣misphere, not an universal Deluge were to be suppos'd: For, lastly, by Reason of the Slow∣ness of her Diurnal Revolution those Vapours * 1.449 which were caught by one Hemisphere (and in∣deed by very little more than one at the utmost) would fall near the same Places in Rain, which they at first fell upon when Vapour; and still affect little more than a single Hemisphere thereof. So that the most that can be suppos'd of the Moon's Deluge, is, that the lower Grounds on one Hemisphere should be overflow'd; espe∣cially if we except the second Passage through

the Tail of the Comet after its Perihelium: For it must be confess'd that those secondary and less principal Rains of about 97 Days Continuance, which we before observ'd the Earth to have been liable to, must needs be allow'd to have affected the Moon also; and seeing from them the Impurities and Commotions of our Atmosphere appear to have been deriv'd, it seems at first View necessary that the Moon should have acquir'd such a gross Atmosphere, such Clouds and Meteors as we saw the Earth did at the same time; which looks very unlike to her Phaenomena, or the latter Part of this Proposition we are now upon. But this Difficulty which at first sight seems so formida∣ble, will intirely vanish if we observe the then Position of the Moon, and thence consider which Hemisphere would be affected therewith. For (as we before in Part observ'd) the Moon * 1.450 wanted but two or three Days of the New, when she with the Earth pass'd the second time thro' the Tail of the Comet; and by Conse∣quence the Vapours ascending from the Sun fell pretty exactly upon that Hemisphere of the Moon, which is never expos'd to the Earth; with∣out Affecting that which we can observe, and with which we are alone concern'd. In a Word, in this second Passage, the Moon ought to have acquir'd a gross Atmosphere on the opposite He∣misphere and its bordering Parts, the Limb of her Body, while the visible Hemisphere retain∣ed its ancient Purity and Clearness: The latter Part of which is known to be true; and if the Reader consults the Right Reverend and * 1.451 Learned Author quoted in the Margent, he may see reason to esteem the other very probable also; which is, I think, abundantly sufficient to clear this Matter.

LXXXIX. Since the Deluge there neither has been, nor will be any great and general Changes in the State of the World, till the time when a Peri∣od is to be put to the present Course of Na∣ture.

LXXXIX. Seeing we know no other Na∣tural Causes that can produce any great and general Changes in our Sublunary World, but such Bodies as can approach to the Earth, or, in other Words, but Comets; and seeing withal, the next Approach of the Comet, will, in probability, bring the present State of things to a Conclusion, and Burn the World; of which presently: 'Tis evident the Earth is se∣cure enough all the intermediate space: And as hitherto we accordingly find it has been, so we need not fear but it will be, preserv'd till the foremention'd Conflagration.

CHAP. V. Phaenomena relating to the General Con∣flagration: with Conjectures pertaining to the same; and to the succeeding Pe∣riod, till the Consummation of all things.

XC. AS the World once perish'd by Water, so it must by Fire at the Conclusion of its pre∣sent State.

XC. As we have given an Account of the Universal Deluge from the Approach of a Co∣met in its descent towards the Sun; so will it not be difficult to account for the General Con∣flagration from the like Approach of a Comet in its ascent from the Sun. For 'tis evident from what has been already explain'd, that in case a Comet pass'd behind the Earth, tho' it were in its Descent, yet if it came near e∣nough, and were it self big enough, it wou'd so much retard the Earth's annual Motion, and oblige it to revolve in an Ellipsis so near to the Sun in its Perihelion, that the Sun it self wou'd scorch and burn, dissolve and destroy it in the most prodigious degree; and this Combustion being renew'd every Revolution, wou'd render the Earth a perfect Chaos again, and change it from a Planet to a Comet for ever after. 'Tis evident this is a sufficient cause of a general Conflagration with a Witness;

and such an one as wou'd intirely ruine the Make of the present, and the possibility of a future World. On which last account, if we allow the following Phaenomena, we must not introduce this, at this Period however; but see whether a Conflagration of a less destru∣ctive, and more refining Nature, be not to be expected, and may not be accounted for. And here let it be observ'd, that the Central Heat of it self seems sufficient to burn up, and dis∣solve the upper Earth, (as those who, with Dr. Woodward, know the Power and Vehemence of the same now, and its astonishing Force, and terrible Effects in Earthquakes, Eruptions of Volcano's, and other Phaenomena of present Na∣ture, ought to allow) if these two things were by any means remov'd; I mean the Wa∣ters of the Seas and Ocean, and the Coldness of the Air: For 'tis the vast quantity of Wa∣ters of the Earth, and the Coldness of the middle Region of the Air every where, and of the whole Air in the Frigid Zones, returning the Vapours cold down again, which were sent up into 'em never so hot, which seems still to prevent the effects of the Subterraneous Heat, and to hinder the Conflagration of the Earth. If therefore the passing by of a Comet be ca∣pable of emptying the Seas and Ocean, and of rendring the Air, and its contiguous upper Surface of the Earth extreamly hot and in∣flam'd, no more, I suppose, will be necessary to a general Conflagration: Or if any more Assistance be afforded by the Presence of the Comet, it will be ex abundanti, and only con∣tribute still the more certainly, and the more suddenly, to kindle such a fatal Fire, and so dreadful a Combustion. Now that both those

requisite conditions for a general Confla∣gration wou'd be the consequents of this Passage of the ascending Comet, is plain and evident: For (1.) on the Approach of the Comet, a vast Tide wou'd arise in the great Abyss; and by the new, more conside∣rable, and more violent Elevations thereof in∣to the Protuberances, and the Sphaeroid Sur∣face of the whole, the old Fissures and Breach∣es wou'd be open'd again, and not a few new ones generated; not only, as at the De∣luge, in the Mountainous or more loose Co∣lumns, extant above the Surface of the Wa∣ters of the Globe; but in all Parts, and un∣der the Seas and Ocean, as well as in other places; which Fissures must immediately swal∣low up the main Mass or Bulk of the Wa∣ters upon the Face of the Ground, and send 'em to their Fellow-Waters in the Bowels of the Earth; which was the first and principal step towards a general Conflagration. And then (2.) the Vapours acquir'd from the Co∣met's Atmosphere, which at the Deluge were, by reason of their long absence from the Sun in the remote Regions beyond Saturn, pretty cool; at this time must be suppos'd, by reason of their so late and near approach to the Sun about the Perihelion, exceeding hot and burn∣ing; and that to so extraordinary a degree, that nothing but the Idea of the Mouth of a Volcano, just belching out immense quantities of liquid and burning Streams, or Torrents of fiery Matter, can in any measure be suitable to the Violence thereof. Imagine, therefore, the Earth to pass through the very middle of this Atmosphere, for 7000 or 8000 Miles together, and to bear off with it a Cylindrical Column

thereof, whose Basis were somewhat larger than a great Circle on the Earth, and whose Altitude were the Number of Miles just now mention'd; and then tell me whether the Air, and its adjoining uppermost Region of the Earth, will not be sufficiently hot and scorch∣ing; which was the other Step to the general Conflagration. Besides all which, what quan∣tities of this fiery Exhalation, or Torrent of melted liquid Matter wou'd run down the Fis∣sures into the Bowels of the Earth, and by joining with the central hot Steams already there, invigorate them, and accelerate the direful Inflammation; and what piercing and scorching fiery Corpuscles the central Body it self during its vicinity, wou'd also send out; and what an additional Power wou'd thereby be afforded the prevailing Heat, I need not say. Upon the whole, I may appeal to the Reader, if the concurrence of all these external Causes, to say nothing here of any internal * 1.452 Dispositions in the Earth it self thereto, do not appear abundantly sufficient within a little time to set the World on Fire, and bring on that terrible Conflagration which both Sacred and Profane Testimonies conspire to forewarn us of; and so whether the Theory of Comets does not afford us almost as commensurate and compleat an Account of the last burning, as it already has done of the ancient drowning of the Earth.

XCI. The same Causes which will set the World on Fire, will also cause great and dreadful Tides in the Seas and Ocean; with no less Agitations, Concussi∣ons, and Earthquakes in the Air and Earth.

XCI. Seeing the Eruption of the central Heat, (the cause, 'tis probable, of all our Earthquakes) the presence of a Comet, (the cause once already of the most prodigious Tides that ever were) and the enflam'd Chaos, or scorch'd Atmosphere of the Comet, (a smal∣ler part of which occasion'd all our Tempests, our Meteors, our Thunder and Lightning ever since the Deluge) will all concur at once, and with joint Forces conspire together; no∣thing in the World can be suppos'd more ter∣rible, nor more exactly correspondent to the Phaenomenon before us.

XCII. The Atmosphere of the Earth, before the Con∣flagration begin, will be oppress'd with Meteors, Exhalations, and Steams; and these in so dreadful a manner, in such prodigious quantities, and with such wild confus'd Motions and Agitations, that the Sun and Moon will have the most frightful and hideous Countenances, and their ancient Splen∣dor will be intirely obscur'd: The Stars will seem to fall from Heaven; and all manner of horrid Re∣presentations will terrifie the Inhabitants of the Earth.

XCII. Those who consider how a Comet's Atmosphere appears to us after its Perihelion, and what large quantities of its newly scorch'd Masses our Air must be clog'd and burthen'd withal, will expect no other effects than those here mention'd; and will easily believe that all such horrible Appearances wou'd ensue, and that in the most amazing Degree, and extra∣vagant Instances possible. The Theorist's Repre∣sentation * 1.453 of this Matter will be, generally speak∣ing, but a fair and just Idea thereof.

XCIII. The Deluge and Conflagration are referr'd by ancient Tradition to great Conjunctions of the Hea∣venly Bodies, as both depending on, and happening at the same.

XCIII. In our Accounts of the Deluge and Conflagration, there is a notable conjunction of the Heavenly Bodies indeed; not such an Ima∣ginary one as the Astrologers so ridiculously make a stir about; the bare Position of two or more of the Celestial Bodies in or near the same streight Line, from the Eye of the Spectator, while they are at the most remote Distances from one another; which is a poor jejune thing indeed: But a real one with a Witness; when three of the Heavenly Bodies, the Earth, the Moon, and the Comet, not only are in an A∣strological Heliocentrick Conjunction, or only seem to an Eye in the Sun to be conjoyn'd together, but are really so near as to have the mightyest effects and Influences on one another possible; which we have sufficiently shewn in the present Theory, and which does peculiarly correspond to the Phenomenon before us.

Corollary. 'Tis not improbable but the ancient Tradition, that the Deluge and Conflagration some way depended on certain remarkable Conjunctions of the Heavenly Bodies, mis-understood, and afterward precariously and widely mis-apply'd, might give oc∣casion and rise to Astrology; or that mighty quoil and pother so many in all Ages have made about the Conjunctions, Oppositions, and Aspects of the Heavenly Bodies, and the Judiciary Fredictions therefrom; which even the Improvements of solid Philosophy in our Age have not been able yet to banish wholly from among us; the occasion whereof is other∣wise exceeding dark and unaccountable.

XCIV. The space between the Deluge and the Con∣flagration; or between the ancient State of the Earth and its Purgation by Fire, Renovation, and Restitution again, is from ancient Tradition defin'd and terminated by a certain great and remarkable Year, or Annual Revolution of some of the Heavenly Bodies; and is in probability what the Ancients so often referr'd to, pretended particularly to deter∣mine, and stil'd the Great or Platonick Year.

XCIV. If we allow, as we ought, that in all probability the same Comet that brought on the Deluge will bring on the Conflagra∣tion; and that the same Comet has not re∣turn'd, nor is to return, till the Conflagrati∣on; this matter is easie, and the correspon∣dence accurate and remarkable: For this single Revolution is truly an Annual one, and as pro∣per a Year with regard to the Comet, as that of our Earth is with respect to us; and so may most fitly and naturally suit the Great or Platonick Year, taken notice of in the Proposi∣tion before us.

XCV. This general Conflagration is not to extend to the intire Dissolution or Destruction of the Earth: but only to the Alteration, Melioration, and pecu∣liar Disposition thereof into a new State, proper to receive those Saints and Martyrs for its Inhabitants, who are at the first Resurrection to enter, and to live and reign a thousand Years upon it, till the second Resurrection, the general Judgment, and the final Consummation of all things.

XCV. Seeing the Abyss consists of a dense * 1.454 and compact Fluid, not capable of any Rarefa∣ction or Dissolution by the most violent Heat imaginable, 'tis evident that the causes here as∣sign'd can only extend to the upper Orb, or habitable Earth, without any farther Progress.

So that the effect of this Conflagration will be the reduction of this upper Earth, and its Atmosphere, into a confus'd, mixt, and Cha∣otick State; much such an one as was before ob∣serv'd to have preceded the Original Formati∣on of it. So that as the Heat decreases, 'tis but reasonable to expect a kind of Reiteration of the Mosaick six Days Creation, or a Reno∣vation of the Primitive State of the Earth; to the Description of which therefore I must refer the Reader.

XCVI. The State of Nature during this Millennium will be very different from that at present, and more agreeable to the Antediluvian, Primitive, and Para∣disiacal ones.

XCVI. This is apparent from the conclusion of the former Solution.

XCVII. The Earth in the Millennium will be without a Sea, or any large Receptacle fill'd with mighty Col∣lections and Quantities of Water.

XCVII. The Primitive Seas depended on * 1.455 two things; the former, the concurrence of the Central and Solar Heat for an intire half Year together, in the Elevation of sufficient quantities of Vapours: The latter, the Earth's considerable solidity attain'd before the descent of the same Vapours which were to compose the Seas, of which we are speaking: So that if either of these be wanting in this reiterated Formation of the Earth, tis evident the Effect must fail, and the Globe be no longer a Terra∣queous one after the Conflagration. Now the next Proposition but one, asserting the probabi∣lity of the intire absence of the Sun, must infer

an equal probability of the entire Absence of Seas also, according as this Proposition asserts.

XCVIII. The Earth in the Millennium will have no Suc∣cession of Light and Darkness, Day and Night; but a perpetual Day.

XCVIII. In case the Earth's Diurnal Rotati∣on, upon which these Vicissitudes depend, was retarded so as to be only exactly equal and commensurate to its Annual Motion, (as the case in the Moon's Diurnal and Menstrual Revoluti∣ons is at present, as we have before observ'd) * 1.456 the Earth wou'd constantly expose the same He∣misphere to the Sun, (as the Moon does now to the Earth) and all succession of Day and Night for ever cease; the one half of the Globe en∣joying a perpetual Day, while the other was involv'd in Darkness, or excluded all advan∣tages from him, and thereby enduring a con∣tinual Night, so far as natural Causes are here to be consider'd. And that this Retardation of the Earth's Diurnal Rotation (even without a recurring to the miraculous Power of its first Author) is accountable from that passing by of a Comet, which we assign for the occasi∣sion of the Conflagration, is very easie and ob∣vious: For in case its Ascent and Passage by be on the East side, or before the Earth; and in case it approach so near as to rub against it, 'tis evident such an Impulse is contrary to the course of the Diurnal Rotation, and is there∣fore capable (the Proportions of every thing being adjusted by-Divine Providence) of put∣ting such a stop to the same as is necessary to the present Phaenomenon, and so may put a Period to that constant Succession of Light and

Darkness, Day and Night, which has obtain'd ever since the Fall of Man; and withal distin∣guish the Surface of the Earth into two quite dif∣ferent and contrary Hemispheres; near the Ver∣tex of one of which the Sun it self, and near that of the other, its opposite Point in the Heavens, will be always situate.

Corollary. Seeing such a rub of the Comet wou'd affect the Annual Motion of the Earth as well as the Diurnal, 'tis possible it might retard the for∣mer as well as the latter, and reduce the Elliptical Course and Orbit of the Earth, to its ancient Circular one again.

XCIX. The State of the Millennium will not stand in need of, and so probably will be without, the Light and Presence of the Sun and Moon.

XCIX. Seeing the Earth wou'd be on the fore∣going Supposition distinguish'd into two quite different Hemispheres, the one of which wou'd be wholly destitute of the Light and pre∣sence of the Sun, and, as far as appears by St. John, supply'd by a Supernatural Light, fixt and permanent above its Horizon, 'tis clear that the first Branch of this Proposition is account∣able thereby, as far as this Physical Theory is concern'd therein. And as to the Moon, see∣ing 'twas only a signal and peculiar Providence that caus'd her equal acceleration, and consequent accompanying the Earth at the former passing by of the Comet; and that no such Providence is again to be expected; 'tis evident that that Rub or Stoppage of the Earth's Annual Motion, which retards the same, and does not retard the Moon's also, will separate these Planets, and procure their Orbits, Courses, and Pe∣riods to be quite different from one another's

ever after; according to the greatest rigour of the present Proposition.

C. At the Conclusion of the Millennium, the Final Judgment, and the Consummation of all things, the Earth will desert its present Seat and Station in the World, and be no longer found among the Planetary Chorus.

C. If any Comet instead of passing by, or gently rubbing the Earth, hit directly against it, in its Course either towards or from the Sun, it must desert its ancient Station, and move in a quite different Elliptick Orbit; and so of a Planet become again a Comet, for the future Ages of the World.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Lem. 33. infrà.
• * 1.2

  Vid. Bent∣ley, Serm. 7. p. 26, &c.
• * 1.3

  Fig. 3.
• * 1.4

  Schem. 1.
• * 1.5

  Fig. 6.
• * 1.6

  Fig. 3.
• * 1.7

  Serm. 7. p. 37, 38.
• * 1.8

  Fig. 3.
• * 1.9

  Fig. 3.
• * 1.10

  Vid. Bent∣ley, Serm. 8.
• * 1.11

  Cartes. D••optr. Cap. 8. &c.
• * 1.12

  Fig. 6.
• * 1.13

  Fig. 6.
• * 1.14

  Schem. I.
• * 1.15

  Fig. 1.
• * 1.16

  Fig. 6.
• * 1.17

  Scheme 1.
• * 1.18

  Fig. 1.
• * 1.19

  Coroll. Lem. 17. prius.
• * 1.20

  Coroll. Lem. 17. priùs.
• * 1.21

  Fig. 6.
• * 1.22

  Fig. 6.
• * 1.23

  Fig. 3.
• * 1.24

  Serm. 8. p. 13.
• * 1.25

  Fig. 3.
• * 1.26

  Lem. 11, 12, 13. priùs.
• * 1.27

  Fig. 3.
• * 1.28

  Fig. 3.
• * 1.29

  Fig. 5.
• * 1.30

  Fig. 2.
• * 1.31

  Vid. Arg. 72 Hypoth. 1. infra.
• * 1.32

  Fig. 7.
• * 1.33

  Vid. Lem. 7. priùs.
• * 1.34

  Serm. 8. p. 14.
• * 1.35

  Lem 33. prius.
• * 1.36

  Fig. 7.
• * 1.37

  See the Te∣stimonies about the Chaos ci∣ted at the first Phae∣nomenon afterward.
• * 1.38

  Gen. i. 2.
• * 1.39

  Gen. i. 2.
• * 1.40

  Coroll. 2.
• * 1.41

  Lem. 65. 65. priùs.
• * 1.42

  Essay, Part 3. Sect.1.
• * 1.43

  Vid Lem. 65. prius.
• * 1.44

  Lem. 57. 58. priùs.
• * 1.45

  Vid. New. p. 508. & Coroll. 1. Solut. 71. infrà.
• * 1.46

  Newt. p. 417.
• * 1.47

  Essay. part 3.
• * 1.48

  Essay. p. 134, &c.
• * 1.49

  Lem. 66. priùs.
• * 1.50

  Lem. 70^o priùs.
• * 1.51

  Gen ii. 4, 5.
• * 1.52

  Cap. iv. 3.
• * 1.53

  Cap. v. 4, 5.
• * 1.54

  Jud. xvii. 10.
• * 1.55

  Josh. xiii. 1.
• * 1.56

  Cap. xxiii. 1.
• * 1.57

  2 Sam. ii. 11.
• * 1.58

  1 King. ii. 11.
• * 1.59

  Deut. xiv. 28.
• * 1.60

  Amos iv. 4.
• * 1.61

  Num. xiv. 33, 34.
• * 1.62

  Ezek. iv. 4, 5, 6.
• * 1.63

  Dan. viii. 13, 14.
• * 1.64

  Cap. xii. 11, 12, 13.
• * 1.65

  Apoc. xi. 3.
• * 1.66

  Cap. xii. 6.
• * 1.67

  Dan. ix. 24, 25, 26.
• * 1.68

  Apoc. xi. 2.
• * 1.69

  Cap. xiii. 5.
• * 1.70

  Ps. xc. 4.
• * 1.71

  2 Pet. iii. 8.
• * 1.72

  Gen. ii. 17.
• * 1.73

  Gen. ii. 1, 2, 3.
• * 1.74

  Lev. XXV. 3, 4.
• * 1.75

  ver. 1.
• * 1.76

  Vid. Deut. xv.
• * 1.77

  Lev. xxiii. 15 — 21.
• * 1.78

  Cap. xxv. 8 — 16.
• * 1.79

  Gen. i. 9 — 13.
• * 1.80

  Gen. i. & ii.
• * 1.81

  Vid. Bishop Patrick on Gen. in Initio.
• * 1.82

  Gen. ii. 4, &c.
• * 1.83

  On Gen. 3. init.
• * 1.84

  Lib. 2. cap. 142.
• * 1.85

  Archaeol. p. 250, 251, 252.
• * 1.86

  Theor. lib. 2. cap. 1. & 10. Ar∣chaeol. lib. 2. cap. 5. & 6.
• * 1.87

  Theor. lib. 2. cap. 10. p. 293.
• * 1.88

  Archaeol. p. 251.
• * 1.89

  Ibid. p. 273.
• * 1.90

  Hypoth. 4. infrà.
• * 1.91

  Theor. lib. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.92

  Phaenom. 32. infrà.
• * 1.93

  Vid. Pha∣nem. 33. infrà.
• * 1.94

  Vid. Bent∣ley, Serm. 8. p. 22, &c. And Dr. Wood∣ward's Es∣say, p. 267. &c.
• * 1.95

  Theor. lib. 2. cap. 10.
• * 1.96

  Coroll. 3, & 4. Lem. 70. prius.
• * 1.97

  Gen. ii. 14.
• * 1.98

  Archaeol. p. 269.
• * 1.99

  Gen. ii. 8, 10.
• * 1.100

  Gen. i. 5, 8, 13, 19, 23, 31.
• * 1.101

  Lev. xxiii. 32.
• * 1.102

  Vid. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Prolegom. de tempore Mundi Condit•• Cap. 34.
• * 1.103

  Lev. xxiii. 24, 25.
• * 1.104

  Numb. xxix. 1...6.
• * 1.105

  Exod. xii. 1, 2. with xiii. 4.
• * 1.106

  Exo. xxiii. 16. & xxxiv. 22.
• * 1.107

  Vid. Arg. 2.
• * 1.108

  Hypoth. 10. infrà.
• * 1.109

  Gen. xi. 2.
• * 1.110

  Sir Walter Raleigh's Hist. lib. 1. cap. 7. sect. 10.
• * 1.111

  And Hey∣lin's Cos∣mog. p. 7, 8.
• * 1.112

  Lib. 1. cap. 7. sect. 10. subj. 12.
• * 1.113

  Solut. 59. infrà.
• * 1.114

  Phaen. 59. infrà.
• * 1.115

  Gen. viii. 4.
• * 1.116

  2 Kings xix. 37.
• * 1.117

  Isa. xxxvii. 38.
• * 1.118

  In Loc.
• * 1.119

  Coroll. 6.
• * 1.120

  Hyposh. 10. infrà.
• * 1.121

  Lem. 42, &c. priùs.
• * 1.122

  Lib. 4. cap. 10.
• * 1.123

  Coroll. 4. Solut. 50. infrà.
• * 1.124

  Hypoth 7. priùs.
• * 1.125

  Lem. 48. cum Coroll. priùs.
• * 1.126

  Lem. 56. cum Coroll. priùs.
• * 1.127

  Lem. 52. cum Coroll. priùs.
• * 1.128

  Lem. 55. cum Coroll. priùs.
• * 1.129

  Lem. 53. cum Coroll. priùs.
• * 1.130

  Arg. 3.
• * 1.131

  Hypoth hu∣jus, infrà.
• * 1.132

  Vid. Phae∣nom. 22. infrà.
• * 1.133

  Lem. 39. priùs.
• * 1.134

  Lem. 56. cum Coroll. priùs.
• * 1.135

  Gen. vii. 11, 13. & viii. 14, 15, 16, 17.
• * 1.136

  Vid. Bishop Patrick in Loc.
• * 1.137

  Gen. vii. 24. & viii 3. with viii. 4.
• * 1.138

  Gen. vii. 11.
• * 1.139

  Vid. Verba ipsa apud Langium de annis Christi. p. 255.
• * 1.140

  Lem. 55. priùs.
• * 1.141

  Gen. vii. 11.
• * 1.142

  Lem. 27. priùs.
• * 1.143

  Lem. 53. cum coroll. priùs.
• * 1.144

  Lem. 41. priùs.
• * 1.145

  Vid. Solut. 58. infiâ.
• * 1.146

  Lem. 80, 81. prius.
• * 1.147

  Fig. 1.
• * 1.148

  Gen. i. 2. Grot Ver. Rel. Christ. l. 1. Sect. 16. Burn. Theor. l. 1. c 4. and l. 2. c. 7, 8. Arch. l. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.149

  Gen. 1. 5, 8, 13, 19, 23, 31.
• * 1.150

  Gen. i. 2.
• * 1.151

  Gen. i. 3, 4, 5.
• * 1.152

  ver. 6, 7, 8.
• * 1.153

  ver. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13.
• * 1.154

  ver. 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19.
• * 1.155

  ver. 20, 21, 22, 23.
• * 1.156

  Hypoth. 3, p 89, &c. priùs.
• * 1.157

  ver. 24, 25, 26, 27.
• * 1.158

  Gen. ii. 1, 2, 3.
• * 1.159

  Exod. 20. 8, 9, 10, 11.
• * 1.160

  Essay, Part 3. Sect. 1,
• * 1.161

  Vid. Theor. L. 1. Cap. 5 & 11. &, 2. Ca L. & 10. p. 7,
• * 1.162

  P••••o••. viii. 27, 28, 29.
• * 1.163

  Ps. xxiv. 2.
• * 1.164

  & cxxxvi. 6.
• * 1.165

  2 Pet iii. 5, 6.
• * 1.166

  Gen. vii. 11 & viii. 2.
• * 1.167

  Vid. Theor. L. 1. C. 5. & L. 2. C. 10.
• * 1.168

  Lem. 67, & 68. cum Coroll. priùs.
• * 1.169

  Gen. i 9, 10.
• * 1.170

  Verse 20, 21, 22, 23.
• * 1.171

  Verse 26. 28.
• * 1.172

  Essay, pag. 252, 253.
• * 1.173

  Prov. viii. 23, 24.
• * 1.174

  Gen. ii. 10, &c.
• * 1.175

  Essay, p. 255.
• * 1.176

  Prov. viii. 22, 23, 25, 26.
• * 1.177

  Job xv. 7.
• * 1.178

  Psalm xc. 1, 2.
• * 1.179

  Essay, p. 249 — 252. and 255 — 258.
• * 1.180

  Essay, p. 253, 254, 255.
• * 1.181

  Essay, p. 254.
• * 1.182

  Essay, p. 22, 23, 258.
• * 1.183

  Gen. ii. 11, 12.
• * 1.184

  Gen. iv. 22.
• * 1.185

  Essay. Part 4. Vid. p. 258, 259.
• * 1.186

  Gen. iv. 2.
• * 1.187

  Verse 17.
• * 1.188

  Verse 20.
• * 1.189

  Verse 21.
• * 1.190

  Verse 22.
• * 1.191

  Vid. Grot. Verit. Rel. Christ. l. 1. sect. 16. Theor. l. 1. c. 5. l. 2. c. 7.
• * 1.192

  Gen ii. 25. and iii. 7, 10, 11.
• * 1.193

  Cap. ii. 9, 16, 17. and iii. 1, &c.
• * 1.194

  Gen. v. 2. and ii. 23, 24.
• * 1.195

  Chap. iii. 16.
• * 1.196

  Ibid.
• * 1.197

  Gen. ii. 20.
• * 1.198

  Gen. iii. 1
• * 1.199

  2 Cor. xi. 3.
• * 1.200

  Gen. iii. 14.
• * 1.201

  Rom. viii. 19, 20, 21, 22.
• * 1.202

  Gen. ii. 25.
• * 1.203

  Chap. iii. 21.
• * 1.204

  Gen. ii. 15.
• * 1.205

  Chap. iii. 17, 18, 19.
• * 1.206

  Gen. ii. 8, 9.
• * 1.207

  Chap. iii. 23, 24.
• * 1.208

  Gen. i. 14.
• * 1.209

  Cap. viii. ult.
• * 1.210

  Gen. v. 15, 21.
• * 1.211

  ver. 12.
• * 1.212

  ver. 32.
• * 1.213

  Gen. iv. 14, 15. with 25.
• * 1.214

  Vid. Cap. vii. 13. with v. 32.
• * 1.215

  Gen. v. 32. & vii. 11. & viii. 13. with xi. 10.
• * 1.216

  Vid. Graunt On Bills of Mor∣tal. p. 84.
• * 1.217

  Exod. xii. 37.
• * 1.218

  Numb. i. 45, 46.
• * 1.219

  Pag 85.
• * 1.220

  Pag. 64.
• * 1.221

  Numb. iii. 39.
• * 1.222

  Cap. i. 47. 48, 49.
• * 1.223

  Pa. 59. 85, 86.
• * 1.224

  Essay, pa. 257, 258.
• * 1.225

  Essay, pa. 84, &c. & 257, 258.
• * 1.226

  Theor. l. 2. c. 1. & 10. A••chae∣l. 2. c. 5, & 6.
• * 1.227

  Theor. l. 2. c. 1.
• * 1.228

  Gen. ii. 5, 6.
• * 1.229

  Vid. Phae∣nom. 55. infrà.
• * 1.230

  Gen. ix. 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17.
• * 1.231

  Vid Theo. l. 2. c 5.
• * 1.232

  Gen. i. 29, 30.
• * 1.233

  Cap. ix. 1, 2, 3.
• * 1.234

  Vir. George lib. 2. sub calce.
• * 1.235

  Grot. ubi suprà.
• * 1.236

  Theor. l. 2. c. 3.
• * 1.237

  Hor. Ode 3.
• * 1.238

  Vid. etiam
• * 1.239

  Coroll. 2.
• * 1.240

  Solut. 7. infià.
• * 1.241

  Gen. vi. 14, 15, 16.
• * 1.242

  Archaeol. p. 241.
• * 1.243

  Theor. l. 1. c. 6.
• * 1.244

  Theor. l. 2. c. 10. p. 280.
• * 1.245

  Grot. ubi suprà.
• * 1.246

  Bish. Stil∣lingsteet's Orig. l. 3. c. 4. Edward's Authority of Script. p. 118, &c. And Com∣mentators on Gen. 6. and 7.
• * 1.247

  Essay, Pref. and Part 3. Sect. 2.
• * 1.248

  Gen. vii. 4.
• * 1.249

  Verse 11, 12.
• * 1.250

  Verse 17.
• * 1.251

  Vid. Th. l. 1. c. 2.
• * 1.252

  Gen. vii. 11.
• * 1.253

  And viii. 2.
• * 1.254

  Gen. vii. 11.
• * 1.255

  Langius de annis Chri∣sti, p. 255.
• * 1.256

  Gen. vii. 11.
• * 1.257

  Job xxxviii. 8.
• * 1.258

  Gen. vii. 11.
• * 1.259

  Gen. vii. 13, 14.
• * 1.260

  Gen. vii. 18.
• * 1.261

  Verse 19.
• * 1.262

  Verse 24.
• * 1.263

  Cap. viii. 1, 2.
• * 1.264

  Gen. viii. 2.
• * 1.265

  Gen. vii. 17.
• * 1.266

  Verse 18.
• * 1.267

  Verse 19.
• * 1.268

  Gen. vi. 15.
• * 1.269

  Bishop Cumber∣land's Weights and Mea∣sures, p. 34.
• * 1.270

  Gen. viii. 1.
• * 1.271

  Psalm civ. 6, 7, 8.
• * 1.272

  Vid. Philo∣nis descrip∣tionem Di∣luvii apud Burnetium, Archaeol. P 236.
• * 1.273

  Essay, Pref. and Part 3. Sect. 2, Vid. Th. l. 1. c. 3, Gen. vi, 13,
• * 1.274

  Verse 1••••
• * 1.275

  Chap. vii. 4.
• * 1.276

  Verse 19, 20, 21, 22, 23.
• * 1.277

  Vid. Va∣ren. Geog. p. 60.
• * 1.278

  Gen. vii. 19, 20.
• * 1.279

  Vid. Hy∣poth. 8. priùs.
• * 1.280

  Gen. vii. ult. (with verse 11.)
• * 1.281

  Chap. viii. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.
• * 1.282

  Gen. viii. 2.
• * 1.283

  Gen. viii. 1.
• * 1.284

  Verse 3.
• * 1.285

  Job xxxviii. 8, 10, 11.
• * 1.286

  Psalm civ. 6, 7, 8, 9.
• * 1.287

  Gen. v. 11. and xxv. 7. and xxxv. 28. and xlvii. 28. and L. 26.
• * 1.288

  Psalm xc. 10.
• * 1.289

  Gen. vi. 13. and ix. 11.
• * 1.290

  Essay.
• * 1.291

  Passim.
• * 1.292

  Essay, p. 82.
• * 1.293

  Essay, p 5, 6, 7.
• * 1.294

  Pref. and p. 74.
• * 1.295

  P. 75.
• * 1.296

  P. 75, 76, 77.
• * 1.297

  P. 75, 76, 77.
• * 1.298

  P. 79.
• * 1.299

  P. 79, 80, 81.
• * 1.300

  P. 77, 78. 113.
• * 1.301

  P. 274, 275.
• * 1.302

  P. 179, 180.
• * 1.303

  P. 179, &c.
• * 1.304

  Essay, pas∣sim & p. 170, &c.
• * 1.305

  Varen. Geog. l. 1. c. 7. prop. 7.
• * 1.306

  Gen. ii 10, 11, 12, 13, 14.
• * 1.307

  Gen ii. 10, 11, 12, 13, 14. Ezek. xxviii. 12.
• * 1.308

  Apoc. xxi. 18, 19, 20. with xxii. 2.
• * 1.309

  Gen. vi. 5, 6, 7.
• * 1.310

  Ver. 11, 12, 13.
• * 1.311

  Ver. 17.
• * 1.312

  2 Pet. ii. 5.
• * 1.313

  Gen. viii. 21, 22.
• * 1.314

  Essay, par. 1, & 5.
• * 1.315

  a Pet. iii. 7.
• * 1.316

  Verse 10.
• * 1.317

  Verse 12.
• * 1.318

  Dr. Hack∣well's Apo∣logy of the Pow∣er and Provi∣dence of God. l. 4. c. 13.
• * 1.319

  Theor. l. 3. c. 3.
• * 1.320

  Mat. xxiv. 29.
• * 1.321

  Joel. iii. 16.
• * 1.322

  Luk. xxi. 25, 26.
• * 1.323

  Vid. Theor. l. 3. c. 11.
• * 1.324

  Joelii. 30, 31.
• * 1.325

  Mat xxiv. 29.
• * 1.326

  Luk. xxi. 25, 26.
• * 1.327

  Nat. Quaest. l. 3. c. 29.
• * 1.328

  Theor. l. 3. c. 4.
• * 1.329

  2 Pet. iii. 12, 13.
• * 1.330

  Isa. lxv. 17.
• * 1.331

  Mat. xix. 28, 29.
• * 1.332

  Mar. x 29. 30. Luke xviii 29, 30.
• * 1.333

  Ps. cii. 25, 26.
• * 1.334

  Apoc xx. 4, &c.
• * 1.335

  Theor. l. 4. c. 2, 3, 4, 5, 9.
• * 1.336

  Acts iii. 21.
• * 1.337

  Apoc. xxi. 1.
• * 1.338

  Apoc. xxi. 25.
• * 1.339

  Cap. xxii. 5.
• * 1.340

  Apoc. xxi. 23.
• * 1.341

  Cap. xxii. 5.
• * 1.342

  Apoc. xx. 11.
• * 1.343

  Theor. l 4. c. 10.
• * 1.344

  Hypoth. 1. priùs.
• * 1.345

  Vid. Lem. 9. cum Co∣roll. priùs. And Bent∣ley, Serm. 7. p. 26, &c.
• * 1.346

  Discourse, p. 4, 5, 7.
• * 1.347

  Gen. i. 1.
• * 1.348

  Vid. Bent∣ley, Serm. 6.
• * 1.349

  Vid. Bent∣ley, Serm. 4.
• * 1.350

  Utinam caetera Naturae Phaenomena ex principiis mechanicis eodem argu∣mentandi genere derivare licerst. Nam multa me movent ut nonnihil suspi∣cer ea omnia ex viribus quibusdam pendere posse, quibus corporum particu∣lae, per causas nondum cog∣nitas, vel in se mutud impelluntur, & secundum figuras regulares cohae∣rent, vel ab invicem fu∣gantur, & recedunt: qui∣bus viribus ignotis, Phi∣losophi hactenus naturam frustrà tentarunt. Newt. Praef. ad Lector.
• * 1.351

  Gen. i. 2. Vid. Loca de Chao priùs lau∣data.
• * 1.352

  Gen. i. 20.
• * 1.353

  Verse 24.
• * 1.354

  Verse 26.
• * 1.355

  Chap. ii. 7.
• * 1.356

  Coroll. 1.
• * 1.357

  Lem. 70. & Hypoth. 5. cum Co∣roll. 1. pri∣ùs.
• * 1.358

  Lem. 42. &c. and 57, &c. & Hypath. priùs.
• * 1.359

  Theor. p. 35.
• * 1.360

  Theor. p. 36.
• * 1.361

  Theor. p. 38.
• * 1.362

  Theor. p. 39.
• * 1.363

  Vid. Lem. 78. cum Coroll. & Hypoth. 2. priùs.
• * 1.364

  Theor. l. 1. p 42. & l. 2. c. 7.
• * 1.365

  Theor. p. 39. & su∣prà.
• * 1.366

  Phaenom. 43. priùs.
• * 1.367

  Atlas Chin. Part 2. p. 46.
• * 1.368

  Apud War. Geo∣log. p. 58.
• * 1.369

  Theor. p. 41.
• * 1.370

  Solut. 2. prius.
• * 1.371

  Vid. John i 18. and v 37 and vi. 45, 46.
• * 1.372

  Matth xi. 27. 1 John iv. 12.
• * 1.373

  Rom i. 20.
• * 1.374

  Col. i. 15.
• * 1.375

  1 Tim. i. 17. and 6. 15, 16. with Exod 3. and 19. and 20. and 24. 10, 11. and 33. 9, 10, 11, 12, 13.
• * 1.376

  Numb. xii. 5, &c. and 14. 14.
• * 1.377

  Gen. 2. and 3. and 18. and 19. and 32. 24, &c.
• * 1.378

  Deut. 4. and 5.
• * 1.379

  Vid. Prov. viii. 22, — 32. Heb. i. 1, 2. with 11. 3. Col. 1. 14, 15, 16, 17.
• * 1.380

  John i. 1, 2, 3. Heb. 1. 10, 11, 12.
• * 1.381

  Psalm viii. 6.
• * 1.382

  Vid. Lem. 65. & Hy∣poth. 1.
• * 1.383

  Arg. 7. priùs.
• * 1.384

  Vid. Fig. Comet. A. D. 1680. apud Newt. & nostram. Fig. 1.
• * 1.385

  Lem. 71, &c. And Solut. 5, 6, 7. priùs.
• * 1.386

  Solut. 7. priùs.
• * 1.387

  Essay, p. 121, &c. and p. 152.
• * 1.388

  Vid. Lem. 67, 68, 69. priùs.
• * 1.389

  Hypoth. 3. priùs.
• * 1.390

  Lem. 71, &c. and Solut. 7. priùs.
• * 1.391

  Lem. 79. cùm Co∣rol. prius.
• * 1.392

  Phaenom. 23. & 27. priùs.
• * 1.393

  Lem. 65. priùs.
• * 1.394

  Hypoth. 3. priùs.
• * 1.395

  Solut. 7. priùs.
• * 1.396

  Hypoth 4. priùs.
• * 1.397

  Lem. 67, 68. cum coroll. priù.
• * 1.398

  Phaenom. 39. priùs.
• * 1.399

  Solut. 19. priùs.
• * 1.400

  Phaenom. 36. priùs.
• * 1.401

  Solut. 2. priùs.
• * 1.402

  Vid. Bent∣ley, Serm. 4.
• * 1.403

  Lem. 70. cum Co∣roll. & Hypoth. 3. priùs.
• * 1.404

  Gen. v. 2. & ii. 23, 24. with iii. 20.
• * 1.405

  Gen. ii. 25, & iii. 7, 10, 11. & iv. 1.
• * 1.406

  Essay, p. 267, &c.
• * 1.407

  Lem. 67. &c. & Hy∣poth. 3. priùs.
• * 1.408

  Hypoth. 4. priùs.
• * 1.409

  Lem. 70, & Hy∣poth. 3. priùs.
• * 1.410

  Newt. p. 187.
• * 1.411

  Gen. iii. 8. Margin.
• * 1.412

  Solut. 35. priùs.
• * 1.413

  Vid. Fig. 1, & 4, & 7.
• * 1.414

  Hypoth. 10. priùs.
• * 1.415

  Lem. 82, 83. priùs. Fig. 7.
• * 1.416

  Vid. Schol. post Hy∣poth. 10. priùs.
• * 1.417

  Lem. 82. priùs.
• * 1.418

  Vid Essay Pa. 121, &c and Pa. 15••.
• * 1.419

  Lem. 75, 76. priùs.
• * 1.420

  Solut. 6 priùs.
• * 1.421

  Newt. p. 290, &c.
• * 1.422

  Solut 65. infrà Fig. 7.
• * 1.423

  Ccroll. 1. Schol. post Hy∣poth. 10. priùs. Fig. 1.
• * 1.424

  Phaenom.
• * 1.425

  Phaenom. 39. priùs.
• * 1.426

  Coroll. 3.
• * 1.427

  Lem. 65. priùs.
• * 1.428

  Vid. Solu. 59. infrà.
• * 1.429

  Gen. vii. 20.
• * 1.430

  Gen. vii. ult. & viii. 1, 2, 3, 4.
• * 1.431

  Fig. 7.
• * 1.432

  Geolog. p. 329, 330. and De∣fence, p. 171, 172.
• * 1.433

  Lem. 78. cum Co∣roll. & So∣lut. 6. priùs.
• * 1.434

  Fig. 7
• * 1.435

  1 Kings x. 22.
• * 1.436

  2 Chron. ix. 21.
• * 1.437

  L. 4. c. 42, 43.
• * 1.438

  Theor. l. 2. c. 9.
• * 1.439

  Gen. xi, 2.
• * 1.440

  Graunt. p. 59, 85, 86.
• * 1.441

  Job 42. 16.
• * 1.442

  Hypoth. 2. priùs.
• * 1.443

  Gen. viii. 11.
• * 1.444

  Vid. Bent∣ley's Serm. 4. p. 34, 35.
• * 1.445

  Solut. 56. priùs.
• * 1.446

  Solut. 56. priùs.
• * 1.447

  Hypoth. 4. priùs.
• * 1.448

  Vid. So∣lut. 2. priùs.
• * 1.449

  Lem. 39. priùs.
• * 1.450

  Coral. 5. Schol. post Hy∣poth. 10. priùs.
• * 1.451

  Bp. Wilk. New World. Lib. 1. Prop. 10.
• * 1.452

  Vid. Theor. l. 3. c. 7. &c.
• * 1.453

  Theor. l. 3. c. 11.
• * 1.454

  Lem. 65. cum Co∣rol. priùs.
• * 1.455

  Solut. 6. & 7. priùs.
• * 1.456

  Lem. 39. priùs.